a catalogue of the bishops of england, since the first planting of christian religion in this island together with a briefe history of their liues and memorable actions, so neere as can be gathered out of antiquity. by f.g. subdeane of exceter. godwin, francis, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a catalogue of the bishops of england, since the first planting of christian religion in this island together with a briefe history of their liues and memorable actions, so neere as can be gathered out of antiquity. by f.g. subdeane of exceter. godwin, francis, - . [ ], , [ ] p. [printed by eliot's court press] impensis geor. bishop, londini : . dedication signed: francis godwin. identification of printer from stc. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bishops -- england -- biography. great britain -- church history -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a catalogve of the bishops of england , since the first planting of christian religion in this island , together with a briefe history of their liues and memorable actions , so neere as can be gathered out of antiquity . by f. g. subdeane of exceter . bona quae facereipsi negligimus , haec ad correctionem nobis deus ab alijs fieri demonstrat , vt qui praeceptum non attendimus , saltem exemplis excitemur , atque in appetitu rectitudinii nil sibi mens nostra difficile existimes quod perfecte peragi ab alijs videt . greg. moral . lib. . mementote praepositorum vestrorum , qui vobis loquuti sunt verbum dei : quorum intuentes exitum conuersationis , imitamini fidem . heb. . . londini , impensis geor. bishop . . to the right honorable sir thomas sackvyll , baron of buckhurst , knight of the most noble order of the garter , lord high treasurer of england , and chauncellor of the vniuersitie of oxford . this worke ( right honorable ) such as it is , i haue thought it no lesse then my duty to present vnto your lordship , not onely in regard of my selfe , whom by many great and vndeserued fauours you haue so bound vnto you , as except i wil be very vnthankfull , i must at all times be ready to tender my selfe and all my poore ability vnto your seruice ; but also in respect of the matter , which , as if it had light vpon a writer worthy of it , might haue yeelded a discourse not altogether vnwoorthy your honorable regard . so , being but as it is , a memoriall of the liues and actions of the most memorable and famous learned men , that our countrey from time hath brought foorth ; me thinkes i cannot commend it vnto a more likely patron then your selfe , that are not onely learned , but also vnder her maiesty the supreame gouernour of one of those two welsprings of learning and learned men , our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 doubt ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnto the worlds ende , continuall matter for the like argument , of this , that in this present worke i haue handled . i humbly beseech your lordship insteed of some better assurance , to accept it as a pledge and token of a heart and minde in all duety faithfully affected vnto your honour , for the aduauncement whereof in all happinesse , i will not cease ( as i am by duty bound ) continually to pray vnto almighty god. your lordships chaplayne euer humbly at commandement , francis godwyn . to the reader . i cannot deny , but my delight in the study of histories and antiquities , hath beene somewhat greater , then was needfull for a man that had dedicated himselfe and his labours vnto the seruice of gods church in the ministery . which 〈◊〉 acknowledging in my selfe , and being vnable wholy to 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 quemque voluptas , and i would to god that 〈◊〉 the woorst might be said of me ) i endeuoured long since in some sort to reforme the same by restrayning my selfe within the compasse of such antiquities , as seemed to concerne but seasticall causes or persons . my collections the one way ( i meane concerning matters ecclesiasticall ) can adde nothing vnto that large and painefull worke of master foxe . in the other kinde ( concerning ecclesiasticall persons ) what many yeeres reading & obseruation could yeeld vnto me , some seuen or eight yeeres since i comprised in a volume ; which ( being perswaded therunto by diuers my friends no lesse godly then wise ) i haue at last condiscended ( after some conuenient augmentation of the same ) to publish . the principall reason that mooued me thereunto , is in effect but that , which tacitus saith euery historiographer should propose vnto himselfe , ne virtutessileātur , vtque prauis dictis factisque ex posteritate & infamia metus sit . in the latter of these ( the faults of those men of whom i am to write ) i need not greatly to paine my selfe . for it is not to be denied , that the most part of the chroniclers & historiographers of our age , haue borne a hand hard ynough at least vpon the prelates and cleargy of former times , euery where like chams , discouering the nakednes of these fathers , but seldome or neuer indeuouring with sem to hide the same , much lesse affoording vnto them any honorable mention neuer so well deserued . this kinde of dealing though happily intended to good purposes , might not expect that successe and blessing at gods hand , that the plame and sincere truth is wont to finde . as marcellus bishop of ancyra ( socrates reports it ) labouring a little too earnestly against one asterius an arrian , and so derogating impiously from the person and dignity of our sauiour christ , byforcing some reasons of paulus samosatenus ( that swaruing as farre on the other side dispoyled the same our sauiour of his humanity ) he fell at last himselfe and drew many others into those pernicious & impious errors of the samosatenians : stulti dum vitant vitia in contraria currunt ) euen so , these men inioyning somewhat too furiously the superstition and errors which the cleargy of former times ( much deale of ignorance ) did teach and defend ; whilest that the rather to discredit their doctrine , they depraued their persons ; it hath pleased god , that this vncharitable course should sort to some other effect then was intended , and that such , as without his great mercy , was like to haue caused an inconuenience of little lesse importance ( i will not say greater ) then that which our late reformation hath redressed . for in the vulgar sort ( which distinguish not so easily betweene persons and things ) it bred a conceit , not onely that the men were wicked , and so their doctrine corrupt ( although i know the consequēce to be weake ) but also their functions and callings to be vtterly vnlawful & antichristian , which opinion once receiued in the minds of the multitude , gaue occasion of diuers plots , coloured with the plausible shew of reformation , but indeed principally ayming at the goods and reuenues of the church , the temporall rewards of learning ; which being once taken away , what confusion is like to follow , we may easily see by the effects it bringeth foorth elsewhere . those countries that heretofore haue yeelded great plenty of able-worke-folkes for the lords vineyard ; now that brood is spent which attayned learning , the rewards yet standing whole ; they hardly can shew a man able to set pen to paper in defense of the truth . yea euen amongst vs , although the godly and excellent care of her maiestie hath preseraed the state of this our church in such sort , as i thinke no other reformed church of christendome any thing neere comparable vnto it ; yet the example of other , the knowen 〈◊〉 of so many sacrilegious cormorāts as await daily the destruction of the same , and the doubt least it will decay , for that we cannot hope for the like piety in all succeeding princes ; it so far foorth discourageth men from the study of diuinity , as the best wits dayly refuse the vniuersities ( or diuinity at the least , which in some other countries is accounted the surest way to aduauncement ) and rather betake themselues to any other kind of life . hereof it commeth to passe , that euery age bringeth forth lesse plenty of learned men then other amongst vs : and it is much to befeared , least our posterity will too truely say , aetas parentum peior auis tulit nos rudiores , mox daturos progeniem ineruditiosam . to make no mention of such other reasons as might induce me to the publishing of these noses , least i make my porch larger then some principall roomes of my intended building ; i thinke it necessary now to admonish the reader , that he expect not any ample discourse of the liues and actions of the bishops of our owne time or neere vnto it . i hane purposly auoyded to set downe any thing of them , but what either i finde written by other , or elseremayneth to be secne in publike record . and this course i haue taken , because i iudge it neither seemely to praise , nor safe to reprehend ( how iustly soeuer ) those men , that either by themselues , their neere friends or posterity yet liuing , may seeme either to haue allured me to flatter , or feared me from disclosing that truth , which otherwise i would haue vttered . neither do i thinke it needefull to say much of them , who being either present in action , or fresh in memory , are sufficiently knowen vnto vs. whereas moreouer , i haue passed ouer in silence some two sees ; you shal vnder stand , that i haue beene forced there 〈◊〉 for want of some necessary instructions , which , by reason of the far distance of my place of dwelling from them , i haue not had meanes to attayne , although i haue endeuoured the same . i would therefore earnestly pray all men that can , to yeeld me helpe for the supplying of whatsoeuer may seeme to be wanting , either in those sees or any other . i shall take it very thankfully at their hands . in the meane time , this which now i am able to affoord vnto you , i wish it may be taken in good part ; and god grant it may in some measure prooue a meanes of the aduauncement of his glory , and the good of his church . amen . the archbishops of canterbury . . augustine . it is very certaine and witnessed by many histories without exception , that our island of britayne receiued the faith of christ euen in the first infancie of the church . theodoret and sophronius patriarke of jerusalem affirme that saint paul himselfe was héere , and preached the gospell after his first imprisonment at rome . nicephorus and some other report that simon zelotes came hither , and was the first messenger of the glad tidings of the gospell to our nation . but it is deliuered by one consent that saint philip the apostle of the frenchmen vnderstanding how this island ( from whence first sprong the superstitious religion of the druydes ) was seperated from fraunce by a small cut of a fewe houres saile ; thought good to send ouer hither twelue preachers , the chiefe whereof was ioseph of arimathia that buried the bodie of our sauiour christ. these men arriuing héere , the yéere of our lord . did their best indeuour for the conuersion of our britaines . it pleased not god they shoulde preuaile with the king , who in no wise would be woone from the superstition of the druydes : but of the meaner sort of people many there were that hearkened vnto them : yea the king himselfe admiring their great modestie , painfulnes and vertuous behauiour , was content to assigne them a place of habitation ( where glastonbury now standeth ) which was at that time and long after an island all compassed about with lakes and standing water . and another king gaue vnto euery of those twelue a hide of lande in the countrey néere adioyning , which are named to this day the twelue hides of glastonbury . in this island of glastonbury ( then called auallon ) ioseph and his fellowes found meanes to build a church , which after they were dead stoode desolate , the whole island being forsaken and remaining without any inhabitant many yéeres , euen vntill the time of king lucius , which was about the yéere of christ . it hapned then , a lawe héeretofore made by claudius caesar ( as suetonius reporteth in his life ) was now generally put in execution , by the romaines ( who ruled all this end of the world ) commanding that the superstitious religion of the druydes should euery where be abolished . the pulling vp of these wéedes gaue good occasion vnto the séede of the gospell ( sowed long before by the preachers afore mentioned ) now to spring and bring foorth fruite ; whereunto god gaue so good increase , as lucius the king himselfe was content to put on the swéete yoke of our sauiour : which that it might be the better and the more fruitfully performed , he sent eluan ( a notable impe and disciple of that holy college at auallon ) and medwyin a dutch man ( that were the instruments of his conuersion ) vnto eleutherius the bishop of rome , requesting that he would send other preachers vnto his realme by whom he and his people might be further instructed in the way of truth . he satisfied his demaund and sent vnto him two notable men , 〈◊〉 and phaganus , by whose paines and industrie chiefly the whole realme was finally conuerted . they sought out the ancient church at glastonbury , repaired the same , and dwelled there for the space of nine yéeres after . now king lucius being himselfe baptised and many of his people , in all parts of his dominions , he caused the temples of his false gods to be dedicate to the seruice of the true god , in the place of their priests he appointed preachers of the gospel , and for their flamines bishops to the number of . of these . thrée were archbishops ; one at london whose prouince was the south part of england : another at caerlegion vpon uske , his prouince was wales : and a third at yorke , vnto whose iurisdiction the bishops of scotland and north england were subiect . the gospell hauing taken such déepe roote héere , flourished a while very prosperously : and albeit it were often lopped and pruned afterward , yea the very maine rootes mightily strucken at by the violent indeuour of sundry tyrants that sought vtterly to destroy and abolish the same out of this land : yet had it euer many constant and open professors that neuer suffred the light thereof vtterly to be extinguished amongst manie , the most terrible persecution that euer this church sustained was by the saxons , who expelled not onely christian religion , but the followers of the same into a corner of this island . howbeit , euen amongst these very barbarous saxons , there were diuers from time to time that professed christ but our countrey being in a manner all growen ouer with pagamsme ( for there was no publike allowance of christian religion any where but in wales ) it pleased god to giue this occasion of replanting the same héere againe . it chanced that blessed and holy father saint gregory one day to espie certaine beautifull children to be sold in the stréetes of rome , and vnderstanding they were pagans , asked of what countrey they were : it was answered they were angles : well may they be so called quoth he , for they looke like angels . demaunding them of what prouince they were , it was said they were of deira : god grant ( saith he ) they may be de ira dei eruti , deliuered from the wrath of god and made partaker of his mercies by christ. hée procéeded yet further , and asked how the king of that countrey was called : vnderstanding his name was elle . alleluia ( quoth he ) must néedes be sung in those parts in praise of almightie god. not long after then , this good man being made pope , hée tooke especiall care of sending preachers into this land for the conuersion of the same . yet it is not to be denied , and it appéereth manifestly by the letters of saint gregory himselfe vnto the king and quéene of france , that this care of his was much stirred vp by the forwardnes of some good saxons , that complained vnto him of the negligence of the french priestes , who being so néere , would neuer take any course for the planting of christianitie amongst them , and therefore praied him that he would send preachers thither . he did so , & made choice of one augustine a monke of greater vertue then learning , vnto whom he appointed fortie other that shoulde accompanie and aide him in this holy worke . being now well onward on their way , they enquired of the state of the countrey and manners of the people vnto whom they went , and vnderstoode so much of their barbarous and fierce rudenes , as they in a manner all vtterly renounced procéeding any farther in the voyage , and as it were compelled augustine to poste backe to rome , there to craue licence of returne . saint gregorie much grieued with this 〈◊〉 , writ his letters vnto them , wherein hé vsed many reasons to perswade them in any wise to goe forward ; whereunto at last they yéelded . they arriued at the iste of thanet in kent the yéere . nowe iust a thousand yéeres agoe . the king of that countrie ( his name was ethelbert ) intertained them with all curtesie , the rather ( as it is to be supposed ) by the persuasion of his wife berta that was a christian . there was néere vnto the citie of canterburie a church built of old by the romaines and dedicated vnto s. martin , in which the quéene was woont to pray with lethardus her bishop . there these men were allowed to preach , pray , baptise and vse all maner of exercise pertaining to christian religion . the king himselfe all this while gaue them maintenance , came often to heare them , and at last being throughly conuerted , tooke on him the badge of christ by baptisme , all his people quickly following his example . he then also appointed vnto augustine and his companions a house at stablegate , and allotted competent reuenues vnto the same . the matter being thus far forward , augustine stept into france and caused himselfe there to be consecrated archbishop of england by etherius archbishop of arles . presently vpon his returne thence , he sent two of his companie vnto rome ( laurence and peter ) to aduertise the pope of their good successe . by them when they returned he sent augustine a pall , bookes , church-ornaments and other necessaries . he sent also presently vnto the king , and writ diuers letters ; some gratulatorie to the king , some vnto augustine exhorting him to diligence in his calling , and to take héede least the miracles which god wrought by him for the conuersion of this people should make him proud ; and lastly , others vnto the archbishop of arles to thanke him for his good aide and assistance yéelded to these men in this businesse . in the meane time augustine had obtained of the king another church in the midst of the citie , built likewise heretofore by the romaines and dedicated the same vnto our sauiour christ. soone after , this good king gaue vnto him also his owne palace and chiefe seate of his kingdome , remoouing himselfe vnto rheaculf , called by the romaines regulbium now 〈◊〉 : and lastly he laid the foundation of a goodly monasterie which he dedicated to s. peter and s. paule , knowen afterwards by the name of s. augustines . these things being thus ordered , he indeuoured to make a concord and agréement betwéene the saxons and the welchmen , who differed from the romane church in two things , the manner of baptizing , and the time of the obseruation of easter . much paines he tooke to persuade them , yea wrought a myracle by healing a blinde man for confirmation of his doctrine , as you may read in beda his eccl. 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. . but they woulde by no meanes consent to any such vnion , much lesse yéeld any kinde of subiection to that authoritie which he claimed to haue ouer all this island . he gaue not ouer with one repulse , but when at the first he could not preuaile , he procured a second conference , at what time there met him seuen britaine bishops and a great number of monks , especially of that famous monasterie of bannachor a place not farre from chester wherein there liued by the labour of their owne hands . monks . these men before they came to the place of meeting appointed , thought good to aske the counsell of a certaine anehorite whom they reputed for a very holie and deuout man , and to know of him whether he thought it best for them to yeeld to the directions of saint augustine . he aduised them , if hee were a man of god , to take the course he shewed , and to follow the same and when they asked how they should discerne whether he were such a one or no , he pronounced this saying of our sauiour , take my yoke vpon you and learne of me for i am meeke and humble of hart : if therefore this same augustine be a méeke and humble minded man , it is a great presumption that he beareth the yoke of christ , and offereth the same vnto you : but if he be stout and proud , he is not of god you may be bold . this therefore saith he is my aduire , haue a care that he and his companie be first in the place where you meete : if then you being the greater number he rise not to doe you reuerence , but despise you , despise you also him and his counsell . augustine therefore first entered the place with his banner and his crosse , with singing procession and great pompe ; and when the britayne bishops came in , neuer rose or saluted them at all . this they taking verie ill , gainsaid him in euery thing , told him , that as his opinions were allowed by gregory , so had theirs long since by eleutherius both bishops of rome , that they had an archbishop then commorant at caerlegion , him they would obey and none other , especially such a one as he was , a man vnknowne , and a stranger not onely for his person and language , but much more for his opinions and strange conceits . augustine much displeased with this short answere , prayed them to yéeld vnto him but in thrée things , to minister baptisme and obserue easter according to the roman maner , to assist him in preaching christ vnto the saxons . but when they vtterly denied to ioyne with them in any sort , he denounced against them the iudgements of god for this 〈◊〉 , and assured them confidently ( as saith beda ) of some great calamitie shortly to fall vpon their nation ; that they which would not haue peace with their brethren , should haue warre with their enimies , and should finde death by their swords , vnto whom they refused to preach the way of life . it came to passe according to his prediction , that edelfride king of northumbers ; a pagan saxon came against them shortly after with a huge armie , ouerthrew them in battaile , and slew ( besides an infinite number of souldiers and men of armes ) a great many monkes , to the number of . that were gathered togither there to fight by praier : onely fiftie persons saued themselues by flight . soone after this battaile ( which some say augustine liued not to sée ) he died , hauing béene archbishop . yéeres , to wit , may . ( which day is dedicated to his memorie in our kalender ) the yéere . or ( as some deliuer ) ann . . he was a man of excéeding tall stature , well fauoured , and of a very 〈◊〉 countenance . his body at first was buried without doores néere the church of his monasterie , because the church was not yet finished ; but afterwards was remooued into the north porch of the said church , in which place all the bodies of the archbishops following were laid vntill theodore , who was first buried in the church because the porch was full . upon the tombe of this our apostle was engrauen this epitaph , hic requiescit diuus augustinus dorobernensis archiepiscopus , qui olim huc a beato gregorio romanae vrbis pontifice directus & a deo operatione 〈◊〉 suffultus , & ethelbertum regem & gentem illius ab idolorum cultu ad fidem christi perdoxit . héere resteth the body of s. augustine the first archbishop of dorobernia , that was sent into this land by saint gregory bishop of the citie of rome , approoued of god by the working of miracles , and that brought ethelbert the king and his people from the worshipping of idols vnto the faith of christ. . laurence . saint augustine before his death had appointed to succéede him , one laurence a romaine borne , a very godly and well learned man. he tooke great paines not onely with his owne charge , but also in labouring to reduce the britons of wales , the scots and irishmen to one consent in matters of religion . it is likely his diligence might haue done good , but that he was disturbed by the death of that good king ethelbert . eadbald his sonne succeeded him in the kingdome , who being a vitious yong man , was not ashamed to marrie the wife of his late deceased father . this and other enormities when laurence like a good iohn baptist doubted not to reprehend him for , he first began to fall out with him , and afterwards , euen with christian religion which awhile he seemed to like of well inough , but now at last vtterly renounced . the people ( as commonly it commeth to passe ) following the example of their king , they likewise returned to the filthie vomite of their abominable idolatrie , although the archbishop like a good pastor ceased not by earnest exhortations and what other meanes possibly he might , to stay them from this horrible relapse . perceiuing at last that his words did no good , but rather incited the king to a more desperate hatred of him and religion : he determined to follow mellitus and iustus into france , that ( as anon you shall haue occasion to reade ) were lately banished by the wicked sonnes of good sebert king of the east saxons . the night before the day of his intended departure , he caused his bed to be made in the very church of his monasterie ; where after many teares and sighes , he recommended vnto god the miserable state of his poore church and so sel sléepe . it seemed vnto him ( saith beda ) that s. peter came vnto him and first expostulated the matter with him , after chid and reprehended him sharply 〈◊〉 purposing to forsake the church committed vnto him , and lastly whipped his naked body so terribly , as when he waked , finding it more then a dreame all his body was gore blood . he went immediately vnto the king , shewing him his wounds , and togither related vnto him the occasion of them . this strooke such a terror into the king , as by and by he renounced his idols put away his incestuous wife , caused himselfe to be baptised , and for a farther testimonie and assurance of his vnfained conuersion , builded a church in the monastery of s. peter , and dedicated the same vnto the blessed uirgine . laurence very ioyful of this alteratiō , sent presently for mellitus and 〈◊〉 into france ; who comming vnto him , one of them ( iustus ) bishop of rochester he returned vnto his old charge , the other he retained with him hoping to finde meanes he also might be restored to his sée againe . in the meane time , euen the same yéere that king eadbald became a christian , himselfe ( i meane laurence ) died and was buried beside augustine his predecessor . . mellitus . at what time the britaines refused to ioine with augustine in preaching of christ , he writ vnto s. gregorie , certifying him , that the haruest here was great , but the labourers very few ; and therefore requested him to appoint some that might assist him in this worke of the lord. he did so , and sent vnto him mellitus an abbot of rome , iustus , paulinus , rufinianus and others , who arriued in england the yéere . to leaue the rest vnto their owne places , mellitus about thrée yéeres after was consecrate by him bishop of london , where king ethelbert built a goodly church and dedicated the same vnto s. paul. the fourth yéere of his consecration he went to rome to conferre with boniface the pope about diuers things , and was by him honourably intertained . a yeere or two after his returne died both ethelbert king of kent and 〈◊〉 ( that vnder him ruled the east saxons ) vnto whose iurisdiction london appertained . this sebert left behinde him thrée wicked sonnes , that being neuer baptised , came notwithstanding one day vnto the church at communion time , and asked the bishop what he meant that he deliuered not of that same fine bread vnto them as he was woont to doe vnto their father saba and did yet vnto the rest of the people . he answered , that if they would be washed in the water of life as he was and the rest of the people there present ; then would he 〈◊〉 vnto them of this bread also , but otherwise neither was it lawfull for him to deliuer nor them to receiue it . this notwithstanding they would haue enforced him , and when they could not preuatle , were so enraged , as they expelled him their dominion , hardly holding their hands from doing him violence at that time . he being thus exiled , went first vnto laurence the archbishop of canterburie , and finding him in little better case then himselfe was at london , departed into france together with iustus bishop of rochester . being sent for soone after by laurence ( as aboue said ) it happened the same yeere that the said laurence died , and he was appointed to succeede him . he was a man of great birth , but of greater minde , excéeding carefull of his charge , despising the world , and neuer 〈◊〉 for any thing but heauen and heauenly things . hauing beene sicke a long time , he died at last of the gowt , and was buried beside his predecessor . . iustus . ivstus ( of whom i haue before spoken somewhat ) was taken from rochester to supply the place of melhtus after his decease ; wherein hauing trauelled painfully the space of twelue yeeres , he departed this life nouemb. . ann . . and was buried in the porch aboue mentioned . . honorius . after the death of iustus , honorius was made archbishop ; a very reuerend man : he was a romane borne , very learned and sometimes a disciple of s. gregory . he was consecrate at lincolne by paulinus archb of yorke . he receiued a pall from rome with letters , wherein authoritie was giuen to him and the other archb. whensoeuer either of them did faile , to consecrate another in his place without posting to rome . this man appointed diuers bishops to diuers countries , as in their seuerall places god willing , shall be more at large declared : he also biuided his prouince into parishes , that so he might appoint particular ministers to particular congregations , and hauing sate archbishop almost . yeeres , died the last day of februarie , or ( as some other deliuer ) of september the yeere . he was buried amongst his predecessors . . deus-dedit or adeodatus . the sée was voide after honorius died the space of . moneths . an englishman or saxon called sometimes frithona ( famous for his learning and other vertues ) was then elected archbishop , and after that named deus dedit . he was consecrate by ithamar bishop of rochester , ( yorke being then without an archbishop : ) and died the last day of june . hauing attēded that charge carefully about the space of . yéeres . he was the first englishman that was archbishop , and the last archbishop that was buried in the church porch of saint augustines . . theodorus . one wigardus an englishman , an ancient and learned priest was chosen to succéede deus-dedit , and sent to rome for consecration with letters commendatorie from egbert king of kent , and oswy king of northumberland , who also sent presents of great value vnto vitalianus that was then pope . it chanced he came to rome at a time when the plague was very hot there ; and died of the same , as did also almost all his companie that came with him . the pope vnderstanding the see had stood long void , and carefull to sée it furnished , made choice of one adrian an abbot of italy , but borne in afrike , a graue man and verie learned . he would not be perswaded to take so great a charge vpon him ; but being importuned thereunto , he promised to finde out a man that should be of greater both learning and yéeres then himselfe , and in all other respects verie fit for the place . he was familiarly acquainted with one theodore a grecian , borne in tharsus of cilicia s. paules countrey ; a man well seene in all kinde of good learning & . yéeres of age . vitalianus notwithstanding refused to allow of him , except the other would promise to go into england with him also . he was content , did so , and at his comming thither was made abbot of s. augustines . theodore then was consecrate archbishop , aprill . . when the sée had béene voide almost fower yéeres . in maie following they set forward toward england . they had many lets by the way , and got not thither in a yéeres and a halfe . they brought with them great store of bookes both gréeke and latin , whereof some remaine yet to be seene at this day , as namely a homer ( so faire and exquisitely written , as no print in the world yet extant is thought to be comparable to it either for truth or beautie ) and diuers other . unto this man all the british bishops and generally all britaine yeelded obedience , and vnder him conformed themselues in all things vnto the rites and discipline of the church of rome . he was a very stont and rigorous man , exercising the authoritie of his place so 〈◊〉 , as many thinke it a great blot vnto him . how he tooke vpon him to place and displace 〈◊〉 bishops at his pleasure , as wilfride , cedda and other , see in the beginning of yorke . in his time were held two synods , one at hereford ( the canons whereof you may see in beda lib. . cap. . ) the other at clyff beside rochester , in which he procured all the prelates there assembled to set downe their opinions touching the heresie of 〈◊〉 , wherewith his countreymen the grecians were much infected : they all detested it , and gaue their approbation of those fiue famous generall councels , of nice , of ephesus , of chalcedon and the two first of constantinople . neuer before this time had england so happie daies , nor so many learned men as vnder him , and a little after . amongst a great number of other , these were of his bréeding , beda , saint iohn of beuerley , albinus , and tobias bishop of rochester , all excellent and very famous men . he erected ( as some say ) a kind of schoole or uniuersitie at creeklade , or rather greekeslade in wiltshire , so called of the grecians that taught and studied there . these men soone after remoouing thence , are supposed to haue laide the foundations of our uniuersitie of oxford . he left sundrie monuments of his learning in writing behind him , and appointed many bishops in diuers parts of this land . hauing continued archbishop . yéeres he died september . ann . being . yéeres of age ; vntill which time hée would often say he thought he should liue , for that in a dreme it was so signified vnto him many yéeres before . a litle before his death he sent for wilfride archbishop of yorke , and erkenwald bishop of london , and confessing himselfe vnto them ; acknowledged that he had doon wilfride great wrong , insomuch as , there was no one thing that lay so hard vpon his conscience as that , and therefore with teares besought him to forgiue him and to pray for him . he was buried within the church of saint augustines abbey . . birhtuald . almost two yéeres the sée was voide after the death of theodore , birhtuald abbot of reculuer which standeth vpon the mouth of the riuer gentad , was then elect ianuarie . ann . . and consecrate by godwyn the metropolitane of wales , or of france rather as beda reporteth . the yéere following maie . he tooke possession of this his bishopricke . he was a man verie well learned both in diuinitie and otherwise , but not comparable vnto theodore his predecessor . he bare a hard hand vpon wilfride archbishop of yorke as theodore had done before him , and caused his second banishment , or at least was some meanes of it . he was coniured by the pope , who turned him about , and dealt so with him by letters , as he made him more earnest for him then euer he had béene against him . no archbishop euer continued so long in this sée as he . he sate . yeeres and a halfe . dying then ianuarie . . he was buried at saint augustines with his predecessors . . tatwyn . the same yéere in which birhtwald died succéeded tatwyn otherwise called cadwyn and scadwyn . he was borne in mercia . a man verie religious , and no lesse learned . soone after his consecration there arose a great controuersie betwéene him and the archbishop of yorke about the primacie . wherein tatwyn preuailed hauing trauailed to rome in person and receaued his pall there . he sate thrée yéeres , died july . . and was buried at canterburie . unto this mans time beda ( who died the same yéere ) deduceth his historie , the most ancient that england hath woorthie credite . . nothelinus . henry huntingdon affirmeth one egbright to haue succéeded tatwyn : i haue not found him mentioned else where : and therefore to follow the report of the greater number , i will omit him and passe vnto nothelin . he was borne at london , of which citie he was bishop , till he was translated to canterburie . beda acknowledgeth himselfe much beholding to this man for diuers things which vpon his report he inserted into his ecclesiasticall storie . he receaued his pall at rome ann . . and was buried at canterburie . . cuthbert or cudbrict . cvthbert an englishman , of great parentage , being bishop of hereford , the yéere . was translated to canterburie . fiue yéeres after , to wit . by the counsell of boniface bishop of mentz he called a conuocation at cliff beside rochester , to reforme the manifold enormities wherewith the church of england at that time was ouergrowen . our kings forsaking the companie of their owne wiues , in those daies delighted altogether in harlots which were for the most part nunnes . regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis . the rest of the nobilitie therefore following their example , trode also the same trace . the bishops also and other of the cleargie that should haue béene a meanes of reforming these faults in others , were themselues no lesse faultie ; spending their times either in contentions and brabbles , or else in luxurie and voluptuousnesse , hauing no care of studie and seldome or neuer preaching . whereby it came to passe that the whole land was ouerwhelmed with a most darke and palpable mist of ignorance , and polluted with all kinde of wickednesse and impietie in all kinde of people . cuthbert therfore endeuouring ( like a good pastor ) by the reformation of these things to turne away the wrath of god which séemed to hang ouer this land , and to threaten those plagues which shortly after fell vpon it when the danes inuaded the same : gathered together his cleargie at the place before mentioned , and there after long consultation , caused certaine canons to be decréed which are to be séene at large elsewhere . this man procured eadbert king of kent to command , that the bodies of archbishops deceased hereafter should not be buried at s. augustines ( as heretofore ) but at christchurch : and that he might put his monkes of christ church as it were in possession of this priuilege ; he tooke order his death should be concealed vntill his funerals were ended . he died ann . . and was buried according to his owne desire in christchurch , or ( as one reporteth ) in a little church néere adioyning , which he had built and dedicated vnto s. iohn baptist , meaning to settle his consistorie there and to make it a place of buriall for himselfe and his successors . this church many yéeres after was consumed with fire together with christchurch it selfe and a great part of the monasterie . christchurch was afterward reedified by lanfranke . . bregwyn . bregwyn was borne of noble parentage amongst the saxons of germany , whence he trauailed into england for the encrease of knowledge , being yet verie yoong . after the death of cuthbert , in regard of his modesty , integritie and great learning , choice was made of him as the fittest man to succéede . he tooke euen the like course for his buriall as his predecessour had done . he sate onely . yéeres . . lambert . the monks of s. augustines taking it very hainously to haue the buriall of their archbishops discontinued from them ; began to make their complaint vnto the pope . now though christchurch-men had no great reason to doubt of the pope , who had confirmed vnto them this priuilege at the sute of bregwyn , yet to make the matter the more sure , they determined to elect lambert abbot of saint augustines for their archbishop , assuring themselues hée would now be as carnest a defender of their liberties , as he had héeretofore béene an oppugner in the behalfe of s. augustins ; and so indéed he prooued . in his time offa king of merria erected a new archbishopricke at lichfield , and obtained of the pope authoritie for eadulfus bishop there to gouerne the diocesses of worcester , legecester , siuancester , hereford , helmhant and dunwich . so that canterburie had left vnto him for his prouince onely these , london , winchester , rochester , and sherborne . some say that lambert consented vnto this alteration ; others report that he spared no cost to reduce things to their old estate . he sate manie yéeres , and perceauing his end to approch , tooke order to bée buried in saint augustines , infringing by that meanes the graunts and priuileges of the monks of christ-church , obtained for the buriall of the archbishops amongst them . he was very honorablie enterred in the chapter-house of saint augustines . . athelard or edelred . athelard was first abbot of malmesbury , then bishop of winchester and lastly made archbishop an . . offa soone after this being dead , together with his sonne egfride ; athelard made earnest sute vnto kenulfe the sonne of cuthbert then king of mercia that he would restore vnto the sée of canterbury , the reuenues and iurisdiction taken from it wrongfully by offa : hereunto kenulfus without much adoe readily assented , as also leo the third that was then pope . he sate about an eight or nine yéeres , and dying the yéere . was buried in christ church to the great discontentment of the monks of s. angustines . . wlfred . vvlfred being a monke of christchurch in canterbury was made archbishop at rome by leo the third . except this , that the ninth yéere after his consecration he went to rome about some businesse of his church not recorded , i finde no other action of his reported . he was buried at canterburie in his owne church . . theologild . alittle while after wlfred , theologild or fleogild sometimes abbot of canterburie was archbishop , and dying was buried also in christchurch . one named syred succéeded him ; but being taken away before he had full possession , is not reckoned amongst the archbishops . . celnoth . celnoth that is said to haue béene deane of the church of canterburie , succéeded theologild and continued archb. . yéeres . his time was excéeding troublesome by reason of the continuall inuasions of the danes : yet no memorie remaineth of any action of his in so long space of so memorable a time . he lieth buried in christchurch in canterburie . . athelredus . athelredus a great diuine , sometimes a monke of christ church in canterburie , and then bishop of winchester , was archbishop after celnoth . yéeres . in his time all the monasteries of england were destroied by the danes , so as , for the space of . yéeres after , monkerie ceased throughout the realme ; yea in the north parts there was not séene any either monke or nunne in two hundred yéeres after , viz. vntill about the middle of the raigne of william conqueror . maried priests euery where inhabited monasteries , whence for a long time after with much adoe they were hardly remooued . this athelredus ( as in a manner all his successors ) was buried in his church of christ in canterburie . . plegmund . plegmund the most excellent learned man of his time was borne in the kingdome of mercia . in his youth he first dedicated himselfe vnto a solitarie life and liued an eremite in the island of chester , which of him ( as it should séeme ) was woont to be called plegmundsham . he was taken thence to teach alfred that was afterward king of england . being chosen archbishop , he trauailed to rome in person , and was there consecrate . soone after his returne ( to requite belike the curtesie he had found there ) he tooke great paines in collecting the almes of al men wel disposed through the land , which the king sent together with much treasure of his owne vnto the pope by athelmus bishop of winchester , appointing a certaine portion of the same to be conueied vnto ierusalem . marianus then pope , a little before had gratified the king diuers waies : he had granted immunitie of tribute vnto the saxons schoole at rome , and sent sundrie presents vnto him ; namely ( amongst other things ) a péece of the crosse vpon which our sauiour was thought to haue suffered death . by this contribution his kindnesse was sufficiently requited . the most memorable action of this archbishop is , that the yéere . he consecrated seuen bishops in one day . by reason of continuall warres , all the prouince of the west saxons had béene without any bishop seuen yéeres : which formosus the pope imputing vnto the negligence of the king , sent out an excommunication against him . he therfore caused plegmund the archbishop to call a conuocation , wherein it was ordered , that the country of the gewisses ( which till that time had but two bishops , one at winchester another at shirburne ) should hereafter haue fiue ; viz. besides the sées before named , welles in sommersetshire , criditon in deuonshire , and saint petrocks in cornwall . unto winchester was appointed frithstan , to shirburne wolstan , to criditon 〈◊〉 , and to saint petrocks athelstan . moreouer at the same time were consecrate with them , burnegus bishop of the south saxons , and kenulsus bishop of dorchester . plegmund sate archbishop . yéeres , and dying ann . . was buried in his owne church . . athelmus . athelm that had béene abbot of glastonburie and ( as before is mentioned ) was appointed the first bishop of wels , was chosen to succéed plegmund in canterburie . william of malmesbury saith that this archbishop laide the first foundation of the abbey of malmesburie : but it séemeth to be more ancient then so . he sate nine yéeres , died ann . . and was buried with his predecessors . . wlfelmus . vvlfelm succéeded athelm , first in wels , and then afterwards in canterburie also . he continued there ten yéeres and died ann . . . odo seuerus . odo was 〈◊〉 in the countrey of the 〈◊〉 angles . his 〈◊〉 were danes , of great wealth and nobilitis , but 〈◊〉 and vtter enimies of christ and christian religion ; insomuch as , they disinherited their sonne odo for kéeping companie with christians . he therefore forsaking his country , betooke himselfe to the seruice of a noble man in the court of king edward the elder named ethelelm ; who perceiuing in him a great forwardnesse and excellencie of wit , set him to schoole , where he profited excéedingly . he was not baptised till he was come euen vnto mans estate . soone after his baptisme , by the counsel of his lord and master he entred into orders and became a deacon ; in which office he continued preaching very painfully , vntill at last he was made priest . some report that he serued in the wars , some while vnder king edward before he became a cleargie man ; and it is not vnlikely . for after he was bishop he was thrise in the field , & did his prince notable seruice . he was preferred to the bishopricke of wiltshire ( the sée whereof was then seated at ramsbury ) by the special fauour of king athelston the yéere . king athelston being dead , edmund his brother that succéeded fauouring him no lesse then his brother had done , vpon the death of wlfhelm , procured him to be chosen archbishop . a great while odo refused ( because he was no monke ) to take that charge vpon him , saying , that neuer any man had held that place hetherto but he was a monke . therein he was deceiued ; for nothelmus and two or thrée other before him were secular priests , & not monks . ) but he resolute in this errour , and loath to breake the dance , was perswaded first to become a monke of floriake in france ; and that done , accepted of the election . he continued archbishop . yéeres , in great fauour and authoritie vnder diuers princes , edmund , edward , athelstan , and eadred . towards the latter end of his time , edwyn a yoong gentleman obtained the crowne , with whom he had very ill agréement . he caused him to be diuorced from his quéene , some say for consanguinity , some alleage other reasons . he excommunicated his concubines , and causing one of them whom the king doted vnreasonably vpon , to be fetcht out of the court by violence , burnt her in the forehead with a hot yron , & banished her into ireland . these things exasperated the king much against him : but he was taken away by death soone after , and so deliuered from al feare of the kings displeasure . he was buried on the south side of the high alter , in a tombe built somewhat after the forme of a pyramis . i take it to be the tombe of ieate standing in the grate néere the steps that lead vp to s. thomas chappell . after his death ( which hapned the yéere . ) elsinus bishop of winchester ( that could neuer brooke odo in his life time ) by bribery & corrupt meanes , obtained election vnto canterbury , and comming thither , spurned at his tombe despitefully , vsing these spéeches , now at last ( quoth he ) thou art dead old dotard , and much against thy will hast left thy place vnto a man woorthier of it then thy selfe . our stories report , that the next night odo appéered vnto him in his sléepe , threatning a spéedie and fearefull vengeance of this insolency . according vnto which prediction it fell out , that trauailing to rome for his pall , vpon the alpes he was so oppressed with cold , as he was constrained to put his féete wherewith he had so contumeliously disgraced his deceased predecessor , into the bellies of his horses , & yet at last to die for cold . brithelm bishop of wels was then chosen archbishop , a vertuous and méeke man , but not very fit for gouernment : in regard whereof king edgar intreated him and he easily condiscended to abide still at his old charge . . dunstan . vvith the approbation of all men dunstan bishop of london was then elected to this metropoliticall sée . of whom i know not how to write , that which is deliuered of him is so infinite . but i will hold my selfe within my determined bounds , and send the reader that is desirous to heare more of him vnto other histories . he was borne in somersetshire of good parentage : his fathers name was herstan , & his mothers kinedeid . he was brought vp for the most part in the abbey of glastonbury , where beside other good learning he was also taught to sing , play vpon iustruments , to paint and carue , in all which he prooued very excellent . from thence he went vnto athelm archbishop of canterburie his vncle , who commended him vnto the king ; and he partly in regard of the manifold good parts he sawe in him , partly also for that he was néere of kinne vnto him , made very much of him . so he liued in the court a while , till for a certaine miracle ( as the monks call it , which was then imputed to coniuration ) with much disgrace he was driuen out of the court . after this he betooke himselfe vnto the seruice of elphege bishop of winchester , another vncle of his , who perswaded him continually to become a monke . he could not heare of that side in any wise , till vpon a time falling dangerously sicke , and thinking his disease a plague sent of god for his backwardnesse in that holy course whereto his vncle directed him , in great hast professed himselfe a monke . this done , & hauing recouered his health , he went to his first nurse glastonbury , leading there ( in outward shew at least ) an excéeding straite life . king edward hearing great fame of his holinesse , sent for him vnto the court , where he liued in very diuers reputation , sometimes iudged too familar with faire women , sometimes accounted a coniurer , but for the most part admired as a most holy and vertuous man. under two princes edmund and eldred ( with whom he was most gracious ) he ruled all things at his pleasure . edwyn the sonne of king edmund that succéeded eldred , could in no wise brooke him . some say it was because dunstan was forward in reprehending the kings vices ; as namely , that when the king rising from the feast of his coronation , went immediately to his chamber , where a certaine beautifull concubine attended his comming ; dunstan that had gotten some inkling of the businesse he went about , followed him boldly , and forced him not onely to leaue that enterprise for that time , but also to forsweare the companie of that woman . but the vndoubted ground of this dislike was this . dunstan had so bewitched the former kings with the loue of monkery , as they not onely tooke violently from married priestes their liuings to erect monasteries , but also spent very lauishly of their owne treasures , which they should rather haue imploied in resisting the common enimy both of god and their country the dane . king edwyn perceiuing all the wealth of the land to be crept into monasteries , not onely refrained to bestow more vpon them , but recalled diuers of those prodigall gifts his predecessors had made , and when the monks refused to render them at his demaund , he became a very bitter persecutor of them , and their patrons . dunstan therefore séeing nothing before him at home but danger and continuall disgrace , got him away into france , and there liued in banishment the space of a yéere . in the meane time king edwyn by the rebellion of his subiects ( at the instigation it is likely of our monks and their fauourers ) was depriued both of his life and kingdome . edgar that succéeded , warned by his brothers example , was content to curry fauour with them , and to that purpose restored whatsoeuer was taken from them , and not onely called home dunstan , but promoted him , first vnto the bishoprick of worcester , soone after of london , and lastly hauing béene but two yéeres at london , to the archbishopricke of canterbury . in that place he continued . yéeres , applying all his endeuours to the enriching of monks and monasteries inhabited by them , persecuting and hunting maried priests euery where out of their liuing . he died at last may . . and was long after canonised a saint . . ethelgar . after dunstan succéeded aethelgar , abbot first of the new abbey of winchester , then bishop of seolsey , and lastly made archbishop of canterburie . he continued in that see onely one yéere and thrée monethes : dying then he was buried in his owne church . . siricius . siricius of a monke of glastonbury was made abbot of saint augustine in canterbury by dunstan , and by his meanes preferred to the bishopricke of winchester ( as one saith ) but it was the bishop of wiltshire or wilton . ethelgar being dead , he became archbishop the yéere . he is blamed much in our histories for perswading to buy peace of the danes with . l. he sate sower yéeres , died . and was buried at canterbury . . aluricius alias alfricus . aluricius was also brought vp at glastonbury , and succéeded siricius first at wilton in the bishopricke there , then at canterbury . he died ann . . and was buried first at abingdon , but was afterward remooued to canterbury . . elphege . elphege was borne of great parentage , and spent his yoonger yéeres in the monasterie of hirst , where he first entred into religion . departing thence , he gaue himselfe to a very strait kinde of life at bathe , and was so much admired for the same ( the rather because he was a gentleman of great linage ) as many went about to imitate him , and ioyning themselues to him , made him their gouernour by the name of an abbot . hauing liued so a certaine space , he was called to the bishopricke of winchester the yéere . there he continued twelue yeeres , and the yéere . was remooued to canterbury . he was a man of woonderfnll abstinence , neuer eating , drinking or sleeping more then necessitie compelled him , spending his time altogether either in praier , study or other necessary businesse . so that what with preaching and example of holy life he conuerted many vnto christ. the yéere . it happened the danes to be disappointed of certaine tribute which they claimed as due vnto them : for want whereof they spoiled and burnt the citie and church of canterbury . the monks and people thereof , men , women and children they tithed , putting nine to the sword , and letting go a tenth onely : so for . that were suffered to escape , . went to the pot . as for the archbishop , they kept him in prison seuen monethes , and at last put him to death at gréenwich . the vengeance of god suffered not these cruell hell-hounds to escape vnpunished : by sundry kindes of misfortune they were little and little in a manner all consumed very shortly after : the body of elphege was first buried in saint paules church in london , afterward carried to canterbury , by the commandement of king knute and there enterred . he was made a saint and allowed the . day of aprill for celebration of his memorie . . liunig alias lifwing . liunig surnamed elstan was first bishop of wels , and translated to canterbury soone after the death of elphege . his time was very troublesome , by reason of the continuall inuasion of the danes . besides many other calamities , he endured seuen monethes imprisonment at their hands ; from which being deliuered , he departed into voluntarie exile , and bewailed there the miserie of his country , vntill such time as king swanus being dead and ethelred returning , all troubles were appcased . so it pleased god to suffer him at last to end his daies in peace the yéere . when he had béene archbishop about seuen yéeres . . agelnothus alias aethelnotus . agelnothus surnamed the good , was the sonne of an earle called agelmare , and is said to haue beene deane of christchurch in canterbury , which at that time was replenished for the most part with canons wearing the habite and garments of monks , but in profession and manner of life differing much from them . therefore when as in that same terrible tithing of the danes mentioned in the life of elphege all the monks were slaine except onely fower ; the canons that were now the greater number , gaue vnto their gouernour the name of deane . from this place agelnoth was taken to be archbishop . going to rome to fetch his pall , he bought ( as one reporteth ) an arme of that blessed father saint augustine bishop of hippo for an hundred talents of siluer , and bestowed it vpon the church of couentry . he sustained great paines and cost in repairing his church and monastery destroied and burnt by the danes ; and by his good aduise directed king knute ( that fauoured him excéedingly ) vnto many honourable enterprises . he died at last hauing sate archbishop . yéeres and vpward , october . anno . . eadsin . eadsin was a seculer priest , and first chapleine vnto king harold , who preferred him to the bishopricke of winchester . thence he was remooued to canterbury soone after the death of agelnoth . he continued archbishop almost . yéeres ; all which time he was so oppressed with sicknesse , as he could not attend his pastoral charge , but was faine to commit the same to another : and he made choice of one 〈◊〉 . abbot of abingdon , whom he termed sometimes vicarium 〈◊〉 , sometimes 〈◊〉 , and sometimes archiepiscopi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he discharged not his duty according to the trust reposed in him : for he abused much not onely his authoritie , but also the goods , yea and person also of the archbishop that committed the same vnto him . in regard whereof , though 〈◊〉 besought the king and other about him very earnestly , that he might succéede him , ( not knowing belike how ill he was vsed so well as they ) yet they would not condescend thereunto : but bestowed vpon him the bishopricke of rochester . henry huntingdon saith he was consecrated archv. but he is mistaken , out of all doubt . edsinus departed this life october . . was buried in his owne church , and after his death made a saint . . robert , surnamed gemeticensis . robert a norman succéeded by the fauour of king edward the confessor , with whom he became acquainted , at what time he was exiled into normandy . he preferred him first vnto london , and then presently after the death of eadsin vnto canterburie . this man is said to haue laid the first foundation of the normans conquest in england , perswading the king to make duke william his heire ; wherunto when the king had condescended , himselfe became the messenger of this good tidings vnto the duke , taking harold with him , peraduenture to that purpose , that he might so hamper him with an oth ( as indéed he did ) and so barre him from all possibilitie of the kingdome . this oth harold afterward broke ; but he sped thereafter , loosing his life and ill gotten kingdome both togither . the archbishop now assuring himselfe of the fauour not onely of the king present , but of him also that was to succeede : could not indure that any should beare so great sway as himselfe in court , and therefore began to deuise how he might ouerthrow emma the kings mother , who onely séemed to ouertop him . he began therefore to beate into the kings head ( that was a milde & soft natured gentleman ) how hard a hand his mother had held vpon him when he liued in normandy ; how likely it was that his brother came to his death by the practise of her and earle godwyn ; and lastly that she vsed the company of alwyn bishop of winchester , somwhat more familiarly then an honest woman néeded . the king somewhat too rashly crediting these tales , without any further examination or debating of the matter , seased vpon all his mothers goods , and committed her to prison in the nunry of warwell ; banished earle godwyn and his sonnes ; and commanded alwyn vpon pain of death not to come foorth of the gates of winchester . the quéene made the best friends she could to be called to her answere : but the archbishop so possessed the king , as other tryall of her innocency might not be allowed then this ; she must walke ouer nine plowshares red hot in the midst of the cathedrall church of winchester . if either she perfourmed not this kind of purgation , or were found any thing at all hurt , she and the bishop both should be estéemed guilty ; if otherwise , the archbishop was content to submit himselfe to such punishment as they should haue endured . to make short , the quéene lead betwéene two bishops in open sight of all the people , perfourmed ( as all our histories report ) this hard kind of purgation , and so acquit herselfe and alwyn the bishop of these crimes obiected . the king then greatly bewailing the wrong done to his mother , asked her forgiuenes vpon his knées , restored both her and the bishop vnto their goods and former places , and lastly ( to make some satisfaction for his fault committed ) would needes be whipped by the hands of the bishops there present , and receauing thrée stripes of his mother , was by her cléerely forgiuen , and the wrong promised for euer héereafter to be forgotten . emma now and the bishop to shew themselues thankful vnto god for this miraculous deliuerance , for a perpetual memorial of the same , gaue each of them vnto the monastery of s. swithun nine mannors , in remembrance of the nine plowshares . this gift of theirs the king confirmed , and gaue moreouer two mannors of his owne , to wit , meones and portland . now to returne vnto the archbishop ; he doubting of the successe of this matter , vnder pretence of sicknesse held himselfe at douer , and assoone as he heard how the world went , well knowing england would prooue too hot for him , he got him ouer into his owne country to the abbey of gemetica where he was brought vp , and there ouercome ( it is like with shame and sorrow ) within a short time after ended his daies , and was buried in the monastery aforesaid , hauing beene archbishop about the space of two yeeres or scarcely so much . . stigand . stigand was chaplaine vnto king edward the confessor , and preferred by him first vnto the bishopricke of the east saxons at helmham . and after vnto winchester the yeere . he was a man stout and wise inough , but very vnlearned ( as in a manner all the bishops were of those times ) and vnreasonable couetous . perceiuing the king highly displeased with robert the archbishop , he thrust himselfe into his roome ( not expecting either his death , depriuation or other auoydance ) without any performance of vsuall ceremonies . and whether it were that he mistrusted his title to canterbury , or inercusable couetousnesse i cannot tell ; certaine it is , that he kept winchester also together with canterbury , euen vntill a little before his death he was forced to forgoe them both . many times he was cited vnto rome about it ; but by giftes , delayes and one meanes or other he droue it off , neuer being able to procure his pall thence so long as king edward liued . william the conqueror hauing slaine king harold in the field , all england yéelded presently vnto his obedience , except onely kentishmen , who following the counsell of stigand and egelsin the abbot of s. augustines , gathered al their forces togither at swanscombe néere grauesend , and there attended the comming of the king ( who doubted of no such matter ) euery man holding a gréene bough in his hand ; whereby it came to passe that he was in the midst of them before he dreamed of any such businesse toward . he was greatly amased at the first , till he was giuen to vnderstande by stigand , there was no hurt meant vnto him , so that he would graunt vnto that contrey their ancient liberties , and suffer them to be gouerned by their former customes and lawes , called then and til this day gauelkind . these things he easily yeelded vnto , vpon this armed intercession , and afterward very honourably performed : but he conceiued so profound a displeasure against stigand for it , as he neuer ceased till he had reuenged it with the others destruction . a while he gaue him very good countenance , calling him father , méeting him vpon the way when he vnderstood of his repaire toward him , and affording him all kinde of gratious and fauourable vsage both in words and behauiour : but it lasted not long . the first signe of his hidden rancour and hatred towarde him was , that he would not suffer himselfe to be crowned by him , but made choise of aldred archbishop of yorke : for which he alleaged other reasons , as that he had not yet receiued his pall &c. but the matter was , he was loth in that action to acknowledge him for archbishop . soone after his coronation , he departed into normandy carrying with him stigand and many english nobles , vnder pretence to doe them honour : but in truth he stood in doubt least in his absence they should practise somewhat against him : and namely stigand he knew to be a man of a haughty spirit , subtile , rich , gracious and of great power in his countrey . presently vpon his returne , certaine cardinals arriued in england , sent from the pope as legates to redresse ( as they said ) certaine enormities and abuses of the english clergy . stigand by and by perceiuing himselfe to be the marke that was specially shot at , hid himfelfe a while in scotland with alexander bishop of lincolne and after in the isle of ely. at last perceiuing a conuocation to be called at winchester , he came thither and besought the king in regarde of his owne honour , and the promise made vnto him at swanscombe ( which was not to be offended with him or any other for their attempt at that time ) to saue him from the calamity he saw growing toward him , which he could not impute vnto any thing so probably , as his vndeserued displeasure . the king answered him with very gentle words , that he was so farre from endeuouring to take any reuenge of that or any other matter , as he loued him , and wished he knew how to protect him from the danger imminent : but that which was to be done at that time , must be done by the popes authoritie which he might not countermaund . so do what he could , he was depriued of his liuings by these legates . the causes alleaged against him were these ; first , that he had held canterbury and winchester both together ( which was no very strange thing , for saint oswald had long before held worceter with yorke , and s. dunstan worceter with london . ) secondly , that he had inuaded the sée of canterbury , robert the archbishop being yet aliue vndepriued ; and lastly that he presumed to vse the pall of his predecessor robert left at canterbury , and had neuer receiued any pall but of pope benedict , at what time he stood excommunicate for simony and other like crimes . in the same conuocation many other prelates were depriued of their promotions , as 〈◊〉 bishop of helmham brother vnto stigand , diuers abbots and men of meaner places . all which was done by the procurement of the king , that was desirous to place his countrymen in the roomes of the depriued for the establishment of his new gotten kingdome . poore stigand being thus depriued , as though he had not yet harme inough , was also clapt vp presently in prison within the castell of winchester , and very hardly vsed there , being scarcely allowed meate inough to hold life and soule together . that was thought to be done to force him to confesse where his treasure lay , whereof being demaunded , he protested with great othes he had no mony at all ; hoping belike so to procure his liberty the rather , and then to make himselfe mery with that he had laid vp against such a déere yéere . he died soone after of sorrow and griefe of minde , or ( as other report ) of voluntary famine , . yéeres after he first obtained the archbishopricke . after his death , a little key was found about his necke , the locke whereof being carefully sought out , shewed a note or direction of infinite treasures hid vnder ground in diuers places . all that the king pursed in his owne coffers . the bones of this archbishoply entoombed at this day vpon the top of the north wall of the presbytery of the church of winchester in a coffin of lead , vpon the north side whereof are written these words , hic iacet stigandus archiepiscopus . he was depriued ann . . and died within the compasse of the same yéere . . lanfrank . stigand being yet aliue , but depriued as is beforesaid , lanfranke was consecrate archbishop . this lanfrank was borne at papia in lumbardy , twenty myles from millayn , where being brought vp in learning , and now come vnto mans state , he determined to trauaile . through france he came into normandy , prouoked by the fame and great reports he had heard of eluin abbot of becco . upon the way thitherward , it was his hap to be encountred with théeues that spoiled him of all he had , bound him and threw him into a thicket , where he might haue perished with cold and hunger had not god sent some extraordinary company that way that loosed him , hauing laien there onely one night . thence he got him vnto the monastery of becco , and for very want and penury was faine to become a reader of logike there , vntill he was admitted to the place of a monke . soone after that , he was made prior of becco , whence in regard of his singular wisedome and great knowledge in all good learning that those times could affoord ) he was called by duke william to be abbot of s. stephens in cane , a monastery that the said duke had founded . now stigand being displaced in manner aboue rehearsed , the conquerour well knowing how much it behooued him to the establishment of his new erected throne in england , to haue a man wise and faithfull in that place ; made a speciall choice of him , as one in all respects most fit and woorthy ; which being well knowne to all men , the couent at the kings first nomination readily chose him , the nobilitie and courtiers willingly assented , and receaued him with great applause , and lastly the pope affoorded him his pall with extraordinary fauour . it is said , at his first comming the pope rose vp vnto him and mette him , telling him he yeelded him that honour not of dutie , but in regard of his excellent learning , whereof he had heard great fame . thomas archbishop of yorke was present the same time , together with 〈◊〉 bishop of dorchester . this thomas had béene lately consecrated vnto yorke by lanfrank , and for a certaine time refused to make profession of obedience vnto the see of canterbury , euen vntill by the commandement of the king he was inforced thereunto . now whether it were discontentment and perswasion of a wrong , or else enuie at lanfranks either vertue or good fortune that mooued him , hée presently began to make complaint vnto the pope of a great miury offered vnto his sée , in the demaund of his profession . lanfrank pleaded prescription for his right , and offred to make proofe of the same . the pope therefore not willing to trouble himselfe any more with the matter , committed the hearing thereof vnto the king , who in the yéere . iudged it for canterbury . sée more of this quarrell in thomas of yorke . lanfrank himselfe was consecrated very solemnly at canterbury , all the bishops in england being present themselues or by their proctors august . . almost . yeres he continued archbishop , gouerning his charge laudably and happily , till that about the end of his time one action obscured his former praises , and furthermore was the cause of many great calamities vnto him . it is thought that william the conqueror left the kingdome of england vnto his yoonger sonne william rufus , at the perswasion especially of this archbishop , who the rather wisht well vnto the yoong prince , because he had béene brought vp vnder him in his childhood . he is blamed much for putting the eldest sonne robert from that which might séeme in some sort due vnto him ; and surely god blessed him not in that action . the king thus aduanced by him , fel out with him , and droue him out of the realme . the cause of this displeasure is diuersly reported : but most men agree it was none other then this , that the king thought him a little too busie in exhorting him to vertue and godlinesse , and reprehending his manifold vices . being thus : banished , he trauatled to rome , and wandred vp and downe many countries , till at last ( by what intercession i finde not ) he was suffred to come home againe . soone after his return , he fell sicke of an ague , and so ended his daies , iune . . or ( as houeden hath ) may . . he was buried at canterbury in his owne church , vnto which he was a great benefactor . he bestowed much vpon the fabrike and reparation of the same , built much housing for the monkes ( whose number he increased from . to . ) restored the dignities and offices of old belonging to the monastery , and recouered vnto the same . mannors that had béene taken from it wrongfully in times past by odo bishop of bayon and earle of rent . moreouer he built the archbishops pallace at canterbury in a manner all , he founded two hospitals without the citie of canterbury , and endowed them with competent reuenewes ; ( saint iohns and harbaldown ) he bestowed large mony toward the building of the cathedrall church of rochester , ( or rather indéed built it all ) and did much ( the particulars i cannot set downe ) for the abbey of saint albons . he was a great student , writ many learned works , and ( which deserueth especiall remembrance ) tooke great paines in reforming the bible , the copies whereof were much corrupted throughout england by the negligence of the writers . . anselm . fower yéeres the sée continued void after the death of lanfranke , and the king pursed the profits thereof . in what good moode i knowe not , he which was woont to sell all other ecclesiastical promotions as it were by the drum , bestowed this archbishopricke fréely , vpon a most woorthy man , anselm abbot of becco . this anselm was borne at augusta a city of burgundy standing at the foot of the alpes . his fathers name was gundulfe ( a man of great account in his country ) and his mothers hemeberg . he came vnto becco of the like errand as lanfranke had done , mooued thereunto by the great fame of the said lanfranke , and professed himselfe a monke there in the . yéere of his age . lanfranke being called away to cane , he was made prior , and soone after abbot , eluyn the old abbot being dead . in that place he continued . yéeres , and then was earnestly requested by hugh earle of chester lying very sicke , to come into england vnto him , to conferre with him , and to order certaine affairesof his . hither he came and had much honour done him euery where of all forts of people . the king himselfe amongst the rest , beside many verball fauours , made offer vnto him of the archbishopricke of canterbury , verily hoping belike that a man giuen to monasticall contemplation and not estéeming worldly pompe , would vndoubtedly haue refused the same : for it is certaine , that after anselm had accepted the offer , pitying belike the spoile and desolation of the church for want of a pastor ; the king would faine haue retracted his gift , and perswaded him with many reasons to leaue it ; shewing him how the burthen and trouble of the place was greater then he should be able to inoure , a man that had spent his time within the wals of a monastery , and not experienced in managing of great affaires . but he lost his labour : anselm kept fast his hold , and was soone after consecrated by walkelm bishop of winchester , or ( as i finde also recorded ) by thomas archbishop of yorke , decemb. . . all the bishops of the land that could possibly come being present at that solemnity . presently after his consecration the king and he fel out . not long before , the king had throwen downe thirty churches to make his new forest néere winchester . this , 〈◊〉 reprehended him sharply for , and besought him to amend that and other faults , as namely his simony , his extortion , his cruelty &c. wherein he daily offended god gréeuously , and greatly dishonoured himselfe . this admonition of his displeased the king very much ; but his quarrell in shew was none other then this , that asking leaue to go to rome to fetch his pall , he had named vrban pope , whom the king as yet had not acknowledged for pope , and for so doing , accused him of no lesse then high treason . after great stirre and much adoe betwéene them about this matter , it was determined that all the abbots and bishops of england should be called together to iudge of this controuersy . they met at rochingham castell , and the matter being proposed by the king , for feare or flattery they all assented vnto him and forsooke their archbishop , except onely gundulphus bishop of rochester . a while 〈◊〉 indured to liue in continuall seare and disgrace , euen vntill he was commanded out of the realme by the king . being at douer ready to take ship , all his carriages were searcht , his goodes there and elsewhere soeuer taken from him and sold to the kings vse , his temporalties seased , and himselfe set aland in france in a manner naked . he trauailed presently to lyons and was sent for thence by the pope . at his first comming to rome he had all manner of fauour : but by that time the king with golden eloquence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him of the cause , his entertainment began to wax colder . he determined therfore to haue returned to lyons , but was staied by the pope , whose pleasure while he was content to await a while longer , the pope died . soone after him , the king died also being chaunceably slain by the glaunce of an arrow as he was hunting in that forest , for the making whereof anselm had reprehended him . he was a very vitious man , couetous in getting and prodigall in spending , the most sacrilegious symonist that euer raigned in england . reioycing in the gain he made that way , he would often say , panis christi panis pinguis . his death as some report , was miraculously signified vnto anselme in france . a paper was put into the hand of one of his chaplaines no man knew how , in which was found written , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occisus est . within a few daies after , certaine word was brought of the tyrants death , and this notice taken as sent from heauen . henry the first succéeded william rufus in the kingdome , who presently called home anselme and restored him to his former place . the first thing he did at his returne , he called a conuocation at london , wherein he depriued many prelates of great place for their seuerall offences , guy abbot of 〈◊〉 & eldwyn of ramsey for symony ; geftry of peterburgh , haymo of cheswel , & egelric of middleton for not being in orders ; richard of ely , & robert of s. edmunds , all abbots , for other enormities . diuers canons were agréed vpon in the same conuocation too long to rehearse : some of them tended to the restraining of clergy men from mariage ; which notwithstanding , many maried daily , & many that came for orders refused vtterly to make profession of chastity , as we may sée reported by girard archbishop of yorke in an epistle written by him vnto anselm in the end of s. anselmes epistles . the falling out also of anselm with the king ( which happened presently after ) was a great weakning vnto these canons . all the time that the archbishop was absent ( which was three yéeres ) the king had disposed of all bishopricks that fell , at his pleasure , giuing inuestiture and possession of them , by deliuery of the staffe and the ring . and in deed the princes in a maner of all christendom , had taken this kind of authority vnto themselues euery where about this time . bishops thus appointed demanded consecration of anselm , which he vtterly denied vnto them , professing withall , that he would neuer receaue or repute them for bishops that were already cōsecrated by other vpon such election , aleaging how it was lately forbidden in a councel held by pope vrban . that any clerke should take inuestiture of any spiritual preferment at the hand of any king , prince or other lay man. the king vpon anselms refusall , required gerard archbishop of yorke to giue these bishops consecration , whereunto he readily assented . but william gifford nominated to winchester , stoode so in awe of anselm , as that he durst not accept consecration at gerards hands . this incensed the king woonderfully , so as presently he commanded giffards goods to be confiscate , and himselfe banished the realme . great adoo now there was about this matter throughout the realm , some defending the kings right , others taking part with the archbishop . in the end , the king doubting what might come of it , and being loth to giue occasion of tumult , considering that himselfe was a stranger borne , and that his father by force and much bloudshed , had not many yéeres since obtained the rule of this land ; he determined to send an ambassador to the pope , togither with the archbishop , so to grow to some reasonable conclusion . the pope ( palchalis . ) would not yéeld one iote vnto the king , insomuch as when the kings embassador william warelwast ( after bishop of excester ) said he knew the king would rather loose his crowne then this priuilege , he answered , yea let him loose his head also if he will , while i liue he shall neuer appoint bishop but i will resist him what i may . so without dooing any good , homeward they came . but the king vnderstanding before hand how the world went , sent a messenger to forbid anselm entrance into the realme , and presently seised all his goods , mooueable and unmooueable into his hands . thrée yéeres more this good man spent in exile , all which time he liued with hugh archbishop of lyons . at last it pleased god to open this passage of his reconciliation to the king . adela countesse of bloys the kings sister , fell dangerously sicke in those parts where it chanced the archbishop to abide . he went to visite her , and yéelded so great comfort vnto her in that time of her distresse ; as recouering afterward , she neuer ceased importuning her brother , vntill she had wrought an agréement betwéene them , the conditions whereof were these ; first that anselm should be content to consecrate the bishops alreadie nominated by the king : and then that the king should renounce all right to such nomination or inuestiture for the time to come . these conditions were allowed by the pope , and the archbishop restored not onely to his place , but to all his goods and fruites gathered in the time of his absence . two yeeres he liued after this his last returne ; in which time he persecuted married priests very extremely . dunstan , oswald , ethelwald , and other enimies to the mariage of clergie men , had onely expelled them that out of monasteries that had wiues : but anselm vtterly forbidding them mariage , depriued them of their promotions that were maried , confiscated their goods vnto the bishop of the dioces , adiudged them and their wiues adulterers , and forced al that entred into orders to vow chastity . halfe the clergy of england at this time were either maried men , or the sonnes of maried priests . the king therefore pitying the generality of this calamity , sought to protect them a while from anselms seuerity in this point : but he ( i meane anselm ) was a little to resolute in all his determinations , in so much as he might neuer be perswaded to yéeld one iot in any thing he once intended . so , notwithstanding the kings inclination to succour so many distressed poore families , the canons of the conuocation before mentioned were generally put in execution throughout england . about this time it hapned gerard archbishop of yorke to decease , and a second thomas to be elected for his successor . what adoo there was betwéene him and anselm about profession of obedience , and how it was ended , see in the historie of the said thomas . to make an end at last with this archbishop , the yéere . he fell extremely sicke at saint edmundsbury , and thence got him to canterbury , where he lay languishing a long time , and at last departed this life aprill . in the . yéere of his gouernment , and of his age . he was buried at the head of his predecessor lanfrank in his owne church , vpon the building and beautifying whereof , he had bestowed very much mony . this archbishop was a man of great learning , as his works yet extant testifie , and for integrity of life and conuersation admirable . that he was more peremptory in diuers of his resolutions then became him , and so hote against clergy mens mariage , i impute it but to a blind zeale far from any malicious intent of dooing wrong . undoubtedly notwithstanding these imperfections he was a good and holy man , and as woorthy the honor of a saint , as any i thinke that euer was canonised by the pope since his time . in fauour of him ( to note that by the way ) the pope affoorded vnto his sée this honour , that whereas the archbishop of canterbury was woont to sit next the bishop of saint ruffine in all generall councels , hereafter his place should be at the popes right foote , and with all vsed these words , includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis papam . . rodolphus . the king well remembring how troublesome the authority of anselme had beene vnto him , and knowing it greatly imported him to make choise of some quiet tractable man to succéed in that place ; tooke foure or fiue yéers deliberation before he would appoint any thereunto . he was once resolued vpon one farecius abbot of abindon : but ( vpon what consideration i know not ) chaunging his determination , aduanced ralfe bishop of rochester to that sée . this ralfe or rodolph was a norman borne , a monke first of the order of saint benet and a disciple of lanfranke in the abbay of cane . then he became abbot of say , was called thence by saint anselm vnto the bishopricke of rochester , consecrate thereunto august . . . and remooued to canterbury , in iune . his pall was very solemnely deliuered vnto him by anselm abbot of saint sauines , nephew vnto saint anselm june at canterbury . in this mans time 〈◊〉 obtained consecration of the pope vnto the archbishop of yorke without making the vsuall profession of obediēce . about this matter there was long time much adoo . this our archbishop being an aged and sickly man much troubled with the 〈◊〉 and lame in his féete , would yet néeds trauaile to rome in person about this matter . sée the end of this controuersie in thurstan of yorke . eight yéeres ralfe continued archbishop , behauing himselfe well in the place , but that he was sometimes wayward and péenish in matters of small moment . generally he was a very affable and courteous man , willing to pleasure and not especially noted with any great vice : onely some blame him for being more delighted with iesting 〈◊〉 merry toyes , then became the grauitie of his age and place , in regard whereof some haue giuen vnto him the surname ( or rather nickname ) of 〈◊〉 . thrée yéeres before his decease he was continually held of a palsie whereof at last he died octob. . . and thrée daies after was buried in the middle of the body of christ church in canterbury . . william corbell . vvilliam corbel or corbois , was first a secular priest , then a monke of the order of saint benet , and lastly prior of saint sythes in 〈◊〉 . from thence he was taken to be archbishop of canterbury and the popes legate , vpon candlemas day . this man in the yéere . called a conuocation at westminster , where 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 the popes legate 〈◊〉 most bitterly against the mariage of priests , and was the next night taken in bed with a common strumpet : for shame whereof he presently got him away 〈◊〉 all his 〈◊〉 at sixe and seuen , neuer taking leaue of any body . in this synode more canons were 〈◊〉 against the mariage of clergy men : which notwithstanding , the archbishop ( that in déede was but a weake man ) not able to restraine them of his time from taking wiues ; prayed ayd of the king , who either set them all to a yéerely pension ( so many as were maried ) or else tooke some large summe of present money to beare with them . the yéere . christchurch in canterbury that had lately béene new built by lanfranke , soone after fell downe ( a great part of it at least , and was quickly repaired by the industry of eardult the prior ) was now i know not by what chaunce all burnt & consumed with fire . this archbishop found meanes to repaire it , and in rogation weeke the yéere following did dedicate the same 〈◊〉 solemnely , in the presence of the king , the quéene , dauid king of scottes , and a great number of the nobility of both realmes . king henry dying that did prefer him , he was content to betray his daughter mawd the empresse , and contrary to his othe to ioine with stephen earle of bloys , whom he crowned with his owne hands ; but with such feare and terror of conscience , as it is noted that the consecrate host fell out 〈◊〉 his hand in the middle of masse , by reason of his trembling and fearefull amasednesse . soone after he died , viz. the yeere . hauing sate almost yéeres , and lieth buries in his owne church , the particular place i find not . . theobald . in a conuocation held at london by the commandement of albert bishop of hostia the popes legate . ( theobald was chosen archbishop ) by the suffragan bishops of his owne prouince , and consecrate in the same conuocation or synode by the legate afore named . he receiued his pall at rome of innocentius the second , who also indued him and his successors for euer with the title of legatus natus . this theobald was first a bendictine monke and then ( till he was chosen archbishop ) abbot of becco . a man of no great learning , but of so gentle and swéete behauiour ( being very wise withall ) as he was greatly 〈◊〉 of high and lowe , kings , nobles and commons . with the pope he had often much adoe . one sylnester a man infamous for many notorious offences , was presented vnto the abbotship of saint augustines in canterbury , whon : in respect of his knowen vnworthines , the archbishop 〈◊〉 to admit . but the popes letters came so thicke and thréefold in fauour of him , that after many delaies , excuses and allegations against him , at last he was faine to receiue him . there was at the same time one ieremy prior of that abbey , an olde acquaintance and friend of the archbishops , whom notwithstanding ( vpon some great occasion it is like ) the archbishop 〈◊〉 and remooued from his place . in the behalfe of this man also , the pope ( who neuer was woont to faile where he 〈◊〉 be well paide for his paines ) began to stickle and to interpose his authority , restoring ieremy to his place againe till the cause might be heard and determined before him . whereat theobald , though a mild man of nature , being excéedingly mooued , in a great fury vowed he would neuer exercise any ecclesiasticall iurisdiction so long as ieremy held that place . he therfore seeing the archbishop so resolute against him , and fearing some great inconuenience would fall vpon the monastery by meanes of this businesse , and so procure him the hatred of his owne company ; vpon paiment of . markes was content to leaue his place , and liued a priuate monke in the same house euer after . now in the third yéere of his consecration it happened a councell was summoned at rhemes , whereunto he was called . henry therefore bishop of winchester king stephens brother ( that by vertue of his power 〈◊〉 had often contended with him , and euer opposed himselfe against him in the popes behalfe ) circumuented this good plaine-meaning man in this fort . he dealt first with the pope in no wise to dispence with his absence , and then with his brother the king to forbid his passage , and perforce to stay him at home . but such were those times , as it was safer then to offend the king then the pope , and therefore he resolued to goe , and in no wise to giue the pope such an aduantage , against whom he had now twice opposed himselfe already dangerously . go therefore he would , but all the difficulty was in getting passasse . all the ports of england were laid for him : yet so cunningly he handled the matter , that ouer the seas he got and was at the councell in good time . the king then following the aduice of his brother the bishop of winchester , seased vpon his goods and temporalities and banished him the realme . he like a tall fellow interdicted the king and the whole 〈◊〉 , and taking aduantage of the time which was very troublesome ( notwithstanding the kings commaundement ) came home and liued in norfolke , till by the intercession of certaine bishops he was restored . afterward he grew into great fauour with the king , and was the chiefe meanes of concluding that finall peace at wallingford betwéene him and mawd the empresse . in the yeere . he summoned a conuocation at london , where the king would haue constrained the clergy to make 〈◊〉 his sonne king , to the disheriting and great iniury of duke henry the empresses sonne . the intent was spied before , and letters procured from the pope to forbid the clergy to meddle in any such matter . this notwithstanding , the matter was earnestly followed in behalfe of the yoong prince 〈◊〉 , in so much as , when they perceiued the businesse was not effected according to their desire , they 〈◊〉 them vp in the place where they were gathered together , and thought by force and threatning to compell them . the greater part séemed to yéeld , when theobald stealing secretly out of the place , tooke his barge , and rowing downe the thames , got him beyond sea , and so by his absence the synode was dissolued . his goods by and by were once more confiscate , and his temporalties seased into the kings hands . but in a short time after king stephen died , and henry duke of normandy surnamed fitz - 〈◊〉 succeeded , who restored him immediately to all his possessions 〈◊〉 . under him he passed the rest of his daies quietly in great fauour and estimation with him . he departed this life the yéere . when he had sate archbishop two and twenty yéeres . perceiuing his end to approch , he made his will , and gaue all his goods vnto the poore or other like good vses . helieth buried in the south part of saint thomas chappell in a marble tombe ioyning to the wall . . thomas becket . 〈◊〉 the conquest neuer any english man obtained this archbishopricke before thomas becket . he was borne in london , his fathers name was giltert a merchant , his mother was a stranger borne in syria . he was first taught and brought vp during the time of his childhood by the prior of merton , and seeming towardly , was sent to the uniuersity of paris : hauing there attained some more learning and also the knowledge of the french tongue , he returned and became an officer in some court about london , it is said he was a justice : but waring soone weary of that kind os life , he found meanes to get into the seruice of theobald the archbishop , who quickly espiyng his manifold good parts , 〈◊〉 him entierly and sent him into italy to study the canon lawe , 〈◊〉 there might be any thing wanting in him 〈◊〉 in a common-wealthes-man , for the managing whereof he discerned him then very fit and likely . upon his returne thence , he was quickly preferred by the archbishop vnto the archdeaconry of canterbury the prouostship of 〈◊〉 and the personage of bromfield . the archbishop then séeing him selfe weake and sickly , which made him altogether vnable to looke throughly into the drifts and deuices of courtyers ( that in all ages seeke to pray vpon the church and euer néede some watchfull eye to ouerlooke their practises ) commended thomas becket vnto the king so effectually , as he was content first to receiue him into the number of his chapleines , then made him chauncellor of england , and loaded him with all kind of spirituall preferment . for theobald being a wise man , well perceiued becket to be first so 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , so painefull and industrious , as the king being yet yoong , he 〈◊〉 surely possesse him altogether & be able to withstand any endeuours that might be preiudiciall vnto the church ; and againe he could not doubt either of his faithfulnesse to him , or his stoutnesse in so good a cause , of which both he had had long experience . in regard hereof , he imployed all his indeuours to plant a perfect liking of thomas becket in the mind of the king ; wherein he prospered so well , as in a short time no man was so farre in the kings bookes as he , nay no man could doo any thing in a maner with the king but he . for the maintaining of this his credit ( saith one ) he thought it good to relinquish and forsake by little and little all priestly either behauior or attyre , to affect the pompe and brauery of the court , to liue as other courtyers , to fare daintily , to ly long in bed , to hawke , to hunt , to haue many followers , &c. in so much as some sticked not to say , the chauncellor had forgotten he was an archdeacon also , and blamed him for not liuing like a clergy man. but by this meanes ( saith he ) t. becket was euer at the kings elbow , was partaker of all his counsels , and either by notize giuen to the archbishop , or some deuice of his owne otherwise , could and did stop any courses that might be preiudiciall to the church . hauing continued thus in the office of chauncellor foure or fiue yéeres with the great fauour and liking of the king ; it hapened theobald the archbishop to dye : the king little thinking what a snake he nourished in his bosome , determined by & by to doo his vtmost indeuor for the aduauncement of him ( t. becket ) vnto the archbishoppricke . being therefore at that time in normandy , he sent richard lucy a counsellor of speciall trust into england with charge to effect these two things ; first to procure all the nobles and best of the comminalty to sweare fealty vnto yoong prince henry his sonne ; and then to cause the monkes of canterbury to elect thomas his chauncellor archbishop . the first he quickly brought to passe ( the rather by the helpe of the chauncellor that was ioined in commission with him ) and in the second also he bestirred him selfe so well , as he caused the whole conuocation of the clergy ( a wost authenticall kind of election ) to choose thomas becket for their archbishop no one man gainesaying it except gilbert foliot bishop of london . he was consecrate archbishop vpon whitsonday ( being made priest but iust the day before ) by the bishop of wintchester . ann . . being not yet full . yéeres of age . presently after his consecration , he altered all the whole course of his life ; became so graue , so austere and so deuout in all outward shewe , as he séemed quite another man. also he resigned his chauncellorship , certifiyng the king by letters ( who was then in normandy ) he could not serue the church and the court both at once . the king that euer hitherto thought to vse thomas becket as a schoole master to instruct and inure his sonne in matters of state and policy ; was now very sory that he had made him archbishop , séeing he threw off all care of temporall gouernment ; and considering the hawtinesse of his spirits , sore doubted wherunto this strange dealing would growe at the last . another thing the king greatly disliked in him was this ; that being yet scarcely warme in his seate , he began to looke so narrowly into the state of the land belonging to his sée , and to challenge withall extremity whatsouer might séeme to pertaine vnto him , as he prouoked many of all sorts of people against him , who euery where exclaimed with open mouth and made their complaints thicke and thréefold vnto the king , saying that hauing some authority and more knowledge in the lawe , vnder colour of defending the rights of his church , he tooke violently from euery man what he list . but the maine quarrell betwixt the king and him was this : the cleargy of those times bare them selues so bold vpon the priuileges of the church , whereby , in crymes neuer so haynous they claymed to be exempted from the iudgement of temporall courts ; as , dayly infinite outrages were committed by cleargy men , murthers , robberies , rapes , &c. which temporall judges might not meddle withall , and in the spirituall courtes they were either not punished , or for the most part very lightly . for the amendment and preuention of this inconuenience in 〈◊〉 to come , the king intended to publish a certaine declaration of the customes of england , set downe long since by king henry the first his grandfather , wherein this intollerable and licencious liberty of the cleargy was somewhat restrained . and that it might not be spurned at by any ( the archbishop especially he doubted : ) he deuised to send this declaracion vnto the pope and to craue his allowance of the same . but the archbishop hauing some inkling of the kings intent before hand , had so dealt with the pope , as it was no sooner séene but it was streight reiected . herewith the king was so incensed , as after that time he bent himselfe altogether to the diminishing and breaking of all immunities and liberties of the church . and the archbishop was so farre from séeking to pacifie the kings displeasure , as daily he prouoked him more and more . the particularities thereof to passe ouer , the king thought good to try whether he could put in execution the contents of the foresaid declaration euen in despite of the archbishop or no. he offered the same vnto all the clergy gathered togither in a synode ; who as if they had learned all one lesson , told the king seuerally in the same words , that they were content to allow it , 〈◊〉 ordine 〈◊〉 , so farre foorth as they might without 〈◊〉 of their owne coat and calling : onely one man hilary bishop of chichester was content to yéeld vnto it simpliciter and without condition , but was so bayted and reuiled for his labour , as it is like he often repented it . yet so the matter was handled not long after , as first diuers other bishops were content to yeeld vnto the king in this demaund , and at last euen the archbishop himselfe with all his followers . so at a time appointed they met at clarindon , and theresware vnto the obseruation of the articles comprised in that declaration . this notwithstanding , soone after they disliking that they had done , got the pope to assoile them of this oath . but the archbishop now well assuring himselfe he had so offended the king , as there was no abiding for him heere , he tooke ship at kumney , intending to auoid the 〈◊〉 , but missed of his purpose , for he was forced by a contrarie winde to returne to land againe . presently vpon his arriuall he was apprehended and carried prisoner to northampton ( where the king then held a councell ) and was there accused of extortion , periury , treason , forgery , and many other crimes . his owne suffragan bishops , though he had appealed vnto the pope , gaue sentence against him , and warranted the king they would make proofe of these accusations vnto the pope . the next night after his condemnation , he scaped away and once more hasted vnto the sea , committed himselfe very desperately vnto a little bad rotten fisher boat , and accompanied onely with three seruitors crossedthe sea , and got into the low countries , and thence posted to the pope at senon , who placed him in the monastery of pontiniac . while he there rested himselfe , he thundred out excommunications apace against all such as did obserue the articles contayned in the declaration set foorth at clarindon , whereunto himselfe had once sworne . the king as fast bestird himselfe in seasing all the goods and temporalties of the archbishop into his hand . he sent also ambassadors vnto the earle of flaunders , the french king and the pope praying them in no wise to foster or suffer him in their dominions , requesting moreouer of the pope , that he would confirme and allow of the declaration published at clarindon . the pope made an answere ( though friuolous ) saying he would consider of the matter . but the french ( with whom the king of england had amity and a league of friendship at that time ) he thinking that this agreement betweene him and the archbishop would bréed some stirre in england , presently fell to inuading the king of englands dominions & tooke by assault certaine holds of his in normandy . the archbishop also about the same time sent out particular excommunications against all the suffragan bishops of his prouince . the king mightily offended with this excéeding boldnesse of the archbishop , whereunto he well knew he was hartned and animated by the pope and the french king : bethough himselfe how by all meanes possible he might vere and grieue him : first , because he knew he delighted much in the monastery of pontiniac ( which was an abbey of cistercian monkes ) he signified to all the monkes of that order in his dominions , that he would banish them euery one , if they would not procure the archbishop to be thrust out of that monastery , which for feare of so great calamity to so many men was effected . then he also droue out of the realme , all his kinsfolks , friends and professed welwillers of whom he suspected him to be any way aided or comforted . alexander the pope thomas beckets surest card , was ferited in much like sort the same time by friderike 〈◊〉 the emperor , as he himselfe was . the king therefore by the counsell of gilbert bishop of london determined to ioyns in league with the emperor , ( if possibly he might ) that was a professed enimy both to the french king and the pope . to this purpose he sent two ambassadors vnto him , perswading him to deals with the cardinals ( lucius the antipope being then lately dead ) to set vp another in his roome , to whom he promised all his dominions should yéelde obedience . the pope hauing notize of this practise , began presentlyto quaile , sent the king word he would order all things betwéene the archbishop and him to his 〈◊〉 liking and that out of hand . now it had hapened a little before , that the pope had graunted vnto the archbishop a very large licence of excommunicating whom he list in england ; the king the queene and a very few other excepted . this authority he abused very intemperately at that time when 〈◊〉 matters were thus in hammering betwéene the pope and 〈◊〉 king , in so much as he had marred all if the pope had not spéedly yeelded a reason thereof to the king. by this time the french king ( the popes onely protector against the emperor ) began to spy that he was much more cold in the defence of the archbishop then he had beene and reprehended him sharply for it . the pope therefore not knowing which way to turne him selfe ; for the satisfiyng of both these potentates , ( neither of which he could safcly offend as things stoode ) he determined first to labour a reconciliation betweene them , and then to make the french king a mediator for the archbishop . this he effected , and brought the two kings together at paris . thither also came thomas becket : and sute being made vnto the king in his behalfe , that he might returne , be restored to his goods and reuenues arising in the time of his absence and lastly ( vpon his humble submission ) to the kings fauour ; the king answered , that for the rest he was contented , but ( faith he ) the profites of his archbishopricke since his banishment i can not allow him , for that i haue already giuen them to others : mary recompence i will make him for them to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the french king or the senate of paris or else of the 〈◊〉 of the uniuersity . presently the archbishop was called for , who falling downe vpon his knees , vsed these words , my lord and soueraigne , i doo here commit vnto your owne iudgement the cause and controuersie betwéene vs , so farre foorth as i may , sauing the honor of 〈◊〉 god. the king much offended with that last exception ( 〈◊〉 honore dei ) turned him about vnto the french king and telling him how much he had doone for the archbishop , and how he had vsed him , i am ( quoth he at last ) so well acquainted with the tricks of this fellow , that i can not hope for any good dealing at his hands . sée you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause ( sauing the honor of god ? ) for whatsoeuer shall displease him , he will by and by alleage to be preiudiciall to the honor of almighty god. but this i will say vnto you , whereas there haue béene kings of england many before me , whereof some were peraduenture of greater power than i , the most part farre lesse ; and againe many archbishops before this man holy and notable men : looke what duty was euer perfourmed by the greatest archbishop that euer was to the weakest and simplest of my predecessours , let him yéeld me but that and it shall abundantly content me . hereunto the archbishop answered cunningly and stoutly ynough , that the times were altered , his predecessors which could not bring all things to passe at the first dash were content to beare with many things , and that as men they fell and omitted their duty oftentimes ; that which the church had gotten , was by the constancy of good prelates , whose example he would follow thus farre foorth , as though he could not augment the priuileges of the church in his time , yet he would neuer consent they should be diminished . this answeare being heard , all men cryed shame vpon him and generally imputed the fault of these sturs vnto him . but this was the issue for that time , that they parted without reconciliation . the king doubting what might come of these broiles , caused his sonne henry ( that died soone after ) to be crowned king in his owne life time , so to assure him of the succession . afterwards comming into fraunce againe , they were vpon the point of reconciliation when the casting out of some such word or another as before , marred all . at length , the king and he were made friends , but his full restitution deferred till he had behaued himselfe quietly a while at canterbury , which he promised to doo . but he , was so farre from perfourming that promise , as he sent into england before him diuers excommunications which the pope had graunted out long before , and committed to his discretion . amongst other , the archbishop of yorke , the bishop of london and salisbury were named in them , together with so many as had béene dooers in the coronation of the yoong king , which the archbishop said might not be performed of any but by his appointment . the men thus strucken with this holy fire , hasted them ouer into normandy to make their complaint vnto the king , who infinitely grieued at this kinde of dealing , cursed the time that euer he made him archbishop , or restored him to his place againe , adding , it was his chaunce euer to do for vnthankefull men , otherwise some or other would long ere this haue made this proud priest an example to all such troublesome perturbers of his realme and state . it happened amongst other , fower knights to be present at this spéech of the kings , who gathered thereby , they should do a deed very acceptable vnto him if they killed the archbishop . their names were reynald fitz-vrse , hugh de mortuill , william de tracy , and richard briton . in this meane time the archbishop was come to canterbury , and was receiued there with great ioy . thence he went to london and so to woodstocke where the yoong king then lay . but before he could get to the kings presence , word was brought him , the kings pleasure was he should first go to canterbury and reuoke those excommunications before he the king would talke with him . so he returned againe to canterbury without seeing the king at all . soone after his returne thither , the fower knights before mentioned arriued at canterbury , to wit vpon innocents day . they comming vnto the archbishop , told him the kings pleasure was , he should goe to his sonne and reuerently make offer of doing homage and fealty vnto him , for the barony of his archbishopricke : secondly , that he should cause all the strangers he brought into the realme with him to be sworne to his obedience ; and thirdly , that he should retrcat those excommunications which he had caused to be denounced against the instruments of the yoong kings coronation . to this 〈◊〉 he answered , that neither the king nor any other mortall man should extort from him , or any of his by his consent , any 〈◊〉 or vnreasonable othe . and as for the bishops and other excommunicate concerning the coronation , it was indeede ( quoth ) he a thing done in my behalfe and for an iniury offred to my church ; but it was the act of the pope . if therefore they will sweare they shall be ready to make me amends at the popes discretion , i will absolue them , otherwise not . and whatsoeuer you say , it was the kings pleasure , i should take my best course for the redresse of this abuse by ecclestasticall authority . many other words passed betwéene them the same time , they breathing out terrible threats , and he continuing still the same man without 〈◊〉 one iotte . at last the knights departed , giuing the monkes charge in the kings name , to see the archbishop foorth comming , and not to suffer him to escape away . at euening prayer time the same day , they came suddenly into the church , with their swords drawen , crying , where 's the traytor , where 's the traytor : the archbishop who was then going vp the steps toward the quire , hearing the noyse , turned backe vnto them , and euery one of the fower striking mainely at him , vpon the third or fourth greice of those stops was slaine . his body these knights had determined to haue cast into the sea , or else to haue hewen into a thousand pieces : but the prior and the monkes doubting some such thing , buried it immediately in the vndercraft , whence shortly it was taken vp and laid in a most sumptuous shrine in the east end of the church . the pope hearing of this massacre , excommunicated immediately all that were either authors or consenters to the same . the king was faine to purge himselfe by othe , and yet could not be absolued before he had done certaine strange penance as first , that he should pray deuoutly at the tombe of this new martyr , that he should be whipt in the chapter house , receiuing of euery monke one lash , that he should maintaine . soldiers for the space of one yeere at jerusalem , & lastly reuoke the declaration published at clarindon , that originally gaue the occasion of this murther . all this ( such were those times ) the king was faine to performe . . richard. in the moneth of february following the death of thomas becket ( which was december . . ) one robert abbot of becco was chosen archbishop . but he liking better a quiet life , chose rather to sit 〈◊〉 where he was , then to aduenture him selfe in a place subiect to the blasts of such terrible tempests as thomas becket was tossed withall . the king then dealt earnestly with the couent of canterbury to choose some mild and soft spirited man , to preuent such broiles as had béene raised by the last archbishop . they followed his direction , 〈◊〉 elected one richard , a benedictine monke prior of the monastery of saint martins in douer , who was presently allowed of the king and the pope and soone after consecrate . he was a man very liberall , gentle and passing wise . so he handled the matter , that in all his time he neuer was out either with the pope or the king . the pope be entertained with often gifts and money , the kings fauour he retained by yéelding and 〈◊〉 him selfe to his pleasure . this man continued archbishop about the space of ten or eleuen yeeres . in all which time , there happened not any thing concerning him woorthy memory , except peraduenture the stir betwéen him and the archbishop of yorke roger. the olde quarrell chaunced to be renued betwéene these two archbishops concerning the primacy ; and one hugocio the popes legate comming into england , both of them requested him to heare and iudge this controuersie betweene them . upon this and other occasions , a conuocation was summoned at westminster , where was a stately throne prouided for the legate . at the time appointed the legate came and tooke his place , and the archbishop of canterbury sate him downe next vnto the legate vpon the right hand . after this in came roger archbishop of yorke and would néedes haue displaced 〈◊〉 to sit aboue him : that , when the other would not suffer , he sate him 〈◊〉 in his lap . the other bishops present amased at this strange behautor of the archbishop of yorke , cried out all vpon him , the archbishop of canterburies men by violence drew the other out of his ill chosen place , threw him dewne 〈◊〉 his robes almost from his backe , trode vpon him , beate him , and vsed him so despitefully , as the legate , whether for shame or for doubt what might happen to him selfe in such a 〈◊〉 , got him out and went his way . the archbishop of yorke all ragged as he was , bloudy and 〈◊〉 went to the king , who first was exceeding angry , but when he heard the truth , laught merily at it and said he was well ynough ferued . much adoo there was long after at rome about this and the old controuersie ; the ende whereof at last was , that much money was spent and neither party euer a whit the néerer . the end of this man is thus reported , how that being a sléepe at his mannor of wrotham , there séemed to come vnto him a certaine terrible personage demaunding of him who he was ? whereunto when for feare the archbishop answered nothing , thou art he ( quoth the other ) that hast destroied the goods of the church , and i will destroy thée front of the earth : this hauing said , he vanished away . in the morning betime the archbishop got him vp and , taking his iourney toward rochester , related this fearefull vision vnto a friend of his by the way . he had no sooner told the tale , but he was 〈◊〉 sodainly with a great cold & stifnesse in his limmes , so that they had much adoo to get him so farre as halling a house belonging to the bishop of rochester . there he tooke his bed and being horribly tormented with the cholike and other gréefes vntill the next day , the night following the sixtéenth of february he gaue vp the ghost . ann . . his body was caried to canterbury and honorably interred in the lady chappell . . baldwin . after the death of richard the archbishop , a controuersie grew betwéene the couent of christs church in canterbury , and the suffragan bishops of the prouince of canterbury , who of right ought to choose the archbishop . for it had béene often done by both as ( in that which i haue before deliuered ) you may perceiue . the king desirous to haue some honest quiet man , dealt first with the couent , praying them to make choice of such a one as he might haue cause to like , and after made the same request vnto the bishops . the monkes ( though mooued thereto ) would in no wise ioyne with the bishops , but perceiuing the bishops began indéede to set foote into the matter , appealed to rome . much adoo there was there about it the space of nine monethes . at last the bishops got a mandate wherein the monkes and they were commaunded to ioyne together . the day of election was appointed , but the monkes for curst hart would not come vnto it . so the bishops procéeded and made choice of baldwin bishop of worcester . this election the monkes labored mightily to disanul ; professing , that they liked the man elect very well , but they must not indure such a president . the king therefore ( who fauoured baldwin exceedingly ) wrought so with one party and the other , as the monkes were content to elect him , vpon condition he would renounce all benefite of his former election , and the bishops themselues would confesse the same to be void and of no effect . all this was done and he receiued into quiet and peaceable possession of this metropoliticall sée . this baldwin was a poore mans sonne and borne in excester . he was first a schoolemaster , then entred into orders and became an archdeadon : his archdeaconry he voluntarily resigned , and intending to forsake the world , became a cistercian or white monke . hauing liued so a certaine space , he was made abbot of ford in deuonshire . from thence he was called to the bishopricke of worcester consecrate thereunto the yéere . translated to canterbury in the end of the yéere . and solemnely installed there may . . being the first white monke that euer was archbishop . giraldus cambr. describeth the person of the man in this sort . he was of complexion somewhat swarthy , his countenance simple and like a plaine meaning man but very comely , his stature indifferent , well made of body , but slender timbred . for his maners , he was modest and sober , of such abstinence , as fame durst neuer stamp any sinister report vpō him , of few words , slowe to anger , and very studious from his very childhood . it is a woonder that a man of this disposition should be so much troubled as he was : with the king he alwaies agreed very well : but betwéene the monkes of canterbury and him there was much and continuall debate . the occasion thereof was this . the king greatly misliking the insolency of the monkes , thought to wrest from them the preheminence of choosing the archbishop in time to come by this deuice . he gaue direction vnto baldwin their archbishop , to beginne the foundation of a colledge at hackington now called saint stephens being distant from canterbury about halfe a mile . this colledge it was deuised should haue one prebend erected by the king , and by euery seuerall bishop of that prouince of canterbury one other , which should euer be of the gift and patronage of their founders . as for the archbishop , the building of the church and other edifices was appointed vnto him for his share , which he intended to performe with great magnificence . the ende of this foundation was none other then this , that it might be a meane of traducing the right of election of the archbishop , ( a matter greatly importing the king and the whole realme ) from the monkes ( men of little learning , lesse discretion , and smalest experience in matters of gouernment , yet very obstinate and altogether wedded to their owne wils ) to other men , in whom the king and the rest of the bishops ( as being their patrones ) might chalenge an interest . for the better execution of this plot , it was ordained , that this colledge should be dedicated vnto saint thomas , who was now growen so famous throughout the world , as euery man thought himselfe happy that could do any thing to his honor . in regard hereof they made no doubt , but the pope would soone be intreated to take from christ ( vnto whose name the monastery of canterbury was consecrate ) all priuiledge of election , and to confer the same with many other vpon saint thomas that famous martyr . the matter was now very forward and growen to good perfection , in so much as the foundations were digged , stone , timber , and other prouision laide ready in place for the building , when as the subtile monkes suspecting wherunto this great forwardnesse of the king and bishops tended , made their complaint at rome . that notwithanding , on went the worke : the church partly built was solemnely consecrate , and diuers secular priests ( such saint thomas himselfe was ) instituted and installed into their prebends , when the monks that neuer linne laying on load by requests , gifts and al maner of importunate sute to disturbe this platforme , procured the pope to set downe an order , that this corporation should be dissolued , the buildings thereof rased and made euen to the ground . such were the times , the popes pleasure was aneuitable necessity ; it must be and was performed . it happened then soone after that vrban the pope died , who was a great protector of the monkes cause . gregory the eight succéeded , a man with whom baldwyn might do very much . he determined therfore once more to set on foote his former deuise , but in another place . he procured of the bishop and couent of rochester , for exchange of other land , a certaine quantity of ground at lambhith , where the archbishops pallace and house of chiefe residence is now situate . thither he caused to be brought by water all the prouision of stones , timber , &c. that was intended to the building of the colledge at hackington , and began the foundation of a goodly church there , which he liued not to finish . king richard the first to expiate the fault of his rebellion & disobedience vnto his father , determined to carry a great power into the holy land . baldwyn would néedes attend him thither , and did so . by preaching , counsell , liberall almes , and continuall erample of a most vertuous life , he did great good there , vntill at last in the siege of the city of acon being taken with a grieuous sicknesse he died , when he had béene archbishop euen almost seuen yéeres , and was buried there . he gaue all his goods vnto the soldiers to be diuided amongst them at the discretion of hubert the bishop of salisbury , that soone after succeeded him . . reginald fitz-iocelinc . presently after the death of baldwyn , the king dispatched a messenger from acon with letters , wherein he earnestly prayed the monkes to make election of some such man to succéed , as he might haue cause to like . and the rather to bring the same to passe , he wrote vnto the archbishop of roan , who ( the bishop of ely being then newly displaced ) gouerned the realme in his absence , to cause all the bishops of the prouince of canterbury to méete at canterbury , and to take the best course they might for the placing of some fit man in that sée . the monkes ( who were excéeding ioyfull to heare of the archbishops death ) casting many doubts by reason of this méeting , procéeded first vnto their election , and chose reginald bishop of bathe that was sonne to ioceline bishop of salisbury , but concealed it till the bishops were come together ; at what time in the presence of them all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their election , and withall laid hands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there present , drew him vnto the archiepiscopall throne , and violently placed him in the same . albeit at that time he withstood them what he might , and with teares 〈◊〉 besought them to make choice of some other ; yet being asked the next day by the archbishop of roan , whether he assented vnto the election , he answered , that so farre he was from ambitious desire of that place , as it was a great griefe vnto him to be chosen , and that he would be very glad they would take some other in his roome : howbeit ( quoth he ) if they will néeds stand to their election , though with griefe and hearty sorrow , i must and will accept of the same . messengers were by and by dispatched vnto the pope , who presently affoorded the pall and other vsuall ceremonies vnto this 〈◊〉 elect . but before newes could be brought of his confirmation , or he take possession of his new honor , he died at his house of dogmersfield in hamshire vpon christmas day , fiftéene daies ( or as other deliuer the nine and fortie ) after his election vnto canterbury . he was buried at bathe . sée more of him in bathe and wels. . hubert walter . king richard the first , surnamed cueur de lyon , being taken prisoner in his returne from the holy land , by leopold 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , at what time the sée of canterbury was yet void ; well knowing how notable a stay a good archbishoppe might be vnto the whole realme in his 〈◊〉 and hauing experience of the great wisedome and other manifold vertues of 〈◊〉 bishop of salisbury that had attended 〈◊〉 in all that long and dangerous voyage ; he vsed what 〈◊〉 he might possibly to procure him to be translated thither . this hubert was borne at a place called west derham in norfolke , and brought vp vnder raynulph de glandfeld chiefe justice of england . the first preferment he 〈◊〉 was the deamy of yorke , 〈◊〉 he was called in the 〈◊〉 yéere of king richard vnto the 〈◊〉 of salisbury , by the 〈◊〉 of baldwyn the archbishop , who loued him 〈◊〉 in his life time , and at his death trusted him with the disposition of all his goods . being yet deane of yorke , he bought certaine land of geoffry fitz geoffry in west derham where he was borne , and founded a monastery in the same for his owne soules health ( so himselfe speaketh in his foundation ) as also for the soules of his father , mother , raynulphde glandfeld , and berta his wife who brought him vp . the manner of his election vnto canterbury was this . the king writ earnestly to the couent to choose some wise , quiet , & moderate man , but refrayned to name any , in regard of the former repulses taken by him and his father . but his minde and particular desire could not be vnknowen vnto them . he signified vnto elianor his mother , to the archbishop of roan and other , what course he wished to be taken : and so wisely they handled the matter , as before any man looked for it , the monkes ( who well saw how greatly it imported the realme in that dangerous time to haue some woorthy prelate in that place ) had elected him and published suddenly their election at paules crosse , to the great contentment of the quéene and councell , and no lesse ioy of all other sorts and states of people . while his pall was fetching at rome , considering how odious baldwyn had beene to his monkes of canterbury for not beeing a monke as themselues were and in a manner all his predecessors had béene ; went to merton and there professed him selfe a monke in like maner as regmald the last archbishoppe had done . then he began to bestir him in leuiyng of money for the kings ransome . so discretly he wrought , as the cleargy aud commonalty of the whole realme did very willingly yéeld a quarter of all their reuenues for one yéere , which ( together with the plate and ornaments of churches that were fame to be sold in this extrenuty ) amounted vnto . marks , the sum required by the emperor . the king returning , made him presently lord chauncelor , chiefe justice of england , and high gouernor of all his dominions immediately vnder him . so that being already archbishop and the popes logate , he wanted no authority that was possible to be laid vpon him . neuer was there any cleargy man either before or after him of so great power , neuer any man vsed his authority more moderately . he was blamed and much enuied for taking so many offices vpon him . it is remembred that a noble man said vnto him in scorne , at what time he was made chauncellor , i haue heard of many chauncellors made bishops , but of an archbishop that would vouchsafe to stoup to the chauncellorship , till now i neuer heard of any . with in two yéers after his first promotion to these high places , the better to excuse his ambition , he made a dissembling and counterfeit shew of being desirous to leaue these temporall offices , in so much as , he dealt effectually with the king by letters to giue him leaue to resigne them , saying , that the charge of his church was worke ynough for one man , whereunto onely he would hereafter gladly dedicate himselfe . this he did , assuring him selfe in his owne conceite , that the king had no man about him so likely to manage those affaires as him selfe , and not being able to want him , would intreate him to retaine them still . it fell out otherwise then he expected : for though at first the king séemed and peraduenture was vnwilling to yéeld to this his request , yet he found it so reasonable in the end , as he could not any longer deny the same . here now this archbishop manifestly bewrayed his insatiable desire of rule and gouernment : being thus taken tardy in his owne snare ; as though his mind and determination were sodainely altered , he signified vnto the king by letters , that notwithstanding his great desire of betaking himselfe onely to spirituall matters and the manifold infirmities of his age ; he would be content to afford his labor and diligence in his other offices yet a while longer , if therein he might doo him any profitable seruice . and that the king should not think it possible to prouide himselfe elsewhere of better officers , he certified him withall , that in these two yéeres since his preferment , he had gathered for his vse . marks which he was ready to pay into his coffers , augmenting it is like the summe , and adding thereto out of his owne purse , that so he might in cleanly sort buy a-againe those honorable and gainfull offices , which his subtile dissimulation had almost lost him . setting this fault aside whereunto the greatest wits are most subiect ( i meane ambition ) he was an excellent and memorable man , a bridle ( saith on ) vnto the king , and an obstacle of tyranny , the peace and comfort of the people , & lastly a notable refuge of all both high and low against all manner of iniury and oppression . faithfull and loyall he was vnto his prince , louing aud very carefull of his countrey , in which he caused many excellent lawes to be established ; he it was that first deuised our assise of bread , our waights & measures of wine , oyle , corne , &c. uery valiant he was also and performed many great seruices in the warres , the report whereof i leaue vnto the chronicles . his house kéeping they say was such , as the expence thereof was thought to be nothing inferior vnto the kings : and yet he performed many great workes of inestimable charge . beside the monastery of derham before mentioned , he also founded another for cistercian monkes at wulferhampton , but liued not to finish the same ; he compassed the tower of london with a strong wall and a déepe moate , so as the water inclosed the same quite round , which before that time could neuer be brought to passe ; he encreased the reuenues of his sée uery much , adorned it with many sumptuous and stately buildings , and lastly procured diuers notable priuileges vnto the same , called in olde english , gled , dangeld , hidage , warpon , bloodwhite , childwhite , uillenage , &c. now notwithstanding this his great power and riches , with the monkes of canterbury he had as much to doo as other of his predecessors . by intreaty and faire meanes he indeuoured to procure their consent for the finishing of the chappell at lambhith begun by baldwin , sor without their leaue to goe about it , he knew it was to no purpose . to this end he sent vnto them the abbots of waltam , reading , and chertsey , to debate this matter with them . the very mention thereof was so odious vnto them , as by and by they made a great complaint vnto the pope not only of this , but many other things also , especially of his intermedling in ciuill affaires . hereupon the pope presently enioyned him , without farther delay to resigne all his temporall offices , which he ( how loath soeuer ) was faine to doo . as for the matter of the chappell , after it had hung long in the popes court , the parties grew to a composition , that vpon condition it were pulled downe , it should be lawfull for the archbishop to build another vpon a new foundation , to endue the same with an hundred pound a yéere reuenues and no more , and lastly to place in the same twentie canons or prebendaries . mary it was conditioned , that no bishops in any wise should be consecrate there , no abbots admitted , no orders administed , &c. after this , the rest of his daies he ended in peace . king iohn that had attempted many times to depose his brother king richard , and was alwaies hindered in those practises by the diligence faithfulnesse and wisedome of this worthy prelate , estranged him selfe a while from him , and gaue him no countenance . but finding at last how ill he might spare him , vsed his counsell , receiued intertaiment of him ( which was very royall ) at canterbury ; trusted him with the gouernment of the whole realme at his departure into normandy , and affoorded him many other gratious fauours . hauing béene archbishop twelue yéeres sauing fower moneths , he fell into a kinde of ague vpon the way as he was riding to rochester to worke an agréement betwéene the bishop and the monkes there , turned into his mannour of tenham , made his will , and lying sicke there onely fower daies departed this life . he was buried july . . in the south wall of the church beside the quier néere walter reynald , that long after succéeded him . . stephen langton . the king did so reioice at huberts death , as whē it was first reported vnto him , me thinks ( quoth he ) i am now in déede king of england . but had he knowen , either how ill he might haue missed him , or how great trouble his death would haue caused him , he would rather haue said , now i begin to loose my kingdome , and would little haue estéemed the wealth he left behind him ; which although it were bequeathed by testament , trauelling to canterbury in his owne person , he seased vpon the same and conuerted it all to his owne vse . the monkes in like sort reioyced , little knowing how great calamity hung ouer their heads , and must shortly fall vpon them by reason of his death . for they forsooth hasty and desirous to vse their priuiledge of election , as also iealous least the libertie of the same should be disturbed by any requeste of the king ; secretly at midnight , made choice of one reginald their supprior , taking an othe of him not to make his election knowen to any , till he came to the popes presence , whether he was aduised to high himselfe as fast as he might . this othe notwithstanding , as soone as he was gotten ouer the feas , he bare himselfe euery where as lord elect , not letting to shew the testimoniall of his election to who so demaunded the same . this breach of promise so inceused his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against him , as presently they determined to become futers to the king for pardon of their fault in choosing without licence , as also that now he would permit a new election , supposing the old frustrate and made void by the 〈◊〉 of the elect . they did so , and easily obtained their request , but much the rather bicause they made shew of a readinesse in satisfying the kings desire , that wished the archbishopricke vnto iohn gray bishop of norwich . he was then in the north countrey about some businesse of the kings : being sent for in all haste , at his first comming to canterbury , he was solemnely elected , and his election published in the church before the king and an infinite number of people . these two elections being presented vnto the pope , he determined to make vse of the monkes debate , and discouraging each side ( for the greater part of the monks were then at rome , some of them 〈◊〉 their old election for good , others importunately suyng to haue the later confirmed ) he practised secretly with either of them , to be cōtent to choose yet a third man that he would nominate vnto them , & that was one stephen langton a cardinall of rome ; a man in regard of many excellent gifts both of mind and body very fit for the place , and no way to be 〈◊〉 , if he had orderly obtained the same . by birth he was an english man , brought vp in the 〈◊〉 of paris , greatly esteemed by the king and all the 〈◊〉 of fraunce for his singular and rare learning , made chauncellor of paris , and lastly called thence by the pope to be a cardinall of rome . now when by faire means he could not 〈◊〉 with them ( for they feared the kings displeasure whom they knew to be a hot and violent prince ) he began to terrifie them with threatning , & what by one means or other , made them content at last to choose him : which done , the pope with his owne hands gaue him consecration at 〈◊〉 june . then well knowing how hainously the king would take this matter , he writ letters vnto him swéetned with many gentle intreaties , large praises of the new archbishop , and seasoned now and then with some touches of doubtfull threatning if he should oppose himselfe against that was then done . this notwithstanding , the king in great indignation , banished all the monkes of canterbury , seased vpon their goods and lands , and forbid stephen langton entrance into the realme . the pope hearing of this , sent his mandate vnto thrée bishops , william of london , eustach of ely , and mauger of worcester , wherein he willed them first to admonish and perswade the king to restore the monkes to their goods and places , and to giue the archbishops possession of his temporalties by a day , then if he refused so to do , to interdict the whole realme . they durst not but obey , and finding the king resolute in his determination , at the time appointed they published the popes interdiction , and as well foreséeing the great trouble to come , as the present danger , got them out of the land tegether with 〈◊〉 bishop of bathe , and gyles of hereford . the king immediately seased all their goods and temporalties into his hands , and moreouer banished all the friends and 〈◊〉 of these bishops that were likely to yéeld them any comfort or releife . during the time of this interdict , all seruice ceased throughout the realme , except onely baptisme of children , auricular confession , and the administration of the sacrament vnto such as lay vpon the point of death . the pope séeing this course preuailed not , proceeded to a particular excommunication of the king , and not long after , depriued him by sentence of all regal authority , a thing till that time in no age euer heard of . all this while the king esteemed the popes sword blunt and vnable to wound him , till at last he perceiued the french king ready to take aduantage of this sentence , and prouiding busily to inuade his dominions . his owne people also began to fall from him , and to doubt whom in conscience they ought rather to follow , their owne 〈◊〉 prince or a forreine intruder ; a strange and monstrous ignorance . séeing therefore no other remedy , he was faine to yéeld , receiued the archbishop restored the other bishops the monkes and all the rest banished vnto their goods and reueneues , and moreouer was content to resigne his crowne into the popes hands , & vpon restitution to assure him by his letters patents a yéerely pension of a thousand markes . this done , he thought all troubles at an end , when the worst of all was yet behind : for he bare himselfe so bold vpon the popes fauour ( which he had bought deerely ) as he doubted not to oppresse diuers of his nobility , with many and continuall wrongs , reuoking all former graunts of priuiledges at his pleasure vpon this point , that he had receiued his kingdome from the pope absolutely , free from all entanglement of any priuiledges deriued from the same . heereupon the barons rebelled , the archb. taking their part ; and when they doubted least they should not make their party good against the king , the pope stucke so close vnto him ; they procured lewis the french kings eldest sonne to inuade the realme . him together with the archbishop and all the barons , the pope excommunicated . this great hurly burly was appeased suddenly by the kings death , who died some say of care & sorrow , some of surfet and some say he was poysoned by a monke . his sonne henry a prince often yéeres old was receiued to the kingdome , lewis forsaken , & the barons vpon promise of obedience vnto their king , absolued by the popes legate . clergy men were debarred a while from 〈◊〉 absolution that they might compound for the same , which they were glad to do . all things being thus quieted , this our archbishop called a conuocation at dsney , wherein many things were decreed , to be seene for the most part among the principall constitutions . thither came a certaine yoong man that shewing the marks of wounds in his hands , feete , and side , professed himselfe to be no lesse man then jesus christ. he brought also two women with him , whereof one tooke vpon her to be our lady , the other mary magdalen . this counterfait christ , for his labour was woorthily crucified and forced to resemble him in the manner of his death , whose life and person he had 〈◊〉 immitated and sought to expresse . soone after he translated the bones of s. thomas becket from the place where they were first buried in the vndercraft , into a goodly sumptuous shrine . this was done woonderfull solemnly , the king and greatest part of the nobility of all the realme being present . during the time of this ceremony , all passengers from london to canterbury were allowed horsemeat at the arthbishops charge , who also caused vessels of wine to runne continually in diuers parts of the city all the day of this translation , that who so list might drinke of them . this solemnity prooued so chargeable vnto him , as neither he , nor fower of his successors were able to recouer the debt , he cast his sée and church into . he was archbishop in all two and twentie yéeres , and died july . . at his mannor of slyndon in sussex , from whence his body was conueighed to canterbury , and there buried in the chappell of saint michaell . this man was admirably learned , and writ many notable workes , the catalogue whereof is to be séene in bale . amongst the rest , it is especially to be noted , that he first diuided the bible into chapters , in such sort as we now account them . the archbishops pallace at canterbury , is said to haue béene built in a manner all by this stephen langton . moreouer , it is deliuered that he bestowed great cost in making a faire horologe in the south crosse isle of the church néere which he lieth buried , his monument being situate in a manner iust vnder the altar . . richard magnus . vvithin a fewe daies after the death of stephen langton , the monkes with the kings licence procéeded to election & made choice of one walt. de hempsham one of their own company & presented him vnto the k. who by the aduice of diuers prelates refused to allow of him . which notwithstanding , he got him to rome hoping by one meanes or other to obtaine the popes confirmation . the king hauing notize of his intent , sent thither the bishop of chester to signifie that he was a man very vnlearned and moreouer infamous for his life and conuersation , as namely , that he had gotten diuers children vpon a certaine nunne , that his father was hanged for theft , and that himselfe had deserued it by taking the part of the rebellious barons . all this would not stay the pope from giuing him confirmation , vntill the kings ambassadors had promised him a tenth of all spirituall promotions in england , to aide him in his wars against the emperor . that being assigned him , he straight way pronounced the election voide and by reason of the insufficiency of the elect , the right of nomination to be deuolued vnto him selfe ; by vertue of which title he tooke vpon him at the kings request to name vnto that see richard the chauncellor of lincolne . this richard was a man very wel learned , wise , graue , well spoken , and of good report , stout in defending the rights and liberties of the church and ( which is not altogither to be neglected ) of a goodly personage , tall , straight , and well fauoured . he was consecrate at canterbury by henry bishop of rochester , in the presence of the king and many of the nobility , june . . a little while he enioyed that honor , to wit , two yéeres or there abouts . in which time there happened a controuersie betwéene him and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 earle of kent , concerning some lands of the earle of glocester , the profits whereof the archbishop challenged as due vnto him in the minority of the earle . hubert was a man greatly fauored by the king for his long faithfull seruice vnto his father and him selfe ; namely for defending the castle of douer against lewis the french man , he made him earle of kent , and chiefe iustice of england . he had entred vpon these lands . the archbishop first complained of the wrong vnto the king , & finding no remedy at his hands excommunicated all the authors of this iniury ( the king onely excepted ) and got him to rome . the king vnderstanding thereof , dispatched messengers thither also to hinder his procéedings there what might be . the pope notwithstanding delighted much with the eloquence , grauity , and excellent behauiour of the archbishop , graunted presently all his demandes . little ioy had he of this victory : being thrée daies iourney in his way homewards , he fell sicke at the towne of saint genuna and there died in the friery , where also he was buried . it is 〈◊〉 that soone after his buriall , certaine théeues brake open his toombe and thought to haue robbed him of his 〈◊〉 rings , &c. wherein ( according to the maner of those times ) he was buried ; but that they claue so fast vnto him , as by no deuice they could take them from him . beléeue it as you list . it shall not be amisse also to note how that in the time of this archbishop , a great number of italians had possessed them selues of the best benefices of england ; which being much spited at ; certaine madde fellowes tooke vpō them by force to thresh out their corne euery where and giue it away vnto the poore , to rob and spoile them of their money and other goods . it was done so openly and so boldly , as it was manifest that some great men were at one end of that businesse . the italians after that time were not so eager vpon euglish benefices . . saint edmund . the monkes of canterbury by this time weary of contending with the king , soone after the death of the former archbishop , chose of their owne accord ralfe neuill bishop of chichester , aud chauncellor of england ; a man very wise and highly in fauour with the king , who liking well of this election , put him in possession of the temporalties by and by . the pope being requested for his approbation , chaunced to inquire of simon langton archdeacon of canterbury brother vnto stephen the archbishop , what maner of man this ralfe neuill should be , who told him , that he was a hote fellow , stout , subtile , an olde courtier and very gratious with the king ; it was much to be doubted , therefore he would set the king & him together by the eares , and cause him to deny the payment of that tribute graunted vnto him by king iohn . this was ynough ; without more adoo he willed the monkes to choose another , neuer alleaging any matter of exceptions against him . so to a second election they procéeded , and chose one iohn their subprior : he went to rome and being examined by certaine cardinals , was adiudged fit ynough for the place ; yet the pope misliked him for his age , and perswaded the good old man to forbeare to take vpon him so great a charge in his olde yéeres . he yéelded : and thereupon a third was elected , one richard blundy a studient of oxford . him also the pope refused , because forsooth he held two benefices contrary to the canons , and because it was knowen , he had borrowed a great summe of money of peter bishop of winchester , wherewith it was thought he féed well the monkes that chose him . the pope then made request vnto such of the monkes as were at rome to choose edmund treasurer of salisbury , a man very wel knowen , and indéed famous for his vertue and great learning . they neither durst deny the popes request , nor would doo any thing in the matter , till they had vnderstood the pleasure of their prince , and conferred with the rest of their brethren . he was content to take their silence for a sufficient election , and without more adoo sent him the pall into england , little thinking of any such matter . both the king and the couent liking well ynough of the man , he was consecrate at canterbury by roger bishop of london ann . . he was borne ( as some say ) at london , and baptised in the same font thomas becket his predecessor had beene . but , other affirme more probably that he was borne at abingdon in barkshire sonne vnto one edward rich a merchant : his mothers name was mabell . in their elder yéeres they forsooke each other by mutuall consent and betooke them selues to a monasticall life . edmund their sonne they caused to be brought vp in the uniuersity of oxford . hauing attained vnto reasonable perfection in the knowledge of diuinity ( whereunto his study was chiefely directed ) he applied himselfe to preaching wherein he tooke great paines , namely in the counties of oxford , glocester , and worcester , vntil such time as he was called to the treasurership of salisbury . being consecrate archbishop , he presently fell into the kings displeasure , by opposing him selfe against the mariage of elianor the kings sister with simon mountfort earle of leicester , because vponthe death of the earle marshal her first husband she had vowed chastity . to haue this vow dispensed withall , the king procured the pope to send a legate into england : his name was otto a cardinall . 〈◊〉 also this good archbishop offended , and that so grieuously , by reprehending his monstrous couetousnesse , his bribery , and extortion , as euer after he sought to worke him all the mischiefe he might . the monkes of rochester had presented vnto this archbishop one richard de 〈◊〉 demaunding of him consecration vnto the bishopricke of their church . the archbishop denied to affoord the same , knowing him to be a very vnlearned and vnsufficient man. héereupon the moonks appealed to rome , which the archbishop vnderstanding of , hasted him thither also . otto the legate endeuoured to stay him at home , and failing thereof , did his errand so well at rome , as not onely in that sute , but an other also which he had against hugh earle of arundell in an other cause of appeale , he was ouerthrowne and condemned in a thousand markes charges to his great disgrace and impouerishment . being at rome he had complained of many great abuses in england , and amongst the rest , of the long vacacy of bishoprickes the pope séemed willing to redresse these things , and namely concerning that matter , set downe this order , that if any cathedrall church continued voide aboue sixe monethes , it should be lawfull for the archbishop to conferre it where he list , as well as any smaller benefice . the procuring of this order cost him a great sum of mony : yet no sooner was his backe turned , but the pope at the kings request reuoked the same . being thus continually vexed , thwarted , and disgraced , he departed into voluntary exile , and there bewailing the misery of his countrey , spoyled and wasted by the tyranny of the pope , spent the rest of his life in continuall teares . through extreme gréefe and sorrow , or ( as some thinke ) too much 〈◊〉 , he fell first into a consumption , and after into a strange kinde of ague . whereupon he thought good to remooue from the abbey of pontiniac in fraunce ( where he had laien euer since his comming out of england ) vnto soissy , and there departed this life nouember . . eight yéeres after his first consecration . his hart and entrailes were buried at soissy , his body at pontiniac . within sixe yéeres after his death he was canonised a saint by innocentius , who appointed the foresaid day of his death for euer to be kept holy in memory of him . lewes the french king caused his body to be translated to a more honorable place then it was first laid in , and bestowed a sumptuous shryne vpon him couered with golde and siluer , and richly adorned with many precious stones . . boniface . the monks of canterbury at the instance of the king elected vnto the archbishopricke boniface , the sonne of peter earle of sauoy , and vncle vnto the quéene : a man not greatly to be commended for any thing but the nobility of his stocke , and the comelinesse of his person : for in other respects he was thought vtterly vnfit , and vnwoorthy of that place . the king therefore doubting least the pope would reiect him , caused in a manner all the bishops and abbots of england to write their letters commendatory in his behalfe , and so sent him to lyons , where he quickly obtained consecration at the popes owne hands . at his first entrance into this sée , he found the same indebted by the ouerlashing of his predecessors , to the value of . thousand marks , which he tooke for an occasion of both absenting himselfe from his charge , and also of raking money togither by all kinde of meanes . departing therefore into his owne country ; by felling of woods , making leases and other such like meanes , he made an infinite deale of money , promising to imploy the same and whatsoeuer he could saue by liuing priuately at home , in the payment of his churches debt . by the same pretence also he induced the pope to graunt him in commendam the bishopricke of ualentia in prouence and diuers other spirituall promotions . but he gaue himselfe to warring , and spent all he could make in hyring of soldiers . when therefore ( notwithstanding all these helpes ) the debt was neuer the lesse , he was glad by bribing the pope with a great summe of money , to procure of him a graunt of the profite of all spirituall preferments that should be void within his prouince for the space of seuen yéeres . the king a while spurned at this graunt , but in the end halfe for feare of the pope ( of whom he stood in great awe ) and partly by sute and intercession , he ratified and allowed of the same . hauing béene many yéeres absent , he returned into england the yéere . and tooke vpon him to visite all his prouince in some extraordinarie manner . all men knew it was rather to make mony , then for any desire of reformation , and that caused it to be taken the more odiously . he began first with his owne dioces , which he so hampered with straight & vnreasonable orders , such as he knew men would rather buy out then endure to obserue ; that euery one said the monks of canterbury were 〈◊〉 iustly rewarded for their folly in electing an vnlearned stranger , that was more fit and likely to make a souldier then an archbishop a great deale . comming then to london , he tooke a small occasion to deface the bishop there with 〈◊〉 and reprochfull spéeches ; and being resisted by the deane and chapter of paules ( who had appealed from his 〈◊〉 to the pope ) he made no more adoo but excommunicated them euery one , going the next day about the same businesse to the priory of saint bartholomewes in smythfield , he was met very honorably by the subprior and all the conent in their coapes . telling them by and by he came to visite them , one of the company answered him reuerently , he was very welcome vnto them , but they were sory he came for that purpose , wherein they must disappoint him : they knew their bishop ( whose onely office it was ) to be a very sufficient man for his place , and so long they must not entertaine the 〈◊〉 of any other . this answere ( though gentle inough ) so enraged this lusty archbishop , as not being able to containe his anger within any bounds of discretion , he ranne violently not to him that had spoken , but to the sub-prior that was next him , strucke the poore old man downe to the ground , kicked him , beate and buffeted him pitifully , tore his coape from his backe , rent it into a number of péeces , and when he had done stamped vpon it like a madde man. in this conflict it hapned the archbishop to stumble and fal backward , by meanes whereof his apparell loosening , in any perceaued a priuy coate vnder the same . his seruitors and attendants taking example of their lord , gaue much like intertainment to the rest of the monks as he had giuen to the sub-prior . by this time the londoners were vp , and taking the matter very 〈◊〉 in the behalfe of their bishop whom this iniury did originally concerne , laid such wait for the archbishop , as with much adoo he stole secretly to the thames side , and was conueied by a wherry prouided for him to lambhith . if they could 〈◊〉 met with him , they had surely hewen him into . péeces . he was no sooner come home , but he thundred out his excommunications against not onely the whole couent of saint bartholomew , but the bishop of london also , as a fauourer of theirs . they all agreeing togither , determined to send the deane of paules a graue and wise man to rome , and by the letters of certaine bishops ( they knew the pope would credite ) to aduertise him of this strange disorder . the archbishop vnderstanding heereof , followed thither apace , and entred rome with great pompe , nothing 〈◊〉 but the king and quéenes letters which he had brought , his nobility and great linage , or if all failed , his purse , should beare him out in this matter well inough . but vnderstanding how odiously it was taken by all that heard it , & how hardly the pope was informed against him ; he fell to intreatie of his aduersaries , the deane of paules and the rest , whom partly by faire promises , and partly by threates , at last he subdued and made them content to stay their complaint . that matter being so ended , he dealt earnestly with the pope to ratifie the dooings of his 〈◊〉 . the bishops of his prouince vnderstanding thereof , and knowing how great an inconuenience it would be to them and all their clergy ; they made a collection of two pence in the marke out of all spirituall promotions in the prouince to be expended in sute of lawe against the archibishop . in the meane time the king had written his letters earnestly to the pope in the archbishops behalfe , which so inchanted him with partialitie , as the bishop of london vtterly despairing of any iustice , gaue ouer the matter in the plaine field : onely thus much was obtained , that he , the chapter of paules , and the couent of s. 〈◊〉 should be absolued from their excommunication . soone after this it hapned that the archbishop ( the old malice still boyling in his brest ) taking a small aduantage , excommunicated againe the deane and chapter of paules ; the indignitie whereof so mooued all the cleargy , as they tooke order to méete at dunstable , and there laying their purses togither , gathered the sum of fower thousand markes , which they determined to bribe the pope withall , so he would deliuer them from the misery of this vnreasonable kinde of uisitation . the pope tooke their mony , and promised them faire : and the archbishoppe séeing no remedie but he must 〈◊〉 clauo pellere , by taking the same course , fedde him as well on the other side . he whose affection was euer woont to be measured according to his rewards , so diuided his fauour , as he tooke not away from the archbishoppe all authority of visiting , and yet so moderated the same with circumstances , as it was like to prooue tolerable inough . as soone then as he returned , he went forward in his visitation , wherein he dealt at the first somewhat mildly , but soone falling to his old byas , caused euery where such stirs and tumults , as it was long after called by the name of the troublous uisitation . at lincoln he fell out with the chapter there ( the sée being then voide ) about the gift of prebends and benefices which he chalenged , and had euer heretofore in the vacacy belonged vnto them . one william lupus archdeacon of lincoln especially resisted him in this matter , and appealed vnto the pope . this poore man he so vexed and hurryed with his excommunications , and all manner of molestation he could deuise , as at last he enforced him to hide himselfe and to steale secretly to rome , where he was so pitied , as the pope was entreated not only to absolue him , but to protect him from the violence of boniface , and at last to iudge the controuersie of his side . so homewards he got him with assured hope of restoring his church to her auncient priuiledge . but being worne out with continual trauel and vexation which he had indured three yéeres , vpon the way he died . now while he was abroad in the rest of his prouince , his monkes of christ church in canterbury had procured of the pope a charter of immunity from all visitation . this being tendred vnto him at saint albons , he made no more adoo , but cast it in the fire . the matter being complained of both to the pope and the king , no redresse could be found . the king durst not disgrace him for feare of offending his quéene to whom he was vncle , and the pope , partly for his kinreds sake ( that were mighty men and his néere neighbours ) partly because he was his instrument for polling of england , and brought him in much money , would hardly giue eare vnto any accusation against him . this boisterous visitation ended , he got him beyond sea , and with the money he had scraped togither in the same , hired a great number of soldiers to rescue his brother thomas , sometime earle of sauoy that was kept in prison by the citizens of 〈◊〉 , who could not indure his tyranny . in this war he had the popes buls and excommunications at commandement to assist him , of which hauing spent a great many , all his money , and no smal number of his soldiers to no purpose , with 〈◊〉 and sorrow for his losse and disgrace , home he came . toward the later end of his time he waxed more moderate , and applied himselfe in some reasonable sort to the gouernment of his church . the realme being filled with strangers of the kings blood by his mother side and their attendants , that still snatcht vp all places of preferment , especially 〈◊〉 : he was content to ioine with the rest of the bishops in a request to the king , wherein he besought him to hauc some regard of his owne countriemen , among whom he might sinde choice ynough of wise , vertuous and learned men . the king taking this speech of his in very euill part , told him he was content to do as he wished him , and because saith he , it is indéed great reason that i should fauour woorthy men of my owne nation before any vnwoorthy stranger . you and my brother aethelmar of winchester ( men vtterly vnlearned and altens , whom i haue preferred for no other respect then kinred or affinity ) shall do well to giue ouer your places ; and you shall see i will soone fill them with men you shal take no exceptions against . by this and diuers other manifest tokens perceiuing the kings mind to be alienated from him , and knowing himselfe very ill beloued of all the commous and clergic in generall , waxing weary of england , he selled his woods , let leases , forced from his tenants and others what money he could possibly ; and hauing gathered great summes by one meanes or other , caried it all with him into sauoy , whence he neuer meant to returne againe . he liued not long after his arriuall there , but deceased in the castle of saint helen , july . . after his first consecration . yeeres sixe moneths and sixteene daies , and from the time of his first election nine and twenty yeeres . he performed three notable things woorthy memory ; he payed the debt of two and twenty thousand markes that he found his sée indebted in . he built a goodly hospitall at maidstone called the new workes , and indued it with large reuenewes . ( william courtney long after translated the same into a colledge of secular priests . ) and lastly , he finished that most stately hall at canterbury with the buildings adioining , which had onely béene begun by hubert , and little or nothing continued by them that followed , but by him at last was throughly perfited . . robert kilwardby . soone after the death of boniface , the couent of canterbury by the licence of the king , elected william chillinden their supprior to succéede him . the pope tooke exceptions against him as an vnsufficient man for the place , & ex plenitudine potestatis , thrust into the same one robert kilwardby . this robert was a great clarke , and left many monuments of the same in writing behind him , an english man borne , brought vp in paris ; whence ( hauing proceeded there master of arts ) he returned and became first a frier minor , and then prouinciall of that order here . the monkes that many times opposed themselues against their kings and lawfull princes , durst not resist this intruder of the popes sending , but to preserue their right of election , were content forsooth to chose him the pope had before appointed them . he was consecrate february . . being the first sunday in lent ; at what time the prior of canterbury demanded of him the summe of markes spent in the election of william chillenden , which the pope promised the next archbishop should repay . but he loath to disburse this money , began to pick holes in the priors coate , and threatning to depriue him of his place , neuer linne sifting of him , till he had intreated his couent to abate . of the . markes . in the first yéere of his consecration , he renued the statutes made by his predecessors for his court of the arches , and contracted them briefely into fiue articles . then shortly after he visited all his prouince and both the uniuersities , in which he disputed excellently , and shewed himselfe in diuers kinds of exercise . toward the later ende of his time he made a collection for the building of a monastery for the frier minors in london . men contributed so largely thereunto , ( and he had the helpe of a certaine olde tower which yéelded him stones without charge ) as he finished the same with other mens money , & filled his own purse well beside . hauing béene archbishop about the space of sixe yéeres , he was sent for to rome by pope nicholas the third and made cardinall of hostia and bishop of portua . he resigned then his archbishopricke , and getting him into italy , with in a fewe monethes after fell sicke and died ( of poison some say ) at uiterbium , where also he was buried . . iohn peckham . the resignation of robert kilwardby once knowen , the monkes mate hast to their election , and with the kings good liking , chose robert burnell bishop of bath , at that time chauncellor of england . but the pope who had therefore promoted robert kilwardby that he might place another in his roome , such a one as he would be sure should serue his turne at all times , perceiuing him selfe preuented in the election ; thrust in ex plenitudine potestatis , in like sort as last time he had done , iohn peckham another frier . he was borne of meane parentage in susser , spent his childhood in the abbey of lewes , brought vp in oxford ( where he became a frier ) and succeeded robert kilwardby in the office of prouinctall of their order . from oxford he went to paris to study diuinity , and after a while to lyons to get some knowledge in the canon law , without the which , diuiuity was esteemed vnperfect in those daies . at lions he was chosen canon or prebendary of the cathedrall church , and by that meanes being furnished with allowance to trauaile ; for the encrease of his knowledge in the canon law , he went into italy , & visiting personally all the uniuersities of italy , came lastly to rome . his rare learning being soone percetued there , he was made by the pope auditor or chiefe iudge of his pallace , and so continued till his preferment to canterbury . he was consecrate the first sunday in lent , which fell vpon the sixt day of march . soone after his arriuall in england the pope his creator ( as he called him ) sent vnto him a mandate of making payment of . markes vpon very short warning , or else assured him to be spéedily excommunicate . it shall not be amisse to set downe the wordes of his answere to this demaund ; ecce me creastis saith he , &c. behold you haue created me : and if the creature cannot but desire naturally what perfection the creator can yéeld , how can i but resort vnto you for succour in all my oppressions & calamities . i receiued of late certaine letters horrible to sée and fearefull to heare , denouncing , that except i make payment of . marks that i became indebted vnto certaine merchants of luca at rome within the space of a moneth after michaelmas next , i was to be excommunicate with bell , booke , and candle , and that excommunication to be published in my church , &c. then ( to make short ) he declareth how his predecessor at his departure caried away all the mooueable goods belonging to the sée , that boniface had left all his houses very ruinous , that the king had taken vp before hand , one yéeres profitte of his lands that in the meane space he was faine himselfe to liue vpon credit , and that to borow to serue his necessary vses ( the realme being so exhaust with contiuuall payments ) it was excéeding hard . in regard héereof , he besought him ( whom onely in truth the matter concerned , though merchants of luca bore the name of this debt ) to order the matter so , as he might be allowed a yéeres day of paiment , which at last with much adoo was granted him by the sute of robert kilwardby his predecessor , who died ( as before is rehearsed ) soone after . the new archbishop then became a suter vnto the pope , that he would cause to be restored vnto his church fiue thousand markes , the value whereof , the said robert had caried away with him of the goods belonging to his sée . this he was so far from obtaining , as by and by the pope began to call vpon him againe very hastily for the fower thousand marks aboue mentioned , and so made him glad to hold his peace for that time , and yet to pay the money at his day . in the first yéere of his consecration he sommoned a conuocation at lambhith , at what time the archbishop of yorke comming to london , caused his crosse to be borne before him within the prouince of canterbury which the archbishop of canterbury tooke to be a great wrong vnto him and his sée . it had béene often in question heretofore whether it might be done or no , and much adoo there had béene about it . therefore to redresse this abuse quickly and good cheape , our frier deuised this course to be taken . he caused proclamations to be made in all places where he vnderstood the other archbishop meant to passe , in which he commaunded all men vnder paine of excommunication to affoord no manner of intertainment , no not so much as bread , or drinke , vnto him or any of his company , so long as he bare vp his crosse in that manner . so except he and his traine should starue , downe must the crosse there was no remedy . the conuocation ended , he began a generall visitation of his whole prouince , and being desirous to know the state of euery dioces , went him selfe in person to most of them , vsing great lenity and gentlenesse euery where . for he was a man though very stately both in his gesture , gate , words , and all outward shew , yet of an excéeding méeke , farile and liberall mind . he tooke great paines in labouring a peace betwéene king edward the first , and leolin prince of wales , vnto whom he went in person , and trauailed long with him , but altogether in vaine . he bare a very hard hand vpon the jewes , whose sinagogues he commaunded to be pulled downe to the ground throughout his prouince . but the king was a meanes to stay the execution of that commandement so farre foorth , as he would haue one church allowed vnto them , in the city in which with certaine restraints they should practise their ceremonies . unto double beneficed men and non residents he was very hard . diuers elected vnto bishopricks he reiected , hauing no other exception against them . many he compelled to reforme themselues according to the canons in that behalfe , and some that refused to be conformable , he finally depriued . abultery he was woont to punish very seuerely . he persecuted a bishop terribly ( his name is not deliuered ) for keeping a concubine . one roger ham a priest , he enioyned to thrée yéeres penance for fornication , enioyining him to spend all that time in fasting , prayer , and pilgrimages to rome , compostella , and colon , and moreouer sequestred the fruites of his benefice during those thrée yéeres , appointing them to be giuen vnto the poore . neither 〈◊〉 he thus with men of his owne coate onely . there was a certaine knight of 〈◊〉 called sir osborn gifford : he had stollen two nunnes out of the nunry of wilton : which comming to the archbishops eares , he first excommunicated him , and after absolued vpon these conditions ; first that he should neuer after come within any nunry , or in the company of a nunne ; then , that thrée sundaies together he should be whipped in the parish church of wilton , so likewise in the market and church of shaftsbury thrée other daies , that he should fast a certaine number of moneths , that he should not weare any shirt in thrée yéeres , and lastly that he should not any more take vpon him the habite or title of a knight , but weare apparrell of a russet colour , vntill he had spent thrée yéers in the holy land . all this he sware should be performed before he might haue absolution . if some of our gentlemen were now and then thus serued , they would not be so wanton as they are . thirtéene yéeres and almost a halfe this man continued archbishop holding all this while his prebend he had first at lyons , which when diuers begged of him , he would answere , that he might not in any wise spare it ; for hée looked euery day when being drouen out of england by the king ( against whom indéede he often very boldly opposed him selfe ) he should haue no other home to take to . for the same cause belike it was annexed vnto the sée of canterbury . many succéeding archbishops enioyed the same a long time after . he 〈◊〉 very rich , and yet in his life time , founded at wingham a colledge valued when it was suppressed at fower score and fower pounds of yéerely reuenues , and aduanced diuers of his kinred to great possessions , whose posterity haue continued in the state of knightsand esquiers euen vntill our time . he was buried in his owne church , but in what particular place i find not . . robert winchelsey . vvhat countreyman robert winchelsey should be , no man deliuereth : but it is certaine he first went to schoole at canterbury , where he was so admired for his towardlinesse , and loued for his gentle and modest behauiour ( being also a very welfauoured childe ) as euery man would take vpon him , euen then to prophecie that he should one day be archbish. of canterbury . being ripe for the uniuersity , he was sent to paris . there he procéeded master of art , and before his departure thence was chosen rector of that uniuersity . hauing passed through that office ( which séemeth to be annuall ) with great commendation of integrity and wisedome , he returned into england , and comming to oxford , gaue such proofe there of his excellent knowledge in all good learning by preaching , disputing , &c. as they thought good to honour him with the degrée of a doctor , and shortly after made him chauncellor of their uniuersity . his gouernment there was such , as all men easily discerned him fit for a much higher place . he made many good and profitable statutes , and tooke away diuers fond and pernicious customes , to the great honor of the uniuersity , and no lesse aduauncement of good learning . his first spirituall promotion was a prebend in paules church and the archdeaconry of esser . his archdeacoury he visited himselfe in person duly euery yeere , and did reside vpon his prebend , preaching in that cathedral church or some other place almost euery day . by reason hereof & his manifold good parts , he grew so famous , as peckham being dead , he was straightway pointed out by the expectation of all men vnto the archbishopricke . the monkes therefore chose him with the kings very good liking & great applause of all men . it was his chāce to come to rome while coelestious was pope , a good & vertuous man , but so simple , as boniface that succéeded him could perswade him by counterfeiting the voice of an angell through a trunke in the night , to resigne his papacy and become an heremite againe , as before his election he had beene . not onely this simple heremite , but euen all the prelates and cardinals there were amased at his woonderfull rare learning , the like whereof ( especially to be ioined with such discretion and wisedome ) they well assured themselues was no where to be found . they were desirous therefore to haue made him a cardinall so to haue retained him amongst them : but he yéelding many reasons why he might not be spared at home , obtained at last consecration and hasted him vnto his charge . upon the day of his inthronization , it is said he consecrated bishop of landaffe one iohn monemouth doctor of diuinity , and bestowed twenty benefices , ten of very good value vpon ten doctors , and ten lesse vpon ten batchelers of diuinity . the sée being yet voide , the king had caused a conuocation to be summoned , in which he required one halfe of all ecclesiasticall reueneues for one yéere toward the charge of his wars . this intollerable exaction the cleargy not intending to yéeld vnto , sent the deane of paules william de montfort with diuers other prelates vnto the king to craue pardon , and to shew how hard it were for them to yéeld to this demaund . being admitted vnto his presence , the deane began his spéech , and after a few words fell downe suddenly starke dead . herewith the king nothing mooued , sent a knight the next day vnto the conuocation to know whether any of them durst withstand the king in this demaund : if there be any such ( quoth he ) let him come foorth that i may take order with him as a disturber of the kings peace . so no man daring to gainesay it , the graunt passed for good . the archbishop now comming home soone after , called another synode , wherein his cleargy complained much of the last exaction . the archbishop told them it was more thē they could 〈◊〉 that they had done , for that in the late councell of lyons it was decréed , no cleargy man should pay any thing to any temporall magistrate without the popes licence : that therefore they now set downe for a canon to be kept hereafter inuiolably . at that time the king that had had so liberall allowance very lately , demaunded nothing . but within a yéere or two after hauing spent an infinite deale of money in the conquest of scotland , he summoned a parliament at berwicke , wherein when the temporalty contributed liberally toward the charge of that warre , the cleargy alleaging the foresaid canon , would graunt no thing . the king would not take this for payment : and therefore presently he tooke order , that all barnes of cleargy men should be locked vp : he also made proclamation that from that time forward , all cleargy men were excluded from vnder his protection , so that hereafter it should be lawfull for any man to sue them , but they might not commence sute against any other . this constrained them to yéeld , and all submitted themselues to allowance of such a proportion as the king liked ( it was a fift part of their reuenewes ) except onely the archv. who would make no other answere vnto the king but this , vnder god our vniuersall lord , saith he , we haue two other lords , a spirituall lord the pope , and a temporall lord the king , and though we be to obey both , yet rather the spirituall lord then the temporall . when therefore he sawe all the rest inclined to yéeld , vsing no other words then this , saluet 〈◊〉 animam suam , he rose vp and suddenly departed . for this contumacy the king caused all his goods to be seased into his hands , and made shew of greater displeasure . shortly after , notwithstanding being to make warre in fraunce , before his departure he thought good to receiue the archbishop to fauour againe , but this grace indured for a very little while . presently vpon his returne , he laid diuers treasons to his charge , as that he had dehorted his subjects in his absence from payment of their subsidies , that he had conspired with diuers of his nobility to depriue him of his kingdome , and to crowne his sonne edward , &c. whether the archbishop were guilty of all the crimes obiected against him or no , i cannot tell . but certaine it is , that as guilty , he submitted himselfe to the kings mercy , and besought him for the same in most humble manner , or rather in déede deiected himselfe more basely , and lamented his cause more passionately then became a man that were guiltlesse , much lesse a prelate that would be esteemed , graue , learned or wise . notwithstanding this his submission , the king commenced a complaint against him at rome , banished him the realme , and seased vpon all his goods , mooueable and vnmooueable , forbidding all his subiects vpon great paine to foster him or yéeld him any manner of intertainment . he was in that case he must haue starued for want of sustenance , had not the monkes of canterbury secretly taken him in and aduentured to yéeld him things necessary , till they found meanes to shift him beyond sea ; which the king afterwards vnderstanding , seased vpon all their goods and lands , turned them all euen fowerscore monks a begging , forbid all men to harbour them , and kept them in that miserable state , till after a certaine space he was content to restore them againe . these were the violent courses were taken by princes in those daies : how happy are we that in all peace , liberty and assurance , quietly enioy our owne without great desert to the contrary ? two yéeres the archbishop continued in exile : in which time the king ( edward the first ) died , and his sonne edward the second that was to succeed , thinking it conuenient belike at his first entrance to shew all examples of clemency , called him home by letters , and restored him to all his goods , euen euery peny of that which had béene receiued of his temporalties in his absence . hereby it came to passe that he was the richest archbishop of many that were , either before or after him , so that his trouble turned him to great good . in regard whereof , he was woont to say ( nihil nocebit aduersitas vbi nulla iniquitas dominatur ) so often as he talked of his trouble and banishment . he was no sooner come home but a new danger encountred him occasioned by his owne woonted boldnesse . the yoong king by the counsell of piers gaueston ( a wanton and vicious man , banished into ireland by king edward the first for corrupting his sonne ) had committed the bishop of couentry to ward at yorke : a conuocation being gathered , the archbishop would not suffer any matter to be debated in the house till the bishop were set at liberty . this the king was content to beare with all at that time , & afterward he so behaued himselfe , as there neuer grew any dislike betwéene them . so the rest of his age after his returne from banishment ( which was sixe yéeres ) he passed in quietnes and great prosperity , and died at last at oxford , may . . hauing béene archbishop about the space of ninetéene yéeres . he was a stout prelate and a seuere punisher of sinne . he opposed himselfe against piers gaueston , the spensers , and other corrupters of the yoong king very boldly . he enforced iohn warren earle of surrey to sorsweare the company of a certaine beautifull harlot , with the loue of whom he was greatly bewitched . and afterwards when notwithstanding his oath he returned to her company againe and got children vpon her , he accused him to the conuocation of adultery and periury both , and at last made him to leaue her . such preferments as fell to his disposition , he euer bestowed vpon men of excellent learning , despising letters and requests of noble men , which he estéemed not a rush . many poore schollers he maintained at the uniuersities with liberall exhibition , and vnto all kind of poore people was excéeding bountiful , insomuch as therin i thinke he excelled all the archbishops that euer were , either before him or after him . beside the daily fragments of his house , he gaue euery friday and sunday vnto euery begger that came to his doore a loase of bread of a farthing price ( which no doubt was bigger then our peny-loafe now . ) and there were vsually euery such almes day in time of dearth to the number of . but in a plentifull . and seldome or neuer vnder , which commumbus annis amounted vnto . pound a yéere . ouer and aboue this , he vsed to giue euery great festiuall day . pence to so many poore people , to send daily meate , drinke and bread vnto such as by reason of age or sicknes were not able to fetch almes at his gate , & to send money , meate , apparel &c. to such as he thought wanted the same , and were ashamed to begge . but of all other , he was woont to take greatest compassion vpon those that by any misfortune were decaied and had fallen from wealth to poorer estate . for these and other vertues , the common people would needes estéeme him a saint , and frequented much the place of his buriall : therefore his tombe ( which was situate beside the altar of s , gregory néere the south wall ) was afterwards pulled downe . his bookes , apparell , and other mooueables ( which were but of very small value ) he gaue all such as they were vnto his church of canterbury . of all the archbishops that possessed this sée before this man , ( which were . there was neuer any two that had one christian name . . walter raynolds . robert winchelsey being dead , the monks of canterbury elected for his successour one thomas cobham that was deane of salisbury , and prebendary of yorke , a man of such vertue and learning , as he was commonly called by the name of the good clerke . the king ( edward the second ) was desirous to preferre vnto that place walter raynolds bishop of worcester ; whom he fauoured singularly for his assured fidelity and great wisedome . before therefore that the saide thomas cobham could get away to rome , the king vnderstanding of his election , sent thither in all post haste , earnestly requesting the pope to finde meanes that this walter might be made archbishop . he glad of such an occasion to exercise the vtmost of his vsurped authority , without any more adoo , thrust in the said walter raynolds into that sée , pretending , that he had reserued the gift of the archbishoprick for that time vnto himselfe before it fell . cobham a while stoode vpon the right of his election , but perceauing to how little purpose it was to stirre with so mighty aduersaries as the pope and the king both at once , was content to accept of the bishopricke of worcester which the other left . this walter had béene a courtier a long time , chapleyne first vnto edward the first , and parson of wimberton , then by edward the second ( whose schoolemaster some say he was ) made treasurer and chauncellour of england , and preferred to the bishopricke of worcester the yéere . the buls of his translation were published in bowe church ianuary . . he receaued his pall febr. . following , and was installed with great pompe and solemnity april . in the presence of the king the quéene and many nobles . the first thing he did after his comming to canterbury , was to take order by giuing pensions and diuers sums of money at rome , that appeales made from him to the court there should finde no fauourable intertainment . he precured also eight seuerall buls , containing so many great and extraordinarie priuileges . the first gauc him authority of visiting all his prouince , so as he should haue procurations euery where , and yet his charges borne ; the second to visite monasteries and all other exempt places ; the third to absolue and restore to their former state two hundred cleargy men that had incurred irregularitie ; the fourth to dispense with the minoritie of a hundred clearks , and enable them to take spirituall liuings ; the fifth to absolue a hundred of such as by striking any cleargy man had fallen into the danger of excommunication ; the sixt , to grant forty pluralities ; the seuenth , to require the gift of any one dignitie or spirituall promotion in any church or college where he should visite ; the eight , to grant pardon of a hundred daies in any place where he should visite , preach , giue almes , or kéepe hospitality . being thus armed , he perfourmed his visitation , trauailing himselfe in the same till by the barons wars he was hindered , and sent for vnto the court by the king . that warre being ended , and execution done vpon diuers of the nobles that had rebelled : adam tarlton bishop of hereford was apprehended and brought to the barre to be arraigned for the like fault . all the bishops of england almost were then at london . the archbishops of canterbury , yorke , and dublin hearing of it , in great haste hied them thither , and hauing their crosses borne before them , entred the court , by violence tooke the prisoner from the barre , and carried him away with them . much adoo there was about this matter a good while : & the stir was not quight ended when the quéene rising against her husband , and setting vp her sonne to 〈◊〉 the kingdome , at last procured him to be deposed . this our archb. then shewed himselfe a very weake man : he was content a while outwardly to stand with the king ( as beside the common duty of a subiect , he was bound to do by benefites receaued infinite ) but first vnderhand he aided the queene with great sums of money , and at last vtterly for sooke him , his lawfull prince , his master , his patron that had aduaunced him by so many degrées vnto an estate so honorable . it pleased god , that 〈◊〉 timorousnesse should be his destruction : by the quéene aforesaid ( of whom he stood so greatly in awe ) he was commanded to consecrate one iames barkley elected bishop of excester . he did so , but for his labor was so threatned , taunted , and reuiled by the pope , that saide he had reserued the gift of that bishoprick vnto himselfe , as for griefe and anger togither he died , when he had sate archbishop . yéeres , . moneths , and thrée wéekes . he was buried in the south wall of christs church in canterbury néere the quier , where his tombe is yet to be seene , with an inscription which i haue read long since , but i thinke is now defaced . this man was but meanly learned , yet very wise & of good gouernment , except when for feare and want of courage he neglected his dutie . he gaue vnto his couent the manour of caldcote , and the wood of thorlehot . . simon mepham . simon mepham doctor of diuinitie , canon of chichester , prebendary of landaff , and parson of tunstall , a kentish man borne , one very well learned ( as learning went in those daies ) was then elected by the monks , approoued by the king , and affoorded consecration by the pope at auinion the yéere . the first thing he did at his returne home was , that he excommunicated all the authors of the death of walter stapleton bishop of excester , as they had well deserued . soone after , he began to wrangle with his monks of canterbury about certaine land : they complained them vnto the pope , who sent a nuncio to canterbury to heare and determine of this controuersie . he condemned the archbishop in seuen hundred pound charges . after this , he began to visite his prouince in like sort as his predecessors had done before him . the bishop of excester iohn graundson resisted him ( for what cause i finde not ) appealed to rome , and would not suffer him so much as to enter into his cathedrall church , much lesse to visite in the same . these two repulses he tooke so tenderly , as being yet scarcely returned home , he fell sicke and died , october . . at magfield . his body was conueighed to canterbury , and laid in a marble fombe vpon the north side of saint anselmes chappell . he sate archbishop fiue yéeres and somewhat more . . iohn stratford . the pope ( who now tooke vpon him to dispose of all bishoprickes at his pleasure ) was content at the kings request to nominate vnto canterbury . ( uoid by the death of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ) iohn stratford bishop of winchester . this iohn stratford hauing long and to good purpose studied the canon and ciuill law , was called to the archdeaconry of lincolne . being famous for his learning and good gouernment of that iurisdiction , walter the archbishop made him his principall officiall and deane of the arches , and king edward the second shortly after that appointed him secretary , and so one of his priuy counsell . it chaunced he was embassadour vnto the pope at what time the bishop of winchester died ; and he at the request of walter the archbishop bestowed that bishopricke vpon this iohn stratford then present with him . this was done without the kings priuity , who desired to haue preferred vnto that place robert baldock his chauncellor . therefore taking it very ill , that either the one should giue , or the other dare to take it without his knowledge ; he was content to giue eare vnto robert baldock who plotted many deuises , a while how to kéepe him from it , and after how to make him weary of it . he was consecrate vpon the sunday called then 〈◊〉 tribulat . iustorū , which he thought boaded vnto him , how in the whole course of his life he should find nothing but continuall trouble . it fell out according to that ominous prediction . neuer i thinke any archb. either before or after him , giuing so little cause , & dooing his indeuour to please , was more encombred with vndeserued and often crosses . he had no sooner set foote into this bishopricke of winchester , but the king ( who at that time was altogether ruled by the said robert baldock ) caused all his goods to be seased , and his liuings to be sequestred to his vse . moreouer , he caused him to be summoned by certaine strange kind of writs to appeare i know not where ; and when for feare he was faine to hide himselfe , proclamation was made that no man should dare to harbor him , or giue him any kind of entertainment by meate , lodging , or otherwise . hauing endured these miseries the space of a yéere , he intreated the archbishop to be an intercessor vnto the king for him ; who relating vnto him how dishonorable a thing it was for him to persecute a true subiect so terribly , both for an other mans fault , and an other mans pleasure too ; he was soone woonne to receiue the poore bishop to his grace , and laid all the blame of that iniury vpon robert baldock . being thus restored , he grew dayly more and more into the kings fauour , whom he serued both diligently and faithfully to the last hower . when all other forsooke him , euen walter the archbishop of whom he had deserued so notably ; this good bishop would neuer be allured vnto the contrary part by any meanes ; in so much as , the quéene and roger mortimer began to deuise how they might make him away . this he being certified of , hid him selfe , and was faine so to hold him selfe close a long time . in the ende , the king being dead , and all his fauourites or partakers either executed , or otherwise consumed ; the quéene and her sonne king edward the third , wel knowing they had nothing to lay against this man , but that he was true and loyall to his prince , they were content not onely to receiue him to their fauour , but also to make him lord chauncellor of england . simon mepham the archbishop being then dead soone after , the king was also content to write earnestly vnto the pope to preferre him vnto that sée of canterbury . he did so ( as before i haue said . ) and the monkes thinking it good to make a vertue of necessity , they forsooth elected him also . about this time it hapened that king edward the third began to lay claime vnto the crowne of fraunce , and passing the seas with a great power to iustifie his claime ; he thought good to commit the gouernment of the realme here at home vnto the archbishop . he beside other generall promises of faithfulnes diligence , &c. in the charge deliuered vnto him , assured the king he should want no money to expend in this exploit ; whereunto all kind of people shewed them selues so willing to yéelde what helpe they possibly might , as he tooke vpon him to discerne , the king might commaund of them what he list . he was not deceiued in this coniecture : for no sooner was the king ouer the seas , but infinite summes of money were collected with the very good liking of all people . this money ( which all men thought would haue maintained the charge of that warre two or thrée yéeres , the king being yoong and so easie to be either mistaken or deceiued ) was spent in lesse then one yeere . the archbishop meruelling thereat , 〈◊〉 the king by letters , to remooue from him such as had had the disposing of his treasure , for that without imbesilling and falsehood it was impossible so much money should be so soone consumed . the king on the other side , he put the archbishop in minde of his promise , and called vpon him continually for more money . he well knowing how hard it would be to collect any reasonable summe so soone after so liberall contribution as had béene lately yéelded ; fell to perswading the king to accept reasonable conditions , which he heard the french king had offred him and to come home . the king either was or seemed to be excéeding angry with this motion : yet knowing there was no remedy but he must get him home , his money being now spent , and his credite amongst the vsurers stretched to the highest pinne ; he tolde his souldiers on the one side that the archbishop had betraied him vnto the french king , who no doubt had hired him to detaine their pay in his hands ; and on the other side made his creditors beleeue that the archbishop had taken vpon him the discharge of all his debt , as hauing now gathered money sufficient for that purpose . so the discontentment of these people being either alaied , or cast vpon the archbishop , it was deuised that for the farther countenance of this plot , the king should step ouer into england sodainly , and cast into prison the archbishop , togither with the bishop of chichester the chauncelour , and the bishop of lichfield the treasurer . to london he came secretly in a night , caught the two bishops and sent them to the tower ; but the archbishop by meere chance was gone from lambhith elsewhether the day before , and hauing some inkling afterwards of that was meant vnto him , got him to canterbury and there stood vpon his guard . a knight was sent vnto him to require him to make present paiment of a certaine huge sum of mony which the king said he had taken vp of outlandish merchants vpon his ( the archbi . ) credit , or else to get him ouer the seas immediately vnto them , and to yéeld them his body till the debt were satisfied , for that so the king had vndertaken he should , being animated thereunto by his owne promise . soone after , there came certaine messengers from the duke of brabant desiring to speake with the archbishop , and when he refused to conferre with them , cited him by writings to make payment of certaine great summes of money , which they alleaged he ought to the duke for money the king of england had receaued . this citation they fixed vpon the high crosse at canterbury with many ceremonies . now the archbishop perceauing what a terrible tempest was growing toward him , ( for he was charged not onely with the debt of many thousand pounds more then euer he should be able to make , but with horrible treason , that might not onely take away his life , but make him odious in his life time , and infamous for euer with all posterity . ) he wrote many letters vnto the king , wherein he purged himselfe most cléerely of whatsoeuer was obiected , and prayed him not to commaund his repaire vnto his presence , vntil a parliament were assembled , wherein , if he were to be charged with any crime , he vowed to offer himselfe vnto iustice . understanding then that the king had written diuers discourses against him vnto the bishop of london , the couent of canterbury and others , to the intent they might be publike ; for defence of his credit , he thought it requisite to make his apology in the pulpit , which he did , taking this for his text , non pertinuit principem , & potentia nemo vieit illum , &c. eccles. . at last a parliament was summoned , whereunto vpon safe conduct he came . he was not suffered to come into the parliament house before he had answered to certaine crimes obiected against him in the court of the exchequer . he went thither and receiuing a copy of the articles promised to make answere vnto them . the next day comming againe vnto the parliament , he was once more forbidden entrance . a great number of people flocking about him in the meane time , he told them how he had béene summoned to the parliament , whereof he was a principall member , and now being come , was kept out by violence . but saith he ( taking his crosse into his owne hand ) i will not hence till i either be suffered to come in , or heare some cause alleaged why i should not . while he stoode there , some of the company began to reuile him and to tell him he had betraied the realme , &c. unto whom he answered thus , the curse of almighty god ( quoth he ) of his blessed mother and mine also , be vpon the heads of them that informe the king so , amen , amen . in the meane time certaine noble men chaunced to come out , whom he besought to request the king in his behalfe . by their meanes he was at last admitted , and being charged with diuers hainous crimes , offered to purge himselfe of them , and if they might be prooued to submit himselfe vnto iustice . twelue men were chosen to examine this matter , viz. fower prelates , the bishops , of london , bathe , hereford and exceter ; fower earles , arundell , salisbury , huntington and suffolke , and lastly , fower barons , henry percy , thomas wake , ralfe basset , and ralfe 〈◊〉 . all this was but to make the archbishop odious with the common people : a fault was committed ; and the king willing the blame therof should lie any where rather then vpon himselfe , made al this ado to bleere the peoples eies . the matter neuer came to the hearing of these nobles : but was so handled , that the archbishop vpon great sute and intreaty of in a maner the whole parliament , must be pardoned all that was past , and receiued to fauour againe . after this , he liued certaine yeeres quietly . hauing beene archbishop about fiftéene yeeres , he fell sicke at magfield , and making his will ( wherein he gaue all he had vnto his seruants ) died there . he was buried in a goodly tombe of alabaster on the south side of the high altar beside the steps of saint dunstanes altar . he was a very gentle and mercifull man , rather to 〈◊〉 then any way rigorous vnto offenders . his manner was thrise euery day to giue almes to thirtéene poore people ; in the morning pence a péece ; at nine a clocke , bread , meate and pottage , and at noone againe euery one a loafe and a peny . he gaue vnto his church of canterbury a very sumptuous miter and certaine bookes . he assigned also vnto the same a pension of fiue pound out of the parsonages of boughton and preston appropriated vnto the abbey of feuersham : and some deliuer that he founded a colledge at stratford vpon auon where he was borne . . iohn vfford . the pope at this time had so farre incroched vpon vs here in england , as he would seldome or neuer suffer any orderly election to take place , but bestow all bishoprickes where it pleased him . the king ( edward the third ) much discontented herewith , writ vnto him , very earnestly praying him to forbeare his prouisions and reseruations whereby he robbed patrones of their right and chapters of their elections : telling him , that the disposition of bishoprickes belonged of old vnto the king onely , that his progenitors at the sute of diuers popes had giuen that their authority vnto chapters , which if they vsed not , he assured himselfe it deuolued againe vnto the first graunter , which was the king . the copy of this letter is to be seene in thomas 〈◊〉 , and many other . after the receit of this letter , the pope would seldome or neuer take vpon to giue any bishopricke , but vnto such as the king made request for . but so , betwéene the king and the pope , elections were altogither deluded and made frustrate . and therefore simon mepham being dead , whereas the couent made choice of one thomas bradwardin to succéede him , the king writing somewhat earnestly to the pope in fauour of iohn vfford , he was by and by pronounced archbishop by the popes oracle and the other vtterly reiected . this iohn vfford was sonne vnto the earle of suffolke , brought vp in cambridge and made doctor of law there , promoted first vnto the deanry of lincolne , then to the chauncellorship of england , and lastly the archbishopricke . he neuer receiued either his pall , or consecration : hauing expected the same the space of sixe moneths , he died in the time of that great plague that consumed halfe the men of england , iune . . his body without any pomp or woonted solemnity , was caried to canterbury , and there secretly buried by the north wall beside the wall of thomas becket , at that place ( if i mistake not ) where we sée an olde woodden toombe néere to the toombe of bishop warham . this man began to build the archbishops pallace at maidstone , but died before he could bring it to any perfection . . thomas bradwardin . thomas bradwardin ( of whom somewhat is said before ) was borne at hartfield in sussex , and brought vp in the uniuersity of oxford , where hauing trauayled along time in the study of good learning , he procéeded doctor of diuinity . he was a good mathematician , a great philosopher and an excellent diuinc , as diuers workes of his not yet perished doo testifie . but aboue all he is especially to be commended for his sinceryty of life and conuersation . iohn stratford the archbishoppe in regard of these vertues commended him vnto that noble prince king edward the third for his confessor . in that office he behaued him selfe so , as he deserueth eternal memory for the same . he was woont to reprehend the king with great boldnesse for such things as he sawe amisse in him . in that long and painfull warre which the king had in fraunce , he neuer would be from him , but admonished him often secretly and all his army in learned and most cloquent sermons publikely , to take heede they wared not proud and insolent because of the manifold victories god had sent them ; but to be thankefull vnto him for them , and to haue a care to vse them moderately . some there be that haue not doubted to ascribe that notable conquest rather to the vertue and holinesse of this man , then to any other meanes either of prowesse or wisedome in other instruments of the same . this man that might haue obtained of the king any preferment he would haue craued , was so 〈◊〉 from ambitious desire of promotion , as it was long besore he could be perswaded to take a prebend of lincolne , when it was offred him being before that chauncelor of paules in london . it is certaine also , that he was elected vnto the archbishopricke without his owne séeking , & might easily haue made the king for him if he had indeuoured it . when some men maruailed that the king should refuse him , and preferre any other before him , he answered he could very ill spare him , & he perceiued not he was desirous to be spard . iohn vfford being sodainly taken away as before is declared , the couent of canterbury once more chose him , the king very willingly allowed of their choice , and the pope hauing not yet heard of this their second election of his owne accord before any request made cast vpon him this dignity . hardly shal you find any archbishop in any age to haue attained his place in better sort . he was consecrate at auinion by one bertrand a cardinal in the church of the frier minors there . that ceremony once perfourmed , he hasted him home into england , where first doing his duety to the king , he receiued of him immediately his temporalties with all fauour . from the court he departed to lambhith to rest himselfe after his long iourney . lying there a while with the bishop of rochester , he fell sicke , and within fiue weekes and fower daies after his consecration died , so that he was neuer inthronized at all . he was buried in the chappell of saint anselme toward the south wall . . simon islip . simon islip being doctor of law became canon of paules , then deane of the arches , after that was chosen to be of the priuy counsell of king edward the third , first in the place of secretary , and then kéeper of the priuy seale . iohn stratford lying vpon his death bed , foretold he should be archbishoppe . it came to passe , within two yéeres after his death , though two other were serued before him . the monkes with the kings very good liking chose him , and the pope would not refuse him : yet being loath to ratifie the monkes election , he reiected the same , and ex 〈◊〉 potestatis bestowed the archbishopricke vpon him . his bulles were published in bowe church , october . . and in the moneth of december following he was consecrate by the bishop of london in paules church . he was inthronized secretly to saue charge . for he was a very frugal and sparing man , neuer estéeming pompe or outward brauery . he was also very seuere . when he first visited his owne dioces , he depriued many cleargy men of their liuings . he passed thorough the diocesses of kochester and chichester without kéeping any great adoo : so that euery one made account he was content to winke at the faults he espied . but they found it otherwise : for he afterward called home vnto him the offenders , and there dealt so with them , as all men might assure themselues he would prooue a very austere man in his gouernment . iohn synwall bishop of lincolne , standing in doubt of this asperity of his , with great cost procured a priuiledge from rome to exempt himselfe from his authority and iurisdiction but the archbishop caused the same afterward to be reuoked . the uniuersity of oxford had presented vnto him the said bish. of lincoln ( vnto whose iurisdiction oxford then appertained ) one william palmor●● for their chauncellour and prayed him to admit him . the bishop ( i know not for what cause ) delayed his admission from time to time , and enforced the uniuersity to complaine of this hard dealing vnto the archbishop . he presently set downe a day wherein he enioined the bishop to admit this chauncellor , or else to render a reason of his refusall . at that time appointed the proctors of the uniuersity were ready together with this william . palmo●●e to demaund admission : and when the bishop of lincolne came not ( trusting belike to his priuiledge aforesaid ) the archbishop caused his chauncellor iohn carlton deane of wels to admit him , write to the uniuersity to receiue him , and cited the bishop to answere before him for his contempt . he appealed to the pope , would not come , and for his contumacy was interdicted . much money was spent in this sute after wards at rome . the ende was , that the archbishop preuailed , and the others priueledge was by speciall order of the pope reuoked , who also graunted vnto the uniuersity at the same time that the chauncellor hereafter should onely be elected by the schollers them selues , and so presently authorised to gouerne them without the admission of any other . this conquest thus atchiued , he entred yet into another combate in the same land , i meane at rome . he serued andrew vfford archbishop of middlesex the administrator of iohn vfford his predecessor for delapidations and recouered of him . l. fiftéene shillings two pence halpeny farthing , that money he imployed in repairing the pallace at canterbury . he pulled downe the manner house at wrotham and imploied the stones and timber of the same in ending the building that iohn vfford his predecessor aforesaid had begun at maidstone . toward this and other charges he obtained of the pope leaue to craue a contribution of foure pence out of euery marke from all the cleargy of his prouince . but his officers ( whether of purpose , or peraduenture mistaking ) demaunded and had a whole tenth . all this was within a yéere or two of his first comming to the archbishopricke ; at which time also in a parliament held at westminster : the yéere . the old controuersie betwéen him and the archbishop of yorke , about bearing vp his crosse in the prouince of canterburybegan to be renewed , was compromitted vnto the hearing and iudgement of the king , who set downe a finall order for the same , viz. that the archbishop of yorke should beare his crosse in the others prouince yéelding all preeminence otherwise vnto canterbury , but that in token of subiection euery archbishop at his entrance should offer an image of gold to the value of forty pound , at the shrine of saint thomas , the same to be sent by some knight or doctor of the law within the space of two monethes after his inthronization . amongst the rest of his actions , i may not in any wise forget his colledge of canterbury , ( which is now become a parcell of christ church in oxford ) . he built it , and endowed it with good possessions , appropriating vnto the same the parsonages of pagham and magfield . he graunted also vnto the couent of canterbury the churches of monkton and estrey . it is worthy remembrance likewise , that when a certaine countesse of kent after the earle her husbands death had prosessed her selfe a nunne , 〈◊〉 hauing liued so certaine yéeres , suddenly married a certaine knight named eustace abricourt contrary to her vow , and that secretly without asking of banes or dispensation ; he punished them seuerely for it , but suffered them to liue still together and seuered them not . amongst many good déeds , he is blamed for selling vnto the earle of arundell the right which he had vnto sixe and twenty déere yéerely out of certaine grounds of his . he had for them onely two hundred and forty markes . after he had béene archbishop sixetéene yéeres , fower moneths and twelue daies , he died aprill . . kiding to magfield , his horse chaunced to cast him into a meiry poole . wet as he 〈◊〉 he fell a sléepe at his comming thither , and waking , found himselfe in a palsy , whereof within a few daies after he died . he bequeathed vnto his church of canterbury a thousand shéepe , his vestments which were al cloth of gold , a very sumptuous coape and much plate , viz. sixe dozin of siluer dishes , sixe salts , and fower goodly basons all enchased with his armes . he lieth buried in the middle of the body of his church of canterbury , vnder a faire toombe of marble inlaid with brasse whereon is engrauen this epitaphe : ospes sanctorum decus & pie christe tuorum , coetibus ipsorum prece iung as 〈◊〉 precor horum . simon 〈◊〉 oriens , vir bina lege probatus , vt nascens , moriens sic nunciacet arcte locatus , arcem qui tenuit 〈◊〉 quondam pontificatus , clero quique fuit regno toti quoque gratus . princeps pastorum fac simon apostolorum , simon vt iste chorum per eos pertingat eorum . mil trecenteno sexageno modo seno , eius septeno pastoratus quoque deno hic kal. maij seno rupto carnis nece freno flos cadit èfoeno coelo peto qui sit amoeno . he tooke order to be buried obscurely , desiring therein ( as in all other things ) to auoid superfluous expence what he might , and not estéeming outward pompe . . simon langham . after the decease of simon 〈◊〉 , the monkes of canterbury chose william edindon bishop of winchester for archbishop , who refused the place . the pope then with the kings good liking , remooued to canterbury simon langham bishop of ely and treasurer of england . he was first a monke of westmin . then prior , & lastly abbot there . thence he was elected bishop of london , but before he was consecrate thereunto , obtayned ely where he continued fiue yéeres . he receiued his pall by the hands of the bishop of bathe in saint nicholas chappel at westminster nouember . . and was inthronized the lady day following . he was archbishop but a little while , viz. two yéeres or little more , and therefore did not many things very memorable . there was a great strife betwéene the londoners and their cleargy about tything , which he thus composed ; he tooke order that they should pay , their offrings , personall tithes , and then also for the rest a farthing of euery . s̄ . rent . from canterbury colledge ( which his predecessor had founded ) he sequestred the fruits of the benefice of pagham , and otherwise molested the schollers there intending to displace them all , and to put in monkes which in the ende he brought to passe . iohn wickliffe was one of them that were so displaced , and had withstood the archbishop in this businesse with might and maine . by the popes fauour and the archbishops power the monkes ouerbore 〈◊〉 and his fellowes . if then 〈◊〉 were angry with pope ; archbishoppe , monkes and all you cannot maruell . but to returne to our archbishop he sate here onely two yéeres . for being made cardinal of saint sixtus by pope vrban the fift september . . he left his archbishopricke and went to rome , where shortly after he was made bishop cardinall of preneste by gregory the eleuenth , and held diuers liuings in commendam , as the archdeaconry and treasurership of wels with other . he liued there in great estimation about eight yeeres , and died july . . of the same disease his predecessor had done , viz. a palsy , wherewith he was suddenly taken as he sate at dinner . he was buried first in the church of the carthusians ( whose house he had founded ) at auinion , but after thrée yéeres his bones ( by his owne appointment while he liued ) were taken vp and buried a second time at westminster in a goodly toombe of alabaster . it is scarce credible that is reported of his woonderfull bounty and liberality to that monastery , i meane westminster . when he was first made abbot , he bestowed all that he had gathered together being monke and prior , in paying the debt of the house , which was to the valew of two thousand and two hundred markes : he discharged it euery whit , and diuers other summes of money , also that particular monkes did owe ; whom he tendered and cherished as his owne children , neuer taking any thing from them , but rather augmenting ; their portions out of that which was due to himselfe . being chauncellor and treasurer , he purchased diuers good peices of land and gaue it vnto them . when he went out of england , he left them bookes to the value of . l. and roaps , vestments , &c. estéemed worth . l. at his death he bequeathed vnto them all his plate , prised at . l. and all his debts any where due ; they amounted vnto l. thirteene shillings and fower pence . he also sent vnto the said monastery the summe of one thousand markes to buy forty markes a yeere land , to increase the portions os fower monks that daily should say masse for the soules of himselfe and his parents . to say nothing of the monastery which he built for the carthusians at auinion , the money that he bestowed onely vpon the abbey of westminster one way or other , is reckoned by a monke of the same to be no lesse then . l. they caused this epitaphe to be engrauen vpon his toombe , simon de langham 〈◊〉 petris hijs tumulatus 〈◊〉 ecclesiae monachus fuerat , prior , abbas ; sede vacante , fuit electus londoniensis 〈◊〉 , & insignis ely , sed postea primas totius regni , magnus regisque minister : nam thesaurarius & cancellarius eius ac cardinalis in roma presbyter iste . postque praenestinus est factus episcopus , atque nuncius ex parte papae transmittitur istuc . orbe dolente , pater quem nuncreuocare nequimus , magdalenae festo , milleno septuageno et ter centeno sexto christi ruit anno . hunc deus absoluat de cunctis quae male 〈◊〉 , et meritis matris sibi coelica gaudia donet . . william wittlesey . simon 〈◊〉 was vncle vnto a yoong man named william wittlesey , whom he caused to be carefully brought vp and directed vnto the study of the cannon law . hauing procéeded doctor in that faculty his vncle ( that now was become archb. ) sent him to rome , that there he might both sollicite all his causes , and also get experience by seeing the practise of that court. after he had staied there a while , he was called home , and preferred by his vncle aforesaid , vnto the place of vicar generall , then to the deanry of the arches , the archdeaconry of huntingdon , the parsonages of croydon and clyff , and lastly the bishopricke of rochester . from rochester he was remooued to worcester , ( his vncle yet liuing and ioying much in this his aduancement ) the yéere ; . frō thence some say he was translated to london , but that i take to be mistaken . simon sudbury was bishop of londō before he came to worcester , and so continued till that after his death he succeded him in canterbury . thether this man was aduanced by the popes onely authority presently after simon langham was made cardinall , viz. the yéere . at two seuerall synods he preached in latine very learnedly ; the later of those sermons he could hardly end for sicknesse , where with he had béene so much troubled before , as for two yeeres space he was faine to kéepe his chamber almost altogither . not being able to resist the force of this tedious wearing disease any longer , he paid the debt of his mortality october . . hauing continued in this sée almost seuen yéeres . he was buried ouer-against his vncle betwéene two pillers , vnder a faire marble tombe inlaid with brasse , which is lately defaced by tearing out the brasse : i remember that some sixtéene yéeres since i read the epitaph engrauen vpon the same . this man procured the uniuersitie of oxford to be exempt from the iurisdiction of the bishop of lincolne , and al authority of gouerning the same to be committed vnto the chauncellour and proctors . . simon sudbury . presently after the death of william wittlesey , the monks of canterbury elected for their archbishop a certaine cardinall that was an englishman borne , but throughly italianate , hauing lead his life in a manner altogither at rome . i take it his name was adam easton . the king with this choice of theirs was so gréeuously offended , as he determined to banish them ( the monks i meane ) out of the realme , and to confiscate their goods . gregory the . that then was pope , though he fauoured his cardinall , to shield the poore monkes from the danger of such a tempest , was content to refuse this election , and to bestow the archbishopricke by way of prouision vpon simon sudbury bishop of london , whom he knew the king liked well inough . this simon was the sonne of a gentleman named nigellus tibold , so that his true name was simon tibold : but he was borne at sudbury a towne of suffolke in the parish of s. george , and of that 〈◊〉 tooke his name , according to the manner of many cleargy men in those daies . he was alwaies brought vp at schoole , and being yet very yoong , was sent by his father beyond the seas to study the canon lawe ; and hauing procéeded doctor of that faculty , became houshold chaplein vnto pope innocent : and one of the judges or auditors of his kota . the said pope by way of prouision thrust him first into the chancellorship of salisbury , and then afterward , viz. the yéere . into the bishopricke of london . he receiued the bulles of his translation thence , june . . two synods or conuocations were held in his time , at both which he preached in latin very learnedly . sixe yeeres one month and ten daies he gouerned the sée of canterbury laudably , and at last was most vnwoorthily slaine , or rather wickedly murthered by a company of villanous rebels . by the instigation of one iohn ball a seditions malcontent and hypocriticall preacher , the baser sort of the commons arose in diuers parts of the realme , and intending to destroy all gentlemen , lawyers , cleargymen , and whosoeuer were of any account , either for their riches linage or authority in the common wealth , came vp to london , appointing for their leaders wat tyler , iacke straw , iohn lister , robert westhrom , &c. the king vnderstanding of their comming , sent vnto them to know the cause of their repaire in so great numbers . they answered , they were to impart vnto him certaine matters greatly importing the state of the common wealth , which if he would vnderstand , he should spéedily resort vnto them . the king hauing receiued this saury answere , began to consult with his friends whether he were best to goe to them or not . the greater number 〈◊〉 him to goe . but the archbishop and sir robert hales treasurer of england , 〈◊〉 him , saying , it was a thing not onely 〈◊〉 and shamefull for a prince to be commanded by such rascals , but also dangerous vnto his person to commit himselfe to a route of seditious people , that hauing once broken the bands of all duty and alleageance , feared no more to violate the sacred maiesty of their annointed prince , then to wrong their neighbours of farre meaner condition , of whom they had already slaine , spoiled and robbed an infinite number ; for wich cause they thought it more safe for the king , more honorable and euery way more expedient , to gather some power together spéedily and to set vpon them , who being yet vnprouided of armour , destitute of good leaders , and without all skill or experience of warlike affaires would soone be dispersed and ouerthrowen . this spéech of theirs ( i know not by what tell-tales ) was carried vnto the rebels who sware by and by they would haue off the heads of these cruell counsellers . so in all haste to the tower they came , where the court then lay , requiring with great outcries the archbishop , and the said sir robert hales to be deliuered vnto them . the archbishop hauing heard some inckling of their intent the day before , had spent all that might in prayer , and iust when they called for him , was saying of masse in the chappell of the tower. that ended , and hearing of their comming ; let vs now go ( saith he vnto his men ) surely it is best to dye , séeing to liue it can be no pleasure . with that , in came these murtherous rebels crying , where is the traytour , where is the traytor . he answered , i am the archbishop ( whom i thinke you seeke ) but no traytor . with great violence then they drew him out of the chappell and caried him to the tower hill . séeing there nothing but swords , and weapons , and hearing nothing but kill , kill , away with the traytor , &c. yet he was not so 〈◊〉 , but with great 〈◊〉 he could go about to perswade them not to imbrue their hands in the bloud of their archbishop their chiefe 〈◊〉 , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 offended them to his knowledge , nor 〈◊〉 so cruell a death at their hands , assuring them , that all the 〈◊〉 would be interdicted for it , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be punished 〈◊〉 or last by the temporal law , and lastly , that though both these failed , god the iust iudge would 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 in this , or the world to come , if not both . he was a man admirably wise , and excéeding well spoken . but these varlets were so egerly bent , as the very songs of the syrens would nothing haue mooued them at all from their intended course . séeing therefore nothing but death before his face , with comfortable words , forgiuing the executioner ( that scarce euer requested him so to doo ) with a very chéerefull countenance he knéeled downe and yéelded him selfe vnto their fury . once he was stricken in the necke so weakely , as that notwithstanding , he knéeled still vpright , and putting his hand vp to the wound , he vsed these words , a ha , it is the hand of god. he had not remoued his hand from the place when a second stroke cut of his fingers ends , and felled him to the ground . with much adoo , hauing hacked and hewen his necke with eight blowes , they got off his head . this horrible murther was committed vpon fryday june . . all which day , and a part of the next , his body lay there headlesse , no man daring to offer it buriall : as for his head they nayled his hood vpon it , and so fixing it vpon a poale , set it on london bridge . sir robert hales and a great many of others that day , tasted of the same cup the archbishop had done . thus ended this noble prelate his daies , who though he were very wise , learned , eloquent , liberall , mercifull , and for his age and place reuerend , yet might it not deliuer him from the rage of this beast with many heads the multitude , then which being once incensed , there is no brute beast more cruell , more outragious , more vnreasonable . how this monstrous tumult was appeased at the last , and the authors of the same punished , according to their demerites , the chronicles at large declare . to passe it ouer , the body of this our archb. after all sturres ended , was caried to canterbury , & there honorably enterred vpon the southside of the altar of s. dunstane , a little aboue the toombe of bishop stratford . being yet bishop of london , he builded the vpper end of saint gregories church at sudbury ; and in the place where his fathers house stoode founded a goodly colledge which he furnished with secular clearks and other ministers . at the time of the suppression thereof , it was valued at one hundred twentie two pounds eightéene shilllings lands by the yéere . after his translation to canterbury , he built the west gate of the city , and all the wal from that gate vnto norgate , commonly called by the name of the long wal ; a great worke , no lesse necessary and profitable vnto the city , then costly and chargeable vnto the builder . . william courtney . soone after the lamentable death of simon sudbury the monkes of canterbury elected for their archbishop william courtney bishop of london , and the pope knowing nothing of their election , about the same time bestowed the archbishopricke vpon him by way of prouision . he was the sonne of hugh courtney earle of deuonshire , in his youth studied the canon lawe , and had no sooner entred into orders , but he was quickly loaded with spirituall liuing ynough , as a prebend in wels , an other in exceter , & a third in yorke , beside benefices with cure innow . the yeere . he was consecrate bishop of hereford , sate there flue yéers & a halfe , and then remooued to london , at what tune simon sudbury was made archbishop . thomas walsingham addeth to these former honours , that the yéere . he was made cardinall . i find no mention of it elsewhere , and therefore doubt much of it . the bulles of his translation to canterbury were published in christchurch there ianuary . . hauing then receiued his temporalties of the king , and done his homage , he went to lambhith . thither came vnto him a monke sent from the couent and prior of canterbury to deliuer him his crosse , which he did in the chappell of lambhith vsing these words , reuerend father , i am the messenger of the great king that doth require and commaund you to take on you the gouernment of his church , to loue and defend the same . in token whereof , i deliuer you this his ensigne . soone after he receiued his pall ; and then being throughly setled , began his metropoliticall visitation which he entended to performe in euery dioces of his prouince . hauing passed quietly through rochester , chichester , bathe , and worceter ; at exceter he found some resistance as well as simon mepham his predecessor had done . after the time of his first inhibition , he prorogued diuers times the day of his visitation , and when he had sate , was not so ha sty in graunting a relaxation of the inhibition as they would haue him . hereby it came to passe that the bishop and his archdeacons were suspended from their iurisdiction longer ( as it seemed vnto them ) then they ought , and not disposed to await the archbishops pleasure any longer , rushed into their iurisdictions againe , his visitation nothing neere finished , commaunding all men vpon paine of excommunication to repaire vnto their woonted ordinaries for proofe of wils , administrations , institutions , or any other such like occasions . this commaundement published in many places of the dioces , the archbishop pronounced to be void and required all men in these and the like cases to repaire vnto him and none other . hereupon the bishop appealed to rome , and the archbishop cited diuers of the bishops officers to appeare before him . his apparator ( named peter hill ) had also in his bosome a citation for the bishop himselfe . it hapened that some of the bishops followers , méeting this gentle soumer at tapsham , beate him wel and thriftily and after forced him to eate the citation war paper and all . this fact was very preiudiciall to the bishop of exceters cause : for it incensed the king against him ; in so much as though a while he did prosecute his aupcale at rome diligently , he sawe himselfe so ouerborne by the king , he was like to doo no good at all , and therefore resolued to make his peace with the archbishop vpon reasonable conditions , which he easily obtained . but they that had abused his apparator , were put to terrible penance , in diuers parts of the realme , and were faine to performe the same . one william byd a doctor of the arches had giuen counsell vnto the bishop in this cause : for so dooing he was displaced , and vpon that occasion an othe was ordained of this archbishop , that euery aduocate of that court should take at his admission . this visitation ended , the archbishop proceeded to the dioces of salisbury , where he likewise found some resistance . the bishop there had procured apriuiledge from pope boniface ( vrban the . being lately dead ) that it should not be lawfull for any metropolitane to visite him or his dioces by vertue of any authority granted from pope vrbane . the archbishop ( that was a great lawyer ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had 〈◊〉 of himselfe as being 〈◊〉 to visite without the popes licence , and therefore procéeded 〈◊〉 ( notwithstanding that vaine priuilege ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bishop with excommunications aud 〈◊〉 censures , as he was 〈◊〉 to yeeld at last and cry peccani . since that time our archbishops haue 〈◊〉 quietly all 〈◊〉 of their 〈◊〉 without resistance . towars the latter end of his time he procured a licence of the pope to gather 〈◊〉 pence of the pound in all ecclesiasticall preferments within his prouince . the bishop of lincolne refused to make this collection in his dioces , and appealed vnto the pope ? that appeale yet depending , the archbishop died iuly . . at maidstone , when he had sate . yéers lacking one moneth . the old worke at maidstone first built by boniface his predecessor for an hospitall , he pulled downe and building it after a more stately manner , translated it into a colledge of secular priests , which at the time of the suppression was valued at one hundred thirty nine pounds seuen shillings fixe pence by the yéere . the church of mepham quite fallen downe , he repaired againe and built certaine almes houses néere it for the vse of poore people . toward the reparation of the body of his church and cloysters he gaue . marks ; he gaue also vnto the same church a certaine image of siluer waighing one hundred and thréescore pounds , 〈◊〉 vestments & thirtéene coapes of great value , besides a number of bookes . he lieth buried vpon the south side of thomas beckets shrine , at the féete of the blacke prince , in a goodly toombe of alabaster . . thomas arundell . by the popes prouision thomas arondell archbishop of yorke was remooued to canterbury about christmas after william courtneyes death . his bulles were published at canterbury ianuary . soone after his crosse was deliuered vnto him at westminster by henry chillinden the prior of canterbury with 〈◊〉 solemnity , in the presence of the king and many nobles . february . following he receiued his pall , 〈◊〉 the . of the same moneth he was inthronised at canterbury with great pomp . he was sonne vnto robert earle of arundell and warren , first bishop of ely , then of yorke . sée more of him there . he was scarce warme in his seate when by the kings displeasure he was dispossessed of the same . in the second yéere of his translation a parliament was held at london . the king there accused the duke of glocester , the earle of arundell that was the archbishops brother , and diuers other of high treason . now because cleargy men were forbidden by the canons to be present at any triall or iudgement vpon life and death ; the matter being once proposed , all the bishops departed the house as their maner was in like cases . the archbishop being absent vpon this occasion , was condemned togither with his brother of high treason ; for which his brother was presently executed , and he commaunded within forty daies to depart the realme vpon paine of death . he ( thus banished ) got him to rome and found such fauour with the pope , as first he was content to write earnestly vnto the king for his restitution ; and when he could do no good that way , he translated him to the archbishopricke of saint andrewes in scotland , intending to heape so much ecclesiasticall liuing vpon him by benefices , &c. in england , as he should be able to liue in state honorable ynough . the king vnderstanding of his intent , writ a maruellous sharpe letter vnto the pope , telling him plainly he must repute him for his enimy , if he yéelded any maner of succour vnto him , whom he knew too well to hate him deadly . that letter so wrought with the pope , as after that time he neuer indeuoured to prefer him farther , and moreouer , at the kings request made roger walden ( deane of yorke , and treasurer of england ) archbishop . he was consecrate , inthronised , &c. held synods and did all things belonging vnto that place the space of two yéeres . it hapened in the meane time , that the king ( richard the second ) wos deposed , or at least inforced to resigne his crowne vnto henry duke of lancaster , that after possessed the same by the name of king henry the fourth . boniface the pope vnderstanding then of the fall of king richard , pronounced the said roger to be an intruder and vsurper of the archbishopricke , and by his omnipotent bulles restored thomas arundell vnto the same againe . as for roger walden that was now a bishop without a bishopricke ( for it is character indelebilis ) he liued so a while , til at last by the kind endeuor of the archb. his charitable aduersary , he was promoted vnto the bishopricke of london , which he enioyed but a short time , being taken away by death within one yere after . about a twelue moneth after the archbishops restitution , a conuocation was held at london , whether the king sent the earles of northumberland and westmerland , that told the cleargy they came from the king , but not of that errand that courtiers were woont to be sent for to that place ; they came not for money , but onely to signifie the kings harty and fauorable goodwill vnto them , and to request their daily prayers for him and the good estate of the realme . this new broome with swéeping so cleane at the first , was so worne out vnto the stumpes , in a yéere or two , as not contented with a bare tenth , the next conuocation after , he was very angry that a more liberall allowance was not made vnto him ; and began to hearken vnto the sacrilegious motions of certaine impious politicians , that intending to cast the burthen of all subsidies and other kind of tributes vpon the cleargy , letted not to say openly in the parliament house , how the laity was not able to yéeld any thing vnto the kings coffers , for that the cleargy had all the wealth of the land in their hands : and therefore the king must either take from them their temporalties , or else lay all the burthen vpon them that onely were able to beare it . the archbishop ( that was vndoubtedly a woorthy prelate , wise and very stout ) rose vp and prooued by manifest arguments that the contributions of the cleargy were after the proportion of their ability , much more liberall then the subsidies or other paiments of the temporalty in many respects . for ( saith he ) we pay the tenth of our liuings oftener then they pay fifteenths , and though we serue not in the warres our selues , our seruants and tenants do ; neither are we altogither idle , in as much as we pray daily for the king and the realme , as well in time of peace as war. the prolocutor of the parliament house at that time was a knight called sir iohn cleyn , that hauing béene a cleargyman sometimes , without any dispensation forsooke the calling & became a soldier . this prophane apostata was not ashamed to say , it was no matter for their praiers , so the king might haue their mony . i sée now ( quoth the arch. ) whither the fortune of this realme tendeth , the prayers of the church being despised , which should appease the wrath of god iustly kindled against vs by the daily monstrous iniquities of our age . perceauing then that the king ( who at his first comming to the crowne had made many open and publike protestations of his loue to the church , and his intent to defend and protect the same to the vtmost ) that he i say began to harken somewhat too patiently to these wicked motions ; he turned him toward him , and making lowe obeisance , humbly besought him , it would please his maiesty to remember those gratious and most honorable spéeches , wherein he had often signified his resolute determination of protecting the church from all iniury , as also his othe taken to the same purpose at the time of his coronation , the danger and dishonour of breaking the same , and lastly , that he should feare to offend him by whom kings raigne , and before whose tribunall all princes and monarchs neuer so great must one day come to be iudged . the king seemed to be somewhat mooued with these words , and desiring the archbishop to take his place againe , well ( quoth he ) howsoeuer i doe otherwise i will leaue the church in as good estate as i found it . the archbishop then turning him about vnto the proloquutor and certaine other knights of the lower house that accompanied him : you it was ( faith he and such as you are ) that perswaded the last king to take into his hands all such celles in england as appertained vnto any religious houses of fraunce or normandy , assuring him it would so stuffe his coffers , as he could not want in many yéeres after , and there is no question , but the land belonging to such celles was woorth an infinite summe of mony : howbeit it is certaine and well inough knowne , that within one yéere after he had taken that course , he was not the value of halfe a marke the richer ; and how he thriued afterwarde otherwise , i néede not tell you . after that time there were no other attempts against the church in his daies . but the clergy were so terrified with that wauering doubtfulnesse of the king , as they durst not but grant him a tenth euery yéere after , and though there were no other occasion , the archbishop was faine to call a conuocation euen for that purpose . his end ( being as some report it ) was very miserable : his tongue swelled so big in his mouth , as he was able neither to eate , drinke , nor speake in many dayes before his death , and died at last of hunger about the end of ianuary . when he had sate one moneth aboue . yéeres . he lyeth buried on the north side of the body of christchurch in canterbury , at the west end whereof toward the north , he built a faire spire stéeple called to this day by the name of arundell steeple , and bestowed a goodly ring of fiue belles vpon the same ; the first of them , he dedicated to the holy trinity , the second to the blessed virgin the third to the angel gabriell , the fourth to saint blase , and the fift to saint iohn the euangelist . . henry chichley . after the death of thomas arundell , henry chichley bishop of saint dauids was elected by the couent of canterbury to succéeds him . now though many lawes had béene made against the popes vsurped authority in bestowing ecclesiasticall preferments by way of prouiston : yet durst not this man consent vnto this election so made , but committed the matter vnto the popes determination , who first pronounced the election of the monkes void and then bestowed the archbishopricke vpon him . this henry chichley was borne at highamferrys in northamptonshire brought vp in new colledge in oxford ( where he procéeded doctor of law ) and first preferred vnto the chauncellorship of salisbury . hauing beene imployed much in embassages and other businesses of the king ( wherein he euer behaued himselfe wisely and to the kings great good liking ) by his meanes he was made first bishop of saint dauids and then archbishop . he receiued his pall at the hands of the bishop of winchester , the . of july , . and bought of the king the fruites of the vacacy ( which was halfe a yéere ) for sixe hundred markes . the yéere . he was made cardinall of saint eusebius & the popes legate , but refused to exercise his power legatiue further then he was authorised thereunto by the king . he was a man happy ( enioying alwaies his princes fauour , wealth , honour and all kinde of prosperity many yéeres ) wise in gouerning his sée laudably , bountifull in bestowing his goods to the behoofe of the common wealth , and lastly stout and seuere in due administration of iustice . in the towne of nigham ferrys where he was borne , he founded a goodly college for secular priests , which he endowed with large reuenues . he built also in the same towne an hospital for poore people , which he likewise endowed liberally ; and his brethren robert and wil. chichley citizens of london , his executors , gaue much land vnto the same . these two foundations finished , he began two other at oxford , one called bernard college ( now knowne by the name of saint johns college ) and all soules college which yet continueth in such state as he left the same , one of the fairest and seemeliest of our uniuersity . he bestowed much money in repairing the library at canterbury , and then replenished the same with a number of goodly bookes : he gaue vnto his church many rich ornaments and iewels of great price , and built a great part of the tower called oxford tower in the said church . william molash prior there ( that i may take any occasion to record so good a déede ) the yéere . furnished that tower with a goodly bell called to this day bell dunstan . the 〈◊〉 of that bell at the lowest brim is two yards and somewhat more . but to returne to henry chichley no archbishop euer enioied that honor so long as he did in . yeeres before him . he sate . yéeres and dying aprill . . was laid in a very faire toombe built by him selfe in his life time , standing vpon the north side of the presbitery . on it i find engrauen this epitaph . hic 〈◊〉 henr. chicheley ll. doctor quondam cancellarius sarum , qui anno septimo henr. . regisad gregorium papam . in ambassiata transmissus , in ciuitate sanensi per manus 〈◊〉 papae in episcopum 〈◊〉 consecratus est . hic etiam henricus anno . henr. . regis , in 〈◊〉 sancta ecclesia in archiepiscopum postulatus & a 〈◊〉 papa . ad eandem translatus , qui obijt anno . dom . . mensis apr. die . coetus sanctornm concorditer iste precetur , vt deus ipsorum meritis sibi propiciatur . . iohn stafford . evgenius . the pope of his absolute authority translated then from bathe and wels iohn stafford , lately also made cardinall ( as i finde reported at leastwise . ) he was sonne vnto the earle of stafford , borne at hooke in dorsetshire in the parish of abbots bury , and brought vp in oxford , where also he procéeded doctor of lawe . a while he practised in the arches , euen vntill henry chichley the archbishoppe made him his vicar generall there . by his fauour also he obtayned the deanry of saint martins in london , and the prebend of milton in the church of lincoln . king henry the fifth a little before his death began to fauour him much , found meanes to preferre him first to the deanry of wels , then a prebend in the church of salisbury , and afterward made him one of his priuy counsell , first kéeper of the priuy seale , and in the ende treasurer of england . this renowmed king being taken away by vntimely death , though he found not his passage so cléere , yet he still went forward in the way of preferment , and obtained of pope martin the fifth , the bishopricke of bathe and wels the yéere . eightéene yéere he continued in that sée , and august . . was remooued to canterbury . in the meane time , viz. the yéere . in february he was made chauncellor of england , and held that place ( which you shall hardly finde any other man to haue done ) eightéene yéeres , euen vntill the yéere . waxing weary then of so painefull a place , it is likely he resigned voluntarily the same . he sate archbishop almost nine yéeres . holding a conuocation at london the yéere . he fell sicke , and thereupon departed to maidstone , where shortly after he died , viz. july . he lieth buried at canterbury in the place called the martyrdom , vnder a flat marble stone , whereupon i finde written this bald epitaphe : quis fuit enuclees quem celas saxea moles ? stafford antistes , fuerat dictusque ioannes . qua sedit sede , marmor quaeso simul ede ? pridem bathoniae , regnitotius & inde primas egregius . pro praesule funde precatus . aureolam gratus huic det de virgine natus . sée more of this man in bathe and wels. . iohn kemp. the funerall rites and exequies of iohn stafford being performed , the monkes with the kings licence procéeded to election of a new archbishop , and made choice of iohn 〈◊〉 archbishop of yorke . the pope would not allow of the monkes election , but yet not daring to put any other into the place , of his owne good nature he bestowed it vpon the same man that they had chosen . he receiued his crosse september . . at london , and his pall the next day at fulham by the hands of thomas kemp the bishop of london his nephew . dec. . following he was inthronized with great pomp and solemnity . this archbishop was born at wye in rent : being doctor of lawe , he was made first archdeacon of durham , then deane of the arches and wicar generall vnto the archbishop . the yéere . he was rōsecrate bishop of rochester , remooued thence to chichester . from chichester to london the same yéere , and from london to yorke . dec. . . he was made cardinal of saint balbine , and afterwards being archbishop of canterbury was remooued to the title of s. kusine . these his preferments are briefly expressed in this verse : bis primas , ter praeses & bis cardine functus . he continued not at canterbury aboue a yéere and a halfe , but died a very old man march . . in his life time he conuerted the parish church of wye where he was borne into a colledge , in which he placed secular priests to attend diuine seruice , & to teach the youth of the parish . their gouernor was called a prebendary . this college at the time of the suppression was valued at fowerscore and thirtéene pound two shillings by the yéere . he was also a benefactor vnto our uniuersity of oxford . he died very rich , and in his life time aduanced diuers of his kinred to great wealth ; some to the dignity of knighthood , whose posterity continue yet of great worship and reputation his body was buried in a séemely monument on the south side of the prerbytery a little aboue the archbishops sée . of him read more in yorke . . iohn moorton . iohn moorton was borne at béere or bery in 〈◊〉 , and brought vp a while in the uniuersitie of oxford , where hauing spent some time in the study of the ciuill and canon law , he procéeded doctor of that faculty , and then became a doctor of the arches . by reason of his practise there , the archbishop his predecessor ( thomas bourchier ) got knowledge of his manifold good parts , his great learning in the law , his wisedome , discretion and other vertues , which he not onely rewarded by preferring him to much good spirituall liuing , but also commended him vnto the king , who made him of his priuy counsell . in all those miseries and afflictions which that good king endured , he euer stucke fast vnto him , & by no meanes would be drawne to forsake him when all the world in a manner betooke them vnto his victorious aduersary . this so notable loialty and faithfulnesse king edward himselfe honored so much in him , as king henry being dead , he neuer ceased to allure him vnto his seruice , & hauing woone him , sware him of his counsell , and trusted him with his greatest secrets ; assuring himselfe belike , that he that had béene so faithfull vnto his aduersary in so great 〈◊〉 , would no doubt be as faithfull vnto him in the like case if occasion should serue . after many yéeres tryall of him and diuers other preferments whereunto he aduanced him , he procured him to be elected vnto the bishopricke of ely , the yéere . not long after his consecration to that sée , it hapned king edward to die , who not reposing greater trust in any one then in this bishop , made him one of his executors . the duke of yorke therefore his vnnaturall brother , intending by the destruction of his children to make a passage for himselfe vnto the crowne , and knowing how watchfull an eie this man caried ouer them , as also how impossible it was to corrupt him and draw him to be a partner in his wicked confort ; accused him of many great and vnlikely treasons , for which he committed him to the tower. the innocency of the man would not suffer him to lie there long : not being able to stampe vpon him any probality of such matter as he laid to his charge , he tooke him thence & deliuered him to the kéeping of the duke of buckingham , who at that time lay for the most part at that castle of brecknock in wales . this duke was the onely instrument of displacing the children of king edward from the crowne , and procured the same to be most vniustly set vpon the head of their wicked vncle the duke of yorke before mentioned , who was appointed protectour of them & the realme . these lambs committed vnto the kéeping of such a woolfe , were soone deuoured , being not onely despoiled of the rule and gouernment of the kingdome which descended vnto them by inheritance , but of their liues 〈◊〉 , which were violently taken from them , by smoothering the poore innocent children betwéene fetherbeds . now whether it were the detestation of this abhominable murther ( which the duke of buckingham pretended ) or the vnthankfulnesse of the tyrant , in not gratifying him according to his expectation , ( which is the opinion of most men ) or the enuie of his so great aduancement , whereof he thought himselfe better woorthy ( which also is likely enough ) certaine it is that he quickly began to grow malcontent , and being egged on by the bishop his ghest , entred at last into a conspiracie against him , plotted the remoouing of him , and endeuoured to match the earle of richmond heire of the house of lancaster with the eldest daughter of king edward that ( her brethren being made away ) was now out of all question heire of the house of yorke , so to throwe downe headlong the tyrant from the throwne which he vsurped , to restore it to them to whom of right it appertained , and to ioyne in one these two noble houses , whose contention had wasted away almost all the nobility of the land . how this deuice was debated betwéene the duke and the bishop , euery chronicle reporteth . to let that passe , when the bishop sawe the duke had waded so farre in the matter as step backe he could not , and séeing how he was able to do the earle of richmond better seruice elsewhere then where he was , he found a meanes to slip away in a night disguised ; neuer making his host the duke acquainted with his departure . and first he gat him into his isle of ely : but not daring to stay there long , he tooke ship and sailed into flaunders . it pleased god , that as the duke had béene a partner with the tyrant in his offence , so he should be a partner also with him in the punishment . for being destitute of the aduise of this wise prelate , or rather i may say destitute of the assistance of god that had determined to reuenge his disloyalty vnto his naturall prince , he fell soone after into the hands of his enimy the vsurping king that cut off his head , and was within a short space after ouerthrowne himselfe and slame in the field by the noble earle of richmond , who tooke vpon him the gouernment of our land by the name of king henry the . he calling home this our bishop , made him chauncellour of england , and thomas 〈◊〉 the archbishop dying , he found meanes that the monks of canterbury elected him for successour , and the pope not only confirmed and allowed readily of their choice , but also within fewe yéeres after , to wit , september . . created him cardinall of saint arastasia . thirtéene yéeres he enioyed quietly the archbishopricke , and died at last the yéere . at his first comming he laid a great imposition vpon the cleargy of his prouince , forcing them by the popes authority to contribute so largely toward the charges of his translation , as of his owne dioces onely ( which is one of the least in england ) he receaued pound . the yéere before he died , with great charge he procured anselme one of his predecessors to be canonized a saint . he bequeathed in a manner all he had either vnto good vses , or vnto such of his seruants as he had yet beene able to do nothing for . he gaue vnto the king a portuis , to the quéene a psalter , to the lady margaret his god daughter a cup of gold and forty pound in money , to the church of ely his miter and his crosse . unto his 〈◊〉 and other friendes he gaue nothing as hauing preferred them sufficiently in his life time . his executors he bound by oath to maintaine sufficiently twenty poore schollers at oxford , and ten at cambridge for the space of twenty yéeres after his decease . he bestowed great summes in repairing and augmenting his houses at bnoll , maydstone , alington parke , charing , ford , 〈◊〉 , and canterbury , and built while he liued a sumptuous chappell in the vndercrofte or vault which is vnder the quier . he lieth buried in the saide chappell vnder a marble stone : howbeit a goodly 〈◊〉 is erected in 〈◊〉 of him vpon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the chappell . sée more of him in ely. . henry deane . bishop moorton being dead , the monks of canterbury chose thomas langton bishop of winchester for their archbishop : but he died of the plague before his translation could be perfited . then they elected henry deane bishop of 〈◊〉 . at what time perkin warbeck began to shew himselfe in the likenesse of richard the yoong duke of yorke king edwards second sonne : this henry deane was abbot of lanthony . king henry the seuenth that knew him to be a wise and 〈◊〉 man , made him chauncelour of ireland , where this counterseit duke began first to play his part . by his care and diligence he was driuen out of ireland , and forced to 〈◊〉 into scotland . the rather in regard of this good seruice , the king procured him to be elected vnto the bishoprick of bangor , which ( by reason that bishops had laien from it a long time , holding euer some 〈◊〉 or other spirituall liuing in commendam , whereupon they liued ) was horribly wasted and spoiled . but this man comming thither , tooke great pains in recouering diuers parcels of land that by the incrochment of other for want of looking to 〈◊〉 woone from his sée . amongst other things a certaine island betwéene holy-head and anglesey called 〈◊〉 i. moylr 〈◊〉 , or the island of seales was vniustly detained from him by the possessors thereof . he euicted the same 〈◊〉 in law , and yet was faine afterwards to bring a great power of armed men thither to driue the inhabitants by force out of the same . his church and pallace had béene burned and destroied long before in the time of henry the . by owen glendowr that famous rebell : he bestowed much money in repairing them , but before he was able to bring thē to any perfection , he was called away thence to salisbury . being yet very destrous the worke should go forward , he left vnto his successour a myter and a crosyer of good value , vpon condition he should finish those buildings . after he had béene a few monethes at 〈◊〉 , the archbishop dying , he was preferred vnto canterbury . his pall was sent vnto him by hadrian de castello the popes secretary , ( that after was bishop of hereford and wels ) and deliuered by the bishop of couentry with these words . ad honorem dei omnipotentis & b. mariae virginis ac bb. petri & pauli apostolorum , & d. n. alexandri pp. sexti , & s. romanae ecclesiae , nec non & cantuariensis ecclesiae tibi commissae , tradimus pallium de corpore b. petri sumptum , plenitudinem viz. pontificalis officij ; vt vtaris eo infra ecclesiam tuam certis diebus qui exprimuntur in priuilegijs ei ab apostolica sede concessis . hauing receaued his pall , he was to take his oath vnto the pope , which once for all it shall not be amisse to set downe . ego henticus archiep. cantuariensis , ab hac hora in antea fidelis & obediens ero b. petro sanctaeque apostolicae romanae ecclesiae , & domino meo d. alexandro pp. . suisque successoribus canonice intrantibus . non ero in consilio aut concensu vel facto vt vitam perdant vel membrum , seu capiantur mala captione , consilium vero quod mihi credituri sunt , per se aut nuntios ad eorum dam●●●● me sciente nemini pandam . papatum rom. & regalia s. petri adiutor ero eis ad retinendum & defendendum saluo ordine meo contra omnem hominem . legatum sedis apostolicae in eundo & redeundo honorificè tractabo , & in suis necessitatibus adiuuabo , vocatus ad synodum veniam nisi prepeditus fuero canonica praepeditione . apostolorum limina rom. curia existente citra alpes singulis annis , vltra vero montes singulis biennijs visitabo aut per me aut per meum nuntium nisi apostolica absoluar licentia . possessiones vero ad mensam mei archiepiscopatus pertinentes non vendam , neque donabo , neque impignerabo , neque de nouo infeudabo , velaliquo modo alienabo in consulto rom. pontifice , sicut me deus admuet &c. with what ceremony the crosse was woont to be deliuered , sée before in william courtney pag. . this archbishop died february . . the second yéere after his translation , at lambhith . his body was conueighed to feuersam by water , conducted with . watermen all apparelled in blacke , ( a great number of tapers burning day and night in the boate ) and from thence was caried to canterbury , where it was buried in the middle of the place called the martyrdome , vnder a faire marble stone , inlaid with brasse . he bequeathed to his church a siluer image of . ounces waight , and appointed . l. to be bestowed in his funerals : he built the most part of otford house , and made the yron worke vpon the coping of rochester bridge . . william warham . vvilliam warham a gentleman of an ancient house , was borne in hamshire , brought vp in the colledge of winchester , and chosen thence to new colledge in oxford where he procéeded doctor of law. intending then to vse and put in practice the knowledge he had gotten at the uniuersity , he became an aduocate or doctor of the arches , and soone after master of the rolles . while he was in that office , king henry the seuenth , sent him embassador to the duke of burgundy to perswade him that he should not beléeue the false reports of his duchesse , and to signifie how notably she had abused him and all the world , in setting vp two counterfeits against him , lambert that made himselfe the earle of warwicke , who was then to be séene in the tower safe ynough , and perkin warbeck whom she had taught to name him selfe richard duke of yorke , that was certainly knowen to haue béene murthered by his wicked vncle long before . in this businesse he behaued himselfe so wisely , as the king greatly commended him for the same , and the bishopricke of london happening to be void soone after his returne home , he procured him to be elected thereunto . he had not beene bishop there two whole yéeres when henry deane the archbishop died , to whose place also by the kings speciall indeuour he was aduaunced . he was inthronised march . . with woonderfull great solemnity . the day before his comming to canterbury , the duke of buckingham that was his high steward , came thither attended with seuen score horse to sée all things in a readinesse . the said duke had also the office of chiefe butler , and therefore being vnable to doo the duties of both ; he deputed sir george bourchier vnto the butlership . him selfe tooke great paines to sée that nothing might be wanting requisite for the performance of this ceremony in most magnificent manner . the next day ( which was sunday ) he met the archbishop ouer against saint andrewes church , and dooing low obeysance vnto him , went before him to christ church . at the great gate néere the market place , the prior and couent receiued him honorably and caried him to the church ( whether he went from saint andrewes church barefoote ) said masse there , and was placed in his throne after the accustomed manner . from church he was attended by the duke as he was thetherward . the cheere at dinner was as great as for money it might be made . before the first messe , the duke him selfe came ridinginto the hall vpon a great horse bare headed with his white staffe in his hand , and when the first dish was set on the table , made obeysance by bowing of his body . hauing so done , he betooke him to his chamber , where was prouision made for him according to his state . with the archbishop sate the earle of esser , the bishop of man , the lord aburgauenny , the lord brooke , the prior of canterbury , and the abbot of saint augustines . the duke at his table was accompanied with the lord 〈◊〉 , sir edward poynings , the chiefe justice of england , named phineux , sir wilham scot , sir thomas kemp , and others . a great many other guests were serued in other places , noble men and knights , at one table , doctors of diuinity and law at another , and gentlemen of the country at a third besides an infinite number of meaner calling , placed by them selues , according to their seuerall degrées . but to let passe these matters , and to come vnto his gouernement , all the time of king henry the seuenth ( vnder whom he liued archbishop some thrée yéeres ) he enioyed all manner of prosperity , being in so great fauor with his prince , as no man greater . he dying , and his sonne bing henry the eight succeeding , cardinall wolsey that was then but almosuer and deaue of lincolne , diued so cunningly into the bosome of the yong king , as by and by he ouertopped the archbishop , and quickly wound him out of all authority . first by the kings meanes he got from him the chauncellorship of england : then being cardinall , and the popes legate a latere by speciall commisson , he set vp a new court called curia 〈◊〉 , vnder colour whereof , he drewe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of iurisdiction throughout england into his owne hands , and appointed officials registers , &c. in 〈◊〉 dioces , who tooke vp all causes and suffered other 〈◊〉 ( to whom the iurisdiction of right appertained to sitte still without either regard or profit . this deiection of the archbishop wherein men estéemed him for the time very vnhapy , fell out to his great good , the others immoderate greatnesse , was the cause of his destruction . at what time the k. 〈◊〉 to be diuorced from his first wife d. catherine ; she 〈◊〉 choice of this our archb. & nicholas west bish. of ely , two lawyers , and of i. fisher 〈◊〉 of rochester , and henry standish bishop of assaph doctors of diuinity , to assist and direct her in that sute : they did so , and behaued themselues in such sort , as neither the king had cause to be offended with their ouerforwardnes , nor she to blame their stacknes or negligēce . but the cardinall that was ioined with cardinall campeius in commission , wherein they were authorised by the pope to examine the circumstances of that cause , he i say being more slacke in his procéedings , then the king expected he should , so incensed him against him , as shortly after he was content first to take the aduantage of a premunire against him , & then to cause him to be arrested of high treason , whereof sée more in yorke . soone after the cardinals death there was a conuocation held , wherein the cleargy was aduertised that they all had fallen into apremunire by yéelding vnto the cardinals power legantine neuer allowed by the king . they determined therefore to redéeme the penalty they had incurred with the paiment of . thousand pounds , whereof the prouince of yorke should pay eightéene thousand , and canterbury the rest which was . l. when this gift was to haue béene presented , they were certified that the king would not accept of the same , except they declared in a canon that he was supreame head of the church . long this matter was hammering . but at last they agréed to giue vnto him this new title , and inserted the same into the instrument of their gift . in the conuocation many canons were made against lutherans , and many motions for renouncing the popes authority , wherein the greatest part being fearefull of resoluing either way , the connocation was often prorogued . after many adiournments it was once more put ouer from aprill till october . in which meane space the archbishop died at saint stephens néere canterbury , in the house of william warham his kinsman , archdeacon of canterbury . that house at that time belonged vnto the archdeaconry , but ( by what facrilegious meanes i know not ) was long since nipped away from the same , so that the archdeacon , except he be otherwise prouided for them by his archdeaconry , is now houselesse . but to returne vnto our archbishop , he was buried without any great funerall pompe , giuing mourning clothes onely to the poore , and laide in a little chappell built by himselse for the place of his buriall vpon the north side of the martyrdome , and hath there a reasonable faire toombe . he purchased much land for his kinred , and bestowed very much in repairing and beutifying his houses with faire buildings , euen to the value of thirty thousand pound , ( as he professeth in his will ) for which cause he prayed his successor to forbeare sute for dilapidations against his executors : they were the duke of norfolke and the lord windsor . he continued archbishop eight and twenty yéeres , and died in the sommer the yéere . . thomas cranmer . a famous and memorable man succéeded william warham , thomas cranmer doctor of diuinity , whose life is written at large by master foxe and others . i should loose labour therefore in writing any long discourse of the same . briefly to set downe that which i cannot omit without interrupting my course , you shall vnderstand that he was borne at arstacton in nottingham shire , of a very ancient house which as it should séeme came out of normandy with the conquerour ; for it is certaine that in the time of this archbishop a certaine french gentleman named cranmer came into england , bearing the same armes that the archbishop did , who gaue him great intertainment and did him much honour . he was brought vp in iesus colledge in cambridge . being yet very yoong , he maried , and so lost his fellowship in the said colledge : but his wife dying within one yéere , he was receiued into his old place againe . for the maner & occasion of his aduancement , his diuers imployments before & his actions in the same , his lamentable fal , his heroicall and 〈◊〉 combats , and lastly his constant death , i will as ( before i said ) send the reader vnto master foxe , who hath exactly set downe all the particularities of these things . onely thus much heare , that he suffered most vnworthy death at oxford march . . being the first archbishop that euer was put to death by order of lawe in england , except onely richard scroope archbishop of yorke . . reginald poole . cardinal poole was the sonne of sir richard poole ( who was cosin germaine vnto king henry the seuenth ) and margaret countesse of salisbury , that was daughter vnto george duke of clarence the second brother of king edward the fourth . they caused him to spend some time in magdalen colledge in oxford , and being yet very yoong , sent him beyond sea by trauell to get both learning and experience in the world . in the meane time king henry the eight that fauored him much ( as being néere of kinne vnto him both by father and mother ) before his departure had bestowed vpon him the deanry of exceter . he had béene in italy ( lying for the most part at padua ) the space of . yéeres , at what time the king hauing abolished the popes authority , sent for him home , & he not comming , proclaimed him traytor , and gaue away his deanry vnto another . this losse he estéemed little of . petrus bembus an old acquaintance of his was become the popes chiefe secretary , who so commended him vnto his master , that shortly after he was content to make him a cardinall , perswading himselfe belike that he would prooue a good instrument for english matters as occasion should serue . and surely if he regarded the woorthinesse of the man , in respect of his manifold rare and excellent partes , he could not lightly preferre any man lesse obnoxious to exceptions . for he was not onely very learned ( which is better knowen then that itnéedeth many wordes ) but also of such modesty in outward behauiour and integrity of life and conuersation , as he was of all men both loued and reuerenced . i know well that pasquill played his parts with him , and fathered a brat or two vpon him , but without any probability at all . he was made cardinall maye . . the pope employed him then in diuers embassages vnto the emperor and the french king , wherein he did his best endeuour to ioine them against his owne soueraigne the king of england ; and not content therewith , he dealt so busily with his letters amongst his friends in england , wherein he dehorted them from the kings obedience , and all conformity vnto reformation , as it turned many of them to great trouble , and amongst the rest , cost his mother her head . it pleased not god that any of his platformes should take successe : and therefore partly malcontent , and partly also weary of the paines and continuall danger these embassages forced him vnto , he procured the pope to make him legate of uiterbio , where he determined to leade the rest of his life quietly ; but he was disappointed of his purpose . the pope ( paul . ) summoned a councell at trent . cardinall poole and one or two other ioyned with him , must néedes be his uicegerents there . he for his part was nothing so resolute in matters of religion as men expected he would . in the question of iustification he professed to be on our side , and perswaded one morell to be of his opinion , a learned spaniard that lay in the same house he did , and that was sent out of spaine of purpose to defend the popes quarrell in disputation , wherein he was estéemed excellent . soone after his returne from the counsell , it hapned the pope to die . a great faction there was at that time in the college of cardinals , some taking part with the emperour , and some with the french king : cardinall poole was altogither imperiall . all that side and diuers that were indifferent gaue him their voices for the papacy , whereunto when they had elected him orderly , he forsooth found fault with them for their rashnesse , and perswaded them to take further deliberation in so great and waighty a matter . héereof the french party taking aduantage , began to cry out , it was reason regard should be had of many french cardinals and other that were absent , and could not possibly repaire vnto the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 had lately 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it were in 〈◊〉 , and that it was 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 feared if they elected any man that were altogether 〈◊〉 vnto him , it would be a cause of great sturres and 〈◊〉 . one of their company then rising vp , began to take particular exceptions against cardinall poole , charging him with suspition of incontinency ( whereof he alleaged some reasons , though peraduenture 〈◊〉 ) as also with heresie , for that he had reasoned for iustification by faith in the councell of trent , that he preferred ant. flaminius a knowen protestant , and kept company much with him , and other thought ill of that way , and lastly , that in the time he was legate of 〈◊〉 he had béene so slacke in 〈◊〉 of heretikes , vpon whom he seldome 〈◊〉 any punishment , but death vpon none : this accuser was the cardinall caraffa that afterward was pope paul the fourth , an olde acquaintance of cardinall pooles many yéeres , euen vntill such time as that partaking in this faction betwéene the french and spanish sundred them . caraffa thought him selfe the likeliest of the french side , and in that respect was the rather induced in this sort to deface his old friend , so to set vp him selfe . but he was vtterly deceiued in his expectation . cardinall poole cléered him selfe of all those suspitions absolutely , so that the next day ( or rather i should say the night after the next day ) the company were more resolute for him then they had béene before , and once more elected him pope . cardinal farnesius the last popes nephew was the mightiest of that 〈◊〉 . for so euer all popes lightly take order , that some cardinall of their kinne shall strike a great stroake in the election of their successor , that he may be a meanes to shield the rest of his friends from that hard measure which successors are woont to 〈◊〉 vnto the fauorites of their predecessor . this cardinall farnesius excéeding ioyfull that he had brought the matter to so good 〈◊〉 , came vnto cardinall poole and would néedes adore him by the name of holyfather kissing his féete , &c. but he would not suffer him so to doo , saying he would not haue their election a worke of darknesse , that the day was the onely time for the orderly dispatch of such businesse , and therefore he desired them to 〈◊〉 the accomplishment of their choice vntill the 〈◊〉 . they were faine so to doo . but whether it were that his friends were 〈◊〉 with this double delay , or that they were induced otherwise to alter their determination ; so it fell out , that the next morning they chose another , the cardinall de 〈◊〉 that named himselfe iulius . he well knowing that the backwardnesse of poole made him pope , euer after made very much of him and yéelded him all mannor of fauour . and first , to begin with , he enforced cardinall caraffa to aske him forgiuenes before they departed out of the 〈◊〉 . cardinall poole professed to be nothing at all 〈◊〉 with loosing that place which he tooke to be a burthen importable , and saying his onely desire was to lead his life in quiet contemplation , craued licence to depart vnto a certaine 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 replenished with monkes of saint benet , of which order he was taken for patrone during the time of his residence in rome . he was scarcely setled there when newes came that king edward was dead , and that his sister the lady mary had obtained the crowne , who was brought vp a great while vnder the countesse his mother by the especiall choice and direction of quéene 〈◊〉 her mother . and many are of opinion that the quéene committed her the rather vnto the tuition of the countesse , for that she wished some 〈◊〉 betwéene one of her sonnes the pooles and the lady mary to strengthen her title to the crowne in case the king her husband should die without issue male , for that ( as before i haue declared ) they were descended from goorge duke of clarence the next heire male of the house of yorke . now cardinall poole knowing the queene had a speciall affection vnto him for his learning , his nobility , but aboue all for his religion ( and he was a man personable ynough ) longed fore homeward , not doubting a dispensation for his clergy would soone be obtained of the pope in this case , and assuring himselfe that though he missed of the crowne , he should not faile of the myter . he procured himselfe therefore to be appointed of the popes legate and to be dispatched into england with all spéed . the emperour by this time had 〈◊〉 to endeuour a match betwéene his sonne 〈◊〉 and queene mary . doubting therefore least the presence of the cardinall should disturbe his platforme , he vsed many deuises to stop and hinder his passage , till such time as the mariage was concluded . at last ( but a day after the faire ) ouer came this iolly legate , reconciled the realme of england to the pope , caused the archbishop of canterbury to be depriued and degraded , seating himselfe in his sée , which things and many more are discoursed of him at large by master foxe , and therefore i passe them ouer . he was consecrate march . . in the gray friers church at gréenwich . the lady day following he receiued his pal in bow church , where he made a dry and friuolous sermon touching the vse , profit , signification , and first institution of the pall . march . he was installed by a proctor one robert collins his commissary . while these things were a dooing , cardinall caraffa his ancient enimy became pope . he presently discharged our cardinall of his power legantine , and made one frier peto first a cardinall , then his legate , and bestowed the bishopricke of salisbury vpon him . he alleaged against cardinall poole that he was vnwoorthy the honour of the legate apostolicall that would suffer the quéene to proclaime warres against the french king ; but the matter was , the old quarrels were not yet digested , & this way he thought to pay him home . the quéene kept frier peto out of the realme by force , vntill the pope was reconciled vnto cardinall poole againe . two yéere and almost . months this man continued archb. in the yere . many old mē fel into quartaine agues ( a disease fatall vnto elderly folke . ) amongst the rest , a quartane had seased vpon him , and brought him to a low ebbe , at what time newes being brought of quéene maries death , strucke him quite dead . for he departed this life euen the same day that she did , viz. nouember . . being . yéeres of age , and sixe moneths . he procured in his life time , the gift and patronage of . benefices from the quéene vnto his sée , which he no way else benefited , except by the building of a certaine gallery toward the east at lambhith , and some few roomes adioyning . he purposed indéede to haue bestowed much cost vpon his pallace at canterbury , but was preuented by death . he was a man of indifferent stature , slender , wel coloured , somewhat broad visaged , his eyes gray and chéerefull , and his countenance milde . his goods he left to the disposition of one aloysius priolus an italian , who bestowed them all to good vses , reseruing nothing vnto him selfe , but two praier bookes . his body was conueighed to canterbury , aud entoombed on the north side of a litle chappell that is at the east end of thomas beckets chappell . . matthew parker . matthew parker was borne at norwich , august . . and brought vp by his mother ( for his father died he being but twelue yéeres of age ) in the uniuersity of cambridge . he was first a bible clerke of corpus-christ college there , and afterwards fellow . his first preferment was the deanry of stoke , which he obtained by the fauor of queene anne bulleyn whose chaplaine he was . that colledge ( though he resisted it what he might ) was suppressed in the first yeere of king edward the sixt . after the death of that noble lady king henry her husband tooke him for his chapleme , in which place he also serued king edward his sonne . by these two princes he was preferred vnto many other good ecclesiasticall promotions , as a prebend in ely , by king henry the eight , the mastership of corpus christi colledge ( where he was brought vp ) by the election of the fellowes but commandement of the same king , and lastly the deanry of lincolne , with the prebend of coldingham giuen him by king edward the sixt . besides these liuings he had also the parsonage of landbeach foure miles from cambridge by the gift of the colledge whereof he was master . these liuings he quietly enioyed till the second yeere of queene mary , at what time for being married , he was depriued and liued poorely all the time of her raigne . that terrible fire being extinguished that consumed so many zealous and learned men , and the archbishopricke left void by the death of cardinall poole , this matthew parker then doctor of diuinity sometimes deane of lincolne , and master of corpus-christi colledge , in cambridge ( as afore said ) was thought méetest for that high place and preserment . he was consecrate thereunto , december . . held the same fifteene yéeres , 〈◊〉 moneths , and deceased maye . . being . yéeres of age . he founded a grammer schoole at rochdale in lancashire : unto corpus christi colledge in cambridge ( where he was brought vp ) he procured thirtéene schollerships , built the inward library , and two faire chambers in the same . moreouer , he gaue to the library of that colledge a great number of bookés some printed , other written , but very rare , and much to be estéemed for their value and antiquity . he gaue them also thrée hundred and ten ounces of plate double guilt , the perpetuall patronage of s. mary abchurch in london , land for the maintenance of two fellowes aboue the ordinary number , a leasse for seuentéene yéeres , worth fourtéene pounds eight shillings de claro , and one hundred pounds to mainetaine a fire in the hall there , from allhallowentide till candlemas . he tooke order for the preaching of fire sermons yéerely in the rogation weeke , in fiue seuerall churches in norfolke . unto the city of norwich ( where he was borne ) he gaue a bason and ewer double guilt weighing one hundred seuenty three ounces , and fifty shillings yee ely reuenew , to be deuided among poore people of the same city . unto gunnell and caius colledge a pot double guilt , of fifty sixe ounces , together with a neast of goblets , and certaine bookes : to trinity hall a scholers place , a cuppe waighing fifty thrée ounces , a neast of goblets and bookes likewise ; to the uniuersity fifty written bookes of great value , and fifty printed ; and otherwise bestowed much money vnto charitable vses , not necessary particularly to be remembred . upon the reparation of his pallace at canterbury ( which was now greatly derayed ) he bestowed one thousand foure hūdred pound . at lambhith also he repaired and built much to his great charge . but aboue any thing i may not forget his great care of preseruing antiquities , vnto which his care we are beholding for most of our ancient histories , that but for him were euen vpon the point vtterly to perish . he lyeth buried in the chàppell belonging to his house at lambhith vnder a faire marble stone . . edmund gryndall . in the moneth of february following edmund gryndall archbishop of yorke was translated to canterbury . this man was borne at saint bees in cumberland , fellow first , then 〈◊〉 of penbroke hall in cambridge , of which 〈◊〉 he was for one yeere one of the proctors . a while he was chaplame vnto master 〈◊〉 bishop of london , who preferred him vnto the seruice of king edward the sixt . in the end of which kings raigne , there was an intent that the said bishop should haue beene remooued to durham , and it was thought that master gryndall should succeede him in london . but the death of that good king disturbed the progresse of this platforme , and in steed of the expected honourable aduauncement forced him to a voluntary exile in germany , where he liued all the raigne of quéene mary . she dying , & our now gratious princesse happily succéeding , he was appointed vnto the gouernment so long before intended , elected thereunto july . . and enioyed the same about eleuen yeeres , viz. vntill may . . at what time he was remooued to yorke . there he sate almost sixe yeeres and as before is mentioned was once more translated to canterbury . two yeeres before his death he became blind , and died at croydon ( where also he was buried ) july . . . being . yéeres of age , hauing continued archbishop seuen yéeres and almost a halfe . in the place where he was borne he founded a frée schoole , which he endowed with thirty pound land . to quéenes colledge in oxford he gaue twenty pound lande to maintaine a fellowe and two schollers to be taken out of his said schoole : he gaue them also the greatest part of his bookes , and . ounces of plate besides forty pound debt which he forgaue them . to pembroke hall in cambridge he gaue two and twenty pound land for the maintenance of a gréeke lecture , of a fellow and two schollers , to be likewise taken out of his schoole . to 〈◊〉 he also gaue some bookes , and forty ounces of plate . to magdalen colledge in cambridge he gaue fiue pound land for one fellow to be taken from his schoole ; to christs colledge there fiue and forty ounces of plate : to eight little almeshouses in croydon fifty pound to be bestowed in land for their reliefe ; and lastly to the city of canterbury an hundred pound to be imployed vpon a stocke to set the poore on worke . . iohn whitegift . soone after the death of edmund gryndall , iohn whitegift doctor of diuinity , bishop of worcester , was appointed to succéede him , and his translation confirmed september . following . he was borne at grymsby in lincolnshire , brought vp a while vnder master bradford in penbroke hall , and afterwards became fellow of peter house in cambridge . the yéere . he procéeded doctor of diuinity , and being chosen master of pembroke hall , within the compasse of the same yéere was called to the gouernement of trinity colledge . in the meane time he had béene reader of both the diuinity lectures , first the lady margarets , & after the quéenes . ten yéeres he continued master of trinity colledge , in which space he was twice uicechauncellour , and the yéere . by the gift of her maiestie ( whose chaplaine he was ) became deane of lincoln . in the beginning then of the yéere . he was aduaunced vnto the bishopricke of worcester , in september following had the gouernment of the principality of wales committed vnto him and held the same two yeeres and a halfe , euen all the time that sir henry sydney the president liued in ireland as lord deputy . sixe yéeres and almost a halfe he had beene at worcester whē he was called vnto the metropolitical sée of canterbury which he yet holdeth . upon candlemas day . he was sworne of her maiesties priuy counsell . god graunt him long and happily to enioy these honorable places to his glory and the good of his church . amen . the archbishopricke of canterbury is valued in the queenes bookes at , l. . s. . d. ob . farthing , and was woont to pay to the pope . ducats at euery income , besides . for his pall . the old corporation of prior and couent of christchurch being dissolued ; king henry the eight made a new , of a deane and . prebendaries . the names of the deanes i haue thought not amisse here to set downe : . nicolas wotton , doctor of lawe . . thomas godwyn , doctor of diuinity . . . richard rogers , bishop of douer . . . thomas neuyll , doctor of diuinity . . the bishops of london . at what time christian religion was first publikely receaued in this island , there were established in the same . sées or cathedrall churches ; whereof thrée were archbishopricks ; yorke , whose prouince was scotland and the north of england ; caerlegion ( now called caerleon vpon usk ) to which the churches of wales were subiect ; and lastly london that had iurisdiction ouer the rest of england . to speake of the archbishops of london ( with whom onely we haue now to do ) there is not any precise catalogue or continuate history deliuered of them . some i finde mentioned sparsim in our histories ; their names i will set downe , and the reader must content him selfe with them . . thean , it is said he built saint peters church in cornhill , with the helpe of one cyran chiefe butler vnto king lucius , and made it his metropoliticall sée . . eluanus , is named the second archbishop . he built a library néere vnto the same church and conuerted many of the druydes to christian religion . . cadar . . obinus . . conan . . paladius . . stephan . . iltut . . theodwyn or dedwyn . . thedred . . hillary . . guiteline . . restitutus , he was present at the counsell of arles in fraunce the yéere . vnder constantius the sonne of constantine the great , and subscribed vitto the decrées of the same counsell , which he brought ouer with him : one decrée amongst the rest was , that if a deacon at the time of his ordering did protest he intended to mary , it should be lawfull for him so to do . restitutus himselfe was maried . . fastidius , gennadius in his catalogue illustrium virorum , mentioneth him by the name of fastidius britanniarum episcopus , and commendeth certaine works of his . . vodinus , he was slaine ann . . by the procurement of hengist first king of the saxons , for reprehending king vortigers vnlawfull mariage with rowen hengists daughter , his quéene and lawfull wife being yet aliue . after the comming in of the saxons , the succession of archbishops was stil continued in london for the space of thrée hundreth yeeres , ( but secretly ) euen vntill the time that saint gregory sent augustine hither . i finde onely one of them named , viz. . 〈◊〉 that being first bishop of glocester , forsooke it and tooke the charge of london vpon him the yéere . . mellitus . saint augustine hauing established his metrapoliticall see at canterbury , for that it was the seate of the king of kent , who commanded the kings of the east and south saxons as his vassals , and holding their kingdomes at his pleasure ; he thought good to appoint a bishop at london ; and he made choice of mellitus , whom he consecrated ann . . this mellitus conuerted vnto the faith of christ sebert king of east saxons , who soone after built the church of westminster , and dedicated it to saint peter . in his time also ethelbert king of kent built the cathedrall church of saint paule , that being often increased by erkenwald and other , was burnt at last downe to the ground some . yéeres after , and built a new in that stately forme it now hath by mauritius bishop of london , and his successors . king ethelbert moreouer gaue tillingham and other lands vnto this church . of mellitus sée more in canterbury , whether he was translated . . ceadda . after the departure of mellitus the church of london was long without a pastor , euen vntill that sigebert obtaining the kingdome of the east saxons , by the perswasion of oswy king of northumberland , he became a christian and procured ceadda a vertuous and godly priest to be consecrate bishop of his countrey . that charge he attended painfully many yéeres . at last , building a monastery in the north country called lestinghen ; the same was scarcely finished , when the infection of the plague being brought thither , tooke away not onely this bishop the founder , but almost all the monks that were now newly placed in the same . of this man beda writeth much in his eccl. historie lib. . cap. . & . he was buried in the foresaid monastery of lestinghen . . wina . about the time that ceadda died , it hapned kenwalchus k. of the west saxons to fall out with wina the bishop of his countrey , insomuch as , he forced him to flie vnto wlfher king of mercia , of whom ( being now destitute of liuing ) he bought for money the bishopricke of london . sée more in winchester . . erkenwald . vvina being dead , erkenwald the sonne of offa king of east saxons ( a very deuout and vertuous man ) became bishop of london . his owne patrimony he bestowed in building of two monasteries , one for monkes at chertsey , another for nunnes at barking , making edelburg his sister the first abbesse there . he conuerted vnto the faith of christ sebba king of the east saxons : he bestowed much vpon building in his cathedrall church of saint paule , encreased much the reuenues of the same , and obtained for it of diuers princes many notable and important priuileges . hauing sate . yéeres he died about the yéere of our lord . and after his death was honoured for a saint . his body was laied in a very sumptuous shryne , which not many yéeres since stoode in the east part of the church aboue the high altar . after erkenwald sate these in order successiuely . . waldhere , of him beda maketh mention , hist. eccles . lib. . cap. . . ingwald , this man liued in the time of beda , and died . . 〈◊〉 . . wighed . . eadbright . . eadgar . . kenwalch . . eadbald . . hecbert or heathobert . he died the yéere . . osmund or oswyn , he liued . . ethelnoth . . ceolbert . . renulf or ceorolf . . swithulf , he liued the yéere . . eadstan , liued . . wulfsius . . ethelward . . elstan , he died an . . or as asserius saith , an . . . theodred , surnamed the good. his body was laid in a high toombe by the window of the vault or vndercroft , now called ( if i mistake not ) saint faiths church . . wulstan . . brithelm , he died the yéere . . dunstan . see more of him in canterbury . . alfstan , he liued . and . . wulfstan . . albun , he taught the children of king ethelred , and carried them into normandy the yéere . . alwy . . elfward , before he was bishop , abbot of eueshain ; being bishop , held still his abbotship in commendam : waxing olde , he intended to resigne his bishopricke , and returning thither againe to spend the rest of his daies there : but the monkes refused to receiue him , whereupon he tooke from them many bookes and rich ornaments that he had sent thither ( yea some also that other men had bestowed ) and gaue them vnto the abbey of kanisey where he lieth buried . he died iuly . ann . . . robert , he was translated to canterbury . sée more there . . william . by what meanes i know not , spearheafocus abbot of abingdon set foote into the bishopricke of london , robert being translated . but the king displaced him , would not suffer him to be consecrate , and bestowed the same vpon one william that was a norman ( as his predecessor was ) and came into the realme with quéene emma his ( i meane the confessors ) mother . unto this man the city of london acknoledgeth it selfe greatly beholding , for that king william the conquerour by his meanes & instant sute , graunted vnto them all kind of liberties , in as ample manner as they enioyed them in the time of his predecessor . in thankfulnesse hereof , the citizens haue caused to be engrauen this epitaphe vpon his graue ( which is in the middle of the body of his church . ) guilielmo viro sapientia & vitae sanctitate claro , qui primum diuo edwardo regi & confessori familiaris , nuper in episcopum londinensem erectus , nec multo post apud inuictissimum principem guilielmum angliae regem eius nominis primum ob prudentiam fidemque singularem in consilium adhibitus , amplistima huic vrbi celeberrimae priuilegia ab eodem impetrauit ; senatus populusque londinensis benè merenti posuit . sedit episcopus ann . . decessit an . a christo nato . haec tibi clare pater posuerunt marmora clues , praemia , non meritis aequiparanda tuis . namque sibi populus , te londinensis amicum sensit , & huic vrbi non leue praesidium . reddita libertas duce te , donataque multis te duce , resfuerat publica muneribus . diuitias , genus & formam breuis opprimit hora , haec tua sed pietas & benefacta manent . . hugh d' oriuall . after the death of bishop william , the conquerour aduaunced vnto this sée one hugh d' oriuall a norman . within a short space after his preferment , he fell into a leprosie ; for cure whereof by the counsell of phisitions he was gelded . it little auailed him ; that notwithstanding , he continued a leper all his life , and so died ianuary . ann . . . mauritius . mauritius chaplaine and chauncellor to the conqueror , was consecrate bishop of london the yéere . a man not of the best report for his life , but famous for his memorable endeuour of building paules church in london . it happened the yéere . the whole city of london ( in a manner ) to be consumed with fire . the cathedrall church amongst the rest going to wrack ; maurice the yéere following ( which was the first yéere of his consecration ) intending to reedifie the same , laid the foundation of so huge a plot , as all men thought it would neuer be finished . the same fire destroyed a great castle standing in that place where robert killwardby archbishop of canterbury did afterwards build the blacke friers . the ruines of this castle the k. was content should be imployed vpon paules church . he gaue also vnto the bishop and his successors for euer the castle of scortford with the appurtenances . notwithstanding these and many other helps , this bishop dooing his vtmost endeuor , for the aduancement of this noble worke , in twenty yéeres that he sate , was not able to bring it to any perfection . he deceased , september . . . richard beauveys . richard beauveys sirnamed rufus by some ( for difference i thinke of his nephew of the same name , that afterward succéeded him ) was consecrate vnto the sée of london at pagham , the yéere . he purchased diuers whole stréetes , and much housing néere to his cathedrall church , all which he pulled downe , and leauing the ground vnbuilt for a cemitery or churchyard , enclosed the same with a wall , which yet for the most part remaineth , but so couered with houses , as it cannot be séene but here and there . this man sitting ( as his 〈◊〉 did ) twenty yéeres , and employing all his reuenewes vpon this fabrike almost all his time , was nothing néere able to finish it . toward his latter end , waxing weary of that tedious worke , he gaue it ouer , and endeuoured the foundation of a monastery at saint osythes in essex , which place he procured , giuing ladsworth in exchange for it . diuers times he was about to resigne his bishopricke , that he might become a regular chanon in his owne new built monastery ; and that the rather , because being taken with a desperate and irrecouerable palsey , he wel knew his time to be short : but he deferred so long the execution of this intent from day to day , that he was surprised by death before he could performe it , viz. ianuary , . . gilbertus vniuersalis . a canon of lyons was then preferred to this sée , one gilbert surnamed vniuersalis , vir probus & grandaevus ( saith florent . wigorn : ) avery aged , but a very good man. other report of him , that he was a very couetous man , and a very rich man , but a very learned man. it séemeth he was a man of some note in those daies : saint barnard writeth diuers epistles vnto him . he died the yéere . trauayling toward rome . . robertus de sigillo . after the death of bishop gilbert one 〈◊〉 abbot of 〈◊〉 , nephew to saint anselme , was elected bishop of london , and had his election confirmed at rome . but presently such exceptions were taken against him , as thereupon he was not onely stayed from consecration , but depriued also of his abbotship . his electors were william the deane of 〈◊〉 , ralfe langford , and richard 〈◊〉 ( the same i beleeue ) that afterwards was bishop . the king who very much mistiked this election ( hauing made request for some other ) amongst other effects of his displeasure , caused the wiues of these canons ( as bale reporteth ) to be imprisoned , and otherwise shainefully intreated . true it is , that a little before this time , euen vntill anselme was archbishop , many clergy men had wiues : but he so farre foorth restrained them , as if any were maried afterwards , they were very fewe , and durst not in any wise be acknowen of it . by reason of the 〈◊〉 that were about this election , the sée continued void a long time . the yeere . mawde the empresse hauing taken king stephen prisoner , came to london , and finding the bishopricke void , caused one robert de sigillo a monke of reading ( or as others say archdeacon of london ) to be elected and consecrate bishop . within a yeere or two after , he was taken prisoner at fullham by 〈◊〉 de mandeuill a captaine of king stephens , who ye may be sure could ill brooke any man that the empresse fauoured . he sate bishop about ten yeeres . . richard beauveys . the yéere . richard beauveys archdeacon of middlesex , and nephew vnto the former richard beauveys became bishop . he died ann . . . gilbert foliot . gilbert foliot was first abbot of glocester ( as m. westm. hath ) but bale affirmeth he was abbot of leycester , and not of glocester . the yéere . he was consecrate bishop of hereford , continued in that sée almost twelue yeeres , and in . vpon the kings speciall request , he was translated to london . in all the stirres betwéene thomas becket and the king , he stucke vnto the king very faithfully , and was partaker of all his counsels . mat. paris reporteth a strange thing of him ( beléeue it if you list ) that one night comming from the king , after long conference concerning the businesse betwéene the king , and the archbishop : as he lay musing of those things in his bed , a terrible and an vnknowen voice sounded these words in his eares , o gilberte 〈◊〉 , dum reuoluis tot & tot , deus 〈◊〉 est ascarot . taking it to be the deuill , he answered boldly , mentiris daemon , deus 〈◊〉 est deus sabaoth . at what time the king banished certaine fauorites of the archbishop , that were clergy men , he commaunded this bishop to receiue the fruites of their liuings into his hand . for obeying the authority of his prince herein , the archbishop excommunicated him . and presently vpon the death of the said archbishop , the pope excommunicated him also , but affirming by othe he was not guilty of the murther , he was absolued . he died february . . it séemeth he was not onely wise , but ( for those times ) very learned ; he writ diuers bookes mentioned by bale . i finde in polycraticus , a note concerning him , that because it expresseth very well an humour much raigning now a daies , i thinke not vnnecessary to offer vnto the reader euen as i find it . venerabilis pater , &c. the reuerend father gilbert bishop of hereford , would sometimes discourse vnto me ( saith he ) a certaine guise of cloyster men , the experience whereof he found in him selfe . when first he entred into the monastery , hote with the fire newly kindled in him , he was woont to blame very much the sluggishnesse of his gouernors . being preferred him selfe , he was still moued with 〈◊〉 toward his equals , but spared not his betters . he became first a prior ; taking part then with priors , he would complaine of abbots . afterwards being made an abbot , fauouring his fellow abbots , he ceased not to reprehend bishops . and lastly , when he was a bishop himselfe , he began to see how much more easie a thing it is to find faults then to mend them . i thinke not ( saith he ) that this bishop was to be esteemed enuious , but being a wise man he expressed pretily an affection , as it were naturally engraffed in euery man ; and was the more willing to take that kind of fault vpon him selfe , that he might be the better heard of others . ioan. sarisb . polycrat . lib. . cap. . a very wise and reuerend bishop now deceased , in my hearing hath often acknowledged the like humour in him selfe before his preferments , and therefore adiudged it the rather to be borne withall in other men . . richard fitz-neale . nigellus bishop of ely ( that was nephew to roger bishop of salisbury had a sonne named richard , for whom he bought of king henry the second the treasurership of england , and payed for the same . markes . he held that office almost all the raigne of the said king , and was so good a husband in it , as that at the kings death , his treasure 〈◊〉 vnto . markes . in the latter end of his raigne he found meanes to preferre him vnto the bishopricke of london , whereunto he was consecrate december . . he bestowed much vpon the building of his church and other edifices belonging to his see , sate there about nine yeeres , and died september . . . william de sancta maria. vvilliam de sancta maria succéeded , a canon of paules , and sometimes secretary to king richard the first . he was consecrate , june . . this bishop was one of them that interdicted the whole realme , and excommunicated king iohn by the commaundement of the pope . they all indured fiue yéeres banishment for their labours , as elsewhere is more at large declared . he resigned his bishopricke ianuary . . . eustachius de fauconbridge . evstachius de fauconbridge was elected vnto the sée of london february . following , and then vpon saint markes day consecrate at westminster . the next yéere a great controuersie was ended by arbitrators betweene him and his cathedrall church of saint paule on the one part , and the abbey of westminster on the other . the arbitrators were the archbishop of canterbury , the bishop of winchester and sarum . thomas prior of merton and richard of dunstaple . their order was , that the abbey of westminster should be exempt from the iurisdiction of the bishop of london , that the church of stanes should euer hereafter belong to westminster , the mannor and church of sunbery vnto the cathedrall church of paules . this eustache had béene one of the kings iustices , chauncellour of the exchequer , treasurer of england , and twise embassador into fraunce . he was a great benefactor vnto his cathedrall church , in which he lyeth intoombed in a faire monument of marble standing in the south wall of the east ende of the churchurch . he died october . . . rogerus niger . roger ( in our histories surnamed niger ) archdeacon of colchester , was chosen bishop the yéere . soone after the death of eustachius , and consecrate by loceline bishop of bathe iune . following being trinity sunday , togither with richard archbishop of canterbury and hugh bishop of ely. this roger ( saith m. paris ) was a very reuerend man , religious , learned , painefull in preaching , eloquent , a great house-kéeper , of very gentle and curteous behauiour . whereunto he might haue added that he was also stout and very couragious . one rustandus the popes nuntio being earnest in a conuocation for setting forward a certaine prolling deuise to scrape vp money for his master ; he not onely withstood him openly , but cryed out vpon the vnreasonable and shamelesse couetousnes of the court of rome , and was the onely meanes of staying the course of that exaction . for reuenge hereof not long after they began to frame an accusation against him at rome , alleaging matters altogither false and friuolous . it forced him to trauell thither , and cost him great summes of money before he could rid his hands of that brabble . the yéere . walter mauclerke bishop of carlile taking ship to passe ouer the seas , was hindered by some of the kings officers , for that he had no licence to depart the realme . these officers for so doing , he excommunicated , and riding straight vnto the court , certified the king what he had done , and there renewed the same sentence againe . about the same time the king gaue commandement for the apprehending of hubert de burgo earle of kent , who hauing sudden notice thereof at midnight , got him vp and fled into a church in esser . they to whom the businesse was committed , finding him vpon his knées before the high altar with the sacrament in one hand and a crosse in the other , caried him away neuertheles vnto the tower of london . the bishop taking this to be a great violence and wrong offered vnto holy church , would neuer leaue the king ( that was indéed a prince religious ynough ) vntill he had caused the earle to be caried vnto the place whence he was taken . it is thought it was a meanes of sauing the earles life . for though order was taken he should not scape thence , yet it gaue the kings wrath a time to coole , and himselfe leysure to make proofe of his innocency : by reason whereof , he was afterward restored to the kings fauour and former places of honour . this bishop died at his mannor of bishops hall in the parish of stupenheath on michaelmas day . or as some report ( i thinke vntruly ) october . . and was buried in his owne church , where matthew paris saies diuers miracles were wrought at his toombe . it standeth in the enter close or north wall of the presbytery a little aboue the quire , where is to be read this epitaphe : ecclesiae quondam praeful praesentis , in anno m. bis c. quater x. iacet hic rogerus humatus . huius erat manibus domino locus iste dicatus . christe suis precibus veniam des , tolle reatus . . fulco basset . about christmas following , fulco basset deane of yorke was elected vnto the sée of london , but not consecrate vntill october . . for that the king , who earnestly desired to haue remooued peter bishop of hereford vnto london , misliked greatly their choice . this our fulco was a gentleman of a grcat house , but a second brother . after he had entred orders , his elder brother and the onely sonne of that brother , died within the compasse of a yéere , leauing the inheritance vnto him . our histories blame him for not being forward ynough in the cause of the barons , that is for being too true vnto his prince : otherwise , they giue him the praise of a good man , a discréet and vigilant pastor . questionlesse he was a man stout , and no lesse couragious then his predecessor . the yéere . rustandus the popes legate held a connocation at london , in which when he went about to lay an importable exaction vpon the cleargy ( and it was knowen the king was hired to winke at it ) this bishop rose vp and openly professed that he would suffer his head to be chopped off before he would consent vnto so shamefull and vnreasonable oppression of the church . yea when the king stormed at this his resistance , and reuiled him , saying , that neither he nor any of his name was euer true vnto him , threatning moreouer that he would finde meanes to plague him for it : in the presence of some that he knew would tell the king of it , he sticked not to say ( a spéech i confesse not commendable , but bold and couragious ) my bishopricke indéed , my myter and crosier the king and the pope may take away from me ( though vniustly ) but my helmet and sword i hope they shall not . he died of the plague at london the yéere . and was buried in his owne church vpon saint urbans day . . henry de wingham . henry de wingham chauncellor of england , chamberlaine of gascoigne , deane of tottenhall and s. martins , hauing béene twice embassador into fraunce , was chosen bishop of winchester the yéere . but refused to accept of that place . sée why in ethelmare of winchester . the yéere following , the like offer being made for london , he neuer made bones of it , and was consecrate about midsommer the same yéere . a small time he enioyed that preferment , being taken away by death july . . he lyeth intoombed in the south wall neere to the monument of bishop fauconbridge . . kichard talbot . soone after the death of henry wingham , richard talbot was elected and confirmed bishop of london , whether consecrate or no i can not tel . certaine it is he died vpon michaelinas day the yéere following , viz. . . henry de sandwich . before the ende of that yéere , henry de sandwich was consecrate bishop . so london had thrée bishops in one yéere . this man was excommunicate by ottobonus the popes legate ( as he had well deserued ) for taking part with the rebellious barons against their prince . he died september . . . iohn de 〈◊〉 . iohn de chishull deane of paules , sometimes archdeacon of london , hauing béene first kéeper of the great seale , and then treasurer of england , was consecrate aprill . . he died february . . . richard de grauesend . richard de grauesend archdeacon of northhampton , was consecrate bishop of london at couentry august . . he died at fulham december . . and was buried at london . . ralfe de baldocke . by the consent of the whole chapter , ralfe baldocke was then chosen bishoppe vpon saint matthias day following . howbeit he might not haue consecration till the pope had confirmed the election , for that thrée canons lately depriued from their prebends by the archbishop , being excluded from the election , had appealed from the same vnto the pope . by the commandement of the pope ( clement . . ) he was consecrate at lyons ianuary . by the hands of one petrus hispanus a cardinall . he was very well learned , and amongst other things , he writ ( as bale recordeth ) an history or chronicle of england in the latine toong . in his life time he gaue two hundred markes toward the building of the new worke of the chappell on the east end of his church , now called the lady chappell , and in his will bequeathed much toward the finishing of the same . and here by the way it shall not be amisse to note , that in digging the foundation of this building , there were found more then an hundred heads of cattell , as oxen , kine , &c. which séemeth to confirme the opinion of those that thinke the temple of iupiter was situate in that place before the planting of christian religion , tooke away those idolatrous sacrifices . this bishop died at stell july . . and lieth buried vnder a flat marble in the said chappell . . gilbert segraue . gilbert segraue borne in leicester shire , and brought vp in oxford , was a man very well learned , and left diuers good monuments of his knowledge behinde him . he was consecrate bishop of london , nouember . . and sate about thrée yéeres . . richard newport . richard newport was consecrate bishop of london , march . . and died august . . . stephen grauesend . stephen grauesend was consecrate ianuary . following , and sate about twenty yéeres . . richard byntworth , or wentworth . richard byntworth had his election confirmed , may . . was consecrate afterwards at lambhith by the bishop of chichester , and died december . . . ralfe stratford . ralfe stratford was consecrate at canterbury , march . . he purchased the péece of ground called no-mans-land beside smithfield , and dedicated it to the vse of buriall . he was borne at stratford vpon avon , where he builded the chappell of saint thomas , and died at stupenheath hauing sate bishop about the space of fourtéene yéeres . . michaell northbrooke . michaell northbrooke doctor of law , had his election confirmed , july . . and died the yéere . . simon sudbury . simon sudbury alias tibald doctor of law succéeded he sate bishop about fiftéene yéeres , and was translated to canterbury . sée more of him there . . william courtney . the yéere . at what time bishop sudbury was remooued to canterbury , william courtney bishop of hereford was called to london , and afterwards succéeded the same man in canterbury also , viz. in the end of the yéere . sée more of him in canterbury . . robert braybrooke . robert braybrooke was consecrate ianuary . . in sept. . he was made lord chauncellor , but held not that office past halfe a yéere . he died august . . or ( as his epitaphe reporteth ) . and lyeth buried in the middle of the lady chappell , vnder a faire marble stone in laid with letters made euery one of a seuerall péece of brasse . . roger walden . one thomas langley was then elected bishop , october . following . but the pope little regarding this election , of his méere authority ( according to his manner ) bestowed this bishopricke , december . . vpon roger walden , that for a time had held the place and authority of archbishop of canterbury . neuer had any man better experience of the variable vncertainty of worldly felicity . from the estate of a very poore man , he was sodainly raysed to be treasurer of england ( hauing béene first secretary to the king , deane of yorke , and treasurer of the towne of calis ) and then made archbishop of canterbury . that honor he enioied not past two yéeres , but he was remooued from the same , and forced to lead a priuate life a great while . at last being once more lift vp into a place of honor , he was not suffred to enioy the same any long time ; within the compasse of a yéere after he was made bishop of london , he died and was buried in the priory of s. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 . see more of him in t. arundell of canterbury . . nicholas bubwith . in the beginning of the yéere . nicholas bubwith was consecrate bishop of london . within little more then the compasse of that one yéere , he was twice translated ; first to salisbury , and then to bathe . sée more of him in bathe . . richard clifford . the pope had bestowed the bishopricke of bathe ( by way of prouision ) vpon richard 〈◊〉 archdeacon of canterbury , the yéere . but king henry the fourth then newly come to the crowne , being very desirous of preferring another man to that place , assured him , he would neuer giue him possession of his temporalties , yet promised him his fauour in some other matter . hereupon he was content to let go this hold , and begin a new sute for worcester , which in the ende of the same yéere he easily obtained . there he sate about sixe yéeres , and october . . was translated to london . the yéere . he trauayled to the counsell of constance , and preached in latine before the emperor , and other estates there assembled . in that counsell , the long schisme was ended , and martin the fift , chosen the sole pope . the counsell thinking it méete that thirty persons should be added to the cardinals in this election , this bishop was one of that number : in which also , there were that named him vnto the papacy . himselfe was the first that named the cardinall columna , who thereupon , the rest consenting , was immediately elected . this bishop lyeth buried néere the place where the shrine of saint erkenwald stood toward the south : to wit , hard by the monument of sir christofer hatton . iohn kemp. after him , the yéere . succéeded iohn kemp , first bishop of rochester , then of chichester . the yéere . he was translated from london to yorke , and afterwards to canterbury . sée more of him in canterbury and yorke . . william gray . vvilliam gray deane of yorke , was consecrate may . . and the yéere . translated to lincolne . sée lincolne . . robert fitz-hugh . robert fitz-hugh doctor of lawe , and archdeacon of northampton , was consecrate september . . this man had béene twice embassadour , once into germany , and another time to rome . the yéere . he was elected bishop of ely , but died before his intended translation could be perfected , viz. vpon s. maurices day . and lyeth buried in the presbitery , a little aboue the bishops sée , vnder a marble stone , inlaid with brasse . . robert gilbert . robert gilbert doctor of diuinitie and deane of yorke , was consecrate the yéere . and died . . thomas kemp. the pope of his absolute authoritie bestowed the bishopricke of london vpon t. kemp , the yéere . he was consecrate at yorke place ( now called white hall ) february . . by the handes of his vncle iohn kemp then archbishop of yorke . this man sate bishop almost . yéeres . he died march . . and was buried in the vpper end of the body of his church betwéene two pillers , where he caused to be built ouer his tombe a sumptuous chappell , and erected ( as i take it ) a chauntry in the same . he built paules crosse in forme as now it standeth , & was a benefactor of our uniuersity of oxford , the particularity how farre foorth i know not . . i ohn marshall . the chapter elected for their bishop one richard hyll , august . . but i finde that iohn marshall ( by the popes appointment no doubt ) became bishop of london the same yeere , and died the yéere . this man ( if i be not deceiued ) was bishop of landaff before his preferment to london . . richard hyll . marshall being dead , the forenamed richard hyll ( whether by vertue of his old election or no i know not ) obtained consecration the same yéere . he lieth buried in the body of the church vnder a marble stone , bearing yet the title of his name though euen almost worne out . . thomas sauage . thomas sauage was first bishop of rochester , translated thence to london . and from london to yorke . sée more of him in yorke . . william warham . vvilliam warham doctor of law , became bishop of london in the beginning of the yéere . in the end of . he was translated to canterbury . sée more of him there . . william barnes . in the beginning of . william barnes was made bishop of london , and died before the end of the same yéere . . richard fitz-iames . richard fitz-iames doctor of lawe , brought vp in merton college in oxford , was consecrated bishop of rochester the yéere . translated thence to chichester . & from chichester to london . he died the yéere . a gentleman of an ancient house , learned and very vertuous . he was buried betwéene the two pillers next vnto the stéeple on the north side of the body of the church , vnder a marble stone , ouer which was built a kinde of tombe or chappell of wood , that by the burning of the stéeple was also consumed and quight defaced , june . . . cuthbert tonstall . cvthbert tonstall doctor of lawe , master of the rolles , and kéeper of the priuy seale , succéeded richard fitz-iames in the bishopricke of london , and was translated to durham march . . sée more of him in durham . . iohn stokesley . iohn stokesley was inthronized july . . and departed this life september . . he lieth buried in the lady chappell vnder a marble inlaid with brasse . . edmund boner . eemund boner doctor of law and archdeacon of leycester , sometimes master of the cardinals faculties , had the bishopricke of hereford bestowed vpon him , at what time he was out of the realme embassador vnto the pope from king henry the eight , for renouncing his authority here in england . soone after his returne , hauing yet scarcely entred vpon hereford he was called to london , elected october . . and installed aprill . . how butcherly he behaued himselfe in that place , i referre you vnto the report of master foxe . he was depriued october . . restored by quéene mary august . . . and lastly displaced againe by authority of parliament may . . he died in the marshalsea september . . . nicolas ridley . after the first displacing of bishop boner , nicholas ridley bishop of rochester was translated to london and installed there aprill . . he was a gentleman of an ancient house , borne in the bishopricke of durham , brought vp in pembrooke hall in cambridge ( where he proceeded doctor of diuinity ) consecrate bishop of rochester september . . remooued to london ( as before is mentioned , and lastly died for the constant profession of his faith october . . the historie whereof and his whole life ye may read in master foxe more at large . . edmund grindall . bishop boner being the second time depriued , edmund grindall was elected july . following , consecrate december . . translated to yorke may . . and after to canterbury . sée more of him in canterbury . . edwyn sands . edwyn sands bishop of worcester was confirmed bishop of london july . . he sate there about the space of sixe yeeres and was translated to yorke . sée more in yorke . . iohn elmer . iohn elmer doctor of diuinity and archdeacon of lincolne succéeded . he sate almost eightéen yéeres , died at fulham june . and was buried toward the north side of the east part of the church aboue the high altar . . richard fletcher . the sée of bristow hauing béene void many yéeres , richard fletcher doctor of diuinity , deane of peterborough , and one of her maiesties chaplaines , was consecrate thereunto in december . translated thence to worcester in february . and in the ende of the yéere . to london . he died suddenly in his house at london , being ( to sée to ) well , sicke and dead in one quarter of an hower , june . . and was buried in his owne cathedrall church . . richard bancroft . richard bancroft doctor of diuinity was consecrate the eight of may . this bishopricke is valued in the queenes bookes at , l. , s. , d. and yeelded the pope from euery bishop at his first entrance . florens . the bishops of winchester . the cathedrall church of winchester ( according to a report that i finde ) was first built and erected by king lucius who abolishing paganisike , embraced christ the first yere of his raigne being the yéere of our lord . and placing monks in the same , alotted for their mainteynance large reuenewes , which heretofore had belonged for the most part vnto the flamines , and other heathen priests . this church ( as the same author saith ) was hallowed and dedicated vnto the honor of our sauiour . october . . by faganus , and damianus bishops . about the space of . yéeres the church of christ had peace in this land , viz. vntill the raigne of dioclesian , who endeuouring to roote out christian religion , not onely killed the professors of the same , but also pulled downe all churches , and temples , any where consecrate vnto the exercise thereof . amongst the rest , this of winchester at that time went to wracke , the buildings thereof being ruinated and made euen with the ground , and the monkes , and all the officers belonging vnto it , either slaine , or enforced to fly for the present time , and yet afterward to deny christ. this happened ann. . not long after the death of this cruell tyrant , to wit , the yeere . it was againe reedified , and that with such woonderfull for wardnesse and zeale , as within one yeere and thirty daies , both it and all the edifices belonging vnto it ( as chambers , and other buildings , for the monkes and officers ) were quite finished in very séemely and conuenient manner . the . day of march following , it was againe hallowed and dedicated vnto the honor and memory of amphibalus ( that had suffred death for christ in the late persecution ) by constans bish ( as my author saith ) of winchester , at the request of deadatus abbot of this new erected monastery . . yéers and vpward it then continued in the same state , to wit , vntill the yéere . at which time cerdick the first king of the west saxons , being a pagan , conuerted the church into the temple of dagon , slew & chased away all the monks and ministers of the same . thus much for the first foundation of this church , and the estate of the 〈◊〉 , vntill the comming of the saxons . now let vs procéede vnto the discourse of the bishops , whose faries and succession after this time had neuer any notable interruption or discontinuance . . birnius . the prouince or kingdome of the gewisses or west saxons , containing the west part of england , was goucrned along time by one bishop that was called the bishop of the west saxons . this countrey after the saxons inuaded the same , receiued first the faith of christ in the time of king kinigilsus by the preaching of byroius the first bishop , who being a very zealous and deuout man , obtained leaue of honorus the pope of rome to aduenture himselfe in preaching christ vnto infidels . and his promise was to trauaile vnto the most sauage and barbarous people in the furthermost part of this i le , that amongst them he might sowe the séedes of the gospell : whereupon he was consecrated bishop by asterius then bishop of genoa . but comming thither , and finding the countrey of the gewisses , where he first arriued to be altogether pagans , and without any knowledge of christianity , he determined to go no farther to séeke that which euen there he had already met withall . it pleased god so to blesse his labours , that in a short time not onely great numbers of the common people , and many of the nobles , but euen kingilsus the king himselfe beléeued in christ , and tooke on them the badge and cognisance of christianity by baptisme . oswald the king of northumberland was present at what time kinigilsus receiued this sacrament and was his godfather , being afterwards to become his sonne by the mariage of his daughter . these two kings appointed vnto birnius the city of dorchester for his cathedrall sée , where spending his time in preaching , aud other pastorall offices ( not without great an inestimable profit ) he died about the yeere . . yéeres after his first comming into this countrey , & was buried there in his owne church . . agilbertus . in the meane time it had fallen out that kinigilsus dying , kenwalchus his sonne raigned in his stéede : who refusing the offer of the kingdome of heauen by refusing christ , lost also soone after his earthly kingdome . he had maried the daughter of penda king of mercia or mid-england , & ( vpon what occasion i know not ) putting her away , married another . for this cause penda tooke armes against him and forced him out of his kingdome . then for succour he fled vnto anna king of esser , a good man and very religious , in whose court he liued the space of thrée yéeres , and there was first brought vnto the faith of christ. by the helpe of this good prince he also was restored to his kingdome againe . his father had pulled downe the temple of dagon , and begun the building of a very faire church in winchester , but was taken away by death before he could finish it , and for maintenance of the ministers of the same had alotted al the countrey round about within seuen mile of the city . this building kenwalchus finished , and not onely ratified the foresaid gift of his father , but also himselfe bestowed vpon the same church the mannours of downton , alresford and wordiam . soone after the conuersion of kenwalchus , one agilbertus ( a frenchman borne ) that had spent a great time in ireland in preaching the gospell there , came into this countrey ann . . and of his owne accord tooke great paines in instructing the people . the king being giuen to vnderstaud of his learning and painefulnesse , prayed him to accept the pastorall charge of his countrey ; whereunto he agréed and continued in the same a long time . . wina . at last it came to passe that the king misliking his spéech and vtterance ( as not being able to deliuer his minde , but in broken and very bad english , caused an other 〈◊〉 to be ordained one wina a french man likewise , but one that could speake very good english , ) and diuiding his countrey into two parts , alotted the one vnto agilbert who held his episcopall sée as before is said at dorchester , and the other vnto this same wini appointing vnto him for his sée the city of winchester . this matter agilbert taking very grieuously , ( the rather for that it was done altogether without either his consent or knowledge ) returned in a great chafe into his owne countrey , where soone after he was made bishop of paris . so wini or wina , was the first bishop of winchester , of whom some vainely suppose , the city to haue taken his name . he lyeth entoombed in the north part of the presbitery vpon the top of a wall , where is to be seene this inscription , hic iacent 〈◊〉 wini episcopi . not long after the departure of agilbert , the king , ( i know not for what cause ) fell into great mislike of wina and droue him out of his countrey , who flying vnto wulfhere king of mercia or mid-england , bought of him for money ( as it is said ) the bishopricke of london being the first simonist that is mentioned in our histories . . elentherius . the west saxons were then a long time without a bishop . in which meane space kenwalchus perceiuing all things to go against the haire with him , and nothing to prosper vnder his hand , but crosses and mischaunces to come thicke one in the necke of another ; began to consider with him selfe , how that by neglecting religion , he first lost his kingdome , and no sooner embraced christ , but he was restored to his crowne againe , and therefore perswaded himselfe , that his negligence in appointing a pastor that might looke vnto the seruice of god , was the cause why his worldly affaires had no better successe . hereupon he sent an embassador into france vnto agilbert to excuse the wrong heretofore done vnto him , & with all earnestnes to perswade him to returne vnto his former charge there againe . this though agilbert refused to do , alleaging that he was bound by promise not to forsake the place he now held : yet that he might shew his readines to gratifie the king in what he might , he sent ouer with the embassador a priest named elentherius his owne nephew that might ( if so it pleased him ) be ordained pastor and bishop of that countrey , testifying that ( for his owne part ) he thought him not vnworthy of the place . he was honorably receiued of the king and his people , and at their request consecrate bishop by theodorus then archbishop of canterbury . he continued bishop seuen yéeres . . headda . after elentherius succéeded headda a very holy and vertuous man , but one that profited more his charge in example of good life & cōuersation then in often preaching vnto them ; ( for as it should seeme ) very learned he was not . yet ( if beda say true ) god approued his gouernment by the testimony of many miracles . . daniell . he dying in the yéere . or ( as some deliuer ) . after he had sate somewhat aboue thirty yéeres ; it seemed good to ina then king of the west saxons to diuide the prouince into two parts : whereof the one he committed vnto a kinsman of his owne called aldelmus , commaunding him to make sherborne his sée , and vnto the other was ordained daniell , who following the steps of his predecessors , continued at winchester . this man sate . yeeres , and at last perceiuing himselfe vnable to gouerne by reason of old age , he resigned his bishopriche an . . and became a monke at meldune or malmesbury where he lieth buried . . humfridus . hvmfridus then gouerned this sée for the space of eight yéeres , and died an . . . kinehardus . after him came kinehardus of whom i finde nothing recorded . . hathelardus . and after him athelardus or hathelardus abbot of meldune , who the yéere . was translated to the metropoliticall sée of canterbury . sée more in canterbury . then these : . egbaldus . . dudda . . kineberthus . . 〈◊〉 . . wightheinus . . herefridus slaine of the danes in battell , ann . . . edmundus . and helmstanus of whom likewise little or nothing is deliuered , but that he lieth buried vpon the north wall of the presbytery togither with one of his successors kenulphus , as these verses there written do shew . pontifices haec capsa duos tenet incineratos , primus helstanus huic successorque kenulphus . about this time many suppose athelwulf or athulf ( that was king of the west saxons twenty yéeres ) to haue béene first bishop of winchester by the space of seuen yeeres . others report that he was a cardinall of rome also . neither of these can well be true . certaine it is , that being in orders , viz. a subdeacon , by the dispensation of pope leo he was taken out of the monastery of winchester to be king : and that is all i finde of this matter worthy credit . . swithunus . after him succéeded swithunus , the opinion of whose holines hath procured him the reputation of a saint . how miraculously he made whole a basket of egges that were all broken , and some other things scarce woorth the rehearsall : who so list may read them in matthew westminster in his report of the yeere . at what time ( as he writeth ) this bishop died , and ( according to his owne appointment ) was buried in the church-yard . some ( i know not how truely ) make him chauncellor of england . whatsoeuer his holines was , his learning questionlesse was great ; in respect whereof egbert king of the west saxons committed vnto his gonernment that same ethelwolfe his yoonger sonne that of a subdeacon in the church of winchester , was afterward made king , as before is declared . . adferthus . adferthus succéeded him in this bishopricke , a man ( saith florilegus ) sufficiently learned , and that a while discréetly and wisely gouerned this see. . dumbertus . dvmbertus the successor of adferthus died in the yéere . and left his bishopricke vnto denewulsus . . denewulsus . this denewulsus ( as the fame goeth ) was sometimes a hogheard , and dwelt in the place where the abbey of athelney in sommersetshire was afterward builded . it happened at that time king alfred that famous king of the west saxons to be so néere followed of the danes that sought nothing more than his life , as being abandoned of all his followers . he knew no better or more likely course for his safety then , ( dissembling his estate ) to deliuer himselfe for a time into the seruice of this hogheard , dwelling in a place ( at that time ) almost inaccessible & so of very little or no resort . so long he continued there , as his master and dame were almost weary of his seruice , wherein he was not so ready as a man should that had had education accordingly . of her it is particularly deliuered , that when the king let certaine cakes burne that she had set him to toast , she reprehended him sharply as an vnprofitable seruant in these words . vere quos cernis panes girare moraris , cum nimium gaudes hos manducare calentes . these cakes that now to toast thou makest no hast , when they are ready , thou wilt eate too fast . at last it sell out , that the kings friends gathering themselues together , he ioyned himselfe vnto them , and his subiectes ( that now a great while thought him dead ) resorted vnto him in so great numbers , as setting vpon the danes , he ouerthrew them , and in a short time not onely brought them vnder his obedience , but also reduced in a manner the whole realme of england into one monarchy . hauing thus recouered the peaceable possession of his crowne , he was not vnmindfull of his olde master , in whom perceiuing an excellent sharpnesse of wit , he caused him ( though it were now late being a man growen ) to study , and hauing obtained some competency of learning , he preferred him to the bishopricke of winchester . moreouer that he might shew himself thankfull vnto god aswell as man , in the place where this hogheard dwelt , he builte a stately monastery , the wals whereof are yet partly standing . . athelmus . of athelmus that succéeded , this onely is recorded , that the yéere . he traueyled to rome , to cary thither the almes of king alfred . i find not mention of this man any where but in matth. westm. bertulsus . he also reporteth that one bertulsus bishop of winchester , ann . . was appointed a gardian of the realme ( amongst many others ) by king alfred to defend it against the danes . elsewhere i find him not mentioned . . frithstane . certaine it is , that in the yéere . one frithstane was consecrate with six other bishops by plegmund archbishop of canterbury at the commaundement of king edmund the elder , the occasion whereof is elsewhere set downe . he was a man highly estéemed of for his learning , but much morefor his great vertue and holinosse . he sate a long time , and at last resigned , procuring one brinstan to be his successor , ann . . the next yéere after he died : viz. . . brinstan . brinstan ( as is said ) became bishop , ann . . and died thrée yéeres after , viz. . . elphegus calvus . he died in the yéere . of these thrée bishops , diuers miracles are reported in histories , which néede not to be rehearsed . . elfsinus , alias alfsins . he sate till the yéeres . and then by bribery , and great summes of money , procured himselfe to be 〈◊〉 to the sée of canterbury , of which preferment he had 〈◊〉 ioye . sée cant. . brithelmus . he sate about fiue yéeres . for ann . . he died . . ethelwald . ethelwald abbot of abindon continued bishop ninetéene yéeres and died , . angust . how brinstan his predecessor appeared vnto him , challenging the honor of a saint , &c. sée matth. westminster in ann . . he was a great patron of monkes , and no lesse enimy vnto maried priests . at his first comming 〈◊〉 expelled them out of the olde monastery to place monks . in the yéere . the danes had slaine all the monkes they could finde in winchester . from which time , secular priests inhabited the same ( being authorized by the king so to doo ) till the yéere . a company of monkes were brought from abingdon ( of the bishops old acquaintance it is like ) to shoulder them out of the doores . not contented thus to haue replenished his owne church with monkes , hauing bought the isle of ely , he played the like rex in that church ( not yet cathedrall ) turning a long eight honest priests into the world , with their wiues and children , to put in monkes . and then at thorney , he built new or at leastwise repaired an old monastery that had layen waste many yéeres . i may not let passe one commendable action of this bishop , that in time of a great dearth brake all the plats belonging to his church , and gaue it to the poore ; saying , that the church might in good time hereafter againe be prouided of ornaments necessary , but the poore perished for want of foode , could not be recouered . . elphegus . elphegus abbot of bathe succéeded him , an honest and learned man. he was translated to canterbury ann . . sée more of him in cant. . kenulphus , alias elsius . this man againe is infamous for simony , and aspiring by corrupt meanes to this place . he was abbot of peterborough , and hauing enioyed his deare bought preferment litle more then one yéere was called from it by death . euen so it fell out with elsius for canterbury to make the old saying true , ill gotten goods seldome prosper . kenulphus died ann . . and lyeth buried in his owne church , as before is mentioned . . brithwold . brithwold ( whom matth. westm. séemeth to call elthelwold ) was bishop after kenulphus . it is written of him , that one night being late at his prayers , he chaunced to thinke of the lowe ebbe of the bloud royall of england , which now was almost all consumed and brought to nothing . in the middest of this cogitation falling a sléepe , it séemed vnto him he sawe saint peter crowning yoong prince edward , that liued in exile at that time in normandy , and furthermore , to shew how he should raigne . yéers , and die at the last without issue . this bishop then ( as he thought ) asked him who should raigne next , whereunto this answere was made . the kingdome of england is gods kingdome , and he shall prouide a king for it . this dreame reported by very auncient writers and falling out iust according to the prediction , may be an example vnto vs , not altogether to neglect and despise the admonition of dreames , which often fall out strangely . this bishop whether brithwold or ethelwold died the yéere . . elsinus , or eadsinus . elsinus or ealsinus otherwise called eadsinus , was first chaplaine vnto king harald , and by him preferred to the bishopricke of winchester , from whence the yéere . he was translated to canterbury , sée more of him in cant. . alwynus . he was of very great authority with emma the kings mother , that fauoured him so much , as many suspected them for liuing ill together . robert the archbishop of canterbury acquainted the king with this rumor . whereupon the king presently imprisoned alwyn and dealt little better with his mother , with whom also he was otherwise offended for allowing him so scantly in time of his minority . she séemed to purge her selfe by miracle , offring to walke vpon nine plow shares red hotte to prooue her innocency , which shée is said to haue performed , and so was restored to the fauour of her sonne againe . alwyn also was set at liberty ; and robert the archbishop their accuser ( whether for shame or feare i cannot tell ) was glad to get him out of the realme . what else is to be deliuered of this bishop , this his epitaphe containeth . hic iacet alwyni corpus qui munera nobis , contulit egregia , 〈◊〉 christe rogamus . obijt anno . he lieth entoombed vpon the north wall of the presbytery in winchester , with 〈◊〉 of his predecessors before mentioned . sée more of him in robert archbishop of canter bury . . stigandus . he was chaplaine vnto edward the confessor , and by him preferred to the bishopricke of elmham ( whence that sée was shortly remooued to norwich ) . in the short time he staied there ( not past fower yéeres ) he had much adoo with one grinketell , that by money found meanes to cast out stigand and placed himselfe . he could not kéepe his hold long : for stigand quietly recouered it againe , and held it till that the yéere . he was translated to winchester : from whence also he was remooued to canterbury in the yéere . but whether he 〈◊〉 his title to canterbury , robert the former archbishop being yet aliue , or whether insatiable couetousnes prouoked him thereunto , i can not tell ; he retained still winchester , notwithstanding his preferment to canterbury , which was the cause of his vndoing at last . for the conqueror who came into this realme while he was archbishop , being desirous to place his owne countrey men in all roomes of speciall authority ; and besides hauing a priuate grudge at stigand for forcing him to yéeld kentish men their ancient liberties ( whereof sée more in canterbury ) procured him to be depriued of both his bishopricks vpon this point , that he had contrary to the lawe held them both together . he lieth intoombed at winchester with wyni the first bishop , inclosed ( as it séemeth to me ) with him in the same coffin : vpon the north side thereof is written : hiciacet stigandus archiepiscopus . he was depriued an . . and died a prisoner in the castle of winchester soone after . . walkelyn . soone after the depriuation of stigand , walkelyn a chaplaine of the kings was consecrate bishop of winchester , viz. an . . he fauoured not monkes , but displaced them where he might , and put in secular priests in their roomes . he died ianuary . . so he continued bishop yéeres . in his time , to wit , the yéere . the cathedrall church of winchester that now standeth began first to be built . . william giffard . at this time lay princes euery where tooke vpon them to bestowe bishoprickes , giuing inuestiture and possession of them by deliuering the ring and the crosier . pope gregory the seuenth first withstood henry the emperour in this case , and made him at last glad to yéeld vnto canonicall elections . king henry the first taking vnto himselfe the like authority , placed diuers of his chaplaines in bishoprickes ( without election ) commanding the archbishop to consecrate them . amongst diuers other he appointed this william giffard bishop of winchester , and required anselme the archbishop to consecrate him . anselme vtterly denied to afford consecration either vnto him or any other in the like case . the king sent then vnto girard archbishop of yorke whom he found nothing strange . but giffard ( saith matthew westminster ) timens rigorem sancti anselm , spernit consecrationem eius , stood so much in awe of saint anselme as he durst not but reiect the offer of the others consecration . the king angry hitherto with the archbishop onely , was now much more incensed against this giffard , and in great displeasure banished him the realme . in the ende , the king and the archbishop grew to this agréement , that the gifts of the king already passed should be ratified , and his clerkes nominated to bishoprickes , haue consecration vpon promise , that hereafter he should not disturbe canonicall elections , and vtterly renounce his pretended priuiledge . so after much adoo he was consecrate together with diuers other , an . . he sate . yéeres , and dying ianuary . . was buried at winchester in his owne church : howbeit i sée no memoriall of him there at all . . henry de bloys . this man was brother vnto king stephen , first abbot of bermondsey , then of glastonbury , and nouember . . consecrated bishop of winchester : yet not preferred to these places for fauour onely , and regard of his nobility , for he was very learned . he writ many things both in prose and verse ( if bale say true ) and amongst the rest one booke extant conteining an history of the finding of king arthurs bones in the abbey of glastonbury , at what time himselfe was abbot , and a speciall dooer in that action . if in all the stures and contentions betwixt his brother and maud the empresse concerning the kingdome , he stucke close vnto his brother , it is no great maruaile . yet true it is , that his brother being taken prisoner by the empresse ann . . he accursed and excommunicate all those that stoode against her , whom no man doubted to be the true inheretrice of the crowne . by his meanes notwithstanding , his brother recocouered quickly his liberty and kingdome . in the meane time the empresse being iealous of the bishop , came sodainly to winchester ; and the bishop doubting her comming to be to no other end but to surprise him , went out at one gate as she entred at another . within a fewe daies hauing gotten force about him , he returned to winchester in an vnhappy houre . for ( whether by his direction or no , it is not certaine ; but by his company out of all question ) the city was fired , the greatest part thereof being burnt downe to the ground , togither with the nunnery , the monastery of saint grimbald , and more then . other churches , ( some say . ) this hapned vpon the . day of august . soone after , his men burnt and spoiled the nunnery of warwell , and himselfe returning to winch. tooke off from the crosse that was burnt in the new monastery . l. of siluer & . marke of gold , thrée crownes with so many seates of fine arabike gold set with precious stones . all this he put in his owne purse . now to remember his good déedes also , you shall vnderstand that he founded that woorthy hospitall of saint crosse néere winchester : in which place some thing had beene built long before to some such good vse . but it was destroied by the danes , and quite ruinated , til this bishop reedified it , or rather laide new foundations in the same place , ann . . and endowed it with the reuenew it now hath . he also built the castell of farnham , destroied afterward by king henry the . but reedified by the bishops of winch. he was a man as of great bloud , so of a great and high minde . he contended often with the archbishop of canterbury for superiority , vnder colour that he was the popes legate a latere , and ( as some deliuer ) a cardinall . matthew westm. reporteth that he obtained of pope lucius the title of an archbishop , receauing from him a pall and authority ouer seuen churches ; but what or which they were i finde not . in the . yéere of his consecration , he fell sicke dangerously : whereof the king , henry the . hearing , came to visite him : but he was so farre from yeelding the king thanks for this great grace , as he gaue him no lookes but frowning , nor spéeches but very sharpe and curst : reprehending him with very bitter words as the causer of thomas beckets death . yet such was the great méekenesse of this prince , as he not onely tooke very patiently this reproofe , but long after thought much of the same . and surely no great maruell : the memory of a dying mans words abideth long : how much more of a bishop , a graue , wise , and ancient prelate . he departed this life august . . where he was buried i know not . . richard tocline alias more . after the death of the former bishop , the sée stood void thrée yéeres : many other churches likewise at the same time stoode long voide . at last the yéere . by the instance of two cardinals , the king granted licence of frée election vnto them all . unto winchester was then chosen richard tocline archdeacon of poitiers , by some called more , by other richard de iuelcester : he was consecrate at lambhith the yéere following , viz. . togither with thrée other bishops , geffery of ely , robert of herford , and iohn of chichester . he died december . . or as his epitaph hath . he lieth entombed in the north wall of the presbytery , iust vnder wina , where is ingrauen this that followeth : obijt anno . dom. . presulis egregij pausant hic membra ricardi tocline , cui summi gaudio sunto poli . . godfridus de lucy . he was sonne vnto richard lucy chiefe justice of england , consecrate bishop of winchester nouember . . and died an . . so he sate . yéeres . this man purchased of king richard the first the mannors of wergraue and menes , which in times past had belonged vnto his sée of winchester , but ( i know not how ) had béene alienated from the same . moreouer , he became a great benefactor vnto the priory of westwood in kent founded by his father . . peter de la roche . this man borne in poytiers being a knight was consecrate bishop of winchester at rome an . a notable wise prelate , and of such authority vnder king iohn first , and henry the third after , as none greater in those times . he with two other bishops , viz. philip his countreyman of durham , and iohn gray of norwich , animated king iohn to withstand the popes excommunication : but they were all faine to cry peccaui at last . the yéere . king iohn made him chiefe justice of england : the nobles of the realme grudging very much that a stranger borne should rule ouer them . after the death of king iohn , king henry being a childe , the realme was long gouerned almost altogether by this bishop . for william earle marshall dying , he was chosen in his roome protector of the king and realme : and afterwards the king being growen to yéeres of discretion , relyed altogither vpon his counsell . he had a nephew ( or as some say a sonne ) named peter d' orinall treasurer of england , in maruellous great fauour also with king henry . yet as court fauours are variable ; so were they often disgraced and often restored againe to the height of worldly happines , i meane the princes great and entire fauour . the yéere he tooke his voyage to the holy land , and being absent fiue yéeres , at his returne was receiued with 〈◊〉 and all signes of great ioy . he died june . . at faruham , when he had sate bishop the space of . yéeres , and was buried ( according to his owne appointment ) very meanely and euen obscurely in his owne church . in his death ( saith m. paris ) the counsell of england receiued a great wound . what good soeuer happened vnto the church , either by peace or warre in the holy land at the comming of the emperour fredericke , it is specially to be ascribed vnto the wisedome of this bishop . againe ( saith he ) when as discord betwéene the pope and the emperour threatned the destruction of the whole church ; he was the speciall meanes of compounding a peace betwéene them . now of the religious houses he built , and being built enriched with reuenewes for their maintenance ; these be the names . hales of the order of premonstratenses , tickford of the same order , saleburne of the order of saint augustine , viz. canons regular , and a goodly hospitall at portsmouth . againe he remooued the church of s. thomas the martyr , in the holy land from a very vnfit place , vnto a more conuenient , and reformed the statues of the company belonging to the church , causing the patriark of hierusalem to take order , that whereas they were heretofore méere lay men , now they should be vnder the templers and of their society . and lastly , he bestowed great cost in fortifying and repayring the towne of joppa , a notable succour and refuge of the christians in those parts . he made a worthy and memorable will , giuing vnto euery of the foresaid places a huge summe of money : for the least that he gaue was vnto the house of s. thomas of acon , vnto which he beaqueathed . marks . all this notwithstanding , he left his bishopricke very rich , his houses furnished , and his grounds ready stocked for his successor . thus farre m. paris . . william de raley . the sée being thus voide by the death of peter derupibus , the king henry the . dealt very earnestly with the monks of winchester to choose in his place the bishop elect of ualentia , the quéenes vncle . but they were agréed vpon w. de raley , bishop of norwich , and tooke exceptions against the elect of ualentia , calling him virum sanguinum . when the king heard of their intent , he was excéeding angry and made great hauocke of the bishops temporalties , swearing , he would haue his will at last , or they should neuer haue bishop . the monks then séeing him so obstinately set against the bishop of norwich , determined to alter their purpose , and were content to choose ralfe neuill bishop of chichester , the kings chauncellor : wherein they were so farre from contenting him , as he was much more incensed against them then before ; and not against them onely , but the new elect also ; from whom immediately , he tooke the great seale and gaue it to another . as for the election , not without great charges , he caused the same to be 〈◊〉 and made void at rome . much adoo there was , for the space of fiue or sixe yéeres about this matter . at last the monkes séeing no end , and being resolued against the ualentine ; they procéeded to election againe , and chose according to their first determination , the bishop of norwich . this election was suddenly made and quickly confirmed at rome . yet the king ceased not to spurne at the same , commaunding the mayor of winchester to forbid the new bishop entrance , which he did , and was by him excommunicate for his labor , and the whole city interdicted . in the meane time the bishop fealt the burthen of the kings displeasure so heauy vpon him in england , as he thought good to flie the realme . he got him into fraunce , and was honorably receiued of the king there . at last , by the intercession of boniface the archbishop , and the popes earnest letters vnto the king and the quéene , he was restored to the kings fauor and obtained licence to returne . for recompence of this benefite and his fatherly care , the bishop ( saith matth. westm. ) in thankfulnesse bestowed vpon the pope . markes , which he in good nature tooke euery penny , without disdainefull returne of one denier . the payment of this money , and the charges of his trouble stucke so close vnto him , as though he liued very priuately , in all his life long , he was neuer able to recouer himselfe out of debt . he died about the twentith day of september , . at turon , whither he had withdrawen himselfe with a very small traine almost a yéere before . it is recorded of him , that being néere death , he had the sacrament brought vnto him . and perceiuing the priest to enter his chamber with it , he cryed out , stay good friend , let the lord come no néerer vnto me , it is more fit that i be drawen vnto him as a traytor , that in many things haue been a traytor vnto him . his seruants therefore by his commaundement drew him out of his bed vnto the place where the priest was , and there with teares he receiued the sacrament , and spending much time in prayer , afterward , he so ended his life , when he had béene bishop about the space of sixe yéeres : for he was translated , ann . . so that the sée was void fiue yéeres . . ethelmarus . the king being certified ef his death , sent immediately two of his chaplaines to winchester , to perswade the monkes to elect ethelmarus the sonne of hugh earle of march , and isabell the quéene his mother , so that he was halfe brother vnto the king , a man ( saith m. paris ) in respect of his orders , yéeres , and learning , vtterly vnsufficient . by that time they had labored the matter the space of a fortnight , the king himselfe came vnto winchester , and in the chapter house made a most earnest request in the behalfe of his brother . the monkes too well remembring what great trouble & sorrow they had endured for denying the kings last request , some of them beaten and sore wounded , many tormented with hunger , and laden with chaines , in long imprisonment , besides continuall charges , of sutes and trauaile , and knowing wel they should haue no assistance at rome , so long as the kings purse was better then theirs : they resolued ( though they knew the man most vnfit ) to gratifie the king , and so no man daring to say no , with one consent he was elected . he had at that time other spirituall liuing equiualent in reuenue to the archbishopricke of canterbury , which that he might kéepe and yet receiue all the profits of the bishopricke of winchester ; he determined not to be consecrate at all , but to hold it by his election , and so did indéed , for the space of . yéeres . in the meane time , he and the rest of his countreymen ( with whom the realme was much pestered ) were growen very odious as well with the nobility , as the commons , not onely for that their infinite wealth and immoderate preferment , was much enuied , but much more for their pride , and insolency which a man can hardly beare in his owne friend , much lesse in an alien and stranger , whom men naturally dislike much sooner then their owne countreymen . amongst the rest , this 〈◊〉 bare himselfe so bold vpon the king his brother , as he gaue commaundement to his seruants to force a clergy man out of the possession of a benefice , whereunto he pretended some right ; and if he withstood them , to draw him out of his possession in contumelious manner . the poore man loath to loose his liuing , defended it so long , til by my lord electes men he was slaine himselfe , and his people so soare beaten , as within few daies one or two of them died . this fact and other like brought all the pictauians into such hatred , as the realme 〈◊〉 ready to rise against them : which perceiuing , to auoid the tēpest growing towards them , the yeere . they all 〈◊〉 the realme . ethelmar sent ouer for his treasure whereof he had laide vp great store : but much of it came short being intercepted at douer , and taken away from those to whom it was committed . the yéere after the departure of the pictauians , viz. . the monkes of winchester thought good to procéed to the election of a new bishop . and knowing it was to no purpose to make choice of any , but such as the king fauoured , elected henry de wingham then chauncellor of england . but he , although ( he doubted not of the kings fauour ) in regard that another being elected it might prooue litigious , refused to consent vnto their election , alleaging his owne vnwoorthines for want of learning . the king was content to allow of him condicionally that some stay might be made for a time to sée whether his brother ethelmar might attaine consecration of the pope . while the king stood vpon these vncertaine tearmes , henry de wengham became bishop of london the yéere & . yéeres ; after , viz. . ethelmar died . he tooke order his hart should be brought to winchester where it was intoombed in the south wal of the presbytery as this elogium witnesseth . obijt anno dom. . corpus 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 cor nunc tenet istud 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 morte 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . iohn gernsey . iohn gernsey or iohn of oxford ( for so also i find him called ) was consecrate bishop an . . at rome , where it is said he paid vnto the pope . markes for his consecration , and so much more vnto iordanus the popes chauncellor . presently vpon his returne he was suspended by ottobonus the popes legate for taking part against the king in the barons wars , he enioyed a small time his honor so déerely bought : the yéere . he died in italy and was buried there at uiterbium . . nicholas de ely. richard moore a doctor of diuinity was then chosen bishop . but fryer peckham at that time archbishop of canterbury tooke exception against him for holding of many benefices . and said , that a man of such conscience as were fit for that place , would rather content himselfe with lesse liuing , then load himselfe with the cure of so many soules . he being refused , nicholas de ely hauing béene scarcely one yere bishop of worcester , was called to this church . he sate . yéeres , & died an . . his body was buried at wauerly , his hart lieth entoombed in the south wall of the presbytery with this inscription : intus est cor nicholai episcop . cuius corpus est apud wauerley . one of his name was first chauncellor , then treasurer of england about the yéere . i assure my selfe it was he . . iohn de pontissara . about this time the pope began to take vpon him the bestowing of bishoprickes for the most part euery where . this iohn de pontissara was placed by him vpon his absolute authority . he was a great enimy vnto the monkes of his church , whose liuing he much diminished to encrease his owne . he died the yéere . hauing sate néere . yéeres , and lyeth buried in the north wall of the presbytery . his toombe hath this epitaphe engrauen : defuncti corpus , tumulus tenet iste ioannis . pountes , wintoniae presulis eximij . obijt anno dom. . . henry woodloke . henry woodloke succéeded him . robert winchelsey archbishop of canterbury being banished the realme by king edward the first , who charged him with treason , this bishop became an intercessor for him , and in the request he made to the king in his behalfe chaunced to call him his good lord : which the king tooke so haynously , as by and by he caused all the bishops goods to be confiscate and renounced all protection of him . how he recouered the kings fauour againe , i finde not . not long after the said king dying , by the permission of the foresaid archbishop he crowned king edward the second ianuary . . and died an . . the . yéere of his consecration . . iohn sendall . vvalsingham called this man iohn kendall , he was chauncellor of england , and died . hauing scarcely sate fower yéeres . . reginaldus asserius . the pope then thrust in reginald de asser his legate , the king being very angry that the pope tooke so much vpon him in these things . he was consecrate by the bishop of london ( walter the archbishop refusing to afford it vnto him ) sate little aboue two yéeres , and died an . . . iohn de stratford . iohn de stratford doctor of law succéeded . when he had continued in this seat . yeeres an . . he was translated to canterbury . sée more of him in canterbury . . adam tarlton , alias de orlton . adam de arlton doctor of law borne in hereford , was consecrate bishop of hereford september . . in a parliament holden at london an . . he was accused of treason , as hauing aided the mortimers with men and armor against the king . when he should haue béene arraigned ( a thing till that time neuer heard of that a bishop should be arraigned ) the archbishops of canterbury , yorke and dublin with their suffragan bishops came vnto the barre and violently tooke him away . notwithstanding the accusation being found true , his temporalties were seased into the kings hāds , vntill such time as the king ( much deale by his machination and deuise ) was deposed of his kingdome . if he which had béene a traytor vnto his prince before , after deserued punishment for the same , would soone be entreated to ioyne with other in the like attempt , it is no maruell no man so forward as he in taking part with isabel the quéene against her husband king edward the second . shée with her sonnes aud army being at oxford , this good bishop stept vp into the pulpit , and there taking for his text these words ( my head grieueth me ) he made a long discourse to prooue that an euill head , not otherwise to be cured , must be taken away . hauing gotten the king into their power , he fearing least if the king at any time recouered his liberty and crowne againe , they might receiue condigne punishment , counselled the quéene to make him away . whereunto she being as ready and willing as he to haue it done , they writ certaine letters vnto the kéepers of the old king , signifieng in couert termes what they desired . they either not perfectly vnderstanding their meaning , or desirous to haue somewhat to shew for their discharge , pray them in expresse words to declare vnto them whether they would haue them put the king to death or no. to which question this subtill foxe framed this answere , edwardum occidere nolite timere , bonum est . if you set the point betwéene nolite and timere it forbiddeth : if betwéene timere and bonum it exhorteth them to the committing of the fact : whereupon the king was made away , and most pitifully murthered by thrusting a hot spit into his fundament . and who then so earnest a persecutor of the murtherers as this bishop , that when diuers of his letters were shewed against him , eluded and auoyded them by sophisticall interpretation , and vtterly denied that he was any way consenting to that haynous fact . how cleanely he excused himselfe i know 〈◊〉 : but sure i am he was so farre from receiuing punishment , as within two moneths after , viz. in nouember . he was preferred vnto the bishopricke of worcester sixe yéeres after that he was translated thence to winchester by the pope december . . at the request of the french king : which king edward taking in very ill part , for that the french king and he were enimies , deteined from 〈◊〉 his temporalties till that in a parliament at the sute of the whole cleargy , he was content to yéeld them vnto him . he sate bishop of winchester . yeeres . moneths and . daies : and being a long time blind before his death , departed this life july . . . william edendon . the same yeere william edendon was consecrate bishop , a man in very great fauour with king edward the third , being treasurer of england , he caused groats and halfe groats , to be coyned the yeere . ( coyne not séene in england before ) but they wanted some thing of the iust sterling waight , which was the cause that the prices of all things rose then very much . and where as many other times the like practise hath béene vsed , in so much that fiue shillings hath now scarce so much siluer in it , as fiue groats had . yéeres since , no maruell if things be sold for treble the price that they were . yéere agoe . hereof also it commeth to passe , that the prince and nobility cannot possible maintaine their estates , with their auncient rents and reuenewes , which bring in , though the wonted tale and number , yet not the due waight and quantity of mettall . but to returne to william edendon , he was also chauncellor of england , and once elect archbishop of canterbury , but refused to accept it . he founded a monastery at edendon ( where he was borne ) for a kinde of religious men called bon-hommes : he died ann . . when he had béene bishop almost one and twenty yéeres , and lyeth in a very faire toombe of alabaster on the south side of the entrance into the quier , whereon is engrauen this rude epitaphe . edindon natus , willmus hic est tumulatus , praesul praegratus in wintonia cathedratus . qui pertransitis eius memorare velitis , 〈◊〉 & mitis , ausit cum mille peritis . peruigil anglorum fuit adiutor populorum , 〈◊〉 egenorum pater & protector eorum . m. c. tribus 〈◊〉 post lxv . sit i. punctum . his successor william wickham sewed his executors for dilapidations , and recouered of them . l. . s. besides . head of neate , . weathers , . ewes , . lambes , and . swyne , all which stocke it séemeth belonged vnto the bishopricke of winchester at that time . . william wickham . at the kings request , william wickham , his chaplaine , principall secretary , and kéeper of the priuy seale , soone after edendons death was both elected by the prior and couent of winchester , and allowed of by the pope who now tooke vpon him to haue an interest in the disposition of all our bishoprickes , as elsewhere i haue more at large discoursed . this man was the sonne of one iohn perot and sibill his wife , for whose place of buriall , he erected a chappell afterwards at tichfield néere the towne of wickham in hampshire . in that towne he was borne the yéere of our lord . and ( according to the manner of most cleargy men in those times ) of that towne the place of his birth tooke his sirname . i finde also recorded , that he was woont to be called sometimes by the name of long , and that ( as it is probably supposed ) for no other cause , but in regard of his stature , which they say was very tall . he was brought vp first at winchester , and then at oxford , at the charge of a gentleman called nicholas vnedall or woodall . in these places ( hauing first passed the rudiments of grammer ) he studied logicke , geometry , arithmetique , and the french tongue , but principally the ciuill and canon lawes . in all which as he profited excéedingly for the time he spent in them ; so there is no doubt he would haue prooued so excellent as men are woont that doo long and painefully imploy good wits to such purposes , had he not béene euen as it were violently drawne from them when his abode and continuance in the uniuersity might séeme most requisite . his patrone and exhibitioner being appointed constable of winchester castle , ( an office of great importance in those daies ) he would imploy this his yoong scholler as his clarke or secretary , and so tooke him from the uniuersity when he had as yet continued there not fully sixe yéeres . how long he liued so vnder him i finde not : but certaine it is , his seruice was very well liked of him : for besides his personage ( which was tall and excéeding comely ) not to speake any thing of his learning ( whereof his master could make no great vse ) he writ very faire , penned excellently , & spake no man better . by reason whereof , he was often imployed in writing letters , yea and sometimes in messages also to the court , not onely by his master , but by the bishop , that a while vsed to borrow him of his master , and at the last drew him to his seruice . it happened then after a while , king edward the third to come to winchester , who taking speciall note of the behauiour & other good partes of this yoong man , would néedes haue him to serue him . he imployed him much at the first , in surueighing his buildings at douer , duynborough , henly , windsor , yestanstead , and elsewhere . in which & all other businesses committed to him , he behaued himselfe so well , as he soone grew into great fauour and high estimation with the king , and quickly reaped those fruites that princes fauours are woont to yéeld , many rich and honorable preferments . it shall not be amisse to remember , how that hauing obtained diuers goodly promotions which he acknowledged to haue receiued rather as rewards of seruice , then in regard of any extraordinary desert otherwise , he caused to be engrauen in winchester tower at windsor these words , ( this made wickham . ) whereof when some complained to the king as a thing derogating from his honor , that another should seeme to beare the charge of his buildings , and the king in great displeasure reprehended him for it : he answered , that his meaning was not to ascribe the honor of that building to himselfe , but his owne honor of preferments vnto that building ; not importing that wickham made the tower , but that the tower was the meanes of making wickham , and raising him from base estate , vnto those great places of honor he then enioyed . he was first parson of saint martins in london , then deane of saint martin le graund , archdeacon successiuely of lincolne , northampton , and buckingham , all of the gift of his old acquaintance iohn bokingham bishop of lincolne , with whom & simon burleigh ( a knight afterwards of great honor ) he onely in a manner conuersed during his abode in oxford . besides these ecclesiasticall preferments , the prouostship of wels , a number of benefices , and twelue prebends in seuerall churches , he held many temporall offices , as the secretaryship , the kéeping of the priuy seale , the mastership of wardes , the treasurership of the kings reuenues in fraunce , and diuers other with whose stiles i am not acquainted . but the yéerely reuenewes of his spirituall promotions onely according as they were then rated in the kings bookes , amounted vnto . l. . s. . d. he was consecrate bishop of winchester , the yéere . and was made soone after first treasurer , then chauncellor of england , ( although whether he were treasurer or no i find some doubt made , and i dare not 〈◊〉 it too confidently ) whether he were treasurer or no , certaine it is , that many yéeres after he was bishop he was trusted with all the waighty affaires of the realme disposed of the kings treasure , and gouerned all things at his will. in this greatnesse of his authority , the king found two notable commodities , one , that without his care all thinges were ordred so well , as by a wise and trusty seruant they might ; the other , that if any thing fell out amisse , wheresoeuer the fault were , the king had oportunity to cast all the blame vpon the bishop of winchester . now whereas long and continuall warre ( whereby lightly each party is a looser ) had consumed , not that onely that many victories brought in , by the raunsome of two kings , and by the spoyle of diuers large countries which this noble prince subdued ; but other huge summes of money also gathered at home by vnusuall subsidies , and taxations much grudged at by the commons ; all which notwithstanding , the king was so bare , as , for the paiment of debts , he was constrained to bethinke him first of some new deuice to raise money : the bishops enimies taking the aduantage of this occasion ; induced the king to be content that a solemne complaint might be framed against him , as if by his misgouernement , the kings treasure had beene either vainely wasted , or falsely imbesilled , for that otherwise for sooth it was impossible the king should so be fallen behind hand : they charge him therefore with the receite of . l. ( which amounteth to more then a million of poundes ) besides a hundred thousand frankes paied vnto him by galeace duke of millaine . for all this they demaund sodainely an account , and to set a better colour vpon the matter , patch vp a number of other accusations , partly vntrue , partly friuolous , yet sufficient happily to bleare the eies of the common people , and diuerting the displeasure of this inconuenience from them on whom otherwise it must haue lighted , to deriue it vnto him , vpon whom if it fell neuer so heauily , it could cast him no lower then that place frō whence the king had first raised him . amongst many enimies that gouernement and enuy had prouoked against him ; iohn of gaunt duke of lancaster for some other cause néedlesse here to be 〈◊〉 , bare vnto him an implacable hatred . the king was then old and very impotent , the duke his eldest sonne 〈◊〉 , and so gouerning all thinges vnder him . the duke therefore found meanes that william skipwith lord chiefe justice condemned him as guilty of those accusations , procured his temporalties to be taken from him , and to be bestowed vpon the yoong prince of wales , and lastly commanded him in the kings name , not to come within twenty miles of the court. the yeere . happened vnto him this trouble , which i may call the prologue or 〈◊〉 of the pageant to be plaid the yéere following . i meane the parliament , the chiefe end and purpose whereof was a subsidy , that this prelates vexation must make way vnto . the cleargy assembled , gréeuing much at the vniust oppression of so woorthy and reuerend a man ; ( for his sidelity vnto his prince , his great care of the common good , his wisedome and integrity were well inough knowen to such as vnderstoode any thing ) they vtterly refused to debate of any matter what soeuer , till the bishop of winchester , a principall member of that assembly might be present with them . by this meanes , licence was obtained for his repaire thither , and thither he came , glad he might be néere to the meanes of his restitution : but whether it were that he wanted money to beare the charge , or to the intent to mooue commiseration , or that he thought it safest to passe obscurely ; he that was woont to ride with the greatest traine of any prelate in england , came then very slenderly attended , trauelling through by-waies , as standing in doubt what snares his enimies might lay for him . after two yéeres trouble and the losse of ten thousand markes sustained by reason of the same : with much adoo he obtained restitution of his temporalties , by the mediation of alice piers , a gentlewoman that in the last times of king edward altogether possessed him . returning then vnto winchester , he was receiued into the city with solemne procession and many signes of great ioy . soone after his returne king edward died , and the duke hoping by reason of the yoong kings nonage to worke some mischiefe vnto this bishop , whom of all mortall men he most hated ; began to rub vp some of the old accusations with additions of new complaints . but the dukes malice being as well knowen as the bishops innocency , the king thought good to be a meanes of reconciling these two personages , and then was easily intreated , vnder the broad seale of england to pardon all those supposed offences , wherewith the bishop had heretofore béene charged . this tempest thus ouerblowen , the rest of his daies he passed in great peace and quietnesse . two yéeres after his restitution he began the foundation of that woorthy monument , the colledge commonly called the new colledge in oxford , laying the first stone of the same himselfe march . . and dedicating it vnto the honor of god and the blessed virgin mary . being finished , the first warden & fellowes all together tooke possession of it aprill . . at thrée of the clocke in the morning . the very next yéere he began his other colledge néere woluesey the bishops pallace at winchester , laide the first stone of it march . . and finished it also in sixe yéeres space , so as the warden and fellowes cntred into the same at thrée of the clocke in the morning march . . beside the charge of these two woorthy foundations , he build all the body of his church of winchester from the quier westward , excepting only a little begun by bishop edington : he procured many priuiledges and liberties vnto his sée : he bestowed . markes in reparation of his house : he paid the debts of men imprisoned for that cause to the summe of . l. he mended all the high waies betwéene london and winchester : he purchased vnto his sée two hundred markes land : he forgaue his officers two thousand markes which they owed him : he bestowed two hundred pound vpon the church of windsor : he released his tenants of . l. due for a reliefe at his incomme : he ordayned a chauntry of fiue priests at southwyke : he kept continually in his house fower & twenty poore almesmen : he maintained at the uniuersity fifty schollers for the space of seuen yéeres before the building of his colledge : he built a chappell ( as before is mentioned ) at tichfield for the buriall of his parents ; & lastly prouided for himselfe ten yéeres before his death a goodly monument in the body of his church . all these charges notwithstanding , he bequeathed legacies to the value of . l. left ready money to pay them , left his heire . l. land , and all his houses furnished plentifully with most rich and sumptuons houshold stuffe . after all these so memorable actions , hauing runne the course of a long , a happy and most honorable life , he ended his daies in peace the yéere being full fowerscore yéeres of age , and was laid in the toombe so long before prouided for him . upon it i finde engrauen these verses , which rather for his honor then any great commendation they deserue , i haue thought good to set downe : wilhelmus dictus wickham iacet hic nece victus , istius ecclesiae praesul , reparauit eamque , largus erat , dapifer , probat hoc cum 〈◊〉 pauper , 〈◊〉 pariter regni fuerat bene dexter . hunc docet esse pium fun datio collegiorum ; oxoniae primum stat , wintoniaeque secundum . iugiter oretis tumulum quicunque videtis pro tantis meritis quod sit sibi vita perennis . . henry beauforte . the pope was now growen to that height of tyranny , that he not onely placed , but displaced bishops at his pleasure . and his meanes to do it , was by 〈◊〉 them to some other bishopricke peraduenture of lesse value and peraduenture nothing woorth at all . so was alex. neuill perforce translated from yorke to s. andrewes in scotland , whence ( wars being at that time betwéene england & scotland ) he was sure neuer to receiue peny . and so he translated iohn buckingham from lincolne to lichfield , a bishopricke not halfe so good . but he choosing rather to haue no bread then but halfe a loafe ; in a very malecontent humor and great chafe put on a monkes cowle at canterbury , and there liued priuately the rest of his life . to his bishopricke of lincolne was then preferred henry beaufort , sonne to iohn of gaunt by katherine swinford , the yéere . he was brought vp for the most part at aken in germany where he studied the ciuill and canon law many yéeres ; and comming home , was preferred to lincolne very yoong . he continued there seuen yeres , & presently vpon the death of w. wickham was translated to winch. june . . he was made cardinal of s. eusebius , & receiued his hat with great solc̄nity at calis the lady day following . a man of great frugality and therefore excéeding rich . king henry the fift in the latter ende of his raigne , by great and continuall warres being waxen much behind hand , and greatly indebted ; began to cast a couetous eye vpon the goods of the church , which at that time were growen to the full height : and there wanted not many that incited him vnto the spoile of the same . this wealthy prelate ( best knowen by the name of the rich cardinall ) supplyed his want out of his owne purse , to diuert him from that sacrilegious course , and lent him . pound , a great deale of money in those daies . he was also valiant and very wise . pope martin the fift , determining to make warre vpon the bohemians that had renounced al obedience vnto the sée of rome , made this cardinall his legate into that country , and appointed such forces as he could make to be at his commandement . toward the charges of this voyage , the clergy of england gaue a tenth of all their promotions , and furnished out . men and more , with this power , he passed by fraunce ( dooing there some seruice for his prince and countrey ) into bothemia , the yéere . there he remained certaine moneths , behauing himselfe very valiantly till by the pope he was discharged . in his youth he was wantonly giuen , and gate a base daughter named iane vpon alice the daughter of richard earle of arundell . her he maried after vnto ed. stradling or easterlling a knight of wales . but this asdone , before he entred into orders . toward his latter end he imployed his time altogether either in matters of counsaile & businesse of the common wealth , or the seruice of god and the church committed vnto him . amongst other good déedes , it is remembred that he built an hospitall in winchester which he presently endued with land to the value of . l. . s. . d. of yéerely rent . he died aprill . . . when he had beene bishop of winchester . yéeres , and from the time of his first consecration , . yéeres . except thomas bourchier that was bishop . yéeres , i read of no english man that euer enioyed that honor longer . he lyeth buried in a reasonable stately toombe behind the high aulter of his church at winchester toward the south , the inscription is much defaced : of it remaineth onely this ; tribularer si nescirem misericordias tuas . . william waynflet . a woorthy prelate succéeded him , william waynflet prouost of eaton colledge , then lately founded by king henry the sixt , who for his great wisedome and integrity was long chauncellor of england . he was sonne and heire vnto richard pattyn a gentleman of an ancient house , brother vnto iohn pattyn deane of chichester , and richard pattyn that liued at bas●o in darbishire , where he left ( as i haue heard ) a posterity behinde him . it appéereth hereby that his name was not indéed waynflet but pattyn . it was an ancient custome euen till those daies that cleargy men should take their surname according to the place where they were borne ; and amongst monkes and fryers it continued till the very suppression of monasteries . this william ( whether waynflet or pattyn ) was brought vp first in winchester schoole , & then in new colledge in oxford . his fellowship there he left to become schoolemaster of winchester , but was taken by king henry the sixt to teach in his new college of eaton , whereof at last he made him ( as before is said ) prouost . he continued bishop many yéeres , and would haue done much more good then he did , had he not béene hindred by those continuall warres betwéene the houses of lancaster and yorke : in all which stormes , he stucke alwaies vnto his patron and first preferrer king henry the sixt . and after his death , king edward the fourth knowing the faithfull affection and true hart he alwaies bore vnto henry the sixt his enimy , carried euer a hard hand vpon him . time notwithstanding and the reuenewes of that goodly bishopricke , enabled him to the foundation of that excellent and stately colledge in oxford dedicated vnto saint mary magdalene ; to the which i thinke the world hath not any one colledge in all perfections comparable . he died ( as i haue béene told ) august . . hauing first séene the house of lancaster ( to his great ioy ) restored againe to the crowne in king henry the seuenth . so that betwéene the consecration of william wickham , and the death of william waynflet his next successor sauing one , it is , yéeres . a strange thing that thrée men should hold one bishopricke sixscore yéeres . he lieth buried in the north part of the roome beyond the high aulter ouer against the cardinall , in a very faire toombe , the epitaphe whereof is quite defaced . . peter courtney . in the moneth of nouember . peter courtney the sonne of 〈◊〉 philip courtney of powderham knight , and elizabeth his wife , daughter to walter lord hungerford was consecrate bishop of exeter , whence he was translated to winchester , in the latter end of the yéere . at exeter he bestowed much money in finishing the north tower , vnto which he gaue a goodly bel called after his name peter bell . he died december the . . hauing gouerned the dioces of winchester the space of fiue yéeres , and was buried in his owne church , whereabouts i know not . . thomas langton . the bishopricke hauing béene voide somewhat more then one yéere , thomas langton bishop of salisbury was preferred thereunto . he was consecrate to salisbury the yéere sate bishop of winchester seuen yéeres , and was remooued to canterbury , but died of the plague , an . . before his translation was perfited . he built a very faire chappell in the south side of the lady chappell in the cathedrall church of winchester , in the middle of which chappell his body resteth in a very sumptuous toombe of marble . this thomas langton was some time fellow of pembrooke hall in cambridge , in memory whereof he bestowed vpon that house a cup of siluer double guilt waighing . ounces , whereupon are engrauen these words . tho. langton winton eps. aulae penbr . olim socius , dedit hanc 〈◊〉 coopertam 〈◊〉 aulae . qui alienarit anathema sit . . richard foxe . at what time henry earle of richmont abiding at uenice , was requested by letters from many of the english nobility to deliuer his countrey from the tyranny of that wicked paricide richard the third , and to take on him the kingdome ; he willing to furnish him selfe as well as he might for the setting foorth of so great an enterprise , determined to craue aide of the french king . 〈◊〉 therefore to paris , he onely commenced his sute vnto the king , and hauing manifold businesse elsewhere , he left the farther prosecution of this matter vnto richard foxe a doctor of diuinity , that chaunced to liue a student in paris at that time . whether the earle knew him before , or else discerned at the first sight ( as it were ) his excellent 〈◊〉 , certaine it is , he deemed him a fit man for the managing of this great affaire . neither was he any thing at all deceiued in him : for the matter was followed with so great diligence and industry , as in a very short time all things were dispatched according to the earles desire , who soone after obtaining the kingdome , mindfull of the good seruice done him by doctor foxe , preferred him immediatly vnto the kéeping of the priuy scale , made him one of his councell , and laid vpon him what spirituall liuing might possibly be procured him . in the meane time he imployed him continually either in matters of counsell at home , or in ambassages of great importance abroad . the second yéere of king henries raigne he was sent into scotland for the establishing of a peace with the king there ; whence he was scarcely returned , when the bishopricke of exeter falling void , was bestowed vpon him . he held it not past sixe yéeres but he was remooued to bath and wels , and thence within thrée yéeres after to durham . there he stayed sixe yéeres , and the yéere . was once more translated , viz. to winchester , where he spent the rest of his life in great prosperity . for such was his fauor with the king , as no man could euer doo so much with him , no man there was vpon whose counsell he so much relied . amongst other honors done vnto him , it was not the least , that he made him godfather vnto his second sonne , that was afterward king henry the eight , the father of our worthy and most happy quéene . in one onely mischaunce he was vnfortunate . he liued many yéeres blind before he died . whereby ghessing his end not to be sarre off , hc determined to make vnto him selfe friends of the vnrighteous mammon bestowing wel his goods while he liued . and first he was purposed to haue built a monastery , vntill that conferring with hugh oldam , bishop of exeter , a very wise man ; he was aduised by him rather to bestow his money vpon the foundation of some colledge in one of the uniuersities , which should be more profitable vnto the common wealth , and more auaileable to the preseruation of his memory . as for monasteries ( quoth he ) they haue more already , then they are like long to kéepe . so by the counsell of this wise prelate ( whose purse also was a great helpe to the finishing thereof ) the colledge of corpus christi in oxford was built and endowed with competent possessions the yéere . by this bishop richard foxe . afterward in the yéere . he bestowed the cost of building a faire frée schoole by the castell in taunton , and conuenient housing néere it for the schoolemaster to dwell in : lastely , it is to be remembred , that he couered the quier of winchester , the presbytery and 〈◊〉 adioyning with a goodly vault , and new glased all the windowes of that part of the church . it is said also that he built the partition betwéene the presbytery and the said 〈◊〉 , causing the bones of such princes and prelates as had béene buried here and there dispersed about the church , to be remooued and placed in séemely monuments vpon the top of that new partition . many other notable things no doubt he did which haue not come vnto my knowledge . he died at last a very old man and full of daies ann . . when he had woorthily gouerned the church of winchester the space of . yéeres . he lieth entoombed vpon the south side of the high altar in a monument , rather sumptuons then stately , of the same building with the partition . . thomas woolsey . of this man i will onely say thus much in this place , that he was first bishop of turney in fraunce , then of lincolne , and lastly of yorke . he was made cardinall an . . and being so qualified to hold more liuings : he held first the bishopricke of bathe and wels in commendam with yorke ; then resigning wels , he tooke durham ; and lastly resigning durham also , held winchester in the like sort a little while , scarcely one yéere i take it : for i find that he left durham the yéere . and in the end of the same yéere , viz. nouember the . he died . sée more of him in yorke . . stephen gardiner . the sée then continued voide almost fower yéeres . at last stephen gardiner doctor of law , borne at bury in suffolke , was preferred thereunto and consecrate ann . . fouretéene yéeres after , viz. june . . he was committed to the tower for a sermon he preached before the king the day before , being s. peters day at westminster . when he had continued there the space of two yéeres and a halfe , he was by authority depriued of his bishopricke , february . . sent to prison againe , and there kept till beginning of queene mary , at what time he was not onely restored to his bishopricke and set at liberty , but made lord chauncellor of england , viz. in the moneth of august . a man of great learning ( as diuers of his workes extant do testifie ) and of two much wit , except it had beene better imploied . for the extreme malice he bare to our religion , he not onely burnt many poore men , but wrought all the meanes his wily head could deuise to make away our blessed soueraigne quéene elizabeth : saying often , it was in vaine to strike off a few leaues or branches when the roote remained whole . and surely in all reason his cursed policy must haue preuailed , if god had not touched the hart of quéene mary her sister with a very kinde and natural affection toward her : which notwithstanding , it is much to be doubted what he might haue wrought in time , had not god in mercy taken him away the more spéedily . he died nouember . . excéeding rich , leauing behinde him . markes in ready money ( if bale say true ) beside much sumptuous houshold stuffe . he was buried on the north side of the high altar in winchester in a toombe both in place and building answerable to bishop foxe . . iohn poynet . presently vpon the depriuation of stephen gardiner , iohn poynet doctor of 〈◊〉 , a kentish man borne , consecrate bishop of rochester april . . was translated to winchester . quéene mary hauing attained the crown , he well knew there was no liuing for him in englād , and therfore fled the realme & died at strausburg in germany aprill . . being scarce forty yéeres of age . a man of great learning , whereof he left diuers testimonies in writing workes yet extant both in latine and english : beside the gréeke and latin he was very well séene in the italian and dutch toong , and an excellent mathematician . he gaue vnto king henry the eight a dyall of his owne 〈◊〉 , she wing not onely the hower of the day , but also the day of the moneth , the signe of the sonne , the planetary hower ; yea the change of the moone , the ebbing and flowing of the sea ; with diuers other things as strange to the great woonder of the king and his owne no lesse commendation . he was preferred 〈◊〉 by king edward in regard of certaine excellent sermons preached before him . . iohn white . after the death of stephen gardiner , iohn white doctor of diuinity was translated from lincolne . he was borne in the dioces of winchester , and was warden of winchester colledge till he was made bishop of lincolne . small time he enioyed his new honor , being depriued by parliament in the beginning of her maiestie that now raigneth . . robert horne . ianuary . . robert horne borne in the bishopricke of durham , and in king edwards daies deane of the church of durham , comming then newly out of germany ( where he liued all quéene maries daies ) was consecrate bishop of winchester . he sate well néere twenty yéeres : but that and what else i haue to say of him , let his epitaphe declare . he lieth vnder a flat marble stone neere the pulpit in the body of the church , whereon i finde engrauen these wordes : robertus horne theologiae doctor eximius , quondam christi causa exul , deinde episcopus winton , pie obijt in domino iun. . . episcopatus sui anno . . iohn watson . soone after his death , it pleased her maiestie to bestow the bishopricke vpon iohn watson . he lieth buried ouer against his predecessor on the other side of the body of the church , hauing these wordes engrauen vpon the marble stone that couereth him : d. ioannes watson huius eccclesiae winton . praebendarius , decanus , ac deinde episcopus , 〈◊〉 pater , vir optimus , praecipue erga inopes 〈◊〉 , obijt in domino ianuar. . anno aetatis suae . episcopatus . . . thomas cooper . thomas cooper doctor of diuinity succéeded him , being translated from lincolne . he was consecrate bishop there february . . and before that was deane of christchurch in oxford . in the bishopricke of winchester he continued ten yéeres , and departed this life aprill , . a man from whose prayses i can hardly temper my pen , but i am determined to say nothing of those men whose memory is yet so fresh : my reason i haue else where set downe . . william wickham . he that succéeded him in lincolne , succéeded him in the sée of winchester also , william wickham , whose very name i reuerence in memory of william wickham his famous and woorthy predecessor . no bishop of winchester euer enioyed that honor so short a time , he was translated about our lady day in the beginning of the yéere . and died of the stone in the bladder ( or some like disease ) the . day of june following at winchester house in southwarke , hauing not made water in fowertéene daies before . . william day . vvilliam day deane of windsor and 〈◊〉 of eaton colledge succéeded , and holding this place little longer then his predecessor , died a few daies before michaelmas day . . thomas bilson . thomas bilson doctor of diuinity and warden of winchester , became bishop of worceter the yéere . and staying there not past two yéeres was translated to winchester , where he yet liueth . the bishopricke of winchester is valued in the queenes bookes at , l. , s. , d. ob . and paid to the pope for first fruits . ducats . the bishops of ely. saint etheldred ( of whom the cathedrall church of ely hath his name ) was the daughter of anna king of the east augles . she was twise maried : first vnto tombert prince of the south angles ( who gaue her the isle of ely to her dower ) and then , he diyng within thrée yéeres , to egfrid king of northumberland . with him she liued twelue yéeres , and at last left him , and all the pomp and pleasure she might haue liued in , to serue god in such sort as she thought was most acceptable vnto him . she betooke her , vnto her isle of ely , and whereas ethelbert king of kent had long before ( viz. ann . . ) built a church there by the counsell of saint augustine , she reedified the same , and much increased it the yéere . and by the counsell of wilfrid archbishop of yorke ( but not without the helpe of aldulph her brother king of the east angles ) conuerted it into a monastery of nunnes , whereof she her selfe became abbesse . this monastery was vnder her , sexbing , 〈◊〉 , werburg , and other abbesses . yéeres vntill it was destroyed by pagans , inguar , and hubba , the yéere . it lay then waste a great while . in the end certaine secular priests to the number of eight , began to inhabite there , but were displaced by ethelwald bishop of winchester , who bought the whole island of king edgar , and by his authority placed in their roomes an abbot and monkes , vnto whom he procured many great and notable priuileges . brithnod prouost of winchester was appointed the first abbot , ann . . he is said to haue béene murthered by elsticha the quéene of king edilred , causing bodkins to be thrust into his arme holes , because like an vnhappy actaeon he had séene her in a certaine wood busie about sorcery . elfsius was the second abbot , leofsinus the third , leofricus the fourth , and another leofsinus the 〈◊〉 . he by the kings consent let out the farmes of the monastery , in such sort as they should finde the house prouision all the yéere , shalford payed . wéekes prouision , stableford . littleberry . triplaw . hawkston . newton . melburne . grantsden . toften . cotnam . wellingham . ditton . horningsey . stenchworth . balsam . cathenho . daies prouision , and swansham . spaldwich . wéekes prouision , somersham . blunsham . colne . hortherst . drinkston . katsden . hackam . berking . néeding . wederingseat . breckham . pulham . thorp and dirham . norwald . and feltwell . merham was appointed to carry the rent to a certaine church in norfolke and there to intertaine commers and goers to or from the monastery . wilfricus the sixt abbot , bought the mannor of bereham for . marks of gold . in the time of thurstan the seuenth abbot , the isle was held by many of the olde saxon nobility against king william the conquerer . he therefore by the counsell of walter bishop of hereford , and other , gaue all the church goods and lands without the isle to his soldiers . after seuen yéeres resistance , the saxon gentlemen , some vpon promise of pardon submitted them selues , others betaking themselues to flight , the place was deliuered into the possession of the conqueror . 〈◊〉 reges plectuntur achimi ; for the fault of these noble men , the poore monkes must be punished : to be restored to their lands , and to enioy their auncient priuileges quietly , they were faine to giue the king . marks . for making which money they were constrained to sell all the platc and siluer that was in their church . the king also fearefull least from the same place the like trouble might happen vnto him hereafter , appointed them to maintaine a garrison of . soldiers , which they did vntill such time as himselfe called them away , to imploy them else where , which was fiue yéeres after . theodwinus was the eight abbot , godfry the ninth , and simon the tenth . after whose death the place stoode voide seuen yéeres . richard the sonne of the earle gilbert was then made abbot . . heruaeus . by this time the reuenues of the monastery were growne to be very great . their yéerely receit was not so little as . l. which summe contained then more mettall , and would goe farther in those daies then . l. of our money . of that . l. the abbot allowed scarce . vnto the monks , conuerting the rest vnto his own vse . this richard therefore , if his minde were any thing so great as his linage , could not but disdaine to liue vnder the iurisdiction of the bishop of lincolne , to whose dioces cambridgeshire at that time appertained . but he had reasonable pretences for his ambition . he caused the king to be told , that the dioces of lincolne was too large for one mans gouernment : that ely were a fit place for an episcopall sée , &c. these reasons amplified with golden rhetoricke , so perswaded the king , as he not onely consented himselfe that this monastery should be conuerted into a cathedrall church , and the abbot made a bishop ; but also procured the pope to confirme and allow of the same . after that richard the abbot had with great paines and more cost , beaten this bush a great while , the birde that he had so long and earnestly thirsted after , fell to another mans share . himselfe was taken away by death when the matter was growen to good perfection and ready to be finished . the bishop of lincolne a while hindred the procéeding of this businesse ; but his mouth was stopt with thrée mannors which the king being liberall of another mans purse , was content to bestow vpon him , such as héeretofore belonged vnto the monastery of ely , viz. spaldwich , bickleswoorth , and bokeden : these were giuen to the sée of lyncolne in recompence of the losse the bishop sustained by exempting of cambridgshire from his iurisdiction : and that the reuenues of the new bishop might notwithstanding this gift be no lesse then the abbots were , but rather greater , they diuised to diminish the number of monks which were then . and to draw them downe vnto . richard the . and last abbot being thus taken away when he would most gladly haue liued . king henry the first with the consent of the monks appointed this bishopricke vnto one heruaeus that had beene bishop of bangor ; and agréeing ill with the welchmen , was faine to leaue his bishopricke there , and séeke abroad for somewhat elsewhere . he was translated the yeere . sate . yéeres , and died august the . . . nigellus . the sée hauing béene voide then two yéere , nigellus treasurer of england , and nephew vnto roger bishop of salisbury was placed therein may the . . he was receaued with such ioy into his city of ely , that all the stréete where he should passe was hanged with curtaines , carpets , and tapestry , the monks and clergy of his church meeting him with procession . by reason of his imployment in matters of state and counsell , he could not attend his pastorall charge , and therefore committed the managing & gouernment of his bishoprick vnto one ranulphus somtime a monk of glastonbury , that had now cast away his cowle , a couetous & wicked man. for his faithfulnes vnto his patrone and first preferrer king henry , this nigellus is much to be commended . when as stephen earle of bloys contrary to his oath and promise to king henry the first his vncle vsurped the crowne due to maude the empresse king henries daughter ; this bishop could neuer be induced to forsake her , but most constantly stucke vnto her , and endured much for her sake . sée more heereof in the life of roger bishop of salisbury . notwithstanding those his great troubles , he found meanes to erect an hospitall for regular cannons , in that place where saint iohns colledge in cambridge now standeth : the foundation of which house was afterwards twise altered : first by hugh norwold his successor , who placed therein a certaine number of schollers to cohabite with the cannons , giuing allowance for their maintenance : and afterwards by margaret countesse of richmond and darby , who new built it , partly in her life time , and partly by her executors after her death , endowing it with ( in a manner ) all the reuenues it possesseth , and raising it vnto that beautie and perfection which now it hath . this man was bishop . 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 . day of may . hauing long before séene the issue of his lord and first patrone king henry restored to the crowne in henry the . he is saide 〈◊〉 haue bene buried before the alter of saint crosse in his owne church . sée more of him in the discourse of richard his sonne , that was bishop of london . . galfridus rydall . after his death , the dioces of ely continued without a bishop fiue yéeres . the yéere . geoffry rydell or rydall archdeacon of canterbury was consecrate bishop : a very lofty and high minded man , called therefore commonly the proud bishop of ely. he bestowed great 〈◊〉 vpon the building of the new worke of his cathedrall church toward the west , and vpon the stéeple , which he built 〈◊〉 vnto the battlements . he died intestate at winchester the . day of august . a fower daies before the 〈◊〉 of king richard the first , leauing in his coffers great 〈◊〉 of ready money , viz. . marks of siluer , and . marks of gold . all which the king was content to take vnto 〈◊〉 tò helpe to beare the charges of his coronation . he sate bishop . yéeres , . moneths , and . daies . . william langchamp . the last day of december the same yéere , william langeshamp chauncellor of england , was consecrate bishop of ely. one greatly fauoured by king richard the first , and a man very worthy of that fauour for many 〈◊〉 parts in him , had not those his vertues béene matched and ouermatched , with as many great and notorious 〈◊〉 . when the king tooke that his famous voyage to 〈◊〉 , he made this bishop ( chauncellor before ) chiefe iustice of the south part of england , and protector of the realme in his absence . and least he should want any authority that might be giuen him , he procured the pope to make him his legate , the obtaining whereof ( notwithstanding the kings request ) cost him . l. of ready money . it is a true saying magistratus indicat virum , the man that in base fortune séemed to all men not onely wise , but vertuous and humble ynough ; being raised vnto this height of power and authority , as being either drunken and infatuate with too much and sodaine prosperity , or amased with the brightnesse of his owne good fortune , began presently to do many things , not onely vntowardly , and vndiscréetly , but very arrogantly and insolently , sauouring aswell of vnconscionable couetousnesse and cruelty , as lacke of wisedome and policy in so great a gouernor requisite . that which in our histories is most blamed , and most odiously mentioned , i finde no such great fault withall , that calling a conuoctiou by vertue of his power legantine ; at the suggestion and intreaty of hugh nouaunt bishop of chester , he displaced the monkes of couentrée , & put in secular priests in their roomes . officers appointed by the king himselfe he discharged ; geoffry archbishop of yorke the kings bastard brother , at his first arriuall in england after his consecration , he caused to be apprehended and drawne from the very aulter of the church of saint martins in douer vnto prison . iohn the kings brother , and afterwards king him selfe , he sought to kéepe vnder and disgrace by all meanes possible , being iealous ( as he said ) least the king dying without issue , he should defraude arthur his elder brother of the kingdome ; and whether vnto his brother now king , he would continue loyall , hauing power to inuade his kingdome , for certaine he wist not . true it is , that iohn the kings brother began to take some what more vpon him then néeded , and being 〈◊〉 a reason of some of his doings , made no other answere but this , i know not whether my brother richard be aliue or not : whereunto the chauncellor replied , if he be liuing it were vntruth to take his kingdome from him ; if he be dead , arthur the eldest brother must enioy the same . now he that feared not to deale thus with the kings owne brother , no maruell if he vsed such of the nobility farre worse that in any sort opposed themselues against him . as for the commonalty , he not onely gréeued them with continual and néedlesse exactions , and tyrannised intollerably ouer them otherwise , but offended them much also with his glorious pomp , and vnreasonable proud behauiour . his maner was to ride with no lesse then . horse , and in his trauaile to lodge for the most part at some monastery or another to their great and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yea there was not any church in england either 〈◊〉 or cathedrall vnto which he was not very burdensome some way or other . and his officers were such prolling companions , bearing themselues bold vpon their masters absolute authority , as there was no sort of people whom they gréeued not by some kinde of extortion . yea ( saith matth. paris ) all the wealth of the land , was come into their hands , in so much as scarce any ordinary person had left him a siluer belt to gird him withall , any woman either brooche , or bracelet , any gentleman a ring , to weare vpon his finger . but the chauncellor he purchased and bestowed aswell abbotships , benefices and spirituall preferment as temporall offices all that fell where him pleased , whereby his sernants and kinred were all growen 〈◊〉 rich . among other his follies it is remembred that he built the outer wall about the tower of london , and spent an infinite deale of money in making a deepe ditch about the same , thinking he could haue caused the riuer of thames 〈◊〉 go round about it . but that coste was bestowed in vaine . these and many other his misbehauiours incited the people and nobility woonderfully against him . in so much as , he feared greatly least some sedition being raised , force would be offered vnto him . he thought it therefore no lesse then néedefull in all places of any publike assembly to render reasons openly of his doings ; which being considered , i know not whether he may iustly be thought so blamewoorthy as our histories for the most part make him . officers placed by the king he said he discharged , least the people being gréeued with so many gouernors would 〈◊〉 , that instéede of one king they now were constrained too bey many . what reason he yéelded of his dealing with earle iohn you heard before . for his exactions he said they were but such as the maintenance and incredible charge of so great a warre as the king had then in hand required : and lastly , for a generall defence , he protested he had not taken any course in these or any other matters of importance , for which he had not some particular direction from the king . these excuses satisfied not men so fully , but that infinite complaints were daily made vnto the king against him , so that he could doe no lesse then discharge him from his place of protectorship , which he did , and sent ouer william archbishop of roan to succéede him , but ioyning some other in commission with him , as finding an inconuenience in giuing so much and absolute authoritie to one man. at this newes his enimies greatly reioycing , and thinking him a man now easie enough to deale withall , they conspire against him , and causing a conuocation to be sommoued , they procure him to be excommunicate for the violence done vnto the archbishop of yorke , and with him all other , that were his aiders and ministers in that enterprize . as soone as he vnderstood of these things , fearing greater dangers , he bethought himselfe how he might do to get ouer the seas : and knowing that his enimies if they should haue any inkling of his intent , would assuredly 〈◊〉 the same , or worke him some mischiefe by the way ; he deuised to disguise himselfe in womans apparell , and so went vnto the sea side at douer muffled , with a metyard in his hand , and a webbe of cloth vpon his arme . there he sate vpon a rocke ready to take shippe , when a certaine lewde marriner thinking him to be some strumpet began to dally wantonly with him , whereby it came to passe , that whereas he was a stranger borne and could speake no english , being not able to answere this merry marriner , either in words or deedes ; he supposed him to be a man , and called a company of 〈◊〉 , who pulling off his kerchiefe and muffler , found his crowne and beard shauen , and quickly knew him to be that hatefull chancellour whom so many had so long cursed and feared . in great despite they threw him to the ground , spitting vpon him , beate him sore , and drew him along the sands . whereupon a great crie being made , the burgesses of the towne tooke him away from the 〈◊〉 , and though his seruants endeuoured to rescue him , thrust him into a seller , there to kéepe him prisoner till notize might be giuen of this his departure . it is a world to sée , how he that was a few moneths before honored and reuerenced of all men like an halfe god , attended by noble mens sonnes and gentlemen of great worship whom he matched vnto his néeces and kinswomen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 himselfe happy that he 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 to be well acquainted with his porters and officers was accounted 〈◊〉 small matter : this man once downe and standing in 〈◊〉 of his friends help , had no man to defend him , no man to speake for him , no man that mooued a 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 him out of the present calamity and trouble . the 〈◊〉 iohn was 〈◊〉 to haue 〈◊〉 him some farther notable 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 neither was there any man that for his 〈◊〉 sake 〈◊〉 it . the bishops diuers of them his 〈◊〉 regarding notwithstanding his calling and place , would not suffer it , but causes him to be set at liberty . 〈◊〉 not long after he got him ouer into normandy , where he was borne & there rested himselfe after all this turmoile , till the returne of king richard , with whom he made such faire weather , and so 〈◊〉 excused all things obiected against him , that in short time he was as greatly in fauor with him as euer heretofore . the yéere . he was sent embassador to the pope , together with the bishop of durham and other : and falling sicke by the way , died at poytiers the last day of ianuary , one 〈◊〉 aboue seuen yeere after his 〈◊〉 . he was buried in a monastery of the order of the 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉 . . eustachius . the sée was then 〈◊〉 one whole yéere 〈◊〉 somwhat more . the ninth day of august 〈◊〉 after 〈◊〉 death , eustachius deane of salisbury was elected , but not 〈◊〉 till the fourth sunday in lent the yéere following . a man ( saith florilogus ) very well séene aswel in 〈◊〉 as diuine and holy learning . he was one of them 〈◊〉 pronounced the popes excommunication against king 〈◊〉 , & interdicted the whole realme . for dooing thereof , he 〈◊〉 the kings displeasure would lye so heauy vpon him , as 〈◊〉 was no 〈◊〉 in the realme , and therefore got him 〈◊〉 the seas . this fell out the yéere . after 〈◊〉 yéeres 〈◊〉 , king iohn being reconciled to the pope , he 〈◊〉 home , 〈◊〉 . the yéere . and liued not long after . 〈◊〉 sate 〈◊〉 yéeres wanting nine 〈◊〉 , and departed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the third day of 〈◊〉 . the 〈◊〉 at the west end of the cathedrall church was of his building . . iohn de fontibus . after his death galfridus de burgo archdeacon of norwich and brother vnto hubert de burgo or burrough earle of kent and chiefe justice of england was elected bishop of ely. but before the publication of this election one robert of yorke was also chosen , who held the temporalities of the bishopricke without consecration , and disposed of benefices that fell , and all things belonging to the sée , as bishop for the space of fiue yéeres . the pope at last disanulling both these elections , conferred the bishopricks march . . vpon iohn abbot of fountney , a iust and vertuous man. he was treasurer of england for flue yeeres and died the yéere . he is said to be buried before the aulter of saint andrew . . geoffry de burgo . he being dead , geoffry burrough before mentioned was againe elected and obtayned consecration , which he receiued vpon saint peters day the yéere . of him 〈◊〉 virgil giueth the same testimony that matthew westm. doth of his predecessor eustachius , that he was vir in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & humanis literis eruditus , a man well learned both in diuine and prophane literature . he gaue two hundred acres of moore in wisbich marsh to the augmentation of the priory of ely. he continued bishop about thrée yéeres , and dying the . of may . was buried vpon the north side of the quier .. . hugh norwold . hvgh norwold abbot of saint 〈◊〉 succéeded him , and was consecrate by ioceline bishop of bathe and wels togither with richard archbishop of canterbury , and roger bishop of london , vpon trinity sunday . 〈◊〉 the tenth of june . this 〈◊〉 is much commended for his house kéeping and liberality vnto the poore , which may well séeme strange , considering the infinite deale of 〈◊〉 spent by him in building of his church and houses . the presbytery of the cathedrall church he raised from the very foundation , and built a steeple of wood toward the 〈◊〉 at the west end of the church . this noble worke he 〈◊〉 in seuentéene yéeres with the charge of , l. , s. , d. and the seuentéene daie of september 〈◊〉 . he dedicated , 〈◊〉 ( as we commonly call it ) hallowed the same in the 〈◊〉 of the king ( henry the third ) and his sonne prince edward , the bishops of norwich 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and many other great personages . all these and an infinite number of other people of all sorts he feasted many daies togither in his pallace of ely , which he built euery whit out of the ground , and couered it with lead . in ditton and other houses belonging to his sée he also bestowed much money . he died at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . day of august . being well contented ( as he professed ) now to depart the world , after he had séene the building 〈◊〉 his church finished , which 〈◊〉 so earnestly desired . he sate two moneths aboue . yéeres , and was buried in the 〈◊〉 ytery which he had built . . william de kilkenny . about the middle of october following , 〈◊〉 de kelkenny ( that then for a time supplied the 〈◊〉 of the chauncellor of england ) was elected by the monkes vnto the sée of ely , and was consecrate the fiftéenth of august beyond the seas . he was chaplaine vnto the king , a councellor of speciall credit with him , and ( as the 〈◊〉 of ely reporteth , i find it no where els ) chancellor of england a goodly man of person , well spoken , very wise and learned in the lawes . he enioyed that preserment a small time : being sent ambassador into spaine , he died there vpon saint mathewes day . when he had béene bishop one yeere , one moneth , and sixe daies . he tooke order his hart should be brought vnto ely and buried there . . hugh balsam . newes being brought vnto the court of the death of william de kylkeny : the king by and by , dispatched his letters vnto the prior and couent of ely , requiring them in very gratious manner , to choose for their bishop henry de wingham his chauncellor , vsing many reasons to perswade them thereunto . but they preferring their owne knowledge before the kings cemmendations , the . day of nouember , made choise of hugh balfam or de 〈◊〉 ( for so also i find him called ) their prior , one ( as they perswaded themselues ) most fitte for the place . hereat the king being greatly displeased , refused to accept of their election , and caused the woods , of the bishopricke to be cut downe , the parks to be spoyled , and 〈◊〉 to be made of all things . many times he vrged them to a new election , telling them it was not fit , that a place of that strength should be committed vnto a simple cloyster man , that had neuer béene acquainted with matters of state . the new elect therefore got him ouer the sea to rome , hoping there to obtaine that which in england would not be affoorded him . boniface the archbishop of canterbury hearing thereof , although hauing diligently sisted and examined him , he could take no exception against him ; yet to gratifie the king , writ 〈◊〉 letters to his friends at roome against him , and set vp one adam de 〈◊〉 to be a countersuter to the pope for that bishopricke . this adam was a man of great learning , and had written diuers bookes much commended . but he was a very aged man , and moreouer a fryer minor , and therefore one that had renounced the world , and all medling in worldly matters : which notwithstanding he followed gladly the directions of the archbishop , and was well content to haue béene a bishop before he died . as for henry wingham the chauncellor , it is said that he neuer stirred at all in the matter , but confessed them both more woorthy of the place then himselfe . it is said likewise , that the sute in his behalfe was first commenced by the king without his knowledge , and that when he saw the king so earnest and deale so violently in it , he went vnto him and humbly besought him to let alone the monkes in the course they had begun , and to cease farther solliciting of them by his armed and imperious requests : for ( saith he ) after 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 of god , the grace and direction of his holy spirit , they haue chosen a man more woorthy then my selfe . and god forbid that i should as it were inuade by force that noble bishopricke , and vsurpe the ministery of the same , with a 〈◊〉 or cauterised conscience . the ende of this sute 〈◊〉 this , henry wingham was afterward made bishop of london . sée more of him there . hugh balsam came home from rome confirmed by the pope and was consecrate march . . he sate . yéeres and thrée moneths . in which time he founded a colledge in cambridge , by the name of s. peters colledge , now commonly called peter house . he first began the same being yet pryor of ely , and finished it in the yéere . he departed this life june . . at 〈◊〉 , and was buried at ely before the high altar by thomas englethorp bishop of rochester . . iohn de kyrkby . after him succéeded iohn de kyrkby deane of 〈◊〉 , archdeacon of couentry , and treasurer of england . he was once elected vnto the sée of 〈◊〉 : but the election was 〈◊〉 and disanulled by fryer iohn peckham archbishop of canterbury , who tooke exception against him for holding many seueral spirituall preferments , saying , that a man of so good conscience as a bishop ought to be , would rather content himselfe with a little liuing , then 〈◊〉 himselfe with so many charges . he was consecrate 〈◊〉 ely at paris the . or ( as other report ) the . of 〈◊〉 . and sitting bishop of ely but thrée yéeres and 〈◊〉 moneths , died march . . he was buried in his 〈◊〉 church by ralph walpoole bishop of norwich that 〈◊〉 succéeded him ) on the north part of the quier before the altar of saint john baptist. . william de luda . the fourth day of may following was elected william 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deane of saint martins , archdeacon of durham , and treasurer of the kings house . he sate seuen yoeres , and 〈◊〉 buried in the south part of the church betweene two pillers at the entrance into the old lady chappell . this bishop gaue the mannor of oldburne with the appurtenances vnto his sée , vpon condition that his next successor should 〈◊〉 . marks to prouide maintenance for thrée chaplaines to serue in the chappell there . . ralph walpoole . 〈◊〉 adoo there was now about the election of a new bishop . the couent could not agrée within themselues ; one part ( and the greater ) made choice of iohn their pryor , the rest of iohn langton chauncellor of england . this election being examined before the archbishop , and iudgement by him giuen for the pryor , the chauncellour appealed vnto the pope & trauelled to rome in his own person . the pryor hearing of his iourney , 〈◊〉 him after as fast as he might , neither was he long behinde him , although many blocks were cast in his way . being there , they were 〈◊〉 to resigne all their interest into the popes hand . he then in fauour of the couent set downe this order , that they should be at liberty ( notwithstanding these elections ) to choose againe , so they chose any one abbot in england , except thrée , to wit , of westminster , bury and saint augustines : they belike were not in the popes fauour . the proctors of the couent they would not agrée to this order , so fauourable for them . wherefore the pope being very angry , vpon his owne absolute authority remoued ralph walpoole from norwich vnto ely , gaue norwich vnto the pryor ; and least the chancellor should altogether loose his labor , he made him archdeacon of canterbury in the place of richard feringes that was then appointed by him archbishop of 〈◊〉 . this ralph walpoole was consecrat bishop of norwich in the beginning of the yéere . and sate there . yéeres . at ely he continued scarce . yéeres , but died march . in the beginning of the yéere . he was buried in the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 before the 〈◊〉 altar . . robert orford . this time they agréed better , and with one 〈◊〉 , chose robert 〈◊〉 their prior vpon the . day of aprill ensuing . he sate somewhat more then . yéeres , and ended his life at dunham ianuary . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 buried in the pauement aforesaid néere r. walpoole his predecessour . . iohn de keeton . after him followed iohn de keeton almoner vnto the church of ely , he sate likewise . yéeres and dying may the . . was buried also in the same pauement . . iohn hotham . vvithin the compasse of the same yéere a chapleyne of the kings named iohn hotham or hothun was made bishop of ely ; and the next yéere viz. . chauncellour of england . a man wise and vertuous , 〈◊〉 very vnlearned . he continued in that office two yéeres , and 〈◊〉 giuing it ouer , was made treasurer . that place also he resigned within a twelue moneth , and betooke himselfe altogither to the gouernment of his church . in his time the 〈◊〉 in a night fell downe vpon the quier , making a most horrible and 〈◊〉 noise . this stéeple ( now called the lanterne ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and built it in such order as now we sée it ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of worke both for cost and workmanship singular . it stoode him in . l. . s. . d. the new building also of the presbytery ( not so fully finished by hugh northwould , but that somewhat might séeme to be wanting ) he 〈◊〉 in euery point , bestowing vpon the same the summe of . l. . s. 〈◊〉 . d. ob , as a writing yet to be séene vpon the north wall of the said presbytery witnesseth . so that vpon the very fabricke and building of the church he spent . l. . s. . d. ob . farthing . besides which , this woorthy benefactour gaue vnto his couent the mannour of holbourne with sixe tenements belonging to the same , and to his church a chalice and two crewets of pure gold , very costly wrought . he sate almost . yeeres , and died of the palsey at somersham vpon saint paules day ianuary . . he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a monument of alabaster that was somtimes a very stately and goodly building , but now shamefully defaced , as are also al other monuments of the church . it standeth east from the lesse altar , in the middle , but to the west end of the presbytery . . simon mountacute . about the middle of march after his death pope ben. the . translated 〈◊〉 monntacute from worcester ( where he had sate thrée yéeres ) vnto ely. he began the building of that beautifull lady chappell on the north side of the church , and bestowed an infinite deale of mony vpon the same , but could not finish it being preuented by death . iohn de 〈◊〉 a monke of ely ( as i remember ) continued that worke , and much deale by the contribution of well disposed people ended it at last . it is said , that in digging thereabout , he found a 〈◊〉 of treasure which serued to pay the worke mens wages a great while . this bishop holding his place here little aboue seuen yeeres , departed from it and the world , june . . and was buried in the chappell afore mentioned . . thomas lysle . alan de walsingham prior of ely being then chosen bishop , his election was disanulled and pronounced voide by the pope clement . who 〈◊〉 potestatis without any more adoe , thrust into his place thomas lysle or lyld a frier preacher , and caused him to be consecrate at auinion in the moneth of july . he was a doctor of diuinity , brought vp in cambridge and much estéemed for his learning . he preached often with great 〈◊〉 and writ diuers works mentioned by bale . within a 〈◊〉 or two before his death he endured great trouble and 〈◊〉 by the meanes of blanch wake 〈◊〉 marshall , the circumstance whereof it shall not be amisse briefly to set downe . this lady had certaine lands néere vnto one or 〈◊〉 of the bishops houses ; by reason of which neighbourhoode , many controuersies daily arose betwéene them concerning bounds and other such like matters . the bishop was a rough and plaine man , hardly brooking such indignities as it is likely a woman of that nobilitie , rich , and néere of 〈◊〉 vnto the king , would be ready enough to offer . by reason héereof the lady conceiued a deadly and inueterate 〈◊〉 against him ; for wreaking whereof , she awaited this 〈◊〉 . the pope at the request of the king ( or rather the blacke prince his sonne ) had suffred one robert 〈◊〉 to be consecrate bishop of lichfield ; a man in many respects very vnwoorthy of that honour . this good bishop was not afraide ( like another iohn baptist ) to steppe vnto the king , and reprehend him for it ; which he taking very tenderly , commanded him in great displeasure to 〈◊〉 his presence . the lady before named thinking it now a fitte time to deale with the bishop , commenced a sute against him , the ground and colour whereof was this . certaine lewde persons had fired some housing belonging to the countesse , and being apprehended , were content to accuse the bishop as accessary to this foule fact . whereupon before euer the bishop heard any thing of the matter , at the instance of the lady , and commandement of the king , a nisi prius passed against him , and adiudged him to the paiment of . l. which presently he was 〈◊〉 to lay downe . but estéeming more the discredife then the 〈◊〉 , neuer ceased to importune the king till he obtained licence of him to call the jury and witnesses to a reckoning of their doings . the time being come when the matter was to be determined , in the 〈◊〉 at huntington , the countesse 〈◊〉 a meanes to hinder the bishops procéedings by corrupting the officers , who denied him the copie of the former iudgement , without which nothing could be done . being much gréeued héerewith , he went vnto the king , and complained how he was oppressed , requesting him as he was the guide and life of the law , so he would direct the same according to iustce , and not sée him so ouerborne . this his speeche was deliuered in somewhat more rough tearmes then beséemed him ( as the king tooke it at leastwise ) who making the worst of it , accused him to the parliament then assembled . some things the king laid to his charge he denied , and extenuated the rest what he might . but the king affirmed euery thing vpon his honor and made some mention of witnesses ; who then durst but take this proofe for good ? so he was condemned by parliament and this punishment laid vpon him , that hereafter he should neuer presume to come in the kings presence . not long after this , it happened that his seruants méeting with certaine of the countesses men , in a 〈◊〉 , one of her men were slaine . of this murther the bishop , is by and by déemed an accessarie and howsoeuer he knew himselfe giltlesse , fearing the successe of this matter would proue but as his other sutes had done , he sold all his mooueable goods , put the mony into the hands of his trusty friends , and hid himselfe . it might not serue his turne ; being absent , he was found guiltie by inquest , and his temporalties seised into the kings hands . séeing therefore now the woorst ( as he thought ) he was content ( vpon safe conduct ) to appéere before the king and there desired to be tried by his péeres . whether his request in that point were satisfied or no i cannot tell ; but certaine it is , that by the kings owne mouth sentence was pronounced against him . for it was the manner in those daies the king should determine causes of great waight sitting himselfe in open court . the matter being growen to this passe , he called vpon the archbishop of canterbury to 〈◊〉 him such aide as the priuileges of the church affoorded him . he expected belike , that he should by force & strong arme rescue him in such sort as adam tarlton bishop of hereford being accused of treason in the daies of this kings father , was violently taken from the barre by the archbishop that then was , and other bishops . but this king ( edward the . ) was no babe ; well enough they knew he would take no such iest ; therefore they aduised him to submit himselfe vnto the kings mercy . that he vtterly refused to do , and hauing no other hope of succour , tooke the benefite of his safeconduct , tanquam ad anchoram sacram 〈◊〉 vnto the pope for helpe , and acquainted him with all the circumstances of his trouble , from the beginning vnto the end . hereupon his accusers were cited to appéere in the popes courte , and for not 〈◊〉 were excommunicate . the bishop of lincolne was commanded to denounce this excommunication ( which he did vnto his great trouble : ) and also that if any of the excommunicate were dead , he should cause them to be digged out of their graues , and forbid them buriall in holy earth . this 〈◊〉 dealing of the pope mooued the king vnto great 〈◊〉 : for diuers of those that were excommunicate , were persons of no small account ; some of them of his priuy 〈◊〉 . proclamation therefore was made throughout the realme , that vpon paine of death , no man should héereafter be so hardy as to bring into the realme any kinde of writing from the popes court . some notwithstanding contrary to this prohibition , deliuered letters to the bishop of rochester then treasurer of england , from the pope concerning this matter , and fearing the woorst had armed themselues . this 〈◊〉 , they shrunke away and fled , but were soone after 〈◊〉 , and diuersly punished , some dismembred , other faire and well hanged . the pope hearing of this , was so incensed , that he wrote a very sharpe letter vnto the king , breathing out terrible threats against him , if he did not presently reconcile himselfe vnto the bishop and cause full amends to be made him for all the losse he had sustained either by the countesse or him in these troubles . the king was too wise either to doe all he required , or vtterly to despise his authority . the 〈◊〉 he knew was not for his honor , nor ( so farre had this tyrant incroched vpon the authority of princes ) the other for his 〈◊〉 . warned by the examples of king iohn , henry the emperour and other ; he thought good not to exasperate him too 〈◊〉 ; and so was content to yéeld vnto somewhat . but before the matter could grow to a full conclusion , it was otherwise ended by god , who tooke away the bishop by death . he deceased at auinion june . . and was there buried , 〈◊〉 béen bishop euen almost . yéeres . . simon laugham . innocentius translated then reginald bryan bishop of worcester vnto ely. but he died before he could take benefit of the popes gift . iohn buckingham afterward bishop of lincolne was then chosen , and was reiected by the pope , who preferred to this sée simon laugham abbot of westminster . he continued here but fiue yeeres , being in that space first treasurer , then chauncellor of england , and was remooued to canterbury . of his translation some merry fellow made these verses : laetentur 〈◊〉 quia simon transit ab ely , cuius in aduentum flent in kent 〈◊〉 centum . sée more of him in canterbury . . iohn barnet . at what time simon laugham was translated to canterbury , iohn barnet was remooued from bathe to succeede him in ely. he was first consecrate bishop of worcester . and staying there but one yéere , obtayned bathe . and lastly ely . he was treasurer of england . being a very old man before his comming to ely , he liued there notwithstanding sixe yéeres , in which tune he bestowed the making of fower windowes , two in the south side , and two in the north side of the presbytery . he died june . . at bishops 〈◊〉 , & lieth buried vpon the south side of the high altar ; in which place there is to be soone a goodly toombe monstrously defaced , the head of the image being broken off , i take that to be barnets toombe . . thomas arundell . after the death of iohn barnet the king writ earnestly vnto the couent to choose iohn woodrone his confessor . but they elected henry wakefield treasurer of the kings house . this election was made voide by the pope , who placed of his owne authority ( as i 〈◊〉 deliuered ) thomas arundell archdeacon of taunton , sonne vnto robert 〈◊〉 of arundell and warren , being an aged gentleman of two and twenty yéeres old , and as yet but a subdeacon . how be it , some report , that order being taken by parliament about this time for the ratifying of capitular elections , and stopping the iniurious prouisions of the pope , that this thomas 〈◊〉 was chosen orderly and consecrate at otford by the archbishop william witlesey aprill . . hauing 〈◊〉 there sowertéene yéeres thrée moneths and eightéene 〈◊〉 , he was translated to yorke and after to canterbury . he left for an implement of his house at ely a woonderfull sumptuous and costly table decked with gold and precious stones . it belonged first vnto the king of spaine , and was sold to this bishop by the blacke prince for . markes . he also bestowed the building of the great gate house in the house at holburne . sée more of him in yorke and caterbury . . iohn fordham . the sée had béene void but fowertéene daies when iohn fordham bishop of durham was translated to ely by the pope . he was first deane of wels , consecrate bishop of durham may . . and inthronized there in september . he was treasurer of england ; and to his great griefe was displaced from that office the yéere . and iohn gilbert bishop of hereford made treasurer . seuen yéeres he continued at durham , and september . . was by the authority of the pope translated to ely ; in which sée he sate seuen and thirty yéeres two moneths and . daies . he died nouember . . and lieth buried in the west part of the lady chappell . it appéereth by this reckoning , that he was bishop in all from the time of his first consecration . yéeres and vpward . sée more of him in durham . . philip morgan . the king then and manie noble men commended vnto the couent william 〈◊〉 doctor of law the kings confessor and kéeper of the priuie seale , who was after bishop of lincolne . but they chose peter their prior. that election being disliked at home by the archbishop , he was fame to seeke vnto the pope , whose manner was litle or nothing to regard elections , but to bestow any bishoprick or other preferment that fell according to his owne pleasure , if it were not filled before the auoidance might come to his knowledge . according to this custome hauing no respect of the election of the couent ; of his owne authoritie he thrust in phillip morgan into this bishopricke . this man being doctor of law , was consecrate bishop of worcester . and soone after 〈◊〉 death viz. before the end of the yeere . remoued as is aforesaid vnto ely. he was a very wise man , gouerned there with great commendation nine yeeres sixe moneths , and fower daies . and departed this life at bishops 〈◊〉 october . . he was buried at charter house in london . . lewes lushborough . presently after his death the monks elected robert fitz hugh bishop of london : who died before his translation could be perfected . the king then writ for thomas rodburne bishop of saint 〈◊〉 : which notwithstanding , they make choise of another , to wit thomas bourchier bishop of worcester , whose election the pope confirmed , but the king vtterly refused to restore to him the temporalties of that see . and so for feare of a premunire , he durst not receiue the popes bulles of confirmation , but renounced all his interest by this election . the king then appointed this bishopricke vnto lewes lushbrough archbishoppe of roan cardinall and chauncellor both of fraunce and normandy that was some way i know not how kinne vnto him . by his meanes a dispensation was gotten of the pope to hold ely in commendam with his archbishopricke . he enioyed it sixe yéeres and sixe monethes and then died at hatfild septem . . . he is said to haue bene buried betwéene two marble pillers beside the altar of reliques . . thomas bourchier . thomas bourchier being now once more chosen , without any great difficultie obtained full confirmation march . following . he was brother vnto henrie earle of esser , forst deane of saint martins , then consecrate bishop of worcester . and sate there eight yéeres . here he continued ten yéeres fiue monethes and twelue daies , and was then remoued to canterbury . sée more of him in canterbury . . william gray . the sée hauing béene voide onely . daies , pope nicholas the . vpon an especiall 〈◊〉 he had of william gray , doctor of diuinity , placed him in the same . this william was a gentleman very well borne , to 〈◊〉 of the noble and auncient house of the lord gray of 〈◊〉 , whose friends perceiuing in him a notable 〈◊〉 and sharpnesse of witte , dedicated him vnto learning . he was brought vp in baylioll colledge in oxford . hauing spent much time there profitably , and to very good purpose , 〈◊〉 the study as well of diuinitie as philosophy ; he passed ouer the seas and trauailed into italy , where he frequented much the lectures of one guarinus of uerona , a great learned man in those daies . following thus his study , and profiting exceedingly therein , he grew very famous ; and no 〈◊〉 , for to see a gentleman of great linage , hauing maintenance at will , to become very learned , especially in diuinity , is in déede a woonder , and seldome séene . he writ many things both before and after his preferment , whereof i thinke nothing now remaineth . neither was he a simple 〈◊〉 and a bookeman onely . king henry the . perceiuing him not onlylearned , but very discrete , & no lesse industrious , appointed him his proctor for the following of all his businesse in the popes court . by this occasion hauing often recourse vnto the pope , his great learning and other excellent parts were soone 〈◊〉 by him , and woorthily rewarded with this bishopricke . it was impossible such a man should not be imploted in state matters . the yeere . he was made treasurer of england by king edward the . . yeeres two moneths and . daies , he was bishop of this sée . in which meane space he bestowed great sums of money vpon building of the steeple , at the west end of his church , and at his death ( which hapned at downham august . . ) he bequeathed many goodly ornaments vnto the same his church , in which he was buried betweene two marble pillers . . iohn moorton . a happie and memorable man succéeded him , iohn moorton doctor of law from whose wisedome and deuise sprung that blessed coniunction of the two noble houses of lancaster and yorke after so many yeeres war betwéene them . this man was borne at berry néere blandford in dorsetshire , first parson of s. dunstans in london and prebendary of s. decumans in 〈◊〉 ( as my selfe also sometimes was ) then master of the rolles & lord chauncellor of england . august . . ( viz. within 〈◊〉 daies after the death of bishop gray ) he was elect bishop of ely , where he continued about eight yéeres , and the yeere . was translated to canterbury . being yet bishop of ely , he bestowed great cost vpon his house at hatfild . at 〈◊〉 castell likewise all the building of brick was of his charge . as also that new leame that he caused to be made for more conuentent cariage to his towne , which they say serueth now to smale purpose , and many complaine that the course of the riuer nine into the sea by clowcrosse is very much hindred thereby . see more of him in canterbury . . iohn alcock . after the translation of iohn morton the sée was void ( as one saith ) thrée yéeres . howbeit i finde that iohn alcock doctor of law , and bishop of worcester , was preferred therevnto the yéere . a man of admirable temperance , for his life and behauiour vnspotted , and from a childe so earnestly giuen to the study , not onely of learning , but of all vertue and godlinesse ; as in those daies neuer any man bare a greater opinion and reputation of holinesse . he liued all his life time most soberly and chastly , resisting the temptations of the flesh , and subduing them by fasting , studie , praier , & other such good meanes , abhorring as 〈◊〉 all foode that was likely to stir him vp vnto wantonnes . he was borne at beuerley in yorkeshire ; first deane of saint stephens in westminster and master of the rolles , consecrate bishop , of rochester . translated first to worcester . and then to ely ( as i said ) . about which time he was for a while lord chauncellour of england by the appointment of that prudent and most excellent prince king henry the . being yet at worcester he founded a 〈◊〉 , at kingstone vpon hul ; built a chappel vpon the south side of the parish church , where his parents were buried , and 〈◊〉 a chauntrey there . he built moreouer from the very foundation that stately hall in the pallace of ely , togither with the gallerie ; and in almost euery house belonging to his bishopricke , bestowed very great cost . lastly , he was the author of a goodly colledge in cambridge , now called 〈◊〉 colledge : it was first a monastery of nunnes , dedicated to saint radegund , and being fallen greatly in decay , the goods and ornaments of the church wasted , the lands diminished , and the nunnes themselues hauing for saken it , insomuch as onely two were left , where of one was determined to be gone shortly , the other but an infant : this good bishop obtained licence of k. henry the . to conuert that same to a college , wherin he placed a master , . fellowes , & a certain number of schollers ( since augmented by other benefactors ) and dedicated the same vnto the honor of that holy trinity , the blessed uirgin , s. iohn the 〈◊〉 , and s. radegund : what was not expended vpon these buildings , or to other good purposes of like profite , he bestowed in hospitality and house keeping euery whit . hauing sate . yeeres and somewhat more , he was taken out of this life to that place where no doubt he findeth the reward of his doings , viz. vpon the first day of october . he lieth buried in a chappell of his owne building , on the north side of the presbytery , where is to be seene a very goodly & sumptuous toombe , erected in memory of him , which by the barbarous and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of some body , is pittifully defaced , the head of the image being broken off , the compartiment and other buildings torne downe . . richard redman . one whole yéere the bishopricke had béene voide after alcockes death , when as richard redman doctor of diuinity , first bishop of saint assaph , then of exeter , was translated thence vnto ely. he sate there but thrée yéeres and an halfe , and dying was buried betweene two pillers on the north side of the presbytery , where we sée a very stately toombe of frée stone well built . he was very liberall vnto the poore . his manner ( they say ) was , in trauelling to giue vnto euery poore person that demaunded almes of him a piece of money , sixe pence at least ; and least many should loose it for want of knowledge of his being in towne , at his comming to any place , he would cause a bell to ring to giue notice thereof vnto the poore . no doubt , but he that bestowed thus much in publike , bestowed also very much in priuate that all the world knew not of . . iames stanley . iames stanley doctor of duinity , and brother vnto the earle of darby succeeded him . other good i finde none reported of him , but rather much euill . he was made bishop the yeere . and enioyed that preferment eight yeeres and a halfe ; of which time he spent very little or none at ely : but liued all the sommer time at somer sham , kéeping company much there with a certaine woman in very 〈◊〉 me 〈◊〉 and all the winter , he would be with his brother in darbyshire . so drownd in pleasures he passed his time without doing any one thing woorthy commendation or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . nicholas west . in the moneth of october . nicholas west doctor of diuinity became bishop of ely. he 〈◊〉 borne néere fulham , being the sonne of one iohn west a baker . this bishop ( as i finde noted ) kept daily in his house an hundred seruants ; of which , to the one halfe he gaue yéerely 〈◊〉 markes wages , and the rest forty shillings , euery one being allowed fower yards of cloath for his winter liuery to make him a gowne , and three yards and a halfe for a coat to weare insommer . daily he gaue at his gate warme meate and drinke to two hundred poore folke : and moreouer in 〈◊〉 of dearth distributed diuers summes of money vnto the poore . he gouerned the dioces of ely seuentéene yéeres and sixe moneths . at last falling into the kings displeasure for some matter concerning his first marriage : the griefe 〈◊〉 ( as it is thought ) cast him into a disease , which being the woorse able to sustaine because of a fistula that he had néere his fundament : he yéelded vnto the necessity of nature aprill . . he lieth buried in a chappell very sumptuously built by himselfe in the south east part of the presbytery of ely. . thomas gooderich ayéere and . daies the sée of ely was voide after the death of b , west . in which time i finde that 〈◊〉 nicholas hawkins doctor of law was elect vnto the same : it is like he died before he could be consecrate ; for he neuer enioyed it i am sure . the . day of aprill . thomas gooderich doctor of diuinity was consecrate , and sate . daies aboue . yéeres . he built a faire gallery in the north side of the pallace of ely , and otherwise in that house bestowed much cost . he died at somersham of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tenth of may . and lieth buried almost in the middle of the presbytery . more would be said of him : but i had rather you should heare it in other mens words then mine . for i now grow néere the time of which i meane to speake little , as iudging it neither safe to reprehend , nor séemely to praise ( though truely ) those men whose memoryare fresh and diuers their friends liuing . this therefore that i finde written vpon his toombe i will impart vnto you , and concerning hun no more : thomas goodricus annis plus minus . huius 〈◊〉 episcopus hocloco 〈◊〉 est . duobus angliae 〈◊〉 regibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , foris 〈◊〉 apud exteros principes saepe legatus , 〈◊〉 quidem cum 〈◊〉 edwardo eius nominis sexto aliquandiu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , magnus tandem factus angliae cancellarius . chariorne 〈◊〉 propter singularem prudentiam , an 〈◊〉 populo propter integritatem & abstmentiam fuerit , ad 〈◊〉 est per quam difficile . in english thus : thomas goodrich for . yéeres bishop of this church 〈◊〉 buried in this place . a man very acceptable vnto two noble kings of this realme , in many actions both concerning the church and common wealth . for abroad he was often imployed in embassages to forraine princes , and at home , after he bad béene of the priuy councell a while vnto king edward the sixt of that name , he was made at last high chancellor of england . whether he were more déere vnto his prince for his singular wisedome , or more beloued of the commonalty for his integrity and abstinence , it is euen very hard to say . he died the . of may . . thomas thirlby . at what time it pleased king henry the eight to make the church of westminster a cathedrall sée , he appointed for the first bishop of the same ( who also was the last ) thomas thirlby doctor of diuinity . the yéere . he was 〈…〉 , by 〈…〉 vnto the bishopricke of ely , but also 〈◊〉 of her priuy councell . after her death , 〈…〉 the reformation intended by our grand 〈…〉 elizabeth ; he was committed to the tower 〈…〉 from his bishoprick by act of parlilament . hauing 〈◊〉 a time of imprisonment , neither very sharpe nor very long , his friends easily obtayned licence for him , and the late secretary boxall to liue in the archbishops house , where they had also the company of bishop tonstall till such time as he died . the archbishop intreated them all most kindly , as considering no doubt the variablenes of this mutable world , how possible it was for god that so lately had set him vp , to cast him downe , as he had done those men . he liued in this sort the space of . yeres and vpwards ; taking more pleasure ( i assure my selfe ) in this time of his imprisonment ( for so some men will needes estéeme it ) then euer heretofore in the middest and fullest streame of his highest honors . he departed this life at lambhith august . . and lieth buried in the middle of the chauncell there at the head of bishop tunstall vnder a marble stone . . richard coxe . bishop 〈◊〉 being remooued from his place by 〈◊〉 ( as is before said ) richard coxe doctor of diuinity was appointed thereunto by her maiesty that now 〈◊〉 , and was consecrate december . . he was borne in buckingham shire , in king edwards daies chauncellor of the university of oxford , deane of westminster , and christchurch in oxford , 〈◊〉 vnto the saide king , almosner vnto him , and ( as bale also reporteth ) of his priuy councell . all 〈◊〉 maries time he liued in germany . he was bishop of ely seuen moneths aboue . yéeres , and departed this life july . . he lieth buried 〈◊〉 bishop goodrich vnder a marble stone , vpon which ( though much of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) i 〈◊〉 these 〈◊〉 : vita 〈◊〉 vale , 〈◊〉 vita 〈◊〉 , corpus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . interra christi gallus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , da christe in coelis te sine fine sonem . . martyn 〈◊〉 . the sée hauing continued voide almost . yéeres , it pleased her maiesty at last to appoint vnto the same martyn heton doctor of diuinity and deane of winchester , who was consecrate in the end of the yere . long and happily may he well enioy the 〈◊〉 . the valuation of this bishoprick in the exchequer is , l. , s. , d. halfe farthing and the third part of a farthing : in the popes bookes . ducats . the bishops of lincolne . the bishop of that dioces , whereof lincolne is now the sée , sate 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 , a place distant from oxford about . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was all that countrey , which now belongeth vnto the bishops of winchester , lincolne , salisbury , oxford , bristow , wels , lichfield , 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 ; and he ( notwithstanding that he gouerned also the mercians or saxons of mid-england , who for a while had not any bishop peculiar vnto themselues ) he i say 〈◊〉 called the bishop of the west saxons . birinus was the first bishop of this so large a territory ; of him sée more in winchester . the second was agilbert a french man. in his time kenwalchus king of the west saxons , caused this huge 〈◊〉 to be diuided into two parts , the one of which he left vnto agilbert , vnto the other he caused one wina to be consecrate , appointing winchester to be his sée , and all the west countrey his iurisdiction . after agilbert there was no other bishop of dorchester a long time . he departing into france , wina and his successors bishops of winchester , gouerned that sée also , or part of it at least . for it happened not long after that oswy king of mercia erected an episcopall 〈◊〉 at lichfield , and placed one diuma in the same . he had all mid-england for his dioces ; so had sixe or seuen of his successors , butill the yéere . at what time a bishop was 〈◊〉 at sidnacester , one eadhead : he dying within one yéere , ethelwine succéeded . then these ; edgar . kinebert , beda calleth him embert , and acknowledgeth himselfe much holpen by him in the 〈◊〉 of his ecclesiasticall historie . he dyed . . alwigh . . ealdulf , he died ann . . . ceolulf , he died . . ealdulf . after ealdulf , the sée continued void many yéeres . the yéere . brightred became bishop . in the meane time , viz. the yéere . another sée was erected at legecester , now called leicester ( but soone after remooued to dorchester ) and one tota made bishop there ; then these ; edbertus consecrate ann . . werenbert . he died . vuwona suceeded him ( as hath florilegus . ) other put him before werenbert . he liued ann . . 〈◊〉 . he died . aldred , consecrate . or rather as matth. west . reporteth ann . . the yéere . he was depriued of his bishopricke . 〈◊〉 , consecrate . halard , by king alfred appointed one of the guardians of the realme to defend it against the irruption of the danes , ann . . kenulfus or rather 〈◊〉 consecrate ann . . together with sixe other bishops by 〈◊〉 the archbishop . 〈◊〉 , vnto him the dioces of sidnamcester was also committed ( which had now continued void almost fourscore yéeres ) and his see for both established againe at dorchester . he was a great benefactor to the abbey ramsey , and died the yéere , . ailnoth , consecrate . 〈◊〉 or aeswy . 〈◊〉 . eadnoth , slaine by the danes in battell , . eadheric , he died . and was buried at ramsey . eadnoth , he built the church of our lady in stowe , and died the yéere . vlf. he was a norman , brought into england by emma the quéene of king ethelred , sister to richard duke of normandy . she commended him vnto her sonne saint edward , and found meanes vpon the death of eadnoth to aduaunce him ( though a man very vnlearned ) vnto this bishopricke . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he and all the 〈◊〉 ( that through the 〈◊〉 of quéene emma possessed the chiefe places of 〈◊〉 in all the realme ) were compelled to depart the land . this man amongst the rest going to the councell of uercels to complaine vnto the pope of his wrongfull vanishment , 〈◊〉 farre soorth bewrayed his owne weakenesse and insufficiency , as the pope was determined to haue displaced him 〈◊〉 his bishoprick , vntill with giftes , and golden eloquence 〈◊〉 perswaded him to winke at his imperfections . it seemeth 〈◊〉 died the yéere following . 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 , was consecrate the yéere . 〈◊〉 . and was buried in his cathedrall church of dor chester . . remingius de feschamp . the last bishop of dorchester and first of lincolne was 〈◊〉 , a monke of feschamp that ( as bale noseth ) was the sonne of a priest . unto this man william the conquerour ( for diuers good seruices done vnto him ) had promised long before a bishopricke in england , 〈◊〉 it should please god to send him 〈◊〉 . he was as good as his word , and the yéere . preferred him to dorchester , voide by the death of the former bishop . the consideration of this gift comming to the popes eare , he woulde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it symony , and as a 〈◊〉 actually depriued him of his bishopricke : but at the request of lanfrank the archbishop of canterbury , he restored him to his ring and crosyer againe . soone after his first preferment , he began to build at dorchester , and intended great matters there . but order being taken in a conuocation at london by the kings procurement , that episcopall sées euery where should be remoued from obscure townes to greater cities , he diuerted the course of his liberality from dorchester to lincolne . lincolne at that time ( saith william malmsburie ) was one of the most populous cities of england , of great resort and traffique both by sea and land . remigius therefore thinking it a fit place for a cathedrall church , bought certaine ground vpon the top of the hill neere the castle then lately built by william the conquerour , and began the foundation of a goodly church . the archbishop of yorke endcuoured to hinder the execution of this worthie designement by laying challenge to the iurisdiction of that country : this allegation , though friuolous , was a meane of some charge vnto the bishop , who ( not without gifts ) was faine to worke the king to be a meanes of cleering that title . 〈◊〉 fabrike of the church being now finished , and . prebends founded in the same , al which he furnished with incumbents very wel esteemed of both for learning and conuersation ; he made great prouision for the dedication of this his new church , procuring all the bishops of england by the kings authoritie to be summoned thereunto . the rest came at the time appointed , which was may . . onely robert bishop of hereford absented him selfe , foreseeing by his skill in astrology ( as bale and other affirme ) that remigius could not liue vnto the day prefixed , which also he foretold long before . it fell out ( according vnto his prediction ) that 〈◊〉 died two daies before the time appointed for this great solemnity . he was buried in that his owne new built church . this remigius was a man , though of so high and noble a mind , yet so vnreasonable low of stature , as hardly hée might attaine vnto the pitch and reputation of a dwarfe . so as , it séemed , nature had framed him in that sort , to shew how possible it was that an excellent mind might dwell in a deformed and miserable body . besides this worthy foundation at lincoln , he reedified the church and abbey at 〈◊〉 , as also the abbey of bardney . by his perswasion king william the conquerour erected the abbeyes of cane in normandy , and battell in susser vpon the very place where he had ouerthrowne king harold in battell , and so made a passage vnto the conquest of the whole 〈◊〉 . the superstitious and credulous posterity ascribe diuers miracles vnto the holinesse of this bishop , wrought ( not in his life time , but ) many yéeres after his death . . robert bloett . it happened soone after the death of 〈◊〉 , the king ( william rufus ) to fall dangerously sick at glocester : and thinking he should die , began seriously to repent him of his dissolute and vicious life forepassed : especially , he shewed great griefe for his simony and sacrilegious oppression of the church and cleargy men . in this good moode he bestowed the archbishopricke of canterbury ( hauing kept it voide fower yéeres ) vpon saint anselm , and lincolne vpon robert bloet or bluet his chauncellor . when he recouered , he much repented his repentance , wished they were in his hands againe , and tell to his old practises as 〈◊〉 as euer heretofore . this robert bloet was a man passing wise , liberall , 〈◊〉 , curteous and very personable , but vnlearned , light of behauiour , and much giuen to lust . bale reporteth he had a sonne named simon ( base borne no doubt ) whom he made deane of lincolne . he dedicated his church ; bestowed very much in furnishing the same with ornaments requisite . unto the . prebends founded by his predecessor , he added . more , and very largely endued ( or as some deliuer founded ) the abbey of eynsham besides oxford , vnto the which monastery he remooued the monkes of stow. againe he bestowed the mannor of charlton vpon the monkes of bermondsey , and gaue vnto the king , l. ( or as h. huntingdon hath . ) to cléere the title that the archbishop of yorke laid vnto the iurisdiction of his sée . he was consecrate the yeere . sate almost . yéeres , and died at last suddenly ianuary . . riding by the kings side talking with him neere woodstocke , he shranke downe spéechlesse , and being caried to his lodging , died in a manner presently . his bowels were buried at eynsham , his body was conueghed to lincolne , and there in his owne church solemnely interred . upon his toombe was engrauen this epitaphe : pontificum robertus honor , quem fama superstes perpetuare dabit , non obiturus obit . hic humilis , diues , ( res mira ) potens , pius vltor , compatiens , mitis , cum pateretur , erat . noluit esse sui dominus , studuit pater esse , semper in aduersis murus & arma suis. in decima iani , mendacis somnia mundi liquit , & euigilans , vera perenne vidit . . alexander . roger that famous bishop of salisbury , was now so great a man with the king ( henry the first ) as being able to do with him what he list , he easily entreated him to bestow the bishopricke of lincolne vpon one alexander his owne brothers sonne , a norman borne , whom not long before he had made archdeacon of salisbury , and chiefe justice of england . he was consecrate at canterbury july . . the next yéere after , his cathedrall church so lately built , and yet scarcely finished , was burnt and horribly defaced by casuall fire . this man repayred it againe , and added vnto it a speciall ornament , a goodly vault of stone , which before it had not , and therefore was the more subiect vnto fire . he also increased the number of his prebends , & purchased vnto his church certaine mannors and other lands . but his chiefe delight was in building of castels , wherein he imitated his vncle the bishop of salisbury . this humor was the vndoing of them both . to leaue the other vnto his owne place , alexander built a stately castle at banbury , another at newarke , and a third at sleford . william par●●s reporteth that he also founded two monasteries , but what or where i finde not . these castles were such eie-sores vnto king stephen , as they prouoked him to picke a quarrell otherwise vnto the bishops , to clappe them vp in prison ( where the other died ) and to bereaue them at once of these munitions and all their treasure , whereof they had hoorded vp great store . they that kept the castle of newarke refused to deliuer it at the kings summons , till such time as the bishop intreated them to yéeld , signifying ( and it was true indeede ) that the king had sworne he should nether eate nor drinke before he had possession of the castle . hereupon they set open the gates vnto the king , and then with much adoo hauing lyen by it certaine moneths , he was at last released of his imprisonment . after that , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 himselfe wholy to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of his church , performed that which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 made it simply the most beautifull church of england at that time . he was thrice at rome , to wit , the 〈◊〉 . and . where he behaued himselfe so , as he pleased both the king and the pope very well . the first time he was 〈◊〉 , the pope gaue him authority to call a 〈◊〉 as his 〈◊〉 , and especially 〈◊〉 vnto him the redresse of certaine 〈◊〉 ; for the effecting whereof he caused 〈◊〉 canons to be made very necessary for those times . a third iourney he made vnto the pope , lying then in fraunce , in the moneth of august . where through immoderate heat of the weather during the time of his trauell , he fell 〈◊〉 , and with much 〈◊〉 getting home , not long after his returne he died hauing sate bishop about the space of . yéeres . i 〈◊〉 in henry huntingdon certaine verses written in commendation of him which i thinke not amisse here to be inserted : splendor alexandri non tam renitescit honore , quam per eum renitescit honor , flos namque virorum . dando tenere 〈◊〉 , thesauros cogit honoris , et gratis dare festinans , ne danda rogentur . quod nondum dederit , nondum se credit habere . o decus , ô moruoo directio ; quo veniente , certa fides , hilaris clementia , cauta potestas , lene 〈◊〉 , doctrina placens , correctio dulcis , libercasque decens venêre , pudorque facetus . lincoliae gens magna prius , nunc maxima semper ; talis & ille diu sit nobis tutor honoris . . robert de chisuey . after alexander succéeded robert archdeacon of leycester , surnamed by some de chisuey or chisueto , by others de taueto , querceto or euerceto ( for so diuersly i finde him called ) a very yoong man. he was consecrate in september . and died ianuary . . this man added one prebend vnto those that were founded by his predecessors , purchased a house for himselfe and his successors 〈◊〉 vnto the temple at london , and built the bishops pallace at lincolne in a manner all . he left his sée indebted vnto one aaron a iew the summe of , l. ( a great deale of money in those daies ) and his successors were faine to see it discharged long after . . geoffry plantagenet . the sée of lincolne continued then void after the death of the said robert almost seuenteene 〈◊〉 ; in so much as all men were of opinion , there should neuer be any more bishop there . a certaine conuert of tame reputed a very holy man , and halfe a prophet in regard of many things he had strangely foretold , this man i say had giuen out , that the said robert lately deceased should be the last bishop of lincolne . this prediction of his many men 〈◊〉 , when not long after the death of the bishop before mentioned , they saw geoffry king henry the second his base sonne and archdeacon of lincoln , elected vnto that sée . but he contenting himselfe with the large reuenewes of that rich bishoprick , neuer sought consecration , well knowing he might so sheare the fleece , though he listed not to take the charge of feeding the sheepe . seuen yeeres he reaped the fruits of that see by colour of his election ; and then by his fathers commaundement resigned all his interest in the same , became an entire courtier for eight yéeres more , & at last returning to the church againe , became archbishop of yorke . see more of him there . . walter de constantijs . about the latter ende of the yéere . when all men now assured themselues the prophecy of that conuert of tame must needes fall out true , walter de constantijs archdeacon of oxford , was elect and consecrate bishop of lincolne . he was very fearefull to accept of the election , thinking assuredly he might not liue to be bishop , in regard of that vaine and false prophecy before mentioned . being yet scarce warme in his seate , the archbishopricke of 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 vnto him , a place of much higher dignity , but of lesse reuenues then lincoln a great deale . 〈◊〉 the power and force of ambition , that could prouoke this man , notably 〈◊〉 , to forsake riches , and content him selfe with 〈◊〉 place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lesse wealth , but a litle more honorable . he was translated to 〈◊〉 the next yeere after his comming to lincolne , viz. . . saint hugh . two yéeres after the departure of walter to koan , the sée of lincolne continued void . upon saint matthewes day . one hugh the first prior of the charterhouse monkes at witteham in somersetshire was consecrate bishop of the said church . this hugh ( who by his integrity of life and conuersation , and the opinion of diuers myracles wrought by him , hath purchased vnto himselfe the honour and reputation of a saint ) was borne in a city of burgundy , called gratianopolis . by the aduise and direction of his father , ( who hauing buried his wife , had made himselfe a regular channon ) he also entred the same profession being yet very yoong : but waring elder , he betooke him selfe afterwards vnto the straight and seuere orders of the carthusians or charterhouse monkes ( as we commonly call them . ) in that kind of life he not only obserued all things requisite by the rule of their order , but so farre surmounted the same in performing much more then it required , as he grew very famous farre and néere for his extraordinary abstinence and austerity of life . it chaunced the report thereof to come vnto the eares of king henry the second : who building a house for carthusian monkes at witteham aboue mentioned , thought good to send reginald bishop of bathe into burgundy , to intreate this holy man , to accept the place of the prior of this new foundation . with much adoo he assented , and came ouer with the bishop . the king ( who for the opinion he had of his holinesse , vsed often priuately to conferre with him ) remembring how great wrong he had done the church of lincolne in so long kéeping it without a bishop , determined to make amends by giuing them a good one at last , and procured this hugh before he vnderstood of any such thing toward , to be elected bishop of that sée . he gouerned very stoutly and with great seuerity , yet so , as he was more reuerenced and loued then feared . his excommunications were very terrible vnto all men , and the rather , for that it was noted ( as i find deliuered ) some notable calamity otherwise did lightly follow them . his church of lincolne he caused to be all new built from the foundation , a great and memorable worke , and not possible to be performed by him without infinite helpe . moreouer , he gaue vnto the king . markes , to acquite him and his successors , from the yeerely payment of a mantell of sables , wherewith by an auncient custome they were woont euery newyeares tide to present him . the yeere . he would néedes make a voyage to carthusia the chiefe and originall house of their order . in his returne home , he fell sicke of a quartane ague at london and there died , nouember . . . his body was presently conueighed to lincolne , & hapened to be brought thither , at a time , when king iohn of england and william king of scots were mette there , with an infinite number of the nobility of both realmes . the two kings , for the great reuerence they bare vnto his holynesse , would needes set their shoulders vnto the beere , and helped to cary his coarse from the gates of the city , vntill it came to the church doore : there it was receiued by the prelates , caried into the quire and the funer all rites being ended , buried in the body of the east part of the church aboue the high aulter , neere the aulter of saint iohn baptist. the yeere . 〈◊〉 was canonised at rome , and his body being taken vp , october . . was placed in a siluer shrine , who so listeth to read the miracles that are ascribed vnto him , may find them in matth. paris that describeth his life at large in his report of the yeere . amongst many things omitted for breuity , i can not let passe one thing which i finde elsewhere deliuered concerning him , how that comming to godstowe a house of nunnes neere oxford , and seeing a hearse in the middle of the quire couered with silke , & tapers burning round about it , he asked who was buried there . understanding then , it was that faire rosamond the concubine of king henry the second , who at her intreaty had done much for that house , and in regard of those fauours was 〈◊〉 that honours 〈…〉 her body to be digged vp immediately , a●● buried in the church yard , saying it was a plac● a great deale t●o good for a harlot , and it should be an example to other women to terrifie them from such a wicked and filthy kind of life . . william de bleys . vvilliam de bleys 〈◊〉 and canon of the church of 〈◊〉 , was elected bishop of the same church , the yéere . but not consecrate till 〈◊〉 day , . he died vpon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , . . hugh de wels. hvgh 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , and sometimes 〈◊〉 of england , 〈◊〉 the yéere , at what time king iohn 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 stephen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for archbishop of 〈◊〉 , ( whereof sée more in 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 this the elect of 〈◊〉 to repaire 〈◊〉 the archbishop of roan for consecration . 〈◊〉 this 〈◊〉 of the king , he got vnto stephen langton and of him was consecrate . the king hearing of it , 〈◊〉 vpon his 〈◊〉 and kept him 〈◊〉 from them , till the yéere . this bishop and ioceline of 〈◊〉 , laying their purses together , 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 hospitall at 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 more thereof 〈◊〉 the life of the said ioceline . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 in his church of lincolne . i haue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 made by him . in which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 great 〈◊〉 to his friends 〈◊〉 kinred , he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . markes . he 〈◊〉 long after , to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 then , he was 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 church . . robert grosse-teste iune . following , to wit , the yéere . robert grossetest or grosthead archdeacon of leycester was consecrate bishop of lincolne . a man famous for his excellent learning and vertues otherwise . he was borne in suffolke , of very meane or rather base parentage . in his youth ( according vnto the maner of all students in those times ) he trauelled into fraunce , partly to increase his knowledge in other learning , but especially to attaine the french toong , which was then almost as common here as the english. at his returne he was made archdeacon of leycester , and afterwards ( as before is mentioned ) bishop of lincolne . in his time , the tyranny of the pope was now growen to the full height and 〈◊〉 . what for appeales vnto rome & bribes at rome , no iurisdiction here could punish any fault neuer so 〈◊〉 . no iurisdiction or other preferment was likely to fall , but the popes reseruation would take it vp before hand , and bestow it at last vpon some stranger ( happily a childe ) that would neuer come néere it all his life long . the yéere . notice being taken of this matter , the spiritual promotions of strangers within this realme were found to amount vnto the summe of . markes by the yéere , whereas the kings yeerely reuenewes at that time came not to the third part of that summe . at these and other intollerable abuses , he repining very much ; thought good in person to go to rome & acquaint that pope with his grieues . he did so , was heard , & with saire promises dismissed . but when at his return he found no maner of redresse of those things he complained , he feared not to write vnto the pope a very sharpe & satyricall letter , shewing how farre he had degenerated from the holinesse of his predecessors , and exhorting him earnestly to reforme the monstrous enormities , that flowing from rome , as from a corrupt and poysoned fountaine infected the whole church . this epistle ( if any man desire to sée it ) is to be found in matth. paris . the pope hauing read it , grew into great choller , and breathing out many threats , intended some terrible reuenge of this so intollerable a reproch ( as he tooke it ) vntill such time as , one gyles a cardinall of spaine 〈◊〉 vnto him , vsed these words ; holy father , it shall not doo well ( in my opinion ) to take any hard or extreme course against this man. it is but too true that he hath written . he is 〈◊〉 religion a catholike as well as we , but for life and conuersation so farre 〈◊〉 vs , as it is thought christendome hath not his like . againe , he is knowen to to be a great learned man , an excellent philosopher , well séene in the gréeke tongue as well as the latine , a profound diuine , and a diligent preacher ; these things are well knowen to all the cleargy , both of fraunce and england : we haue no iust matter against him , we are not able to touch him , yea though we were , it 〈◊〉 not wisedome . we shall doo well to remember , how 〈◊〉 it is , quod 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est ventura , that there shall one day be a departure , and let vs take héede that we giue not the occasion . my aduice therefore is , that we 〈◊〉 content to winke at this matter , and euen let him alone . some say his counsell was followed , and the matter passed ouer in silence . howbeit , it is also reported ( and both may be true ) that afterwards ( vpon some new quarrell 〈◊〉 ) he was suspended at rome , excommunicate , and horribly persecuted . and indéede it is certaine , that he would neuer be iuduced to obey any of those monstrous and vnreasonable bulles : of 〈◊〉 , discoursing sometimes with his familiars , he would very confidently affirme , that the pope was an heretike , yea and antichrist . so matth. paris 〈◊〉 . notwithstanding these broyles , he was a continuall and diligent preacher , writ bookes to the number of all most . l. ( the catalogue whereof you may finde in bale ) and yet tooke infinite paines in attending matters of gouernment and iurisdiction , so farre 〈◊〉 as by the pope he was not hindred . he died at last at his mannour of buckden , october . . giuing all his bookes ( an excellent library ) vnto the frier minors at 〈◊〉 . he lyeth buried in the 〈◊〉 south 〈◊〉 of his cathedrall church , & hath a goodly 〈◊〉 of marble , with an image of brasse 〈◊〉 it . the pope not 〈◊〉 to persecute him after his death , was once of the mind 〈◊〉 digge vp his body againe , vntill by the perswasion of 〈◊〉 other his mind was altered . but sée the iust iudgement of god vpon this wicked pope ( it was innocent . ) lying at naples in his way toward 〈◊〉 ( the kingdome whereof in hope he had now deuoured ) this bishop appeared vnto him in the night , & strake him a great blow vpon the left side , which shewed all bloudy in the morning ; and soone after the pope died . this bale reporteth out of ranulfus , fabian , and others . matthew paris ascribeth diuers myracles vnto him , & doubtteth not to account him a saint , although the pope ought him not so much goodwill as to affoord him canonisation . doubtlesse he was an excellent man , and deserueth the commendation giuen vnto him by the consent of all writers . not to trouble my selfe with any longer discourse concerning him , i will set downe this briefe elogium of matthew paris : he was ( saith he ) domini papae & regis redargutor manifestus , praelatorum correptor , monachorum corrector , presbiterorum director , clericorū instructor , scholarium sustentator , populi predicator , incontinentium persecutor , scripturarum sedulus perscrutator , romanorum 〈◊〉 & contemptor . in mensa refectionis corporalis 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 , hilaris & 〈◊〉 : in mensa vero spirituali deuotus , lachrymosus & contritus : in officio pontificali sedulus , venerabilis , & 〈◊〉 . much more you may reade of him in master foxe . . henry lexinton . the king now was very earnest with the chapter of lincolne , to elect petet d'egueblank bishop of hereford vnto that their sée . they alleaged , he was a stranger , vnderstood not the english tongue , and was moreouer an euill man , not gouerning well the charge already committed vnto him . in regard hereof , they humbly besought the king to hold them excused , and made choice of henry lexinton their deane . he was chosen december . . consecrate . may . following . died august . . & was buried at lincolne in his owne church . the yéere before his death , he offred some kind of hard measure vnto the uniuersity of oxford , by 〈◊〉 certaine liberties that of old belonged vnto it . for redresse hereof , they were forced to make their complaint vnto the king lying then at saint albons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 matthew paris a 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of their petition , and ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 bold to 〈◊〉 vnto the king , vsing these 〈◊〉 vnto 〈◊〉 in priuate . i beseech your grace , euen for gods sake , to haue compassion vpon the church now tottering and in great danger of vtter subuersion . the 〈◊〉 of paris , the nurse of so many excellent and famous prelates , is now greatly troubled . if the uniuersity of oxford be disquieted and 〈◊〉 also ( especially at this time ) being the second uniuersity of christendome and euen an other foundation of the church , it is much to be feared , least it cause a generall 〈◊〉 and vtter ruine of the whole church . god forbid 〈◊〉 the king that that should happen , especially in my time ; i will indeuour to preuent it . i doubt not he was as good as his word : for i find no more mention of any farther stirres . this , i haue thought good the rather to set downe , to shew , what was the reputation of our uniuersity of oxford in those daies . . benedictus grauesend another deane of lincolne succéeded him , benedictus grauesend , whom i 〈◊〉 called also richard grauesend . he was consecrate nouember . . and died december . . . oliuer sutton . oliuer sutton ( as walsingham saith ) was likewise deane of 〈◊〉 , a very good and 〈◊〉 man. he was elected bishop february . 〈◊〉 may . . died in the middle of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prayer nouember . . and lyeth 〈◊〉 in the north isle of the vpper part of his church , vnder a flat marble stone 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of bishop flemming . . iohn d'aldarby . iohn'd'alderby or d'aderly , chauncellor of lincolne succéeded the next yéere , and died at stow parke , ianuary . . he was buried at lincolne in the lower south crosse isle . but his 〈◊〉 was taken away for that it was superstitiously frequented by the common people . . thomas beake . ianuary . following , the chapter of lincolne made choice of one thomas beake chauncellor of lincolne , for their bishop . the archbishop of canterbury , vpon what quarrell i know not reiected this election : but at rome ( where all things were to be had for money ) he got it confirmed . the yéere . one thomas beake archdeacon of dorchester was lord treasurer of england . it may be this was the man. and it should seeme he was very old ; for he sate but a very short time ; which i take to be the cause that some men make burwash next successor to d'alderby . helyeth buried ( as it séemeth by a note that i haue séene ) in the highest crosse north isle . . henry burwash . henry burwash was nephew vnto sir bartholomew badilismer baron of leedes , a man of great authority vnder king edward the second . the king by his meanes dealt earnestly for the preferment of the said henry vnto the sée of lincolne , which he obtained and was inthronised there about christmas . within a yéere or two after , he fell into the kings displeasure so far , as that his temporalties were seased vpon and detained from him the space of two yéeres . the yeere . they were restored vnto him againe , and he vnto the kings fauour : but the grudge thereof 〈◊〉 so in his stomacke , as the queene rising against her husband séeking to depose him ( as afterward she did ) an . . no man was so forward to take her part as this bishop ; no man so eager against the king his vndoubted , true and naturall prince . he was also a very 〈◊〉 and miserable man ( as walsingham reporteth . ) toward the latter end of his time , he made a new parke at tynghurst , and inclosed within the same much ground that belonged to diuers poore men his tenants , for the which he had many a bitter curse of them . after his death , it is said he appéered vnto one that had béene one of his gentlemen , in the likenes of a kéeper , with bow & arrowes in his hand , a horne by his side and a gréene ierkin on his backe , telling him , that for the iniurious inclosure of that parke , he was appointed to the kéeping of the same and to be tormented there , till it were disparked and 〈◊〉 open againe . he therefore also besought him to intreate his brethren the canons of lincolne , that the wrong done by him , by their 〈◊〉 meanes might be righted . they were so wise as to giue credit vnto this report , and sent one of their company named william bacheler to see it performed . he did so , hurled abroad the pale , filled vp the ditches , and caused the poore tenants to be restored vnto their right againe . this bishop died at gaunt in the ende of december . hauing béene successiuely treasurer and chauncellor of england , and was buried in the east ende of his cathedrall church toward the north. at his féete lyeth a brother of his named robert , a knight , a great soldier , and a sonne of the said robert called bartholomew . they founded a grammar schoole in lincolne and left maintenance for fiue priests and fiue poore schollers . . thomas le becke . after henry burwash , it is said that another thomas beake succéeded , called by some thomas le becke , and by others thomas weke , a famous and woorthy clerke ( as walsingham reporteth . ) he lieth buried in the lower crosse isle . when he died , or what time he sate i find not . . iohn synwell . iohn synwell succéeded . the yéere . a great controuersie fell out betweene him and the uniuersity of oxford , about that election of their chancellor . the discourse whereof you may see pag. . this ouely i thinke good to note , that whereas some writers report this controuersie to haue fallen out in the time of bishop buckingham , it must needes be they are mistaken for that this iohn synwell died not till the yéere . this man ( if i mistake not ) built a great chappell of saint mary magdalene without the north wall of the cathedrall church , and lieth buried in the west part or body of the said church . . iohn bokingham . iohn bokingham kéeper of the priuy seale , by the helpe of his purse and the kings instant request , with much adoo shouldred into the bishopricke of lincolne the yeere . this man is said to haue beene very vnlearned , and it may be so . but certaine it is , that one iohn bokingham liued about those times a doctor of diuinity of oxford , a great 〈◊〉 man in scholasticall diuinity , as diuers workes of his yet extant may testifie : and for my part i thinke this bishop to be the man. the yeere . the pope bearing him some grudge , translated him perforce from lincolne vnto 〈◊〉 , a bishopricke not halfe so good . for 〈◊〉 hart he would not take it , but as though he had rather haue no bread then halfe a loafe , forsooke both and became a monke at canterbury . . henry beaufort . henry beaufort became bishop of lincolne in his place . this man was brother vnto king henry the fourth , and is best knowen by the name of the rich cardinal . he sate here seuen yéees , and the yeere . was translated to winchester . sée more of him in winchester . . philip repingdon . philip repingdon abbot of leicester , vpon the 〈◊〉 of henry beaufort vnto 〈◊〉 , was preferred vnto lincolne . this man was sometimes a great follower of wickliffe and defender of his 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in preaching and open 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but by writing also ; to which purpose , 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 yet remaine to be séene . afterwards , whether it were that time altered his 〈◊〉 , or that he was ouercome 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 of trouble or hope of 〈◊〉 ; he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to recant his opinions at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that done , 〈◊〉 cleargy glad of gaining such a man vnto their party ( for 〈◊〉 was greatly reputed of for his learning ) 〈◊〉 vpon him all manner of preferment . being now bishop of lincolne , the yéere . he was made cardinall of 〈◊〉 nereus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he continued in that 〈◊〉 many yeeres , and in 〈◊〉 end resigned it . he lieth buried vnder a 〈◊〉 stone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grosthead . . richard flemming . bishop flemming is famous for two things , one that 〈◊〉 caused the 〈◊〉 of wickliffe to be taken vp and 〈◊〉 the yéere . and the other , that he founded lincolne 〈◊〉 in oxford . when he first attained this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 what time he died i find not . he was 〈◊〉 where we sée a high tombe in the north 〈◊〉 , in the vpper 〈◊〉 of the church , in the 〈◊〉 ; in which place also robert flemming his kinseman deane of lincolne , lieth buried hard beside him . they were bothe great learned men , brought vp in oxford , bothe doctors of diuinity and writ diuers learned workes . . william gray . may . . william gray was 〈◊〉 bishop of london . 〈◊〉 he was translated to lincolne the yéere . and 〈◊〉 there about the space of 〈◊〉 yéeres . he founded a colledge at theale in hartfordshire for a master and fower cannons , and made it a cell to elsing spittle in london . . william alnewike . the yéere . william alnewike doctor of law was consecrate bishop of norwich . he built there a great window and a goodly faire gate at the west end of the church . the yeere . he was remooued vnto lincolne . he was buried in the body or west end of his church . this bishop was confessor to that vertuous king henry the fist . . marmaduke lumley . vvhat time bishop alnewike died , i finde not ; but certaine it is , that 〈◊〉 lumley bishop of carlioll succeeded him in that sée . he was some times treasurer of england consecrate vnto carlioll . sate there . yeere , was translated hether . and hauing continued heere scarcely one yéere , died at london . toward the building of quéenes colledge in cambridge ( of which vniuersity he was sometimes chauncellour ) he gaue , l. and bestowed vpon the library of that colledge a great many good bookes . . iohn chedworth . iohn chedworth succéeded him , of whom i finde nothing , but that helieth buried vnder a flat stone by bishop sutton , néere the toombe of bishop flemming . he was bishop ( as i gather ) about an . yeeres . . thomas rotheram . thomas scot , alias rotheram bishop of rochester , was remooued to lincolne ann . . and thence to yorke nine yéeres after . sée more ofhim in yorke . . iohn russell . in the sée of lincolne iohn russell doctor of diuinity and 〈◊〉 of barkshire succéeded him , a wise and 〈◊〉 man. a while he was chauncellor of england by the appointment of richard duke of glocester that afterward vsurped the crowne . he hath a reasonable faire toombe in a chappell cast out of the vpper wall of the south part of the church . . william smith . the yéere . william smith was consecrate bishop of couentry & lichfield . he ordained there ( i meane at lichfield ) an hospitall for a master , two priestes , and ten poore men . he also founded a frée schoole there for the education of poore mens children , and found meanes that king henry the seuenth bestowed vpon it an hospitall called donhal in chesshyre , with 〈◊〉 lands belonging to it . at farmworth where he was borne he bestowed ten pound land for the maintenance of a schoolemaster there . lastly he became founder of a goodly colledge ( the colledge of brasennose in oxford ) ann . . but liued not to finish it in such sort as he intended hauing sate but onely fower yéeres at lichfield , he was translated to lincolne , and died the yéere before mentioned . he lieth buried in the west part or body of the church . this bishop was the first president of wales , and gouerned that countrey from the . yere of king henry the . vntill the fourth yéere of king henry the . at what time he died . . thomas woolsey . a uery little while , scarcely one whole yéere , cardinall woolsey ( not yet cardinall ) was bishop of lincoln : thence he was remooued to 〈◊〉 almost the 〈◊〉 of the yéere . sée more of him in 〈◊〉 . . william atwater . one william atwater succéeded cardinall . woolsey , and sate ( as it seemeth to me ) but a very short time . he lieth buried in the west end of lincolne pinster . . iohn longland . iohn longland doctor of diuinity and confessor vnto king henry the . vpon the death of william atwater was aduannced vnto the bishoprick of lincolne , and enioyed the same a long time , being almost all that while chauncellor of the uniuersity of oxford . he died the yeere . and is burted néere vnto bishop russell in a toombe very like vnto his . . henry holbech . henry holbech doctor of diuinity was consecrate bishop of rochester the yéere . translated to lincolne . and continued there about . yeeres . . iohn tayler . iohn tayler doctor of diuinity was consecrate ann . . and within . yeeres after ( viz. in the beginning of queene 〈◊〉 ratgne ) was displaced . . iohn white . iohn white doctor also of diuinity was appointed bishop of lincolne by queene mary . the yéere . he was remooued to winchester . sée more of him there . . thomas watson . vpon the remooue of doctor white , the bishopricke of lincoln was bestowed vpon thomas 〈◊〉 doctor of diuinity , a very austere or rather a sower and churlish man. he was scarce 〈◊〉 in his 〈◊〉 , when 〈◊〉 mary dying , he was 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 the same , 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 himselfe vnto the happy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 yeres 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 about the yéere . . nicholas bullingham . nicholas bullingham doctor of lawe was consecrate bishop of 〈◊〉 ianuary . . he sate there . yéeres , and was translated in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of him in 〈◊〉 . . thomas cooper . thomas cooper doctor of diuinity & deane of 〈◊〉 church in oxford , was consecrate febr. . . 〈◊〉 yéere . he was translated to winchester . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of him there . . william wickham . vvilliam wickham succéeded bishop cooper immediately both in lincolne and winchester . sée more of him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . william chaderton . vvilliam 〈◊〉 doctor of diuinity was consecrate bishop of west-chester continued there 〈◊〉 , and in the 〈◊〉 of the yéere . was 〈◊〉 to lincolne , where he yet 〈◊〉 . the bishoprick of lincolne is valued in the queenes bookes at , l. , s. , d. ob . and paid to the pope for first 〈◊〉 ducats . the bishops of couentry and lichfield . . dwyna . oswy king of mercia or mid england erected 〈◊〉 episcopall sée at lichfield the yéere . and ordained one diuma or dwyna bishop there . . cellach . cellach was the second bishop of lichfield . he was a srot ( as also his predecessor was . ) after a few yéeres . giuing ouer his bishopricke , he returned into his owne country . . trumhere . trumhere was an englishman borne , but brought vp , taught and ordered among the scots . hée had béene abbot of ingethling a monastery built where king oswyn was slaine . . iaruman . he conuerted the east saxons vnto christianity againe , hauing forsaken it vnder sighere their king . in his time to wit , the yéere . the cathedrall church of lichfield was first founded . . cedda . the yéere . cedda was consecrate archbishop of yorke , in the absence of wilfride . but wilfride returning , he gaue place , and liuing a while a monasticall life at 〈◊〉 , accepted at last the bishopricke of lichfield vnder wulfnere king of percia ann . . he 〈◊〉 to haue béene a godly and very denout man , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in beca his eccl. hist. lib. . cap. . where his life and death , are at large reported . he died march . . hauing sate there two yéeres and a halfe , and was buried at lichfield . . winfride . vvinfride a chaplaine of ceddaes was then 〈◊〉 bishop of lichfield , a man vertuous and modest ( as beda witnesseth . ) yet it is said that theodore the archbishop of canterbury , depriued him for i know not what disobedience the yéere . he returned vnto catbarne a monastery built by cedda , vnder whom he had liued in the same heretofore , and there lead a very holy life many yéeres after . . saxulf . vvinfride being displaced , it was thought good his dioces should be diuided into two parts : one was allotted vnto saxulf who continued his 〈◊〉 at lichfield still ; the other was committed vnto eadhead . he and his successors ( of whom you may sée a catalogue fol. ) sate at sidnacester . this saxulf was the first abbot of 〈◊〉 now called peterborough , and perswaded wolfer king of mercia to the foundation of that monaster . . headda . after saxulf the dioces was once more diuided , and a bishop placed at leicester . his name was wilfride but he being drouen away thence after a short space , headda that before was bishop of lichfield , recouered the iurisdiction againe , and gouerned the same in sort as his predecessor had done . . aldwyn . after headda succéeded aldwyn , that liued in the time of beda . he died the yéere . . witta . the countrey of mercia was then diuided into thrée bishoprickes . one was continued at lichfield , another was appointed to sit at leycester , and the third at dorchester . lichfield was giuen to witta , leicester to tota , and dorchester to eadhead . sée more of them in lincolne . fol. . after witta succeeded these . . hemel . he died ann . . . cuthfrid . . berthun . . aldulf . off a king of mercia procured the pope to make this aldulf an archbishop and gaue him authority ouer the sées of winchester , hereford , legecester , sidnacester , helmham , and dunwich . he liued ann . . iun. . humbert . matth. westm. saith this man died the yéere . and calleth him archbishop of lichfield , as he doth also higbert his successor . howbeit i am out of doubt that aldwin as he was the first , so he was the last archbishop that euer sate there . . herewin . he liued ann . . as appeareth by a charter in ingulfus confirmed by him . pag. . . higbert . . ethelwold . he died . . humberhtus . he died . . kenferth or rather kinebert . he died . . cumbert . . tunbriht or bumfrith . he died . by the way now it shall not be amisse to remember that florentius wigorn : ( from whom william of 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 little biffenteth ) reporteth this order of succession , as 〈◊〉 as i can gather . . berthun . . higbert . . aldulf . . herewyn . . ethelwald . . hunberht . . cineferth . . tunbright . that wherein i differ from them , i find in matth. westminster , whom i follow the rather , for that he setteth downe not their bare names , but their times of consecration now and then , yea and their death also . after tunbright without all controuer sie succeeded , . ella . . alfgar . . kinsy . he liued ann . . and . . winsy . . elseth or ealfeage . . godwyn . . leosgar . . brithmar . he died . . wlsius . he died . . leofwyn , abbot of couentry . . peter . this man forsaking lichfield , remooued his 〈◊〉 sée to chester the yéere . he was consecrate . died the yéere . and was buried at chester . . robert de limesey . he was consecrate the yéere . translated his 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 to couentry . died september . . and was buried at couentry . . robert peche , alias peccam . robert , surnamed peccatum or peche , and sometimes peccam , chaplame vnto king henry the first , was consecrate . died august . . and was buried at couentry . . roger de clinton . the king then bellowed this bishopricke vpon roger de 〈◊〉 that was nephew vnto 〈◊〉 lord clinton , a man of great account and authority in his time . december . . he was ordered priest at canterbury , and consecrate bishop the day following . this man built a great part of the church of lichfield , increased the number of his prebends , fensed the towne of lichfield with a ditch , and bestowed much vpon the castle there . no part of that castle now standeth ; onely the ditch remayneth to be seene , and the place where it stood , retaineth the name of castle field . he tooke vpon him the crosse at last , went to jerusalem , and died at antioch . aprill . . . walter durdent . vvalter durdent prior of canterbury succéeded him . he was consecrate . died . and was buried at couentry . . richard peche . richard peche was sonne vnto robert peche bishop of couentry . by him he was preferred vnto the archdeaconry of couentry , and the yeere . succéeded him in his bishopricke . this man in his latter daies , tooke on him the habite of a chanon in the church of saint thomas néere stafford , of which house some name him the founder . he was buried there , dying the yéere . . girardus puella . of this man , robertus montensis writeth thus . magister girardus cognomento puella , &c. master gerard surnamed puella , a man of great learning , and vertue , the yéere . was chosen bishop of chester in england . that bishopricke hath thrée episcopall sées , chester , couentry , and lichfield . he died ianuary . . and was buried at couentry . . hugh nouaunt . the yéere . hugh nouaunt a norman was consecrate bishop of lichfield . he bought of king richard the first the monastery of couentry for . markes , 〈◊〉 to place secular priestes in the same , he came thither 〈◊〉 a power of armed men the yéere . and when the monkes would not giue place , inuading them with fine force , chased away some , beate and lamed other , spoyled their house , burnt their charters and euidences , &c. and then put in secular priests in their roomes . bale reporteth that he could not cary this matter so cléere as that it cost him not some 〈◊〉 : in the conflict himselfe was wounded , and that in the church iust before the high altar . it séemeth he was a man learned , stouts , and wise ynough , but not so straight and carefull a censurer of his owne manners and conuersation as he should be . no doubt our monkes ( that were the onely writers of those times ) speake no better of him then he deserues : yet they commend him much for his religious and penitent ende he made . trauelling toward rome , in his owne countrey of normandy he fell sicke , and perceiuing his end to approch , sent for diuers religious persons , vnto whom he acknowledged the loosenesse of his life , and with continuall teares greatly lamented the same , hartily requested them to pray for him , gaue all his money and goods vnto the poore , and lastly put on a monkes cowle , thereby thinking to make the monks amends for all the trouble & vexation he had wrought them . he died at beccummer hill , or ( as r. homden reporteth ) at betherleuin march . . and was buried at cane , in the . yéere of his troublesom gouernment . the yéere . he was robbed of an infinite deale of treasure néere canterbury trauelling toward king richard that was then prisoner in germany . and not long after , being banished the realme for taking part with king iohn rebelling against his brother king richard then prisoner in germany , he was saine to buy restitution vnto his place with the summe of . markes . . geffry de muschamp . the monkes soone after the death of bishop hugh recouered their places againe , got them a new pryor , and procéeding to the election of a bishop , made choice of one geffry de muschamp archdeacon of cleueland . he was consecrate at westminster ( saith one ) march . . but matthew paris ( whom i rather beleeue ) saith it was at canterbury june . he died the yéere . and was buried at lichfielde . . walter de gray . the yéere . walter de gray was elected vnto this sée , translated to worcester the yéere . and afterwards to yorke . sée more of him there . . william de cornehull . he was consecrate ianuary . . died iune . . and was buried at lichfield . . alexander de sauensby . alexander de sauensby ( whom bale calleth alexander wendocke ) spent much time in diuers uniuersities , as namely in tholouse , bononia and others , in which he had the reputation of a great philosopher , and a profound dinine . he writ diuers workes well esteemed of in times past . in them he maketh report of diuers visions & strange apparitions he had séene 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he was consecrate at rome vpon easter day . in his time a great controversie was raised betwéene the monkes of chester and the cannons of 〈◊〉 about the election of their bishoppe , which euer since the remoouing of the sée from 〈◊〉 had belonged vnto the monkes . after the spending of much money vpon this sute in the court of rome , the matter was ordered there by diffinitiue sentence in this sort . it was agreed that they should choose alternis vicibus , the monkes one time and the cannons of lichfield the next . but in all elections as well at lichfield as at couentry , the prior of couentry was allowed to giue a voice , and it must be the first voice . this bishop was founder of a house for the gray fryers in the southwest part of lichfield , died at andeuer december . . and was buried at lichfield . . hugh de pateshull . soone after the death of the forenamed alexander , the monkes of couentry with the good liking of the cannons of lichfield , elected for their bishop one william raleigh . about the same time the couent of norwich ( that sée also being voide ) chose him likewise ; and he accepting the second offer as the better of the two , left lichfield . by reason hereof a new controuersie arose betwéene the monkes of 〈◊〉 and the chapter of lichfield , whether the turne of couentry wer serued in this election or no. each party standing vpon their title , lichfield men elected their deane , and the monks one nicholas 〈◊〉 that was afterwards bishop of durham : sée more of him there . this nicholas fernham hauing notice of the election , presently renounced the same . the deane ( that was a very good man ) hearing great 〈◊〉 of the said fernham , and thinking he refused to consent vnto the election because the title séemed doubtful and litigious , neuer ceased importuning his chapter till they also 〈◊〉 named him . this notwithstanding , nicholas fernham 〈◊〉 in his 〈◊〉 , both parties through the kings 〈◊〉 were induced to consent vnto the choice of hugh pateshull treasurer of paules , that had béene treasurer , and was at that time chauncellor of england . he was sonne vnto simon pateshull sometime lord chiefe iustice of englane . in the beginning of the yéere . he was consecrate . being yet in his best age and full strength , he was taken away by vntimely death december . . hauing sate not fully two yéeres . a man for his life & conuersation vnblamable and not vnlearned ; yet misliked in our histories because in that little time he gouerned , he shewed himselfe more fauourable vnto his cannons of lichfield , then the monkes of couentry . . roger de weseham . the king now made earnest request for the election of richard abbot of euesham and keeper of the great seale . some chose him : but the greater part agréed vpon a monke thot was chaunter of couentry . the abbot by the meanes of the king and his owne purse , notwithstanding the insufficiency of his election , had now obtained the popes fauour for his consecration , at what time he was taken away by death in riola a city of gascoigne , hauing first resigned the custody of the great seale into the kings hand . after his death , with consent of all parties there was chosen one william de monte pessulano , a vertuous and learned man : him also the king misliked . once more they procéeded to election , and by perswasion of robert grosthead bishop of lincolne , made choise of roger de weseham deane of lincolne : a man very commendable ( saith matthew paris ) both for life & learning . there had beene much ado in former times betweene the deanes and the bishops of lincolne . this bishop thinking the reason thereof to be the greatnes of their liuing , endeuoured the more earnestly to preferre this man , that the deanry being void , he might somewhat weaken 〈◊〉 same by disposing elsewhere the parsonage of aylsbery that heretofore belonged vnto it . this roger weseham was allowed of by the pope , & consecrate at lyons the yéere . before the king euer heard of any such thing toward , for they had concealed it from him of purpose , thinking if he might once get notice of it , the businesse was like neuer to be effected , hauing sate about . yéeres , and being now waren old and very sickely , he resigned his bishopricke vpon 〈◊〉 day . two yeeres after he died of a palsey , whereof he had laine sicke a long time . . roger de molend , alias longespe . vpon his resignation , the king laboured earnestly to preferre philip louell his treasurer vnto this bishopricke . the monkes of couentry , that of all other men could not like of the said louell ( for what cause i know not ) that they might be sure to auoyd him , as also at the request of richard earlé of cornewall the kings brother , elected roger molend , one to whom the king and the said earle were both vncles . him the king readily accepted , and so march . . he was affoorded consecration . this man was borne and brought vp altogether beyond the seas : 〈◊〉 reason whereof he was vtterly ignorant of the english 〈◊〉 . being therefore called vpon to be resident vpon his bishopricke the yéere . he made that his excuse : but it might not serue his turne . iohn peckham archbishop of 〈◊〉 ; not onely forced him to residence , but reprehended him excéeding sharply for his neglect and carelesnes of his charge . he sate long and died a very old man the yéere . . walter de langton . the pope meaning a good turne vnto iohn bokingham bishop of lincolne , of his absolute authority tooke vpon him to translate him to this sée from lincolne , which was then worth thrée lichfields . he chose rather to forsake all , and became a monke at canterbury . upon his refusall water langton treasurer of england was preferred thereunto and consecrate december , . he liued in great authority vnder king edward the first that fauoured him much . but his sonne edward the second molested and disgraced 〈◊〉 all that euer he might . his father dying in the north countrey , commaunded this bishop to couduct his corpse vp to london , and when he had so done , for reward of his 〈◊〉 he caused sir iohn felton constable of the tower to arrest him , seased vpon all his goods , and imprisoned him , first in the tower , then in the castle of wallingford , of which imprisonment he was not released in two yéeres after . in his fathers life time he had often reprehended the yoong prince for his insolent and dissolute behauiour ; which good admonitions he taking in 〈◊〉 part , wronged and disgraced him many waies , namely one time , he brake downe his parks , spoyled and droue away his deere , &c. the bishop complained of this outrage vnto the king his father , who being greatly displeased therewith , committed the prince his sonne for certaine daies . and this was the cause of the grudge betwéene the yong king & him . about that same time ( or i thinke a litle sooner viz. the yere . ) he was accused of certain heinous crimes before the pope , and compelled to answere the accusation at rome in his owne person . though the proofes brought against him were either none or very slender ; yet well knowing whom they had in hand ( nonerant 〈◊〉 prae 〈◊〉 bouem valde 〈◊〉 , saith matth. 〈◊〉 . ) they were content to detaine him there so long , as it forced him to spend an infinite deale of money , and yet was neuer a whit the néerer at last : for the pope remitted the hearing of the cause to the archbishop of canterbury , and yet referred the determination of the same vnto him selfe at last . the tempests of those troubles being ouer blowen , the rest of his time he liued ( for ought i find ) quietly , and being happily 〈◊〉 from the court , attended onely the gouernment of his charge . unto his church of lichfield he was a wonderfull great benefactor . he laid the first foundation of the lady chappell there and at his death left order with his executors for the full finishing of it . he compassed the cloyster of lichfield with a stone wall , and bestowed a sumptuous shrine vpon s. cedda his predecessor with . l. charge . he ditched and walled all the cathedrall church round about , made one gate of great strength and maiesty at the west part of the close , and another ( but a lesse ) on the south part . he builded the great bridge beyond the uineyard at lichfield , ann . . he gaue his owne house or pallace vnto the uicars for their dwelling , and built a new for him selfe at the east end of the close . he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being altogether 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , the mannour place of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉 at london . he 〈◊〉 vnto the high 〈◊〉 at lichfield 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and two 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worth . l. 〈◊〉 about with 〈◊〉 stones to the value of . l. besides many copes , & 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 price . he 〈◊〉 vpon the 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 cup of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 a pension of . s. by the yeere : and 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 both vnto them and his church many charters and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the king . he 〈◊〉 at london 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 was buried in the lady chappell which he built . . roger northbrough . the yéere . roger northborough then kéeper of the great seale , was taken prisoner by the scots in the battell of 〈◊〉 . being afterwards clerke of the wardrobe ( so i find him called ) and treasurer of england , by great sute and the kings often 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 meanes to shoulder into this 〈◊〉 . he was consecrate june . . sate almost . yéeres ( a very long time ) and died in the end of the yéere . . robert stretton . soone after the death of the former bishop , robert stretton a canon of lichfield , by the importunity of the blacke prince ( to whom he was chaplaine ) was eleccted bishop there , a man very 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 vnworthy so high a 〈◊〉 in all respects . the pope hauing notize of his 〈◊〉 , by speciall mandate prohibited his consecration . here upon the new elect was faine to make repaire vnto rome . the pope him selfe examined him , but was 〈◊〉 earnestly requested by the blacke prince to 〈◊〉 his sute , as 〈◊〉 he could not with 〈◊〉 honesty allow of him , yet he was content to leaue him to the 〈◊〉 of the archbishop of canterbury , the archbishop would by no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 him any testimony of sufficiency . at last 〈◊〉 much adoo , he procured the pope to authorise two other bishops for the allowance or reiecting of him ( who they were i can not call to remembrance ) and they by the excéeding great importunity of the prince admitted him to consecration , which he receiued september . . sée more of this matter in thomas lylde bishop of ely. he sate bishop here . yeeres . . walter skirlawe . vvalter skirlawe doctor of law , was consecrate ianuary . . remooued to bathe and wels the yéere following , and soone after to durham . sée more of him in durham . . richard scroope . richard scroope doctor of lawe , brother vnto william scroope earle of wiltshire , and tresurer of england , was consecrate august ● . . sate here . yéeres and was translated to yorke . his life and lamentable death , you may sée there more at large described . . iohn brughill . iohn brughill a frier preacher was first bishop of landaff , and confessor vnto king richard the second , translated to lichfield in the moneth of september . and sate there . yéeres . . iohn keterich . iohn keterich a notary of rome , and archdencon of surry , was consecrate bishop of s. dauids the yéere . and translated thence to this sée in the moneth of may the yéere . he was at the councell of constance and was one of the . electors that chose martyn the fift pope ( authorised thereunto by the councell ) together with the cardinals . he sate almost . yéeres , & was translated to exceter . . iames cary. auery little while one iames cary was bishop of couentry and lichfield . he happened to be at florence with the pope at what time newes was brought thither of the bishop of exceters death , and easily obtained that bishopricke of him , being preferred vnto lichfield but very lately . he enioyed neither of these places any long time . neuer comming home to sée either the one or the other , he died and was buried there . . william haworth . william haworth abbot of saint albons was conse crate nouember . . and sate . yéeres . . william boothe . william boothe was consecrate july . . sate yéeres and was translated to yorke . sée more of him there . . nicholas close . nicholas close consecrate bishop of carlioll . was translated from carlioll hither the yeere . and died the same yéere . . reginald buller . reginald buller or butler ( for so some call him ) was consecrate bishop of hereford the yéere . being abbot of glocester before . he was translated to lichfield aprill . . and sate there . yéeres . . iohn halse . iohn halse was consecrate in the moneth of nouember . sate . yéeres , and lieth buried at lichfield . . william smith . william smith was consecrate . sate . yéeres , and was translated to lincolne . see more there . . iohn arundell . iohn arundell was consecrate nouember . . and translated to exceter . see more in exceter . . geoffry blythe . geoffry blythe doctor of lawe was consecrate september . . the yeere . he became lord president of walles by the appointment of king henry the eight , and continued in that place till the yeere . at what time it seemes he died . the yeere . he was attached for treason , but happily acquitted . he 〈◊〉 buried at lichfield . . rowland lee. 〈◊〉 leigh doctor of lawe succéeded . a man samons for two things . he 〈◊〉 king henry the eight vnto quéene anne bulleyn , which happy marriage was the occasion of that happinesse that we now enioy vnder our noble soueraigne queene elizabeth their daughter . againe , it is to be remembred of him , that being made president of wales , the yéere . in the time of his gouernment ( and peraduenture partly by his procurement ) the countrey of wales was by parliament incorporated and vnited to the kingdome of england , the liberties , lawes , and other respects made common vnto the welch with the naturall english. this bishop died lord president the yeere . and was buried at shrewsbury . . richard sampson . after him richard sampson bishop of chichester became bishop of lichfield . he was translated march . this r. sampson being a doctor of law , and deane of the chappell writ some what for the kings supremacy and was aunswered by cochloeus . he writ also commentaries vpon the 〈◊〉 , and vpon the epistles to the 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 . he was consecrate bishop of 〈◊〉 the yéere . and presently vpon his remooue to this 〈◊〉 , made president of wales . in that office he continued till the second yéere of king edward , at what time he began to shew him selfe a 〈◊〉 , notwithstanding his 〈◊〉 writing 〈◊〉 against the pope . he died at 〈◊〉 september . . . ralf bane . ralf bayne doctor of diuinity borne in yorkeshire , brought vp in s. iohns colledge in cambridge , & reader or professor of the 〈◊〉 tongue in paris , was consecrate bishop of lichfield soone after the death of the other . he 〈◊〉 vpon the prouerbs of salomon , and dedicated his worke vnto francis the french king . hauing béene bishop almost fiue yéeres , he died of the stone at london , and was buried in saint dunstans church there . . thomas bentham . thomas bentham was consecrate march . . 〈◊〉 died february . . . william ouerton . william ouerton doctor of 〈◊〉 succéeded . this bishopricke is valued in the exchequer at . l. . s. . d. ob . farthing , and in the popes bookes at . ducates or florenes . the bishops of salisbury . . aldelm . after the death of headda the fifth bishop of winchester , it pleased iua king of the west saxons to 〈◊〉 his dioces ( which before contained all the country of the west saxons ) into two parts . the one of them he committed vnto damell , allotting vnto him winchester for his sée , and that dioces which now doth , and euer since hath belonged vnto the same : the other part containing the counties of dorset , somerset , wiltshire , deuon and cornwall he ordained to be gouerned by a bishop , whose sée he established at sherborne , and appointed vnto the same one aldhelme a neere 〈◊〉 of his owne , being the sonne of kenred his brother . this aldhelm spent all his youth in trauaile , and hauing visited the most famous vniuersities of fraunce and italy , became very learned ; in poetry especially he was excellent and writ much in gréeke and latine , prose and verse . he delighted much in musicke and was very skilfull in the same . but his chiefe study was diuinity , in the knowledge whereof no man of his time was comparable to him . after his returne , he became first a monk , and after abbot of malmsbury for the space of fower and thirty yéeres . the yéere . he was consecrate bishop of sherborne , and that ( as it séemeth vnto me ) at rome . for it is remembred that while he staied there for the popes approbation , the same pope ( his name was sergius ) was charged with getting of a bastard , for which fact he was bold to reprehend his holinesse sharpely . he writ diuers learned works mentioned by beda h. . c. . and died the yéere . . fordhere . he liued in the time of beda , who saith , he also was a man very well séene in the knowledge of the scriptmes . the yéere . he attended the quéene of the west 〈◊〉 vnto rome . after him succeeded these ; . 〈◊〉 . . ethelnod . . denefrith . . wilbert . he was at rome with wlfred archbishop of canterbury an . . . alstane . a famous warrier . he subdued vnto king fgbright the kingdomes of kent and the east saxons . he fought many battailes with the danes and euer 〈◊〉 had the victory , namely at a place in somersetshire then called pedredsmouth , now comage , he slue a great number of them the yéere . king ethelwlf being at rome in pilgrimage , he set vp his sonne ethelbald against him and forced the father at his returne to 〈◊〉 his kingdome with his sonne . he died the yéere . hauing sate bishop of sherborne . yéeres . a man 〈◊〉 wise , valiant , carefull for the good of his country , and 〈◊〉 liberall . he augmented the reuenues of his bishopricke wonderfully . . edmund or heahmund , slaine in battell by the 〈◊〉 the yéere . at meredune . . etheleage . . alssy . . asser. this man writ a certaine chronicle of 〈◊〉 ( amongst diuers other works ) wherein he reporteth of him selfe that he was a disciple and scholler of that famous welchman iohn , that hauing studied long in athens , perswaded king alfred to institute a vniuersitie at oxford , and him selfe became the first publique 〈◊〉 there . he writeth furthermore that he was 〈◊〉 chauncellor vnto asser the archbishop of saint 〈◊〉 his néere kinsman , who both endured great vexation and trouble at the hands of one hemeyd a mighty man of those parts , that tyrannised intollerably ouer the cleargy there . by reason thereof waring weary of his office , he left his countrey , and comming into england to king alfred , became schoolemaster of his children , vntill such time as 〈◊〉 bishop of sherborne dying , he was preferred to his place . unto this man the said king gaue the mannors of wellington , buckland , and lydyard in sommersetshyre , which since haue come vnto the bishops of wels , whereof one ( buckland ) yet remaineth vnto that see. by his exhortation also that good king did much for the uniuersity of oxford , alotting diuers stipends vnto the readers and professors there . this bishop died the yéere . and was buried at sherborne . . 〈◊〉 or sigelm trauelled into india to the place of saint thomas his buriall , carried thither the almes or 〈◊〉 of king alfred , and brought home many pretious stones of great price . . 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 . he died . after ethelwald the sée of sherborne stoode void seuen yéeres by reason of the danish wars . the yéere . plegmund by the commaundement of king edward the elder consecrate seuen bishops in one day as i haue before mentioned in canterbury & elsewhere . thrée of them were appointed to sees newly erected all taken out of the dioces of sherborne . one had iurisdiction ouer cornewall , another ouer deuonshire , and a third ouer sommersetshire . soone after that , a fourth was placed in wiltshire , hauing his sée some say at ramsvery , others say at sunnyng , and some other at wilton . so sherborn had now left vnto it only dorsetshire and barkshire . of the rest we shall speake god willing seuerally in their particular places . but these bishops of wiltshire , because their see at last returned backe againe whence it first sprang . i will deliuer them and their succession next after sherborne . sherborne . . werstane . he died . 〈◊〉 by the danes in 〈◊〉 . . ethelbald . . sigelm . florilegus mentioneth one sigelm to haue been slaine by the danes the yéere . i beléeue he 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 . . alfred . he died . . 〈◊〉 . this man was made abbot of 〈◊〉 by dunstan then bishop of london . being 〈◊〉 to the bishopricke of sherborne , he displaced 〈◊〉 priests and put in monkes . it is reported that when he lay a dying , he cried out suddenly , i sée the 〈◊〉 open , and jesus christ standing at the right hand of god , immediately after those wordes giuing vp the ghost an . . . alfwold . he died . and was buried at sherborne . . ethelrike . . ethelsius . . brithwin or brithwicke . he died . . elmer . . brinwyn or birthwyn . . elfwold . he was a man of great temperance and 〈◊〉 ; for the which in that luxurious age he was much admired . after his death , these two sées 〈◊〉 againe 〈◊〉 and made one . wiltshire . . ethelstane . he died . . odo that became archbishop of canterbury the yéere . . osulf . he died . and was buried at 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 . he died . and was buried at abondon . . alfgar or wolfgar . . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 or aluricius , he succéeded his predecessor in canterbury likewise the yeere . . brithwold , a monke of glastonbury , a great benefactor of that abbey , as also of the abbey of malmesbury . he died . and was buried at glastonbury . . herman a flemming chaplaine vnto king edward the confessor was the last bishop of this petty - sée . he labored to haue his see remoued to malmsbery , and had once obtained it of king edward the confessor , but by a countersute of the monkes there , he was disappointed . uery angry with this repulse , he left his bishopricke , and became a monke at bertine in fraunce . but hearing soone after how that elfwold bishop of sherborn was dead , he returned home againe , and with much adoo obtained that sherborne and his dioces might once more be vnited together againe . . herman . the fore named herman liuing vnto the time of william conquerour , when as he gaue commaundment that all bishops should remooue their sees from obscure townes to the fairest cities of their dioces , made choise of salisbury & there laid the foundation of a church which he liued not to finish . salisbury ( saith w. of malmsbury ) is a place built on the toppe of a hill , resembling rather a castle then a towne , compassed about with a strong wall , and well prouided otherwise of all commodities , but wanteth water so vnreasonably , ( as a strange kind of merchandise ) it is there to be sold. this place we now call old salisbury , whereof nothing remaineth at this time but certaine desert ruines . how it decaied , we shall haue cause hereafter to discourse . . osmond . osmond being a knight , and a norman by birth , came into england with king william the conquerour . he had béene captaine of say in normandy and by the foresaid king was made chauncellor of england , earle of 〈◊〉 , and after hermans death , bishop of salisbury . he was a man well learned and passing wise , in regard whereof he was alwaies of the 〈◊〉 counsell and might seldome be spared from the court. he continued the building begun by his predecessor and at last finished the same , adding vnto it a library , which he furnished with many excellent bookes . this new church at olde salisbury was finished , and in an 〈◊〉 hower dedicated very solemnly by the foresaid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with walkelin bishop of winchester , and iohn of 〈◊〉 the yéere . in an euill hower i say ; for the very next day after , the steple of the same was 〈◊〉 on fire by lightning . that he afterwards repaired , and furnished his church with all maner of ornaments . at last he departed this life saterday , december . . and was buried in his owne 〈◊〉 . his bones were after remoued to new salisbury , where they now lye , in the middle of the lady chappell vnder a marble stone bearing this onely inscription anno. 〈◊〉 . aboue any thing i may not forget , that amongst diuers bookes he writ ( as the life of saint aldelme the first bishop of sherborne , &c. ) he was first author of the ordinale secundum vsum sarum . it séemeth he was made a saint 〈◊〉 his death : for i find his name in our calender the foresaid third day of december . . roger. king henry the first being yet a priuate man , and seruing his brother in his wars in normandy , it chaunced him and his troupe to turne into a church in the subburbes of cane to heare seruice . roger that rich and mighty bishop of salisbury that was afterwards , serued the cure there at that time , for some very poore salary . this 〈◊〉 curate well knowing how to fit the deuotion of soldiers , was so 〈◊〉 at his businesse , as he had made an ende of his worke before some of the company were aware he had begunne . they all cryed out he was the 〈◊〉 chaplaine for soldiers that might he found . whereupon halfe in iest , halfe in earnest , the yoong prince bid him follow him . he did so ; and albeit he was in a manner altogether vnlearned , yet being very subtile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a short time he wound him selfe so fast into the princes liking , as he acquainted him with his most secrete affaires , and vsed his counsell in matters of greatest importance . hereby it came to passe , that he not onely obtained easily for him selfe the bishopricke of salisbury , soone after the said princes aduauncement vnto the crowne , but also procured the like or greater preferments for many of his kinred . he had a sonne of his owne called roger , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom he made chauncellor of england . he had also two nephewes which he made bishops , alexander of lincolne , and 〈◊〉 of ely. this nigellus likewise had a sonne called richard 〈◊〉 that long after became bishop of london . neither was he so carefull of seruing other mens turnes , as that he forgat to feather his owne neast : what by the reuenewes of his bishopricke and his temporall offices ( for he was chauncellor of england , and otherwise much imployed about the king ) he gathered together infinite treasures , whereof some he bestowed very vainely , and the rest that vuhappily he reserued , was the cause of hie destruction . he built most sumptuously two castles , one at sherborne , the other at deuises , cōmonly called that 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 foolishly to make them without comparison the goodliest and most magnificent buildings of england . then afterwards somewhat to 〈◊〉 the vanity of this humour , he founded two monasteries also , but what they were i find not . all the time of king henry he flourished in great honour , viz for the space of . yéeres & ( i doubt not ) had ended his daies in the like prosperity , if his owne treachery had not prouoked the iustice of god to punish the same with the vengeance of an extraordinary calamity . the said king henry hauing lost his onely sonne and apparant heire prince william , by misfortune vpon the sea ; and hauing no issue lawfully begotten , left to inherite his kingdome but onely mawde the empresse . he thought good to take an oath of all the nobility , wherein they promised to yéeld obedience to her after his death as their soueraigne , and to none other . this oath , our roger did not onely take himselfe , but minister vnto the rest of the nobility , for that he was chauncellor . which notwithstanding , forgetting all dueties of religion toward god , of thankefulnes toward his patrone , and loyalty to his prince ; he was the first man ( the king being dead ) that fell to plotting 〈◊〉 : the aduancement of stephen vnto the kingdome , which 〈◊〉 his perswasiou he first attempted , and much deale by his vngratious counsell at last obtained . sée how the saying fell out to be true in him , 〈◊〉 consilium consultori 〈◊〉 . within two or three yeeres after his comming to the crowne , this vsurping periured king ( for he also had sworne sworne vnto mawde the empresse ) he ( i say ) lacked money for many purposes , especially for the compassing of a marriage betweene enstace his onely sonne , and constantia the french kings sister , which he thought would be a great establishment of his new erected throne . now séeing no other readier meane , he determined to search the coffers of this old bishop , assuring himselfe there to find that might well serue his turne . being therefore at oxford , he sent for him in very friendly manner , praying him to come and affoord him his counsell in matters greatly importing him . such was the estate of the 〈◊〉 at that time , that almost euery man stood vpon his gard . but the bishop being an old foxe and suspitious of what might happen ; entreated his sonne and the bishops before named his nephewes , to ride with him , that vnder the colour of their retinue , he might carry strength ynough with him to resist the king , if he should indeuour to offer him violence . the king at their méeting gaue him very gratious countenance , but secretly tooke order , that a quarrel should be picked vnto some of his retinue . so when he least suspected any such matter , his people were set vpon ( vnder colour they had disappointed some of the kings men of their lodgings ) and forced to 〈◊〉 . the bishop , his sonne , & nephewes fled also . but the 〈◊〉 was made too sure beforehand for them to escape . they were all taken , except onely the bishop of ely , that 〈◊〉 him to the castell of deuises , which he found very well provided , and determined to hold it against the king . thither he trauelled with all spéed ( the king i meane ) carrying his prisoners with him , whom he caused to ve very hardly vsed and straightly imprisoned , shutting vp the one in an oxestall , the other in a 〈◊〉 backe roome more loathsome then the other . at his first comming , he summoned the castell , intending to prooue all meanes , rather then he would let this occasion slippe , of rifling the same . therefore when no other practise would take successe ( for he tryed many ) he set vp a faire paire of gallowes , and sware he would hang roger the bishops sonne , it the castell were not presently deliuered vp vnto him . the bishop of ely continuing obstinate in his denyall , though his vncle of salisbury had intreated him earnestly to yeeld : the halter was now about the yoong mans necke and he euen ready to trusse , when his father hnmbly besought the king , that he would accept his best endeuour for the effecting of his desire , & to saue his sonnes life , was content to sweare , he would neither eate nor drinke before the castell were deliuered vnto him . hereupon the execution of the sonne was staied , but it cost the father his life . for the bishop of ely his nephew . notwithstanding what intreaty could be made , suffred his vncle to fast three whole daies before he would giue ouer . the bishop of salisbury being now very aged , partly peraduenture by reason of griefe , but partly also by reason of so long abstinence , fell sicke and died , rauing and taking on like a man distract of his wits certaine daies before his departure . there was found in that castell of his forty thousand markes of siluer ready coyned , beside gold , plate and iewels of inestimable price . all that the king laide hands vpon , and with that money procured indéed the marriage before mentioned to be effected . the bishops sonne was kept long in prison , and dealt earnestly withall to renounce the 〈◊〉 and deuote himselfe to the party of the king , which he most honestly and constantly refusing , with long sute obtayned at last for a great fauour , that he might be banished the realme . to make an ende now with this bishop , he was elected april . . . consecrate august . . with diuers other , and died december . . so he was bishop ( accounting the time from his first election ) almost . yéeres , flourishing all that while in woonderful great prosperity , and yet had a miserable and most vnhappyend . . ioceline . roger being dead , k. stephen nominated vnto his place one philip his chauncellor . but the popes legate & the cleargy of salisbury , vtterly refusing to receiue him , he made sute for the bishopricke of bayon and obtained the same . after that , it séemeth vnto me one galfridus became bishop of sarum . but because my proofes are not pregnant , and diuers affirme ioceline to be the next successor of roger except that same philip ( whom no man reckeneth amongst the bishops of this sée ) i will passe him ouer in silence . certaine it is that one ioceline became bishop of salisbury , continued so many yéeres , & died the yéere . he was excommunicate together with the bishop of london in the cause of thomas becket , and indured much trouble about him ( as you may sée more at large in the life of the said thomas . ) he had a sonne named reginald bishop of bathe , and after archbishop of canterbury . . hubert . nouember . . hubert surnamed walter 〈◊〉 of yorke was consecrate bishop of sarum . he attended king richard ceur-de-lyon in his famous voyage to the holy land : hereof sée more in canterbury , whether he was translated the yéere . . robert. after him sate one robert , of whom i find nothing else recorded . . richard poore . richard poore sometimes deane of salisbury , was consecrate bishop of chichester , . and remooued to salisbury the yéere . this bishop considering the vnconuenient situation of his cathedrall sée in a place so 〈◊〉 , and bleake , as also wearied with the often insolencies and malapert demeanure of the soldiers that garded the earles castle ; forsooke the same , and sending for diuers famous workemen from beyond the seas , began the foundation of a new church , in a place then called meryfield . pandulph the popes legate laid the fiue first stones , the first for the pope , the second for the king , the third for the earle of salisbury , the fourth for the countesse , and the fist for the bishop . in this worke , though he had great helpe of the king , and diuers of the nobility , yet was he so farre from ending it , as 〈◊〉 . yeeres after his departure , it was scarcely finished . the townsmen of olde salisbury they likewise remooued their habitation to the same place , and left the castle all alone , which hauing béene the seate of the earles of salisbury many yéeres , was giuen ouer into the bishops hands about the yeere . and in the time of king henry the seuenth lette downe ; so as now except a broken tower or two , and some péeces of walles , there is nothing of it remaining . this good bishop was translated to durham the yéere . or as some deliuer . see much more of him there . . robert byngham . the chapter of salisbury elected then for their bishop robert 〈◊〉 one of their owne company , the yeere . and the yéere following he was consecrate at shaftsbury . this man with great diligence set forward the worke begunne by his predecessor , yet was not able to finish the same although he sate bishop well neare yeeres . he died nouember . . and left his church indebted . markes . a man of great yeeres , great learning , and great vertue . he lyeth buried vpon one side of the presbitery , and his successor on the other . . william of yorke . william of yorke prouost of benerley succéeded . a courtier from his very childhood , and better seene in the lawes of the realme ( which he chiefly studied ) then in the law of god a great deale . matthew paris reporteth that he first brought in the custome that tenaunts should be suters vnto the courts of their landlords . he departed from these worldly cares the last day of march . hauing taken much paines in finishing the building of his church , and was buried ( as is aboue said ) ouer against his predecessor . . gyles de brideport . gyles de brideport or bridlesford , deane of wels , was consecrate bishop of salisbury the yéere . and had licence of the pope to hold the said 〈◊〉 in commendam still . the new church of our lady in newe salisbury being now quite finished , he hallowed or dedicated the same with great solemnity , september . . in the presence of the king , and a great number of prelates , nobles , & other great personages , all which he feasted very magnificently . he lyeth entoombed in a faire monument on the south side of the quire . . walter de la wyle . vvalter de la wyle succéeded him the yéere . and died . . robert de wikehampton . robert de wikehampton deane of salisbury was elect by the chapter of salisbury soone after the decease of his predecessor , and had his election confirmed by the prior and couent of canterbury , the archbishopricke being void . the bishops of the realme thinking it an 〈◊〉 that the couent should performe that which they perswaded them selues belonged vnto them , not onely refused to consecrate the elect , but also appealed against this confirmation ( the papacy being void ) vnto the colledge of carbinals . after three or foure yéeres contention , iudgement was given for the elect , who thereupon was consecrate the yéere . in his time , viz. the yéere . vpon michaelmasse day the cathedrall church ( vpon what occasion i can not tell ) was againe new hallowed by boniface archbishop of canterbury . he dyed the yeere . . walter scammell . vvithin the space of fiue yéeres the church of salisbury about this time had fiue bishops accounting the forenamed robert for one ; walter scammell deane also of salisbury was the second . he was consecrate the yeere . and died within a yeere or two after . . henry de braundstone . the third was henry de braundstone who being consecrate the yéere . sate onely one yéere and then died . . laurence de hawkborne . the fourth laurence de hawkborne being consecrate . died within a few daies after his consecration . . william de comer . lastly william de comer became bishop . and sate scarcely three yéeres . . nicolas de longespe . nicolas de longespe was sonne ( i take it ) vnto william longespe base sonne of king henry the second and earle of salisbury that lieth buried on the left hand of the entrance into the lady chappell . 〈◊〉 this earle lying very sicke , the bishop brought the sacrament . he vnderstanding of the bishops comming , met him at the chamber doore halfe naked , with a halter about his necke , threw himselfe downe prostrate at his féete and would not be taken vp vntill hauing made confession of his sinnes with teares and other 〈◊〉 of woonderfull hearty and sincere 〈◊〉 , he had receaued the sacrament in most deuoute manner . some two or thrée daies after he liued , continually bewailing his sinfull life with whole flouds of teares , and departed . this nicolas , his whether sonne or 〈◊〉 was consecrate . and dying . was buried 〈◊〉 by him vnder a huge marble stone sometimes inlaid with brasse and adorned with the armes of their house . . simon de gaunt . after him succéeded simon de gaunt a 〈◊〉 borne . he was a great diuine and made many good statutes whereby the church is yet gouerned . . roger de mortiuall . roger de mortiuall consecrate died . . robert wyuyl . at the request of the quéene , the pope was content to bestow this bishopricke vpon robert wiuyll , a man not onely not furnished with competent giftes of learning , but so vnpersonable ( saith walsingham ) as if the pope had but seene him , he would neuer haue cast so high a dignity vpon him . he sate a long time , to wit flue and forty yeeres and vpward , in which it were a great maruaile he should not perfourme some thing memorable . about the yéere . he 〈◊〉 william montacute earle of salisbury with a writ of right for the castle of salisbury . the earle pleaded that he would defend his title by combat . whereupon , at a time appointed , the bishop was faine to bring his champion vnto the 〈◊〉 prouided for this purpose . he was clothed all in white , sauing that ouer the rest of his apparrell was cast the coate armor of the bishop . after him came one with a staffe and another with his target . the earle likewise brought in his champion much in like sort , and all things were now ready for them to goe together , when vpon a sodaine , by commaundement of the kings leters the matter was staid for a time . before the second meeting the parties fell to agréement . the bishop gaue vnto the earle . markes to leaue the castle with his apurtenances vnto him and his successors for euer . beside this , he also recouered the chace of béere , and the castle of sherborne , which had beene detained from his sée euer since king stephen tooke it violently from rogre his predecessor , for the space of . yéeres he died the sixe and fortie yeere of his consecration september . . . and lieth buried vnder a faire marble stone in the middle of the quire néere the bishops see. on the south side close by him , lieth bishop lewell , who ( as i haue heard ) desired to lie beside him . . ralfe erghum . ralfe erghum doctor of law was consecrate at brugis in flaunders december . . and was translated to wels september . . sée more there . . iohn waltham . iohn waltham master of the rolles and kéeper of the prtuy 〈◊〉 succeeded . the yeere . he became treasurer of england , and so continued till he died : king richard the second loued him entierly and greatly bewailed his death : in token whereof , he commaunded that he should be buried in westminster among the kings , many men much enuying him that honour . he died the yeere and lieth iust beside king edward the first vnder a flat marble , the inscription whereof is ( though partly defaced ) not yet quite perished . how he resisted w. courtney archbishop of canterbury in his visitation , and the successe thereof , sée more in the said w. courtney . . richard meltford . the yéere . in the parliament called the parliament that wrought woonders , the barones apprehended so many of the kings fauorites as they could come by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to prison . the lay 〈…〉 the most part they caused to be executed . but the cleargy men lying by it a while , by the next turne of fortunes wheele were not onely set as high as they were before , but some of them much higher . amongst the rest , richard metford ( a man of 〈◊〉 eminent place otherwise then by the kings fauour ) was imprisoned a great while in the castle of bristow . soone after his inlargement , the king found meanes first to aduance him to the bishopricke of chichester , and then after bishop 〈◊〉 death to translate him vnto salisbury , where he sate about . yéeres and died . . nicholas bubwith . nicholas bubwith bishop of london , and treasurer of england was translated to salisbury the yéere . and from thence to wels , within the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 yéere . sée more of him in wels. . robert halam . vpon the remooue of bishop bubwith , one robert halam became bishop of sarum . iune . . he was made cardinall . he died at the councell of 〈◊〉 ( the councell being not yet ended ) september . . . iohn chaundler . at what time bishop halam died , martin the 〈◊〉 was not yet chosen pope . by reason whereof ( the papacy being after a sort void , and so the popes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the chapter of sarum had the liberty of a frée election , and chose one iohn chaundler , who sate bishop about . yéeres . . robert neuill . robert neuill consecrate . was translated to durham . . . william ayscoth . vvilliam ayscoth doctor of lawe and clerke of the counsell was consecrate in the chappell of windsor iuly . . the yéere . 〈◊〉 happened the commons to arise in sundry parts of the realme , by the stirring of 〈◊〉 cade , naming himselfe iohn 〈◊〉 . a certaine number of lewd persons ( tenants for the most part to this bishop ) intending to ioyne themselues to the rest of that crew , came to 〈◊〉 , where he was then saying of masse . what was their quarrell to him i finde not . but certaine it is , they drew him from the altar in his albe with his stole about his 〈◊〉 to the top of an 〈◊〉 not far off , and there as he 〈◊〉 on his 〈◊〉 praying , they 〈◊〉 his head , 〈◊〉 him to the 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 shirt into a number of pieces , tooke euery man a ragge to keepe for a monument of their worthy exploit . the day before , they had robbed his cariages of . markes in ready money . this barbarous murther was committed iune . the yeere aforesaid . . richard beauchamp . richard 〈◊〉 succeeded . he built a beautifull and sumptuous chappel on the south side of the lady chappell , and lieth buried in the same vnder a very faire toombe of marble . . leonell wooduill . leonell wooduill consecrate the yéere . was sonne to 〈◊〉 earle 〈◊〉 , and brother to 〈◊〉 the queene of edward the fourth . a neere 〈◊〉 of his hath assured me , that stephen gardmer bishop of winchester was begotten by this man ; who to couer his fault , married his mother vnto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one of his meanest followers , and caused another of better sort to bring vp the childe as it were of almes . when or how he left his bishopricke , i finde not . . thomas langton . thomas langton doctor of lawe was consecrate . and translated to winchester . sée more of him 〈◊〉 . . iohn blythe . iohn blythe was consecrate february . . and died august . . he lieth buried vpon the backe side of the high altar , and hath a faire toombe , not standing after the maner of other toombes east and west , but ouerthwart the church north and south ; for which cause some call him the ouerthwart bishop . . henry deane . henry deane doctor of diuinity , abbot of lanthony , sometimes chauncellor of ireland , and then bishop of bangor , was translated to salisbury the yeere . and within two yéeres after to canterbury . sée more of him there . . edmund audeley . the yéere . edmund audeley , a gentleman of the auncient house of the lord audeleys , became bishop of rochester . thencs he was translated . to 〈◊〉 , and from hereford the yéere . vnto salisbury . he lieth buried in a goodly chappell built for the purpose on the south side of the high altar , where also it séemeth he founded a chauntry for 〈◊〉 to be sung for his soule . . laurent . campegius . laurentius campegius borne in bononia , bishop of 〈◊〉 , and one of the auditors of the rota in rome , was made cardinall of saint thomas ( and after of saint 〈◊〉 ) june . . the yéere . he became bishop of salisbury , and died bishop-cardinall of preneste at rome in the moneth of august . he was buried in our lady church beyond tyber . . nicholas shaxston . it should séeme that the said cardinal might not be suffred to enioy his bishoprick any longer whē as the popes authority was abrogated & all sute to rome forbidden . the yeere . fower yeeres befere he died , nicholas shaxston doctor of dunnity was consecrate vnto this sée , and sate bishop fower yeeres . he resigned it july . . the same day that bishop latymer resigned worceter . . iohn capon . iohn salcot , alias capon doctor of diuinity , was consecrate bishop of bangor . and translated to salisbury . he 〈◊〉 buried vpon the south side of the quire almost behind the bishops see. . iohn iewell . pope paule the fourth bearing an olde grudge against cardinall poole , soone after his aduauncement vnto the papacy , bestowed a cardinals hat vpon one peter petow an obseruant fryer , and a gentleman of an 〈◊〉 house , whom he made also his legate a latere , ex 〈◊〉 potestatis gaue him the bishopricke of salisbury , and sent him into england to confront the said cardinall poole . but quéene mary stood so stoutely in defence of her kinsman ( and the rather for that the knew this course to be taken in despite of her , the pope being all togither addicted vnto the french party ) as she would not suffer this new legate either to enter the realme as legate , or to enioy the bishopricke the pope had assigned him . while this matter hung thus in question , fryer peto died first , and queene mary seene after . it pleased then her majesty that now is to appoint vnto the bishopricke of salisbury iohn iewell batcheler of diuinity . he was borne at berynarber in deuonshire , brought vp in oxford , first in merton colledge , and then in corpus christi . thence he fled the yéere . into germany , and after . yéeres 〈◊〉 returning was consecrate bishop of this church ianuary . . hauing sate here well neere . yéeres , he died at monketon farley septem . . in the . yeere of his age , and was buried almost in the middle of the quire . . edmund gheast . edmund gheast doctor of diuinity was consecrate bishop of rochester ianuary . . translated 〈◊〉 to salisbury december . . died february . . the . yéere of his age , and was buried in the quier vpon the north side of bishop wiuyll . he writ diuers workes mentioned by bale in his centuries . . iohn piers. iohn piers doctor of diuinity and deane of christchurch in oxford , succéeded bishop gheast , both in rochester ( whereunto he was consecrate march . ) and in salisbury the yéere . there he sate . yéeres ( continuing all that while the quéenes almoner ) and was translated to yorke the yéere . . iohn coldwell the sée hauing then continued voide . yéeres , iohn coldwell doctor of phisicke and deane of rochester , was consecrate vnto the same december . . he died in october . and was laid in the same graue where bishop wiuyll had long since beene buried . . henry cotton . henry cotton chaplaine vnto her maiesty was consecrate togither with the bishops of exceter , glocester , and bangor , in nouember . the bishopricke of salisbury is valued at , l. , s. ob . and paide to the pope at euery exchaunge of the incumbent . ducats . the bishops of bathe and welles . welles ( that sometimes heretofore was called 〈◊〉 ) is not a 〈◊〉 of any very great antiquity . it seemeth not to haue béene a place of any extraordinary note , vntill the yeere at what time 〈◊〉 king of the west saxons built a church there , and dedicated the same vnto s. andrew . somewhat more then . yéeres after , kenulphus king also of the west saxons , gaue vnto the maintenance of the ministers belonging vnto that church , all the lands néere adioyning . the very words of his charter i haue thought good to set downe for the antiquity , and some other things in the same worthy consideration . in nomine domini nostri iesu christi . cum constet 〈◊〉 catholicis & recte credentibus in domino , quod tempora huius temporalis vitae longe lateque per orbem 〈◊〉 ac diuersis causis quotidie transeunt , nec non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aegritudine preuenti , statim vitam finiendo deserunt , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnia fugitiua 〈◊〉 ; beneficia domini sine aliqua tarditate pauperibus hic tribuendo erogemus , vt illic 〈◊〉 mercedis in aeterna patria sine fine cum domino 〈◊〉 accipiamus . quapropter , ego cynewlphus occ . saxonum rex , aliquam terrae partem , pro amore dei , & pro 〈◊〉 delictorum meorum , nec non ( quod verbo dolendum 〈◊〉 ) pro aliqua vexatione inimicorum nostrorum corunbiorum gentis , cum consensu episcoporum atque satraparum 〈◊〉 , dei apostolo 〈◊〉 ministro sancto andreae humiliter ascribendo donabo ; hoc est . manentium prope fluuium qui 〈◊〉 weluue , ad augmentum monasterij quod situm 〈◊〉 iuxta fontem magnum quem vocitant wielea , ( vt eo diligentius in ecclesia sancti andreae apostoli , deo soli 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 territorijs circumseriptam : a mendie de valle quae dicitur asancumb , in occidentali plaga in vnum fontem qui appellatur diernanwiell , deinde in collem quem incolae appellant dornhil , deinde in defertum on picelon dorn , & tunc vltra flumen weluue in fontem holanwielle , & inde in desertum in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae est iuxta fontem riuuli quem incolae 〈◊〉 sealtbroc , & tunc in eundem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 flumen welwe , 〈◊〉 in ripam 〈◊〉 vsque 〈◊〉 welwe , & 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 publicam vsque 〈◊〉 quem vocitant ellentrow , & 〈◊〉 in torrentem 〈◊〉 in vadum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per campestria inter duas petrosas vias ad supra nominatum vallem asancumb . si quis 〈◊〉 infringere vel imminuere ausus sit , sciat se coram christo & sanctis angelis 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 examine rationem redditurum . scripta est haec syngrapha ann . dom. incarn . . inductione . † ego cynewlfus gewisorum rex , hanc meam donationem cum signaculo sanctae crucis roboraui . † ego herewaldus episcopus , huius munificentiae cartulam propria manu signaui . † ego ernchardus episcopus huic largitati consensi & 〈◊〉 . . plegmund . aldeim all this while , there was no cathedrall church there , but onely a colledge . it happened then the yéere . that 〈◊〉 archbishop of canterbury by the commaundement of the king , consecrated seuen bishops in one day , whereof thrée were appointed vnto sées newly ereded ; amongst the rest aldelm abbot of glastonbury was ordained bishop of wels and somersetshire alotted vnto him for his dioces . he sate here . yeeres , and after the death of plegmund , was remooued to canterbury . sée there more of him , and this new erection . after him followed these . . wifelnius , who succeeded aldelm both here and at canterbury . he liued here nine yéeres and there . a man ( saith pol. virg. ) famous as well for vertue as learning . sée more of him in canterbury . . elfeth . . wlfhelm . . brithelm . he was a monke of glastonbury and became bishop of wels the yéere . he gaue vnto the abbey of glastonbury his nurse , the iurisdiction of the countrey adioyning and made it an archdeaconry annuall , to be bestowed vpon a monke of glastonbury , and he to be elected yéerely by the couent . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the yéere . was elected archbishop of canterbury . whereof see more in dunstan of canterbury . he continued bishop here . yéeres and died . . kinewardus or kinewaldus abbot of middleton became bishop of wels the yéere following , sate . yéeres and died . . sigar . he was abbot of glastonbury , sate also . yéeres and died ann . . . alwyn , called by some adelwyn and by others 〈◊〉 . . burwold . his toombe is to be séene with his 〈◊〉 engrauen vpon the south side of the quier at wels. . leoningus translated to canterbury the yéere . sée more of him there . . ethelwyn expelled his bishopricke by brithwyn , recouered the same againe from him , and shortly after his restitution died . . brithwyn , who entring into peaceable possession of this sée presently vpon the decease of ethelwyn , with in . daies after died him selfe also . . 〈◊〉 abbot of glattonbury . . 〈◊〉 whom some name bodeca . he was a saxon of germany , or ( as some deliuer ) borne in 〈◊〉 . in his time king edward the confessor gaue vnto this church the mannors of congresbury and 〈◊〉 . he was consecrate the yéere . sate . 〈◊〉 . monethes and seuen daies , and was buried vpon the south side of the high aultar in 〈◊〉 . it 〈◊〉 his toombe is the highest of those ancient monuments that we sée vpon the south outside of the duier . . giso . giso a frenchman of lorraine , borne in a village called saint trudo within the territory of hasban , was sent embassador to rome by king edward the confessor , to to be resolued there of certaine doubts concerning matter of religion , about the time that 〈◊〉 died . being so absent , he was elected bishop by the chapter of wels , and receiued consecration at rome april being easter day . together with aldred archbishop of yorke , and walter bishop of hereford . at his returne , he found the estate of his church very miserable ; harald the queenes brother that afterwards became for a while king of england , being yet a priuate man , ( q●id domini facient , audent qui talia 〈◊〉 ) upon what occasion i know not , had spoyled the church of all ornaments , chased away the canons , and inuading all the possessions of the same , had conuerted them to his owne vse ; so that the canons remaining which fled not for seare of this tyrant ( they were onely fiue ) they ( i say ) were faine to begge their bread the bishop complaining vnto the king of this outragious hauocke , found cold comfort at his hands : 〈◊〉 , whether it were for feare of haralds power or his wiues displeasure , he caused no restitution at all to be made . onely the queene was content to giue of her owne . marke and modesly vnto the church . after the death of king edward , giso was faine to fly the land , till such time as 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 vsurper being vanquished and slaine , william the conqueror was a meane to restore , not only him to his place and countrey , but his church also to all that the other had violently taken from it , except some small parcels that ( i know not by what meanes ) had beene 〈◊〉 vnto the monastery of glocester . yet in stead of them also , he was pleased to bestow vpon the church , the mannour of yatton , with the patronage of the benefice there ; and moreouer caused one ealsi to restore vnto the same the mannour of 〈◊〉 , which long since had beene altenated from it , by some 〈◊〉 practise as it should seeme . giso being thus setled , tooke great paines , in recouering such other things as had béene 〈◊〉 from his church , in procuring charters of confirmation for the better assurance of what already they had , and procuring such things as séemed to be wanting : namely , of one 〈◊〉 a courtier he found meanes to obtaine the 〈◊〉 of coonth-nicolas , 〈◊〉 and lytton . then 〈◊〉 the state of his church so well amended , he thought good to augment the number of his canons , and for their better 〈◊〉 built then a cloyster , a hall , and a dorter or place for their lodging . lastly he appointed one isaac by the name of a prouost to be their gouernor . hauing béene bishop the space of . yéeres he departed this life , and was buried vpon the north side of that place where the high altar then stoode . i take his to be the highest of those olde toombes that lye vpon the outside of the quier toward the north. . iohn de villula . he that succeeded ( iohn de villula a frenchman borne in tours , and a phisician heretofore by his profession ) not content to do nothing toward the amendment of the state of his church , vsed all the meanes he might to impaire and diminish the same . the cloyster and other buildings 〈◊〉 by gyso for his canons , he pulled downe , and in the place where they stoode build a pallace for himselfe and his successors , forcing them to séeke dwellings abroad in the towne . but the greatest wrong of al other was , that neuer acquainting them with it , he procured his episcopall sée , which 〈◊〉 had béene seated at welles , to be remooued to bathe ; and whereas all his predecessors had béene knowen by the names of the bishoppes of welles , hee renouncing welles , entitled himselfe bishoppe of bathe , which city he bought of the king for fiue hundreth markes , and founded in the same a monastary for the receit of his new remooued episcopall throne . this monastery was first built by offa king of mercia ann . . and being destroyed by the danes ( who burnt and razed to the ground almost all the monasteries of england ) was afterwardes an . . reedified by elphegus that at last was archbishop of canterbury . his building stoode no long time : for the yéere . both it and in a manner all the city was consumed and vtterly destroyed by fire ; in such sort , as this bishop building it a new from the ground , and augmenting the reuenues ( which before were little or nothing ) vnto a competent proportion ; may not vnworthily séeme to be the founder and author of the same . he had scarcely ( or indeed not 〈◊〉 it , whē being a very aged man , he was taken away by 〈◊〉 , to wit , dec. . . hauing sate . yeres . he was 〈◊〉 in the church himselfe had built . . godfry . one godfry a dutchman and chaplaine vnto the queene , was then by her meanes preferred to this see , and consecrate august , . he was also for a time chauncellor of england vnder king henry the first . hauing 〈◊〉 here . yeres , he died aug. . . & was buried at bathe . . robert. after him succéeded one robert a monke of lewes , borne in normandy , but by parentage a flemming . in the beginning of his time , to wit , july . . the church of bathe lately built by iohn de villula was againe consumed with fire . he reedified it , and added whatsoeuer might seeme to haue beene left vnperfect by the other . in the stirres betweene mawd the empresse and king stephen , he indured much trouble , being taken prisener at bathe and held in captiuity a long time by the king . the continuer of florent . 〈◊〉 . setteth downe the history thereof at large . after his deliuerance he tooke great 〈◊〉 in labouring an agreement between the churches of wels and bathe who had now many yeeres contended which of them should be honored with the episcopall see. at last with the good liking of both parties , he set downe this order , that the bishops hereafter should be called , bishops of bathe & wels ; that each of them should by 〈◊〉 appoint electors ( the see being voide ) by whose voyces the bishop should be chosen ; & that he should be installed in both of these churches . then , whereas a kinsman of iohn de 〈◊〉 being appointed by him prouost , by vertue of that office had withdrawen and conuerted vnto his owne vse , in a manner all the reuenues of old belonging to the cannons ; with great labour and cost at last he procured , all that had appertained vnto them to 〈◊〉 restored againe . and to take away all occasion of the like vsurpation , he thought good to diuide the landes of the church 〈◊〉 two parts , whereof the one he assigned vnto the chapter in common ; out of the rest he allotted to euery cannon a portion , by the name of a prebend . he also it was that first 〈◊〉 a deane to be the president of the chapter , and a subdeane to supply his place in absence ; a 〈◊〉 to gouerne the quier , and a subchaunter vnder him ; a chauncellour to instruct the yoonger sort of cannons ; and lastly , a treasurer to looke to the ornaments of the church . the subchauntership togither with the prouostship an . . were taken away and suppressed by act of parliament , to patch vp a deanry , the lands and reuenewes of the deanry being deuoured by sacrilegious cormorants . moreouer , and 〈◊〉 all this , whereas our church of welles at this time was exceeding ruinous , and likely euery day to fall to the ground , he pulled downe a great part of it and repaired it . at last he died , hauing sate . yeeres and . moneths , and was buried at bathe . . reginald fitzioceline . 〈◊〉 sée was then voide eight yéeres , eight moneths , and fiftéene daies . at last reginald fitzioceline a 〈◊〉 , sonne vnto ioceline bishop of salisbury , and by his gift archdeadon of salisbury was appointed thereunto , being but . yeres of age ( or as one deliuereth but . ) this man by suite obtayned for the chapter of king richard the first , at what time he set forward in his voyage toward the holy land ' , the mannors of curry , wrentich and hatch . he founded the hospitall of saint iohns in bathe and certaine prebends in the church . moreouer , he graunted vnto the city of welles a corporation and many priuiledges which by his gift they enioy to this day . the yéere . he was translated to canterbury . sée more of him there . . sauaricus . king richard the first being taken prisoner in germany by leopold duke of austria ; the emperor tooke order with him , that besides other conditions to be required of the king for his deliuerance ; he should make him promise to preferre a 〈◊〉 of his ( the emperors ; called 〈◊〉 ( then archdeacon of northampton ) vnto the bishopricke of bathe and wels , & moreouer to annexe vnto the same bishopricke the abbotship of 〈◊〉 . for the better effecting of which purpose , 〈◊〉 was content to returne vnto the king the possession of the city of bathe , which his predecessor iohn de villula had bought of king 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these things being brought to passe according to his desire , he altered his style and would needes be called bishop of glostonbury . he was consecrate on michaelmas day . at rome and returning into england by germany , was there stayed and left for an hostage , in assurance of paiment of the kings raunsome . after his deliuery , he yet continued there a long time and became chauncellor vnto the emperor : till that the yeere . the emperor falling sicke , ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uereth ) he was sent by him into england , to release vnto the king all such moneies , as yet remained vnpaid of that wrongfull and vnconscionable raunsome . the emperor then dying before he could returne , he thought good to remaine here still vpon his charge . in . yeeres that he sate bishop , he did not any thing memorable , except happily this may seeme worthy remembrance , that he impropriated the parsonages of ilmister and longsutton , making them prebends , and appointing the one of them alwaies to be alotted vnto the abbot of muchelney , and the 〈◊〉 to the abbot of athelney , for the time being . the prebend of 〈◊〉 is vanished together with the abbey of 〈◊〉 : longsutton parsonage by the 〈◊〉 of queene mary was restored to the church of welles , and remaineth to this day a part of our possessions . this bishop died august . . and was buried at bathe . concerning him and the great summes he died indebted , who so list may reade somewhat in the decretals of greg. lib. . tit . . cap. nouit ille . . ioceline de welles . sauarike being dead , the monkes of glastonbury made importunate sute at rome to be restored vnto their olde gouernment vnder an abbot . their importunity gaue occasion of setting downe a decree in the court of rome . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being void , nothing is to be altered in the state of the 〈◊〉 . before the end of the yeere . 〈◊〉 a canon of 〈◊〉 borne also and brought vp in welles ( at leastwise as to me by diuers arguments it seemeth ) was consecrate vnto this see at reading . the monkes of glastonbury were by and by dooing with him ; and after much contention preuailed but so , as they were faine to buy their victory at a deare 〈◊〉 allowing vnto the 〈◊〉 of welles out of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mannors of 〈◊〉 , pucklechurch , 〈◊〉 and cranmer , and the patronage of the beneffces of winscombe , pucklechurch , ashbery , christ malford , buckland and blackford . soone after this composition made , he 〈◊〉 faine to fly the realme aad continued in banishment the space of fiue yeeres . the cause and mannor thereof you may 〈◊〉 in stephen langton of canterbury after his returne he gaue him selfe altogether to adorning and increasing the 〈◊〉 of his church . he founded diuers prebends , impropriated diuers parsonages to the 〈◊〉 of his chapter , and gaue them the mannour of winscombe . he allotted reasonable reuencwes to euery of the dignities , which before that time had small profite by their places . he appointed bicars to 〈◊〉 the prebends in dooing the seruice of the church : and laid vnto the bishopricke the mannors of congresbury , chedder , and 〈◊〉 . he also and hugh bishop of lincolne , 〈◊〉 their purses together , founded the hospitall of s. iohns in welles which being suppressed by act of parliament & 〈◊〉 to the earle of southampton , he 〈◊〉 it with bishop clarke for dogmersfield . moreouer in building he bestowed inestimable summes of money . he built a 〈◊〉 chappell in 〈◊〉 pallace at welles , and an other at owky , as also many other edifices in the same houses : and lastly , the church of welles it selfe being now ready to fall to the ground , notwithstanding the great cost bestowed vpon it by bishop robere ; he pulled downe the greatest part of it , to witte , all the west ende , built it a new from the very foundation , and hallowed or dedicated it october . . hauing continued in this bishopricke . yeeres he died at last nouember . . and was 〈◊〉 in the middle of the 〈◊〉 that he had built , under a 〈◊〉 toombe of late yeeres monsterously defared . . roger. notwithstanding the composition lately made by bishop 〈◊〉 for the order of election , the monkes of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 with the chapter of 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one roger the chaunter of salūbury for bishop 〈◊〉 , for that a kinsman of the popes had the aduouson of his 〈◊〉 ) obtained easily consecration by the popes meanes september . . after long sute in law betweene the two churches for the righting of this wrong ; the end was , that welles men must 〈◊〉 vp the wrong , and they of bathe yeeld assurance of performing the composition for the time to come ; which was done accordingly . the bishop ( by whose meanes this accord 〈◊〉 made ) not liuing long after , departed this 〈◊〉 ianuary . . hauing sate not past foure monethes above three yéeres . he onely of all the 〈◊〉 of this church for the space of almost . yeeres died 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of yeeres after his comming 〈◊〉 , which in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath yet neuer happened to any other . 〈◊〉 is the 〈◊〉 of our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at bathe . . william bitton , or button . the 〈◊〉 of bathe , according to their promise , now at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the chapter of welles , william button , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and then 〈◊〉 of welles , was with one 〈◊〉 elected . this man had much to doo with the monkes of 〈◊〉 , concerning those lands which by composition they had yeelded to the see of 〈◊〉 : and although the bishop had sustained great charge in diners of the kings seruices , namely and especially in trauayling into the furthermost part of spaine about his affaires : yet he fauored altogether the part of the monkes , and gaue them h●s vttermost assistance in their sutes . they were ended at by the bishops death , who deceased in the beginning of the yeere . hauing first possessed his brethren and kinsfolkes of all the principall places of our church of welles . for i finde , that about this time , there was another william button , his brothers sonne , archdeacon of welles , and after bishop ; one richard button chaunter , nicolas button a brother of the bishops treasurer , iohn button another brother of his prouost of coomb and parson of ashbery , aster whose death one thomas button succéeded in the prouostship ; and that one thomas button ( whether the same man or no i can not tell ) was first archdeacon after william button aforesaid , then deane of welles , and lastly , the yéere . bishop of exceter . this thomas button it was that for the soule of this william button our bishop , gaue to our church the bell commonly called the sermon bell , as in a french inscription vpon the same bell is yet to be séene . he lyeth buried in the middle of our lady chappell vnder a marble toombe . . walter giffard . vvalter giffard canon of welles and a 〈◊〉 laine of the popes , was elected may . and soone after consecrate by the bishop of 〈◊〉 in the absence of boniface the archbishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yeeres , he was translated to 〈◊〉 sée yorke . . william button or bitton . vvilliam button 〈◊〉 of welles and nephew to the former william button , obtained this bishopricke the yéere . a man so greatly accounted of for his holinesse ( saith matthew paris ) as when robert killwardby archbishop of canterbury had licence of the pope to take consecration at the hand of any catholique bishop ; he made choice of him , only in respect of his holinesse . he made many good statutes by which our church is yet gouerned : amongst other things , he ordained foure generall chapter daies in the yeere , at which onely times , such things should be ordred as might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it were greatly to be wished , that all other churches were to obserue the same order . he deceased in the moneth of nouember . many 〈◊〉 people ( especially such as were troubled with the tooth ake ) were woont ( euen of late yeeres ) to frequent much the place of his 〈◊〉 , being without the north side of the 〈◊〉 , where we see a marble stone , hauing a 〈◊〉 image grauen vpon it . he gaue vnto our church the mannor of bicknaller . . robert burnell . in the moneth of ianuary following robert burnell archdeacon of yorke and canon of welles was elected a man of great power and authoritie in those daies , being first treasurer , then chauncellor of england and alwaies of the 〈◊〉 vnder king edward the first . that gaue him meanes of gathering great wealth , which he 〈◊〉 , partly in building his houses ( as namely that goodly hall of the pallace at welles , pulled downe some fifty yeeres since by a 〈◊〉 of the court , that for a 〈◊〉 reward of his 〈◊〉 , soone after lost his head . but his principall care was to inrich his brethren and 〈◊〉 , whom he greatly advanced . he was much 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 affaires , from which he could be so ill spared , as the king was content for a 〈◊〉 to let him 〈◊〉 his court of 〈◊〉 at bristoll some there be suppose the castle of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 to haue beene built by him , at what time he was occasioned to hue in those parts . he sate eighteene yeeres , and 〈◊〉 burted in the middle of the body of his church , vnder a marble stone , somewhat below the pulpit . . william de marchia . the same yéere that burnell dicd , william de marchio , then treasurer of england succéeded . i haue séene , amongst the records of our church of welles , the 〈◊〉 pies of diuers letters vnto the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 king , from diuers of the nobility and the cleargy of 〈◊〉 church , commending this man so far foorth for his holinesse , testified ( as they write ) by many miracles ; as they 〈◊〉 very earnestly for his canonisation . i maruaile much at 〈◊〉 for matthew of westminster and polydor virgill , 〈◊〉 grieuously of him , as the author of a hainous sacrilege , in 〈◊〉 sing the king to spoile all the churches and monasteries of england , of such plate and mony as lay hoorded vp in them , for the paiment of his souldiers . it was edward the first , 〈◊〉 prince , that wanted neither wit to deuise , nor courage to 〈◊〉 cute such an exploit , and to lay the fault vpon another at last . yet likely inough it is , that such a fault stamped vpon him ( how vndeseruedly soeuer ) might barre him out of the 〈◊〉 calender , who otherwise was not woont to be ouer dainty 〈◊〉 affoording that kind of honour , where fees might be 〈◊〉 paid in for it . he sate ten yeeres , and lieth entoombed in 〈◊〉 south wall néere the cloister doore . in this mans time , the chapter house was built , by the contribution of well disposed people ; a stately and sumptuous worke . . walter haselshaw . vvalter haselshaw , first deane , then bishop 〈◊〉 welles , sate ten yeeres , and lieth buried vnder a huge marble in the body of the church toward the north almost ouer against the pulpit . he made many statutes . . iohn drokensford . iohn drokensford kéeper of the kings ward-robe succéeded . following the steps of his predecessor 〈◊〉 , he bestowed somewhat in increasing the buildings and liberties of his see , but much more vpon his 〈◊〉 . he had much contention with his chapter ( the story whereof is to be seene in the 〈◊〉 booke ) sate . yeeres , and lieth buried vnder a reasonable saemcly toombe of free stone in the chappell of saint batherme , which is vpon the right hand going toward the lady chappell . . ralfc of shrewsbury . vvith one cōsent of the chapter of wels & the couent of bathe , 〈◊〉 of shrewsbury was then elected , & dared to be consecrate ( a great venture in those daies ) before the 〈◊〉 had allowed of him . his approbation ( saith 〈◊〉 ) cost him at last a huge summe of money . this man is famous for the first foundation of our 〈◊〉 close in wels. the memory of which benefit is to be seene erpressed in a 〈◊〉 vpon the wal at the foot of the hall staires . in 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 to request the bishop in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about the 〈◊〉 , we humbly pray . together , through 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dwell we may . he answereth them thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for your 〈◊〉 , deserts do plead , i will do that you craue , to this purpose established , here dwellings shall you haue . this picture being now almost worne out ; at what time of late yeeres , the 〈◊〉 by the gratious fauour of her maiesty had their reuenues confirmed to them , being in danger to be spoyled of them by certaine sacrilegious cormorants ; they likewise caused a picture of excellent workmanship to be drawen , 〈◊〉 a memoriall of both the one and the other . these buildings being erected , toward the maintenance of some hospitality in them , he gaue vnto that new colledge , the mannor of 〈◊〉 , and allotted them twenty nobles yerely to be paid out of the vicarage of chew . he built moreouer a house for the queristers and their master : he built likewise the church of winscomb and the court house at clauerton , a great chamber at cuercrich , and much other 〈◊〉 in other of his houses . his pallace of welles he inclosed with an excéeding strong wall and a large mote , into which he 〈◊〉 the riuer running hard by : he gaue vnto his church 〈◊〉 things , of which nothing now remaineth ( i thinke ) but a great chest bound with iron , in which the chapter seale is kept . lastly , it is to be remembred , that with great 〈◊〉 he procured the forest of 〈◊〉 to be disparked . hauing performed these and many other things deseruing perpetual 〈◊〉 ; he departed this life at wiuelescomb aug. . . hauing continued bishop . yéeres . his body was buried before the high altar vnder a goodly monument of alabaster , compassed about with grates of yron . about a . yéeres since ( for what cause i know not ) it was remooued to the 〈◊〉 side of the presbytery , but lost his grates by the way . the image of alabaster that lieth vpon it , is said to be very like him . . iohn barnet . iohn barnet remooued from worcester succéeded him , sate two yéeres , and was translated to ely. sée ely. . iohn harewell . edward surnamed the blacke prince , obtayned then of the pope this bishopricke for iohn harewell , a chaplaine of his that was chauncellour of gascoigne . 〈◊〉 was consecrate at burdeaur march . . by the archbishop there . he contributed the third penny toward the building of the southwest tower at the ende of the church , the chapter bearing the rest of the charge . he paid . markes for glasing the window at the west ende of the church , 〈◊〉 gaue two great bels , the bigest of which being cast fower times since i was of this church , now at last serueth for 〈◊〉 greatest of a ring , the goodliest for that number ( being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ( i thinke ) in england . he died in the moneth of june . hauing sate . yéeres , and was interred ouer 〈◊〉 burwold , where we sée a toombe of alabaster , that séemeth to haue béene a sumptuous piece of worke , but is now much defaced . . walter skirlaw . vvalter skirlaw was translated from lichfield hether , and after two yeeres from hence to durham . see durham . . ralfe erghum . ralfe erghum doctor oslawe was consecrate bishop of salisbury at bruges in flanders december . . from thence he was translated 〈◊〉 september . . & died aprill . . he impropred to the chapter of welles the parsonage of puklechurch , and gaue vnto them a certaine house , called the george , beside certaine plate and church ornaments to the value , l. moreouer , he built a colledge at welles for fowerteene priests , at the ende of the lane now called colledge-lane . he lieth buried in the body of the church , vpon the north side of that chappell that ioyneth to the great pulpit . . henry bowet . the bishopricke so void , was conferred by the pope vpon richard clifford archdeacon of canterbury who being denied his temporalties by the king , was faine , notwithstanding the popes prouisory bulles , to giue place vnto henry bowet doctor of law and canon of welles , that with the kings fauour was lawfully elect thereunto . sée more hereof in richard clifford of london . to welles he was consecrate nouemb. . . in saint paules church in london , the king and all the nobility being present ; and was translated to yorke december . . see yorke . . nicolas bubwith . nicolas bubwith being bishop of london and treasurer of england , left both those places for salisbury , which also he was content to forsake to accept welles , within the compasse of one yéere after he was first consecrate to london . this man being at the counsell of constance , was appointed one of those thirty persons that were ioyned with the 〈◊〉 in the election of pope martin the fifth . he built 〈◊〉 almeshouse vpon the north side of saint cuthberts church , endowing it with good possessions for the reliefe of many 〈◊〉 persons : they were much increased afterwards by 〈◊〉 storthwayth , somewhat also by bishop bourne and other : so that now it maintaineth . poore people . he 〈◊〉 vnto our church the parsonage of bucklaud abbatis : he built our library ouer the cloysters , and a little chappell for morrow masse ouer against the great pulpit . in that chappell ( built belike for the place of his buriall ) he founded a chauntry , and dying october . . was there enterred . 〈◊〉 supposed he was a great benefactor and contributor toward the building of the northwest tower at the west ende of 〈◊〉 church : which his armes fixed vpon diuers places of 〈◊〉 same doo partly shew . it is deliuered also , that he gaue 〈◊〉 vnto the church , which i find to be the gift of 〈◊〉 button the second , and not his , as before is declared . . iohn stafford . by the popes gift , iohn stafford , a man very noble 〈◊〉 no lesse learned , became bishop of welles after bubwith . august . . he was aduaunced to canterbury . sée canterbury . . thomas bekinton . thomas de bekinton doctor of lawe and deane of the arches , writ a very learned discourse 〈◊〉 of the law salique of the frenchmen ; ( an 〈◊〉 very necessary for those times ; and being as well taken by other , as handled by himselfe ; got him such fauour with that vertuous king henry the 〈◊〉 , as it was a meanes to aduance him , first , vnto the keeping of the priuy seale , and then to this see , whereunto he was consecrate in the chappell of caton october . . at what time , the foundations of that chappell being but newly laid , it was hallowed & he 〈◊〉 the first masse in the same . this man built the ranke of houses on the north side of the market place at welles , called the new workes . he made a 〈◊〉 in the market place , bringing the water from saint andrewes well . he built ( as to me it least wise seemeth ) the east side of the cloyster . he was a great benefactor to lincolne college in oxford ; and a great builder of his owne houses , vpon the repayring and beautifying of which , he spent first and last ( as himselfe professeth in his will ) . markes . perceiuing himselfe sickely and not like long to continue , he made his will : and doubting least king edward the fourth should make it void by picking some quarrell of treason vnto him ; ( a thing no doubt easie to be done , for that this bishop had beene alwaies a constant follower of the house of lancaster ) with great cost he procured from the said king a confirmation of his will , dated nouember . . in it he bequeathed to the church of wels , l. in money , fower very sumptuous vestments , , l. to buy ropes , a vessell for holy water of siluer waighing , l. troy , a crosse of siluer parcell gilt of the same waight , a chaire for the bishop to vse in the church ( which yet remayneth ) and certaine cushions with other ornaments . to the church of bathe he bequeathed a cup , a censure and a pare of siluer , all waighing . ounces beside . coapes and other vestments . to new colledge in 〈◊〉 ( where it seemes he was brought vp ) a siluer crosse of , l. waight , a faire bible in . volumes , a siluer bason of , l. waight , certaine 〈◊〉 and other trifles . to winchester colledge a siluer crosse double gilt waying , l. and ten ounces , two siluer candlestickes of the same waight and a number of vestments . to the hospitall of saint batherines in london ( whereof he had beene master ) many vestments and , l. in money . to the church of sutton courtney ( a benefice of his ) he gaue many vestments , 〈◊〉 , l. in money , to be diuided to the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 also the like 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 which church it is said he was prebendary : and so much more ( beside certaine vestments ) to the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 of which place ( as being borne there ) most men suppose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his name . for my part i thinke not so ; for i 〈◊〉 swade my selfe , his liberality in that case ( i meane to 〈◊〉 place of his natiuity ) could not haue béene contayned 〈◊〉 so narrow a scantling . but ( to procéed ) vnto the austin fryers of 〈◊〉 he gaue , s̄ . and to the fryer minors of bridgewater , s̄ . to ten priests that should study at oxeford , and dayly say masse for the soules of himselfe , his parents and benefactors , especially of humfrey duke of glocester , william wickham 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 iohn 〈◊〉 : and walter thurston , l. a piece : and to ten poore 〈◊〉 of the same 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 yéeres , d. a wéeke . to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the better sort he bequeathed , l. a piece ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yeomen fiue markes ; to euery boy of his household , s̄ . and to so many of his seruants as were not prouided of abiding places , meate , drinke and woonted wages 〈◊〉 thrée moneths after his decease . to his successor he 〈◊〉 , l. vpon condition he would accept it in lieu of all dilapidations , otherwise willing his executors to spend it in 〈◊〉 against him : and lastly vnto his executors he left onely , l. a piece , requiring them to imploy all the rest of his 〈◊〉 good vses at their discretion . they answered very iustly , 〈◊〉 trust reposed in them , and that with such discretion as wellas 〈◊〉 , that i should do them wrong not to remember 〈◊〉 . the one was richard swanne , 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and parson of yeuelton , that heretofore had béene executor after the same sort vnto richard praty bishop of chichester ( this man dwelt in the cannonicall house that is néere the market place . ) another was , hugh sugar doctor oflawe and treasurer of welles ( he built the chappell all offrée stone , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of wood before , adioyning to the great pulpit , and dwelt where i now do , in the middle house of the thrée that ioyne vpon the cambray . ) and the third was iohn pope doctor of diuinity prebendary of saint decumans and parson of shyre . these thrée ( as i haue béene told by old men ) lye buried in a ranke together , ouer against the great pulpit , vnder thrée marble stones of one fashion . the bishops goods that remained vnbequeathed , they bestowed for the most part , in building the uicars close at welles , which had béene begun by bishop ralfe long before ; a sumptuous and beautifull worke . this great benefactor of our church departed this life , ianuary . . and was buried in a goodly toombe built by him selfe in his life time , situate vpon the south side of the presbytery . . robert stillington . in the moneth of july next after the death of bishop bekinton , robert stillington , doctor of law , archdeacon of taunton , first keeper of the priuy seale , and then chauncellor of england , was elected to this sée , and consecrate in april following . he built that goodly lady chappell in the cloysters , that was pulled downe by him which destroyed also the great hall of the palace mentioned in robert burnell pag. . he died a prisoner in the castle of 〈◊〉 , whether he was committed for foure yéeres before his death ( for what cause i know not ) in the moneth of october . and was intoombed in the said chappell , but rested not long there : for it is reported , that diuers olde men , who in their youth had not onely séene the 〈◊〉 of his funerals , but also the building of his toombe , chappell and all ; did also see , toombe and chappell destroyed , and the bones of the bishop that built them , turned out of the lead in which they were interred . concerning this man & many other bishops of this church , if any desire to vnderstand more , i must referre them to a discourse heretofore written by me in latin of them , which is in many mens hands , though neuer published . . richard foxe soone after the death of bishop stillington , richard foxe bishop of exceter was appointed his successor , and so continuing for thrée yéeres , was translated first to durham and after to winchester . sée winchester . . oliuer king. oliuer king doctor of law and principall secretary to the king , became bishop of exceter , the yéere . and succeeding him in this church as well as exceter was translated hither nouember . . he pulling downe the old church of the abbey of bathe , began the foundation of a faire and sumptuous building , but at the time of his death left it very vnperfect . his successor bestowed some cost on it , and william bird the last prior there , endeuouring what he might by him selfe & other to see it finished ; had euen brought it to perfection , when the dissolution of the abbey had almost ouerthrowen what before was set vp . it is great pitty that some good man or other , whom god hath enabled , vndertaketh not the finishing of it ; a worke then which , i thinke nothings is to be performed with so little cost , that were more likely to be pleasing to almighty god , acceptable vnto men , & memorable with all 〈◊〉 . this man sate bishop eight yéeres , and is thought to lye buried at windsor in a little chappell vpon the south side of the quier , ouer against which place , vpon the enterclose of the quier i find written ( vnder the pictures of king henry the sixt , and his sonne , king edward the fourth , and henry the seuenth ) this that followeth , orate pro domino olmero king iuris professore , ac illustri edwardi ( primogeniti henry sexti ) & 〈◊〉 regum edw. quarti , edw. quinti , & henr. . principali secretario , 〈◊〉 ordinis garterij registrario , & huius sancti collegij canonicqanno dom. . & postea per dictum illustrillimum regein henry . ann . . ad sedem exon. commendato . . hadrian de castello . pope innocent the eight hearing of a certaine dangerous 〈◊〉 raised vp against iames the third king of scots ; thought good to send into scotland one hadrian de castello , as a man for his wisedome and other good parts likely to appease those 〈◊〉 . being at london he was certified of the king of scots death , whom his own subiects had 〈◊〉 in battell . so resting him selfe a while there he grew into acquaintance with iohn moorton the archbishop of canterbury . he much delighted with his learning , and discreete cariage ; commended him so effectually vnto the king ( henry the seuenth ) as he thought good to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his proctor for the dispatch of all his causes at rome . in that place he behaued him selfe so , as the king at 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 of his paines and fidelity , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnto the bishopricke of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the yeere . and then , the yeere following , of this see. pope alexander the sixt in the meane time , a little before his translation hither , had made him cardinall . here he continued . yeeres , vntill that the yeere . he was depriued of this and all other promotions vpon this occasion : a cardinall of rome called alfonso petruccio consptred with certaine other cardinals , the death of pope leo . amongst them , this our hadrian was content to make one ; mooued thereunto ( as p. iouius affirmeth ) not by any grudge or priuate displeasure , but onely by an ambitious 〈◊〉 , that surely he should be pope 〈◊〉 were once dead . a certaine witch or wise woman as we call them ) hauing heretofore foretold him very strangely diuers things that had happened to him selfe & other of his friends ; tooke vpon her to assure him , that after the death of pope leo , it should come to passe , that a certaine old man named hadrian , borne of meane parentage , preferred onely for his learning , wisedome , and other good parts , should be aduaunced vnto the papacy . these particularities , hadrian was perswaded could agree to none other but him selfe : for he being borne at corneto a poore fisher towne of hetruria , of meane ( or rather very base ) parentage ; onely by vertue and good deserts rose by many degrees vnto the preferments before mentioned . the witches prediction fell out true , but in an other : for hadrian a dutchman , the sonne of a erelver of utright , that had beene schoolemaster to charles the fift 〈◊〉 , fell out to be the man that succeeded leo by the name of 〈◊〉 the sixt . what became of this hadrian afterward , or when he died , i find not . . thomas woolsey . vpon the depriuation of hadrian , cardinall woolsey held this bishopricke in commendam fower yéeres , euen till that resigning it , he tooke durham . sée more of this man in yorke . . iohn clerke . iohn clarke doctor of diuinity and master of the 〈◊〉 was consecrate the yéere . a man much emploied 〈◊〉 embassages . he died in the end of the yeere . being poisoned ( as it was supposed ) in germany , when he went embassadour to the duke of clyue to render a reason of the 〈◊〉 diuorce from the lady anne of cleue his sister . he is 〈◊〉 in the mineries at london . . william knight . vvilliam knight doctor of lawe and archdeacon of richmund , a man likewise much emploied in embassages by king henry the eight , sate sixe yéeres , died september . . and was buried vnder the great pulpit , which he caused to be built for his toombe . in the 〈◊〉 place of welles , there is a goodly crosse erected partly by this man , as this inscription engrauen witnesseth , ad honorem 〈◊〉 omnipotentis & commodom pauperum mercatum welliae freqnentantium , impensis gulielmi knight episcopi & richardi wooleman huius ecclesiae cathedralis olim decani , hic locus erectus est . laus deo , pax viuis , requies defunctis . amen . ann. dom. . . william barlowe . vvilliam barlowe doctor of diuinity , sometimes 〈◊〉 chanon of saint osythes hauing béene bishop of saint dauids the space of tenne yéeres or there abouts , was translated hether to succéede bishop knight , and continued here all the daies of r. edward . in the beginning of queene mary , he was forced to leaue his countrey , bishopricke and all , & to liue exiled in germany , vntill that by her death , & the most happy aduauncement of our now soueraigne , he was at once restored to his countrey , and preferred to the bishoppricke of chichester . there he liued about the space of tenne yeeres , and dying the yéere . was buried in his owne church . . gilbert bourne . bishop barlow being forced to forsake his bishopricke here , gilbert bourne doctor of diuinity was appointed thereunto by queene mary . the nonage of that good king edward the sixt , giuing opportunity to those horrible sacrileges , that robbed the cathedrall churches of england of ( i dare say ) the tone halfe of that they possessed ; had béene an occasion of the vtter ruine and destruction of this see , if bishop barlow taking aduantage of the death of some men in the 〈◊〉 ende of king edward , and bishop bourne making vse of the zeale of quéene mary in tendring the state of the church ; had not béene the meanes of recouering what is now left vnto the same , euen the lands of the bishopricke in a manner euery whit , all the land belonging to the archdeacon of welles , and some land of the chapter , to wit , the parsonages of duluerton and longsutton . and it is supposed that this man ( had he stoode vp but a little while longer ) had recouered diuers other possessions to his see , that now are thought to be lost irrecouerably . he was a benefactor vnto the uicars close , & to the almehouse , and began the foundation of a certaine colledge in the canonicall house that standeth néere the market place ; but was hindered by the death of quéene mary and his depriuation , from finishing it . being displaced for not subscribing according to order , he was committed to the custody of master carey deane of her maiesties chappell , liued with him many yéeres , and died at sylferton in deuonshire ( where he lieth buried ) september . . . gilbert barkley . it pleased then the quéenes maiestie that now is , in the beginning of her most happy raigne , to nominate vnto this see one gilbert barkley , borne in norfolke , but descended of the auncient and most honorable house of the lord barkley , at least wise as the armes assigned vnto him by the heraulds do seeme to testifie . he sate somewhat more then . yéeres , and growing into a lethargy ( which diminished much of the vigor and strength as wel of his minde as his body certaine moneths before his decease ) at last departed this world nouember . . being . yéeres of age , and was buried vpon the north side of the high altar in his owne church , where we sée a hansome monument of frée stone built ouer him . . thomas godwyn . thomas godwyn my déere and most reuerend father , was borne at okingham in barkshire , and brought vp first in the frée schoole there , then for a little while vnder one doctor layton deane of yorke , who sent him to dreford , and so long as he liued ( which was not past a two or thrée yéere ) exhibited vnto him there . he being taken away , it pleased god to prouide for him otherwise by raising vp friends that procured him to be chosen fellow of 〈◊〉 colledge . towards the latter ende of king edwards raigne , forsaking that place , he tooke on him the teaching of a free schoole at brackley , directing his studies partly to diuinity , and partly also to phisicke , the practise whereof in quéens maries time ( when he might not be suffred to teach any longer ) maintained him , his wife and children honestly . he receiued orders and his first spirituall preferments at the hand of bishop bollingham , then of lincolne , after of 〈◊〉 , in the beginning of her maiesties raigne that now is . by her gratious appointment , he became first deane of christchurch in oxeford in the seuenth , then of canterbury in the ninth yeere of her raigue , and lastly bishop of bathe and 〈◊〉 , being consecrate thereunto september . . hauing sate fixe yéeres , two moneths and sixe daies , he departed this mortall life nouember . . at okingham , the place where he was borne , and there lyeth buried vpon the south side of the chauncell , vnder a marble , and néere vnto a monument ( fixed in the wall ) farre more answerable vnto the ability of him that set it vp , then vnto the vertues and deserts of him to whose memory it was erected . . iohn styll . the sée hauing continued voide two yéeres and somewhat more , iohn styli doctor of diuinity , and master of trinity college in cambridge , was consecrate therunto in february . he yet liueth in the same . this bishopricke is valued in the queenes bookes at , l. and , d. and paid to the pope for an income , onely . slorens , although in those daies it were one of the richest sees of england . the deanry of welles was first erected in the time of king stephen about the yéere . as before is deliuered , and one iuo made the first deane , after whom haue succeeded these : . richard de spakeston . . alexander . . leonius . . ralph de lechlade . . peter de ciceter . . william de merton . . . ioannes sarracenus . . . gyles de brideport . . . edward de la knoll . . . thomas de button . . . william burnell . . . walter de haselshaw . . . henry husee . . . iohn de godeley . . . richard de bury . . . wibert de luttleton elect . . . walter de london . . . iohn de carlton . william de camell elect . . refused the place . . stephen de penpel . . . iohn fordham . . . thomas de sudbury . . . nicolas slake . . . thomas stanley . . . richard courtney . . . walter metford . . . iohn stafford . . iohn forest. . . nicolas carent . . . william witham . . . iohn gunthorp . . . william cosyn . . thomas winter . . . ridhard woolman . . thomas cromwell , . . william fitz-williams . . . iohn goodman . . . william turner . . . robert weston . . . valentine dale . . . iohn herbert . . the bishops of exceter . this discourse following is taken ( for the most part ) verbatim out of master iohn hookers catalogue of the bishops of exceter . the countries of deuonshire & cornwall , after their conuersion vnto christian religion , were a while vnder the iurisdiction of the bishop of the west saxons , whose see was established at dorchester . afterwards winchester being appointed a cathedrall sée about the yéere . all the west countrey was alotted to the gouernment of the bishop of that church , and so continued vnder him till that the yéere . sherborne was made a cathedrall church . two hundred yeeres they were subiect vnto the bishop of sherborne , to wit , vntill the yeere . at what time plegmund archbishop of canterbury , by the commaundement of the king ( as else where i haue declared more at large ) erected diuers new sees , namely at welles in somersetshire one , in cornewall another , and a third in deuonshire . the see of athelstan the bishop of cornwall , was for a while s. petrockes in bodmyn , and afterwards saint germanes . werstan bishop of deuonshire placed him selfe first at tawton , but soone after remooued to credyton now called kyrton : the successors of athelstan in the dioces of cornwall ( as i find ) were these : conanus . ruydocus . aldredus . britwyn . athelstan , he liued the yéere . wolfi . woronus . wolocus . stidio . adelredus . burwoldus . about the yéere . ( or soone after ) saint peters church in exceter was appointed the sée for both deuonshire , and cornwall . and hath euer since that time so continued . now to come vnto the particular history of this church you shall vnderstand , that amongst many religious houses erected heretofore in and about the city of erceter , thrée there haue béene sometimes within the seite and circuite of that place , which is now called the close of saint peters . the first of these was a house of nunnes where the deanes house & the callander nay or uicars close doo now stand : the second was a monastery for monkes supposed to be built by king 〈◊〉 the third , sonne of king ethelwo ph about the yéere . and the third was also for monkes , to witte , of the order of saint benet , founded by king athelstan , the yéere . thereabout where the east parts of the church now called the lady chappell standeth . of this foundation thus one writeth . hanc vrbem primus rex athelstanus , in potestatem anglorum effugatis britonibus redactam , turribus muniuit & moro ex quadratis lapidibus cinxit , ac antiquitus vocatum 〈◊〉 , nunc exeter vocari voluit ; ac ibisedens , mansum quoddam de dit ad fundandum monasterium pro monachis den & sancto petro famulantibus . now besides the great charges he was at in building ; he gaue also sufficient lands and reuenewes for their liuing , whereof morkshut and 〈◊〉 , be yet remaining , and are appertaining to the treasurer of the said church . but after the time of king athelstane , the danes with great hostility and cruelty hauing ouerrun this land , this city and church was much infested and troubled : for with no lesse cruelty did the danes pursue the english men and saxons , then did the saxons before pursue the britaines . and then the monkes not able to endure the same , fled and forsooke their house , séeking places of refuge and better safety . and so was this monastery lest destitute , and forsaken for sundry yéeres , vntill the time of king edgar . he making a progresse into these west partes to visite ordogarus earle of deuon . ( whose daughter he had maried ) came to this city ann . . and pittying their distressed state , restored them their house and liuelihoods ; and appointed 〈◊〉 ( who afterwards was bishop ) to be their abbot . after that , they continued together ( although in great troubles ) vntill the time of king swanus the dane . he with a great troupe and army of his danes came to this city ann . . besieged it , and at length hauing taken the same , spoyled , destroyed , and burnt both city and monastery . but yet shortly after it was againe restored ; for king 〈◊〉 being aduertised of the great cruelties done by his father 〈◊〉 : did at the request of one of his dukes named 〈◊〉 , make restitution vnto atheiuoldus then abbot , both of lands , liuings , and priuileges , as appeareth by his charter dated ann . . about thirty yeeres after this , king edward the confessor comming to exceter , by the aduise of leophricus bishop of crediton , sometimes lord chauncellor of england , and of his priuy councell , partly for the better safety of the bishop and his successors , and partly to prouide a more apt place for the monkes , translated the bishops sée from crediton to exceter , and sent the monkes to westminster . the bishop then thus remooued from the old , and placed in the new ; indoweth his new sée with the lands and liuelihoods of his former church , pulled downe the two monasteries néere adioyning , the one of nunnes , the other of monkes , and addeth them to his owne church . after leophricus his successors following his example , did euery of them for the most part indeuour the augmentation and increase of their church , some in liuelihoods , some in liberties and priuileges , some in buildings , and some in one thing , some in an other . anno . william warwest the third bishop of exceter began to enlarge his cathedrall church ( which at that time was no bigger then that part which is called the lady chappell ) and laied the foundation of that which is now thequier . anno . or there abouts william brewer 〈…〉 , and a chapter of 〈◊〉 and twenty prebendaries ; he appropriated to the deanery brampton and coliton rawleigh : for the prebendaries he purchased lands , allotting to 〈◊〉 of them , the like portion of fower pound by the yéere . anno . peter quiuill bishop , finding the chauncell of his church to be builded and finished to his hands , built the lower part or body of his church from the quier westward ; he alsos appointed a chanter and a subdeane in the church ; to the one he impropriated painton and cudleigh , and to the other the parsonage of cgloshalle in cornwall . moreouer he impropriated the parsonage of saint newlin in cornwall , and of stoke gabriell in deuonshire to the chancellor of the church for reading of a diuinity lecture . anno . iohn grandisson bishop ; did increase the length of his church from the sont westward and vaulted the roofe of the whole church , so ending and fully finishing the same . about the yéere of our lord . edmund lacy began to build the chapter house , and george 〈◊〉 finished it . the cloisters were built by the deane and chapter . hereby it appeareth that from the first foundation of this church vnder king athelstane , vntill the time that bishop graundsone 〈◊〉 the building thereof , it was aboue . yéeres , which notwithstanding , so vniformely the same is compact , as if by one and the same man it had béene plotted , begun , continued and ended . a catalogue of the bishops of deuonshire . vverstanus ( called by some adulphus ) the first bishop of deuonshire was consecrated bishop of this dioces an . . and had his sée at bishops tawton . in the yéere following , viz. . he died and was buried in his owne church . pvtta after the death of werstanus , was elected and consecrate bishop , and had his see at tawton . he tataking his iourney towards crediton to sée the king ( or as some say , vsfa the kings licutenant ) was by the said vffas men slaine . upon his death the see was remooued to crediton . eadulphus brother to 〈◊〉 duke of deuonshyre and cornewall , and founder of launceston , was consecrated bishop of deuonshire , but installed at crediton where he had his see , and continued bishop two and twenty yéeres . he died the yéere . and was buried in his owne church . ethelgarus an . 〈◊〉 . succéeded eadulphus . this ethelgarus after he had beene bishop ten yéeres ; he died and was buried in his owne church . algarus an . . after ethelgarus was constituted and installed bishop at crediton . and hauing beene bishop about ten yeeres died and was buried in his owne church . alfwoldus , as matthew of westminster writeth , was next bishop after algarus , and consecrated by the aduise of dunstane ann . . he died . and was buried in his owne church . alwolfus sate nine yéeres after alfwoldus , and was buried in his owne church . sydemanus abbot of saint peters succéeded . in this mans time the danes ouercame and spoyled the whole countries of deuonshire and cornewall , burned the towne of bodwyn , and the cathedrall church of saint petroks , with the bishops house . whereupon the bishops see was remooued from thence to s germans , in which place it continued vntill the remoouing and vniting thereof vnto crediton . sydemannus in th . yéere after his consecration died , and was buried at crediton in his owne church . alfredus ( whom dicetus calleth alfricus ) abbot of malmesbury , was consecrated bishop , & installed at crediton . he was taken for a learned man , and wrote two bookes , the one intituled de rebus coenobij sui , and the other de rerum naturis . in his time king etheldred endowed the bishopricke of saint germans with lands , liberties , and priuileges . the danes made a fresh 〈◊〉 vpon all deuonshire and cornewall , burned & spoyled the abbey of drdolphus at tauistorke , besieged exceter , and being remooued from thence , were fought withall at pynhow about . 〈◊〉 from the city and ouerthrowen . alphredus after he had beene bishop about . yeres , died an . . & was buried in his owne church . alwolfus ( as dicetus writeth ) was the next bishop . in his time sweno king of denmarke by inticement of one hugh then earle of deuonshire , came with a great hoste and besieged the city of exceter , tooke it and burned it , and with great cruelty vsed the people , vntill in the end almarus earle of deuonshire , and the gentlemen did yéeld and submit themselues , and so obtayned peace . this alwolfus about the . yéere of his bishoprick . died & was buried in his owne church . liuyngus procured the county of cornwall to be added vnto his dioces : he was consecrate . and after became bishop of worcester . sée more there . the bishops of exceter . first leofricus , a man descended of the blood and line of butus , brought vp in the land of lotharingia or loreine , was so well commended not onely for his nobilitie , but much more for his wisedome and learning ; that king edward the confessor had him in great fauour , and made him first one of the prinie councell , then chauncellor of england , and lastly ( the bishopricke of this dioces being voide ) he was preferred thereunto . by his meanes the bishops see was remooued from crediton to this citie of exceter . the yeere . ( or thereabout ) king edward the confessor comming to exeter , together with his quéene ; tooke order that the monks of saint peters should be placed at westminster ( as before is mentioned ) and remooued the episcopall see from crediton to this citie . it is remembred , that himselfe taking the bishop by the right hand , and edeth his quéene by the left , led him vp vnto the altar of his new church , and there placed him in a seate appointed for him . this bishop obtained of the same king much good land and many notable priuileges for his church . he made biuers statutes , and amongst other things , he ordained , that all his canons or prebendaries should lodge in one chamber , and take their diet at one table . he appointed them likewise a steward that should prouide them victualls daily , and once in the yéere deliuered them new clothes . this kinde of gouernment ( saith william malmesbury ) he learned in lorraine , and it is ( saith he ) continued by the posterity , although by the corruption and luxury of our time somewhat altered and decaied . after that he had well and woorthily ruled his church and diocesse , by the space of thrée and twenty yéeres , he ended his daies in peace anno . and was buried in the cemitory or churchyard of his owne church vnder a simple and a broken marble stone , which place by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his church is now within the south tower of the same , whereof of late anno. . a new monument was erected in the memory of so good , worthy , and notable a personage , by the industry of the writer hereof : but at the charges of the deane and chapter . osbertus or osbernus a normaine borne , and brother to an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 william , was preferred to this bishoprick the yéere . he was bishop . yéers , toward his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 blind , died . and was buried in his owne church . h. huntingdon , and others that 〈◊〉 him , make mention of one gaufridus bishop of erceter about this time ; but they are mistaken . it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop of constantia that ioyned with odo 〈◊〉 of kent , &c. vvilliam warewest a normaine borne , and chaplaine both to the conqueror and his two sonnes , william and henry ; a very graue and a wise man , hauing béene much imployed in sundry ambassayes , was preferred at last vnto this bishopricke by king henry the first , and consecrate thereunto in august . together with 〈◊〉 other . he first began to enlarge his church ( as aboue i haue mentioned ) & obtained from the king plympton , brampton , and saint stephens in exceter . brampton he gaue to his cathedrall church , and it was afterwards alotted vnto the deane for a part of the corps of his deanery . saint stephens with the sée belonging to the same he reserued to him selfe and to his successors , who thereby are barons and lords in the parliament . as for plympton , he gaue it vnto a monastery , which he built there for reguler cannons . in his later daies he became blind : which imperfection notwithstanding , the king thought good to send him embassador vnto pope paschalis the second , and he dispatched the bussnesse commended vnto him , to the kings great 〈◊〉 . not long after his returne , hauing small ioy of the world , he gaue ouer his bishopricke & became one of the reguler canons of his owne house at plympton , where he died . and was buried . he was bishop about . yéeres . robert chichester deane of sarisbury , was consecrated bishop ann . . he was a gentleman borne , very zelous and deuout in his religion according to the manner of those daies . he went often in pilgrimage , sometime to rome , sometime to one place , sometime to another , and euer would bring with him some one relike or other . he was also a liberall contributer to the buildings of his church . after that he had continued two and twenty yéeres , he died the yéere . and was buried in his owne church . robert warewest nephew to william warewest his predecessor and deane of salisbury , was consecrate bishop by theobaldus archbishop of canterbury ann . . after that he had occupied this sée nine yeres or thereabout , he died ann . . & was buried at plympton by his vncle . bartholomeus iscanus , otherwise bartholomew of exceter , was consecrated bishop of exceter , ann . . or rather ( as it séemeth to me ) . he was called iscanus of isca , which is one of the ancientest names of this city : a meane citizens sonne , but very well learned ; & wrote sundry bookes , as of predestination , fréewill , penance , and others . he was estéemed also very deuout , holy , and a painfull preacher . matthew paris in his report of the yéere . telleth a long tale , of a certaine strange apparition or reuelation which happened vnto him in the countrey as he visited his dioces . he was a great aduersary of thomas becket . i marueile that any such thing might be credibly reported of him . after he had béene bishop about fourteene yéeres , ann . . he died , but where he died or was buried it appeareth not . iohn the chaunter of the cathedrall church of this city , and subdeane of sarum , was consecrated bishop of this church ann . . he was well reported of for his liberality , in continuing the buildings of this church , wherein he was nothing inferior to his predecessors . hauing béene bishop about sixe yéeres , he died ann . . henry marshall archdeacon of stafford and deane of yorke , brother to william the earle marshall of england , was consecrated bishop by hubert archbishop of canterbury an . . he finished the building of his church according to the plat and foundation which his predecessors had laide , and that done , he purchased the patronage and lordship of wodbery of one albemarly , which he gaue and impropriated vnto the uicars chorall of his church . after that he had liued . yéeres in his bishopricke , he died ann . . and lieth buried in the north side of the presbytery of his church in a very faire tombe of marble . simon de apulia deane of yorke was consecrated 〈◊〉 of this sée . of him there remayneth no memoriall at all but this , that hauing béene bishop . yéeres he died an . . and was buried in his owne church . in this mans time , to wit , the yéere . the city of exceter was diuided into parishes . vvilliam brewer , very shortly after the death of the foresaid simon was elected bishop , and consecrated vpon easter day an . . a man very well borne , being brother to sir william brewer knight , the 〈◊〉 of the eldest daughter , and one of the heires to william de verona earle of deuonshire founder of the abbeyes of tor , hartland , and other monasteries . he was of the priuy councell vnder king henry the third , and greatly in fauour with him . the yéere . he trauelled into germany , to conduct thither the lady isabell the kings sister , to be married vnto fridericke the empéror : and not long after , the said emperor making a voyage into the holy land , he attended him thither . being returned home , and minding ( as his predecessors had done ) to leaue some good memoriall behind him , he made a deane , and constituted . prebendaries within his church . to the one he impropriated brampton and 〈◊〉 rawleigh ; for the others he purchased so much land , as out whereof he assigned to euery prebendary 〈◊〉 pound by the yéere , and of these he 〈◊〉 his chapter . 〈◊〉 that he had continued here ninetéene yéeres , he died anno . and lieth buried in his owne church vnder a plaine marble stone in the middle of the presbytery , not farre from the bishops see. richard blondy was consecrated . this richard was a man of a milde spirit , but very flout against such as in his time did offer any imury to the church . in his old yeeres being but a weake man , he was much carried and ruled by such as were about him . they taking the opportunity of time , vsed all the meanes they might to much themselues . his chiefest officers were one 〈◊〉 his chauncellor , 〈◊〉 his register , 〈◊〉 his official and 〈◊〉 the keeper of his scale : these , with other of the houshold , comparred amongst themselues , 〈◊〉 the bishop was yet 〈◊〉 who then lay sicke and very weake in his bed to make vnto themselues conueyances of such liuelihoods as then lay in the bishops disposition ; and accordingly made out aduousons and other such graunts , as to them seemed best : all which were foorthwith sealed and deliuered according to the orders among them concluded . these their subtill dealings were not so closely conueyed , but that the next bishop following , boulted and found the same out ; and did not onely rereuerse all their doings , but also excommunicate them ; neither were they absolued vntill they had done penance for the same at saint peters church openly vpon palme sunday being the . day of march . this bishop in the twelfe yeere of his bishoprick died , to wit , an . . and was buried in his owne church . vvalter bronescome archdeacon of surry , was consecrated vpon passion sunday march . . he was borne in the city of exeter of poore & very meane parentage . at the time of his electiō he was not priest , and therefore not capable of any such dignity : but immediately he tooke that order vpon him , and foorthwith was consecrated bishop : al which was donc within fifteen 〈◊〉 . so many digmties to be cast vpon one man in so shert a time , had not beene lightly seene . he founded the colledge of glaseney in perin in cornewall , and endowed the 〈◊〉 with faire possessions and reuenewes , being induced thereunto by a vision or dreame as himselfe reporteth in the 〈◊〉 of the same he purchased the barton of 〈◊〉 & clist , and gaue it to the hospitall of saint johns within the eastgate of the city of exceter . he instituted in his owne church the feast called gabriels feast ; and gaue a piece of land for the maintenance thereof . he also did by a policy purchase the lordship and house of clist sachfield , and enlarged the barton thereof by gayning of cornish wood from his deane and chapter fraudulently : building then a very faire and sumptuous house there ; he called it bishops clist , and 〈◊〉 the same to his successors . likewise he got the patronage of clist fomesone now called sowton , and annexed the same to his new lordship , which ( as it was said ) he procured by this meanes . he had a fryer to be his chaplaine and consellor , which died in his said house of clist , and should haue beene buried at the parish church of farryngdon , because the saide house was and is in that parish : but because the 〈◊〉 church was somewhat farre of , the waies foule , and the weather rainy , or sor some other causes , the bishop commaunded the corps to be carried to the parish church of sowton , then called clist fomeson , which is very néere and bordereth vpon the bishops lordship , the two parishes there being diuided by a little lake called clist . at this time , one 〈◊〉 a gentleman was lord and patrone of clist fomeson : and he being aduertised of such a buriall towards in his parish , and a 〈◊〉 way to be made ouer his land , without his 〈◊〉 consent required therein ; calleth his tenants togither , goeth to the bridge ouer the lake betweene the bishops land and his , there meeteth the bishops men bringing the said corps , and forbiddeth them to come ouer the water . the bishops men nothing regarding this prohibition , do presse forwards to come ouer the water , and the others do withstand so long , that in the end my lords fryer is fallen into the water . the bishop taketh this matter in such griefe , that a holy fryer , a religious man , his owne chaplaine and confessor , should so vnreuerently be cast into the water , that he falleth out with the gentleman , and vpon what occasion i know not he sueth him in the law , and so vereth and tormenteth him , that in the end he was saine to yéeld himselfe to the bishops deuotion , and seeketh all the waies he could to curry the bishops good will , which he could not obtaine , vntill for redemption , he had giuen and surrendred vp his patronage of sowton , with a piece of land : all which the said bishop annexeth to his new lordship . thus by policy he purchaseth the mannor of bishops clist , by a deuise gayneth cornish wood , and by power wresteth the patronage of sowton from the true ownor . this bishop after he had occupted this see about . yeeres , died july . . and was buried in his owne church , in a sumptuous tombe of alabaster standing vpon the south side of the entrance into the lady chappell . upon it this epitaphe following is yet to be séene . olim syncerus pater , omni dignus amore , primus walterus magno 〈◊〉 hic in honore . edidit hic plura 〈◊〉 laude statuta , quae tanquam 〈◊〉 seruant hic omnia tuta . atque hoc collegium quod glaseney plebs vocat omnis , condidit egregmm , pro voce data sibi somnis . quot loca construxit , 〈◊〉 quot bona 〈◊〉 , quam sanctam duxit vitam , vox dicere quae scit ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gens exomensis , et chorus & turbae , quod natus in hac fuit vrbe . plus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , festum 〈◊〉 gabrielis . gaudeat in 〈◊〉 pater iste fidelis . peter quiuill ann . . was consecrated bishop of erceter . he first instituted a chaunter and a subdeane in this church . to the one he impropriated painton , & chidleigh , and to the other the rectory of eglosheyl in cornewall . he was a liberall and a speciall benefactor to the hospitall of saint iohns in exceter , as well in goods as in liuelyhoods . he first began to enlarge and encrease his church from the chauncell downewards , and layed the foundation thereof . in his time ann . . walter lichlade the first chaunter , was slame in a morning as he came from the morning seruice then called the mattens which was woont to be said shortly after midnight , vpon which occasion the king earne vnto this city , and kept his christmas in the same : and thereupon a composition was made betweene the bishop and the city , for inclosing of the church yard , and building of certaine gates there , as appeareth by the said composition bearing date , in festo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mariae , . the king at 〈◊〉 sute of the earle of hereford , ( who at his 〈◊〉 here , was lodged in the house of the gray friers , which then was neere the house of saint nicholas ) obtained of the bishop , that they should be remooued from thence to a 〈◊〉 wholesome place without south gate ; whereof after the kings departure grew some controuersie , because the bishop resused to performe his promise made to the king . this man also impropriated the parish of saint 〈◊〉 , and the 〈◊〉 of stoke gabriell , and vnited the same to the office of the chauncellor of the cathedrall church , that the said chauncellor should continually read a lecture within the said city of diuinity , or of the decretals . in the eleuenth yeere of his bishopricke he died , being choked in drinking of a 〈◊〉 . ann . . he was buried in the middle of the lady chappell . upon his toombe is written , 〈◊〉 tegit petrum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the franciscanes or gray friers of this city , imputed his death to his hard dealing with them . for whereas he had promised the king to prouide a conuenient place sor them to build their house in , and had willed their warden , named deodatus to seeke out and make inquiry for the same ; yet notwithstanding when he had so doone , because the same was in his sée , swaruing from his said promise , he vtterly denied to performe the same , being diswaded by peter kenefield , a dominicane or a blacke frier , and 〈◊〉 vnto the said bishop : for he enuying the good successe of the franciscanes , aduiseth the bishop , that in no wise he 〈◊〉 permit them to enioy the place which they had gotten . 〈◊〉 ( saith he ) as vnder colour of simplicity , they créepe into the harts of the people , and hinder vs poore preachers from our gaines and liuings ; so be ye sure that if they put foote 〈◊〉 your liberties , they will in time find meanes to be 〈◊〉 from out of your liberty and iurisdiction . the bishop being soone diswaded , vtterly forbiddeth them to build , or to doo any thing within his sée or liberty . about two yéeres after , the bishop kept a great feast vpon the sundaynext before saint francis day ; and among others , was present with him one walter winborne , one of the kings chiefe justices of the bench , who was present when the bishop at the request of the king made promise to further & helpe the franciscanes . he now in their behalfe , did put the bishop in mind thereof , and requested him to haue consideration both of his owne promise , and their distresse . the bishop misliking this motion waxed angry , and did not onely deny to yeeld thereunto , but wished himselfe to be choked what day soeuer he did consent vnto it . it fortuned that the same weeke , and vpon the day of saint francis eue , the bishop tooke a certaine sirope to drinke , & in too hasty swallowing thereof , his breath was stopped , and he foorthwith died . the franciscanes hearing thereof , made no little adoo about this matter , but blased it abroad , that saint francis wrought this miracle vpon the bishop , because he was so hard against them . thomas bitton deane of welles , the yere following was elected bishop , and the see of canterbury being voyd . he was consecrated by i. roman archbishop of yorke . he left no memoriall of any great things done by him , sauing that he continued the building of his church . fourteene yéeres after that he had occupied this see , he died september . . and was buried vnder a faire marble inlayed with brasse before the high aultar . vvalter stapleden , a man learned , wise , and of great parentage , was consecrate bishop of exceter march . the inthronization or installation of bishops was a ceremony of great solemnity in these 〈◊〉 ; the particularity whereof it shall not be 〈◊〉 once for all to describe in this man. at eastgate he alighted from his horse , and went on foote to saint peters church . all the way where he should passe being laid and couered with black cloth ; on each hand he was conducted by a gentleman of great 〈◊〉 ; and sir hugh 〈◊〉 ( who 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 of this 〈◊〉 ) went next before him . at broade gate he was receaued by his chapter and quier in their ornaments , with te deum , and so caried into the church . the vsuall ceremonies being performed there , at his pallace a great feast was prepared , for the entertainement of such noblemen and other parsonages of account as repaired hither at that time . it is incredible how many oxen , tunnes of ale , and wine , are said to haue béene vsually spent at this kind of solemnity . euen so much , as the whole yéerely reuenue at this time would not suffice to pay for . this bishop was greatly in fauour with king edward the second , who made him first of his priuy councell , then lord treasurer of england , and imploied him in diuers embassages of great importance . the yéere . he was sent embassadour to the french king , and ioyned in commission with the quéene , for the conclusion of a peace betweene these two princes . that being ordered and brought to passe according to his desire , he returned home , leauing the quéene with the french king her brother , to perfect and finish the agréement already made . she whether weary of her hust and , or prouoked by the insolency of the spencers and other fauorites about the king ; had long since determined to depose her husband from the kingdome , if possibly she might ; and to set vp her sonne prince edward . hauing therefore rid away this bishop , whose loialty and faithfullnesse to his soueraigne she well knew was vnmooueable ; she began to put in practise the execution of this long plotted designement , and in the end ( to be short ) exploited the same . while these matters were a brewing , it happened the king to take his iourney to bristow ; and he thought good to commit the gouernment and custody of the citie of london to the fidelity of this bishop . at what time therefore the quéene began to approach néere vnto the city with her power , he required the maior to send vnto him the keies of the gates . the commons ( who altogether fauoured the quéenes party ) hearing this , and perceauing the bishop purposed to withstand her ; set vpon him violently , drew him into cheape side , and beheaded him there , together with sir richard stapleton a knight his brother . then they caried his body to his house without temple bar , and buried if basely in a heape of sand , in the backside of the same house . in this sort did this woorthy prelate loose his life , in defence of his prince , and that by their meanes , who of all other were bound in the strongest bands of duty and alleageance to haue done as he did , i meane the queene and the prince her sonne . they shortly after , whether regarding his calling , or destring to make semblance of disliking the manner of his death , or happily mooued with some remorse of conscience , commanded his body to be taken from the place where it was first 〈◊〉 , and being conueighed to exceter , with all funerall pompe , there to be solemnly enterred . he lieth 〈◊〉 vpon the north side of the high altar , in a faire toombe of free stone : and his brother before mentioned lieth ouer against him in the north wall of the north isle . this murther was committed october . and his funerals were solemnised at exceter march . following . the yéere . he erected two houses in oxford for the better increase and aduancement of learning ; the one named hart hall , the other stapledons inne , now called exceter college ; in which he placed thirteene fellowes , and a rector , whom he appointed to be chosen annually . this foundation is much encreased of late yeeres , by the liberality of sir william peter , late principall secretary , and others . moreouer it is to be remembred , that he was a speciall benefactor vnto the hospitall of saint johns in exceter , to which he impropriated for the releeuing of certaine poore children , the rectory or personage of ernscombe . iames barkley descēded of the noble house of the lord burkley , was consecrated march . anno . by walter raynold archbishop of canterbury at the commanndement of 〈◊〉 the queene . the pope very angry here withall , did so 〈◊〉 the archbishop , as he died for griefe and anger soone after . neither did the new consecrate bishop stay long behinde him : for he died also the . of june following . a man reputed very godly and wise . he was buried ( as some say in his owne church , but others deliuer that he neuer came hither at all . iohn grandesson , being in italy with pope iohn the . after the death of iohn barkley , he at the kings request bestowed this bishopricke vpon him , and caused him tobe consecrate at rome october . . he was borne and descended of the auncient house of the grandessons , dukes of burgundy . his father was named gilbert , the brother of otho , the great lord grandesson ; which gilbert 〈◊〉 into this land , was well intertained by the king and nobility . by meanes of henry earle of lancaster ( with whom he came into england ) he maried the lady 〈◊〉 , daughter and one of the heires to iohn tregos lord of the castle of ewias néere hereford east , and by her had issue fiue sonnes and foure daughters , of which this bishop was one , who was borne in the parish of aishpertone in the dioces of hereford . he was from his childhood very studious , became earned , and wrote diuers bookes , one intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an other 〈◊〉 minores , and a third de vitis sar ctorum . he was also very graue , wise , and politike . and thereby grew into such credit with pope iohn , that he was not onely of his priuy counsell , but also his nuntio or embassadour in matters of great waight and unportance , to the emperor , to the king of spaine , fraunce , england , and other the mightiest princes of christendome . being on a time sent in an embassage to king edward the third ; he so behaued him selfe , that the king neuer ceased vntill he had procured him from the pope , and then he gaue him the archbeaconry of nothingham and other great liuings ; he made him one of the priuy councell , and in the end preferred him to his bishopricke . after this , some matter of dislike falling out betwéene pope clement the sixt , and the king , he for his approued wisedome , was sent in ambassage to the pope , ann . . for an intreaty of a peace , and an amity betwéene 〈◊〉 to be had ; and with such wisedome he did his message , that he obtained his purpose , and made a reconciliation . after his returne home to his bishopricke , he spent his time altogether in adorning and beautifying of his church , or building and erecting some good monument or other . he founded the colledge of s. mary otrey , and endowed the same with great and goodly liuelihoods ; he was a liberall benefactor to the uicars chorall of his owne church , as also to the colledge of glaseney in peryn : he builded the two last arches in the west end of his church , vaulted the roofe of all the church , and fully ended the buildings of the same . leauing it in such sort , as we sée it at this day . thē also he inriched it with plate and other ornaments of inestimable value . moreouer he built a faire house at bishops taingtonwhich he left full furnished vnto his successors , and did impropriate vnto the same the parsonage of radway , to the ende ( as he setteth downe in his testament ) vt haberent episcopi locum vbi caput suum 〈◊〉 , si forte in manum regis eorum 〈◊〉 caperentur . before his death he made his last will , wherein he gaue such large and bouteous legacies , to the pope , emperor , king , queene , archbishop , bishops , colledges , churches , and to sundry parsons of high estates and callings ; that a man would maruell considering his great and chargeable buildings and workes otherwise , how and by what meanes he could haue attained to such a masse of wealth and riches . he was alwaies very frugall , kept no more men or horses about him then necessary , and euer despised the vanity of all outward pompe . but this it was not that enabled him to performe these great workes , and yet to leaue so much money behind him . he procured an order to be taken , that all ecclesiasticall persons of his diocesse , at the time of their deaths , should leaue and bequeath their goods to him , or to some other in trust towards his chargeable buildings , or otherwise to be bestowed in pios vsus at his discretion . this was the meanes wherby he grew to this infinite wealth and riches . he died july . . hauing sate bishop here almost . yeeres , and was buried in a chappell which he built in the wall of the west end of his church . his funerals by his owne commaundement were performed without any mannerof pompe or extraordinary solemnity : in so much as he allowed not either his seruants , executors or néerest kinsfolkes any mourning clothes at all . see more of him in simon mepham of canterbury . thomas brentingham the kings 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 & calis , was at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chosen bishop of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 . he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and was 〈◊〉 vnto the 〈◊〉 vpon 〈◊〉 : . of march ann . . he was a man very well learned , expert as well in politique gouernment , as ecclesiasticall matters , and in both these respects greatly reuerenced and esteemed . for which cause , at the parliament holden at westminster in the tenth yéere of king richard the second , he was chosen to be one of the twelue péeres of the realme vnder the king . he was a benefactor to the callenderhay of the uicars chorall of his owne church , supplied in buildings and otherwise what his predecessors had left vndone , & hauing been bishop . yeres , died at clist the third of december an . & was buried in the north side of the body of his owne church , in a little chappell standing betwéene two pillers . edmund stafford , brother to ralph earle of stafford , was consecrate bishop of exceter june . . he was chauncellor of england vnder king edward the third . at the parliament holden at westminster the one and twentieth yéere of king richard the second , he being speaker of the higher house , made a very learned and pithie oration to proue the absolute authority of a king . his theame was rex vnus erit omnibus ; and hauing discoursed at large to that purpose , did conclude , quod potestas regis esset sibi 〈◊〉 annexa & solida ; and whosoeuer did by any meanes impeach the same , poena legis merito essee plectendus . for the 〈◊〉 of good letters , he did increase two fellowships in the colledge of stapledons iune in oxford , reformed the statutes of the house , and altered the name of it , calling it erceter colledge . after that he had continued bishop in much honor about thrée and twenty yéeres , he died the fourth of september , being the seuenth yéere of king henry the fift , and lyeth buried in his owne church in a very faire tombe of alabaster vpon the north side of the entrance into the ladis chappell . iames cary bishop of lichfield , being at florence when newes was brought to pope martyn the fift of bishop staffords death ; was then and there made bishop of this church an . . he inioyed not long this place , for he died and was buried there . edmund laey bishop of hereford was translated from thence vnto this church about easter an . . a man very deuont and religious , but subiect to 〈◊〉 , who carried him to their pleasure . great contentions were betwéene him and the city for liberties , which by arbitrement were compounded . he built the chapter house in his owne church , and was a liberall benefactor vnto the uicars of calenderhay . hauing continued in this see . yéeres , he died . and lyeth buried in the north wall of the presbytery vnder a plaine marble tombe , where many miracles are said to haue beene wrought , and are ascribed to his helines . george neuill was consecrated nouemb. . an . . he finished the chapter house which his predecessor had begun . and after that he had beene bishop about tenne yeeres , was remooued to yorke . see more of him in yorke . iohn boothe batcheler of the ciuill law was consecrated vpon the two and twentith day of february an . he gouerned his church very well , and builded ( as some suppose ) the bishops sée in the quier : but being weary of the great troubles which were in this countrey betwéene king edward the fourth and the earle of warwicke , he remooued from hence to his house of horsleigh in hampshire , where he died vpon the first day of aprill an . . & lieth buried at saint elements in london . peter courtmay bishop of exceter , was 〈◊〉 in nouember an . . at saint stephans in westminster . he was translated from this church vnto winchester in the ninth yéere of his being bishop here . 〈◊〉 more in winchester . richard foxe succéeded him , and hauing continued bishop here . yéeres , he was translated first to welles and after to winchester . see more in winchester . oliuer king was consecrate bishop of this church in february . he also was remooued to bathe , hauing sate here thrée yéeres . sée more in bathe . richard redman doctor of diuinity , and bishop of saint assaph became bishop of this church : from whence he was remooued to ely in september . see more in ely. iohn arundell descended of the ancient and most worshipfull house of the arundels of lanherne in cornewall , was translated from 〈◊〉 to this church in the ende of the yéere . he died at london the yéere . and was buried at saint clements church without temple barre , vpon the south side of the high altar , vnder a toombe of marble inlaid with brasse . hvgh oldam was preferred vnto this bishoprick by the meanes of the lady margaret countesse of richmond , whose chaplaine he was . a man of more zeale then knowledge , and more deuotion then learning ; somewhat rough in spéeche , but in deede and action friendly . he was carefull in the sauing and defending of his liberties , for which continual sutes were betwéene him and the abbot of tauestocke . he was also liberall to the uicars chorall of his church , and reduced them to the kéeping of commons : towards the maintenance whereof , he gaue them certaine reuenewes and impropriated vnto them the rectory of cornwood . albeit he suere not very well learned ; yet a great fauourer and a furtherer of learning he was . once he had intended to haue inlarged exceter colledge in oxeford , as well in building as in reuenewes ; but being denied a fellowship there which he had earnestly requested in the behalfe of one atkins , he altered his determination , and contributed largely toward the foundation of corpus christi colledge , whereof he is esteemed ( and worthily ) the principall benefactor . he chanced to dye excommunicate at the sute of the abbot of tauistock june . . and might not be buried vntill an absolution was procured from rome . he lyeth in a chappel of his owne building , cast out of the vppermost ende of the south wall of the church , where he hath a sumptuous & faire monument . iohn 〈◊〉 otherwise harman , succéeded oldham by the preferment of k. henry the eight , whose chaplaine he then was , and deane of his chappell , as also of his church . he was doctor of the lawes , very well learned , wise , and in great fauor with the king , who sent him sundry times in embassages to forraine princes . he was lord president of wales , and had the gouernment of the kings onely daughter the lady mary princesse of wales . of all the bishops in the land , he was accounted the best courtier , and although he were well reported for his learning , yet better liked for his courtlike behauior , which in the end turned not so much to his credite as to the vtter ruine and spoyle of the church . for of two and twenty lordships and mannours which his predecessors had left vnto him of a goodly yéerely reuenew , he left but thrée , and them also leased out : and where he found thirteene houses well furnished , he left onely one house bare and without furniture , and yet charged with sundry fees and annuities . by these meanes , this bishopricke , which sometimes was counted one of the best , is now become in temporall lands one of the meanest . he was a great fauourer of learned men , and especially of diuines , whom he preserred in his church aboue others , he was very bounteous and liberall vnto all men , but especially vnto courtiers , vnto his owne kindred and countreymen . he bestowed much also , as wel paines as cost , in building sutton coltstil ( the towne where he was borne ) in procuriug the same to be incorporate , and endeuouring to set vp the making of 〈◊〉 there , all which prooued to little purpose as i haue heard . in his time , after the death of king henry the eight , there was an alteration of religion by king edward the sixt , whereof ensued rebellion and a commotion in this diocesse , which in some part was imputed to this bishop , because he lay farre from his diocesse and dwelled in his owne countrey . whereupon , he resigned the bishopricke into the kings hands , after he had béene bishop about thirty yéeres , and liued by the rents of the temporality of the bishopricke , which when he 〈◊〉 he did reserue vnto himselfe for terme of his owne life . after the depriuation of miles couerdale in quéene maries time , he was restored to his church , and for the better setling of the romish religion , did here stay for a while : but his minde was so addided to his owne countrey , that he returned thither shortly after , and made his onely abode there , practising what he could , to settle there the making of 〈◊〉 . but whether it were that that kind of trade fitteth not that countrey , or that god would not blesse a practise founded vpon such horrible sacriledge , it fell out in triall to be more chargeable then profitable , and so was soone giuen ouer . this man being very olde , died in a pang at sutton 〈◊〉 before mentioned the yéere . and was buried there . miles couerdale after the resignation of voysye , was by king edward made bishop of this city , and consecrate an . . after that he had béene bishop about . yéeres , king edward died , & then quéene mary hauing the crowne , the religion was altered and he depriued . for a farther discourse of his life , and especially his deliuerance out of prison at the sute and importunate request of the king of denmarke , i commend the reader vnto master foxe . of his death onely thus much , that not caring to returne to his bishopricke , in the beginning of her maiestie that now raigneth , he setled himselfe at london , and there leading a priuate life , he died at last a very old man , and was buried in saint magnus church . iames turbeuill a gentleman well borne ( bishop voysey being dead ) was consecrate an . . he was very careful to recouer some part of the lands of his bishoprick which his predecessor wasted , and did obtaine of queene mary to him and his successors the seefarme of the mannor of crediton . after that he had beene bishop about two yeeres , quéene mary died , he was displaced , and after lead a priuate life many yeeres . vvilliam alley reader of diuinity in the cathedrall church of saint paule , was consecrate bishop of exceter an . he lieth buried vnder a large marble towards the south side of the presbytery . vvilliam bradbridge doctor of diuinity and deane of salisbury was consecrate march . . he died in a manner suddenly at newton ferries june . . and was buried in the north side of the high altar neere bishop lacy , in which place there is a seemely monument of freestone built ouer him . iohn wolton cannon residensary of the church of exceter , was consecrate in the beginning of aug. . he sate bishop almost . yéeres , died march . . and lieth buried toward the southside of the presbytery néer theplace where we see a monument of touch and free stone erected vnto the memory of him . geruase babington doctor of diuinity and bishop of landaffe was translated to this church in february . and hence to worceter october . vvilliam coton doctor of diuinity and cannon resident of paules , was consecrate in nouember . this bishopricke by a new valuation rated in the daies of king edward the sixt , is now esteemed in the exchequer but at , l. yet paid heretofore vnto the pope after . ducats . foelix first bishop of norwich . a catalogue of the bishops of norwich collected ( for the most part ) out of m. alexander neuill his norwicus , by r. t. sigebert king of the east angles , after the death of corpwald returning out of frannce ( where he liued in banishment ) and obtayning his kingdome , brought with him one foelix a burgundian ( with whom he had liued familiarly during the time of his eryle ) and made him bishop of the east angles ; which conuerting the people to the faith of christ , had his sée at dunwich . when he had béene bishop . yéeres , he died ann . . and was buried at soham , now called some , a monastery , afterward destroied by the danes : his body was then remooued to kamsey . after him succéeded thomas which sate fiue yeeres . bonifacius . yéeres . bissus after the death of bonifacius was preferred to this dignity , after whose decease , the bishopricke which before was but one , was diuided into two , the one hauing his sée at elmham , the other at dunwich . the bishops of elmham , were . bedwyne . . northbertus . . headewlacus . . neathilferthus . . eanferethus . . athelwolph . . alcarus . . sybba . . humferthus . . humbyrctus . . weremundus . . wilredus . the bishops of dunwich , were . acceius . . astwolfus . . aerdredus . . cutherinus . . aldberthus . . eglasius . . heardredus . . aelphunus . . tydferthus . . weremundus . . wylredus . in this estate it remained vnto the time of humbertus bishop of elmham , and wylred bishop of dunwich , at what time it was restored to the former estate , and of two vnited againe into one . athelfus being the first which enioyed the same in the time of king edwyn , and had his sée at elmham , after whom succéeded : . alfridus . . theodredus . . theodredus . . athelstanus . . algarus . . alwynus . . alfricus , he died . . alyfreius . . stigandus . after that alfreius was dead , stigandus 〈◊〉 him . he enioying the place but a short time , was depriued . . grinketellus . the like happened to grinketellus , which being conuicted to haue vsed vnlawfull meanes in obtaining this dignity , was likewise depriued , and stigandus restored vnto it againe . this stigandus was after bishop of winchester and archbishop of canterbury . see more of him in canterbury . . egelmare . stigandus being so preferred , found a meanes also to procure the bishopricke of the east saxons vnto egelmare his brother . all these vntill the time of william the conquerour had their sées at elmham . arfastus the first bishop of thetford . king william the first substituted his chapleine arfastus in the place of eglemarus , by whose aduise the sée was translated from elmham to thetford . william herbert last of thetford and first bishop of norwich . next after him , william herbert obtained this dignity : a man very famous for his excellent learning . he was borne at oxford . his father was robert is de losinge abbot of winchester . this herbertus being pryor of the monastery of fiscanum in normandy , came into england at the request of william rufus , and liuing in the court for a time , behaued himselfe in such sort , that he was not onely entierly beloued of the king , but obtained many great gists at his hands : in so much , that within the space of thrée yéeres , he had so feathered his nest , that he bought for his father the abbacy of winchester , and for himselfe this bishopricke , paying to the king for the same as it is reported the summe of , l. for satisfaction of which symony , this pennance was enioyned him by 〈◊〉 the pope , that he should erect diuers churches and 〈◊〉 as hereafter it is declared . he translated the see from thetford to norwich , and built there the cathedrall church at his owne charges , laying the first stone of the foundation with his own hands , as this elogium declareth , which he caused to be ingrauen vpon the wall : 〈◊〉 primum hums temph 〈◊〉 , dominus herebertus posuit in nomine patris & 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 sancti , amen . this church he dedicated to the blessed trinity , endowing it with great lands and possessions . bookes , and all other necessaries . hauing finished it , according to his mind , he then determineth to build an house for himselfe ( for as yet he had none in norwich , the see being so lately remoued from thetford ) and therefore on the north side of the church , he founded a stately pallace . againe he built fine churches ; one ouer against the cathedrall church on the other side of the riuer called saint 〈◊〉 , another at norwich also , another at elmham , a fourth at lynne , and a fist at yermouth he departed this life july . in the yeere of our lord , . and was buried in his cathedrall church of norwich by the high aulter . . euerard . herbert being dead , euerard archdeacon of salisbury was consecrate bishop of norwich june . . which dignity although he enioyed a long space , yet time the deuourer of all things , hath left nothing of him to our remembrance , but that when he had gouerned his church . yeeres he ended this life october . . . william turbus . after him succéeded william turbus , a norman by birth , being in his youth a monke in norwich , and afterwards prior there . in his time the cathedrall church of norwich was burned by casuall fire . he died in the . yeere of his consecration the . of ianuary . . iohannes oxoniensis . in the yéere of our lord . iohn of oxford deane of salisbury was elect bishop of norwich . this man finished the church , which herbert ( being preuented by death ) had left vnperfected . he builded diuers hospitals for impotent & diseased people . he founded trinity church at 〈◊〉 , and reedified diuers houses which were by fire 〈◊〉 . he died the . yéere of his consecration june . . and was buried neere to the high aulter . in his time the cathedrall church was againe defaced with fire in the second yeere of king iohn . . iohannes de grey . iohn de grey was nert preferred to this place . he was a man well seene in the lawes of the realme , wise , and of great integrity . in regard hereof , king iohn was very desirous to haue made him archbishop of canterbury . sée more of that matter in stephen langton of canterbury . he built that goodly hall at gaywood , and the rest of the housing adioyning ; sate about . yeeres , died néere poytiers in his returne from rome , nouember . . and was buried in his owne church . . pandulfus . after the death of iohn de grey , the sée was 〈◊〉 for the space of seuen yéeres , after which time , 〈◊〉 the popes legate was elected to the same by the cotent . he was consecrate at rome by honorius the pope ann . . and died the fift yéere of his consecration , the . of august . after his death the sée was void againe for the space of thrée yéeres . . thomas de blundeuill . thomas de blundeuill an officer of the exchequer was then preferred vnto the bishopricke of norwich by the meanes of hubert de burgo that famous chiefe justice of england , and consecrate december . . he died august . . . radulphus . after bishop blundeuill , william raleigh is said to haue succeeded immediately . but matthew westminster witnesseth that one radulphus was consecrate october . . and died the yéere following . . william de raleigh . the bishopricke was then voyd by the space almost of . yeeres . the couent had chosen orderly for their pastor symon the prior of their church , a graue and reuerend man , not iustly to be excepted against : yet it pleased the king to mislike him , and easily procured their election to be 〈◊〉 . a cannon of paules william de raleigh at last obtained the same , . within a short time after , the monkes of winchester required him for their bishop , and at last after many great 〈◊〉 , obtained him , the king all that euer he might resisting the same . sée more of him in winchester . walter de sufield . walter de sufield succéeded , a man highly commended for his excellent learning . he founded the hospitall of saint giles in norwich , indowing it with lands and great possessions . he built also the chappell of our 〈◊〉 in the cathedrall church , and in the same chappell was afterward buried . moreouer , it is remembred of him , that in a time of great dearth he sold his plate , and distributed the money euery whit vnto the poore . he was consecrate the yéere . and died may . . at colchester , but was buried as aboue said , in which place diuers miracles are reported to haue béene wrought , and are ascribed to his holinesse . . simon de wanton . simon de wanton the kings chaplaine , and one of his justices , was consecrate bishop of norwich march . . when he had sate . yéeres , he died and was buried by his predecessor . this man obtayned licence of the pope to hold all his former liuings in commendam for sower yéeres . . rogerus de skerwyng . rogerus de skerwyng was the next bishop of norwich , being preferred thereunto an . . in his time there was a dangerous sedition raysed betweene the citizens of norwich and the monks of the cathedral church ; the history whereof is briefly this : in a faire that was kept before the gates of the priory , there happened a fray , in which some seruants of the couent flew certaine citizens . a jury being empanncied hereupon , found them guilty , and the officers tooke order for the apprehending of the murtherers if they might be met withall . the monkes greatly offended herewith , first excommunicated the citizens , then shutting the gates ; not onely prepared themselues to defence , but also began to offend the other , shooting at the passengers first , and afterward issuing out of their gates , killing diuers persons and spoyling many houses . the citizens greatly incensed herewith , fired the gates , entred the monastery , and after a long conflict , a great number being flaine on both sides preuayled , rifled the priory , and set fire on the same in diuers places at once . this fire consumed not onely the celles and offices of the monkes ; but the almes house also , the steeple , and greatest part of the cathedrall church . the king hearing of this tumult ( king henry the third ) with all speede posted thither , and caused diuers citizens to be hanged , drawen and quartered ; amongst the rest that were executed , a woman that first carried fire to the gates was burned . the monkes for their part appealed to rome , and so handled the matter , that they not onely escaped punishment , but also forced the citizens to pay them . markes after . markes a yeere towarde the reparation of their church , and to present them with a pare of gold of seuen pound waight . this end was made by king edward the first ( his father being now dead ) at the request and solicitation of the bishop , who died an . . hauing sate . yeeres . . william middleton . after him succéeded william middleton archdeacon of canterbury . he reedified the church , being so destroyed and prophaned in the time of bishop roger , and hallowed the same in the presence of the king and many of his nobles . in the . yeere of his consecration , he departed this life the last of august . . radulphus de walpoole . in his roome randulph de walpoole was elected by the monkes , and consecrated . when he had gouerned with great commendation the space of yeeres , he was by boniface the pope translated to ely , and liued scarce three yeeres after his translation . see more in ely. . iohn salmon . the pope hauing translated radulph to ely , placed in the see of norwich one iohn salmon pryor of ely. the yéere . he became lord chauncellor 〈◊〉 england , and continued so about 〈◊〉 yéeres . this bishop built the great hall , and the chappell in the bishops pallace , 〈◊〉 a chappell at the west ende of the church , in which he ordayned fower priests to 〈◊〉 masse continually . he died in the monastery of folkstan an . . july . . gulielmus ayerminus . it is reported by some , that after the death of bishop salmon , robert baldooke king edwards chauncellor , was elected by the monkes and receiued his temporalties the yéere . but it seemeth likelier ( which other affirme ) that he renounced his election of his owne accord . william 〈◊〉 by the popes authority , was then placed in this sée , and made chauncellor by the king . he gaue two hundred pound for order to be taken that two monkes ( the cellerers of the couent ) should alwaies sing masse for his soule . hauing sate almost . yeres , he died march . at 〈◊〉 neere london . . anthony de beck . after him anthony de beck doctor of diuinity , 〈◊〉 to the court of rome obtayned this dignity at the popes hands . this man behaued himselfe so imperiously in the place , that he bereaued the monkes of diuers auncient & long enioyed priuiledges , suffring them to do nothing but what seemed good vnto him , plucking downe and preferring amongst them whom he listed . neither could he onely be content thus to tyrannize ouer them but 〈◊〉 to haue his acctions reformed or called in question by any others he openly withstood robert winchesley archbishop of canterbury in his visitation ; affrming , that he would not answer to those things which were obiected against him , vnlesse it were at that court of rome . this boysterous and vnruly 〈◊〉 purchased him such hatred of all men , that at the last he was poysoned by some of his owne seruants . . gulielmus bateman . vvilliam bateman doctor of the ciuill lawe ; borne at norwich , and archdeacon of the same , was next elected bishop by the 〈◊〉 consent of the whole couent : a man of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so great constancy , that he could not by any meanes be brought to impaire and diminish the priuileges and liberties of his church , although he were oftentimes by many of the nobility 〈◊〉 thereunto : alway to the vttermost of his power resisting and punishing the sacrilegious drifts of them , which attempted the same . amongst the rest it is remembred , that the lord morly hauing killed certaine deere in one of his parkes , and ill intreated his kéepers , he forced the noble man , to cary a burning taper in his hand through the streetes of norwich vnto the high altar . though the king became an earnest intercessor for him , yea mingling sometimes threates with requests ; nothing could mooue the bishop from following his determined course . furthermore , whereas the estate of his bishopricke was very litigious before his time , he neuer rested , vntill he had rid it from all 〈◊〉 and contention , obtaining also of pope clement all the fruits and reuenues of the vacant churches in norwich , which he left vnto his successors . he builded trinity hall in cambridge , giuing certaine lands for the maintainance thereof , and prouoking other mē to imitate his good example ; he perswaded one gonwell to found another hall in the same vniuersity , which of late at the costs and charges of iohn caius a learned phisition , hath béene very much enlarged . at what time king edward the third laid claime first vnto the crowne of fraunce , he made choise of this bishop to informe the pope of his title . in this voiage he died at auinion the yéere . in this mans time happened that great plague memorable in all our histories , whereof ( as some doubt not to affirme ) there died so 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the city of norwich there died ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to the number of . persons 〈◊〉 the first of ianuary and the first of july . . thomas percy . henry duke of lancaster bearing a great affect on 〈◊〉 thomas percy brother to the earle of nortumberland , 〈◊〉 of the pope ( for the monks refused him ) that this dignity 〈◊〉 be vestowed vpon him . this 〈◊〉 gaue vnto the repairing of the church ( which in his time was greatly defaced with a violent tempest ) the some of 〈◊〉 hundred markes , and obtained of the rest of the cleargy a great 〈◊〉 to the same purpose . he departed this 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 yéere of his consecration , and 〈◊〉 to the chaunter of the church of norwich , a house and certaine lands lying within the lordship of 〈◊〉 caerlton , 〈◊〉 , granthorp , and 〈◊〉 , vpon condition , he should procure masse daily to be said for his 〈◊〉 . . henricus spencer . the 〈◊〉 of his death swiftly flying beyond the seas , came vnto the eares of one spencer , a gentleman greatly estéemed for his valour and skill in martiall 〈◊〉 , that serued the pope at that time in his warres : of him with small intreaty , be obtained this dignity , for a brother of his named henry , a man of his own profession , which of a soldier being made a bishop , came into england , march . . was consecrate in his owne church , by the archdeacon of norwich . changing then his vesture , but no : his conditions , in what manner of life he spent his youth , in the same he most delighted euen in his 〈◊〉 yéeres . and being a better butcher then a shepheard , he procured the popes authority for leauying an army ; which ( not with standing the kings commaundement to the contrary ) 〈◊〉 transported into the low 〈◊〉 . and after that he has 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 an army of . thousand , and burnt the townes of 〈◊〉 , dunkyrke , newport , with certaine others : he returned againe into england , where shortly after occasion was giuen of employing his valure at home to better purpose . the yeere . the commons of this realme arose in diuers parts , and appointed them selues captaines , as wat tyler , iacke 〈◊〉 , &c. and amongst the rest , the commons of suffolke and norfolke made one iohn lyster their leader , a dier of norwich , and called him the king of the commons . this fellow endeuouring to ioyne his power with the rest that were now at london , conducting them thither ward , by the way they determined to haue surprised william vfford earle of suffolke , and hauing him , to vse his name for the setting forward of their diuelish intents . missing of him , they seased vpon all the knights they could find , & made them sweare to assist them . one there was named sir robert sale , that seeming to 〈◊〉 their dooings , had his braines stricken out , by one of his owne bondmen . amongst the rest , that terrified by his example , were glad to dissemble , sir stephen hales , a comely gentleman , was chosen to be the caruer forsooth of this goodly king . but to proceede , being now on their way , they determined to send in a message vnto the king , two knights , sir w. morley and sir iohn brewes with three arch-rebels . these happened to be encountred with their bishop , at a towne called 〈◊〉 , not far from new market . being at his mannor of burle neere ockam castle , he heard of this 〈◊〉 , & determined to ride thither where he vnderstood they were assembled . at what time he came to 〈◊〉 , he had in his company but onely eight speares , and a few archers : notwithstanding , the weaknesse of his forces he boldly inquired of the knights , whether any of the kings traitors were there : they dissembled a while for scare , but after , told him plainely , that two notorious rebels were at the inne and the third was gone into the towne , to take order for their dinner . these he presently layed hold vpon , and without more adoo , cut off their heads , which he caused to be set vpon poales at new market thence he hasted toward northwalsham , where he vnderstoode the rebels had determined to make some stay . by the way diuers gentlemen that had hid themselues , ioyned with him , so that by that time he 〈◊〉 there , he had a reasonable company 〈◊〉 him , with that company ( such as it was ) he set vpon them , who had 〈◊〉 themselues with trenches and 〈◊〉 very 〈◊〉 . the bishop for his part recouering the 〈◊〉 , rode into the very midst of them , and 〈◊〉 him selfe so manfully , as if it had beene an action agréeble vnto his calling , had deserued great commendation . by his courage especially , the victory in the end was atchieued . the king ( iohn 〈◊〉 ) and the rest of the chiefetaines , were saine to leane their heads behind them , and the whole countrey reduced to a 〈◊〉 obedience . now to procéede vnto his other actions , there was great contention betwéene him and his monkes for the space of fiftéene yéeres : they being too weake for him , at last were glad to giue him . markes to enioy their 〈◊〉 in like sort as heretofore they had done . he sate bishop 〈◊〉 . yéeres , and died . . alexander . alexander prior of norwich , was elected bishop by the monkes , but the king so misliked their choise , as he not onely kept him from his dignity ; but also imprisoned him at winsor almost a whole yéere after his election . at the 〈◊〉 of thomas arondell archbishop of canterbury , and 〈◊〉 other of the nobility , he was released , set at liberty , and afforded consecration , ann . . he sate sixe yéeres , and was buried in our ladies chappell , at the féete of walter surfield . . richard courtney . at the earnest sute of king henry the 〈◊〉 , richard courtney channcellor of the uniuersity of oxford , a 〈◊〉 famous for his excellent knowledge , in both lawes , was chosen by the couent , and consecrated at canterbury by the archbishop , in the presence of the king and many of the nobles . a man of great nobility , great learning , and 〈◊〉 vertue , very personable also , much fauoured by the king , and no lesse beloued among the common people . he died of a 〈◊〉 in normandy , in the second yéere after his consecration , ann . . his body being brought into england , was honorably interred at westminster . . iohn wakering . iohn wakering , that for his life , learning , and wisedome , was esteemed nothing inferior to his predecessor , being kéeper of the 〈◊〉 seale , was elected by the couent , and consecrated bishop of norwich , by henry chichley archbishop of canterbury ann . . in his time the counsell of constance was holden ; vnto the which this bishop with many other , were sent out of england by the king. in that charge he so behaued him selfe , that he obtained great commendation for the same . he built the cloyster which is now to be seene in the bishops pallace , pauing the same with stones of diuers colours : and hauing gouerned his charge with great praise , he died and was buried in the cathedrall church before the aulter of saint george . . william 〈◊〉 . anno . william 〈◊〉 doctor of the lawes was elected bishop and consecrated at saint paules church in london , by the archbishop of canterbury , and in the . yéere of his 〈◊〉 , was translated to lincolne . sée more of him there . . thomas browne . thomas browne bishop of rochester being at the 〈◊〉 of basill , had the bishopricke of norwich cast vpon him before euer he vnderstood of any such intent toward . in his time the citizens of norwich harboring their old grudge in their enuious mindes ; attempted many things against the church : but such was the singular wisedome and courage of this bishop , that all their enterprises came to none effect . he died when he had bene bishop nine yéeres anno . . gualter hart. after him succéeded walter hart , doctor of 〈◊〉 , by whose wisedome and discretion the malitious humours of the malecontent 〈◊〉 , before 〈◊〉 wel 〈◊〉 , were now altogether extinguished . he 〈◊〉 the church , and during his life maintained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at cambridge with all things necessary for them at his owne charges . he departed this life the sixth of may. . in the . yéere of his consecration , and was buried in his church of norwich , néere vnto the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . iames goldwell . this man 〈◊〉 . yéeres . of him otherwise there 〈◊〉 no remembrance . . thomas ian. this man died the first yéere of his consecration . . richard nyx . after the decease of ian , richard nyx 〈◊〉 , of whom i finde little woorth the rehearsing . he hath the report of a vicious and dissolute liuer , was blinde long before his death , sate . yéeres , and died an . . . william rugge . next vnto nyx , william rugge was preferred vnto this dignity , he sate bishop . yéeres , & deceased an . 〈◊〉 . . thomas thyrlbey . rvgge being dead , thomas thyrlbey doctor of law , the first and last bishop of westminster , was remoued from thence vnto norwich . he sate about . yeeres , and the yeere . was translated to ely. see more in ely. . iohn hopton . thyrlbev being 〈◊〉 to ely. iohn hopton was elected bishop of norwich : he sate . yeeres , and died the same yeere that queene mary did , for griefe as it is supposed . . thomas parkhurst . after him t. parkhorst succéeded , which by the prouidence of god being preserued from many great dangers and afflictions which he suffered in the daies of quéene mary , was by our gratious soueraigne queene elizabeth preferred vnto this place , & consecrate september . . he died an . . hauing sate bishop almost . yeeres . . edmund freake . march . . edmund freake doctor of diuinity , was consecrate bishop of rochester : thence presently vpon the death of bishop parkhurst he was remooued to norwich , and thence also the yéere . vnto worceter , where he died about the . of march . and 〈◊〉 buried vpon the south side of the body of the church there , vnder a seemely monument néere the wall . . edmund scambler . edmund scambler houshold 〈◊〉 a while vnto the archbishop was consecrate bishop of peterbourough ianuary . an . . vpon the translation of bishop freake he was preferred vnto norwich . . william redman . william redman archdeacon of canterbury 〈◊〉 . the value of this bishopricke in the queenes bookes , is , l. , s. , d. farthing and was 〈◊〉 at rome in . ducats . the bishops of worceter . wvlfher the first christian king of mercia being dead , ethelred his brother succéeded him in the kingdome . he , by the perswasion of osher gouernor of wiccia , diuided his countrey ( which till that time had neuer had more then one bishop ) into parts or diocesses which he appointed vnto fiue bishoprickes ( whereof one was lichfield ) & erected . new cathedral sées ; one at dorchester , another at leicester , another at sidnacester , and the fourth at worceter . and for the first bishop of worceter , choice was made of one tatfrith , a man of great learning , who died before he could be consecrate . after his decease , boselus was chosen , and consecrate by theodore archbishop of canterbury . this was done ( as our histories deliuer for the most part ) the yéere . . after 〈◊〉 before mentioned , these succéeded : . 〈◊〉 consecrate . . saint 〈◊〉 consecrate 〈◊〉 . this man went to rome with offa king of mercia , & there got licence of constantine the pope to build a monastery in worceter , and so did , the same that is now the cathedrall church . . 〈◊〉 consecrate . this man liued in the time of beda . . mylredus . 〈◊〉 reporteth one deuehertus to haue béene bishop of worceter the yéere . but i thinke it an error . . weremundus . . tilherus . . eathoredus . he gaue i comb vnto his church . . deuebertus . . eadbertus or hubertus . he gaue croley . . alwyn or 〈◊〉 . he built the chappell of saint andrew at kimesey . . werebertus , called by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , was consecrate vpon 〈◊〉 being june . . he was greatly estéemed of king alfred for his singular learning , and translated at his request the dialogues of saint gregory into the saxon or english 〈◊〉 . . wilferth . he died an . . . 〈◊〉 abbot of barkley . . kinewold , he gaue odingley vnto his church . . saint dunstan 〈◊〉 to london . and afterward to canterbury . sée more of him there . . saint oswald the yeere . he became afterward of yorke , and yet held worceter still in commendam till his death . concerning him and his two next successors . see more in yorke . . aldulf was also archbishop of yorke . . wulstan , he likewise held yorke 〈◊〉 like sort . he is by some surnamed ( or rather i thinke ) nicknamed reprobus . . leofsius , he died at 〈◊〉 aug. . . 〈◊〉 was buried at worceter . . 〈◊〉 abbot of parshore , the sonne of 〈◊〉 sister his predecessor . he died december . . . 〈◊〉 , first a monke of winchester , and after 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , nephew vnto brithwaldus bishop of saint germans in cornewall , was consecrate bishop of crediton or deuonshire . he was greatly in fauour with king 〈◊〉 , and attended him in his pilgrimage to rome . after his vncles death , he procured saint germans to be vnited vnto his sée , and ( as it séemeth vnto me ) held not onely both them , but worceter also ( to which he was preferred . ) vntill his death . the yéere . he was accused for procuring ( or consenting vnto ) the death of alfred the eldest 〈◊〉 of king 〈◊〉 . some say he purged himselfe of that accusation ; others say , he was depriued of his liuings as 〈◊〉 guilty , and returning to 〈◊〉 , died there . but i take the third report to be truest , to wit , that he was once displaced , and afterwards vpon better examination of the cause restored againe . he died . at which time euen iust when he gaue vp the ghost there was such a horrible 〈◊〉 of thunder and lightning , as men thought the day of doome had béene come . he was buried at tauestocke , vnto which monastery he had béene a great benefactor . . aldred the yeere . was translated to yorke . sée more of him there . . saint wulstan . alfred being constrained to giue ouer worceter before he might obtaine the popes approbation for yorke ( as in yorke you may see more at large ) he determined at his departure to fleece it , and then to foyst in some simple fellow into that roome , such a one as might seeme likely to swallow his gudgyn quietly . he esteemed wulstan , pryor of worceter such a one , and ( the king graunting free licence to choose whom they liked best ) he easily procured the consent of the cleargy and commonalty of the dioces for his election . this plot neuer so cunningly layde , had not the successe that was expected . for 〈◊〉 prooued nothing so tractable as he thought , yéelded not to all that he demaunded , and yet neuer synne wrangling and complayning , vntill partly in his time , partly in his successors , he had recouered againe whatsoeuer was taken from his sée . lanfranke archbishop of canterbury assisted very fauourably his cause , vrgens aemulum 〈◊〉 & potentiae ( saith w. malmbury ) the rather no doubt saith he , because he thought it best in policy to weakē the see of york what he might , that contended with him in authority & greatnes . this wulstan was borneat hichenton in warwickshire . his father and mother ( whose names were eatstan and 〈◊〉 ) long before their death , seuered them selues by mutuall consent , and lead a monasticall life : then , as though heauen were not to be entred without a monks cowle , they not onely caused 〈◊〉 sonne to be taught and brought vp in the monastery of peterborough , but also exhorted him earnestly ( especially his mother ) in any wise to become a monke . he did so , followed their direction , & professed himselfe a monke at worceter vnder brittegus his predecessor . he was by & by much admired for the straight life he led ; and for the opinion men had of his holinesse so estéemed , as no preferment might 〈◊〉 whereof he was capable , but immediately it was cast vpon him . he was first made 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and treasurer of the church , after 〈◊〉 there , the 〈◊〉 of glocester , and lastly bishop of that 〈◊〉 . it is said , he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 consent vnto his election 〈◊〉 time , protesting he had rather lay his head vpon a 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 off , then to take so great a 〈◊〉 vpon him no man could perswade him to 〈◊〉 , vntill that one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him sharply for his backwardnes 〈◊〉 him , he offended god much in the same . his excuse was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 learning : and certaine it is , that his defect that way , was so notable , as in the time of 〈◊〉 conquerour ( 〈◊〉 all english prelates were sifted to the 〈◊〉 ) he was called 〈◊〉 question for insufficiency , and had beene depriued ( as it is thought , at least wise ) if he had not beene found somewhat more sufficient then was expected . he was consecrate september . by aldred archbishop of yorke , 〈◊〉 being then suspended . but that he might acquite him selfe from vsurpation of any right belonging to canterbury , he not onely required him to make his othe of profession vnto canterbury , but also renounced all right of pretended iurisdiction vnto the dioces of worceter , acknowledging the same to belong not to yorke ( as some of his predecessors had 〈◊〉 ) but to canterbury , as to the metropolitane of the same . new to come vnto his gouernment , we are to remember especially two things memorable of him . one , the building of the cathedrall church which he raised from the foundation . at what time it was come vnto such perfection , as that the monkes forsaking their old habitation , 〈◊〉 them selues vnto this new built , the other fabrike whereof 〈◊〉 was author , ( as in yorke you may read more at large ) was pulled down . which wulstan seeing , burst out into teares , and being demaunded a reason thereof , by some that told him he had rather cause to reioyce ; our predecessors ( saith he ) whose monuments we deface , rather ( i doubt ) to set vp the 〈◊〉 of our vaine glory , then to glorifie god , they indeed ( quoth he ) were not acquainted with such stately buildings , but euery place was a church sufficient for them to offer them selues a reasonable holy and liuely sacrifice vnto god : we contrariwise are double diligent in laying heapes of stones , so to frame a materiall temple , but are too too negligent in setting forward the building of that liuely temple the church of god. the other thing that i determined to mention is , a notable testimony of his 〈◊〉 fidelity vnto his prince . all most all the nobility of england rebelled against the king william 〈◊〉 the first yeere of his 〈◊〉 . certaine of them , roger earle of mount-gomery , 〈◊〉 newmarket , roger lacy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and other , attempted to take the city of worceter . this bishop , not onely 〈◊〉 them , and by continuall 〈◊〉 in preaching and otherwise contained them in very 〈◊〉 obedience , but also arming such a number of people as the city 〈◊〉 affoord , caused them to 〈◊〉 out and set vpon the 〈◊〉 , whom they 〈◊〉 , killing and taking a number of them prisoners . he died being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yeeres of age , . ianuary . which day afterwards 〈◊〉 being 〈◊〉 was made a holy day , & appointed vnto the celebration of his memory he was buried in his owne church . 〈◊〉 the church being burnt his 〈◊〉 onely escaped the violence of the fire , how he appeared vnto his old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop of 〈◊〉 ( being at creeklade ) at the 〈◊〉 of his death , 〈◊〉 the same vnto him , and many things more strange ; if any man desire to read them , let him 〈◊〉 them in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and other , that discourse them at large . this ( for my part ) i thinke 〈◊〉 , if not too much . . 〈◊〉 , a canon of bayon was consecrate bishop of worcester at canterbury , june . 〈◊〉 . a man well learned , very eloquent , & a great house keeper . he tooke away 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the monkes that 〈◊〉 had placed there , and died afterwards at that place . may . . he was buried in the body of his church , 〈◊〉 before the roodlost . he had an elder brother named 〈◊〉 then archbishop of york and a sonne that afterwards was 〈◊〉 archbishop there . of them and some other matter 〈◊〉 him , see more in yorke . soone after his death , to wit , may . 〈◊〉 the cathedrall church , 〈◊〉 , and city of worceter were burnt and quite 〈◊〉 with casuall 〈◊〉 . one monke , three seruants of the monastery , and 〈◊〉 townesmen perished in that fire .. . theulphus a canon of bayon likewise , was elected bishop of worceter , december . . but not 〈◊〉 vntill iune . . he died at his mannor of 〈◊〉 , october . . and was buryed hard by 〈◊〉 his predecessor , in that place ( i doubt not ) where vpon one marble lying iust before the 〈◊〉 doore , we see the defaced images of two bishops . . simon , chaplaine and chauncellor vnto quéene adelicia , the second wife of king henry the first ; was consecrate may . . he was liberall , according to the proportion of his ability , affable and very courteons . . alured . after symon , w. 〈◊〉 that liued in those daies placeth alured for his next successor . 〈◊〉 , some put iohn 〈◊〉 before him , and florent . wigorn , leaueth him quite out of the reckening . . iohn pagham . he gaue bibery vnto the abbey of 〈◊〉 , and the mannor of elme bishop vnto his owne see. . roger sonne vnto the earle of glocester , died august . . at tours in fraunce and was buryed there . . baldwyn abbot of ford consecrate . was translated to canterbury , . sée more there . . william de northale consecrate september . . died . . robert a canon of lincolne , sonne vnto william fitz-ralf seneschall of normandy , became bishop of worceter . and died the yeere following . . henry abbot of glastonbury was made bishop of worceter that sanarike bishop of bathe and wels 〈◊〉 vnite that abbey to his sée . sée more of that matter in wels. he died . . iohn de constantijs deane of roane was consecrate at stratford october . . he died the yéere . . mangere deane of yorke and chaplaine vnto king richard the first , was consecrate . he was one of them that excommunicated king iohn and interdicted the 〈◊〉 at the popes commaundement the yéere . thereupon he was faine to flie the 〈◊〉 and died at pontiniac in france . the yéere before the rest of his brethren were called home . . walter gray bishop of lichfield was translated hether . and . to yorke . see more of him there . . 〈◊〉 , sometimes a monke , and after prior of worceter , succeeded . he remoued the body of saint wulstan into a sumptuous shrine , and ( the church being now throughly repaired since the burning of it in bishop sampson , time ) he hallowed the same very solemply , dedicating it vnto the honour of the blessed virgin , saint peter , saint oswald and saint 〈◊〉 . this was done . in which yeere also he died . . william de 〈◊〉 archdeacon of buckingham was consecrate october . . he gaue vnto the prior and couent , wyke with the 〈◊〉 , as also the parsonage of sobbury , and died the yeere 〈◊〉 . . walter de 〈◊〉 , the sonne of william lord 〈◊〉 succeeded . a man as of great birth , so of no lesse stomack and courage . he often opposed himselfe against the couetous practises and shifting deuises of the pope and his officers . the first yeere of his preferment , otto the popes legate , at a conuocation , sought to take order , for the 〈◊〉 of such as enioyed any benefices against law , not beeing dispensed withall ; thinking belike , it would prouoke many to the purchase of dispensations , they cared not at what rate . he counselled the legate to take farther aduise of the pope before he proceeded too far in this matter , saying , there were many of great birth whom it concerned ; and they were either old , ( such hauing liued long in very worshipfull state , to 〈◊〉 them now so lowe he thought it very hard ) or else they were yong and lusty , and had rather venture their lines in any desperate course , then suffer their liuing to be deminished . i speake this ( quoth he ) by mine owne experience . at what time it was mine owne case , i was of the same minde . hauing said thus much , he put on his myter and sate him down againe . other were about to second him , when the legate seeing no good was to be doone in this matter . bid them trouble themselues no farther , the bishop of worceters aduice was good , and he was determined for this time to follow it . another time , to witte , the yéere . 〈◊〉 another legate , demaunded of the cleargy of england a huge summe of 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 not onely bought the kings consent thereunto , but dealing priuately with many priuate 〈◊〉 men , promising some and threatning other , had made a very 〈◊〉 canuasse . the matter being proposed , when no man opening his mouth , the 〈◊〉 assured himselfe the game was gatten ; this bishop suddenly rose vp , and exclaimed 〈◊〉 against this horrible exaction , saying at last , he would suffer himselfe to be hanged rather then he would euer consent vnto it . other then following his example , this impudent 〈◊〉 was sent away with a sleeuelesse answere the yeere . he was sent ambassador into fraunce . the yéere . he tooke great paines to worke a peace betwéene the king and the barons , in whose behalfe when he had offered the king conditions ( as he thought most reasonable ) which might not be accepted ; he addicted himselfe vnto their party , 〈◊〉 them to fight valiantly in the cause , and promised heauen very confidently to them that should dye in defence of the 〈◊〉 . for this , he was after iustly excommunicated by the popes legate . he died february . . at what time repenting much this fault of disobedience vnto his prince , he humbly 〈◊〉 and receiued absolution from that excommunication . . nicolas de ely was consecrate in the beginning of the yéere . and translated to winchester before the 〈◊〉 of the same yéere . sée more in winchester . . godfry giffard succéeded . he beautified the pillers of the east part of the church by enterlacing little pillers 〈◊〉 marble which he fastened with rings of copper guilt . 〈◊〉 died . hauing sate bishop . yéeres , fower moneths & 〈◊〉 daies . . william de geynsborough doctor of diuinity was the . reader of diuinity of his order in oxeford . thence he trauelled to rome , and became lector sacri palatij , 〈◊〉 the pope bestowed vpon him this bishopricke . he was a great learned man accounted in those times and writ much . . walter reynald , sometime schoolemaster vnto king edward the second , first treasurer , then chauncellor of england , became bishop of worceter . and was 〈◊〉 to the archbishoprick of canterbury . sée more there . . walter 〈◊〉 succéeded . . thomas 〈◊〉 doctor of diusnity cannon and subdeane of salisbury was elected archbishop of canterbury 〈◊〉 . hauing contended a while with the aboue named walter 〈◊〉 ( whereof see more in canterbury ) he was glad in the end to accept of this bishopricke , into which he entred march . . he was a great learned man , writ much , and was moreouer so honest and vertuous a man , as he was commonly called by the name of the good clerke . he lieth buried ( as one deliuereth ) in the north i le of the body of his church , which ile he caused all to be vaulted 〈◊〉 at his owne charge . i should gesse by some shadow of the 〈◊〉 armes yet to be 〈◊〉 , that his toombe is that which we see vpon the south side of the chappell standing on the north side of the body of the church . . adam de orleton doctor of lawe , was consecrate bishop of hereford september . . translated to worceter in nouember . and then december . . vnto winchester . see more there . . 〈◊〉 mont-acute cousecrate . was by the pope translated to ely , . see ely. . thomas 〈◊〉 consecrate . . wulstan de 〈◊〉 prior of worceter , consecrate . he built the priors great hall and the bridge of brandsford vpon twede , two 〈◊〉 aboue powike . . iohn thorsby bishop of saint dauids was translated to worceter . and in october . from thence to yorke . see yorke . . reginald bryan consecrate bishop of saint dauids . the yéere . was translated hither . he was by the pepes gift translated to ely the yeere . but died before his translation might be perfected by acceptance . he lyeth buried by the north wall of a little chappell , vpon the north side of the body of the church , as i gather ( at least wise ) by his armes engrauen vpon a faire toombe there . . dauid , consecrate . . iohn barnet treasurer of england , was consecrate . 〈◊〉 hence to welles , . and 〈◊〉 to ely , . sée ely. . william wittlesey nephew vnto simon islip archbishop of canterbury , was first bishop of rochester , 〈◊〉 to worceter . and then the yéere . to canterbury . sée more of him there . . william de lynne consecrate bishop of 〈◊〉 , the yéere . was translated hither . this 〈◊〉 taking horse to ride vnto the parliament the yéere . was sodainly surprised with an apoplexy , whereof he 〈◊〉 soone after . . henry wakefield became bishop of 〈◊〉 . and the yéere following treasurer of england . he made the body of his church longer by adding two arches 〈◊〉 it , built the north porch , and died march . . the . yéere after his consecration . he lyeth buried vnder a great marble in the middle of the body of his church toward the west end . . tidemannus de winchcombe . bale reporteth one william badby doctor of diuinity , & consessor 〈◊〉 iohn of gaunt duke of 〈◊〉 , to 〈◊〉 béene bishop of worceter about the yéere . it can not be true , and therefore i omitte him . certaine it is that tydemannus de winchcomb , a monke and the kings 〈◊〉 , was thrust into this sée , by the pope at the kings earnest request ( notwithstanding that one iohn greene was lawfully elect thereunto ) the yéere . thomas walsingham calleth this man ( 〈◊〉 i doubt not ) robert tideman . it should seeme vnto me , that this man was for a little while bishop of landaff before his preferment to worceter . sée landaff . . richard clifford archdeacon of canterbury was consecrate . and translated to london . see london . . thomas peuerell a gentleman of an 〈◊〉 house , borne in suffolke , and brought vp in oxford ( where he procéeded doctor of diuinity ) was first a carmelite 〈◊〉 , made bishop of 〈◊〉 in ireland by king richard the 〈◊〉 at his vnfortunate being there , . 〈◊〉 thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to worceter . 〈◊〉 sate bishop ten yéeres , died march . . and was buried in his owne church . . philip morgan doctor of law was consecrate the yéere . and translated vnto ely in the end of the yéere . see ely. . thomas pulton was consecrate bishop of hereford . staying there but one yeere and three monethes , was remooued to chichester . and lastly the yeere . became bishop of worceter . he died at rome and was buried there . . thomas 〈◊〉 succéeded . the yéere . soone after his 〈◊〉 to worceter he was elected vnto ely , but 〈◊〉 not accept of the same . long after at another 〈◊〉 he was againe chosen , to wit . and enioyed that place till the yéere . at what time he was remooued to canterbury see more in ely and canterbury . . iohn carpenter . this man had so great affection vnto westbury , a place néere bristow , as he not onely bestowed exceeding great cost vpon the colledge there , and chose it for his place of buriall , but also intended ( as i find reported ) to haue honoured it with a part of his 〈◊〉 , and to haue taken vpon him the name of the bishop of worceter and westbury . there had bene an old colledge in that place long before : he pulled it downe and in the new building 〈◊〉 it very much compassing it about with a strong wall embatteled , adding a 〈◊〉 gate with diuers towers ( more like vnto a castle then a colledge ) and lastly bestowed much good land for augmenting the reuenew of the same . one that hauing beene long a merchant of bristow , in the later ende of his life became deane of this colledge , built the church of ratcliff neere bristow ( a notable worke ) and lieth buried in the same but to returne to our bishop , who also built the 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 : he died at bishops northweeke , and was buried ( as before said ) at westbury . . iohn 〈◊〉 bishop of rochester was translated to worceter . and thence to ely. sée ely. . robert moorton nephew to iohn moorton archbishop of canterbury succéeded . he lieth buried in the body of saint paules church in london . . iohn gygles or de lilijs an italian borne in 〈◊〉 succéeded him . . syluester gigles nephew vnto iohn gigles 〈◊〉 his vncle . . iolius medices a cardinall of rome , nephew vnto the pope leo . and afterwards pope himselfe by the name of clement the seuenth was bishop of worceter a little while in the yéere . in which yéere he both accepted and resigned this bishopricke . . hieronymus de nugutijs an italian also , obtained this bishopricke by the resignation of 〈◊〉 , and enioyed it many yeeres . . hugh latimer borne in leicetershire , and brought vp in cambridge , became bishop of worceter . the yéere . ( except he would yéeld a wicked and dissembling consent vnto the sixe articles ) there was no remedy but 〈◊〉 must resigne his bishopricke . he resigned ( togither with 〈◊〉 shaxton bishop of salisbury ) july . & afterwards , to wit , october . . sealed the doctrine which he had long preached with his blood , ending his life in the fire , for the circumstances whereof , as also of his whole life and actions , i refer you to master foxe . . iohn bell doctor of lawe , and archdeacon of gloceter succéeded , he was of the kings counsell in the cause of his diuorce from quéene katherine . he 〈◊〉 buried at clarkenwell by london on the north side of the east end of the chancell vnder a marble stone whereon is fixed this epitaph : contegit hoc marmor doctorem nomine bellum qui belle rexit praesulis officium . moribus , ingenio , vitae probitate vigebat laudato cunctis cultus & eloquio . ann. . aug. . . nicolas heath bishop of rochester was translated to worceter . and displaced october . . queene mary restored him againe in the beginning of her raigne , made him first lord president of wales , then archbishop of yorke the yéere . and lastly lord chauncellor of england , see yorke . . iohn hooper , held gloceter in commendam . sée gloceter . . richard pates ( as it should séeme by a report that i finde ) became bishop of worceter about the yeere . and being sent beyond the seas in 〈◊〉 , refused to returne . whereupon his bishopricke was bestowed vpon m. latymer . certaine it is , that he subscribed to the councel of trent by the name of rich. patus wigorn epis. queene mary least she should seeme to do him wrong , hauing appointed heath to the archbishoprick of yorke , restored him to worceter . . edwyn sandes , translated from london hither , and hence to yorke . . nicolas bullingham translated from lincolne . . iohn 〈◊〉 translated to canterbury . sée canterbury . . edmund freake translated from norwich , died in the end of the yéere . about the . of march. sée norwich . . richard fletcher translated from bristoll to worceter , and from worceter to london . . thomas 〈◊〉 translated to winchester . . geruase babington bishop first of landaff , then of exceter , and lastly translated hither an . . this bishopricke is now valued at , l. , s. , d. ob . farthing . in the popes bookes at . ducats . the bishops of hereford . an episcopall sée was first established at hereford , and putta made the first bishop there the yeere . after him these : . tirhtellus . . torteras . . wastold , alias walstod . he began the making of a sumptuous crosse , which his successor finished . . 〈◊〉 , onsecrate , was translated to canterbury . he bestowed a goodly monument 〈◊〉 his predecessors , and caused this epitaph to be engrauen vpon the same : qui quondam extiterant famosi altique per orbem , corpora 〈◊〉 hominum hic marmor obumbrans . tumbaque mirifico 〈◊〉 fabricata 〈◊〉 , desuper exalto 〈◊〉 cum colmine 〈◊〉 . hos ego cuthbertus sacri successor honoris , inclusi titulis exornauique 〈◊〉 . pontifices ex his ternos sancta infula cinxit , nomina sunt quorum , walstoldus torhere , tirtill . regulus est quartus milfrith , 〈◊〉 coniuge pulchra . quenburga : senis haec extitit ordine quinta . sextus preterca est 〈◊〉 filius offrith . . podda . . ecca . . cedda . he died . . albertus . . esna died . . celmund . . vtellus . . wlfhard . . benna . . edulf . . cuthwulf . . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 . . cunemund . . edgar . . 〈◊〉 . . wlfhelm . . alfrike . . athulf . . ethelstan , . yéeres before his death he was blinde , and gouerned by a deputy . he builded the cathedral church of hereford from the ground , died at his mannor of bosanbirig february . . and was buried in his owne church . . 〈◊〉 , chaplaine vnto duke harald succéeded him . mat. westminster giueth this testimony of him , that he was vndoubtedly , deitamulus , in omni religione perfectus , ecclesiarum amator , pauperum recreator , viduarum & orphanorum defensor , oppressorum subuertor , virginitatis 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 king of wales hauing ouerthrowen the forces of the english men about two miles from hereford , immediately assaulted the city , tooke it , slew the bishop and seuen of the cannons , that denied him entrance into the church , and held it against him , spoyled it of all the reliques and ornaments that were portable , and lastly fired both church , city and all . this bishop being yet scarce warme in his seat , was thus slaine june . when he had béene bishop but onely twelue weekes and . daies . . walter . after the death of leofgar , the sée continued voyd fower yéeres , and was gouerned by aldred bishop of worceter . he being translated thence to yorke , walter borne in lorraine , and chaplaine to queene edith was consecrate at rome by the pope the yeere . his ende was much more vnhappy then his 〈◊〉 . he chaunced to fall in loue with a certaine comely woman that he met in the stréete . a long time he contended with this vile and 〈◊〉 affection ; and he thought he had quenched the same , when a small occasion renewed it to his destruction . hauing certaine linnen to cut out , this woman was commended to him for a very cunning seamster . he sent for her , and his old 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 desire easily kindling by this little sparke , he 〈◊〉 errands to 〈◊〉 his men out of the way , while he set vpon her , first with words , and they not preuayling , by force . she resisted what she might , but finding him too strong for her , thrust her sheeres into his belly , and gaue him his deaths wound . this w. malmesbury telleth by hearsay of an vncertaine relation , adding moreouer , that the king being desirous it should be esteemed false , forbid the report of it . no other 〈◊〉 liuing néere those times maketh any 〈◊〉 of this so memorable an accident , and therefore it is possible to be vntrue . . robert surnamed lozing was also borne in 〈◊〉 , had trauailed and read in diuers uniuersities beyond the seas , and being much fauoured by william the conqueror for his manifold good parts ( especially his learning ) was preferred by him vnto the bishopricke of hereford , whereunto he was consecrate december . . this man was well séene in diuers kinds of good learning , but in the mathematiques he was excellent , and writ diuers discourses in that kind much admired in those daies . there was a great league of friendship betwéene him and saint vvulstan , who certified him of his owne death in a dreame ( as our stories report ) called him to his buriall , and assured him he might not stay long after . it fell out true , for within halfe a yéere after 〈◊〉 other , he deceased june . . now he foresaw the death of 〈◊〉 bishop of lincolne by astrology , and therefore refused to come to the dedication of his new church , i haue related in lincolne . sée lincolne . he built his church of hereford anew , following the platforme of the church of 〈◊〉 or aquisgraue , and lieth buried in the fame , by the northwall a little aboue the chappell of bishop stanbery , as the inscription ( at least wise ) importeth . for my part i am 〈◊〉 that he rather 〈◊〉 in that toombe which is ascribed to bishop raynelm , for that the image of the same holdeth the signe of the church in his hand , which me thinkes argueth the builder of the church to be in that place enterred . . gerard nephew vnto vvalkelin bishop of winchester succéeded . uery shortly after his comming to hereford he was remooued to yorke . sée yorke . . rainelmus . king henry the first bestowed then this bishopricke vpon one roger his larderer . within a day or two after ( not yet consecrate ) he fell sicke at london , and being loth to die before he were a complete bishop , earnestly requested 〈◊〉 the archbishop to affoorde him consecration ; which foolish demand he could not but laugh at , and answered with silence . much against his will he died vnbishopped twelue daies after his nomination . he being dead , the king gaue this bishopricke ( intended to him ) vnto 〈◊〉 the queenes chauncellor . he receiued it ( as the maner had then long beene ) at the kings hands , and was inuested into it by the deliuery of the ring and the crosier . anselm the archbishop refused to consecrate him and diuers other that obtayned their preferments in like manner , as in his life you may read more at large . he was so farre from importuning him in this matter , as being now perswaded his election to be vnsufficient , he renounced the same , deliuering againe into the kings hand the ring and crosier that he had receiued . herewith the king was so offended , as presently he banished him the realme . after much adoo betweene the king and 〈◊〉 , a reconciliation at last was wrought , and this man consecrate with diuers other the yeere . he was very vertuous , deuout , and of good report , except onely for his housekeeping , wherein he was not so liberall as his neighbours wished him . he died october . . of the gout , wherewith he was much tormented long before his death , and was entoombed in the out side of the south partition of the presbytery , if haply his toombe be not mistaken for bishop roberts , and roberts for his . . geoffry de clyue chaplaine to king henry the first was consecrate december . . a man of great temperance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 well his houses ; and 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 belonging to his sée into a 〈◊〉 good order , being much wasted and 〈◊〉 in the time of his predecessors . he 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnto the 〈◊〉 , and left much wealth 〈◊〉 him , which better might haue béene bestowed vpon them . he died february . . and was laid in the north wall a little aboue robert his predecessor . . richard kéeper of the seale vnder the chauncellour of england , was consecrate at 〈◊〉 ianuary . . died at 〈◊〉 august . and was buried at hereford the particular place i find not . it was an opinion of 〈◊〉 men about this time , that the bishopricke of hereford was a fatall 〈◊〉 and might not suffer any one man long to 〈◊〉 it . . robert de 〈◊〉 prior of 〈◊〉 was consecrate at oxford june . . a man of great authority , and much emploied by the pope in all his 〈◊〉 within the 〈◊〉 . he died april . . and 〈◊〉 buried in the south wall ouer against the presbitery . . gilbert 〈◊〉 consecrate . the yéere . ( or 〈◊〉 some deliuer ) . he was translated to london . see london . . robert de 〈◊〉 succéeded . he died february 〈◊〉 . . and was buried hard by robert de 〈◊〉 . . robert foliot 〈◊〉 of oxford was 〈◊〉 by the chapter of hereford ( the king granting licence of 〈◊〉 election ) the yéere . and the yéere following he was 〈◊〉 with diuers other , whose sées likewise had stood long voide , by reason of the 〈◊〉 betwéene the king and thomas becket . sée richard more of winch. he studied in 〈◊〉 vniuersities of 〈◊〉 , and grew there 〈◊〉 with thomas becket the 〈◊〉 who 〈◊〉 much for his singular learning and other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 parts , in regard whereof he also preferred him to his 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 the foundation of his aduancement to this bishopricke . he died may . . and was buried next his pedecessor . . william le vere a great builder , was consecrate and died december . . he was buried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so these 〈◊〉 lie together , robert de betune , robert de 〈◊〉 , robert foliot and this man. their toombs are very like , and but by their place and order hardly to be distinguished . . gyles de bruse , the sonne of william bruse , a man of great power and nobility , was consecrate september . . in the barons wars he tooke part with them against king iohn , and at last , was faine to 〈◊〉 the realme . afterwards , being suffered to returne and receaued into the kings fauour , he trauailed homeward and died in the way at gloreter nouember . . he left great possessions descended vnto him by his auncestors , he left them ( i say ) to 〈◊〉 de bruse his brother , that maried the daughter of llewellyn ap 〈◊〉 prince of northwales . this man lieth buried vpon the north side of the presbitery . the image that lieth vpon his toombe holdeth the likenesse of a stéeple in his hand : whereby it should seeme he built one of the towers or steeples . . 〈◊〉 de mapenore succéeded . he died about easter and lieth buried ( as i remember ) in the north wall neere the toombe of bishop egueblank . . hugh foliot consecrate in the beginning of nouemb. . died iul. . . . ralf de maydenstan succéeded him . this man bought of a gentleman named monthault the house belonging to the bishopricke of hereford in london , together with the patronage 〈◊〉 the parsonage of saint mary monthault adioyning , and gaue them vnto his see. the yéere he resigned his bishopricke and tooke on him the habite of a franciscane frier at oxford . he liued afterwards a 〈◊〉 life at gloceter the space of fiue yéeres , and then dying , was buried there . . peter d' egueblank borne in sauoy was elected august . . and consecrate soone after . he is very odious in our histories for 〈◊〉 the king vnto a strange and intollerable kind of exaction the yeere . such and so great , as it euen quite beggered all the cleargy of that time . the yéere following he tooke great paines in canuassing for the archbishoprick of 〈◊〉 , and hauing spent much mony in procuring letters from the king and diuers other great parsonages to request in his behalfe ; newes was brought that the old archbishop ( that he tooke to be dead and whose place he sought ) was yet aliue and aliues-like . the yéere . the barons arrested him in his owne cathedrall church , 〈◊〉 vpon his goods , deuided his treasure vnto their souldiers 〈◊〉 his face , and imprisoned him a long time in the castle of ordley . he was cursed of so many ( saith one ) it was impossible that many calamities should not light vpon him . long before this captiuity , his face was horribly deformed with a kind of leprosy which some call polypus , and ( though he left no meanes vnsought ) could not be cured of it till his dying day . he departed this life nouember . . and lieth buried vnder a large and faire toombe ouer against the north doore of the quier . this man gaue vnto his church two 〈◊〉 of corne of ninety sixe bushels a piece , yéerely to be 〈◊〉 to the ministers of the same for euer . he also founded a monastery at aqua-bella in sauoy , at which place it séemeth he was borne , and caused his heart to be buried there , as 〈◊〉 by a monument in the church of that house yet 〈◊〉 . . iohn breton doctor of bothe lawes was also very well séene in the common lawes of the land and writ a great volume de iuribus anglicanis . he died may . . . thomas cantilupe was a gentleman of a very 〈◊〉 and auncient house , but of a much more noble and excellent mind , being not only maruailous witty , but euer from a 〈◊〉 very studious and painefull , very harmelesse and vertuously giuen . he was brought vp in the vniuersity of oxford , where he procéeded first master of art , then studied the cannon 〈◊〉 and ( as it seemeth ) procéeded doctor of law. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is and without all question , that he procéeded doctor of 〈◊〉 the yéere . robert kilwardby ( with whome he was very familiarly acquainted ) was then prouinciall of the 〈◊〉 preachers and doctor of the chaire in oxford when he was presented ; but before the time came he should stand in the 〈◊〉 , the said doctor kilwardby was become archbishop of canterbury . that notwithstanding , he 〈◊〉 this his old friend that honour , as to make a iourney downe to the vniuersity of purpose , and there ( being archbishop ) to 〈◊〉 him the ceremonies of his creation . and it is reported moreouer that amongst many other praises he gaue him in his oration , he signified , that hauing bene long his confessor , he neuer 〈◊〉 him guilty of any mortall sinne . omnis 〈◊〉 mendax : either the confessor , or the confessée , or the reporter , lied i doubt not . he was consecrate bishop of hereford september . . being then archdeacon of stafford and chauncellor of england . the yéere . he was faine to trauaile to rome about a controuersy betweene him and iohn peckham archbishop of canterbury . in the way thether he died at 〈◊〉 - 〈◊〉 , august . . his body was brought to hereford and there solempnly enterred néere the east wall of the north crosse i le , where we see a high toombe of marble . many miracles are said to haue beene wrought at the place of his buriall , in regard whereof , it pleased the pope afterwards to make him a saint , and all the bishops of hereford since his time , in honour of him , doo beare his coate of armes as the coate of their see , viz. g. . leopards heads ieasant . flower-deluces o. . richard de swinfield succéeded , doctor of diuinity , a kentish man borne , a very eloquent man and a great preather . he was consecrate march . following , sate . yéeres , and died march . . he lieth buried on the north side of the north i le aboue the quier , as an elogium witnesseth engrauen vpon a marble that couereth his toombe . . adam d'orleton doctor of law borne in hereford , was consecrate september . . in the moneth of october . he was translated to worceter , and after that to winchester . sée winchester . . thomas charlton doctor of lawe , and cannon of yorke , was consecrate by the popes commandement october . the yéere . he was for a while treasurer of england . he sate . yéeres , and died ianuary . . he hath a reasonable faire toombe in the north wall of the north crosse i le ouer against the clocke . . iohn trillecke sate . yéeres and a halfe . . lewes sherlton or charlton sate . yéeres , and died the yéere . he lieth in a faire monument in the north wall of the south i le aboue the quier . . william courtney consecrate . sate . yéeres 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to london . and afterwards 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . iohn gilbert bishop of 〈◊〉 , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him in 〈◊〉 . the yeere . he was sent ambassador into 〈◊〉 . . he was made treasurer of england 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . & ( as one deliuereth ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is 〈◊〉 he was translated to saint 〈◊〉 about the 〈◊〉 of the yéere . . iohn 〈◊〉 or trefrant , a cannon of saint 〈◊〉 , one of the auditors of the 〈◊〉 in rome , became bishop of hereford the yéere . the 〈◊〉 . he was sent ambassador to rome , to informe the pope of the title of 〈◊〉 henry the fourth 〈◊〉 the crowne . he sate bishop about 〈◊〉 yéeres and a 〈◊〉 , died . and lieth buried 〈◊〉 the south wall of the south crosse 〈◊〉 , where we sée a faire and costly monument erected for him . . robert mascall , being yet very yoong , became a 〈◊〉 carmelite at ludlow . after that he went to oxford , where he so 〈◊〉 in learning and other vertues , as he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of all 〈◊〉 . king henry the fourth 〈◊〉 choice of him for his confessor , and 〈◊〉 meanes to preferre him vnto the 〈◊〉 of hereford . he built the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of the white 〈◊〉 at london . 〈◊〉 many rich 〈◊〉 vnto that house , died there december . . and there was 〈◊〉 in a goodly monument of 〈◊〉 . he was often ambassador vnto 〈◊〉 princes , and the yéere . was sent to the counsell of 〈◊〉 with two other bishops . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doctor of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 béene 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sée 〈◊〉 . . thomas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was consecrate . 〈◊〉 bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yéere and thrée 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 was remooued first to 〈◊〉 , after that to 〈◊〉 . sée worceter . . thomas 〈◊〉 abbot of saint maries in yorke , 〈◊〉 bishop 〈◊〉 . yéeres . . richard beauchamp hauing 〈◊〉 here two yéeres 〈◊〉 thrée moneths , was 〈◊〉 to salisbury an . . . reynold butler abbot of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two yeeres and a halfe , and was translated to 〈◊〉 april . 〈◊〉 . . iohn stanbery was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 brought 〈◊〉 in the uniuersity of oxford , where he proceeded doctor of 〈◊〉 , and read the lecture of that faculty . king henry the sixt called him thence to be the first prouost of his new 〈◊〉 colledge at 〈◊〉 , and moreouer made him this confessor . the yéere . he was elected bishop of norwich . but 〈◊〉 de la poole duke of suffolke thrust in a chaplaine of his owne ( notwithstanding this election ) and so disappointed him . shortly after , to wit , the yeere . the king found meanes to preferre him to bangor , and fiue yeeres after that to hereford , where he sate one and twenty yeeres . he died at ludlow in the house of the carmelites , may . . and was buried in his owne church vpon the north side of the high altar in a too 〈◊〉 be of alabaster . a man not only very learned ( whereof he left many monuments in writing ) but very wise exceeding well spoken , and ( which is not to be omitted ) tall of stature , and of a very comely presence . but i 〈◊〉 his greatest commendation , his constant and vnmooueable fidelity vnto his prince , for which being taken prisoner at the battle of northampton ; he was committed to the castle of warwicke and lay in durance 〈◊〉 long time . upon his toombe are fixed these barbarous verses : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tetra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , stanbery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ioannis . doctoralis erat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 o christe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sordem ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bene sedem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 trux 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . anno m. c. 〈◊〉 l. x. 〈◊〉 bino 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . qui legis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 benigna vt sint absque mora 〈◊〉 sibigaudia digna . . thomas myllyng being yet very yoong , became a 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , and then went to oxford , where he 〈◊〉 till he became doctor of diuinity , hauing in the meane time attayned good knowledge in the gréeke 〈◊〉 which in those daies was geason . returning then to westminster , he was made abbot there , and shortly after 〈◊〉 vnto the bishopricke of hereford by king edward the fourth , vnder whom he was of the priuy counsell , and was godfather vnto prince edward his eldest sonne . he died the yéere . and lieth buried at westminster in the middle of the chappel of saint iohn baptist , where against the north wall there is a fleight monument erected in memory of him . . edmund audeley bishop of rochester was 〈◊〉 to hereford . and thence to salisbury . sée salisbury . . hadrian de castello consecrate . was made 〈◊〉 the next yéere , and then translated to welles . sée welles . . richard mayo chauncellour and archdeacon of oxford , as also president of magdalene colledge there for the space of . yéeres , and almoner vnto king henry the . the yere . was sent ambassador into spaine to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that ladie katherine to be married vnto prince arthur . not long after his returne thence , to wit , the yéere . he was 〈◊〉 vnto the bishopricke of 〈◊〉 , which he held eleuen yéeres and somewhat more . he deceased aprill . . and was buried on the south side of the high altar , where there is a goodly toombe erected in memory of him . . charles boothe doctor of diuinity , archdeacon of buckingham , and chauncellour of the marches of wales , was consecrate . he bestowed great cost in repayring his house at london , and sate eighteene yéeres and fiue moneths . he lieth entoombed in the north wall of the body of his church . . edward foxe doctor of diuinity , and 〈◊〉 vnto king henry the eight , was brought vp in kings colledge in cambridge ; often ambassador in germany , italy , and elsewhere , and became bishop of hereford the yéere . a man very well learned , and secretly a fauourer of religion . m. 〈◊〉 doth dedicate his commentary vpon the euangelists vnto him . himselfe also writ diuers bookes yet extant . he sate onely two yeeres and seuen moneths . but where he died or was buried i finde not . . edmund boner hauing béene bishop of hereford only . moneths , was 〈◊〉 to london . see london . . iohn skyp doctor of diuinity , and archdeacon of dorset , became bishop of hereford . sate . moneths aboue . yeeres , died at london in time of a parliament , and was buried in the church of saint mary mont-hault . . iohn harley , sometime fellow of magdalene colledge in oxford , was displaced by quéene mary , and died soone after . . robert parsew , alias warbington succéeded . . iohn scory , late bishop of chichester , was appointed vnto this sée by the queenes maiesty that now is in the beginning of her raigne . he died in the beginning of the yéere . . herbert westfayling doctor of diuinity , and cannon of christchurch in oxford , was consecrate decemb. . . the bishopricke of hereford is valued in the exchecquer at , l. , s. , d. ob . farthing , and yeelded the pope for first fruits . florens . the bishops of chichester . . wilfride archbishop of yorke being banished by egfride king of northumberland ( as in yorke you may reade more at large ) he thought good to occupy his talent by preaching the word of god amongst the south saxons . 〈◊〉 the king of that country , a little before his comming , had receaued the faith of christ , by the perswas on of wlfhere king of mercia . he willing to increase his owne knowledge , and 〈◊〉 that his subiects should be directed the way of saluation ; made very much of wilfride , and assigned him an habitation in seolsey , a place all compassed about with the sea except one way . all that land , containing eighty seuen housholds , this king gaue vnto wilfride for his maintainance . he built a monastery there , and established his cathedrall sée in the same . now it pleased god 〈◊〉 blesse his labours , as in a short time , great numbers of the people being conuerted , embraced christian religion : and a day being appointed for their baptisme , they had no sooner 〈◊〉 the same , but immediately it rained plentifully , the want whereof had caused a dearth the space of thrée yéeres before , and that so great , as not onely many died daily for hunger , but great numbers ioyning hand in hand forty or fifty in a company , threw themselues headlong into the sea , choosing rather to die then to indure that torment of hunger any longer . thus it pleased god , at once to deliuer these men from temporall death by famine , and euerlasting destruction that their ignorance threatned vnto them . neither was this all the good that wilfride did vnto them . their sea and riuers abounding with great store of good fish which they knew not how to take , he taught them , and caused great store to be caught , wherewith many poore people were greatly relieued . hauing staid fiue yéeres there , he was called home into his owne countrey againe , and restored to his archbishopricke of yorke . . eadbert . after his departure , sussex was gouerned by the bishops of winchester vntill the yéere . at what time eadbert was consecrate bishop of seolsey , which place before that , he gouerned as abbot . . eolla ; he being dead , the sée stood voyde vntill after the death of beda . . sigga or sigelm , alias sigfridus . . alubrith . . osa , alias bosa . . giselher . . tota . . wighthun . . 〈◊〉 . . beornege . matthew westminster maketh mention of one camelec bishop of the south saxons that ( as he saith ) was taken prisoner of the danes the yéere . and afterwards redeemed with the price of , l. sterling by king edward the elder . . coenred . . gutheard , he died . . alfred , he died . . eadelm . . ethelgar abbot of the new abbey at winchester , consecrate may . . translated to canterbury . . ordbright . . elmar , he died . . ethelrike , he died . nouember . . grinketell being depriued of the bishoprick of the east angles for symony , obtayned this . . heca chaplayne vnto king edward the confessor , consecrate . he died . . agelrike , a man singularly commended for his skill in the lawes and customes of the realme , was appointed by william the conqueror to assist gosfrid bishop of constantia , in iudging a great controuersie betwéene lanfranke the archbishop , and odo earle of kent the kings brother , concerning title of diuers landes ; and because being a very aged man , he was vnable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from chichester vnto pikenden hoath in kent , where the whole county in a manner were assembled about this matter : he was brought thither in a wagon or chariot . in a 〈◊〉 holden at windsor he was 〈◊〉 , and that ( as florent . wigorn. supposeth ) 〈◊〉 , the yéere . and imprisoned at marleborough . . stigand chaplaine vnto the conqueror , translated his sée from seolsey ( an obscure place at that time , and now caten vp with the sea that euery high water 〈◊〉 it ) vnto chichester , in old time called 〈◊〉 , so he was the first bishop of chichester . he died an . . william . . ralfe a man of very high 〈◊〉 , and no lesse high of minde . he stoode very stoutly in defence of 〈◊〉 the archbishop : in so much as when the king william rufus threatned him for the same , he offered him his ring and crosier , saying , it should better become him to leaue his place then his duety . neither could he euer be induced to forsake the said archbishop , vntill he séemed to forsake his owne cause by flying the country . after that , when the king was content to winke at the mariage of many priests in the realme ( vnto whom the archbishop was a grieuous and heauy aduersary ) and receiued of them yéerely a great summe of money for defending them against the austerity of the other , ( i meane anselme ) this bishop resisted the collection of that money in his dioces , calling it the tribute of fornication , and when ( notwithstanding his resistance ) it was paied , he interdicted his owne dioces , commanding the church doores euery where to be stopped vp with thornes . the king ( a wise and gentle prince , henry the first ) whether not vouchsafing to contend with him , or taking his well meaning in good part , was not onely content to pardon this disobedience , but also bestowed the money so gathered in his dioces vpon him , saying it was a poore bishopricke , and néeded such helpes . and certaine it is , that before the comming of this man , it was indéede excéeding poore . he increased it wonderfully , and yet notwithstanding built his cathedrall church of chichester from the ground . it was scarcely finished , when as may the fift . it was quite defaced and a great part of the city consumed with casuall fire he found meanes to repaire it againe being helped much with the liberality of the king and some other . this bishop sate many yéeres ( the certaine time i know not ) and drawing toward his end , deliuered vnto the poore with his owne hands whatsoeuer he had in the world , leauing him selfe scarce clothes to couer him . he was euer a great almes man , and notwithstanding his great building , a great house keeper also . neither was he lesse carefull of the spirituall temple of christ then the materiall ; he was a very painefull preacher , yéerely visiting his whole dioces ( preaching in euery place ) thrice , reprehending and punishing sinne seuerely , and lastly performing such other pastorall duties as he thought vnto his charge might belong . . seffridus abbot of glastonbury , was brother vnto ralfe archbishop of canterbury . he was consecrate aprill . . . hilarius . this man onely of all the bishops in england , was content absolutely to allow of the declaration after published at clarindon , without mention of that odious clause ( saluo ordine fuo ) but was shrewdly bayted of his brethren for his labor , as in the life of thomas becket you may read more at large . . iohn de greenford deane of chichester was elected the yéere . consecrate . and died . . seffridus the second succéeded . in his time to witte , october . . the cathedrall church together with the whole city was once more consumed with casuall fire . the church and his owne palace he both reedified in very good sort . . simon de welles was elected bishop december . ann . . . richard poore deane of salisbury was consecrate . translated to salisbury . and after to durham . sée durham . . ralfe , first officiall , then prior of norwich , succéeded him in chichester . he gaue to the church a windmill in bishopstone and died . . ralfe neuil al. de noua villa was elected nouember . . and consecrate the yéere following , being then lately made chauncellor of england by the consent and good liking of the whole realme , for the great opinion they had of his vprightnesse and sincerity ; whereof indéede he yéelded such proofe in the execution of that office , as neuer any man held the same with greater commendation . about the yeere . he was chosen archbishop of canterbury , but was so farre from 〈◊〉 that dignity corruptly , as he refused to giue the monkes money to pay for their charges in certifying this election vnto the pope . now he missed it , see canterbury in the life of s. edmund . after that he was elect bishop of winchester . see the successe thereof in william de raleigh of winchester . he died february . . at london in that house which is now knowen by the name of lincolnes inne . he built it from the ground to be a house of receite for himselfe and his successors when they should come to london . after his time ( i know not by what meanes ) it came to the possession of henry lacy earle of lincolne , who somwhat enlarged it and left it the name it now hath . this bishop moreouer builded a chappell and dedicated it to saint michaell without the east gate of chichester , and was otherwise a great benefactor vnto his owne church . . richard de la wich . after the death of ralf neuil , the canons of chichester to curry fauour with the king , chose a chaplaine of his for their bishop , one robert passelew , a man wise inough , and one that had done the king much good seruice , but so vnlearned , as the bishops of the realme 〈◊〉 much to be ioyned with him , procured his election to be disanulled , and richard de wiche to be chosen . this richard de wiche was borne at wiche in worcetershire , of which place he tooke his surname , and was brought vp in the vniuersities of oxford first , and paris afterward . being come to mans state , he trauailed to bononia where hauing studied the canon law seuen yéeres , he became publique reader of the same . after that , he spent some time at orleans in france , and then returning home , was made chauncellour vnto saint edmund archbishop of canterbury as also of the vniuersity of oxford . he was consecrate by the pope him selfe at lyons . and so gouerned the charge committed to him , as all men greatly reuerenced him , not onely for his great learning , but much more for his diligence in preaching , his manifold vertues , and aboue all his integrity of life and conuersation . in regard of these things , as also of many miracles that are fathered vpon him , he was canonised and made a saint some seuen yéeres after his death . he deceased aprill . . the ninth yeere after his consecration , and of his age the fifty sixt . he was buried in his owne church , and the yeere his body was remooued from the first place of buriall and laid in a sumptnous shrine . . iohn clypping a canon of chichester succéeded him . this man amongst other things , gaue vnto his church the mannour of drungwick , vpon which he built much at his owne cost , euen all the mannour house there . . stephen . of whom i find nothing but this , that he was excommunicate the yéere . for taking part with the barons against the king . . gilbertus de sancto leofardo died the yéere . he was ( saith matthew westminster ) a father of the fatherlesse , a comforter of mourners , a defender of widdowes , a releeuer of the poore , a helper of the distressed and a diligent visiter of the sick , especially the poore , vnto whom he resorted more often then vnto the rich . he ascribeth also diuers miracles vnto him , beléeue him as you list . he raised from the foundation the chappell of saint mary . . iohn de langton sometimes chauncellor of england , builded a costly window in the south part of the church . this bishop ( or at least he that was bishop of chichester the yéere . ) excommunicated the earle warren for adultery , whereupon the earle came vnto him with armed men , and made shew of some intent to lay violent hands vpon him . the bishops men perceiuing it , set vpon them , and by their masters commaundement put both the earle and his men in prison . . robert stratford archdeacon of canterbury , channcellor of the uniuersity of oxford , and lord chauncellor of england , at what time he was preferred to the bishopricke of chichester , made suite , he might with the kings good fauor giue ouer his office , which was graunted him ; but not long after it was layd vpon him againe . he died the yéere . . william de lenne , alias 〈◊〉 , doctor of law and deane of chichester , was translated to worceter . see worceter . . william reade was sometimes fellow of perton colledge in oxford , where he gaue himselfe most part vnto the study of that mathematikes , & that to so good purpose , as he hath the reputation of the most excellent mathematician of his age . in his riper yéeres he fell to diuinity , and 〈◊〉 doctor in that faculty . he built the castle of amberly from the ground , left his picture , many tables and astronomicall instruments to merton colledge , where ( i heare ) they are yet kept . . thomas rushooke a fryer preacher , doctor of diuinity , and confessor vnto the king , was first bishop of landaff and ( the time certaine i know not ) afterward remooued thence to chichester . he was drouen away from the 〈◊〉 by the barons , and his goods confiscate by parliament in march . . richard mitford was translated to salisbury the yéere . sée salisbury . . robert waldby was translated from dublin and from chichester to yorke the yéere following . 〈◊〉 yorke . . robert reade , a fryer preacher became bishop of carlioll . by the popes gift , who notwihstanding 〈◊〉 one william stirkland was elected lawfully , bestowed 〈◊〉 place vpon him at the kings request . in the ende of the 〈◊〉 yéere he was translated to chichester . . roger packinton . . henry ware doctor of law. . iohn kemp bishop of rochester , translated 〈◊〉 . and hence to london the same yéere , afterwards to yorke and canterbury . sée canterbury . . thomas poldon , first bishop of hereford was translated hence to worceter . sée worceter . . iohn rickingale doctor of diuinity . . simon sidenham doctor of law. . richard praty . . adam molins doctor of law and sometimes clarke of the councell , being bishop of chichester , had the kéeping of the priuy seale committed to him . he was slaine at portsmouth , by mariners , suborned thereunto by richard duke of yorke , iune . . he gaue to the high altar certaine rich clothes of crimosin veluet . . reginald peacocke , was borne in wales , brought vp in oriall colledge in oxford , where he proceeded doctor of diuinity , became chaplayne vnto 〈◊〉 duke of 〈◊〉 , vncle and protector of king henry the sixt , and was preferred by him vnto the bishopricke of saint assaph : from whence the yeere . he was translated to chichester he was a great defender of the doctrine of 〈◊〉 , which he was constrained to recant at paules crosse december . . had his bookes burnt there before his face , & that notwithstanding he was depriued of his bishopricke , hauing a certaine pension assigned to maintaine him in an abbey , and soone after died . . iohn 〈◊〉 doctor of phisicke succéeded , one of that name became bishop of lichfield the yeere . it could not well be he , although i finde somwhat to induce me to thinke so . . edward story doctor of diuinity was consecrate bishop of carltoll october . . sate there nine yeeres , and was translated hether the yeere . he built the new crosse in the market place . . richard 〈◊〉 was translated from rochester . and remooued hence to london . see london . . robert sherborne , was translated from saint dauids . he sate bishop of chichester . yeeres , and died august . . being yeeres of age . a man very wise . often employed in ambassages by king henry the . a great housekeeper , a great almes-man , bestowed much money in 〈◊〉 his church , and increased the number of the ministers belonging thereunto . . richard sampson , doctor of law , consecrate . was translated to lichfield . march . see lichfield . . george day , doctor of diuinity , consecrate . was depriued october . . restored by quéen 〈◊〉 . and died aug. . . . iohn scory , bacheler of dininity , was 〈◊〉 . displaced by queene mary , and afterwards 〈◊〉 by queene elizabeth vnto the sée of hereford . . iohn christopherson , doctor of diuinity , 〈◊〉 of trinity colledge in cambridge , and deane of norwich , was appointed bishop of chichester by quéene mary some after the death of day . he was borne in lancashire , and brought vp in saint johns colledge in cambridge . aman very learned , whereof he hath left many testimonies behinde him . he was depriued by acte of parliament in the beginning of the happy raigne of our now queene elizabeth . . william barlow , doctor of diuinity , sometimes bishop of saint dauids , and after of welles , was 〈◊〉 bishop of chichester december . . and sate 〈◊〉 about ten yéeres . see welles . . richard 〈◊〉 , doctor of diuinity , was consecrate may . . and after translated to salisbury . . thomas bickley doctor of dininity , 〈◊〉 of merton colledge in oxford , was consecrate about the beginning of the yeere . he was borne at stow in buckingham shire brought vp in magdalene colledge , where he was first chorister , then one of the demies , and lastly fellow . in quéene maries time he was faine to forsake , not onely his fellowship , but the realme also . most part of her raigne he liued in fraunce , at paris and orleans . in the beginning of her maiesties raigne , returning home , he became 〈◊〉 vnto the archbishop of canterbury , matth. parker , by whose meanes he was preferred vnto the 〈◊〉 of merton colledge . thomas bentam bishop of lichfield his old acquaintance in magdalene colledge , and his 〈◊〉 in exile , bestowed vpon him moreouer the archdeacomy of stafford , and a preuend in lichfield . hauing gouerned the said colledge twenty yéeres , he was called to the 〈◊〉 of chichester , where he sate . yéeres . he died at aldingburne aprill . . being well néere . yéeres of age , and was honorably enterred in his cathedrall church of chichester . he bequeathed vnto merton colledge in oxford , l. to magdalene colledge , l. and diuers other summes of money to diuers other good vses . . anthony watson deane of bristow , and one of her maiesties chaplaines was consecrate the yeere . the bishopricke of chichester is valued in the queenes bookes at , l. , d. in the popes bookes at . ducats . the bishops of rochester . saint augustine hauing laid some 〈◊〉 foundation of christian religion at canterbury ; for the farther propagation of the same , thought good to crdaine bishops vnto other cities neere adioyning , and therefore in one 〈◊〉 consecrated two , viz. 〈◊〉 to london and 〈◊〉 a romaine to 〈◊〉 . this was the yeere . about seuen yéeres after he was faine to flie the realme together with melhtus bishop of london , as in his life you may 〈◊〉 more at large . the yeere . he was translated to canterbury . see canterbury . . iustus therefore was the first bishop of rochester . . romanus was the second . trauailing to rome , 〈◊〉 a message betwéene iustus the archbishop and honorius 〈◊〉 pope , he was drowned by the way . . paulinus the first archbishop of yorke being forced thence by persecution , was content to take charge of rochester ( as in yorke it shall be declared ) sate there thirteene yeeres , and died october . . he was buried in the church of saint andrew , which echelbert the good king of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the ground . . ithamar was then made bishop of rochester , an 〈◊〉 by birth and education , yet nothing inferior either in life or learning vnto any of his predeccssors . he was the first bishop of our nation i meane the first englishman . . 〈◊〉 . after his death the see continued long voyde . . putta at last was consecrate thereunto by 〈◊〉 archb. of canterbury . he was a very good man , but very simple , and altogether vnexpert in worldly matters . waxing therfore soone weary of his bishoprick , he was halfe 〈◊〉 to leaue it , when edilred king of mercia burning his church and city , resolued and setled him in that determination . so he went into mercia , where he accepted the charge of a parish church vnder saxulf bishop there , mending his liuing by teaching a song schoole , for he was a great and cunning musitian . in that kinde of life he spent the rest of his time , and could neuer abide to heare of returning to his bishopricke . . quichelmus or gulielmus ( so beda calleth him ) a little while after his ordination left his bishoprick also , being forced thereunto by want and pouerty . . gebmundus or godwyndus accepted it , and held it during his life . . tobias an englishman succeeded . he was brought vp vnder theodore archbishop of canterbury , and hadrian abbot of saint augustines . a great learned man , a paynefull preacher and so well seene both in the latin and greeke toongs , as he spake them no lesse readily then his own mother language . he died the yeere . and was buried in his owne church . . aldulfus . . dun or duna . . eardulf . o●●a king of mercia gaue vnto him and his successors freindsbury by the name of ellingham about the yeere ● . ecgbert a king of kent gaue him certaine land within the castle of rochester the yeere . and ethelbert an other king of kent gaue him woldham ann . . . diora , vnto him the foresaid ecgbert ( that seemeth to haue beene but some petty king , for it could uot be egbert the fourth christened king , that liued . yeeres before these times ) he i say gaue to this diora . ploughlands in halling , together with certaine deanes in the weald or common wood . . weremund . he died the yeere . . beornmod . he died . . tadnoth . . bedenoth . . godwyn the first . it is here to be acknowledged , that the series or catalogue of the bishops of rochester from beornmod to siward , euen for the space of eight score yeeres , is but very maymed and vnperfect . william 〈◊〉 . affoordeth vs for all the time betweene beda and the conquest ( . yéeres ) but nine bishops . 〈◊〉 wigorn : mentioneth one more only . a catalogue remaining in the church of rochester inserteth at once seuen other : vnto which i must néedes adde this first godwyn , that was vndoubtedly bishop of rochester the yéeres . and . as appeareth 〈◊〉 in two charters , the one of withlaf and the other of 〈◊〉 kings of mercia , bearing that date and confirmed 〈◊〉 him . both of them are exemplified in ingulphus . and therefore i should doo ill not to allow him a place although whether this be his due place and order or no i am not able 〈◊〉 to say . . cutherwulf . . swithulf appointed one of the gardians of the realme to defend it against the danes ann . . which yéere he died , as asserius reporteth . . buiricus . . cheolmond . . chineferth . . burrhicus . unto him edmund the brother of king athelstane , gaue the towne of malling by the name of thrée plough lands in mealings ann . . . alfstane . . godwyne . . godwyne . one of these confirmed a charter of king edgar exemplified in ingulphus ann . . one of them also as i 〈◊〉 noted , confirmed a charter concerning wulfrunhampton 〈◊〉 the yeere . againe it is deliuered by florentius wigorn : that godwyn bishop of rochester was taken prisoner by the danes the yeere . and therefore whereas matthew westminster and others report that king ethelrede 〈◊〉 the bishop of rochester in that his owne city a long time , the yéere . and that being warned by saint dunstane , he should take héede least he prouoked against him saint andrew patron of that church ; yet he would not depart 〈◊〉 till he had wrong from the bishop . l. we néede not make any great doubt but the bishop so raunsomed , was called godwyn , although i find not his name any where set down . it should seeme then , that the see being become very poore , what through the particular troubles of these men , and the generall calanuties of the times ; after their decease , it stoode void a long time , viz. vntill the yeere . . 〈◊〉 abbot of abingdon was then consecrate . upon what occasion he was preferred to rochester , you may sée in eadsine of canterbury pag. . he died ( saith william malmsbury ) at abingdon the yeere . a few daies after the conquest of england by the normans : howbeit it is mamfest that the yeere he liued , aud was present at that synod gathered together about whitsontide , begun at winchester , and ended at windsore , as in the third books of the same william de 〈◊〉 . ye may perceiue . whensoeuer he died , certaine it is he left behind him a miserable poore church , destitute of all things necessary . it had not aboue foure canons which liued very hardly , and that for the most part by the almes of such well disposed people as tooke compassion of their pouerty . . arnostus . lanfranke archbishop of canterbury intending to reduce this church to some better order , consecrated bishop vnto this see one arnostus a monke of becco , a man well knowen vnto him . he liued not to performe any great matter . within a yeere after his preferment he died . . gundulph a monke likewise was placed in his roome by the meanes of the said lanfranke , who also caused him to take into his church ( not secular priests , as hitherto had beene accustomed ) but monkes . this bishop was a man not greatly learned , but wise , and very industrious . for he handled the matter so , as he procured not onely his church to be new built , but also the reuenewes to be increased to that height , as at the time of his death , it did and was able to maintaine fifty monkes , some say . he was very much helped in these things by lanfrank , that beside diuers summes of ready money which he contributed , bought a certaine mannor called heddre , and gaue it to the church of rochester . morcouer , wheras odo earle of kent had incroched vpon diuers lāds & possessions belonging to the sées both of canterbury and rochester ; by law they recouered them from him ; 〈◊〉 , vnto rochester were restored , by the meanes of 〈◊〉 , at the suite of gundolph , and by the iudgement of 〈◊〉 bishop of constantia , together with egelrike bishop of chichester , these mannors . dettiyng , stoce , preston , daniton , and diuers other parcels . this triall was held vpon 〈◊〉 hothe , where all the county were assembled at the kings commaundement to giue in euidence . afterward he 〈◊〉 a nunry at malling , and the hospitalt of saint barthelomews in chettham : moreouer , he built a great part of the castle of rochester , namely the great tower which yet standeth . in recompence of that charge amounting to 〈◊〉 pound , the king bestowed a mannor vpon his see. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 march . . . ralf abbot of say , was consecrate august . . the yéere . he was translated to canterbury . sée canterbury . . earnulph was a frenchman , brought vp a while vnder lanfranke at becco , and after became a monke at beauueys . lanfranke , vnderstanding that he liued very 〈◊〉 at beauueys ( vpon what occasion i finde not ) & knowing him to be a man of excellent good parts , aduised him to come to him into england . a while after his comming ouer , he liued a priuate monke in canterbury , afterwards became pryor there , then was preferred to the abbotship of 〈◊〉 , and lastly , had the bishopricke of rochester giuen him by his predecessor the archb. of canterbury december . . in all these places he so bestirred himselfe , as he left diuers notable monuments of his industrious 〈◊〉 . the vpper end of christchurch in canterbury built by lanfranke being fallen down , he procured to be built againe must magnificently , pauing it with marble , glasing and beautifying it with sundry kinde of stately ornaments . at peterborough he encreased the number of his monkes , and built 〈◊〉 . a little before his comming away , that , and all other edifices of the monastery were consumed by casuall fire . now though the diligence and long time of 〈◊〉 his predecessor , left nothing very néedfull for him to performe at rochester ; yet would he neuer be idle , but still was either mending and repayring of old , or setting vp some new building . he died in the moneth of march . being . yéeres of age . i find it reported , that he writ an history of the church of rochester , which ( if it be not perished ) i wish it might be my hap to see . . iohn archdeacon of canterbury , was consecrate may . . and died the yeere . which yeere iune . the church and city were burnt by casuall fire . . 〈◊〉 , whom some call 〈◊〉 ( but falsely ) died . . walter , archdeacon of canterbury , was the first that euer was elected by the monkes . the archbishop of canterbury was woont till this time to nominate to this bishoprick whom pleased him . theobald the archbishop bestowed this priuiledge vpon them . this walter died in iuly . the . yeere after his consecration . . gualeranus , archdeacon of bayon succéeded , and died the yeere . after his death a great controuersie arose betweene the monkes of christchurch in canterbury , and the monkes of saint andrewes in rochester ; they of canterbury alledging , that the crosier of rochester after the death of euery bishop should lie vpon the altar with them , by them to be deliuered to the next bishop . this the monkes of rochester gainesaid in words , and de facto detayned the crosier with them , till at last each party referring the matter to the archbishop of canterbury : the monkes of rochester deliuered into his hands the crosier , which he presently deliuered ouer againe vnto the pryor of canterbury : and he soone after vnto gilbert glannyll the next bishop . . gilbert de glannyll , archdeacon of luxouia , was consecrate september . . betweene this man and his monkes of rochester was long and continuall debate . by occasion whereof , he tooke away from them all their mooueable goods , all the ornaments of their church , their writings and euidences , yea and a great part os their lands , possessions and priuiledges . wanting money to follow their suites against him , they were forced to coyue the siluer of saint paulines shryne into money . these controuersies were ended no otherwise then by his death , which happened june . . but their hatred against him was so far from dying with him as they would affoord him no maner of obsequies , but buried him most obscurely , or rather basely , without either ringing , singing , or any other manner of solemnity . the hospitall at strowde néere rochester ( called neworke ) was built , 〈◊〉 , and by him endowed with those possessions it now enioyeth , to wit , the value of , l. yéerely reuenew . benedictus chaunter of saint paules church in london was consecrate february . . he died . . henry de sanford archdeacon of canterbury consecrate . within two yéeres after , it happened that richard the elect of canterbury , hugh of ely and roger of london , were to be consecrated . ioceline bishop of willes challenged the perfourmance of this ceremony as due to him , for that he was the most auncient bishop of the prouince of canterbury . but this bishop of rochester alledged it belonged to his sée ( canterbury being void ) to consecrate all the bishops of that prouince . with much adoo , this agréement was made betwéene them , that rochester should consecrate the archbishop , and ioceline of welles the other two . another thing is remembred of this bishop scarce woorthy the rehearsall , which yet i will not omit , to shew how aptmen euen of the grauest sort were to be deceaued and deluded in those times . preaching at sittingborne before a great auditory , at a time when he gaue generall orders , he declared openly , that god had reuealed vnto him now thrée seuerall times , how that such a day the soules of king richard the first , stephen langton late archbishop , and another priest , were deliuered out of purgatory , and no more soules that day but onely they thrée . he died february . . . richard de wendouer parson of bromley 〈◊〉 lawfully elected bishop of rochester was reiected as a man vnsufficient by edmund the archbishop . he appealing to rome , was confirmed there in despite of the archbishop , with whome the pope was very angry for withstanding his shamelesse and intollerable exactions here . he was 〈◊〉 . died . and was buried at westminster by the kings speciall commaundement , for that he was accounted a very holy and vertuous man. . laurentius de sancto martino a chaplaine & counsellor of king henry the third , gotte a dispensation from the pope to hold al his former liuings in commendam with this bishopricke : and yet alledging that his bishopricke was the poorest of england , much meaner then carltoll , & therefore his liuing yet vnable to maintaine the port of a bishop ; he neuer ceased till he had ertorted from the cleargy of his dioces a graunt of a fift part of all their spirituall liuings for fiue yeeres , and appropriated vnto his see for euer the parsonage of freindsbury . 〈◊〉 the archbishop of canterbury vsed this man hardly , inuading his possessions , & violently taking from him without all right diuers things of old belonging to his bishopricke . he complained vnto the king , vnto whose quéene , 〈◊〉 was vncle the king answered him in plaine tearmes , he knew he should offend his wife much , if he should become a stickler betweene them , wished him to seeke some other remedy , if by importunity he inforced him to interpose his authority , he should doo him more hurt then good . hereupon he sought vnto the pope , but he , was so neere a neighbour to the duke of sauoy the archbishops brother , as perceiuing quickly little good was to be done there , he was fame to take patience for an amends , and so sit him downe . he departed this life the yeere . . walter de 〈◊〉 lord chauncellor of england , long before he was bishop ( to wit the yeere . ) began the foundation of a colledge at maldon in surrey , but yeers after , changing his purpose , left that , & erected that which we now call merton colledge in oxford , indewing it with ( in effect ) all the lands that now it possesseth . about the same time , viz. the yeere . he became bishop of rochester , and liuing there but onely foure yéeres , died vpon saint lukes day , . he lyeth buried vnder a reasonable plaine marble toombe in the north i le of his church of rochester , almost ouer against the bishops sée . . iohn de bradfeild , a monke and chaunter of the church of rochester , was consecrate . and died . . thomas inglethorp , deane of saint paules church in london , consecrate . died in the moneth of june . . thomas de wuldham , prior of rochester . . haymo , confessor to king edward the second , 〈◊〉 named at heathe ( or rather de heathe ) of the towne of 〈◊〉 in kent where he was borne . he built much at hawling the yeere . to wit , the hall and high front of the bishops place there now standing , reedified the wall at holborough néere vnto it , & repaired the rest of the buildings in the same house , as he did also at troscliff another mannor house belonging to this sée . moreouer in the towne of hithe 〈◊〉 named , he founded the hospitall of saint 〈◊〉 , for reliefe of . poore people , endewing the same with . markes of yéerely reuenew . the yéere . he resigned his bishopricke into the popes hands . . iohn de shepey . he was made treasurer of england the yeere . . william wittlesey , translated to worceter and after to canterbury sée canterbury . . thomas trilleck . he died . . thomas brinton sometime a benedictine monke of norwich , trauailed in many places , and lastly comming to rome , preached in latine before the pope many learned sermons , which he left in writing behind him . for them & other exercises wherein he shewed himselfe to his great commendation , he was much admired , and became very famous . the pope also made him his penitentiary , & bestowed vpon him the bishopricke of rochester . he was confessor vnto king richard the . and died . . william de bottlesham , or boltsham , whom walsingham , bale , and other call ( but i doubt not falsely ) iohn bottlesham was borne at bottlesham in cambridgeshire , from whence he tooke his name . he was a frier preacher , a doctor of diuinitie , greatly accounted of for his learning , more for his eloquence and rare gift in preaching , for which also he was much estéemed by king richard the . preferred by his meanes vnto the bishopricke of landaffe , and after ( notwithstanding the election of on richard barnet ) translated vnto rochester . he died the yéere . in the moneth of may. . iohn boltsham , or bottlesham , chaplaine vnto the archbishop of canterbury , after the time of his consecration neuer sawe his cathedrall church . . richard yoong made the windowes of the parrish church of freindsbury . . iohn kempe , was translated first to chichester . then to london , and after that to yorke and canterbury . sée canterbury . . iohn langdon , a monke of canterbury . he was borne in kent , and brought vp in oxford , where he procéeded doctor of diuinitie . a man very well learned , in histories and antiquities especially he was very well seene . amongst other things , i finde he writ a chronicle of england , which whether it be yet extant or no i know not . he died at the councell of basill . . thomas browne . he being at the councell of basill , was elected to norwich , and shortly after translated thither , before he wist of any such businesse toward . see norwich . . william wels , abbot of yorke . he died . . iohn lowe , a white monke , doctor of diuinitie , and prouinciall of his order , was preferred vnto the bishopricke of saint assaph by king henry the . in regard of his great learning and painfulnesse in preaching . after that , hee also procured him to be translated to rochester . he writ diuers good workes very well woorth reading , and was a carefull searcher after good bookes , so as diuers copies of some auncient fathers had vtterly perished but for his diligence . he died the yeere . and lieth buried in his owne cathedrall church ouer against bishop merton , where he hath a same marble toombe , the inscription being not yet altogether defaced . . thomas rotheram , translated to lincolne . and after to yorke . sée yorke . . iohn alcocke , translated to worcester . and after to ely. sée ely. . iohn russell , translated to lincolne , . sée lincolne . . edmund audley , translated to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sée salisbury . . thomas sauage , translated to london and yorke . 〈◊〉 yorke . . richard fitz iames , translated to chichester . and after to london . sée london . . iohn fisher , doctor of diuinitie . for denying 〈◊〉 acknowledge the kings supremacy in ecclestasticall matters , he was executed on tower hill june . . being made cardinall about a moneth before . his head was set on london bridge , and his body buried in barking churchyard . . iohn fisher , commonly called the blacke frier of bristow . . nicholas heath , became bishop of rochester about the yéere . was remooued to worceter , . and after to yorke . sée yorke . . henry holbech , translated to lincolne . . nicolas ridley , conseccated in september . was translated to london . sée london . . iohn poynet , consecrated aprill . . was translated to winchester within a yéere after . see winton . . iohn scory , consecrated . was depriued in the beginning of quéene mary , and by quéene elizabeth preferred to hereford . . maurice griffyn , archdeacon of rochester , was consecrated aprill . . . edmund guest , consecrated ianuary . . was translated to salisbury december . . . edmund freake , doctor of diuinitie , consecrated march . . was translated to norwich , . and after to worceter . . iohn piers , doctor of diuinitie , deane of christ 〈◊〉 in oxford , consecrated march . . was translated to salisbury and after to yorke . . iohn yoong , doctor of diuinitie consecrated . yet liueth . this bishoprick is valued in the exchequer at . l. . s. . d. farthing , in the popes bookes at . ducates . the bishops of oxford . about the yéere of our lord . there liued a duke of oxford called didan . he had a daughter of excellent beauty named frideswyde , who though she had many importunate suters , men of great wealthand nobility ; yet desiring to serue god in such sort as she thought might be most acceptable vnto him , would néedes dedicate her selfe vnto a sole and monasticall life . amongst the rest of her wooers , there was one a yoong gentleman of great power ( some say he was a king ) his name was algarus . he not preuayling by intreaty , thought to vse force ; and vpon a time , getting company about him , had almost seased vpon his desired pray ; which he had so narrowly beset , as she had no way to escape his hands , but by flying into a wood . thither also he followed her , and that so néere , as leauing it , she had much adoo to recouer oxford . perceiuing then that neither she was able to fly any further for wearinesse , nor yet to withstand him there ; she called vnto god for assistance against this importunate louer , who thereupon ( as the story saith ) was miraculously stricken blind ; and he continued in that case , till by her prayers he recouered his sight againe . upon this occasion ( saith william malmsbury and the rest of our histories ) the kings of england tooke a conceite , that it was not safe for any prince to enter oxford , in so much , as euery one , being loath to venture the tryall of it in himselfe , it was euer auoyded by them , till the time that king henry the third prooued it altogether vaine by his owne experience . in this place , didan , by the intreaty of his daughter , built a monastery for nunnes , and appointed her the abbesse . it happened then obout the yéere of grace . in the time of king egelred , that certaine danes flying into this monastery to saue their liues from the bloody cruelty of the english pursuing them ; when otherwise they could not 〈◊〉 gotten out , the monastery was 〈◊〉 , and they all burnt in the same ; but it was reedified shortly after by the said king , and further enriched with diuers possessions this notwithstanding , soone after it sell into wonderfull great decay , so as no body caring to inhabite the same , it was giuen by william the conqneror vnto the abbey of abingdon for a cell or remoouing house . they not 〈◊〉 estéeming it , were content that roger bishop of salisbury their ordinary , should confirme it vnto one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chaplaine vnto king henry the first , a man , wise , learned , and religious , that tooke vpon him to place regular 〈◊〉 in the same . he did so the yéere . became 〈◊〉 ; of this new ( or rather renewed ) monastery himselfe , tooke-other vnto him , repayred in very good sort the ruinous 〈◊〉 , and by the fauour of king henry the first , recouered 〈◊〉 it what lands soeuer had béene giuen heretofore vnto the nunnes . in this state then it continued , vntill that 〈◊〉 woolsey gotte licence to conuert it into a colledge . calling it by the name of the cardinals colledge . 〈◊〉 leauing it vnperfect , it pleased king henry the eight of 〈◊〉 memory , to giue it a foundation , by the name of collegium 〈◊〉 exfundatione regis henrici octaui , and moreuer made it the sée of a new erected cathedrall church , placing in it not onely a bishop , but also a deane , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a 〈◊〉 and other officers , besides . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he appointed to be maintained in the same , of 〈◊〉 number my selfe some times was one . . robert king. this new erected episcopall sée was first established in the abbey of osney , where robert king the last abbot of the same house , and the first bishop of oxford had his installation the yéere . about fiue yéeres after , to wit , an . it was remooued vnto christchurch , then commonly called the cardinals colledge . this robert king being yet abbot of osney , was consecrate a titulary bishop by the name of episcopus roanensis , which is a sée in the prouince of the archbishopricke of athens . he was translated from this imaginary bishopricke to oxford the yéere . ( as before is mensioned ) taken away by death december . . and is entoombed on the north side of the east end of the quier in his owne church , where is this epitaphe to be seene . hic 〈◊〉 robertus king s. theologiae professor & prioous episcopus oxon. quiobijt . die decemb. . . hugh curwyn . hvgh curwyn or coren , doctor of law , first archdeacon of oxford , and deane of hereford , then archbishop of dublyn , and lord chauncellor of ireland was translated from thence to oxford ( a place of lesse honor , but more quiet ) october . . hauing sate there little more then a yeere , he died at swynbrooke , néere to burford , and was buried in the parish church there nouember . . . iohn vnderhyll . after his death , the bishopricke continued voyde many yéeres . at last it pleased her maiestie to bestow it vpon a chaplaine of her owne , iohn vnderhyll , doctor of diuinity , and rector of lincolne colledge in oxford . he was consecrate thereunto in december . died in the beginning of may . and was buried in the middle of the quier of his cathedrall church toward the vpper end . this bishoprick of oxford is valued at , l , , s , , d. farthing . the bishops of glocester . osrike king of northumberland , founded a nunry in the city of 〈◊〉 , about the yeere of our lord . kineburg , eadburg , and eua , quéenes of mercia , were abbesses of this monastery one after another . it was destroyed by the danes and lay wasle , vntill that aldred archbishop of yorke began to reedifie the same about the yéere . replenished it with monkes , and erected from the very foundation that goodly church , which is now the 〈◊〉 sée of that dioces . being giuen into the hands of king henry the eight by parliament , it pleased him to alot the 〈◊〉 of it vnto the mayntenance of a bishop , a deane , sixe prebendaries , and other ministers . . iohn wakeman , abbot of teuksbury , was the first bishop of this new erection . he prouided a toombe for his place of buriall at teuksbury in the north side of a little chappell , standing southeast from the high altar . part of it yet 〈◊〉 . but his body lyeth at worthington where he died a house belonging vnto the bishopricke of glocester . . iohn hooper bishop of worceter held glocester in commendam with worceter , by the licence of king edward the sixt . his life , actions , and heroicall end are written at large by master foxe . . iames brookes doctor of diuinity , and master of baylioll colledge in oxford succéeded him . . richard cheyney , bacheler of diuinity was consecrate april . . he died the yéere . both he and his predecessor lye buried in one vault with abbot parker the 〈◊〉 abbot . his toombe standeth in a little chappell on the north side of the presbytery almost ouer against the bishops sée . . iohn bullingham , doctor of diuinity , was consecrate september . . the sée hauing beene voyd almost three yeeres he died about the . day of may. . . godfry goldsborough , doctor of diuinity and archdeacon of worceter , was consecrate nouemb. . . the bishopricke of glocester is valued in the queenes bookes at , l. , s. , d. the bishops of peterborough . in the middle of the riuer of 〈◊〉 , ( which runneth by the south side 〈◊〉 peterborough ) there is a whirlpoole of infinite depth , that by reason of springs continually arising there , in the coldest winter was yet neuer quite frozen ouer . this place in 〈◊〉 time was called medefwell , and the towne adioyning ( taking name of it ) medeswell - 〈◊〉 , or medeshamstead . peada the sonne of penda , the first christian king of mercia , began the foundation of a monastery there , the yéere . but was taken away by the treachery of his wife before he could bring it to any perfection . wolpher his brother was so farre from endeuouring to finish this worke , as being an obstinate pagane , he put to death 〈◊〉 and ruffyn two of his owne sonnes , for no other cause then this , that they were christians afterwards notwithstanding it pleased god so to touch his heart , as of a persecuting saul 〈◊〉 became a good paul , and in token of his griefe and sorrow for his cruelty to his sonnes , determined to builde vp this monastery , in the most magnificent and stately manner he could 〈◊〉 , which indéed he performed , being very much holpen in the same by the contribution of ethelred his brother , as also of kineburg , and kineswith his sisters , who as ( w. 〈◊〉 deliuereth , doo there ly buried . this monastery he dedicated vnto saint peter , and appointed one saxulf ( by whose perswasion he tooke in hand this worke ) to be the first 〈◊〉 of the same . ( he afterwards became bishop of lichfield . ) two hundred yéeres after the first foundation and somewhat more , it flourished in wealth , and great prosperity , to 〈◊〉 , vntill the comming of the danes , who slew the monkes and vtterly destroyed all those sumptuous buildings erected by wolpher . hauing then layen desolate . yéeres ; ethelwold bishop of winchester ( a great patron of monkery ) reedified it . he had begun a new oundale at northampton in northampton shire , when by chaunce comming to this place , he thought good to omitte that former and to bestow his cost here . so he made a parish church of his building at oundale , and reedified this decayed monastery of medeshamstead in digging vp some of the old foundations , it is remembred there were found stones of such huge greatnesse , as eight yoke of oren were scarce able to draw one of them away . king edgar holp the bishop much in this foundation , and aldulf that was chauncellor vnto the said king , partly for deuotion , partly for malcontentment and greefe , that he had layen vpon his onely child and so 〈◊〉 him in his sleepe , bestowed all his substance vpon it , and betaking himselfe vnto a monasticall life , became abbot there . after him kenulfus another abbot compassed about this monastery with a strong wall about the yéere of our lord . and then ( saith w. malmsbury ) because it bare the shew of a towne or burrough , it began to leaue the old name , and to be called altogether burgh or burrough . and sometimes ( because it was dedicated vnto saint peter ) peterburrough . through the liberality of diuers benefactors it grew to that greatnesse of wealth and possessions , as all the countrey round about belonged vnto it . in that state it continued till that fatall day of all our monasteries , at what time it pleased king henry the eight , to conuert the same into a cathedrall church and to imploy the reuenewes vpon the maintenance of a bishop , a deane , . prebendaries , and other ministers necessary for the celebration of diuine seruice . northamtonshire , and kutlandshire were taken from lincolne and appointed the dioces of this newe crected sée . . iohn chambers . iohn chambers the last abbot of peterborough , was the first bishop . . dauid poole . dauid poole doctor of law , deane of the arches , and sometimes chauncellor of the dioces of lichfield . . edmund scambler . edmund scambler was consecrate ianuary . . and the yéere . remooued to norwich . sée norwich . . richard howland . richard howland doctor of diuinity and master of saint iohns colledge in cambridge succéeded . he died in the moneth of iune , . . thomas doue . thomas doue deane of norwich , and chaplaine to her maiesty , was consecrate in the end of the yéere . . this bishoprick is valued in the exchecquer at , l. , s. , d. the bishops of bristoll . robert , surnamed fitz-harding , because his father ( that was sonne vnto the king of denmarke ) was called harding ; this robert ( i say ) being a citizen of bristoll , and sometimes maior there , founded the monastery of saint augustines néere vnto the said city , and placed channons in the same , the yere . being the . yere of king stephen . this foundation was afterwards confirmed and augmented by king henry the second , who so greatly fauoured the author of the same , as he preferred him to the marriage of the daughter and sole heire of the lord barkley . of them are descended all the lord barkleys since that time . and many of them , as challenging an interest in this foundation of their auncestors , haue chosen the church there for the place of their buriall . in that church it pleased king henry the eight to erect an episcopall sée , and to conuert the reuenues of the same vnto the maintenance of a bishop , a deane , sixe prebendaries , and other officers . the dioces of this bishopricke is the city of bristoll and the county of dorset . . paul bush. paul bush prouinciall of the 〈◊〉 , was the first bishop of bristoll : a man well learned both in diuinity and phisicke , as his workes yet extant may testifie , written in both kindes , some in prose , some in verse . in the beginning of quéene maries raigne he was depriued for being maried , and died vnhappily a few daies before her . he lieth entoombed on the north side of the quier ouer against the bishops see in a séemely monument thus inscribed : hiciacet d. paulus bush primus huius ecclesiae episcopus , qui obijt . die octob. an . dom . . aetatis suae . cuius animae , &c. . iohn holyman . iohn holyman was appointed bishoppe of bristoll by quéene mary , his predecessor yet liuing , and died about the same time that he did . . richard cheyny . richard chey 〈◊〉 consecrate bishop of glocester apr. . . was allowed to how bristoll in 〈◊〉 with glocester , and so did for the space of . yéeres , viz. vntill his death , which happened the yéere . . iohn bullingham . iohn bullingham succéeded him in both these bishopricks . . richard fletcher . richard 〈◊〉 doctor of diuinity and deane of 〈◊〉 was consecrate bishop of bristoll ( bishop bullingham yet liuing ) in december . when as the sée had stoode voyde ( otherwise then as it was held by commendam ) . yeres . in the end of the yéere . he was translated to worceter , and soone after to london . sée london . bristoll is valued at , l. , s. , d. the bishops of s. dauids . the british histories doo all report that in this island at the first planting of christian religion here , there were established . episcopall sees ( as in saint aug. of canterbury i haue before declared . ) of these . three were archbishoprickes , london , york , and carlegion , or caerlheon vpon usk in monmouthshire . at carleon ( which was then a great and populous city ) in the time of king arthur , sate 〈◊〉 the sonne of eurdila a gentlewoman of great birth , but who was his father it was neuer knowen . he was a man of excellent learning and singular integrity , in regard whereof , when first he had taken great paines many yéeres , as well in teaching and reading vnto his schollers ( whereof he had a great number ) as in preaching vnto the people ; he was appointed first bishop of landaff ; and hauing stayed there no long time , was made archbishop of all wales , by germanus and 〈◊〉 two bishops of fraunce , that were intreated by 〈◊〉 ambrosius king of britaine , to come ouer and yeelde their best helpe for extinguishing the 〈◊〉 heresie , that had then taken great roote in this countrey . vther 〈◊〉 being dead , he crowned vther pendragon , and afterward that great arthar king of this island , and waring old , resigned his bishopricke vnto dauid a disciple of his . he died and was buried in the isle of enlhi , now called bardsey ( where he lead a solitary life many yeeres ) nouember . ann . his bones were afterwards remooued to landaff by 〈◊〉 bishop there , may . . . saint dauid . dauid before named , was vncle vnto king arthur , 〈◊〉 son of xantus a prince of wales , begotten vpon one melearia a nunne . a man very learned , eloquent , 〈◊〉 incredible austerity , of life and conuersation . he was also very tall of stature , and of a comely personage . by his diligence , 〈◊〉 was quite rooted out , and many earnest professors of the same conuerted vnto the truth . with the consent of king arthur , he remooued his sée from caerlegion to 〈◊〉 , which euer since of him is called of the welch twy dewi , and of vs saint dauids . a place neither pleasant , fertile , or 〈◊〉 : for ( as giraldus cambr. reporteth of it ) it is neither furnished with wood , watered with riuers , beautified with medowes , nor inriched with any kind of fruitfull 〈◊〉 ; affoording plentifully nothing but rockes and barren hils vehement winds , and tempests , and lastly the dangers and iniuries whereunto solitary places néere the sea are subiect by pyrates and otherwise . it séemeth he 〈◊〉 the frequency of people at 〈◊〉 , as a meanes to withdraw him from contemplation , whereunto that he might be more free , he made choice of this place for his sée rather then for any fitnesse of the same otherwise . he sate long , to witte , . yéeres and died at last ann . . ( hauing first built . monasteries in the countrey thereabout ) being now . yéeres of age , as bale out of the british histories reporteth . he was buried in his owne cathedrall church , and many hundreth yéeres after canonised a saint by pope calixtus the second . many things are reported of him incredible , & therefore not worth rehearsing , although i doubt not but god affoorded many miracles to the first infancy of our church , neither therefore would i be so peremptory in derogating too much from such reports as we sée no reason why they may not be true . of him they say , that his birth was foretold 〈◊〉 . yéeres before hand , that he was alwaies attended by an angell that kept him company , that he bestowed vpon the waters at 〈◊〉 that extraordinary heate they haue , and ( to repeat no more , for this is much more then any discrete man will beléeue ) that vpon a time preaching to a great multitude of people , at breuy , the plaine ground grew vp in their sight , and increased vnder his féete vnto a pretty hillocke . after saint dauidsate successiuely these , as giraldus setteth them downe . . cenanc . . eliud or teilau . . ceneu . . morwal . . haerunen , or haernurier . . elwaed . . gurnuen . . lendiuord . . gorwyst . . gorgan . . cledaue . . anian . . eluoed . . ethelmen . . elanc . . malscoed . . sadermen . . catellus . . sulhaithnay . . nonis . . etwall . . asser. . arthuael . acertaine antiquity belonging vnto the church of saint dauid , reporteth a catalogue somewhat different from this of giraldus , to wit , this that followeth : . saint dauid . . eliud . . theliaus . . kenea . . morwal . . haernurier . . eluaeth . . gurnel . . lendywyth . . gorwist . . gorgan . . cledaucke . . eynaen . . eludgeth . . eldunen . . eluaeth . . maelsehwyth . . madenew . . catulus . . syluay . . namys . . sathueney . . doythwall . . asser. . athuael . . sampson . of these forenamed bishops , vntill sampson , there 〈◊〉 no memoriall , but their names onely . in his time , the sée of saint dauid had seuen bishops suffragans 〈◊〉 vnto it ( as the foresaid antiquity declareth ) to wit , exceter , bathe , hereford , landaff , bangor , saint assaph , & fernes in ireland . while he was bishop , it happened , the people of all that countrey were woonderfully vexed with the iaundise , so as , great numbers of them died daily of that disease . by the 〈◊〉 of his cleargy and disciples , he was induced to fly the countrey , and sayled into britaine , where the bishopricke of dola being void , he was straight way 〈◊〉 vnto the same . he had brought thither with him the archiepiscopall pall of saint dauid , and vsed it during his life , as did also his successors for many yéeres , vntill they were 〈◊〉 by the pope , atthe suite of the archbishop of 〈◊〉 to leaue it , and make profession of obedience vnto him , 〈◊〉 former times . by this occasion it fell out , that she successors of sampson in saint dauids , what for want of their pall , or for pouerty , or negligence , or by some other occasion , lost their title of archbishop , and to this day neuer recouered the same . howbeit they vsed all authority belonging to an archbishop , by consecrating of other bishops , &c. neither euer did they make profession of subiection vnto canterbury vntil the time of henry the . king of england , whereof we shal speak more hereafter . after sampson succeeded these : . rucline . . rodherch . . elguin . . lunuerd , or lywarch . . nergu , or vergw . . 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 . . eneuris . . morgeneu . this man ( saith giraldus ) of all the bishops of s. dauids , presumed first to eate flesh , which none of them had euer done before him . for punishment of which haynous offence , he supposeth it fel out , that afterwards he was murthered of pirates ; reporting withall , how that after his death he appoored to a bishop in ireland , vsing these words : quia carnes comedi , caro factus sum : for eating of flesh , i am now become nothing but flesh . . 〈◊〉 . . ieuan . he continued bishop one onely night . . argustell . . morgenueth . . eruyn , or hernnn , a godly and learned man , died an . . . trameriu , or carmerin . . ioseph . . bleithud . he died the 〈◊〉 . . sulghein . he for sooke his bishopricke the yéere . . abraham . the yere . or therabout s. 〈◊〉 was spoyled and destroyed by strangers , and abraham the bishop what through 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was constrained to 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 notwithstanding he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about the 〈◊〉 . and . died being . yéeres of age , the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 man , and the greatest clerke in al 〈◊〉 ; so saith the 〈◊〉 chronicle of him . . after him a sonne of his called rythmarch succéeded ( as the chronicle of wales deliuereth ) and died about the yéere . the godliest , wisest , and greatest clerks that had beene heere in 〈◊〉 many yeeres before , sauing his father , ( saith the chronicle ) who had brought him vp , and a great number of learned disciples . . wylfred . he died the yéere . it séemeth the 〈◊〉 chronicle calleth him griffri . . bernard , a norman , chaplaine vnto king henry the first , and chauncellour to his queene , was 〈◊〉 by the archbishop of canterbury july . . not 〈◊〉 by the clergie of wales , ( as hitherto had béene 〈◊〉 ) but forced vpon them by the king that had then newly conquered wales . this man being in great 〈◊〉 with the king , and 〈◊〉 vpon the goodnesse of his 〈◊〉 , beg in to take on him the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , and caused his 〈◊〉 somtimes in wales to be 〈◊〉 before him . after long 〈◊〉 and much money spent in this cause 〈◊〉 him and the archbishop of canterbury , bernard had preuailed at the 〈◊〉 ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) had not two 〈◊〉 witnesses deposed a flat 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 of the pope . giraldus aforesaid doubteth not confidently to 〈◊〉 that the power and wealth of the archbishops of canterbury hath ouerborne the poore bishops of saint dauids in this matter without all right . this bishop ( saith giraldus ) was a man in some other respects praise woorthy , but vnreasonable proud and ambitious , as most of the englishmen were that in those times were thrust into welch bishopricks . againe he was a very euill husband vnto his church , 〈◊〉 diuers landes , and letting others for the tenth peny of that his predecessors made of them , so thinking to make a way by gratifying of courtiers , vnto some better bishopricke in england . he was deceaued of his expectation . hauing béene bishop of saint dauids about the space of . yéeres he died ann . . . dauid fitz-gerald , archdeacon of cardigan succéeded . he died the yéere . . peter , or piers , ( so the welch chronicle calleth him ) a benedictine monke , prior of wenlock , was consecrated the same yéere . his cathedrall church dedicated vnto saint andrew and saint dauid , had beene often destroyed in former times by danes and other pyrats , and in his time was almost quite 〈◊〉 ; he bestowed much in reedifying of the same , and may in sonie sort be said to haue built the church which now standeth . . 〈◊〉 , prior of lanthony , aregular chanon , was preserred to this see by the meanes of hubert archbishop of canterbury . . 〈◊〉 giraldus , was borne in pembrooke shire , néere tynby , of very noble parentage , being neere of kinne vnto the princes of wales ; a very comely and personable man of body , and for his minde , wittie , discrete , studious , vertuous and well giuen . in his youth he trauailed ouer most part of christendome . at paris he read publikely in the english colledge with great commendation . returning home , he grew into great estimation with king henry the . and became secretary vnto his sonne iohn , with whom he went into ireland , and being there , writ a description of the countrey , as he did also of england and wales . some affir me he was archdeacon of landaff ; of brecknock and saint dauids he was for certaine . being elect vnto this see an . . he made challenge vnto the title of an archbishop at rome , which controuersie how it was debated and ended , yee may read at large in r. houeden , his report of the yeere aforesaid . he was once accused oftreason , but happily acquitted , liued till he was . yéeres of age and vpward , and dying , was buried in his owne church . he writ many bookes , the catalogue whereof yee may finde in bale . . 〈◊〉 , or edward , was consecrate . . alselmus . . thomas , archdeacon of lincolne , a welchman , and a great 〈◊〉 , forsaking other good preferments , accepted of this bishopricks ( being a miserable poore thing at that 〈◊〉 ) the yeere . . richard carren . . thomas beck . he founded two colleges , one at 〈◊〉 , and another at llan dewy breuy . . dauid martyn . . henry gower . he built the bishops pallace at saint dauids , and died the yeere . . iohn theresby , or thorsby , translated to 〈◊〉 . and thence to yorke , . . reginald brian , translated likewise to worceter , . . thomas fastocke , died the yéere . . adam houghton , founded a colledge néere to the cathedrall church of s. dauid . he was chauncellour of england for a time , about the yéere . . iohn gilbert , bishop of bangor , was translated 〈◊〉 hereford . and thence hither . sée hereford . . guido de mona , died the yéere . who while 〈◊〉 liued ( saith walsingham ) was a cause of much mischiefe . . henry 〈◊〉 , was consecrated at siena by the popes owne hands , iune . . sate yeeres and was translated to canterbury , sée canterbury . . iohn keterich , or catarick , sometimes archdeacon of surrey , was translated hence to couentry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the yéere . and after to oxceter . . stephen patrington , a iacobine fryer as one 〈◊〉 , or rather a carmelite as an other saith , being at the counsell of constance , was by the pope translated to chichester in december , . ( as the records of saint dauids 〈◊〉 affirme . ) howbeit , other say ( and i take it to be true ) that he refused to accept of the popes gift . . benet nicols , bishop of bangor succéeded him . . thomas rodburne , a man of great learning , was brought vp in oxford , and became first 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , then bishop of saint dauids . he write diuers 〈◊〉 , amongst the rest an history or chronicle . the yéere . the king 〈◊〉 to translate him to ely , but could not effect it . . william lynwood , doctor of law was first chauncellor to the archbishop of canterbury then kéeper of the priuy seale , hauing beene first imployed in embassages to the kings of spaine , portugall , and other princes . he writ much . amongst other his works , he is famous for putting in order such prouinciall constitutions as had beene made by the archbishops of canterbury from the time of stephen langton vnto henry 〈◊〉 . he florished about the yéere . but iust what time he became bishop , or when he died i can not tell . he lyeth buried at saint stephens in westminster . . iohn longton died within . dayes after his consecration . . iohn de le beere . . robert tully a monke of glocester . this man i take to be him , that by the name of robert 〈◊〉 is said to haue beene translated to chichester the yéere . . richard martyn . . thomas langton . . hugh pauy . he impropred to the uicars chorall of saint dauids , the church of llan saint fred. . iohn morgan died in the priory of caermerthin , and was buried in his owne church . . 〈◊〉 vaughan built a new chappell in his church of saint dauid . . richard rawlyns . . william barlowe , translated to welles ( hauing safe here . yéeres ) about the yéere . and after to chichester . see welles . . robert farrar , ended his life in the fire for profession of his faith , the history whereof , and of his whole life are to be read in master foxe . . henry morgan died december . . . thomas yong , staying here but a very short time , was translated to yorke february . . see yorke . . richard dauyes bishop of saint assaph . . marmaduke middleton bishop of waterford in ireland . . anthony rudde doctor of diuinity , borne in yorkshire , brought vp in cambridge , hauing béene for the space of . yéeres deane of glocester , was consecrate iune . 〈◊〉 . the bishopricke of saint dauids is valued in the 〈◊〉 at , l. , d. ob . and in the 〈◊〉 bookes at . ducates . the bishops of landaff . the cathedrall church of landaff is reported to haue beene first built in the time of king 〈◊〉 , about the yéere of christ . but i perceiue not that any bishop sate there before 〈◊〉 that by 〈◊〉 bishop of altisiodore , & lupus of trecasia ( two bishops of fraunce ) was remooued to the archbishoprick of caerleon . of that occasion of their double iourney into these parts for they were twice héere ) & of 〈◊〉 , whom former ages haue made a saint , see more in the beginning of saint dauids . so we must account saint 〈◊〉 the first bishop of landaff ; not that i deny any other to haue sate there before him , but because he is the first whose name is remembred : and it is probable he had no predecessors , because the memory of all his successors is so carefully preserued . . saint 〈◊〉 , alias 〈◊〉 , the second bishop , was very nobly borne , and brought vp vnder dubritius his predecessor , and 〈◊〉 , together with saint dauid . i finde deliuered , that soone after his comming to this bishopricke , he was constrained by a strange disease raigning in those parts to flie into fraunce , whence after a season , he returned againe , bringing home with him in three ships , his countrimen that had fled with him vpon the same occasion . he was afterward slaine in the church of llan delio fechan by a certaine noble man called 〈◊〉 his cathedral church ( where it séemeth he was buried ) hath euer since borne his name . unto it in the time of this man and his successors , many kings of england and princes of wales haue giuen much land , and granted diuers notable priuiledge . amongst which these are accounted the chiefest benefactors . king iddon the sonne of inyr gwent , gaue lanarth with all the lands there , that belonged héeretofore to saint dubritius . he gaue also llanteilian porth halawg , with the territorie vnto the same belonging . maredudd that son of rein k. of west wales gaue . 〈◊〉 . aircol lawhir the sonne of tryfan k. of west wales gaue diuers lands . cadwgawn , a king was also a great benefactour , as were all these that follow , meuric king of morganwg . tewdric , or theodorike , a king . morgant , king of morganwg . augustus , king of brecheiniawc . iddug , the sonne of 〈◊〉 , a king . morgant , king of glewissig . ithael , a king . king 's of erging . gwrwodius cinuin gwrgant . noble men of wales called in euidences by the name of kings . clodri , lluddgwallawn , clydiawe , nogwy , hywell , gruffydd ap owen , rys , king of glewissig . kings of gwent . arthmael , rhrodri , kings of morgannwc . rydderch , iestinap gwrgant , caradock , gruffydd ap llewelin king of all wales . . oudoceus , or odoceus succéeded saint telian . he was also very nobly borne , and after his death reputed a saint as was also his predecessor . he died iuly . the yéere i find not . . vbelwinus alias vbelwin . . 〈◊〉 . . elgistil . . lunapeius . . gomergwinus , alias gomergius . . argwistil . . goruanus , alias guruan . . gwydlonius , alias gwodloiw . . edilbinus , alias edilbin . . grecielus . . berthgwynus . . trichanus , alias trycan . . eluogus . . cadgwaret . . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 . . pater . . gulfridus , alias 〈◊〉 . . nuth . nudd . . 〈◊〉 , alias 〈◊〉 . he died an . . . libiauth . libiauch . he died an . . . gogwanus was consecrate by 〈◊〉 archbishop of canterbury . so it seemeth this see was long void . . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 , chosen by the kings cleargy and people of the countrey , was 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 archbishop of canterbury he died an . . . 〈◊〉 , was consecrate by 〈◊〉 archbishop of canterbury octob. . . he died at rome the yere . . herewald , was consecrate at london by stigand the archbishop of canterbury in whitson weeke . he died march . . being . yeeres of age , and hauing continued in this bishopricke . yeeres . . 〈◊〉 archdeacon of landaff , was consecrate together with diuers other bishops august . . being then but . yeeree of age . at his first comming he found his bishopricke in very poore and miserable estate . the church ruinated euen almost to the ground in the time of the late warres vnder 〈◊〉 conqueror ; the reuenues of themselues small , and yet so ill husbanded by the negligence of his predecessors , as they could now scarcely maintaine two chanons beside the bishop , whereas there were woont to be . complaining hereof to the pope , calixtus the second , at what time he was at the counsell of rhemes , viz. the yeere . he affoorded him his letters to the king , as also to the archbishop of canterbury , and to the cleargy and gentlemen of his owne dioces , earnestly praying them to yeelde him their best 〈◊〉 for the reformation of his church so 〈◊〉 . the archbishop the rather to draw on the liberality of men in contributing toward the new building of the church , tooke vpon him to release the fourth part of all penance 〈◊〉 vnto such as should bestow any thing toward the 〈◊〉 . by this meanes ( no doubt ) hauing gathered great 〈◊〉 of money , he began the building of that church which now standeth april . . and hauing finished it , built a new also all the housing belonging to it . then next endeuouring to recouer the lands lost or alienated from his see , he chalenged diuers parcels withheld by barnard bishop of saint 〈◊〉 , and richard bishop of hereford , and moreouer complayned that they had vsurped vpon the iurisdiction of these places , gwhyr , cedwely , cantref bychan , ystrad yw , & 〈◊〉 . upon depositiō of . witnesses , that al these were of that dioces of landaff , they were so adiudged by the popes 〈◊〉 sentence , who also writ vnto the king and archbishop 〈◊〉 restore that right vnto the bishop of landaff , and to 〈◊〉 to yéeld obedience to him and his successors , as their diocesan . howbeit ( how it commeth to passe i know not ) those places are now and long haue beene estéemed , part of the dioces of saint dauids , and part of hereford , and none of them of landaff . this bishop died beyond the 〈◊〉 trauelling betwéene this and rome an . . . 〈◊〉 that succéeded , had a daughter , married to iorwerth ap owen ap caradocke , lord of caerlheon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a great and mighty man in those parts . he died 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 died . . nicolas ap 〈◊〉 died . . william de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . henry , prior of 〈◊〉 . was the founder of . 〈◊〉 in the church of landaff . he died . . william , pryor of 〈◊〉 died ianuary . an . . . elis de radnor , died may . . . william de burgo , chaplaine vnto king henry the . was consecrate the yéere . and died iune . 〈◊〉 . hauing liued blind . yéeres before his death . iohn 〈◊〉 ware abbot of margan died about the end of iune . . 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 died ianuary . . . 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 died in the ende of march . and lyeth 〈◊〉 vnder a marble engrauen in the east end of the church of landaff toward the north wall. . 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doctor of diuinity was consecrate february . . at canterbury , and died aprill . . he lyeth in the midst of the east ende of the church , ( elsewhere commonly called the lady chappell ) vnder a flat marble , hauing a french inscription now somewhat defaced . . iohn de 〈◊〉 a frier preacher , was consecrate at rome , and came to his dioces of landaff vpon the 〈◊〉 of trinity sunday . he died at 〈◊〉 ianuary . . and was buried at 〈◊〉 . . iohn paschall doctor of diuinity , a carmelite of ipswich , was a gentleman borne in 〈◊〉 , of a family yet remaining there , and brought vp in the uniuersity of cambridge ; by william 〈◊〉 bishop of norwich was made a titulary bishop and his suffragan , by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from that imaginary see he was translated by the pope to landaff ann . . died . and was buried at landaff . he was a man of great learning ( for those times ) and left diuers monuments thereof in writing behind him . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a frier minor. . thomas 〈◊〉 a frier preacher , and doctor of diuinity , was translated to chichester . . william de 〈◊〉 made bishop of bethlehem by the pope , was translated first to landaff and after ( viz. the yéere . ) to rochester . see more of him there . . 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 , was a doctor of diuinity , and monke of bury where being knowen for a man of a very pragmaticall and 〈◊〉 humour ; that he might not trouble them at home , the couent thought good to maintaine him at rome for the dispatch of their ordinary businesses there , taking first a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of him , neuer to seeke any office or 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 house without 〈◊〉 priuity and direction . this othe notwithstanding , when shortly after it fell out that the abbot died , he found meanes that the pope should by his omnipotent bulles intitle him to that abbotship , whereunto the couent ( with the kings good 〈◊〉 ) had now already elected another man far more meete 〈◊〉 iohn 〈◊〉 . for this bad kind of dealing , as also bicause those prouisory bulles had heretofore béen forbidden by act 〈◊〉 parliament , he was committed to the tower , and there 〈◊〉 prisoner a long time . neither durst the pope yéelde him any assistance for the iustifying of his owne gift , bicause there was then an antipope , whom , if the cleargy of england should haue béene induced to follow ( as by the kings 〈◊〉 easily they might ) it must néedes haue béene to his great preiudice and hinderance . at the first therefore , the pope was determined to haue made him a bishop in ireland , and whether he did or no i well know not : but this is certaine that the yéere . thomas brinton bishop of rochester 〈◊〉 , the pope , with the kings good liking , translated the bishop of landaffe to rochester , and gaue landaff to this brumfield . . tydemannus abbot of beaulien succéeded brumfield and ( if i mistake not ) was that tydemannus de 〈◊〉 that ann . . became bishop of worceter . . andrew barret , doctor of law. . iohn burghyll a frier preacher being bishop 〈◊〉 landaff and confessor vnto the king , was translated vnto lichfield in september . . thomas peuerell a carmelite and doctor of diuinity , was first bishop of ossery in ireland , 〈◊〉 thence to landaff . and thence to worceter . see worceter . . iohn la zouche , a frier minor , and doctor of diuinitie . it should séeme that this man built either a 〈◊〉 part , or else happily all of the house at mathern néere chepstow , the onely house that is nowe left the bishop to put his head in . his armes fixed in diuers places of the wals and windowes , to my iudgement import so much . . iohn wellys was likewise a minorite , and doctor of diuinitie . . nicolas ashby , prior of westminster . . iohn hunden , a minorite , doctor of diuinitie , and prior of kings langley . . iohn marshall , doctor of diuinitie , sometime fellow of merton colledge in oxford , was consecrated . and was ( i take it ) translated to london the 〈◊〉 . . iohn ingleby , sometime prior of shéene , a carthusian . . iohn smyth , doctor of diuinitie , died october . . and was buried at christ church in london , in the chappell of all saints , on the north side of the altar . . miles 〈◊〉 , sometimes 〈◊〉 to the abbey of abingdon , and afterwards abbot of eynesham . . george de attigua , a spaniard , a frier preacher , and doctor of diuinitie , was consecrated march . . . robert holgate , doctor of diuinitie , was consecrated march . . and ann . . was translated to yorke . see yorke . . anthony kitchen , alias dunstan , doctor of diuinity , and sometimes abbot of eynesham , was consecrated may . . and enduring all the tempestuous changes that hapned in the meane time , continued till the . yeere of her maiestie that now reigneth , viz. the yeere 〈◊〉 . and then died , hauing first so impouerished the bishopricke by vnreasonable demises , of whatsoeuer was demisable , as there was no great cause he should be so loth to leaue it . . 〈◊〉 iones , bacheler of law was consecrated may . . . william blethyn , batcheler of law , was consecrate aprill . . . geruale babington doctor of diuinity , was consecrate aug. . . in february . translated to exceter , and afterward to worceter . . william morgan , doctor of diuinity , was consecrate iuly . . and translated to saint assaph september . . this bishopricke is valued in the exchecquer at , l. , s. , d. and paid to the pope for first fruits . ducats . for want of some instructions , i can not as yet set downe a perfect catalogue of the bishops of bangor and saint assaph . and therefore leauing them till some other occasion , i must now passe vnto the prouince of yorke , which contayneth ( besides yorke the metropolitane church ) three other sees , durham , carliol , and chester . the archbishops of yorke . . paulinus . not to say any thing of the manifold testimonies of very credible authors who witnesse , that the faith of christ was receiued in diuers particular places of this island presently after the ascension of christ , or at least while the apostles yet liued ; it can not be denied , but 〈◊〉 bishop of rome . at the request of lucius then k. of britaine , sent 〈◊〉 , faganus and other learned preachers to sowe the seede of the gospell here , about the yéere of our lord . and it should séeme ( which our histories also witnesse . ) that god so farre foorth blessed 〈◊〉 labours , that they not onely conuerted many vnto the faith of christ themselues , but also left a posterity of other , which with like painfulnesse continued the same doctrine in this island , till by diuers tyrants , they were in diuers places oppressed and consumed . notwithstanding , whether it were that the church by them planted had many notable wanes , & intermissions , or rather eclipses , in which the light of heauenly doctrine was altogether darkened by great persecution , and so no ecclesiasticall history preserued ; or whether the same being preserued , was destroyed by persecutors , scarcely any mention remaineth of any of their bishops . 〈◊〉 of london , there are remembred . archbishops , and of yorke 〈◊〉 . the first of these , and the first archbishop that euer yorke had , was one named 〈◊〉 , appointed by the foresaid king lucius . againe i find it reported , that king 〈◊〉 made one 〈◊〉 archbishop there : and lastly that tadiacus was the last archbishop before the comming of the saxons . when they had gotten possession of this realme , the britons ( that were the old inhabitants ) being drouen into a corner thereof ( wales and cornewall ) the rest of england was without any knowledge , or 〈◊〉 of the gospel , vntill the comming of saint augustine . and after him a great while the north parts of this realme remained in the darknesse of their wonted ignorance , till god tooking vpon them with the eye of his mercy , gaue this occasion of their conuersion . edwyn king of 〈◊〉 , was very desirous to marry edilburge the sister of 〈◊〉 king of kent . she being not onely a christian , but a 〈◊〉 vertuous gentlewoman ; vtterly refused to match with him being a pagan , but signified , that vpon condition he 〈◊〉 promise to become a christian , she would accept him for her husband . he answered , he could be very well content 〈◊〉 doo nothing in preiudice of her faith ; and to suffer that not 〈◊〉 her 〈◊〉 , but her seruants and traine should practise what 〈◊〉 they would : and 〈◊〉 withall , that if vpon consideration and conference with wise men , christian religion should séeme more holy and woorthier of god then his 〈◊〉 , he would not refuse to embrace the same . upon these 〈◊〉 , edilburg was sent vnto him to be his quéene . and least by kéeping company with heathen people , she and those that went with her , might in time be 〈◊〉 with their paganisme , it was thought conuenient to send some 〈◊〉 and godly man with her , that might not only instruct 〈◊〉 admonish them dayly , but also minister the sacraments vnto them , yea and preach the gospell vnto 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 man was made choise of , whom they thought good to consecrate archbishop of yorke , which was done by 〈◊〉 archbishop of canterbury the . day of july , in the yéere of our lord . or as some account , . he mindfull 〈◊〉 his vocation , as soone as he came into the countrey , laboured diligently to winne soules vnto christ , but without any profit at all a great while : regis ad exemplum totus componitur 〈◊〉 . so long as the king remained obstinate , little good was to be done with the rest of the people . him therefore he often exhorted to embrace christ , and preuailed at last so far with him , as he promised to doo it , if it might please god to send him victory against guichelm king of the west saxons , that had conspired his death . this victory being 〈◊〉 according to his desire . he yet kept not promise , but delayed the matter vnder pretence of perswading his nobles first to be content therewith ; and longer still he would haue delayed it , had not god by paulinus put him in mind of a vision , he had séene long since ( as beda reporteth ) and it is this . 〈◊〉 that raigned ouer the northumbers next before him , sought nothing more then the death of this edwyn , to whom indeede the crowne of right appertayned . he therefore flying from this enimy , ranged vp and downe in many countries , and that in the most secrete manner hee might , till at last hee came vnto redwald king of the east angles , humbly 〈◊〉 him that he would saue his life by shielding him from 〈◊〉 his cruell enimy . the king bid him welcome , and promised to fulfill his request . notwithstanding which his promise being offered a great summe of money by edilfrid to betray him , and threatned with warre , if he condiscended not vnto him ; he yéelded at last , and determined to gratifie him therein , though contrary to his word and faith giuen . this resolution of the kings being vnderstood bya companion of edwins , he called him out of his bed late in the night , told him how the world went , and bid him thift for himselfe ; whereunto he answered couragiously , that for his part he would not first breake with the king : if the king esteemed so little of his honor , as to sell it for money , better it was for him to die by the appointment of him that he knew loued him ( though he loued money better ) then by the appointment of his deadly enimy , whom by flying he well saw he could no longer auoid . hereupon his companion departed from him leauing him very pensiue , sitting without doore vpon a stone . soone after he was gone , edwyn espied one comming toward him that he knew not , who demaunding of him why he sate there at that time of the night , other men being a sléepe ? what is that vnto you saith edwyn whether i spend the night within doore or without ? hereunto the other answered , thinke not my friend that i am ignorant of thy sadnes , and the cause of thy present griefe , i know them very well : but tell me ( quoth he ) what reward wouldest thou giue vnto him that should rid thée of all this care and trouble , and perswade redwald neither to 〈◊〉 thée 〈◊〉 , nor to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do it . when he promised to do any thing in the 〈◊〉 that lay in his power to performe , the other 〈◊〉 ; what 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 also promise thee the kingdome 〈◊〉 vnto 〈◊〉 , and the 〈◊〉 of thine 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 that thou shalt be the mightiest king , not onely of all thy 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 all the saxons that euer were in this i 〈◊〉 hereunto he answered in effect as before , he would 〈◊〉 his best to requite so great a benefit . why then ( quoth the other , and withall laid his hand vpon 〈◊〉 head ) when all these things shall come to passe , and that thou shalt be 〈◊〉 a more excellent way , to direct the course and maner of thy life , then euer was imparted vnto any of thy predecessors : remember by this token ( of laying my hand on thy head ) to follow without delay the directions that shall be giuen 〈◊〉 . this hauing said , he vanished away to the great 〈◊〉 and astonishment of edwyn who had not sate there long but his companion before mentioned , came 〈◊〉 foorth 〈◊〉 him with great ioy , and told him that redwald by the perswasion of his quéene had altered his determination , and was resolued ( whatsoeuer came of it ) to stand to his word , and to be true vnto him . to make short , god so 〈◊〉 his heart that he was not only content to 〈◊〉 edwyn 〈◊〉 heretofore ; but also gathered suddenly a great army , and 〈◊〉 in person against edilfrid , he ouer came and 〈◊〉 him in the 〈◊〉 : whereby it came to passe , that edwyn with one consent of all his subiects was made king . now this vision ( saith 〈◊〉 ) god reuealed vnto 〈◊〉 the archbishop , who comming vnto the king edwyn at a time when he chaunced to sit alone , deliberating with himselfe what religion he were best to follow ; he stept vnto him , and laying his right hand vpon his head , asked him if he knew that token : presently the king forgetting all princely maiesty , 〈◊〉 downe trembling at poore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and said he 〈◊〉 it very well , in so much as , hereafter he would follow his direction ( for matters of religion ) in all things . the king being thus woonne vnto christ , and hauing receiued his badge and cognisance by baptisme ; the rest of the nobility first , and then the 〈◊〉 gaue diligent eare vnto the bishops preaching , and were conuerted daily in great numbers . it is said that for . daies together he neuer rested one moment , but either instructed the people by preaching that flocked continually about him , or else imparted christ vnto them in baptisme , which he ministred in the open fieldes and riuers , churches being not yet built . king edwyn against the time of his owne baptisme , had caused a little church to be erected of boords in the city of yorke , and dedicated the same to saint peter . afterward he layd the foundation of a very stately building round about the woodden church , which ( he being taken away by vntimely death ) his successor 〈◊〉 finished . sedwall king of wales , and 〈◊〉 of mercia or mid-england came against this good king , and ( god in his secret iudgement permitting the same ) ouerthrew him in the field and slue him . the countrey by reason hereof being full of trouble , paulinus ( that saw he might not with safety abide any longer there ) sixe yeeres after his comming thither , returned by water into kent againe , and there was intreated to take on him the gouernment of the see of rochester then voyd . he sate . yeeres , and october . . was called away to receiue the glorious reward of his blessed labours , . yeeres , two moneths and . daies after his first consecration . he was a man of a tall stature ( as beda describeth him ) a little stooping , blacke haired , leane faced , his nose thinne and hooked , of a countenance both terrible and very reuerend . he was buried after his death in his cathedrall church of rochester . . cedda . after the departure of paulinus , the church of yorke was twenty ( some say thirty ) yeeres without a pastor by reason of the continuall warres and other troubles that happened by the persecution of pagans . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 colonanus and tuda , succeeding one another in the bishopricke of lindisfarne , gouerned all northumberland as well as they could during the time of this troublesome vacacie . at last egfrid king of northumberland appointed one wilfrid vnto the sée of yorke , sending him to agelbert bishop of paris ( sometime of winchester ) to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of him ; where wilfrid staying very long , and not giuing any hope of spéedy returne , the same 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( a very holy man ) without all right vnto the same to thrust 〈◊〉 into the place due to wilfrid . pauing carefully attended that charge not pertaining to him the space of thrée yéeres , he was admonished by theodorus archbishop of canterbury 〈◊〉 he was not rightly and lawfully called to that sée , 〈◊〉 he presently forsooke it , and was made by meanes of the same theodorus bishop of lichfield . . wilfridus . this wilfrid was borne in the north 〈◊〉 of meane parentage . the time of his childhood he 〈◊〉 in his fathers house , being vntaught vntill he 〈◊〉 . yéeres of age , at what time not sustayning the frowardnes of his stepmother , he went abroad to séeke his fortune as they say . and first he light vpon certaine courtiers that had been beholding vnto his father for diuers 〈◊〉 . by 〈◊〉 he was presented vnto the quéene , as child for wit and beauty not vnfit to doo her seruice ; she by questioning 〈◊〉 the inclination of the boye , that he was desirous to 〈◊〉 a scholler . therefore the sent him to one cedda , that of a councellor and 〈◊〉 to the king , had 〈◊〉 a monke at lindisfarne . by him he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being very sharp witted , profited wonderfully vnder him . at that time there was a great contention in the church about the obseruation of easter ; whereof this youth being desirous to be fully informed , determined to go to rome and study there a while . by meanes of eanfled the quéene 〈◊〉 and ercombert king of kent , he was furnished for this voyage , and sent along with one or two other . in the way he fell acquainted with 〈◊〉 archbishop of lyons , who made very much of him , & stayed him with him a time , to the great increase of his knowledge . continuing then no long time at rome , in his returne homeward , he was ordered by the archbishop of lyons aforesaid , who also adopted him to be his sonne . he meant not to haue returned into his owne countrey , but that this archbishop was taken from him being 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 the quéene that had cruelly staine . other bishops before . presently vpon his returne home , king egfrid gaue him a house and maintenance , and many uoblemen admiting much his learning and eloquence , bestowed diuers things vpō him . at last with great applause & liking of all men , he was chosen bishop , & sent into fraunce , where he was consecrate by . other bishops : for he refused to take consecration at the hands of the scottish bishops that were counsed schisinatiques in not agreeing with the church of rome concerning the time and obseruation of easter . beyond the seas he stayed somewhat longer then he needed , being delighted with the company of many learned men , of that countrie : and when he would haue returned , by tempest of weather he was driuen into far countries , where he wandred a long time . comming home and finding another man in his place , he liued a while a priuate life . in which meane space he was often inuited by 〈◊〉 king of merce-land vnto the bishopricke of lichfield . in the end cedda being remooued ( as before is said ) he setled himselfe at yarke , and hosced cedda to lichfield . then , the first thing he went about was to finish his cathedrall church left vnperfect by 〈◊〉 , and since his departure very much decaied ( for the roofe was fallen , and the walles in many places ruinous ) this his church i say he repaired , and finished , mending the walles , couering it with leade , glasing the windowes and moreouer beautified the same with many goodly ornaments . he was so greatly beloued of all men for his gentlenesse 〈◊〉 and liberality , as many men liuing , but more at their death ( especially cleargie men ) would put their goods and children into his hands , the one assuring themselues of a 〈◊〉 kéeper , the other of a discréete and conscionable 〈◊〉 . hereby it came to passe that in short time he became exceeding rich , hauing many seruitors to attend vpon him , and great store of plate , and other houshould 〈◊〉 very sumptuous . the report whereof comming to the eares of theodore archbishop of canterbury : it put him in mind of the greatnesse of that dioces and the ability of the country to maintaine more bishops . wherefore he went about to appoint two or thrée 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vvilfride obstinately 〈◊〉 , and the other ceased not to 〈◊〉 very earnestly , he appealed vnto the pope , and went vnto him in person . some report ( i thinke vntruly ) that he went 〈◊〉 to perswade the quéene to forsake her husband , and 〈◊〉 take her selfe to a monastery , and that the king being greatly displeased herewith , first sought to diminish his authority by making more bishops , and afterward made diners 〈◊〉 vnto the pope against him , séeking to haue him 〈◊〉 . whosoeuer caused it , certaine it is , that to the 〈◊〉 he trauailed . in passing of the sea , he was driuen by a 〈◊〉 winde into frizia , and 〈◊〉 there all winter preaching the gospell ( neuer hard of in that country before ) vnto the king and people , whom before his departure he conuerted vnto christ. the pope was then at the counsell of 〈◊〉 , where , both by him and his counsell it was ordered , that the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 of yorke should not be altered without 〈◊〉 owne consent . but egfride the king so 〈◊〉 theodores deuise , as wilfride at his returne 〈◊〉 , he must either yéeld vnto it or forsake the country . herein me thinkes he was to blame : not induring to take a repulse in a matter he had trauailed so much in ; he rather chose to 〈◊〉 bishopricke , country and all , and to liue in pouerty and 〈◊〉 . he went into sussex , and there 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 the people of that country vnto the 〈◊〉 of christ , became their first bishop , and laid the foundations of a cathedrall church , the sée being afterward remooued to chichester . sée 〈◊〉 hereof in chichester . after ten yéeres banishment , king egfrid dying , alfrid that succéeded him sent for wilfride and desired him to returne to his sée of yorke : which he did . but after fiue yéeres , the king fell out with him , and 〈◊〉 him to rome againe . there purging himselfe of all the accusations laid against him by the king , he obtained the 〈◊〉 letters in fauour of him , by meanes whereof , and 〈◊〉 of many friends , with much a doo , at last he was restored 〈◊〉 more vnto his first charge , in which after this his last 〈◊〉 , he liued peaceably the space of sower yeeres , and 〈◊〉 then being seuenty sixe yéeres of age , october the 〈◊〉 the yéere . forty fiue yéeres after his first consecration . he was buried in the monastery of rippon which himselfe built : many other things are at large reported of him by beda lib. . cap. . amongst the rest his epitaphe there set downe i thought good to insert . wilfridus 〈◊〉 magnus requiescit corpore praesul , hane domino qui aulam ductus pietatis amore fecit , & eximio 〈◊〉 nomine petri , cui claues coeli christus dedit arbiter orbis , atque auro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ostro . quinetiam sublime crucis radiante metallo hic posuit trophaeum , nee non quatuor auro scribi euangelij praecepit in ordine libros , ac thecam è rutilo his condignam condidit auro . paschalis qui etiam solemnia tempora 〈◊〉 catholiciad iustum correxit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quem statuere patres , dubioque errore remoto , certa suae genti ostendit modermina ritus ; inque locis 〈◊〉 monachorum examina crebra colligit , ac monitis cauit quae regula patrum sedulus instituit , multisque domique forisque , iactatus nimium per tempora longa periclis , 〈◊〉 ternos postquam egit episcopos annos , transijt & gaudens caelestia regna petiuit , dona iesu grex vt pastoris calle sequatur . sée more of this wilfride in theodore of canterbury . . bosa . after the first departure of wilfrid from yorke , theodore procéeding in his intended platforme , diuided his dioces into . placing one eata at hagustald whom afterward he remooued to lindissarne ( another of his new erections ) appointing tumbert to succéede him , in the prouince of the pictes trumwyn , and lastly in the ancient sée of york bosa . at the returne of wilfrid , 〈◊〉 was faine to giue place , as also iohn that had succéeded eata ( dead in the mean time . ) wilfrid being expelled the second time , they were both restored . ) before then the second restitution of wilfrid , bosa died , and iohn succéeded him . this iohn , wilfrid would not displace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the report of a very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 man. he 〈◊〉 ten 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 , and dying , was the first archbishop that was buried in 〈◊〉 . . iohn . this iohn called afterward saint iohn of beuerley , was a gentleman borne of a very good house , & brought vp first vnder hilda that 〈◊〉 abbesse , then vnder theodore the first archbishop of canterbury , who also preferred him to the bishopricke of 〈◊〉 . he alwaies had the reputation of a wonderfull holy man , and beda reporteth many miracles done by him , lib. . cap. . . . . and . as the curing of diuers folkes desperately sicke , by prayer ; opening the mouth of a dumb man , &c. which things either they were true , or beda was much to blame : for he not onely liued in his time and dioces , but knew him and receiued the order of priesthood at his hand . waxing very old , and hauing béene a bishop now . yéeres , . monethes and . daies , with the consent of his cleargy , he resigned and procured another wilfred his chaplaine to be consecrate in his roome . after which he liued priuately at beuerley , in the colledge there built and founded by himselfe for priests , and dying the seuenth day of may , the yéere . was buried in the porch of the church belonging to that colledge . in a 〈◊〉 held at london the yéere , . the foresaid day of his death was appointed to be kept holy day yéerly in memorial of him . amongst many priuileges granted by diuers kings vnto the colledge of beuerly for his sake , it is remembred that king athelstan made it a sanctuary , and placed a certaine chaire of stone in the church there , vpon which he caused this inscription to be engrauen , haec sedea lapidea dicitur freedstoole . 〈◊〉 cathedra , ad quam reus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , omnimodam habet 〈◊〉 . this chaire of stone is called fréedstoole , that is the stoole of feéedome , vnto which who so commeth , hath all manner of security . . wilfridus . . the forefaid wilfride sate . yéeres , and died the yéere , : . egbert . after him sucéeded egbert the brother of king eadbert , he sate . yeeres . and died ann . . this man byhis owne wisedome and the authority of his brother , amended greatly the state of his church and sée ; he procured the archepiscopall pall to be restored to his church againe , and erected a famous library in yorke , which he stored plentifully with an infinite number of excellent bookes . this library is honorably mētioned by flaccus albinus or alcuinus ( sometime kéeper of the same , but then schoolemaster vnto charles the great , in an epistle to the church of england in these words . date 〈◊〉 eruditionis 〈◊〉 quales in patria mea anglia per industriam magistrimei egberti habui , & 〈◊〉 vobis aliquos expueris nostris vt excipiant inde necessaria & reuehant in 〈◊〉 flores britanniae , & non sit tantum in eboraco hortus conclusus , sed etiam in turome emissiones paradisi , &c. neither was this man onely a fauorer of learning in other , but himselfe also was very learned , and writ many things , a catalogue whereof you may sée in bale . he was buried at yorke by his brother the king in the church porch . . coena alias albertus . albert called by florentius coena sate after egbertus . yéeres , and died at chester . . eanbaldus . coena yet liuing ( whether he resigned or tooke him to him for a coadiutor , it appeareth not ) eanbald , being , an old man , was consecrate archbishop , and liued af ter his consecration . yéeres . he was buried in his owne church . . eanbaldus . . another eanbaldus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a priest of the church of yorke . in the yéere . he called a synod or 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 in which he caused diuers things 〈◊〉 to be reformed . what time he died or how long he sate , i find not . . wulsius . a little time wulsius enioyed his honour , and died the yéere . . wimundus . wimundus succéeded wulsius , and sate . yéeres . he died ( as matthew westminster reporteth ) the yéere . . wilferus . after him wilferus was archbishop a long time , . yéeres and vpwards . the yéere . his 〈◊〉 droue him out of the countrey together with egbert their king , who went vnto burrhede king of mercia , and of him were honorably intertained , till that the yéere following , king egbert died , and by the helpe of king ricsinus his successor , wulferus was called home againe . he deceased about the yéere of our lord . or as matthew westminster hath it ( whose computation i 〈◊〉 very vncertaine ) . in his time the danes made such hauocke in the north countrey , as a great while after the archbishopricke was little worth , and was faine to be mended often times with the commendam of worcester . . ethelbalde . then followed these : ethelbald . . redwarde . and after him redward , of whom nothing is recorded . . wulstanus . by the fauour of the king athelstan , wulstanus was then preferred to this sée : in whose time the same king gaue vnto the church of yorke agmundernes which he bought of the danes this bishop was conuict of a haynous crime ; forgetting the dutifull affection that he ought to beare vnto edred his king , for athelstane his brothers sake that preferred him ; forgetting his oath and allegiance vnto the same king being his naturall prince ; yea forgetting that he was either an englishman or a christian : he was not ashamed to leane vnto the danes , and sauour them , a heathen people , and such as sought not onely to destroy his countrey , but also to roote out christian religion . for this treason ( deseruing a thousand deaths ) he was onely committed to prison the yéere . and a yeere after inlarged againe . this is the report of william malmesbury . matthew westminster saith , he was punished in this fort for killing diuers citizens of thetford in reuenge of the death of one adelm an abbot , whom they had slaine , and 〈◊〉 without cause : two yeeres after his enlargement , he died vpon saint stephens day , the yeere . he was buried at a place called undalum . except it be owndlc in northhampton shire , how it is now termed i cannot gesse . . oskitell . oskitell then succéeded , a man of good life and well learned , who gouerned his sée laudably . yeeres , and died the yéere . . athelwold . next followed athelwold , that hauing as it were a taste onely of this honour , was quickly weary of it , and after a very short time gaue it ouer , choosing rather to liue obscurely , so he might liue quietly . . oswald . within the compasse of one yéere , viz. the yéere . yorke had three archbishoppes , oskitell that 〈◊〉 , athelwold that resigned , and this oswald . he was néere of kinne vnto oskitell his predecessor , but 〈◊〉 vnto odo archbishop of canterbury being his brothers 〈◊〉 . by his 〈◊〉 he was made first chanon of winchester , after 〈◊〉 : for at that time , the cathedrall church of winchester had no monkes , but maintained a company of secular priests , whereof many were married men . perceiuing the 〈◊〉 onely were now in 〈◊〉 , and other cleargy men little 〈◊〉 ; by the 〈◊〉 of his vncle 〈◊〉 his place in winchester , and trauelled to floriake in fraunce , where he became a monke . hauing continued there some 〈◊〉 or fire yéeres , his vncle writ often very importunatly vnto him to come home , but could neuer preuaile , till he sent him word of his last sicknesse , whereof soone after 〈◊〉 died . oswald then destrous to haue séene him once more , made 〈◊〉 into england , but came too late ; the old archbishop was 〈◊〉 first . oskitell then his other kinsman gaue him entertainement , till that by the meanes of saint dunstan he was preferred to the bishoprick of worceter , viz. the yéere . two yéeres after his arriual in england . he built there the church dedicated to the blessed virgine mary hard by the church of saint peter , and placed monkes in the same , to the ende that the priests of saint peters church being continually disgraced by the people ( that very much reuerenced the monkes ) might become a weary of their places . he was not deceiued of his expectation ; the people flocked all vnto the monkes and left the priests of s. peters alone . partly for shame , & partly for griefe thereof ( being per aduenture molested otherwise ) the most of them departed thēce , & that rest were faine to take coules vnto them & become monks . the sée of yorke being voide , king edgar carefull to place a fit man in the north country ( which was then very rude and barbarous ) and thinking none so fit as oswald , made offer of the same , vnto him : and when he séemed loth to forsake worceter , was content he should hold bothe . this man was the first founder of the abbey of ramsey in the isle of ely , and a very liberal benefactor vnto the abbey of floriake where he was brought vp ; a great patrone of monks , and a terrible persecutor of married priests , whereof there were many in those daies . he died at worceter sodainely , hauing washed the féete of certaine poore men , ( as daily he accustomed ) after which knéeling downe to say certaine praiers , without any sicknesse precedent , he gaue vp the ghost . william 〈◊〉 ( who reporthis ) addeth , that the day before his death , he told diuers of his friends that he should die . he was very learned , and left some testimonies thereof in writing , not yet perished : for the integrity also of his life & rōuersation , he was much reuerenced . the greatest fault i finde in him , is , that he was very earnest in setting foorth that doctrine of diuels that debarreth men of lawfull marriage . the time of his departure was february an . . . yéeres after his first consecration , when he had inioyed yorke . yéeres . he was buried at worceter in the church himselfe had built . many miracles are reported to haue béen done at his tombe , in regard whereof the posterity would néedes make him a saint . . aldulfe . aldulfe abbot of peterborough , succéeded oswald in both his sees , viz of yorke and worceter , a holy and reuerend man ( saith 〈◊〉 ) and one that striued with his predecessor in liberality toward the monastery of floriake . he died may . . and was buried in saint maries church at worceter . . wulstan . another wulstan then by the fauour of king knute , held also both the said sees of yorke and worceter ; for which cause malmesbury findeth great fault with him , that in aldulf and oswald liked it well ynough . and all the exceptions he takes against him , is this , that he was not of so holy a profession as they , that is , he was not a monke . hauing béene archbishop . yéeres he died the yéere . and was buried at ely. . alfricus puttoc . one leoffius then obtayned worceter , alfricus puttoc 〈◊〉 of winchester being made archbishop of yorke . he was very angry with worceter men , for not admitting him to that sée also , which thrée of his predecessors had held in commendam before him . and in reuenge of this repulse , caused hardeknute the king ( with whom he could do much ) at a time when they had béen somwhat backwards in payments to be made vnto him , to fire that goodly city . he is blamed also for another barbarous part of the same king , that caused the dead body of his owne brother harold to be digged vp , beheaded , & then cast into the thames . this they say was done by alfricus the archbishops councell . he bestowed much money vpon the colledge of beuerley , first in a new & sumptuous shrine for the body of saint iohn his predecessor , and then in purchasing lands to increase the reuenewes thereof , viz. some at milton , other at 〈◊〉 , and againe at 〈◊〉 . he died at southwell the yéere . and was buried at peterborough . . kinsius achaplaine of king edward the confessor one kinsius succeeded alfrike . he built very much at beuerley , to wit , the hall , the church , and diuers other edisices , gaue many bookes and ornaments to shyrestone , and other churches of his dioces , sate . yéeres , died at yorke . december . and was buried at peterborough where he had sometimes lined a monke . . aldredus . the sée of yorke falling void by the death of kinsius , aldredus that being first a monke of winchester , then abbot of tauestock , was consecrate bishop of worceter the yeere . making his way by money and bribes liberally bestowed amongst courtiers , found a meanes to 〈◊〉 and abuse the simplicity of king edward the confessor , and by alleadging the example of his predecessors that had held worceter in commendam with yorke , obtained licence of him to hold them both , wherein so holy a man as 〈◊〉 . edward ( me thinkes ) should haue beene more precise . hauing preuailed thus farre , he went to rome for his pall together with the earle 〈◊〉 brother to the quéene , giso after bishop of welles , and walter of hereford . the pope at that time was nic. the second , a great enimy to simony , which in this age began to grow very rise . whether he had heard somwhat of aldredes bribing in obtaining this preferment , or whether he fisht it out by strict examination ( which is deliuered ) he not onely refused to establish him in his archbishopricke , but also depriued him of the bishopricke he had before . homewards they came together in one company , but with diuers affections ; gilo and walter ioyfull for the honor newly done vnto them : ( for being found men , not onely learned , 〈◊〉 of good conuersation , and not culpable of any corruption ; they were consecrate at rome with all fauor and honor that might be : 〈◊〉 the earle , peasiue for his friend , whose bribes he had receiued to the others ouerthrow ; and lastly aldred almost desperate for so great a calamity as was fallen vpon him . sée the power of almighty god , that not onely raiseth as it were in a moment from the bottome of misery , vnto the toppe of happinesse ; but also doth it by such meanes oftentimes as we thinke more likely to cast vs down farther , then to relieue vs any thing at all . this iolly company , trauailing from rome toward the alpes , by the way were encountred with a company of good fellowes ( in a happy hower for aldred ) that spoyled them of all they had about them , leauing them neither horse nor money , nor any thing money worth but their apparrell . so there was no remedy , but backe to rome they must againe to furnish them a new for their iourney . there tosti with open mouth exclaimed against the pope , saying , there was no reason that farre remote nations should sogreatly stand in awe of his excōmunications , which théeues and robbers cared not a halfpenny for , but contemned openly and derided euen vnder his derided that amongst poore priests , he would play rex , but let rebellious varlets doo what they list . if by his meanes ( quoth he ) our goods be not restored to vs againe , let him giue vs leaue to say , that by his fault and misgouernment we haue lost them ; and we hope that our king will haue such consideration of vs , as in the end , this iniury ( if he heare of it ) shall prooue a greater losse to the pope then to vs. for my part , i will not faile to certifie him of the truth , and to 〈◊〉 him daily for recompence , which out of the tribute the pope hath of england , will soone be made . and except he 〈◊〉 it better , why he should haue any at all . i see not . partly by meanes of these threats , partly in commiseration and pitie , partly by importunity of suite , aldred at last obtained his archbishopricke , & had his pall giuen him vpon condition that he should leaue worceter . into which sée at his returne he wrought 〈◊〉 , but hampered him so , as heretained almost all the commodity to himselfe , leauing wulstan only . mannors to maintaine his state . in defence of which dealing he alledged , that the lands & possessions of the archbishopricke were so wasted and spoyled by the danes and other in the time of wulfere , as since that , they yéelded little or no profit . it could not be altogether true . for alfrike and kinsius ( as before you heard ) built and purchased much , hauing no commendam at all . this aldred likewise built much ; a hall for the cannons to dine in together at yorke , and another at southwell ; at beuerley the hall begun by his predecessors & left vnperfect , he finished ; the presbytery there he raised frō the very foundation , as also a goodly church at glocester , euen the same which is now the cathedrall church . this likewise is commended in him , that whereas the cleargy of those times were very vndecently appareled nothing differing from lay men , he brought all the ministery of his prouince to an vniforme and séemely kinde of habit . not many yéeres after his returne , king edward the confessor died , and harold inuading the dignity royall no way 〈◊〉 vnto him , was crowned by aldred . wallian , the conqueror also refusing to receiue the crowne at stigands hands ( whom he called the vsurper of canterbury ) desired him to performe that solemnity , which he did , requiring first an oath of him to defend the church , minister iustice ( and amongst other things ) to vse english men as fauorably as normans . this oath it séemed vnto aldred the king had broken , and therefore ( like a couragious prelate ) he stucke not to thunder out an excommunication against him , saying that now worthily he had cursed , whom once vnworthily he had blessed . this bold pranke being reported vnto the king , incensed him very much at first , but thinking better of it , he determined to giue faire words a while , and so sent some to entreat for his absolution . these messengers came too late for the bishop being troubled much in mind after the performance of that action , and either amased with feare of what might happen after it , or ouercome with gréefe and repentance of that he had done ; neuer could be mery after , and so by conceit was cast into a disease , whereof he died . september . . this is the report of w. malmesbury , others say ( namely florentius wigorne ) that he was so grieued with the comming in of a nauy of the danes , as he prayed to god to take him out of this life , that he might not sée the slaughter and spoyle which he thought they would make ; and that this griefe was the cause of his death . he was more reuerenced afterward then while he liued a great deale , no english man succéeded him in many yéeres after ; and the normans being odious vnto the people they gladly reprehended all their actions , & comparing them with such english bishops as they could remember , made most fauorable report of them . one thing also encreased his credite much : vrsus earle of worceter had built a castle there to some preiudice of the monks , in so much as the ditch of the said castle empaired a little of the church yard . aldred went vnto the earle ( hauing before admonished him to right the wrong ) and hauing demaunded of him whether it were done , by his appointment ( which he could not deny ) looking 〈◊〉 vpon 〈◊〉 , he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vrse haue thou gods 〈◊〉 ; and mine , and of all 〈◊〉 heads , except thou 〈◊〉 away this castle , and know thou assuredly , that thy posterity shall not inherite the land 〈◊〉 inheritance of saint mary . this his 〈◊〉 seemed to take effect , for 〈◊〉 died 〈◊〉 after , and roger his sonne a very small time enioying his fathers honour , lost the same , and was saine to flye the realme for killing an officer of the kings . thus much for aldred , who after his death was buried in his owne church . . thomas . the king then appointed thomas a channon of bayon to be his successor , a norman by birth , but he was brought vp altogither in the schooles of the saxons in fraunce , except a little time he spent in spaine . he was the sonne of a priest ( a married priest i take it ) and brother vnto sampson bishop of worceter , whose sonne thomas succéeded afterwards this thomas in this sée of yorke . a man very learned , gentle both in countenance and words , of a very swéete and amiable behauiour , chaste , and ( which is not to be despised ) of a goodly personage , being in his youth beautifull , in his latter time well coloured , and his haire , both head and beard as white as snow . at his first entrance , he had some what to do with lanfranke archbishop of canterbury , vnto whom he would not make profession of obediencē neuer ( as he alledged ) before that time required . and indéed before the comming of william the conqueror ( saith one ) the two metropolitanes of england , were not onely in authority , dignity and office , but also in number of suffragane bishops 〈◊〉 . but at this time ( saith he ) they of canterbury 〈◊〉 the new king , that yorke ought to be subiect vnto their sée , and that it was for the good and safety of the king , that the church thereof should be obedient principally vnto one ; for that otherwise one might set the crowne vpon one mans 〈◊〉 , and the other doe as much for some body else . this 〈◊〉 is more at large debated in canterbury . the ende for that time was , that thomas ouerborne by the archbishop of canterbury lanfranke and the king ( who fauoured him ) was faine to appeale vnto rome ; both of them being there in person before the pope , they fell ( as commonly it happeneth in like cases ) from the chiefe point , into by matters and articling one against another . what thomas laide against lanfranke i find not . and all that lanfranke had to say against him was , that he was a priests son ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and that the king for his faithfull seruice had promised him a bishopricke before his comming into england . these were so great matters in the popes iudgement , as thomas must be depriued of his ring and crosier , and not restored to them but by the entreaty of lanfranke . as for the matter of primacy , he left it to the iudgment of the king and bishops of england , who forced thomas to yeeld . comming then to yorke , he found that estate of his whole dioces ( the city & church especially ) most miserable . the danes before mentioned comming toward yorke ; the normans that held the castle thought good to burne certaine houses neere the castle , least they might be a furtherance vnto the enemy . this vngentle fire would not be entreated to stay iust where they would haue it , but procéeding farther then his commission , destroyed the monastery and church of saint peter , and in fine the whole city . before the fire was out , the danes came and tooke both city and castle by force , putting to the sword all the normans they found there ( to the number of ) sauing none aliue , but one william mallet , his wife , children , and a few other . soone after the destruction of this goodly city , the king came into these parts with a puissant army against the danes , not ceasing to make all manner of spoile as if he had béene in the enemies countrey . so betwéene the danes and the normans , such hauocke was made , as all the land from the great riuer of humber vnto the riuer of tine , lay waste , and not inhabited by any man for the space of nine yeeres after . in the church of yorke there were onely thrée chanons left , the rest being all either dead or fled away : & they had left vnto them neither house to put their heads in , nor any good meanes how to line and maintaine themselues . all these faults this industrious bishop endeuoured to amend . first he new couered and repaired his church as well as he might to serue the turne for a time . but afterwards he pulled downe all the old building , and erected from the very foundation a new , to wit , the minster that now standeth . his channons dispersed abroad , he called home againe , and tooke order they should be reasonably prouided for . he built them a hall and a dorter , and appointed one of them to be the prouost , and gouernour of the rest . also he bestowed certaine mannors and lands vpon them , and caused other to be restored that had béen taken from them . the church then hauing continued in this state a good while , i know not by whose aduise , the archbishop thought good to diuide the land of saint peters church into prebends , and so to allot a particular portion vnto euery channon , whereas before they liued together vpon the common charges of the church at one table , much in like sort as fellowes of houses do now in the uniuersities . at the same time also he appointed a deane , a treasurer , and a chanter ; and also for the chauncellorship it was founded of him before . the church newly built by him he furnished with books , and all kind of ornaments necessary ; but his speciall care was to furnish the same and the rest of his dioces with learned and honest men , with whom he was woont continually to conferre and reason ( sometime with one , and sometime with another ) partly for his owne exercise , and partly to sée , what was in them , and to raise them vp to a diligence in increasing their knowledge . himselfe was very learned , and writ diuers things both in prose and verse . he was also a very good musition , and could not onely sing , but play very well vpon the organs , and did set many songs . hauing crowned king henry the first , august . . with the helpe of maurice bishop of london ( because anselm archbishop of canterbury liued then in banishment ) the . of nouember following being sunday he died at rippon , and was buried at yorke in the minster himselfe had built , next vnto aldred his predecessor . . gerard. after the death of thomas , gerard nephew vnto walkenlin bishop of winchester and chauncellor of england vnder william the conquerour , and rofus his sonne , hauing beene bishop of heresord no long time , he was elected vnto yorke , but obtayned not confirmation a great while . for he refused to make profession of obedience vnto canterbury , till being commaunded by the popes letters , he performed the same . he sate archbishop seuen yéeres , and almost sixe moneths , and died suddenly in his garden at southwell , at a time when no body was with him . he was a good benefactor vnto the church of yorke ; for he was a meanes vnto the king , to bestow the church of laxton vpon the chapter : and himselfe hauing obtayued of him the churches of dryfield , kilne , pockington and burgh , he gaue them all likewise to the chapter . this notwithstanding , after his death they would not suffer him ( bying so suddenly ) to be buried within their church ( hardly in the churchyard . so he was laide at the entrance of the church porch . but thomas his successor not suffering such an indignity to be offered vnto an archbishop , remooued his bones into the church afterward , and caused them to be honorably intoombed . he was a man of great learning , and for eloquence admirable ; but somewhat too eager against married priests , whom by no meanes he could abide . bale chargeth him with forcery and coniuration , because forsooth , that after his death , there was found in his chamber a volume of 〈◊〉 , who writ of astrology indéed , but of coniuration nothing that euer i heard . . thomas . . a second thomas succéeded , a chaplain of the kings , nephew vnto the former thomas , and sonne vnto sampson bishop of worceter . euen as his predecessor , he was very loath to make his profession vnto caterbury . being called vpon by anselme the archbishop ; he made many 〈◊〉 . wherefore anselme lying very 〈◊〉 , and perceiuing his end to be néere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the bishops of england , commanding them not to consecrate him before he had made his 〈◊〉 , laying a terrible curse , and 〈◊〉 vpon whosoeuer 〈◊〉 doo it . the king after 〈◊〉 death 〈◊〉 the bishop of worceter ( whose sonne he was ) to consecrate him : but he answered that he would not haue the curse of father 〈◊〉 , for any worldly good . so in the end being perswaded to yéeld , as other had done before him ; consecration was afforded vnto him , and performed by his father 〈◊〉 the foresaid bishop of 〈◊〉 , or ( as other report ) by the bishop of london , iune . . this man erected 〈◊〉 newe 〈◊〉 in his church of yorke , he placed 〈◊〉 reguler at 〈◊〉 , he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 parcels of land vnto the colledge of 〈◊〉 , and purchased of the king the like liberties & priuileges for them that the 〈◊〉 of yorke , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he sate little aboue . yéeres , and died ( i thinke i 〈◊〉 say ) 〈◊〉 martyr . lying dangerously 〈◊〉 , he was aduertised by the 〈◊〉 , the nature of his disease , to be such , as if he vsed the company of a woman , he neede not doubt of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 otherwise nothing was to be looked for but death . he 〈◊〉 rather to 〈◊〉 , then to 〈◊〉 so high and sacred a calling with so soule and haynous an 〈◊〉 . so he ended his life february . . . and was buried beside the former thomas his vncle . . thurstan . thomas the archbishop being taken away ( as before i haue declared ) thurstan a cannon of paules and the kings chaplaine was chosen to succéed him he , when he could by no meanes obtaine consecration of ralph archbishop of canterbury , without making profession of subiection , 〈◊〉 and forsooke the 〈◊〉 of his election . yet remembring himselfe at last , he went to rome , to plead his cause before the pope , and obtained letters to the king and archbishop of canterbury in commendation of his cause . these letters preuailing nothing with the archbishop that would be wonne by no meanes , and thurstan continuing as obstinate in his resolution ; the sée remained void along time . at last , it fell out , that a counsell was summoned to be held at 〈◊〉 . thurstan crauing leaue of the king , to goe thither , could not obtaine it before he had promised that he would not receiue consecration there . which promise notwithstanding , so well he followed his businesse , that before the comming ouer of other english bishops to the counsell , he was a bishop ready consecrate as well as they , and that by the hand of the pope himselfe . so he ( and he only i thinke of all the archbishops of york since the conquest ) neuer made profession of subiection to the metropoliticall see of canterbury . the king hearing of this dealing . was very greatly offended with thurstan , and for bad him england . neither could the pope ( méeting with the king at gisors and intreating for him ) so pacifie his displeasure , as that he would suffer him to returne . after fiue yeeres banishment , the pope writ a very sharpe letter vnto the king , signifying , that he would excommunicate both him , and the archbishop of canterbury also , if thurstan were any longer kept from his see and charge . hereupon he was called home , and soone after reconciled vnto the king. this man is much praysed , first for his learning , then for his great wisedome and discretion , and lastly for his industry and diligence , his care and painefulnesse , in well gouerning the charge committed to him . he was a very kinde man to his cannons , vnto whom amongst other things , he affoorded this priuiledge , that , the yeerely profite of their prebends , being deuided into thrée parts , it should be lawfull for any canon to bequeath two parts of the yéere next ensuing his death , alotting the third vnto the fabricke , that is toward the reparation of the church . this order he set downe , not onely at yorke , but at beuerley also , at southwell , at rippon , and at glocester ; all which were colledges founded by archbishops of yorke . moreouer it is to be remembred , that he either founded a 〈◊〉 , or renued and repaired eight monasteries . in the latter end of his time , to wit june . . a lamentable chaunce befell his church and city . by casuall fire saint peters church in yorke , saint maries without the walles , a 〈◊〉 all of his owne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉 , and the 〈◊〉 city 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hauing continued in that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the time of his election , and being a very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he determined to forsake the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pontsract , which he did , 〈◊〉 his bishopricke ianuary . . his cowle was 〈◊〉 warme vpon his back when death appointed him the vse of an other garment . 〈◊〉 daies after his resignation he died , viz. february . the yeere aforesaid . . henry murdac . vvilliam treasurer of yorke a kinsman of king stephens tooke then vpon 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of that sée . a man very noble by birth and 〈◊〉 , but much more noble in 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 manners . 〈◊〉 obtained not onely election , but 〈◊〉 also ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnto me ) he sent vnto rome for his 〈◊〉 . his 〈◊〉 there , was not so good as he looked for : by some 〈◊〉 many 〈◊〉 were taken against him , whereby it came to passe not onely his sute was put of and staid for that 〈◊〉 , but also processe awarded to admonish him to come thither in person to answere the accusations laied against him . at his comming to rome , he found his aduersaries many 〈◊〉 mighty . and amongst the rest , it is remembred that saint bernard then liuing was very earnest against him . 〈◊〉 the pope had 〈◊〉 brought vp in the abbey of clareuall vnder saint bernard , together with henry murdas , whom williams aduersaries had set vp to 〈◊〉 a suter for this archbishopricke . the pope being thus caried away with the perswasion of his old acquintance , and some shew of matter & was content to 〈◊〉 william , and to place henry murdac in his roome , whom he caused to be consecrate presently , and sent him home into england with his pall. king stephen hearing this newes , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which all men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 vpon 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 archbishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnto him in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manner ; and when he denied , easily tooke occasion of displeasure against him . the townesmen of yorke that loued william excéedingly for his gentlenesse and vertuous behauiour amongst them ; hearing how the king was affected ; refused to receiue 〈◊〉 into their city . for this resistance he suspendeth the city ; which notwithstanding , eustach the kings sonne commaunded seruice to be said as at other times was accustomed . by meanes hereof , as also by reason that the kings officers were very terrible and heauy enemies vnto all that had laboured for the depriuation of william ; seditions and 〈◊〉 were daily raised in the city , amongst which a certaine archdeacon , a friend of the archbishoppes was slaine . two or thrée yéeres these stirs continued , till at last , the kings wrath by meanes being appeased , yorke men were content to receiue their archbishop peaceably . he gouerned very austerely the space of ten yeeres , died october . . at sherborne , and was buried in his cathedrall church . . saint william . vvilliam , immediately after his depriuation , got him home into england , and in great patience awaiting the pleasure of god , betooke himselfe to the monastery of winchester , liuing much in the company of henry the bishop , that did first consecrate him . now ye shall vnderstand , that a little before the death of henry murdac , 〈◊〉 the pope his old companion , and saint bernard the master of them bothe ( for they had bene his scollers ) were taken out of this life . william then was greatly animated by his friends to make complaint vnto anastasius the uew pope of the wrong heretofore done vnto him ; and prouoked by their importunity , did so indeede , trauailing to rome , in his owne person . he had 〈◊〉 commenced his complaint , when newes was brought that henry murdac also his old aduersary was departed this life . following then , the aduise of gregory a cardinall , a very pollitique and subtill fellow ; without any great sute he was restored vnto all his honours and had the pall deliuered vnto him . he was returned into england 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he kept 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bishop of winchester . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 church , he was 〈◊〉 vpon the way by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 who 〈◊〉 him 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 church , and appealed vnto 〈◊〉 against him , which he little estéemed , but went forward notwithstanding . all the rest of the cleargy and commonalty 〈◊〉 him with 〈◊〉 ioy . 〈◊〉 virg , reporteth , that passing ouer the riuer beyond 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the number of people that followed him to 〈◊〉 honour was so 〈◊〉 , as the bridge being but a woden bridge , brake euen inst as the bishop was oner , and throw them all into the water . but the blessing and praier of this holy man ( he supposeth ) preuailed so much with god , as they were all 〈◊〉 preserued from drowning . into his city he was honorably receiued , and began a very 〈◊〉 and gentle gouernment , shewing no token of gall or malice toward his ancient and most bitter cnimies ; but he was taken away by death before he could performe any great matter otherwise . soone after whitsuntide he fell sicke ( as it séemed ) of a kinde of ague , and within a day or two after departed this life . the common report is , that he was poysoned in the challice at masse . but newbrigensis 〈◊〉 this opinion at large , li. . 〈◊〉 . . certaine it is that it was 〈◊〉 suspected to be so , not only after his death , but also while he yet liued , in his 〈◊〉 times , in so much as one of his chaplaines aduised him to 〈◊〉 some 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 poyson , which he also did as one 〈◊〉 ; but other say he answered , quod antidotum dioinum non adijceret humano , that he would not adde the 〈◊〉 of the body vnto the preseruatiue of the soule , becanse forsooth he had then lately receined the sacrament . howsoeuer it was , he died very suddenly , his teeth waxing very blacke a little before his death , and not without some other notes and 〈◊〉 of poyson . the time of his departure was june . . after his death he was made a saint , and the day aforesaid june , appointed vnto the celebration of his memory . many miracles are said to haue beene wrought at his toombe in the cashedrall church of yorke . beleeue it that list , i cannot : to sayno more , me thinkes the man whose depriuation saint barnard procured , should not be worthy to be reputed a saint , or like to worke miracles . . roger. no sooner was william dead , but robert the deane , and osbert the archdeacon , laide plots for the election of roger archdeacon of canterbury , and procuring the archbishop and the popes legate to become suters for him , with much adoo they induced the chapter to choose him . he was consecrate by anastasius the pope about the end of the yéere . this man is not gratious in our stories ; yet he is confessed to haue béene very learned , well spoken , passing wise , and a great augmenter of the state of his bishopricke , both in reuenewes and buildings . the reason is , he fauoured not monkes , by whom in a manner all our histories are written . he was wont to say , that thurstan neuer did a worse deede , then in erecting the monastery of fountney . and that it may 〈◊〉 , he faigned not this mislike , you shall find in newbridg . lib. . cap. . that a certaine religious man comming vnto him when he lay vpon his death bed , requested him to confirme certaine graunts made vnto their house : to whom he answered , you see my friend i am now vpon the point of death , it is no time to dissemble ; i feare god , and in regard thereof refraine to satisfie your request , which i protest i can not doo with a good conscience ; a strange doctrine in those daies ; but being a wise man and learned , he must néedes discerne , that the monkes of his time were so farre swarued and degenerate from the holinesse of those first excellent men of the primitiue church , as they resembled rather any other kinde of people , then those whom they pretended in profession to succeed . these men ( the monkes i meane ) to be reuenged vpon him , haue stamped vpon him two notable faults , one , that he preferred whipping boyes vnto the chiefe dignities of the church , wherein ( were it true ) no body can excuse him ; the other thing they lay to his charge is manifestly false ; they say he was miserably couetous , and how doo they prooue it ? because forsooth he left a certaine deale of ready money behind him . surely in my same , made no haste to receiue consecration , as knowing better how to sheare his shéepe , then to feed them , which he knew he might do without consecration as well as with it . seuen yéeres he held the bishoprick after that sort , and at length by the perswasion of his father , desirous to haue his sonne néere about him ( as some say ) or perceiuing him vnfit to make a cleargy man ( as other say ) he resigned his interest in the church of lincolne , and got him to the court , where he was made lord chanucellour of england , and held that office about eight yéeres , viz. vntill the yéere . at what time his father died . many bishoprickes at that time were void , and had béene some of them a long time , as yorke now ten yeeres , and lincolne seuenteene . king richard therefore vnderstanding the people murmured and grudged much at these long vacations , and knowing also it imported him to see his brother prouided for ; he thought to stop two gaps with one bush , and at once to furnish yorke with an archbishop , and his brother with a liuing . so he writ his letters vnto the chapter of yorke in his brothers behalfe , who ( not without some difficulty ) elected him . he was consecrate at tours in fraunce in the moneth of august . presently after his consecration comming ouer into england , he was imprisoned by 〈◊〉 bishop of ely the chauncellour , being drawen from the very altar of saint martins church in 〈◊〉 but he was quickly set at liberty againe . and the proude chauncellour 〈◊〉 repented him of his rashnesse and folly , being excommunicate for the same , and otherwise hardly ynough vsed , as you may see more at large in his life . this man prooued a better bishop then was expected , gouerning his prouince ( if not somewhat too stoutely , according to the courage 〈◊〉 in a man of so high birth and nobility ) very well and 〈◊〉 . he is praysed much for his temperance , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 both of conntenance and behauiour . all the time of his brother 〈◊〉 ( expecting the wrong done vnto him by the bishop of ely ) he liued quietly without 〈◊〉 or complaint of any . betweene him and king iohn ( who was his brother also ) there was much adoe . in the second yeere of his raigne , he commaunded the sheriffe of yorkeshire to seise vpon all the goods and lands of the archbishop , and his seisure to returne into the exchecquer , which was done accordingly : whereupon the said archbishop excommunicated , not onely the sherisie that had done him this violence , but all those in generall that were the authors of the same , and that had béene any meanes to stirre vp the kings indignation against him . the cause of this trouble is diuersly reported : some say , that he hindered the kings officers in gathering a kind of taxe through his 〈◊〉 ; others , that he refused to saile into norwandy with him , when he went to make a marriage for his neice , and to conclude a league with the french king . whether one of these were the cause , or both , or none , i can not tell ; but certaine it is , that one whole yéere his temporalities were detained from him , his mooueable goods neuer restored , and yet moreouer he was saine to pay a thousand pound sterling for his restitution . this was a greater wound then that it might easily be cured . sixe or . yéeres after , it brake out againe , to wit , an . . king iohn then being at winchester required such of the cleargy & nobility , as were there present to consent , that payment should be made vnto him , of the thirtéenth shilling of all the mooueable goods in england ; this motion no man gainesaid , but geffrye the archb. his brother . after this , whether it were he were guilty of some greater attempt , or that he vnderstood , his brother to be gréeuously offended with him for withstanding , this his desire ; well perceiuing england was too hote for him , secretly he auoyded the realme , excommunicating before his departure such of his iurisdiction , as either had paied the said taxe , or should hereafter pay it . he liued then in banishment . yéeres , euen vntill he was called to his long home by death , which was the yéere . so he continued archbishop somewhat more then . yéeres . . walter gray . the sée was void after the death of geffry , the space of foure yéeres . in the meane space , symon de langton brother vnto stephen langton archbishop of canterbury was elected by the chapter of yorke . but king iohn being lately become tributary , vnto the church of rome , 〈◊〉 found meanes to cassire and disanull that election . if the old quarrell betwéene the archbishop and him , stucke yet some thing in his stomacke , i maruell not : but he alledged that he thought it dangerous and very inconuenient the whole church of england should be ruled by two brethren , one at canterbury in the south , an other at yorke in the north. he laboured then very earnestly to haue walter gray his counsellor remooued from worceter to yorke . the channons there refused him for want of learning ( as they said ) but at last they were content to accept him , in regard ( forsooth ) of his singular temperance and chastity : they seemed to be perswaded that he had continued till that time a pure maide . the matter was , they durst do no other but yeeld , and then thought good to make a vertue of necessity . this man was first bishop of chester , consecrate the yéere . translated thence to worceter . and lastly the yéere to yorke ; but vpon such conditions as i thinke he had béene better to haue staid at worceter still . the pope would haue no lesse then , l. for wresting him into the archbishoprick ; for that gathering of which mony , he was faine to be so thrifty , as in all our histories he is infamous for a miserable couetous wretch : for proofe whereof , i will recount vnto you a strange report of m. 〈◊〉 . the yéere . there was great dearth & scarcity of corne , and ( by reason that the dearth had continued then thrée yeeres ) mortality of people also , as well by pestilence as famine . amongst many rich men that were nothing mooued with compassion toward the poore dayly perishing for want of reliefe , this archbishop is especially noted , that he had fiue yéeres corne in store , and would not thresh it out . being told at last by his officers , that it was much to be feared , it was consumed by mice , or some other way much the woorse for so long standing ; he 〈◊〉 them to deliuer it to the husbandmen that dwelt in his mannors , vpon condition they should pay as much new corne for it after haruest . they intending to doe as he commanded , went about to take downe a great mow of corne he had at rippon . and first comming toward it , they saw the heads of many serpents , snakes , 〈◊〉 and other venemous creatures pearing out at the ends of the sheaues . this being told vnto the archbishop , he sent his steward , and diuers of good credit , to enquire the truth thereof : who seeing that which the other had seene , enforced notwithstanding certaine poore men to go vp vnto the top of it with ladders . they were scarcely 〈◊〉 , when they saw a blacke smoake rise out of the corne , and felt a most toathsome 〈◊〉 which compelled them withall hast possible to get thē downe againe . moreouer , they all heard an vnknowen voice saying vnto them , let the corne alone , for the archb. and all he hath is the diuels possession . to make short they were faine to build a wal about it , and then to set it on fire , fearing least such an infinite deale of venemous creatures might infect and poyson , or at least greatly annoy the whole countrey . the credit of this report i leaue vnto the readers discretion . matthew westminster commendeth the man greatly for his wisedome in gouerment and his loyall 〈◊〉 vnto his prince ; and that he deserued this commendation , i account it no slender proofe ; that quéene elianore ( to whom her husband king henry the third had committed the charge of the realme trauelling into fraunce ) she ( i say ) hauing occasion to crosse the seas to conferre with her husband , committed the rule and gouernment of the same vnto this archbishop . it was in the yéere . at what time he being a very aged man and sickely , was excéeding loath to take it vpon him . he sate archbishop aboue . yéeres , in which space he did many things to the good and benefit , both of his sée and church . the mannor of thorpe he purchased and the church of the same , both which he gaue vnto his sée . he erected many chauntries in diuers places . he gaue vnto his church . wonderful sumptuous coapes ; and left a goodly stocke of cattle vnto his successors , procuring the king to confirme the gift , and to take order that euery archbishop should be bound to leaue it as he found it . he bought vnto his sée the house now called white hall ( and heretofore yorke place ) hubert de burgo earle of kent built it , and gaue it vn-the fryer preachers in london , who sold it vnto this archbishop . in the time of cardinall woolsies disgrace , the king required it of him , & he either for feare , or els hope of currying a little fauor with the king that way , yéelded by & by . he died at last on may day . & was buried in s. peters church . . sewall . vvhen the king heard of his death , he determined not to suffer his place to be filled ouer hastily . all other bishopricks of england ( saith he ) haue bene in my hands heretofore , but this neuer : therefore i must be aduised how i let it passe out of my fingers . the chapter after a conuenient space , made choise of sewall their deane a man modest , vertuous and learned , being well seene not onely in diuinity , but in law also and much other good learning . diuers of his writings remaine and are remembred by bale in his centuries . he was a diligent hearer of edmund of abenden ( after archbishop of canterbury , and canonized a saint ) at what time he read the diuinity lecture in oxford . this saint 〈◊〉 ( as matthew paris reporteth ) would often tell his scholler sewall , that out of all question he should die a martyr . now far foorth this prediction fell out true , you shall heare anon . now the king not liking this spéede of the chapter men , as not being for his profit , hindred the new elect what he might , and for want of better matter , alleaged against him , that he was a bastard , and so by the cannons vncapeable of that honour . it was true enough , and how he salued that soare i cannot tell ; a dispensation belike from rome ( where all things were then to be had for mony ) tooke away that obstacle . i find he was consecrate by the suffragan bishops , of his owne prouince : iuly . a yeere and almost three moneths , 〈◊〉 the death of his predecessor . his deanery being thus void , the pope tooke vpon him to bestow the same vpon one iordan a stranger , that vnderstood 〈◊〉 one word of english , and otherwise 〈◊〉 vnworthy of that goodly preferment . this iordan doubting least in taking possession he might happily be resisted , came into the church of yorke , at dinner time , and inquiring of one ( whom by chance he found then at his praiers ) which was the deanes stall ? caused two of his owne company to deliuer him possession thereof . this being done , though in hugger mugger , was quickly brought vnto the archbishops eares , who grieued infinitely at the same , and sought , by all meanes possible to disannull and make voide the popes gift . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 church men were so amazed with this strange and 〈◊〉 course ( strange in those daies , but afterwards too common ) as they knew not what to do or say . it seemed most 〈◊〉 and detestable vnto them , that so high a dignity , and an office of such importance , in place and authoritie next vnto the archbishop , should be conferred vpon a base obscure and contemptible fellow . but they stood so in awe of the popes tyranny , whereunto the king had subiected , and as it were prostrate himselfe , that they durst not make any profession of mislike about the same time the pope sent a commandement into england , that . of the next benefices that fel , should he bestowed vpon certaine italians that he named , men ignorant of the english toong , and though otherwise perhaps worthy the places appointed them ( which is greatly to be doubted ) yet in that respect most vnfit to haue cure of soules committed vnto them . in this iniurious course , our sewall couragiously withstood him , and not onely by word and letter sharpely reprehended him , but also in deeds resisted this his tyranny ; vtterly refusing to admit either iordan vnto the deanry , or any other of his italians to any other promotion in his dioces . for his labour he was quickely susspended . wherewith he was so little terrified , as that notwithstanding , he stood still stoutly to his tackling , and yeelded not one inch . iordan therefore , whether doubting of good successe , or wearied with trouble , or in regard , that he perceiued himselfe very odious in yorke , resigned his deanry , accepting a pension of . markes out of it . this composition with iordan , nothing apeased the popes fury . determining belike to make him an example to other , he first caused his crosse in contumelious maner to be taken from him , and soone after thundred on t his greatest excōmunication against him , causing him to be cursed throughout england with bell , booke and candle . by these , and infinite other vexations ( saith matthew paris ) he was much disgraced in the fight of the world ; but became no doubt far the more acceptable in the sight of god. so long he denied to how his knees vnto this 〈◊〉 , as ouercome with care , and not induring those 〈◊〉 all molestations , he died at last hart broken , much better deseruing the name of a martyr , then many other to whom the church of rome hath afforded that title . lying vpon his death bed , & perceiuing his end to approch , with watry eies looking 〈◊〉 towards heauen in that bitternes of his soule he made this prayer , which i thinke not vnworthy in this place to be inserted : lord iesus christ thou most iust iudge , from whose 〈◊〉 wisedome nothing is hid , thou knowest how the pope ( vnto whom thou hast suffered the gouernment of thy church to be deliuered ) hath with manifold 〈◊〉 ouerwhel med my innocencie , for no other cause ( as thou canst witnes , & the world doubteth not ) then this , that i would not admit men altogether vnknowne , yea and most vnfit , vnto the cure and care of those churches , the rule and charge whereof vnto me ( though vnwoorthie ) thou hast committed : notwithstanding least by my contempt the popes 〈◊〉 sentence of excommunication become iust and deserued , with all humilitie i craue to be absolued from the same . but i appeale vnto thee the supreme and vncorruptible iudge ; and both heauen and earth shall be my witnesses , that he hath most vniustly vexed and many waies as gréeuously , as wrongfully offended me . before his end also he writ vnto the pope a very effectuall , and pithie letter , wherein he laied before him at large the miserable estate into which the 〈◊〉 of him and his predecessors had brought the church ; praying him to haue a care to amend what was amisse , & to remember that christ repeated vnto peter thrice , feede my sheepe , but not so much as once or halfe once bid him either to flay them or to sheere them , much lesse to teare out their very bowels to deuours or destroy them , as he did . but the pope was so farre from following this good aduise , as he not onely contemned the same , but first derided the good bishop for his labor , & afterward grew into great choller , taking it hainously , that any mortall man should be so presumptuous , as to admonish him of his dutie . he sate archbishop onely two yéeres , in which time he reformed many things amisse in the state of his church . he caused the stipend of the ministers of saint sepulchres chappell to be increased , and appointed them to be called cannons : he erected uicariges in diuers impropriate churches , which till that time were very ill serued , and did many other things woorth memorie , but more 〈◊〉 haue done if his time had béene either longer or more quiet and peaceable . he died vpon , or neere vnto ascention 〈◊〉 , . and was buried in his cathedrall church : the place of his sepulture there , was much frequented of the ignorant people , that esteemed him a saint . notwithstanding the great conflicts betweene him and the pope , our monkes doubt not to father vpon him a miracle of turning water into wine , by blessing it in time of his sicknesse . the 〈◊〉 whereof i leaue vnto the reader . . godfry de kinton . about this time ( saith matthew paris ) an order was taken at rome that euery elect bishop of england must before his consecration fetch the popes approbation at rome , whence ( if his purse helped him not the better ) he was sure to returne home , as wise as he went foorth . the first that was inforced to this vagare was 〈◊〉 de kinton , or ( as other write him ) godfry de ludham . he was deane of yorke , and being elect at home . trauailed to rome where he receaued consecration september . . this man ( j know not vpon what quarrell ) interdicted the whole city of yorke , in the beginning of lent and restored it not till the third of may following , which was in the yeere . he sate sixe yeeres three moneths , and eigghtéene daies dying then about twelfetide . he was buried in his owne church . . walter giffard . after the death of godfry , william de langton deane of yorke was elected to succéede him . but the pope ( for what cause i know not peraduenture , because he brought not mony enough in his purse ) reiected him and translated walter giffard from bathe and welles to yorke ; he was the popes chaplaine , and cannon of welles , first treasurer , then chauncellor of england ; elected to bathe may . . from whence he was remooued . hauing continued there onely two yéeres . he liued at yorke thirtéen yéeres departed this life aprill . . and lieth buried there in saint peters church . . william wickwane . it shall not be amisse , here to remember , that onuphrius reporteth saint bonauenture ( whom he calleth bonauentura fidanza ) to haue bene preferred about this time from the archbishopricke of yorke vnto the place of a cardinall , viz. in the yeere . paulus 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 saith , that at what time diuers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 came to the councell of lyons , to conferre with the learned men of our westerne church concerning the difference of opinions betwéene vs and them ; thomas aquinas ( who then read diuinitie at naples ) was sent for as the fittest man of that age to deale with them ; but he died in the way . bonauenture was then appointed to supply his place , and least the 〈◊〉 should despise him being but a frier 〈◊〉 the pope offered him the archbishopricke of yorke : he was loath saith paulus 〈◊〉 to take so great a charge vpon him , and vpon his refusall was made a cardinall . i cannot see how either of these reports should be true . for the see of yorke at that time and long both before and after was full , being possessed by walter giffard from the yeere . til . now to leaue bonauenture as we finde him , ye shall vnderstand , that the deane and chapter of yorke soone after the death of walter giffard elected for their archbishop william wickwane , one of their owne company , and chauncellour of their church . of him little is recorded but that the first yeere of his consecration , he remooued the bones of saint 〈◊〉 his predecessor , and caused them to be placed in a costly shrine with great solemnity . the king , queene , eleuen other bishops , and many nobles being present . he died august . . hauing continued archbishop scarcely . yeeres . . iohn romano . the . of nouember following , viz. . a cannon of yorke was elected archbishop , and shortly after consecrate at rome . because his father was a romane borne , he was called by the name of iohn romane this man was of base parentage , but very learned . he built the crosse i le on the north side of the church toward the pallace , and a goodly steeple in the middle of the church , all at his owne proper costs . he built much in the hospitall of saint peter , and with his owne hands laide the first stone of the great body of the church vpon the south side of the same . he liued not to bring that noble worke to any perfection , being taken away by death march . . when he had continued in that sée little more than yéeres . the yéere before he died , he excommunicated anthony beake bishop of durham , being one of the kings councell , and at that time , beyond the seas in his seruice . whereat the king being highly displeased , the archbishop thought it his best course , to put himselfe to his mercy . he did so , and was saine to 〈◊〉 the kings fauour with . markes . the indignation of a prince is death ( saith the wise man ) and likely ynough it is , that the 〈◊〉 of his displeasure , and the trouble that ensued it , might soone cause some incurable disease that tooke him away . he was buried in his cathedrall church , which with goodly building he had much augmented and beautified . . henry newerk . the deane of yorke henry de newerk ) was then chosen archbishop the seuenth day of may following . he was consecrate at home in his owne church about a twelue moneth after ; to wit in the beginning of the yeere . he had enioyed that honour but two yeeres when by death he was forced to leaue the same . . thomas de corbridg . after him succéeded thomas de corbridge cannon of yorke , a great learned diuine . he denied the king to haue the disposition of a certaine spirituall promotion that fell in his gift , wherewith the king was so greatly displeased , as he violently tooke from him three baronies ( as one saith i thinke he meaneth mannors ) appertaining of old vnto his see , and detained them so long as this archbishop liued , which was indeede but a short time . he sate in all but three yeeres seuen monethes and ten daies . whether it be that few mens minds are so great , as to sustaine the burthen of a princes displeasure , or that god which promiseth a reward of long life vnto those that 〈◊〉 honour vnto their superiors , in his iust iudgement do soonest cut of such as are backward in this duety : so surely it hath fallen out for the most part , that those bishops that haue presumed most in opposing themselues against their princes , haue least time indured , and euer quickly bene taken away ; whereof i could yeelde infinite examples . this thomas corbridg died at lanham the yeere . and was buried at southwell . . william de greenfield . he that then succéeded william de greenfild was canon of yorke and chauncellour of england vnder king edward the first . a great and wise councellor , very eloquent , and not vnlearned . after his election he was faine to awaite the popes pleasure two yéeres , before he could obtaine consecration , which at last he receiued of pope clement the fifth anno . but it cost him . markes beside the charge that he was at while he lay in the popes court a suter . by reason of these immoderate expenses he became so bare , that at his first returne into england he was faine to make two collections amongst his cleargy in one yeere : the first he called a beneuolence , the second an aide . he was a great fauourer of the templers , euery where oppressed in those daies , especially by the pope & philip the french king . when he had sate nine yéeres , eleuen monethes and two daies , he departed this 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 december . . and was buried in his cathedrall church in the porch of saint nicholas . . william de melton . sone after greenfields death , before the end of the yéere , . william de melton prouost of beuerly , and canon of yorke , was elected at the instance and earnest request of the king edward the . with the pope he found no more grace , then his predecessor had done ; vnder two yéeres sute consecration coulde not be had . it was at last affoorded him september . . at auinion . almost . yéeres hée gouerned the sée of yorke , and that very woorthily : attending diligently not onely the affaires and businesse of his church , but also his owne priuate actions , indeuoring by chastitie , fasting , prayer , almesdaedes , hospitalitie , and vertuous behauior , like a good pastor to teach and instruct , as well by example of life as preaching and doctrine . he was very good to his tenaunts ; but carefull to preserue ; and rather to increase , then any way to unpaire the state , liberties and reuenues of his church . yet was he not carelesse of the preferment of his seruants and kinred , whom ( as occasion serued ) he pleasured and aduanced to very good places : amongst the rest , and by the popes licence , he purchased to a brothers sonne , the mannor of 〈◊〉 , kingsclere , and wentworth , which till that time belonged to the archbishops of roan . he bestowed great cost vpon the shryne of saint william , and finished the west part of the body of his church , with the expences of . markes . he enclosed also a place called the old 〈◊〉 at yorke , with a goodly wall . he deceased aprill . ( or as one deliuereth aprill . ) . . at cawood , hauing sate . yéeres and almost . moneths , in which time , he had béene successiuely treasurer and chauncellor of england . his body lieth buried néere the 〈◊〉 in saint peters church . . william de zouche . vvilliam de la souch deane of yorke succéeded . he had much to doe with one william kilsby that contended with him two whole yéeres for this archbishopricke . he was consecrate at last by pope clement the . at auinion , an . 〈◊〉 . the 〈◊〉 . king edward going into france , left this man his 〈◊〉 heere . the scots taking aduantage of his absence , came with a great armie into england . at a place called bewre parke néere 〈◊〉 crosse , they were mette by this archbishop and diuers of our nobilitie , october . where our men so valtantly behaued themselues , as the scots were cuerthrowne , two earles , . knights , and an 〈◊〉 number of other slaine , many also taken prisoners , and amongst the rest , dauid le 〈◊〉 then king . this bishop a little before his death began the foundation of a chappell , on the south side of the church , intending to be buried in the same , but being taken away before it could be brought to any perfection , he was laied before the altar of saint edmund the confessor . he died august . . . iohn thursby . the yéere . iohn thursby bishop of saint 〈◊〉 was translated to worceter , and about the middle of october . ( being then chauncelor of england ) to yorke . he was brought vp in oxford , where he was very much esteemed for his learning , being a great 〈◊〉 , and a very good canonist . he writ diuers things , both in english and latine : amongst the rest , he published an exposition vpon the ten commandements in his mother toong , which he required all the clergy men in his dioces to read diligently vnto their parishioners . that worke i haue and keepe as a 〈◊〉 worthy to be esteemed . diuinity books in the english toong were geason in those dates . i pray god they be not now too common . the yaere he was cardinall of saint sabine by pope vrban the 〈◊〉 , whom i homas walsingham repeateth to haue 〈◊〉 an english man. in the . yéere after his 〈◊〉 , he began to build 〈◊〉 the quier of his cathedrall church : laying the first stone himselfe july . toward the charge of which work he presently laide downe . l. ( or as some report . l. ) and promised to contribute yéerely . markes , or as others say . l. till it were 〈◊〉 ; which 〈◊〉 long as he liued , he faithfully performed . he bestowed great cost in beautifying the lady chappell with images and pictures of excellent workmanship ; and 〈◊〉 the bodies of diuers of his predecessors that lay buried else where about the church , caused them to be 〈◊〉 in the said chappell in very 〈◊〉 manner , leauing a place for 〈◊〉 in the middle thereof , where , dying nouember . . at thorp , he was 〈◊〉 after solemnly enterred . . alexander neuill . vnto this sée the pope then appointed alexander neuill a canon of yorke ; a man greatly fauoured of king richard the second which was his destruction . diuers of the nobility malecontent , tooke armes against the king , caused many whom they misliked to be condemned by parliament , some to death ; some to prison , &c. amongst the rest , this archbishop was accused to be one that abused the kings youth by flattery , and with whispering tales inticed him against the nobility , and for this cause , he was condemned to perpetuall prison , and appointed vnto the castell of rochester there to be kept . but he , foreséeing the tempest that grew 〈◊〉 him , fled out of the realme . the pope then ( vrbane the 〈◊〉 ) whether in commiseration thinking to relieue him , or else vsing it as a meanes to make his archbishopricke voide , 〈◊〉 he might bestow it ; translated him from yorke vnto 〈◊〉 andrewes in scotland . howsoeuer it was meant , sure it fell out to be a very bad exchaunge , for his part . scotland at that time refused to acknowledge vrbane for pope and yeelded obedience to the antipope . by meanes whereof , vrbans 〈◊〉 was not of sufficient force , to inuest him in saint andrewes and yet quite cut him of from yorke , at home . hereby it 〈◊〉 to passe , that hauing the reuenues , neither of the one , nor the other , for very want he was 〈◊〉 to become a parish priest , and so liued thrae yeere at louane , euen vntill his death . he was banished the yéere . liued in 〈◊〉 almost fiue yeres , died . and was buried in the church of the frier carmelites there . this man bestowed much cost in repayring the castle of cawod , building diuers towers , and other edifices about the same . . thomas arundell . alexander neuill being thus displaced vnder presence of preferment to a new place ; the pope tooke vpon him to bestow yorke ; and least if he should aduance one to it not greatly preferred before , the old incumbent might chaunce in time to recouer it from him againe ; he thought good to bestow it so , as benefiting many he might procure so many aduersaries vnto neuill , whereof any one alone might hardly saeme able to withstand him , but all these together he knew very well : to this end , as also to gaine the more in first fruits , he called thomas arundell from ely to yorke , translated the bishops of durham to ely , bath to durham , salisbury to bath , and gaue salisbury to iohn waltham the kings chaplaine , a man very gracious with him , and keeper of his priuie seale . this thomas arundell the yéere was remooued to canterbury , the first that 〈◊〉 was translated from yorke 〈◊〉 . while he was at yorke , he bestowed much in building vpon diuers of his houses , and vnto the church he gaue , besides many rich ornaments , two great basons of siluer and gilt , two great censers , two other basons of siluer , and two crewettes . he gaue to the vse of the uicars , a siluer cuppe of great waight , and a bowle of siluer very massiue and costly vnto the canons . being yet bishop of ely , he was lord chauncellor of england , and so continued till the yéere . at what time being remooued to canterbury , he gaue ouer immediately that office . see more of him , in ely and canterbury . . robert waldby . robert waldby bishop of chichester succéeded thomas arundell in yorke . being yet a yoong man , he followed edward the blacke prince , into fraunce , where he continued long a student , and profited so much , as no man in the 〈◊〉 where he liued ( tholous ) might be compared with him for all kinde of learning . he was a good linguist , very well séene in philosophie both naturall and morall , in phyficke , and the canon law also ; very eloquent , an excellent preacher , and estéemed so profound a diuine , 〈◊〉 he was thought méete to be the professor of diuinitie , or doctor of the chaire in the said uniuersitie . for these his good gifts , he was much fauoured of the blacke prince first , then of king richard his sonne ; and by their fauour obtayned first a bishopricke in gascoigne ( as bale reporteth ) but by another antiquity that i haue seene , he was first bishop of the isle of man ; and his epitaph saith he was first praesul 〈◊〉 . from that first preferment whatsoeuer it was , he was translated an . . to the archbishopricke of dublin in ireland thence to chichester . and the yéere following , became an archbishop once more , viz. of yorke . there he sate not fully three yéeres , but he died may . . and was buriet in westminster almost in the middle of the chappell of saint 〈◊〉 , where an epitaph is to be séene vpon his graue partly 〈◊〉 , and otherwise not worth the reciting . . richard scroope . richard scroope that succéeded robet waldby , though a gentleman of great bloud , being brother vnto william scroope that was earle of wilshire , and treasurer of england vnder king richard ; yet obtained not 〈◊〉 high promotion without desert , in regard of many good 〈◊〉 in him . for he was incomparably learned ( saith thomas walsingham ) of singular integrity for his life and conuersation ; and ( which is not altogether to be neglected ) of a goodly and amiable personage . he was brought vp in cambridge , and procéeded there first master of arte , then doctor of law : thence he trauelled throngh fraunce into italy , and became an aduocate in the popes court , vntill ( such time as he was preferred to the bishopricke of couentry & lichfield , whereunto he was consecrate august . there he sate tenne yéeres , and was translated to yorke 〈◊〉 . nine yéeres he gouerned that church landably , and is commended as well for his owne priuate manners and behauiour , as his publike gouernment . his 〈◊〉 was vnhappy and very 〈◊〉 . king henry had lately deposed king richard , by whom this man was preferred , and had cansed his brother the earle of 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 at bristow . whether it were desire to reuenge these wrongs done to his friendes , or some other respect , i know not ; certaine it is , that the yeere . he ioined with the earle of nothumberland , the earle marshall , the lord bardolph , and other in a conspiracy against king henry . the earle of westmerland , and iohn duke of lancaster , the kings sonne , were then in the north countrey when these men began to stirre , and gathering what forces they could , came against them . but finding the other too strong for them , they inquire of them in peaceable manner what their intent is , in taking armes . the archbishoppe answered , that he meant nothing but good vnto the king and the realme , as he would gladly certifie him if hee had secure and safe accesse vnto him . and therewithall shewed a writing vnto them containing a reason of his dooing . the 〈◊〉 of westmerland hauing reade this wrting , professed to allow of their enterprise , and praysed it for honest and reasonable ; insomuch , as meeting with the archbishop at a parley , after a very fewe speeches , they seemed to become friends shaking hands together , and drinking to ech other in sight of both their armies . the archbishop now 〈◊〉 of nothing , suffered his men to disperse themselues for a time : but the earle contrariwise waxed stronger and stronger , and at last seeing himselfe well able to deale with the archbishop , came vpon him sodemly , and arrested him little thinking of any such matter . the king by this time was come northward as farre as pomfret . thither the archbishop and other prisoners arrested with him , were also brought , and caried with the king backe to yorke againe , ( or as other deliuer ) to thorpe , where sir william fulford , a knight learned in the lawe sitting on a high stage in the hall condemned him to be beheaded : presently after iudgement giuen , he was set vpon an ill fauored iade , his face toward the horse taile , and caried with great scorne and shame to a 〈◊〉 hard by , where his head lastly was striken off , by a fellow that did his office very ill , not being able to dispatch him with lesse then fiue strokes . he was executed vpon 〈◊〉 being june . . and buried in the east part of the new works of his church of yorke , in which place , as also the 〈◊〉 where he died , certaine miracles are said to haue béene done , and are ascribed vnto his holinesse . it is deliuered also that the king was presently striken with a 〈◊〉 after his death . he was the first bishop that i 〈◊〉 put to death by order of law. no maruell if an execution so 〈◊〉 and extraordinary , performed in so odious and 〈◊〉 a manner , gaue occasion of many tales , and rumours . the pope excommunicated the authors of his death , but was easily intreated to absolue them againe . . henry bowett . the space of two yéeres and a halfe the sée was 〈◊〉 after the death of richard scroope : the pope had 〈◊〉 placed in the same robert halam chauncellor of the 〈◊〉 of oxford . but vnderstanding that the king was greatly displeased therewith , he was content ( according to the kings desire ) to gratifie henry bowet then bishop of bath with this preferment , and made halam bishop of salisbury . this henry bowet was a doctor of law , and first 〈◊〉 cannon of wels , had trauailed much in fraunce & italy , and was preferred to bath also at first by the king who fauored him much . he was consecrated to that church nouember . . and translated to yorke december . . about the yéere . he was treasurer of 〈◊〉 the space of one yéere . he continued archbishop almost . yéeres ; in which time , viz. the yéere . it hapned that 〈◊〉 henry the . being absent & 〈◊〉 in the conquest of 〈◊〉 , the scots came with a great power into the realme and besieged barwicke and the castle of 〈◊〉 . this bishop was then a very aged man , and so impotent , as he was able neither to goe nor ride ; yet would he néeds accompanie his countrimen that went against the scots , and caused his men to carrie him in a chaire , that so at least by words and exhortation he might do his best , though he were not able to fight , nay not so much as to stande or go . this man is saide to be the greatest housekeeper of any archbishop that euer sate in yorke before him . for proofe whereof it is alleaged , that he spent vsually in his house , of claret wine onely . tunnes . he departed this life at cawood october . . and was buried in the east part of the minster of yorke by the altar of all saints which himselfe built and furnished sumptuously with all things that might belong vnto it . he built also the hall in the castell of cawood , and the kitchin of the mannor house of oteley . . iohn kemp. the pope of his owne absolute authority , placed then in yorke richard 〈◊〉 bishop of lincolne . many statutes and lawes had beene made to represse this tyrannicall dealing of the pope . but his excommunications were such terrible bugs , as men durst rather offend the lawes of their countrey , then come within the compasse of his censures . yet the deane and chapter of yorke taking stomack vnto them , vsed such aduantage as the lawe would affoorde them , and by force kept out the new archbishop from entring his church . much adoo there was betweene them . the euent was , that the pope vnable to make good his gift , was saine to returne 〈◊〉 to lincolne againe , and to translate iohn kempe bishop of london ( a man better fauoured of the deane and chapter ) to yorke . this iohn kempe was first bishop of rochester ( consecrate the yeere . ) remooued thence to chichester . from chichester to london the same yeere , & from london to yorke . when the sée had beene void . yeeres . at yorke he continued almost . yeres , and in his old age , euen one yeere before his death , was content to 〈◊〉 once more , viz. to canterbury . the 〈◊〉 . he was made cardinall sanctae ruffinae and was twise chauncellor of england . see more of him in canterbury . . william boothe . he that 〈◊〉 him ( william boothe ) was sometime a student of the common lawe in grayes inne , & 〈◊〉 a sudden forsaking that course , became chauncellor of the cathedrall church of saint paule in london . july . . he was consecrate bishop of couentry and lichfield . hauing continued there sixe 〈◊〉 , he was 〈◊〉 presently vpon the translation of iohn kempe vnto 〈◊〉 . he sate 〈◊〉 . yéeres , died at southwel september . and was buried in the chappell of our lady there , nigh to the archbishops pallace . he bestowed much cost in repairing the pallace of yorke . in the latter end of his time , viz. the yéere . 〈◊〉 minster of yorke was burnt , i know not by what chance . . george neuell . richard neuell that great earle of warwicke , that 〈◊〉 and pulled downe kings at his pleasure , aduanced his brother george neuell vnto great and high placss , being 〈◊〉 but a very yoong man : by his meanes he was consecrate bishop of exceter nouember . . at what time he was not fully . yéeres of age . the yéere . he was made lord chauncellour of england ; the yoongest chauncelour i thinke that euer was , either before or since his time . in that office he continued till the yéere . viz. vntill the mariage of king edward the . in which action , the king 〈◊〉 knowing he had giuen cause of offence vnto the earle of warwick ( for it was done whilest that earle was ambassador in fraunce , and busie in a treatie for a match betweene the king and the french quéenes sister ) he thought it necessarie to weaken him what he might , and so first remooued this his brother from the office of chauncelour , and bestowed it vpon robert stillington bishop of bath . notwithstanding this alienation of the king from him , the yéere . 〈◊〉 obtained the archbishopricke of yorke , and held the same , ( but with great trouble ) vntill his death . the 〈◊〉 of the dishonour done to the earle by that 〈◊〉 mariage , sticking 〈◊〉 in his mind , & hauing peraduenture continual occasions of new greeses be made a 〈◊〉 with his brethren to pull downe king edward that had raigned now almost . yeeres , and to set vp king henry the . againe , who had 〈◊〉 in prison all that while . this indeed they performed partly by the help of george duke of clarence , king edwards brother . and it was the hap of this archb. to take 〈◊〉 edward prisoner , at 〈◊〉 in northhampton shire . he carried him thence , first to 〈◊〉 castell , then to 〈◊〉 castell in yorke shire . but being of too good a nature to be a good 〈◊〉 , vsed him with such curtesie , suffering him to walke abroad , & often to 〈◊〉 with a few 〈◊〉 to attend him , as ( were it by the negligence or vnfaithfulnesse of those that had the charge of him , i know not ) away he escaped , being met vpon a plaine where he hunted by a troupe of his friends , & wasted by them into a place of safety . 〈◊〉 halfe a yeere that k. henry was restored to his crown 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . edward so handled that matter , as comming suddenly to london , & entring that bishops palace by aposterne gate , 〈◊〉 surprised at once king henry b the archbishop that had not long before taken him , they were both caried thence to the tower of london , where that good king was soone after pitifully murthered . but the archbishop vpon the fourth of june following was set at liberty . about a yeere after his inlargement , he chaunced to be with the king a hunting at windsor ; and vpon occasion of the sport , they had seene there , made relation vnto the king of some extraordinary kinde of game , wherewith he was woont to solace himselfe at a house he had built , and furnished very 〈◊〉 , called the moore in hartfordshire . the king seeming desirous to be partaker of this sport , appointed a day when he would come thither to hunt , and make merry with him . hereupon the archbishop taking his leaue , got him home , and thinking to 〈◊〉 the king in the best manner it was possible for him , he sent for much plate that he had bid during the warres 〈◊〉 his brethren and the king , and borrowed also much of his friends . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 brought into the 〈◊〉 , the day 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 sent for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him , all 〈◊〉 set a part , to repaire presently vnto him being at 〈◊〉 . as sone as he came , he was arrested of treason ; all his plate , money , and other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( to the value of , l. were seised vpon for the king , and himselfe a long space after was kept prisoner at calis and guisnes : during which time , the king 〈◊〉 vnto himselfe the profits and temporalties of his bishopricke . amongst other things then taken from him , he had a 〈◊〉 of inestimable value , by reason of many rich stones wherewith it was adorned : that the king brake and made thereof a crowne for himselfe . this calamity happened vnto him the yéere . by intercession and intreaty of his friends , with much 〈◊〉 he obtayned his liberty the yéere . and a little while 〈◊〉 the same , with griefe and anguish of minde ( as is thought ) died at blithlaw comming from yorke . he was buried in the minster there . in this mans time sixtus the fourth made the bishop of saint andrewes primate of all scotland , and appointed twelue bishops to be vnder him , that vntill that time were of the prouince of yorke . the archbishop 〈◊〉 it what he might . but the pope alledging it was very vnfit , that such a 〈◊〉 should be the metropolitane of scotland , as for the most part ( by reason of wars was an enemy vnto the same ) ouerruled it , and would needes haue it so . . lawrence boothe . the bishop of durham , lawrence boothe , halfe brother vnto william boothe george neuils predecessor succéeded them in the sée of yorke . he was first master of penbrooke hall in cambridge , consecrate bishop of durham september . . and twenty yéeres after vizthe yéere remooued to yorke . in august . he was made lord chancellour , and continned in that office two 〈◊〉 . this man bought the mannor of batersey of one nicolas stanley , and built the house there , all which he gaue vnto his sée . he died at southwell the yéere . when he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 archbishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and nine 〈◊〉 , and was buried 〈◊〉 his brother . . thomas rotheram alias scot. thomas scot otherwise called rotheram , was borne at 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 , and according to the manner of religious persons in old time , would 〈◊〉 take his surname of the place where he was borne . 〈◊〉 such education as the country could afford him , being now ripe for the vniuersity , and towardly , was sent by his friends vnto cambridge , and was chosen fellow of kings colledge : in which place he continued till he was called away by preferment . king edward ( whose chaplaine he was ) procured him first the prouostship of beuerley , made him keeper of his priuy seale , and then bishop of rochester the yeere . staying there scarce fower yeere , he remooued to lincolne anno . the yeere . he was made lord chauncellour , and continued long in that office , euen vntill the raigne of richard the vsurper , at what time ( or a little before ) he deliuered the great seale vnto the 〈◊〉 , and is blamed for committing it vnto her , of whom he receiued it not , and had no right to require it . being yet at lincolne , he bestowed great cost in building the goodly beautifull gate of the schooles at cambridge , the walkes on each side thereof , and the new library that is at the east side of that building , which he caused to be done of his owne charge , with some very little contribution of the uniuersity . it was begun the yeere . and quite 〈◊〉 . hauing beene at lincolne nine yéeres , he was translated to yorke , and enioyed that honor twenty yeeres lacking one quarter . in which time he did many notable things worthy memory . at 〈◊〉 ( where he was borne ) he founded a colledge , by the name of jesus colledge , for a prouost that should be a preacher , fiue priests , sixe choristers , and thrée schoolemasters , one for grammar , one for song , and another for writing . he finished lincolne colledge in oxford ( left very vnperfect by bishop fleming the first founder ) and added fiue fellowships vnto the same , beside those seuen which the founder had ordayned . he gaue to the church of yorke 〈…〉 of that , which king edward had taken away . in divers of his houses he built much ; at white hall ( which then belonged to the bishops of yorke ) he built the great kitchin : at southwell the pantry , bakehouse , and new chambers adioyning to the ri●●ers and at thorp the pantry , bakehou●● and chambers on the 〈…〉 . he was very carefulll to 〈◊〉 those which either for good seruice or 〈◊〉 might 〈…〉 he greatly 〈…〉 . he died of the plague● may . . at 〈◊〉 , being . yeeres of age , and was buried in the 〈…〉 of our lady chappell in a marble tombe , which himselfe caused to be built in his life-time . . thomas sauage . his next 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 , was also ( but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) bishop of rochester , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to london the yéere . and soone after thomas rotherams death 〈◊〉 yorke . this man was a gentleman 〈◊〉 , and ( as i take it ) a knights sonne ; not preferred for any 〈◊〉 great learning , ( yet he was a doctor of law ) but as it should seeme in regard of seruice . he spent his time in a manner altogether either in temporall businesses ( being a great courtier ) or else in hunting ; wherewith he was 〈◊〉 sonablie 〈◊〉 . he built much at 〈◊〉 and scroby , and maintained a great number of goodly 〈◊〉 fellowes to attend him . before his time , it was alwaies the custome that the archbishop at his installation should make a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and sumptuous 〈◊〉 . this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a little money 〈◊〉 brake and 〈◊〉 his installation by a deputie in secret manner . hauing béene . yéere 〈◊〉 , he died at 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 order that his body should be buried at 〈◊〉 , but his hart at 〈◊〉 in cheshire inhere he was borne , in a chappell of his owne building which he 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but death 〈◊〉 him . . christopher bambridg . christopher bambridge succéeded . he was a gentleman likewise of an auncient house , borne neere appleby in 〈◊〉 ; a doctor of both lawes , first master of the rolles ; then deane of yorke ; consecrate bishop of durham in the beginning of the yeere . and the next yeere was translated to yorke . being embassador from king henry the . to the pope , the yéere . he was made cardinall at rome in the moneth of march. whether he staied there so long , or made a second iorney thither i cannot tell : but certaine it is that being there , the yeere . hée was poisoned by one rinaldo de modena an italian priest his steward , vpon malice and displeasure conceaued , for a blow his master gaue him , as the said rinaldo ( being executed for that fact ) confessed at the time of his death . so p. iouius reporteth . he died july and was buried there in the church belonging to the english house , dedicated to the holy trinitie . . thomas woolsey . that famous cardinall thomas woolsey ( of whom we are next to discourse ) was borne in ipswich , being the sonne of a poore man , and ( as i haue often heard ) a butcher . he was sent to oxford very yoong , & was brought vp there in magdalene colledge : he was first schoolemaster of the grammer schoole belonging to magdalene colledge , and preferred to a benefice in somersetshire called lymmyngton , by the marques dorset , vnto whose sonnes he had beene tutor in oxford . being there , sir amyas pawlet a knight of that country , did him a great disgrace , setting him in the stocks , vpon what occasion i know not . of that iniurie the knight much repented him afterward , at what time this poore scholler being aduanced to the high honor of lorde chauncellor , not onely rebuked him sharpely in words ( as there was great cause ) but also made him daunce attendance . or . yéeres in london , vntill by great sute he obtained license of departure . his lord and patrone the marques dying , he sawe 〈◊〉 without all likelihood of further preferment , especially if he should settle himselfe vpon his 〈◊〉 . leauing it therefore and determining to seeke some 〈◊〉 fortune , abroad in the world , he happened to be entertained of an ancient 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉 iohn naphaunt , who 〈◊〉 an office , of importance in callis , wherein ( being very 〈◊〉 himselfe ) he altogether 〈◊〉 this woolsey his chaplaine , vntill such time , as weary of it , in regard of his owne weaknesse and impotencie , he gaue it ouer . but mindfull of 〈◊〉 chaplaines good seruice , he 〈◊〉 left him till he had 〈◊〉 meanes to 〈◊〉 him the kings chaplaine . now was 〈◊〉 where he would be . many times he was 〈◊〉 to say ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heard ) if he could once set but one 〈◊〉 in the court , 〈◊〉 would not doubt but attaine what he 〈◊〉 . and to speake but the truth , it was not onely his good fortune that exalted 〈◊〉 to that 〈◊〉 greatnesse , but much deale his owne 〈◊〉 , and many extraordinarie parts in him . he was maruellous wittie , well learned , faire spoken , and passing cunning in winning the harts of those whose fauor he affected . the first thing he endeuored ( being now a courtier ) was 〈◊〉 make himselfe knowne vnto such as were néerest about the king : and the man he specially followed , was richard 〈◊〉 bishop of winchester , vpon whose councell he sawe the 〈◊〉 did most relie . he soone perceiued what was in woolsey : & at a time whē the king bethought him of some witty 〈◊〉 to dispatch certaine affaires with the emperor , mentioned him as a fitte man. the king vpon his commendation , sent for this chaplaine , and committed the busines vnto him . the emperor lay then in the low countries , whether 〈◊〉 woolsey made such haste ( winde and weather fauouring him ) as within lesse then . daies after his dispatch , he was backe at the court againe , hauing ordered all the kings businesses to his contentment . by this time , the king sawe 〈◊〉 to be a man méete for imploiment , and determined 〈◊〉 to vse him . it was not long then before he 〈◊〉 him 〈◊〉 the deanrie of lincolne , and a little before his death 〈◊〉 him almoner . that wise and excellent prince being taken away , he soone crept so farre into the fauor of the yoong 〈◊〉 , as he made him one of his priuie counsell . in which place , he so applied himselfe to the 〈◊〉 humor , as in short time he possessed him altogether . 〈◊〉 very 〈◊〉 and well spoken , the rest of that counsel vsed him many times as their 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 their determinations vnto the king . he then hauing this oportunity of perceiuing the kings inclination , followed euer that course which he saw him willing to haue taken , and aduanced earnestly that part whereunto the king inclined , without respect vnto the matter otherwise . agame , whereas the rest of the counsell called oft vpon the the king , to acquaint himselfe with matters of state , by resorting to the counsell , and affoording his presence at their deliberations ; he would aduise him to follow his pleasures , & let counsell matters alone to him , assuring him , that at night he should heare as much of him in one quarter of an houre , as if he had been present all day at those tedious & wearisome consultations . by this trick he won himselfe such authority with the king , as he did euen what he list a long time . no maruell now if what preferment soeuer fell stood at his refusall . the bishopricke of tourney in france ( which city the king had lately taken ) falling voide , 〈◊〉 was elected thereunto . within lesse then one yéere after , fell first lincolne ( whereunto he was preferred the yeere . ) and then immediately after yorke ; which also was presently bestowed vpon him . following the streame still of this good fortune , and thinking it best to take his time , he procured the pope to make him first his legate a latere , and soone after ( viz. the yeere ) cardinall . he handled the matter also in such sort with the king , as he was content to discharge the archbishop of canterbury from the office of chauncellor and bestowed it vpon him . then as though the archbishopricke of yorke and chauncellorship of england were not sufficient for maintenance of a cardinall , he tooke also vnto him the bishopricke of bathe the yéere holding it and the abbey of saint albons with diuers other 〈◊〉 liuings in commēdam . fower yéeres , and seuen monethes , he held bathe and then resigned it to take durham . durham also he lastly gaue ouer the yéere . in exchange for winchester . now yow sée him at the highest . it was impossible this greatnesse should be able to beare his owne burthen . presently after his acceptation of winchester , he began to fall , and fell so fast , as 〈◊〉 death had not happily staid him , he had quickly fallen 〈◊〉 much , to much lesse then nothing . the king vpon a displeasure ( how iust god knoweth ) discharged him sodainly 〈◊〉 the office of chauncellor . his goods were all seased to 〈◊〉 kings vse , and himselfe ready to be attaint by parliament , had not thomas cromwell after earle of essex , then his seruant , taken great paines in defending him . when that 〈◊〉 succéeded not , he was charged to haue fallen into a premunire by exercising his power legantine without the kings licence . hereunto he answered , that he had authority thereunto front the king vnder his broad seale ( as it was well ynough knowen he could prooue ) though that , amongst the rest of his writings were now in the hands of his enemies . but ( quoth he ) i will neuer stand vpon that point . whatsoeuer i haue , i haue it from the king , if it be his pleasure to haue me in a premunire , let it be so , i must and will be at his mercie . almost halfe a yéere he liued néere london in great penurie ; one while at asher ( a house belonging to the bishopricke of winchester ) and an other while at richmond ; the which house , the king had lately giuen him in exchange for hampton court . all which time , he had scarce a cuppe 〈◊〉 drinke in , or a bed to lie in , but what was 〈◊〉 him ; for 〈◊〉 mooueables and houshold stuffe of inestimable valew , were all taken away to the kings vse . at last he was sent downe into yorkeshire , and there liued all a sommer in reasonable good sort . about the beginning of nouember that yéere , which was . the earle of northumberland 〈◊〉 him of high treason , and tooke order to haue him brought 〈◊〉 to london : but he fell sicke by the way and died in the 〈◊〉 of leicester , ( as it should séeme ) of a 〈◊〉 ; whereunto a continuall feauer was ioyned . when he had béene sicke the space of . daies , he died nouember . . hauing beene archbishop . yeeres , and being within a . moneths of . yéeres of age . his last words are said to be these . if i had serued 〈◊〉 as diligently as i haue done the king , he would not haue giuen me ouer in my gray haires ; but this is the iust 〈◊〉 that i must receiue , for the paines and study that i haue had , to do him seruice , not regarding my seruice to god , but onely to satisfie his pleasure . in his flourishing time , he began the building of two most stately colledges , one at ipswich , the other at oxford ; and it is great pittie he finished them not . had they beene perfected , i thinke they woulde haue béene two of the 〈◊〉 monuments of the world . and surely it were a woonder that any priuate man should take two such péeces of worke in hand at one time , whereof any one might seeme a great matter for a prince to finish ; had not his receits beene infinite , and his helpes otherwise very great . i thinke verily ( and am able to yéeld good reason of my 〈◊〉 ) that if one man had now in his hands the reuenues of all the bishopricks and 〈◊〉 also in england , his rents 〈◊〉 not arise to so high a reconing , as the yeerely receits of this cardinall . yet was it not his owne purse that gaue him courage to so great an enterprise : for his bounty was such as he could not but spend all he receiued . the number of his seruants daily attending in his house were well néere 〈◊〉 hundred , of which there were one earle , nine lords , a great number of knights and 〈◊〉 . i reckon not all this while his seruants seruants , which it is though grew to a far greater number . he obtayned leaue of the pope to dissolue forty small monasteries , the spoile whereof furnished him principally for the building of his colledges , but opened a gap withall to king henry , to destroy all the rest , as soone after he did . the lands he had prouided for his colledge in oxford ( though confiscate by his 〈◊〉 ) the king was content to leaue 〈◊〉 that colledge ( or at least wise other for them ) and became the founder thereof , calling it , collegium 〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . who so desireth to know more of this great and famous cardinall , let him haue recourse vnto master stowes annales of england , where his whole life and actions are largely described . and i 〈◊〉 myselfe beholding to him , amongst many other helpes , for the greatest part of this discourse , which i haue much 〈◊〉 gathered thence , and would gladly haue inserted the whole , but that it very much 〈◊〉 my determined proportion . to make an end , this our cardinal was buried in the abbey of lecester ( where he died ) in the body of the church before the quier doore . . edward lee. the sée hauing bene void by the death of cardinall woolsey almost one yeere , the king preferred vnto the same , edward lee his almoner , a great antagonist of erasmus . he was well learned , but no fit match for him . he was much emploied in embassages , both before his preferment , and after . he sate archbishop thirtéene yéeres , and dying september . . was buried in his owne church , where is this epitaphe to be séene engrauen vpon his toombe , edwardus leus archiepiscopus ebor. theologus eximius , atque omni literarum genere longe eruditislimus , sapientia & vitae sanctitate clarus , euangelicae doctrinae praeconem semper agens , pauperibus beneficus , omnibus ordinibus iuxta charus , magno de se apud omnes desiderio relicto , hic sepultus iacet sedit archiepiscopus annos paulo minus . obijt ibid. septaetatis suae anno . anno christi . in english thus : edward lee archbishop of yorke , a great diuine , and very well séene in all kind of learning , famous aswell for wisedome 〈◊〉 vertue and holinesse of life , a continuall preacher of the gospell , a man very liberall vnto the poore , and greatly beloued of all sorts of men , who greatly misse , and bemoane the want of him , lieth buried in this place . he deceased september . in the sixty two yéere of his age the yéere of our 〈◊〉 . . robert holgate . before the end of the same yéere , robert holgate doctor of diuinity , was translated from landaff in 〈◊〉 ( where he had béene seuen yéeres bishop ) vnto yorke , and continued there vntill the beginning of quéene mary , who caused him to be depriued , and that ( as i take it ) for 〈◊〉 married . . nicolas heath . about the yéere . nicolas heath , a londoner borne , 〈◊〉 of diuinity , and almoner vnto the king , was made bishop of rochester . within 〈◊〉 yéeres , he was remooued to worceter : the yeere he was displaced , and master hooper made bishop there . but quéene mary restored him againe in the beginning of her raigne , and made him president of wales . soone after , to wit , the yere he was translated to yorke , and vpon the death of stephen gardiner made lord chauncellor of england . these places he held vntill the happy raigne of our soneraigne the quéene that now is , at what time he thought good to resigne them both , and liued afterwards vpon some lands that heretofore he had purchased , being much fauoured by her 〈◊〉 , in regard of his diligent and faithfull 〈◊〉 for her establishment in the throne royall , which ( her sister mary being dead ) no man doubted to be due onely vnto her . he did but his 〈◊〉 ; calling together the nobility and commons in the parliament then assembled , he certified them of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 death , and ( for that he was lord chauncellor ) gaue order for the proclayming of the lady elizabeth . this it pleased her maiesty of her gratious clemency to take in so good part , as she was content the rather to beare with faults of his otherwise intollerable . . thomas yoong . thomas yoong sometime bishop of saint 〈◊〉 was the first bishop of yorke in this quéenes daies : he was confirmed therein february . . and about the same time made lord president of the north . this man ( for what cause or purpose i know not ) pulled downe the great hall in the pallace of yorke ann . . which was sumptuously built by thomas the elder his predecessor almost . yéeres 〈◊〉 . he died june . . at sheffield , and was buried in the minster of yorke . . edmund grindall . vpon the depriuation of edmund boner , edmund grindall was appointed vnto the sée of london , whereunto he was elected july . . and sate there about . yéeres . may . . he was translated thence to yorke , there he continued till the yéere . at what time , he was promoted vnto the archbishopricke of canterbury . sée more of him in canterbury . . edwyn sandes . edwyn sandes doctor of diuinitie was uicechauncellor of the uniuersitie of cambridge , at what time the ladie iane was proclaimed quéene , about which matter , he endured much trouble and long imprisonment ( the historie whereof is reported at large by master foxe vnto whom i remit the reader . ) in the beginning of this quéenes raigne , to wit december . . he was consecrate bishop of worceter , and succéeded edmund grindall both in london ( whereunto he was confirmed july . . ) and also in yorke . he continued there archbishop about 〈◊〉 . yéeres , and dying august . . was buried at southwell . . iohn piers. iohn piers doctor of diuinitie , being deane of christ church in oxford , was made bishop of rochester and almoner the yéere . translated to salisbury ( continuing still almoner ) the yéere following ; and vpon the death of bishop sands preferred to yorke . this man liued alwaies vnmaried , and departed this life september . or thereabouts . . mathew hutton . in the beginning of march following , mathew hutton doctor of diuinitie , first deane of yorke , and consecrate bishop of durham the yéere . was aduanced to the metropoliticall see of yorke , and as yet continueth in the same . the bishops of durham . . aidanus . the noble & vertuous prince 〈◊〉 , hauing attained the kingdome 〈◊〉 northumberland the yéere . and desirous that his countrimen and 〈◊〉 should not onely be gouerned by the sword for their temporall good , but also directed by the word and preaching of the gospell to the euerlasting saluation of their soules , he sent his embassador vnto his neighbours the scots ( amongst whom were then many 〈◊〉 and well learned preachers ) requesting them to send vnto him some good man that might instruct his people in the 〈◊〉 and feare of christ. to this his most reasonable request , they quickly condiscended ; and sent vnto him first a man , that doing his best endeuour a while amongst them , and perceauing he could do no good , returned shortly into his owne country againe , complaining that they were a barbarous and 〈◊〉 people , amongst whom he had bene , and such as he thought he could not spend his time worse , then in séeking to instruct them , that séemed , neither desirous nor capable of knowledge . they that sent him , very sory for this tidings , and consulting amongst themselues what course were now to be taken , it chanced one of them named aidanus to vse these words . it séemeth to me ( quoth he ) that this our brother dealt somewhat to roughly with his vnlearned auditors , not 〈◊〉 them first with the milke of gentle words , and easie doctrine , according to the councell of the apostle , vntill such time as they were enabled to digest stronger meat : and this i take to be the cause of the ill successe his preaching had amongst them . all the rest of the company thought it very probable which he had said , and these his ( words occasioning them to remember , besides his learning and godlines , his notable discretion and knowen wisedome , they agréed all , that 〈◊〉 no man was so likely to amend that fault , as he that had so quickly found and discerned it in the other , and so with one consent ordained him bishop of northumbers . this aidanus an humble minded man , a louer of silence and pouerty ( saith william malmesbury ) auoiding of purpose the pomp and frequency of yorke , chose for his see a little island called lindisfarne ( now holy island ) where he and diuers of his successors much deale lead their liues . he was bishop seuenteene yéeres , during which time , he neglected no duety of a good pastor , trauelling vp and downe the countrey euen on foote to preach the gospel , giuing whatsoeuer he could get vnto the poore , and by the example of his owne abstinency , chastity , 〈◊〉 and all manner of episcopall vertues , instructing , aswell , as by word and doctrine . he departed this life nt august . an . . for griefe ( as it is to be thought ) of the death of king oswald that was traiterously slaine . daies before . beda maketh report of diuers miracles to be done by him , which who so desireth to read , shal find them and many things more concerning him eccl. hist. lib. . c. . . . . and . . finan . fiunanus ( sent likewise thither out of scotland ) was bishop of 〈◊〉 after 〈◊〉 the space of ten yéeres . he first built a church for his sée in the island all of timber , and couered it with réede . he had much to doe with one conan and other about the obseruation of easter , which they would haue had him to celebrate according to the manner of the church of rome . he would not be induced by any meanes to any alteration . . coleman . his successor coleman ( a scot also ) was no lesse obstinate in the same matter . after many priuate conflicts , the yéere . this controuersie was discust in a solemne disputation before the king and all his nobles , who adiudged the victorie vnto his aduersaries . the 〈…〉 tation is set downe at large by beda lib. cap. . 〈…〉 induring the disgrace of this foyle ; 〈…〉 ricke and returned into scotland againe . . tuda . amongst diuers that came out of scotland with coleman , this tuda was one , who hauing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 for the place , by diligent preaching , and vertuous behauiour vnder coleman , vpon his departure was chosen to succéede him . he was content to reforme the obseruation of 〈◊〉 , and to yeelde to some other things which had béene stood much vpon & controuerted betwéene the scots and saxons . hauing béene bishop 〈◊〉 one whole yéere , he died of the plague anno . . eata . many of the scots that came with coleman returning with him , the rest chose eata for their abbot , and 〈◊〉 at mailros , which place king oswyn gaue vnto them at the request of coleman . this eata after the death of tuda was chosen bishop both of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , and gouerned them iointly the space of . yeeres . after the ende of which terme , he gaue ouer 〈◊〉 vnto one tumbert . but tumbert being deposed by a synod gathered at a place called twiford , cutbert was elected vnto his see of hagustald . eata then perceiuing that cutbert had rather be at 〈◊〉 , tooke on him once more the gouernment of 〈◊〉 , and resigned 〈◊〉 vnto cutbert . . s. cutbert . this cutbert is said to be descended of the blood royall of the kings of ireland , being sonne of one 〈◊〉 , and sabina his wife , that was daughter vnto a king 〈◊〉 . he was brought vp in the abbey of 〈◊〉 , first vnder his predecessor eata , and afterwards vnder 〈◊〉 , that succéeded eata there . after the death of boisill , he was made abbot of that monasterie , which he ruled with great care and sinceritie . and not content to looke vnto those onely , the gouernment of whom was especially committed vnto him ; he vsed often to trauell into the countrie neere adioyning , 〈◊〉 on horsebacke , sometimes on foote , preaching diligently the word of god , instructing the ignorant in the way of life , and sharpely reprehending vice where he saw cause . and his manner was to frequent especially , the most rude and barbarous places , to which he thought no body else would resort , least the people there being altogether neglected , might perish for want of their spirituall foode . he was a very personable man , well spoken , and so mightie in perswading , as none that euer he delt withall was able to withstand the force of his words . hauing continued this manner of life at mailros many yéeres , at the importunate request of his old master eata , he was content to leaue the place and to liue once more vnder him at lindisfarne . but affecting much an eremiticall and solitarie life , he refused to liue with the rest of the monks , and seated himselfe in the island of farne , a desert place miles within the sea , hauing in it neither house nor water . yet there he made a shift to liue , labouring with his owne hands , till he was chosen bishop . a great while he refused obstinately to forsake his solitarie life , euen vntill the king himself comming ouer vnto him , partly by force , & partly by entreatie , iuduced him thereunto . so with much adoo he accepted consecration at last , and receaued the same at yorke vpon easter day , at the hande of theodore archbishop of canterbury ( . other bishops assisting him ) the yeere . in the presence of king egfride , and many of his nobles . after he had beene bishop two yeeres , he would needes resigne , and returned to his island againe , where seene after he ended his life . the day of his departure ( to wit march . ) is consecrate vnto his memory . he was first buried at 〈◊〉 , but afterwards remooued to durham as hereafter shal be declared . the myracles that are ascribed vnto him and many other things not vnwoorthy the reading , you shall find in the latter end of the . booke of beda his ecclesiasticall history . . eadbertus . one yéere after the resignation of saint cutbert , the church of lindisfarne was without a bishop , edbert was then chosen to succeed him . he couered his cathedrall church with lead ; not onely the roofe ( which before was thatched with réede ) but the walles also . he sate tenne yéeres , and dying may the . . was buried beside , or rather vnder saint cutbert his predecessor , whose body the monkes had now placed in a shyrne aboue the pauement of the church . after edbert followed in order successiuely these : . edferth or edfride that liued in beda his time . . ethelwood , who died the yéere . . kenulfus , he died . . higbald . higbald sate twelue yéeres , and died an . . in his time the danes often spoyled the church and monastery of lindisfarne , so as the bishop and monkes were faine to forsake it . taking therefore the body of saint cutbert with them , they determined to seate themselues in ireland : but being often driuen backe by tempest , so as attempting diuers times to crosse the seas , they could neuer land there ; they gaue ouer that enterprise , and rested themselues sometime in one place , sometime in an other , during the time of all these bishops . . egbert . . egfredus , he died an . . . eaubert , he died an . . . eardulf . . cuthard , he died an . . . tilred , he died an . . . withred . . 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 . . aldred , he died an . . alfsius , he died an . . . aldhunus or aldiuinus . about the yéere of grace . this 〈◊〉 was consecrate bishop . the yeere . or nere thereabout , he came to durham , or rather ( for so is the right name ) dunholm , which is compounded of two saxon words dun , signifying a hill , and holm , an island in a riuer . before his comming thither it was a place wild and not habitable being all a wood , full of thicke bushes and trees ; sauing onely a little plaine vpon the top of the hil , that was woont to be sowed aud is the very place where the church now standeth . with the helpe of the country people , and 〈◊〉 earle of northumberland , he cut downe the wood , cleansed the place , and in short time made it habitable . all the people , dwelling between the riuers of theise and coqued , came then and affoorded most readily their best helpe vnto the building of a church there , neuer ceasing vntill in the time of this bishop ( who principally caused the same ) it was quite finished . he was schoolemaster vnto the children of 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 and edward that after raigned , and is commonly called edward the confessor . the king their father being driuen out of his kingdome by 〈◊〉 the dane , the yeere he sent him with 〈◊〉 his wife and his two sonnes before named vnto richard duke of normandy their vncle . how seene the bishop returned i know not , but i find that he died within three yéeres after , to wit , the yeere . hauing continued bishop almost nine and twenty yeeres . . eadmund . thrée yéeres after the death of aldwine the sée remained voide , by reason of the great troubles and continuall warres wherewith the realme was vexed by the danes . at the last , god sending a more peaceable time , the cleargy of durham determined to procéede vnto an election . as they were conferring about the businesse they had in hand , it happened a certaine graue priest to come into the place where they were gathered together , and ( vnderstanding what they were about ) to say merrily vnto them , that they were best choose him . these words vsed by him in iest , were 〈◊〉 vnto by them in good earnest ; insomuch as , vpon a little deliberation they agréed indéede to elect him for their bishop , and so did : matthew westminster addeth ( credite him as you list ) that the monkes fasting thrée daies and praying vnto saint cutbert to shew some token of his approbation or dislike of this election ; there was a voice heard out of his shrine ( the priest being at masse ) that thrée times named edmond to the bishopricke . he was elected the yéere . but not consecrate in fiue yéeres after . he sate alter the time of his consecration . yéeres , and dying at glocester anno . was caried thence to his owne church of durham and there buried . william of malmsbury commendeth him much for his industry in adorning his church and citie with buildings and otherwise . . eadred . presently after his death , eadred was made bishop , enioyed that honor a very short time , to wit , . monethes onely , and then died . . egelric . egelricus a monke ( or as i finde also reported abbot ) of peterborough , succeeded him , by the meanes & endeuour of godwyn earle of kent . he builded a church at cuneagecester ( now called chester vpon the stréete ) in memorie that the bishops of lindisfarne had rested themselues there , together with the body of saint cutbert , . yéeres during the time of the danish warres . in digging the foundation of this church , he found such an infinite deale of money , as after that time , not caring for the reuenues of his bishoprick , he resigned the same vnto egelwyn his brother , & returned himselfe to the monastery of peterborough whence he came . there he bestowed great cost in building & repairing the church & monasterie , as also in making a cawsie with timber , lyme and sande , through the fennes betweene deeping and spalding , a worke very necessary and of infinite charge . this cawsie was called after the name of the maker elrich-rode . he resigned the yeere . and hauing led a priuate life now yéeres , in his old age , to wit the yeere . he was charged ( i know not how iustly ) with treason and conspiracie against the conquerour , who drew him out of his cloyster at peterborough , and imprisoned him at westminster . there ( saith w. malmsbury ) by continuall fasting and abundance of teares , washing away the guilt of his 〈◊〉 misdéedes , he wanne vnto himselfe such reputation of holinesse , as the place of his buriall was much trequented after his death . he died october . . and ( if i mistake him not for his brother , as many of our writers do , who confound the historie of these men , and attribute diuers actions of the one vnto the other ) was buried in the chappell of saint nicholas in westminster . . egelwyn . this egelwyn was bishop at the comming in of the conquerour , against whom he alwaies opposed himselfe . at the last séeing himselfe not able to withstande him , and fearing to be too neere him , he forsooke durham in the end of the yeere . and caried his clergie with him vnto the church of lindisfarne . but it was not long before they returned againe . the king hauing withdrawne his forces out of that countrey , and the bishop ( belike ) being taken into fauour , about the beginning of lent the church was furnished againe , and the bishop himselfe entred the same , april . within two yeeres after which time , whether it were the auncient hatred he bore vnto the king that now reboiled in his stomacke , or a vaine hope of recouering the libertie of his countrey enthralled vnto the normans , or offence taken at the vnreasonable oppression of the same , and especially of clergie men ( as stigand and diuers other that were depriued of their bishoprickes and other promotions . he ioyned with certaine english noble men , in a flat rebellion , alleaging at first that they feared imprisonment and hard measure , but indeed purposing to depose the king , and set vp some english man. when things succéeded not according to their expectation , they were faine to hide themselues in woods and secret places , doing great spoile in the countrey , till at last they tooke the isle of ely , which they defended against the kings power a long space . in the meane time egelwyn our bishop tooke ship and departed ( as matt. 〈◊〉 . saith ) into voluntarie exile . but william malmesbury chargeth him with piracie and robberie vpon the sea . in the end being taken he was committed to straight prison at abbingdon , where he died the yeere . in winter , refusing ( as flor. wigor . deliuereth ) for gréefe and anger to take any sustenance : howbet other thinke his abstinence was of constraint , and that he would gladly haue eaten if he could haue gotten meate . it is saide he was buried in saint nicholas chappell at westminster : but i thinke him mistaken for his brother agelrike . . walter . egelwyn yet liuing ( but in prison ) the king caused one walter borne in lorraine , to be consecrate bishop . he attending more worldly affaires then the charge of his flocke , gaue himselfe altogether to temporal busines , wherein he wholy occupied himselfe . he bought of the king the earledome of northumberland , and then making himselfe a secular iudge , tooke vpon him to sit in the court , and to determine all causes at his pleasure , dealing withall very corruptly , and taking still the course that might be most for his owne gaine . hereby he greatly enriched his coffers , but purchased vnto himselfe extreame hatred amongst the common people , which was his destruction in the end . there was a certaine gentleman of great account named leolfus , that married algitha the daughter of aldred sometime earle of northumberland , from whom the lord lumly that now liueth is lineally descended . this leulfus , to the end he might liue néere the church in his later time , and for very deuotion , came to durham to dwell there , and kept company very much with the bishop , who loued him entirely , for many good parts he saw in him ; as namely , his wisedome in descerning , his equity in deciding , and his discretion in ordering and handling such causes as he committed vnto him ; in which respect also he vsed him very 〈◊〉 , imployed him often , and gaue him what countenance he could . now you shall vnderstand , that vnto the same bishop belonged two men , vnto whom for the most part he committed the 〈◊〉 of all his affaires ; 〈◊〉 or leobwyn his chaplaine whom he trusted withall houshold matters , and gilbert a kinsman of his owne that dealt in his causes of temporall gouernment . in these offices , they behaued themselues so , as the bishop had cause to commend their diligence , but to blame their rashnes and wilfulnes in many things . which notwithstanding , he bare withall , either because their industry , and care of his affaires so blinded his eies as he could not espie their misbehauiour otherwise ; or else , being loath to 〈◊〉 them whom he had once aduaunced . these men , and especially 〈◊〉 , did greatly enuie the credit that 〈◊〉 had gotten with the bishop , and euery where opposed themselues against him , not onely in wordes , traducing his actions , but in deedes also still thwarting and crossing his endeuours . whereby it came to passe , that many tarres fell out betweene them . one day amongst the rest , a court being held in the presence of the bishop , 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 ( for so also i find him called ) according vnto his wonted manner , gaue 〈◊〉 ill speeches , which he not enduring to beare as heretofore he had done ( furor fit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) answered this sawcy chaplaine somewhat more roundly then he had accustomed . whereupon he rose straight from the court in great indignation ( 〈◊〉 i meane ) and calling 〈◊〉 aside , with little adoo perswaded him to carry a certaine number of armed men to the house where 〈◊〉 lay , and in a night to kill him ; which indeede he 〈◊〉 with great cruelty , murthering not onely the innocent gentleman himselfe , but also his seruants and whole houshold . the newes of this horrible and outragions cruelty , comming vnto the cares of the bishop , amased him very much and suspecting it was done by the aduice of leofwin , turning him about vnto him , o leofwin saith he , thou hast already flaine me by thy toong . so not doubting it would bréede much daunger vnto him , he got him into his castell , and presently dispatched messengers vnto the friends and kinred of leulfus that was slaine , protesting that the fact was committed without his knowledge , that he was maruailous sory for it , and if any man suspected him , would be ready to submit himselfe to any order of law , whereby he might cleere himselfe . herewith they seemed to be satisfied ; but for conclusion of a firme peace amongst them , it was thought fit they should méete and conser of the matter . they met at a place called goates , head . the bishop for his better safegard betooke himselfe vnto the church with his company . the people ( whereof an infinite number were gathered together ) aboade without . messages a while passed betwéene them , but the more the matter was debated ( being very odious of it selfe ) the more they were incensed . at last it was told them how not onely leofwin but also gilbert had bene harboured in the bishops house , and affoorded countenance of him since the murther : which being once heard ( and it was true ynough ) they all cried out , it was manifest that the bishop was the author of this fact . it is furthermore deliuered by matthew paris , that the bishop not long before this amongst many intollerable exactions laide vpon the countrey by him , had commaunded the summe of , l , to be leuied at this time . that being also remembred , while as all the company stoode in a mammering , doubting what course to take , one of some special regard amongst them stept vp , vsing these words , short read , good read , 〈◊〉 yee the 〈◊〉 . hereupon without more adoo they ran all vnto the church , killed so many of the bishops 〈◊〉 as they found without doores , and with horrible noise and outcries bid him and his company to come out vnto them . too late then he repented that he had committed himselfe vnto the fury of a discontented multitude , with whom he knew himselfe before that time nothing gratious . but to make the best of a badde match , and to try all meanes of ridding himselfe from the danger imminent , he perswaded his kinsman gilbert there present to goe foorth vnto them , if happily his death ( which doubtlesse he had well deserued ) might satisfie their 〈◊〉 and purchase safetie vnto his lord and master . gilbert was content , and issuing out , with diuers of the bishops company , were all 〈◊〉 except onely two english men seruants vnto the bishop ( all the rest were normans ) they being not yet 〈◊〉 , he besought 〈◊〉 ( whose life he knew well was principally 〈◊〉 ) to go out also . but he vtterly refused so to do . the bishop therefore going vnto the church dore , entreated them not to take his life from him , protested himselfe to be vtterly 〈◊〉 of the bloud of 〈◊〉 , and shewed them at large , how dangerous it woulde be vnto them in particular , and what inconueniences woulde follow vnto the whole countrey in generall , if they should defile their hands in shedding his bloud , an vnarmed priest , a sacred and consecrate bishop , their ruler , their gouernor , their magistrate . hoping lastly that his very countenance , his grauitie , his age , and the sight of his person might somewhat mooue them to compassion for he was indeed a very reuerend man to see to , very tall of stature , head and beard as white as snow , his face fresh and well coloured , and euery way 〈◊〉 personable . ) he went out carying a greene branch in his hand , that so also he might testifie his desire of peace . when he sawe that all this auailed not , and the people ranne furiously vpon him , he cast his gowne ouer his owne head in like sort , as we read 〈◊〉 caesar did in the like case , and permitting himselfe to their fury , with innumerable wounds was 〈◊〉 massacred , together with all his people and retinue , to the number of . onely 〈◊〉 yet remained within the church and being often called would not come 〈◊〉 . so they set the church a fire : not 〈◊〉 the fire , he leapt out at a windowe , and was immediately hewen into a thousand peeces . this barbarous slaughter was committed may . . the monkes of yarrow came and fetched away the bishops body ( which they found 〈◊〉 naked ) and coulde hardly know it for the multitude of woundes ; they caried it to their monastery , from whence it was 〈◊〉 to durham and there buried on the south side of the chapterhouse , but secretly for feare of the 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 vp and downe the towne , and once assaulted the castell : when they could not preuaile there , they dispersed themselues , and for the most part came to euill and vnhappie endes . the king in the meane time hearing of this tumult , sent his brother odo bishop of bayon with many of his nobles , and a great armie to take punishment of this murther , which while they sought to reuenge , they brought the whole countrey to desolation . those that were guiltie preuented the danger toward them by 〈◊〉 , so as 〈◊〉 of them could be taken . of the rest that staied at home , some were vniustly executed , and the rest compelled to raunsome themselues to their vtter impouerishing and vndooing . this odo tooke away from the church of durham at that time certaine ornaments of great value , amongst which is especially remembred a certaine crosyer of inestimable price . in this bishops time and by his endenour , secular clerkes were displaced , and the church of durham replenished with monkes , the pope , the king , and the archbishop allowing this alteration . . william kairlipho . the sée of durham hauing béene voide moneths after the death of walter , to wit. nouember . following william kairlipho abbot of saint uincente , was elected , and receiued consecration at the hands of thomas archbishop of yorke , ianuary . following at glocester , the king and almost all the bishops of the realme being present at that solemnitie . the monkes ( whom he fauoured much , for he expelled diuers married priests out of his church of durham , whom walter was content to beare withall , and suffered onely monkes there ) they praise him for a man of great wisedome , learning and vertue . certaine it is , that he was very subtile , whereby , ( as also by the volubilitie of his toong which he had passing readie at commandement ) he got very farre into the fauour of the king william the conqueror , and afterward of his sonne william rufus , vnder whom he did euen what he list unto the later ende of these he prooued very vnthankfull , ioyning himselfe with odo bishop of bayon in a rebellious conspiracie against him . the rebels being ouerthrowne , he was saine for his safegard to shutte himselfe vp within the walles of durham . the king hasting thither by great iourneies , besieged 〈◊〉 , and after a thort time had the towne yeelded by composition , wherein it was conditioned , that the bishop and his companie should depart in safety . so he got him beyond the seas , and liued in 〈◊〉 three yeeres , viz. vntill september . . at what time the king comming to durham , receaued him to grace , and restored him to his former dignitie , that verie day three yeeres that he had departed thence . after that time he omitted nothing whereby he might curry fauour with the king , euer applying himselfe that way whither he sawe him to 〈◊〉 . in all the 〈◊〉 betweene the king and anselm , he was the 〈◊〉 stirrer against the archbishop , hoping belike , so to assure himselfe of the kings fauour ; and if anselm should be displaced which he endeuored ) he thought no man so likely then to succeed him as himselfe . but he failed in both of these purposes , for the kings displeasure was his death . he was summoned to appeere before the king at glocester , at a day ; before which time for griefe as it is thought ) he fel sicke . when he appeered not , and it was told the king he was sick ; he sware by lukes face ( 〈◊〉 was his vsuall oath ) he lied , he did but counterfeit , & he would haue him fetcht with a vengeance . it appeered the excuse was true ynough ; for seene after , viz. ianuary . . he died , hauing been bishop fifteene yeeres . this man pulling downe to the ground the church that 〈◊〉 had first built began to erect another far more magnificent , but liued not to finish it . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of scots & turgot prior of durham , 〈◊〉 the first 〈◊〉 . stones , july . or ( as some deliuer aug. . ) 〈◊〉 . it is said , that lying vpon his death bed , & ( as was thought past memory ( if not dead ) diuers prelates that were in his chamber , conferred of the order of his 〈◊〉 , and amongst other things appointed the place of his buriall to be in the 〈◊〉 , vpon the building whereof he had bestowed so much . the supposed dead man ouerheard them , and gathering his forces together , made shift to breath out these 〈◊〉 ; it shall not please god saith he , that you preiudice the honor of saint 〈◊〉 by my buriall , for 〈◊〉 of wham , neuer any of my predecessors would enduret o be laid there . bury you me therefore in the chapter house . it was performed accordingly : his body was conueighed from glocester ( where he died vnto durham , and on the north part of the chapter house there solemnly enterred . within a yeere or two after his first being bishop , he trauelled to rome , and obtayned there licence of pope gregorie the seuenth to bring the monkes from yarrow and wermouth into the cathedrall church of durham . he also bestowed vpon them , not onely bookes and diuers ornaments for the furnishing of their church , but lands and 〈◊〉 in sundry places ; for the confirmation of all which gifts , he procured the charter of william the conqueror vnder seale . . ranulf flambard . after the death of william , the sée of durham stoode voide thrée yeeres and fower monethes . the king at last bestowed it vpon one ranulf , rather for the seruice he had done him , then for any speciall seruice he could hope he would doo , either to god or his church . for he was a very wicked man , but such a one as had serued his turne notably . he was first chaplaine vnto maurice bishop of london , and well 〈◊〉 of him , but not so well as that he would let him haue the deanery falling voide ; which he taking very ill in a 〈◊〉 left him and ( by what meanes i know not ) woond himselfe into the court . being passing subtile and shrewd witted , faire spoken , and nothing scrupulous , but ready to do any thing for preferment ; it was no hard matter for him to obtaiue any thing of the king ( william rufus ) a very corrupt and vicious prince . his first practise was , to farme the vacacies of abbotships and bishopricks of the king ; whereby he not onely enriched himselfe , but brought great sommes of mony into the kings coffers that neuer were acquainted with that kinde of profite before . the king perceiuing him to be a fit instrument for his purposes , imploied him daily more and more , and at last made him chiefe gouernour of all his realme vnder him , so as he had all that authority which now the lord treasurer , chauncellor , and diuers other officers haue diuided amongst them . for it séemes vnto me , that few of those offices were then so precisely distinguished as soone after . this authority he abused very impudently , not caring whom he offended so he might 〈◊〉 either the king or himselfe . many times when the king gaue commandement for the leuying of a certaine summe of mony amongst his subiects , he would require of the commons twise so much ; whereat the king being very well content , would laugh and say , that 〈◊〉 was the onely man for his turne , who cared not whom he displeased so he might please his master . it was impossible , but he should be very odious , both vnto the common people and nobility also . and no maruaile if many complaints were made vnto the king of him ; against all which he shut his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . when therefore that way succeeded not , some of those his discontent aduersaries determined to wreake their mallice vpon him by killing him . they famed a message from the bishop of london his old master , saying that he was very sick and ready to depart the world , that he was wonderfull desirous to speake with him , and to the end he might make the better spéede had sent him a barge to 〈◊〉 him vnto his house being then by the water side . he suspecting no fraude , went with them in great hast , attended onely by his secretary and some one or two other ; they hauing him thus in their clutches , caried him not to the appointed staires , but rowed 〈◊〉 on ( say he what he would ) till they came vnto a ship prouided for him ready to set saile . as seene as he perceiued how he was intrapped , he cast away his ring or manuel seale , and after his great scale ( whether the broad seale of england or no , i know not ) into the riuer , least they might giue oportunity of forging false graunts and conueyances then he fel to intreating and perswading , but all to no purpose , for they were determined he should dye . they had appointed two 〈◊〉 to dispatch him , either by knocking out his braines , or tossing him a liue 〈◊〉 , for doing whereof they were promised to haue his clothes . these executioners could not agree vpon the diuision of this reward , for his gowne was better woorth then all the rest of his apparell . while they were reasoning vpon that point , it pleased god to raise a terrible and fearefull tempest , such , as they looked euery minute to die themselues , and therefore had no very good leasure to thinke of putting an other man to death . ranulf then omitting no opportunitie of his deliuerance , like an other 〈◊〉 , by the musicke of his eloquence seeketh to alay their malice , and to diswade them from the execution of their bloudie determination , laying diligently before them , the danger that was like to ensue vnto them by so cruell a murther , which could not be hid , promising mountaines of golde if they saued his life , and lastly wishing them to consider , how god by raising this tempest , had threatned to reuenge his death , and had as it were set the image of his vengeance before their eies . whether it were the feare of god or of man , or else the hope of reward that wrought with them , of such effect were these his perswasions , as first diuers of the companie refused to be pertakers of his murther , one of them then stept foorth , & vowed to defend him to his power , so as he would liue or die with him . and at length , his greatest enimies were so pacified , as gerald the author of this conspiracie was content to set him a land , and to conduct him to his owne house . but not trusting a reconciled foe , assoone as he had so done , he got him out of the realme , and durst neuer come in england after . so by one danger this man escaped another , and might well say as themistocles , when banished his countrey , he found better entertainment of his enimie the king of persia , then he could haue giuen himselfe at home , perijssem 〈◊〉 perijssem , i had indeede béene vtterly vndone , had i not béene vpon the point to be vndone . seene after his returne from this braue voyage , to wit , the yéere . he was consecrate bishop of durham , in the cathedrall church of saint paule . he was scarce warme in his seate , when his master the king being slaine by the glance of an arrow , as he was a hunting . henry his brother succéeded in the kingdome . this prince not able to withstand the importunitie of his nobles , and the innumerable complaints daily made against this our bishop , clapt him vp in the tower : but he so enchanted his kéepers with money and 〈◊〉 words , as they were content to let him go , and to runne away with him themselues . into normandie he got him in the beginning of february . and did neuer linne buzzing into the eares of robert duke of normandy , telling him the kingdome of england was his by right , till he prouoked him to attempt the inuasion of this realme , but to small purpose , as in the chronicles you may see more at large . how long he liued in exile i finde not ; it seemeth not to be long , for he had leisure to bring many great things to passe at home afterwards . he raised the walles of the body of his church vnto the roofe ; he translated the reliques of saint cutbert into the new church , and bestowed a shryne vpon him , he compassed the 〈◊〉 with a wall : he caused a number of houses to be pulled downe that were neere the church , and might haue béene either noisome vnto it or dangerous by fire hapning among them , he continued diuers banks along the riuer of were ; with great charge , built the castell of norham vpon a steepe hill neere the riuer of tweede , the hospitall of kepar , the bridge of frwgewallate , and performed same other things woorthie commendations . hauing sate bishop . yéeres or thereabouts , he died september . . . geoffry rusus . geoffry surnamed rufus , chauncellour of england was then preferred vnto the see of durham , in which he sat . yéeres , and died ann . . . will. de sancta barbara . next after him , succéeded william de sancta barbara deane of yorke , a 〈◊〉 and very religious man. he continued in this sée . yéeres and , died . . hugh pusar . hvgh pusar , pudsey or de putuaw ( for thus diuerfly i find him called ) treasurer of yorke and archdeacon of winchesier , was elected vnto the sée of durham after the death of the foresaid william ; rather in respect of his nobility , and greatnesse of bloud , then of any speciall worthinesse otherwise . for king stephen was vncle vnto him . he was very wise in ordering of temporall matters , and ( 〈◊〉 he was not very learned ) woonderfull eloquent , excéeding couetous , and as cunning in gathering money , as thirstie and desirous of it . henry murdac archbishop of yorke , not onely refused to consecrate him himselfe , taking exceptions both against his 〈◊〉 of yéeres and lightnes of behauiour : but also sent to rome to haue a caueat laid in against him there . eugenius was pope at that time , an old acquaintance of the archbishops , who both were brought vp at clareual vnder s. bernard . but such was the good hap of this new elect , as a little before his arriuall there , ( i meane at rome ) pope eugenius was dead , and seene after came certaine newes thither of the death of the archbishop also . anastasius that succeeded . eugenius , without much adoo affoorded him consecration , decemb. . . he sate bishop a long time , almost . yéeres ; in which time he built diuers houses vpon his mannors out of the ground , and bestowed much in repairing of the rest . he builte a faire house at derlington ; he founded the priory of finchall ; he bought sadbury of king richard the first , and gaue it vnto his sée . he built the bridge of eluet and the galiley at the west end of his cathedrall church , in which he placed the bones of venerable beda . lastly , he built two hospitals , one at allerton , an other called sherburne at the east end of durham . to sherburne he alotted liberall allowance for the maintenance of . poore lasers , and a certaine number of priests . neubrigenses ascribeth this good worke partly vnto other men , whom he enforced to become benefactors vnto this foundation , being loath to be at the whole charge himselfe . at what time king richard made prouision for his iorney into the holy land , he also tooke on him the crosse , and vowed to be one of that companie . the king vnderstanding that he had prepared a great masse of money to carry with him , perswaded him to stay at home , and to afford him his money ; which if he would do , he promised to make him earle of northumberland . the bishop long since repenting the vow he had made , quickly condiscended to this offer , & accepted the same . the king hauing created him an earle , turned him about vnto the companie , and laughing , saide , he had performed a woonderfull exploit ; for ( quoth he ) of an old bishop i haue made a yoong earle . now that he might haue some colourable ercuse of not performing his vow , he caused the king to alledge that he might not be spared out of the realme in his absence : and to make this the more probable , giuing the king . markes , he perswaded him with golden rhetoricke to make him chiefe justice of england . the like rhetoricke it was that induced the pope to dispence with his vow , vnto which the excuses before alleaged made some way , but could neuer haue effected the busines without that helpe . at the returne of k richard from hierusalem ; he found him not so fauourable as he expected , & thinking that he grudged him his earledome , resigned the same into his hands . after which , notwithstanding he loaded him sore with many grieuous exactions , well knowing the bishops bagges to be notably 〈◊〉 , for that he had offered him a great summe of mony for the redemption of his earledome . the king therefore , being beyond the seas , sent vnto him for this money , as condiscending to his request . but the old fox well ynough 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 , humbly besought him by letters , either to affoord him the earldome first , or else to suffer him to enioy his money quietly . whereupon the king that knew how to vse him in his kinde , writ letters vnto him full of reuerend and gratious speeches , wishing him to bring vp his money to london , and there to receiue the gouernment of the whole realme which he would commit vnto him , and the archbishoppe of canterbury . being very ioyfull of this fauour , toward london he comes about shrouetyde , thinking then to take his farewell of flesh , he surffetted vpon the way at doncaster , and finding himselfe sicke , returned home to houeden , where he died march . being the saturday in cleansing weeke . he was . yeeres old at the time of his death ; & yet would hardly beléeue his phisitions , certifying him a little before he died in what danger he was . an old heremit named 〈◊〉 , esteemed of many , a very holy man , had told him he should be blinde seuen yéeres before his death , which ( said our stories ) godricus meant the blindnesse of his minde ; and he vnderstanding him of the blindnesse of his bodily eies , neuer cared to prouide for death , assuring himselfe he had that seuen yéeres at least to come . being yet treasurer of yorke , he begot thrée 〈◊〉 , all sonnes ; the first borne of a gentlewoman of great blood , became a soldier ; the second , he made archdeacon of durham , and loaded him with many other 〈◊〉 promotions , which he enioying but one yéere after his fathers death , was also taken away himselfe . the third ( whom the old bishop loued most tenderly of all ) by his fathers great suit and no lesse expence , became channcellor to the french king . he was so vnhappy as to see that his best beloued sonne buried . himselfe departed this world ( as before is said ) in the beginning of lent an . . . philip of poitiers . king henry the second fauoured much one philip borne at poitiers in aquitaine , for the long acceptable seruice he had done vnto him : in reward whereof , he besought him to preferre him vnto the bishopricke of durham then void . the king well knowing he could not doo for him any other way better cheape , commended him so effectually vnto the couent , as they durst not but choose him . he was elected december . . the next yéere he was sent embassador vnto the pope together with william longshamp that famous bishop of ely who died in the way to rome-ward . there ( to wit at rome ) he was consecrate may . . the yeere . he went in pilgrimage to saint iames of compostella . he was a great hartner of king iohn against the pope , aduising him euer to make no reckoning of his excommunications . the pope vnderstanding thereof , excommunicated him also together with the king : being not yet absolued , he died the yéere . and was buried without the church by the hands of lay men , because he stood excommunicate at the time of his death . this bishop , by the licence of king richard the first , set vp a mint at durham , and began to coine mony there the yéere . . richard de marisco . it séemeth the sée was long voide after the death of philip. for richard de marisco , lord chauncellor of england and archdeacon of northumberland an old courtier , was thrust into this sée by gualo the popes legate , and consecrate by the archbishop of yorke , the yéere . during the time of the vacacy , i find that one morgan prouost of beuerley was elected vnto this bishopricke . he was bastard brother vnto king iohn , and begotten vpon the lady of a knight called sir ralf 〈◊〉 or blewet . exceptions were taken against him , that he was a bastard and so by the canons not capable of ecclesiasticall preferment without speciall dispensation ; which the pope being loath to graunt , aduised him to call himselfe blewet , and to alledge that he was borne in lawfull wedlocke , promising vpon that condition to affoord him consecration . but he answered , that for any worldly preferment whatsoeuer , he would not renounce his father or deny himselfe to be of the bloud royall . so he lost his bishoprick and ( for ought i find ) neuer attained other preferment after . this richard was a very prodigall man , and spent so liberally the goods of his church , as the monks doubting he would vndoo them and himselfe also , went about by course of law to stay him and force him to a moderation of expence . but it fell out quite contrary to their expectation . for he being wilfully set , continued law with them , appealing to rome , &c. and continued his old course 〈◊〉 vntill his death . the yéere . in the beginning of easter terme , he rid vp to london with a troupe of lawyers attending on him . at peterborough he was entertayned in the abbey very honorably , and going to bed there in very good health , was found in the morning by his chamberlaines starke dead . he deceased may the first leauing his church . marks indebted . a monke of durham bestowed this ryming epitaphe vpon him . 〈◊〉 qui cupitis , est sedata sitis , qui populos regitis , quod mors immitis , vobis praepositis , quod sumvos eritis , laudes pompasque 〈◊〉 . si me pensare velitis . memores super omnia sitis . non parcit honore potitis . similis fueram bene scitis . ad me currendo venitis . . richard poore . the king earnestly commended one luke his chaplaine vnto the bishopricke of durham now voide , swearing vnto the monkes that were sent to craue a congé d'lier , they should haue no bishop in . yéere after if they would not be content to elect him . the couent thinking him vnwoorthy so high a preferment , chose one william scot , archdeacon of worceter , a graue learned man , and the kings chaplaine : howbeit the king offended that his desire was not satisfied , refused in great displeasure to ratifie this election . and vnderstanding that they sent vnto rome to intreate the pope to put him in possession of that sée ; he sent likewise his embassadors , the bishop of lichfield and the prior of lanthony , to crosse and hinder that designement , which they easily performed : within a yéere or two after , they chose with the kings good liking ) richard poore bishop of salisbury , a notable man. he was first deane of salisburie , consecrated bishop of chichester the yéere . translated thence to salisbury . & lastly to durham . being bishop of chichester , he purchased vnto that church amport which he bought of the church of winchester . at 〈◊〉 he is famous for remoouing his sée from old salisbury , to new salisbury , where he began the building of that stately church . sée more of him in salisbury . he founded a monasterie of nunnes called the charnell at tharent in 〈◊〉 , and gaue it vnto the quéene , who chose that for the place of her buriall . he builded also a hospitall for poore people , néere the colledge of uaulx in salisburie . comming to durham , he had ynough to doe to pay the huge debt of . markes that richard de marisco left the landes of his sée bound for . he was a man of rare learning in those times , and of notable integritie for his life and conuersation . a little before his death perceauing his end to draw neere , he caused the people to be called together , and going vp into the pulpit , made a very godly spéech vnto them , desiring them to marke well that his exhortation , for he was now shortly to be taken from them . the next day he did the like , and bidding them farewell , praied them if he had offended any to forgiue him and to pray for him . the third day he sent for al his particular acquaintance , called all his family and seruants before him , and distributed vnto them presently by hand , such summes of money , as either he ought , or was willing to bestow vpon them : which done , and hauing set euery thing in perfect order , he tooke his leaue of his friends one after an other : and then falling to his prayers , when he came vnto these words ( saith m. paris ) in pace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dormiam & requiescam , he gaue vp the ghost . he died aprill . . and was buried in the nunnery of tharent which he had founded . . nicholas de farnham . thomas , prior of durham was chosen bishop vpon the death of poore . through the kings backwardnes and dislike , that election was cassate and disannulled . a long time the monkes had laboured this sute for their prior , and had spent much money in it . at last , 〈◊〉 they stroue against the streame , they gaue it ouer , the elect himselfe first yéelding . then chose they nicholas de fernham , one greatly commended both for his manners and learning . this man spent his yoonger yeeres in oxford , and hauing furnished himselfe there with the grounds of all good learning , especially logike , and naturall philosophie ; he 〈◊〉 beyond the seas , and studied phisicke at paris and bononia a great while . returning into his natiue countrey , he gaue himselfe much vnto the study of diuinitie , & profited therein so well , as he was esteemed woorthie to be a doctor . by the counsell of otto the legate , the bishop of carlile and other , the king entertained this man into his seruice . and first he was ( as it seemeth vnto me ) esquire of his body , then 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) her instructer or directer in matters of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 . when he had now a long time béene a courtier , it hapned the sée of lichfield being voide , the monkes of 〈◊〉 very carefull of choosing a sufficient man ( because they knew their doings woulde be sifted ) the yéere . elected him ; whom they knew to be a man learned , graue , vertuous , discréete , very wise , well spoken , & ( which maketh a man somewhat the more gratious ) tal of stature , personable & of a goodly presence . he thanked them for their good will , but considering with himselfe that his title to that bishopricke was like to prooue litigious , ( for the chapter of lichfield pretended a right to the election that time ) as also the great burthen and charge of the office pastorall , refused in any sort to accept of the same . the chapter of lichfield ( who had chosen their deane ) hearing of this refusall ; by the exhortation of the same their deane ( who resigned his right ) for their part also elected him . which notwithstanding , he persisted in his former determination , telling them that he felt the burthen already so heauy of a benefice or two which he had , as he was resolued neuer to accept any greater charge of soules . so they were enforced to choose another . understanding within two yeeres after how the couent of durham with one consent had also chosen him for their pastor , he likewise refused , and that more earnestly now then the last time , adding vnto the former reasons this also , that if he should accept of this place , men would say , how the hypocrite had refused a poore bishopricke , vnder colour of conscience to stay for a better . in this minde he continued , till robert grosthead ( that famous bishop of lincolne ) reprehended him sharpely for this his backwardnesse . séest thou not ( quoth he ) how the monks of durham , destitute of that comfort which a good pastor should yéeld them , intreate thée with teares to affoord the same vnto them , knowing well that if thou accept not the place , the king will immediately thrust in some vnwoorthy stranger to their great gréefe , and the no lesse dishonor of almighty god ? i adiure thée therefore by the bloud of iesus christ , that thou be content to put thy necke vnder this yoke , and to imploy thy talent according to the occasion offered . perswaded thus , with much adoo , atlast he yéelded . the king very readily allowing their choice , he was consecrate at glocester , in the church of saint oswald , by the archbishop of yorke , iune . . in the presence of the king , the quéene , many prelates , and other personages of honor . he was not more vnwilling to take this honorable burthen then ready and desirous to leaue the same . the yéere . he obtained licence of the pope to resigne this his bishopricke , and about candlemasse indeede gaue it ouer ; reseruing onely vnto himselfe for his maintenance during his life , thrée mannors , with the appurtenances , houeden , stocton , and esington . his successor began a little to wrangle with him about that reseruation , but could not infringe it . after he had liued a priuate life the space of eight yeeres , giuing himselfe altogether to prayer and contemplation , about the beginning of february . he departed this world at stocton . he that is desirous to read more of this man ; in matthew paris he shall find often mention of him , viz. pag. . where he telles how by his meanes especially the king was content to receiue into fauor walter marshall , & to giue him the earledome of his brother lately deceased ; againe , pag. . he maketh a large report of a great controuersie betwéene him and the abbot of saint albones ; and lastly pag. . an incredible tale of his miraculous recouery , being desperately sicke of a dropsie ioined with other diseases . he lyeth buried in the cathedrall church of durham , which together with 〈◊〉 melscomb prior , he couered with a new roofe the yéere . . walter de kirkham . no sooner had nicolas farnham resigned , but the king was in hand with the monks to elect for successor ethelmare his owne halfe brother . they would in no sort condiscend to this request ; but told him plainely ( yet in as good tearmes as they could deuise ) how that his brother was such a one , as they could not with a safe conscience commit so great a charge vnto him , being as yet very yong and not indued with any competency of learning . the king answered , that he would keepe the temporalties eight or nine yéeres in his hands , and by that time ( quoth he ) he will be 〈◊〉 ynough . he was not as good as his word ; for i 〈◊〉 , that 〈◊〉 walter de kirkham was consecrate the yéere following , 〈◊〉 that place almost eleuen yéeres , and died . . robert stitchell . robert stitchell succéeded the same yéere . he founded the hospitall of gritham . the king had seased vpon all the lands of simon mountford earle of leicester wheresoeuer . but whereas he had something of good value in the bishopricke of durham , this bishop chalenged it as due vnto him by the earles attainder , and at last recouering it from the king by law , imploied it in the erection of that hospitall . he sate fowerteene yeeres and died august . . . robert de insula . another robert obtained the place after him , robert de 〈◊〉 . he continued in the same nine yéeres , and dying iune . . was buried in the chapterhouse at durham , where he is couered with a stone very curiously wrought . . antony beake . before the end of that yéere , it séemeth antony beake was inuested in the bishopricke of durham , in which he so flourished , as ( cardinall 〈◊〉 excepted ) neuer i thinke any either of his prdecessors or successors came neere him . he was woonderfull rich , not onely in ready mony , but in lands also and temporall renenues : for he might dispend yeerely ( besides that which belonged to his myter ) . markes . much of that he had of the lord 〈◊〉 , who thinking so to conueigh it vnto his base sonne 〈◊〉 ( for that he had no other issue ) passed it ouer to this bishop in trust ; which trust men say he neuer answered . the quéenes house at eltham was part of that land . he built the house and gaue it vnto elianor quéene to king edward the first , as also the castle of sourton beside yorke vnto the king which likewise he built . a man now of this extraordinary welth must not content himselfe with ordinary titles : therefore he procured the pope to make him patriarke of hierusalem , and obtained of the king the principality of the isle of man which he held during his life . the yeere . being embassador to the emperor , the archbishop of yorke iohn roman ( vpon what quarrell i know not ) excommunicated him . it cost him . markes fine and his life in the end . he died ( as it is thought ) for sorrow . see more in yorke . great sturres there were betweene this man and his couent of durham . he informed the pope that the prior there was a 〈◊〉 simple and vnsufficient man to rule that house , and procured the gouernment thereof for all matters both spirituall and temporall to be committed vnto him . hereupon he sent certaine officers to execute in his name that new obtained authority , which when they came to the monastery , were shut out of the gates and not suffred to enter . the monkes appealed vnto the pope , and alleaged , that the king also had required the hearing of these controuersies betweene the prior and the bishop . this notwithstanding the bishops officers made no more adoo , but excommunicated prior , monkes , and all , for not obeying their authority immediately . herewith the king greatly offended , caused these officers to be fined and summoned the bishop himselfe to appeare before him at a day appointed ; before which time he gotte him to rome , neuer acquainting the king with his determination the king therefore seised into his hand the bishops liberties , and appointed a new chauncellor , new iustices and other officers . he writ also vnto the pope , in fauor of the prior , who deliuering the 〈◊〉 letters himselfe , was adiudged a sober and discrete man , whatsoeuer the bishop had reported of him so he was restored to his place againe , but died before he could get home . during the time of the bishops disgrace , amongst many other things wherein the liberties of the bishopricke were 〈◊〉 , it is specially to be remembred that the king tooke from him diuers castles , and lands forfait vnto him by iohn 〈◊〉 king of the scots and other ; but 〈◊〉 beaumout one of his successors recouered them againe by law. these broyles ended , he gaue himselfe very much to building . the auncient mannor place at arkland he did 〈◊〉 . he built the great hall there ( in which are diuers pillers of blacke marble speckled with white ) the great chamber likewise , and many other roomes adioyning . he also erected that same goodly chappell there , and placed in the same a deane and prebendaries , alotting the quadrant in the west side of the castle ( built likewise by him ) for their habitation . he built or repaired with great charges barnard castle , the castles of alnwike ( part of the l. vessyes land , which he sold afterward to h. percy ) gainsoorth , cuncliff , somerton , ( which he gaue vnto the king ) and the house at eltham bestowed ( as afore said ) vpon the quéene . hauing sate bishop of durham . yéeres , he deceased at eltham , march . . and was buried in his owne cathedrall church . . richard kellow . richard kellow 〈◊〉 bishop fiue yéeres , in which short space he bestowed very much in building at middleham , stocton , and welhall . he died the yéere . . lewes beaumont . the couent then chose for their bishop henry stamford , pryor of finchall , and sent him to rome to be confirmed by the pope . but before he could get thither , at the importunate suite of the kings of england and france , the pope had giuen that bishoprick vnto one lewes beaumont , a french man borne , and of the blood royall there . he was lame 〈◊〉 both his legs , and so vnlearned , that he could not read the bulles and other instruments of his consecration . when he should haue pronounced this word ( metropoliticae ) not knowing what to make of it ( though he had studied vpon it and laboured his lesson long before ) after a litle pause , soyt purdit ( saies he ) let it goe for read , & so passed it ouer . in like sort he stumbled at ( 〈◊〉 aenigmate . ) when he had fumbled about it a while , par saint lowys ( quoth he ) il n'est pas curtois qui 〈◊〉 parolle ici escrit , that is , by saint lewes he is to blame that writ this word here . not without great cause therefore the pope was somewhat strait laced in admitting him . he obtained consecration so hardly , as in fowerteene yeeres he could scarce creepe out of debt . riding to durham to be installed there , he was robbed ( together with two cardinals that were then in his company ) vpon wiglesden moore neere derlington . the captaines of this route were named gilbert middleton and walter selby . not content to take all the treasure of the cardinals , the bishop and their traine , they carried the bishop prisoner to morpeth , where they constrained him to pay a great ransom . gilbert middleton was soone after taken at his owne castle of nitford , carried to london , and there drawen and hanged in the presents of the cardinals . after this , one sir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and his brother robert , came with a great company to diuers of the bishop of durhams houses in the habits of fryers , and spoyled them , leauing nothing but bare wals , and did many other notable 〈◊〉 , for which they ( i meane the captaines and diuers of their company ) were soone after hanged at yorke . this bishop stood very stoutly in defence of the liberties of his sée , recouered diuers lands taken away from anthony beake his predecessor ( as before is mentioned ) and procured this sentence to be giuen in the behalf of his church , quod episcopus dunelmen . debet habere 〈◊〉 guerrarum intra libertates , sicut rex extra , that the bishop of durham is to haue the forfeitures of warre in as ample sort within his owne liberties as the king without . he compassed the city of durham with a wall , and built a hall , kitchin , and chappell at middleton . but before he could quite finish the chappell he died , to wit september or ( as one deliuereth ) september . . he heth buried before the high altar at durham couered with a marble stone curiously wrought and inlayde with brasse prouided by himselfe in his life time . . richard de bury . in great 〈◊〉 ( but with no great good spéed ) the 〈◊〉 of durham procéeded vnto the election of a new bishop ( the old being yet scarcely buried ) and they made choise of one of their owne company a monke of durham . this election the archbishop of yorke confirmed ; yea the matter grew so forward , as the same archbishop was content to giue him consecration also . all this while the kings good will was not sought , no nor ( which was a greater ouersight as the world then went ) the popes neither . the king therefore not onely refused to deliuer possession of the temporalties vnto this elect , but also laboured the pope , ex plenitudine potestatis to conferre the bishopricke vpon a chaplaine of his named richard de bury , then deane of welles . partly to pleasure the one that requested , partly to displeasure the other for not requesting , he did so , and commaunded the bishop of winchester to consecrate him , which being performed at chertsey soone after christmasse , the king presently inuested him in the temporalties belonging to that sée . now was the monke a bishop without a bishopricke . hauing no other home , he was faine to returne to his cloyster , and therefor very griefe ( as it is to be supposed ) within a few daies after died . this richard de bury was borne at saint edmunds bury in suffolke , whence he tooke his surname ; for he was the sonne of one sir richard angaruill knight . his father died leauing him very yoong , and committed him vnto the tuition of iohn willoughby a priest , his vncle , who brought him vp carefully , and that for the most part in the uniuersity of oxford . from thence he was called to teach edward of windsor prince of wales . at what time the said prince fled into fraunce with his mother , he was principall receiuer of the kings reuenewes in gascoigne . their money failing , he ayded them secretly with a great summe of that he had receiued for the king . it had almost cost him his life , he was so narrowly pursued by some of the kings friends that got vnderstanding of it , as he was glad to hide himselfe in a steeple in paris the space of seuen daies . king edward the third his scholler being come to the crowne , made him first his coferer , then treasurer of the wardrobe , and keeper of the priuy seale . in this last office he continued fiue yéeres ; in which space he was twice sent ambassador vnto the pope . the yeere . he was made deane of welles ( a goodly preferment in those daies , better i thinke then the bishopricke is now . ) he had not enioyed that place one whole yeere , when he was consecrate vnto durham , which was december . . the yeere following he became chauncellor , and within two yeeres after that , treasurer of england . being bishop , he was often employed in embassages of the greatest importance . what time of leysure he had , he spent either in prayer , or conference with his 〈◊〉 ( whereof he had many about him , & those great learned men ) or else in study , wherewith he was woonderfully delighted . he writ many things not yet perished . anongst the rest , in one worke which he called 〈◊〉 , he saith of himselfe , 〈◊〉 quodam librorū amore potenter 〈◊〉 abreptū . that he was mightily carried away , and euen beside himselfe with immoderate loue of bookes and desire of reading . and indéed his study was so well furnished , as it is thought he had more bookes then all the bishops in england beside . he was much delighted with the company and acquaintance of learned men . many letters passed betweene him , francis petrarke , and diuers other then famous for learning . he had alwaies in his house ( as before i said ) many chaplaines , all great 〈◊〉 ; of which number were t. bradwardin , after archb. of canterbury , richard fitzralph archb. of armagh , walter 〈◊〉 , i. 〈◊〉 , rob. 〈◊〉 , & r. killington , doctors of diuinity ; richard 〈◊〉 and walter segraue , the one afterward bishop of london , the other of chichester . his manner was at dinner and supper time to haue some good booke read vnto him , whereof he would discourse with his chaplaines a great part of the day following , if busines interrupted not his course . he was very bountifull vnto the poore . weekely he bestowed for their reliefe quarters of wheate made into bread , beside the offall and fragments of his tables . riding betweene new-castle and durham he would giue . l. in almes , from durham to stocton , . l. from durham to aukland . marks from durham to 〈◊〉 . l. 〈◊〉 . i 〈◊〉 it reported that he founded a hall in oxford , and 〈◊〉 it with some 〈◊〉 for the maintainance of students in the same ; but i thinke it mistaken for that which was done by his next successor . certain it is , that he notably furnished a library in that uniuersity , and tooke order that the kéeping thereof should be committed vnto fiue schollers , to whom he made a certaine allowance for their labour . he also bestowed many sumptuous ornaments on his church of durham . hauing continued bishop there . yeeres and almost thrée moneths , he departed this life at aukland , aprill . . being . yéeres of age . he lieth buried in the south angle of his owne church . . thomas hatfield . the pope had now many yéeres taken vnto himselfe the authority of bestowing all bishopricks : which the king and nobility of this realme being much agréeued with all , made diuers lawes and statutes to restore churches and couents to the liberty of their ancient elections . when the king therefore had laboured a while in this matter ; he being destrous of preferring this hatfield his secretary vnto durham ( a man that he knew the pope might iustly except against ; and peraduenture doubting the couent would not choose him ) was content to request the pope to giue it vnto him , and thereby opened a passage vnto him , whereby he entred into possession againe of his woonted vsurpation . the pope glad of this oportunity , without any regard or examination of his worthinesse , by and by accepted of him : and when some of the cardinalls tooke exceptions against him , saying that he was not onely a méere lay man , but a fellow of light behauiour and no way fit for that place : he answered , that if the king of england had requested him for an asse , at that time he would not haue denied him . this man it was that built durham colledge in oxford and purchased certainc lands vnto the same for the maintenance of such monks of durham as should be thought fit to study there . that colledge is now called trinity colledge , so named by sir thomas pope that bestowed a new foundation vpon the same . he built also durham place in london to receaue himselfe and his successors when they should haue occasion to repaire thither he was consecrate jul. . . and died in the beginning of may . so he sate bishop six and thirty yéeres lacking onely two moneths . . iohn fordham . iiohn fordham deane of welles obtained consecration to the bishoprick of durham may . . and was inthronised there in september . seuen yeres he continued in the same and was translated thence to ely septemb. . . see more of him in ely. . walter skirlaw . ianuary . . walter skirlawe doctor of law was consecrate bishop of lichfield he sate there one yeere , and was translated to welles . there also he continued but two yéeres , and the yéere . remooued to durham in the monethe of september . the cloisters of the monastery there were much deale built at his charges . he gaue toward that worke . l. in his life time , & . l. in his will. he bestowed also . l. in the building of the diribitory . he new built the bridges of shinkley , yarrow and aukland , and the stéeple of holme . he repaired the church and the hall of the mannour there . he built a great part of the lanterne at yorke where his armes are fixed , and raised from the very foundation a faire chappell at swyne in holdernesse where he was borne . lastly he bequeathed in his testament great summes of money to the churches that he had gouerned for the buying of ornaments , as namely to the church of welles the value of . l. he fate bishop of durham . yéeres , and died in the beginning of the yéere . . thomas langley . thomas langley priest , and then lord 〈◊〉 of england , was consecrate bishop of durham may . . at what time he gaue ouer his 〈◊〉 . but a . yéeres after , to wit the yéere . it was laid vpon him againe and continued in that place about sixe yéeres . in the meane time , viz. june . . he was made cardinall ( together with robert 〈◊〉 bishop of salisbury ) by pope iohn . this man bestowed the summe of . l. . s. . d. in repayring of that galily in the west end of his church which was first built by hugh 〈◊〉 his predecessor . he also founded two schooles in the place-gréen , one for grammar another for musicke : . yéeres he continued bishop here , and dying the yéere . was buried ( as i am informed ) in the galily and lyeth entoombed before the altar there vnder the table of the consistory . i find noted by the way that about this time , to wit , betwéene the yéeres , and . was bestowed vpon the cloyster of durham the summe of . l. . s. ob . . robert neuill . robert neuill was consecrate bishop of salisbury the yéere . and translated thence to durham . he built the checquer at the castle gate there , and died anno . . laurence boothe . laurence boothe was consecrate vnto the sée of durham , september . . he built the gate of the colledge at aukland , with the 〈◊〉 adioyning . hauing sate here . yeres , he was translated to yorke the yere . sée more of him in yorke . . william dudley . william dudley succéeded immediately . he was the third sonne of iohn dudley , alias sutton , the eight lord dudley , as the epitaph yet to be séene vpon his toombe doth witnesse . he lieth buried in westminster in the chappell that is south from the toombe of king edward the third . his toombe standeth in the south wall of the said chappell . he died an , . and sate . yeeres . . iohn sherwood . iohn sherwood became bishop of durham . a great learned man , an excellent poet , a grecian , and so good a lawyer , as for a certaine time before his preserment to this bishopricke , he was the sollicitor of all king edward the fourths causes in the court of rome . he brought many copies of diuers rare gréeke authors out of italy with him . hauing continued at durham about . yeeres , he died the yeere . . richard fox . richard fox was consecrate bishop of exceter , an . . translated to bathe and welles . thence to durham and lastly to winchester . he chaunged the hall of the castle of durham from better to woorse ; where there were two seats of regality , he made but one . sée more of him in winchester . . william seuerus . i haue heard reported that this man was borne at shinkley , and the son of a poore man there , a syueyer or syuemaker by his occupation , and thence tooke his surname . he was first bishop of carlile , translated to durham . and enioying that preferment onely two yéeres ( or there about ) died an . . . christopher bambridge . after the death of bishop seuere , it séemes the sée was void two yéeres , christopher bambridge obtayned consecration thereunto the yéere . sate there but one yéere , and was remooued to yorke . sée more of him in yorke . . thomas ruthall . thomas ruthall was borne at cicester in gloucestershire and brought vp in cambridge , where he proceeded doctor of law. he was preferred to the bishopricke of durham by king henry the seuenth , after whose death , he was made one of the priuy counsell vnto the yoong king henry the . who estéemed greatly of him for his wisedome , and learning , and imployed him often in embassages , and other businesses of importance . amongst the rest , it pleased the king one time to require him to set downe his iudgement in writing concerning the estate of his kingdome in generall , and particularly to informe him in certaine things by him specified . this discourse the bishop writ very carefully , and caused it to be bound in uelime guilt and otherwise adorned in the best maner . now you shall vnderstand , how that it chaunced him about the same time to set downe a note of his owne priuate estate containing an inuentory not onely of his vtenstles and houshold stuffe in euery of his houses , with their value , but also of his monyes either owing vnto him , or deniers contans ready in his coffers , which amounted vnto an infinite treasure , no lesse then . l. this account was written in a paper booke of the same fashion and binding that the other was which he had prouided for the king , whereby it happened , that the king sending cardinall wolsey for the other draught that he had so long hefore required of him , the bishop mistaking , deliuered that which contained the report of his owne wealth and priuate state . this the cardinall soone espying and willing to doo the bishop a displeasure ( for there had béen long and great emulation betwéene them ) deliuered it as he had receiued it vnto the king shewing , how the bishop had happily mistalien himselfe ; for now ( quoth he ) you see where you may at any time commaund a great masse of money if you néede it . as soone as the bishop vnderstood his owne error , the conceite thereof touched him so néere , as within a very short time after he died . in his time the parish church of cicester was built for the greatest part : and he promised to contribut much thereunto , but preuented by death performed nothing . anne 〈◊〉 his aunt by the mothers side , gaue . markes toward that worke . the bishop himselfe built the third part of the bridge ouer the riuer of 〈◊〉 toward the south . he also raised from the foundation the goodly dining chamber at aukland , and dying before it might be finished , tooke order with one stranguidge that was his administrator to perfect it . he deceased at london the yeere . and lyeth buried at westminster almost ouer against the the monument of king henry the third , in a very seemely toombe , vpon which are these words to be read . hic iacet tho. ruthall episcopus 〈◊〉 . & regis 〈◊〉 secretarius , qui obijt . . thomas woolsey . immediately after the death of bishop ruthall , cardinall woolsey resigning bathe ( which he held in commendam with yorke ) tooke durham in steed thereof , and held the same about the space of seuen yeeres . in the later end of the yeere . he gaue it ouer to haue winchester , which he held little more then one yéere , and died nouember . . sée more of him in yorke . . cutbert tnnstall . in the sée of durham a notable man succéeded him , and one no lesse famous for his vertues then the other for his fortune , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop of london . he was borne at hatchford in richmond shire , and was the base son of one tunstall a gentleman of a very auncient house . it is reported , that their first auncestor attended william conqueror 〈◊〉 his barbor , and being raised by him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fortune , in memory of his former estate , tooke for his armes s. . combes a. but i take this for a fable . the speciall vse of armes is to expresse vnto posterity the vertues of such as are raised vnto gentry , and not to remember any thing that may be to the disgrace of the bearer , and make him lesse honorable . were the first of this race as he is supposed ; because he was not aduaunced for being a barbor but for his faithfull and loyall seruice , such armes should rather haue béene giuen him , as might haue registred that vertue , then twighted him with the basenes of his first trade and manner of life . rather therefore should i gesse some other occasion of these armes , which as they were born by him , may haue many very honorable significations . but to leaue his armes & speak of himselfe he was a very rare and admirable man , in whom i thinke no man will blame or reprehend any thing but his religion . there was scarce any kind of good learning in which he was not excellent . a very good grecian , well seene in the hebrew toong , a very eloquent khetorician , a passing skilfull mathematician ( famous especially for arithmetike whereof he writ a worke much estéemed ) a great lawier ( in that faculty he proceeded doctor ) and a profound diuine , as diuers his workes yet extant doo very well testify . but his greatest commendation of al is that which i find giuen him by bale out of 〈◊〉 thomas moore , that as there was no man more adorned with knowledge and good literature , no man more seuere and of greater integrity for his life and manners , so there was no man a more swéete and pleasant companion , with whom a 〈◊〉 would rather choose to conuerse . in regard of these manifold good parts the archbishop of canterbury william warham , not onely made him his vicar generall , but also commended him so effectually vnto the king , as he thought good to employ him in many 〈◊〉 of great waight , and diuers temporall offices of no lesse trust . he was first master of the rolles , then ( as i find recorded ) kéeper of the 〈◊〉 seals , made bishop of london the yéere . and translated to durham march . . being yet at london he bestowed much mony 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 library in cambridge with good bookes both written and printed . he built from 〈◊〉 ground a most beautifull porch or gatehouse ( with a chappell annexed thereunto of faire stone ) in the castle of durham , & added to the said castle certaine gates with iron barres and portcullices supported with strong walles on each side . he brought water thither with a conduit , whereas before time it was serued with well-water . he made the gatehouse at alnewike , and built the tolboothe in the market of durham all of stone , with diuers edifices neere the hinder part of the said tolboothe , which he gaue also to the city of durham . lastly he repaired with great charge the third part of tyne bridge . hauing continued in this sée the space of one and twenty yéeres with great honour , december . . he was committed vnto the tower of london and remained prisoner there all the rest of the raigne of king edward , viz. ninetéene moneths . in which time , amongst many other horrible sacrileges ( whereunto the nonage of the king gaue oportunity ) meanes was found that the bishopricke of durham should be dissolued by act of parliament . this morsell was ready dished , and in certaine hope already swallowed , when it pleased god , to punish the deuouring couetousnesse of those times , by taking away that admirable yong prince king edward . quéene mary that succéeded , tooke this bit from the trencher of those rauening atheists , & by like authority , the first yéere of her raigne , restored it vnto the former estate , & that old bishop both to his liberty & the possession of the same . quéene mary dying ; for his contumacy & disobedience vnto her maiesty that now raigneth ( & long may she ) he was iustly depriued of his bishoprick , in the moneth of july . he was then committed vnto the custody of the archbishop of canterbury who entertained him most kindly and seemed very glad of his company . but he enioyed it a very litle while for within fower monethes after his depriuation , viz. nouember . following being eighty fiue yéeres of age , he departed this life at lambhith , where he was first consecrate almost forty yeres before . his body was buried in the chauncell of the parish church there , and couered with a faire marble stone , vpon which is 〈◊〉 this epithaphe written by doctor haddon : anglia cutbertum tunstallnm 〈◊〉 requirit cuius summa domi laus erat atque foris . rhetor , arithmeticus , iuris consultus & aequis legatusque fuit , 〈◊〉 praesul erat , annorum satur , & magnorum 〈◊〉 honorum , vertitur in cineres aureus iste senex . iames pilkinton . march . . iames pilkinton batcheler of diuinity , lately come from beyond the seas ( where he liued all quéene maries time ) was consecrate bishop , and continued in the same sée about . yeres . he died an . . and lieth entoombed in his owne church before the high altar , west from bishop beaumont . . richard barnes . richard barnes was brought vp in brasenose colledge in in oxford , first consecrate bishop suffragan of nottingham , preferred to carlile the yéere . and the yeere . translated to durham , where he sate bishop about . yeres . matthew hutton . after the death of bishop barnes , the sée was void almost two yéeres . the yéere . matthew hutton doctor of diuinity and deane of yorke ( in which place he had continued . yéeres ) was preferred thereunto . he held the same about fiue yéeres , and in the ende of the yeere . was translated to yorke , where he yet liueth . . tobias matthew . of him that presently succéeded ( tobias matthew ) i will say no more but what remayneth in publike records , that being doctor of diuinity , by many steps of preferment ( as namely the archdeaconry of bathe , the presidentship of saint johns colledge in oxford , a canonry first , then the deanry of christchurch there , and lastly the deanry of durham ) he ascended at last vnto this place , which ( men say ) he vseth as honorably , as he obtayned the same worthily . my resolution of onely mentioning those , that either themselues , or in their posterity yet liue , i hold the more willingly in him , because it is well knowen to so many as know me , i am greatly bonnd vnto him , and may be déemed partiall . he was consecrate in march . long and happily may he liue in that , or such other honorable place , as his vertues do deserue . this bishopricke in the queenes bookes is valued at , l. , d. farthing , and in the popes bookes at . ducats . carlile . the city of carlile , called by the romanes and old britons , luguballia , by nennius , caer lualid , by the saxons ( as beda writeth ) luell , by our chronicles ( as roger houeden and others ) carlwel , by vs now a daies carleolum , carlile , and carlioll ( a city no doubt of great antiquity ) was wasted , and in a manner vtterly destroyed by the danes about the yéere of our lord . the yéere . it happened the king of england william rufus to passe that way into scotland . he considering the naturall strenght of the place , the pleasantnes of the seat , the sertility of the soyle , and the necessity of a fortification for defence of the countrey thereabout , thought good to 〈◊〉 it , and according to this determination about thrée yéeres after , not onely raysed againe the wals ( then flat to the ground , in so much as great trées grew in the ruines of them ) but also bestowed the building of a faire and strong castle in the same , and then enpeopled it , at first with dutchmen ( whom soone after he remooued into wales ) and afterwards with english men of the south parts , he affoording many great and singular priuiledges vnto them . the gouernment of this new erected city ( as it should séeme ) was committed vnto a certaine norman priest named walter , that came into england with the conqueror . this man being very rich , began to build in carlile a goodly church in the honor of the blessed uirgin , intending to bestow vpon it such possessions as god had endowed him withall , for the maintenance of either prebendaries , or some other kinde of religious persons in the same . but being taken away by death besore the accomplishment of this so good a purpose . adelwald or 〈◊〉 , the first prior of saint oswald in nostlis , and confesser vnto king henry the first ( that then raigned ) perswaded the said king to employ the land and reuenewes that walter left behinde him in the foundation of a colledge ( not of prebendaries but of regular cannons ) to be annexed vnto the church of our lady before named . he did so , and moreouer bestowed vpon the said colledge sixe churches with their chappels , to be impropriated vnto the same vse , to wit , newcastle , newburne , warkeware , robery , wichingham and corbridge . of this colledge or monastery thus founded and endowed , he appointed the said adelwald his confessor to be pryor . now you shall vnderstand that not onely the iurisdiction spirituall , but the renewes and temporalties also of the city of carlile , and all the countrey round about within fiftéene miles , belonged in former times vnto the bishops of 〈◊〉 , by the gift of egfrid king of northumberland , who bestowed all that territory vpon saint cutbert the yéere . but the bishops of that sée being drouen from place to place by the danes at what time carlile was destroyed , & moreouer all that countrey so wasted , as hardly a man was to be found in many miles compasse , except here & there a few of the irish. the archdeacon of richmond by litle & little encroched vpon the iurisdiction of all cumberland , westmerland and tiuidate or aluedale , now a long time neglected by the bishops of 〈◊〉 , that in this meane space had seated themselues at durham . it happened therefore somtime after the foundation of this colledge , that thurstan archbishop of yorke visiting this part of his prouince , séeing the beauty of the church of carlile , considering how fit it were to be the sée of a bishop , & knowing how little right the archdeacon of richmond had vnto the iurisdiction of all those countries , yea being willing also peraduenture to haue a suffragan the more within his prouince ; thought good to endeuour the erection of a bishopricke there . the king fauouring much his owne foundation , easily condiscended to grace the same with an episcopall sée ; which being established there by the pope , licence was giuen to the channons to elect for their bishop whom they list , and cumberland , westmerland with aluedale appointed to be his dioces . the bishops of carlile . . a delwald ( whom most of our writers call athelwulph ) the prior aboue named , with one consent of his cannons , was chosen for the first bishop of this new cathedrall church , and consecrate at yorke , by his metropolitane the yéere . how long he held it , or when he died i find not . . barnard succéeded him . it séemeth he died about the yéere . for roger houeden reporteth that king henry the second comming to carlile at that time , procured one 〈◊〉 de leedes to be elected bishop ; and when he ( vpon what consideration i know not ) refused to accept the place , the king offered him . markes of yéerely reuenew for the increase of his liuing there , to witte , the churches of banburge and scarthburge with the chappell of lickhill , and two mannours of his owne néere carlile . this notwithstanding , he persisted still in his refusall . . hugh the third bishop died the yéere . . walter malclerke the yéere . was consecrate vnto the bishopricke of carlile , which he acknowledged to haue obtained by euill and corrupt meanes , and therefore resigned the same ( mooued in conscience so to doo as he alledged ) june . . & tooke on him the habite of a frier preacher at oxford , in which he continued till his death . being treasurer of england vnder king henry the third , the king vpon a sodaine not onely displaced him from that office , but reuoked certaine graunts made vnto him heretofore , and charged him with the debt of . l. which he acknowledged not . for redresse of these wrongs ( as he tooke them ) he determined to trauaile to rome , but was staied at the waters side by the kings officers , whom roger bishop of london excommunicated for the same , and riding presently to worceter where the court lay , renued that excommunication in the kings presence . how he thriued with these businesses afterward , i find not : but likely ynough it is , that these troubles rather made him weary of the world , then any such scruple induce him to leaue his bishopricke . he died october . . . . syluester was elected the yeere . but not consecrate till february . . a while he refused to accept of the election , alleadging his owne vnworthinesse , but at last vpon better deliberation yéelded . he was one of them that ioyned with boniface the archbishop , and ethelmaire the elect of winchester in their request to the king , that remembring his promise often made , hereafter he would not impeach the liberty of elections by interposing his armed requests &c. ( of which matter see more in 〈◊〉 of canterbury . ) the king acknowledged he had indéede offended that way , and that especially ( quoth he ) in making meanes for you your selucs , that therefore of all other should least find fault with it . to this man particularly he vsed these words . ette syluester 〈◊〉 , qui 〈◊〉 lambeus 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 meorum clericulus 〈◊〉 , qualiter 〈◊〉 multis theologis & 〈◊〉 reuerendis , te in 〈◊〉 sublimani , &c. i remember ( saith he ) how i eralted thée syluester of carlile , vnto a bishopricke , hauing hankered a long time about the chauncery , and being a petty chaplame to my chaplaines , preferring thee before many graue and reuerend diuines , &c. his conclusion was , that if they would giue ouer their places which they had obtained by so vndue meanes , he would hereafter forbeare to commend any so vnworthy . this was the yéere 〈◊〉 . the yeere following may the 〈◊〉 . this bishop riding a horse somwhat too lusty for him , was cast and so brused with the fall , as he died by and by , to wit , may . . thomas 〈◊〉 , or de veteri ponte ( a gentleman of the house of the viponts that about this time were lords of westmerland ) was chosen soone after 〈◊〉 death , notwithstanding that the king made 〈◊〉 request in the behalfe of one iohn a counceller of his that was prior of newborough . hauing enioyed this preferment litle more then one yeere , he died in the beginning of october . robert de 〈◊〉 chaplaine vnto the quéene , was consecrate by the bishops of bathe and salisbury at bermondsey beside london aprill . . and sate fowerteene yeeres . . ralf a canon of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sate 〈◊〉 yéeres . . iohn de halton a canon of carlile consecrate . sate thirty two yéeres . . iohn de rosse doctor of law , thrust into this bishoprick by the pope without any election , was consecrate and sate thirtéene yéeres . . iohn de kirkby canon of carlile and orderly elected there , was consecrate . and sate twenty yeeres . . gilbert de welton doctor of law made bishop by the pope was consecrate . and sate ten yéeres . . thomas de appleby canon of carlile , elected there , was glad to 〈◊〉 the popes approbation at rome , and then was consecrate . he sate thirty thrée yéeres and died december . . . robert reade a frier preacher was consecrate at the commaundement of the pope , & the request of king richard the second , . notwithstanding that william stirkland was chosen by the chapter . hauing sate scarcely one yéere , he was translated to chichester . . thomas merkes a monke of westminster was likewise thrust into this bishopricke by the pope at the kings request , and consecrate . amongst many vnworthily preferred to bishoprickes in those daies , he vndoubtedly was a man well deseruing that honor . for he was both learned and wise ; but principally to be commended , first for his constant and vnmooueable 〈◊〉 vnto his patrone and preferrer king richard , then , for his excellent courage in professing the same , when he might safely , yea & honestly 〈◊〉 haue concealed his affection . some other there were of that nobility , that remembring their duty & alleageance , when al the world beside forsooke this vnfortunate prince , followed him with their best assistance euen til that time of his captiuity . this man nothing regarding the danger might ensue , not onely refused to forsake him when he had forsaken himself , but desided him & his cause the best he could , when he might well perceaue , his indeuor might hurt himselfe much , without any possibility of helping the other . when the 〈◊〉 and vnstable multitude , not contented that king richard had resigned his crowne to saue the head that ware it , and their darling henry 〈◊〉 fourth seated himselfe in his royall throne , importuned the parliament assembled to procéed yet farther against him , 〈◊〉 no doubt that to make all sure , his life might be taken from him . this worthy and memorable prelate stepping forth , doubted not to tell them , that there was none amongst them méete to giue iudgement vpon so noble a prince as king richard was , whom they had taken for their soueraigne and leige lord by the space of . yéeres and more ; and procéeding further , i assure you quoth he ( i report his words as i find them in our chronicles ) there is not so ranke a traytor , nor so errant a théefe , nor yet so cruell a murtherer , apprehended or detained in prison for his offence , but he shall be brought before the justice to heare iudgement ; and will you proceede to the iudgement of an annoynted king , hearing neither his answere nor excuse ? i say and will auouch , that the duke of lancaster ( whom ye call king ) hath more trespassed to king richard and his realme , then king richard hath done either to him or vs : for it is manifest and well knowen , that the duke was banished the realme by king richard and his counsell , and by the iudgement of his owne father , for the space of . yéeres , for what cause ye remember well ynough . this notwithstanding , without licence of r. r. he is returned againe into the realme , & ( that is worse ) hath taken vpon him the name , title and 〈◊〉 of r. and therfore i say that you haue done manifest wrong to procéed against r. richard in any sort without calling him openly to his answere and defence . this spéech scarcely ended , he was attached by the earle marshall , and for a time committed to ward in the abbey of saint albones . continuing yet his loyall affection vnto his distressed master ; soone after his inlargement , he ioyned with the hollands and other in a conspiracy against king henry ; which being bewrayed to the destruction of all the rest , he onely was pardoned ; peraduenture in regard of his calling ( for it had neuer beene séene hitherto that any bishop was put to death by order of 〈◊〉 ) peraduenture in some kinde of fauour and admiration of his faithfull constancy ( for vertue will be honored euen of her enemies ) peraduenture also to this ende , that by forcing him to liue miserably , they might lay a punishment vpon him more 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 death , which they well saw he despised . the pope ( who seldome denied the king any request that he might affoord good cheape ) was easily intreated , to translate forsooth this good bishop from the sée 〈◊〉 carlile that yéelded him honorable maintenance , vnto samos in greece , whereof he knew he should neuer receiue one 〈◊〉 profit . he was so happy as neither to take benefit of the gift of his enimy , nor to be hurt by the masked malice of his counterfeit friend : disdaining ( as it were ) to take his life by his gift , that tooke away from his master both life and kingdome , he died shortly after his deliuerance , so deluding also the mockery of his translation , whereby ( things so falling out ) he was nothing damnisted . . william de stirkland before mentioned , was appointed his successor by the pope at the request of king henry , and consecrate at cawood by the archbishop of yorke august . . he died august . . . roger whelpdale doctor of diuinity was elected by the chapter and consecrate at london by the bishop of winchester the yéere . he was brought vp in balioll colledge in oxford . writ much in logike , philosophy & diuinity ( in which , as also the mathematikes and other good learning he was very well séene ) died in his house at london february . . and was buried there in the cathedrall church of saint paule . his workes ( i heare ) remaine yet to be séene in baylioll colledge library . . william barrow bishop of bangor was traslated to carlile . died at rose castle september . . and was buried at carlile . . marmaduke lumley was chosen by the chapter , consecrate . and hauing sate twenty yéeres , was translated to lincolne . . nicolas close consecrate . sate two yéeres and was remoued to lichfield . . william percy sonne to the earle of northumberland was consecrate . and sate ten yéeres . . iohn kyngscote doctor of the canon law was consecrate . and sate onely one yéere . . richard scroope consecrate at yorke by george neuill bishop of exceter june . . sate fower yeeres . . edward storey doctor of diuinity consecrate at westminster by the foresaid george neuill now archbishop of yorke october . . sate nine yéeres and was translated to chichester . . richard , prior of durham consecrate at the popes commaundement without any election , by the hands of his predecessor , and sate . yeeres . . william seuer abbot of saint maryes in yorke , consecrate . was translated to durham the yeere . . roger layburne doctor of diuinity a gentleman of a very auncient house borne neere carlile , was consecrated in september . and sate there eight yéeres . . iohn penny doctor of law consecrate . sate . yéeres . . iohn kite , a londoner borne , and somtimes the kings ambassador into spaine , was first consecrate an archbishop of a sée in greece , and then made bishop of carlile the yéere . he died june . . & was buried at stepney beside london , in the middle of the chancell toward the north side : where is to be seene a rude epitaphe vpon the marble that couereth him . . robert aldrich doctor of diuinity and prouost of kings colledge in cambridge , was elected bishop of carlile july . . and soone after consecrate . he died at horne-castle march . . . owen oglethorp , doctor of diuinity , and president of magdalene colledge in oxford , a gentleman well borne , was consecrate . he was so happy as to set the crowne of this realme vpon the head of her maiesty that now doth ( long and happily may shee ) possesse the same . he was depriued with diuers other bishops for withstanding her maiesties proceedings the yeere . and soone 〈◊〉 died suddenly . . iohn best , doctor of diuinity , was consecrate march . , died may . . and was buried at carlile . . richard barnes , bishop of nottingham , suffragan vnto the archbishop of yorke , was translated to carlile july . . 〈◊〉 the yéere . was 〈◊〉 thence to durham . . iohn mey , doctor of 〈◊〉 , master of 〈◊〉 hall in cambridge , was consecrate by iohn elmer bishop of london , 〈◊〉 thereunto by the archbishop of yorke , september . an . . he died in the moneth of april 〈◊〉 . . . henry robinson , doctor of diuinity , 〈◊〉 of quéenes colledge in oxford , was consecrate before the ende of the same yéere . carlile paide for first fruits to the pope . ducats , and is now valued to the queene in , l. , s. , d. ob . the bishops of chester . in the city of chester there was of old a nunry , the church whereof ( first built by that famous earle leofricus , and dedicated vnto saint werburg ) being now become very ruinous , hugh lupus the first earle of chester after the conquest , repaired the same the yéere . and by the perswasion of saint anselme ( whom being dangerously sicke , he had sent for into normandy to be his ghostly father ) replenished it with monkes . about the same time ( or a little before , to wit the yéere . ) peter bishop of lichfield remooued his see thither . but his next successor robert de lymesey , forsaking chester , made choice of couentry , whence not long after the succéeding bishops , returned againe to lichfield . king henry the eight restored vnto this city that honor , and conuerting the monastery aforesaid into a cathedrall church , erected a new bishopricke there , appointed the counties of chester , lancaster , and richmond to be the dioces of this new sée and the same to be estéemed in the prouince of the archbishop of yorke . . iohn byrd . the first bishop of chester was iohn byrd , borne in couentry , and brought vp in oxford . being doctor of diuinity and prouinciall of the 〈◊〉 , he was preferred by king henry the eight to the bishopricke of ossery in ireland . from thence soone after he was remooued first to bangor , and lastly vnto chester . certaine sermons preached before the king against the popes supremacy , were the occasion of his aduauncement . in queene 〈◊〉 daies he was depriued for being maried . . iohn coates . bishop coates succéeded him . his christen name ( i take it ) was iohn : for certaine , i can not affirme it . he died soone after his preferment in quéene maries daies . . cutbert scot. she then preferred vnto this sée one cutbert scot , who sitting not past two or thrée yéeres , in the beginning of the happy raigne of her maiesty that now is was displaced , and for his disobedience committed to the fléete ; thence ( i know not by what meanes ) escaping he fled to 〈◊〉 and there died . . william downham . vvilliam downham was chaplaine vnto her maiesty before her comming to the crowne , and being preferred by her vnto this sée , continued in the same about twenty yéeres . . william chaderton . vviiliam chaderton doctor of diuinity succéeded , and was translated to lincolne the yéere . . hugh billet . hvgh billet doctor of diuinity and bishop of bangor , sate not fully one yéere . he died about whitsontide ann . . . richard vaughan . richard vaughan doctor of duinity succéeded bishop billet in both those places , being translated hither in june . he yet liueth . this bishopricke is valued at , l. , d. finis . the life of the most reverend father in god, james usher, late lord arch-bishop of armagh, primate and metropolitan of all ireland with a collection of three hundred letters between the said lord primate and most of the eminentest persons for piety and learning in his time ... / collected and published from original copies under their own hands, by richard parr ... parr, richard, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p wing u estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) the life of the most reverend father in god, james usher, late lord arch-bishop of armagh, primate and metropolitan of all ireland with a collection of three hundred letters between the said lord primate and most of the eminentest persons for piety and learning in his time ... / collected and published from original copies under their own hands, by richard parr ... parr, richard, - . ussher, james, - . collection of three hundred letters. [ ], , [ ], , [ ], , , [ ] p. : port. printed for nathanael ranew ..., london : . "the life of the most reverend father in god" and " a collection of three hundred letters" each has special t.p. includes a bibliography of ussher's works. first ed. cf. nuc pre- . errata: p. [ ] at end. advertisement: p. [ ] at end. reproduction of original in british library and bodleian library. imperfect: [ ] pages at end lacking on copy filmed at bodleian library. marginal notes. includes: an appendix to the lord primate usher, containing a vindication of his opinions and actions in reference to the doctrine and discipline of the church of england, and his conformity therunto from the aspersions of peter heylin, d.d., in his pamphlet called respondet petrus. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ussher, james, - . ussher, james, - -- correspondence. ussher, james, - -- bibliography. heylyn, peter, - . -- respondet petrus. bishops -- ireland -- biography. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion jacobus usserius , archiepiscopus armachanus totius hiberniae primas london printed for nath : ranew and ionat : robinson at the kings armes in s. pauls church yard the life of the most reverend father in god , james usher , late lord arch-bishop of armagh , primate and metropolitan of all ireland . with a collection of three hundred letters , between the said lord primate and most of the eminentest persons for piety and learning in his time , both in england and beyond the seas . collected and published from original copies under their own hands , by richard parr , d. d. his lordships chaplain , at the time of his death , with whom the care of all his papers were intrusted by his lordship . london , printed for nathanael ranew , at the kings-arms in st. pauls church-yard . mdcl xxxvi . the preface . when the son of syrach undertook to recount the famous men of old , and record their worth and renown , he says of them , that they were men of knowledge , wise and eloquent in their instructions , that of these there are , who have left behind them a name beloved of god and good men , whose memorials are blessed ; honoured in their generation , being the glory of their times , whose righteousness , shall not be forgotten , and although their bodies be buried , yet their names shall live for ever . and as in the former , so likewise in these latter days , there have been many men of excellent endowments , for wisdom and learning , for piety and all other eminent vertues , whose memorials are with us in church and state. among these of the first rank , this admirable primate , james usher , ( whose life we are about to relate ) ought to be reckoned , whether we consider him , as he was indeed , a profound scholar , exactly skilled in all sorts of learning , divine and humane , or as a person of unfeigned piety , and exemplary vertue and conversation , or as a subject of steady and unmoveable loyalty to his sovereign prince , or as a clergy man in all his capacity , from a presbyter to a bishop and primate . so that i think of him , it may be as truly said , as of st. augustine , with a kind of admiration , o virum , ad totius ecclesiae publicam utilitatem , natum , factum , datúmque divinitùs ! this character his writings have justly purchased him among the best and most learned , whether of these or other nations , whose encomiums of him are too many and large for this place , let me therefore include all , in that of a memorable bishop of our church , who upon the receipt of the primates book de primordiis , thus writes of him ; i may truly say , that the church hereafter will owe as much reverence to his memory , as we of this present age , ought to pay to his person . and therefore when we have before us a subject of so eminent dignity , we shall no need apology for reviving the memory of this incomparable prelate , and collecting such materials from his life , his papers , and the informations of wise and knowing men , as may render him , as well useful to future ages in his example , as a person truly illustrious in himself . . but perhaps it may be a needless attempt to write again the life and actions of this incomparable primate , seeing it hath been performed already by several persons . . and likewise it may be demanded , how it comes to my share , and what were the enducements to undertake this province . to the first i say , that though dr. bernard in the sermon be preached at the funerals of the lord primate , hath said many worthy things of him truly , which we have reason to believe ( having the joynt testimonies from persons of worth and unquestionable credit , who had been acquainted with this great and good man for many years both in england and ireland ) and must go along with the dr. a good way in reciting many material passages , contained in the said sermon ; yet i take leave to say , that he hath omitted very many remarkable things , which perhaps either slipt his memory , or came not at all under his observation ; or because that those then in power , would not indure that any thing should be said of the primate , which might reflect upon that usurpation . therefore we thought it needful to make up those defects , by adding such remarks as are wanting in that description , and likewise to rectifie the mistakes of those writers of the lord primates life , who writing after dr. bernard's copy , are deficient also in their accounts and lyable to question in some instances . . if it be demanded how it comes to my share , to revive the memory of this great man , and to undertake the task . to this i say , that i waited and heartily wished to see , if any person better qualified than my self ( being sensible of my own weakness ) would engage himself in this affair , to whom i would most readily have communicated those materials and observations , which i had gathered together and lay by me for a long time : but at length perceiving it not likely to be undertaken , i was perswaded by those who have a prevailing power with me , to take upon me this task , and to acquaint the world with my own observations , touching this most reverend primate usher , whom i had the advantage of any man now living to know , for i had the blessing of an intimate acquaintance with his person and affairs , by my attendance on him , during the last thirteen years of his life . so that i may be thought capable to give a considerable account , not only of the lord primates particular disposition and heavenly conversation , but likewise of those passages and performances of which i was an eye witness , and may confidently relate upon mine own knowledge . this is the thing i undertake to perform , especially in that part of the history of his life and actions , from the year , to the time of his death . but not withstanding my long experience of this excellent person , and what i had collected from several passages in letters , and by conference with those who made observations ; yet i had not the confidence to attempt this work by my own strength or skill , without counsel and help , therefore when i had drawn together the memorials , i consulted with persons of better understandign than my self , with request to correct and amend what was misplaced or not well expressed , and to remind me of any remarkable passage that had escaped my memory . and the assistance i had in this kind , was administred by that learned and judicious gentleman james tyrrell esq grandson to the lord primate , one as deeply concerned for the honour of his grandfather as can be ; he became helpful to me in hinting many passages touching his grandfather , which he ( tho then young ) had himself observed , and had heard from persons of great worth and credit , and of the primates familiar acquaintance . we also owe unto him the account given of the lord primates printed works , both of the time and occasion of writing them , and subject matter treated on , as the reader will perceive in the following history in their proper places . in the next place it is requisite to mind the reader touching the following collection of letters herewith published , being for the most part originals , written by the lord primate to learned men of our own and foreign nations , or of those written to him , relating mostly to matters of learning . these epistles i gathered together with what care i could , and when i had selected those out of a far greater number , that i thought might prove most fit for publick view , and useful both in respect of the learning contained in them , and the various subjects whereof they consisted , i would not presume to publish the collection , until they had passed the inspection and censure of those learned men , to whom they were first shown , being persons of great judgment and integrity , and who retain a very high esteem and veneration for the primate's memory . perhaps the reader will expect to meet with , if not all , yet many more of the primate's letters , in this collection than may be found ; but by all our industry and search they cannot yet be retrieved , partly because the primate himself seldom kept copies of his lettes , and many of those he had reserved met with the same fate which many others of his loose papers and manuscripts , which were either lost in his often forced removals , or fell into the hands of the men of those spoiling times , who had no regard to things of that nature . there are other epistles , not numbred with the former , at the end of this collection , written by men of great names , found among my lord primate's papers , which are thought worthy to be inserted and printed . before i dismiss the reader , i have one thing more to advertise , touching two letters in the collection , one written by dr. bedell , then bishop of kilmore in ireland , to the primate usher , then arch-bishop of armagh , and his answer to it , ( as you will find numb . . and . ) importing an accidental difference between those two eminent bishops , and most intire friends , touching the administration and jurisdiction in ecclesiastical courts , as then exercised in the kingdom of ireland ; which letters however otherwise worthy of perusal , yet are now more especially published for the doing right to the arch-bishops character , which might else have suffered by some injurious reflections upon him , in the life of that bishop lately written , taken up partly from some uncertain reports , and partly upon the bishops letter to him upon that occasion . but how little reason there was to say the primate was not made for the governing part of his function , ( as that author affirms ) besides his known abilities that way , his answer to the bishops letter , and other composures of his upon those kind of arguments , will sufficiently testifie . of which inadvertency as the composer of that life is already made sensible , so we hope that he will do him right , according as he hath promised , when time shall serve . the order observed in disposing these letters in the following volume , is according to their several dates , that being concluded fittest beth for the use and delight of the reader , only some of them through mistake , are transposed , and others that were brought in late , are printed at the latter end , of which the reader may consult the advertisment at the end of the book . farewell . the life of the most reverend father in god , james usher . late lord arch-bishop of armagh , primate and metropolitan of all ireland . collected and written by richard parr , d. d. his lordships domestick chaplain . psalm cxii . v. . the righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance . proverbs x. v. . the memory of the just is blessed , but the name of the wicked shall rot . london , printed for nathanael ranew , at the kings-arms in st. pauls church-yard . mdclxxxvi . the life of the most reverend father in god , james usher , sometime arch-bishop of armagh . primate of all ireland . this great person , whose life we now write , was born in the city of dublin , the metropolis of ireland , upon the fourth day of january , anno domini . his father , mr. arnold usher , one of the six clerks of chancery , ( and of good repute for his prudence and integrity ) was of the ancient family of the ushers , aliàs nevils , whose ancestor ( usher to king john ) coming over with him into ireland , and setling there , changed the name of his family into that of his office , ( as was usual in that age ) his descendants having since brancht into several families about dublin , and for divers ages bore the most considerable offices in , and about that city . his mother was margaret , daughter of james stanihurst , who was of considerable note in his time , being chosen speaker of the honourable house of commons in three parliaments , and was recorder of the city of dublin , and one of the mastres of chancery , and ( that which ought always to be mention'd for his honour ) he was the first mover , in the last of the three parliaments , of queen elizabeth , for the founding and endowing of a colledge and university at dublin , which was soon after consented to by her majesty ; and , being perfected , hath ever since continued a famous nursery for learning and good manners ; blessing both the church and state with many admirable men , eminently useful in their several stations . his uncle , by the fathers side , was henry usher , ( sometime arch-bishop of armagh ) a wise and learned prelate ; one who industriously promoted the founding of that university , and by his zeal and interest procured of the said queen an established revenue for the maintainance of a provost and fellows , students , and officers , as may be seen by the charter and statutes of that foundation ; and so it has flourished ever since with ample improvement : a happy foundation and great honour to that kingdom , having ( in the space of somewhat more than years ) sent out divers persons very considerable both in church and state ; and yielded more than fifty bishops , besides others of inferiour dignities , who were many of them of great parts , and excellent learning . his uncle , by the mother side , was richard stanihurst , a learned man , ( of the romish perswasion ) an excellent historian , philosopher and poet , as appears by several of his works still extant , though some of them ( for that reason written ) against his nephew ; yet notwithstanding their difference in judgment , they had frequent correspondencies by letters , some of which you will see hereafter in this following collection . he often mentioned two of his aunts , who were blind from their cradle , and so continued to their deaths , and yet were blessed with admirable understanding , and inspection in matters of religion , and of such tenacious memories , that whatever they heard read out of the scriptures , or was preached to them , they always retained , and became such proficients , that they were able to repeat much of the bible by heart , and ( as their nephew told me ) were the first that taught him to read english. he had but one brother , ambrose usher ; who though he died young , yet attained to great skill and perfection in the oriental tongues , and did render much of the old testament from the original hebrew into english , before king james's translation was made , which i have seen , and is now in manuscript with his nephew sir theophilus jones , knight , one of his majesties privy-council in ireland . he also translated out of latin into english , that book written by his brother , james usher , de ecclesiarum christianarum successione & statu ; which translation is yet only in manuscript . and of this ambrose , being a very young man , the learned mr. william eyre in a letter to dr. james usher , writes thus , interea vero agnosco me valde obaeratum esse tibi , & doctissimo juveni , fratri tuo ambrosio , qui peritissima manu sua quaedam in meum usum ex alcorano arabice excripsit ; which knowledge in the arabick tongue in those days was very rare , especially in that country : but our james usher , as god had furnisht him with excellent endowments of nature , a treatable disposition , a strong memory , and a ready invention ; so by god's blessing , on his improvement of them , by his learning and industry , he arrived to that admirable perfection , that gave him a reputation superiour to all that he could derive from his family ; and rendred his name famous beyond the narrow bounds of his own country , even throughout the christian world , wherever true piety and useful learning were had in any esteem and veneration . after he had learnt to read from his aunts , he entered on the bible ( that book of books , as he ever called it ) in which he made a happy beginning , and a more happy progress ( like timothy , of whom it is recorded , that from a child he had known the holy scriptures , which are able to make a man wise to salvation . ) according to which excellent rule he always governed his life and conversation . he began early to have a deep sense of religion , and to consider the great concernment of his soul , how he might serve god aright , remembring his creator in the days of his youth , even , but in the tenth year of his age : when he became fit for a grammar-school , it happened that two eminent persons of the scottish nation ( though their business and quality were then unknown ) came to dublin , being sent over thither by king james ( then king of scotland ) to keep a correspondence with the english protestant nobility , and gentry about dublin , in order to secure his interest in that kingdom , when queen elizabeth should happen to die ; these for a colour undertook the imployment of school-masters , to instruct and discipline youth in learning and good education ( for the want of such was very great there at that time ) . the one was james fullerton ; ( afterward knighted , and of the bed-chamber to king james , ) the other was james hamilton , ( afterward also knighted and created by the king viscount clandebois . ) to their instruction and tuition was our james usher committed by his parents , with whom he made so great a proficiency in a short time , that he became the best scholar of the school for latin , poetry and rhetorick , ( all this being within the space of five years . ) he would usually say , when he recounted the providences of god towards him , that he took this for one remarkable instance of it , that he had the opportunity and advantage of his education from those men , who came thither by chance , and yet proved so happily useful to himself and others . he told me , that in this first scene of his life he was extreamly addicted to poetry , and was much delighted with it , but afterward growing to more maturity and consideration , he shook it off , as not suitable to the great end of his more resolved , serious and profitable studies , and then set himself industriously to pursue learning of a higher nature : yet he always loved a good poem that was well and chastly writ : and lighting once upon a passage in tully , ( viz. ) nescire quid antea quam natus sis acciderit , id est , semper esse puerum ; and also reading sleidan's history of the four empires , he presently resolved on the study and search of antiquity , and all sorts of learning , and how he might contribute to the advancement thereof : this was a brave , and a manly attempt for a lad , but of or years of age ; yet as he attempted , so he conquered all the difficulties which he met with in the search after , and bringing to light those many things , which ignorance had corrupted , and time well-nigh buried in oblivion ; especially in a country where there was then so great a scarcity of good books , and learned men. i mention these things so much above his years , for a remembrance of god's special providence over this person , in endowing him with such admirable gifts of nature , to dispose him so vigorously to learning , and to fit and qualifie him for such highly serviceable undertakings ; so that he seem'd designed by god , by his doctrine , and example to teach men how to live , and by his deep learning , and strong reason to confute the clamorous cavils of the greatest adversaries of our religion . year in the year was trinity colledge in dublin finished , and james usher then in the thirteenth year of his age adjudged by his school-masters sufficiently qualified for an admittance into that university , and so was entered accordingly . dr. loftus ( sometime fellow of trinity colledge in cambridge ) afterwards arch-bishop of dublin , being the first provost of that college , and mr. hamilton ( one of this our usher's school-masters , and senior fellow ) was tutor to this early ripe youth ; whose name ( as the first scholar there ) stands to this day in the first line of the roll : not without a future presage , that he might prove an honour and ornament to that colledge and nation , as he afterwards did . and being thus fixed , he sets himself in good earnest to the study of the languages and liberal arts , not neglecting ecclesiastical history and antiquity , in all which he improved to admiration ; for between fifteen and sixteen years of age he had made such a proficiency in chronology , that he had drawn up in latin an exact chronicle of the bible , as far as the book of kings , not much differing from the method of his late annals , excepting the enlargements in some more accurate observations and synchronisms of heathen stories : sometime after this ( before he was batchelor of arts ) he had read stapleton's fortress of the faith , and finding his confidence in asserting antiquity for the tenents of popery , and taxing of our church with novelty , in what it dissented from theirs , he was in a great dispute with himself where the truth lay , not then knowing but that those quotations , he made use of , might be true : but this he took for an undeniable truth , that the ancientest must needs be the right , as the nearer the fountain the purer the streams , and that errours sprang up as the ages succeeded ; according to that known speech of tertullian , verum quodcunque primum , adulterum quodcunque posterius : he suspected that stapleton might misquote the fathers , or wrest them to his own sense ; which made him take up a firm resolution , that in due time ( if god gave him life ) he would himself read the fathers all over , and trust none but his own eyes in the search of them ; and this was the occasion of his undertaking that great work , which he ( afterwards ) began at twenty years of age , and finished at thirty eight ; strictly observing to read such a proportion each day , from which no occasions whatsoever should divert him ; the fruits of which labour , as the world hath already tasted in his learned writings , so had he lived to finish that great work of his bibliotheca theologica , which he intended as the sum of all his studies on that important subject , whereof we shall give you a further account hereafter ; yet before he was master of arts he had read here and there divers books of the fathers , and most of our best authors , who had writ in confutation of the errors of the papists , with many of their writers also ; by which he had so well acquainted himself with the state of each controversie , that he was able to dispute with any of the popish priests , as he often did with the chiefest of them . year the earl of essex being newly come over lord lieutenant of ireland , and chancellor of the university of dublin , there was a solemn act for his entertainment : our usher being then batchelor of arts , answered the philosophy act , with great approbation . but while he was busily imploying himself in these studies and great designs , to fit himself for the divine calling of the ministry , ( when he should be qualified for so high and great imployment ) his father recommended to him the study of the common law ( designing to send him shortly over to the inns of court in england , ) but to this his son was very averse , it no ways suiting with his natural temper and complexion ; yet dutifully would have submitted , if his father could not be brought to alter his mind in that matter : but soon after he died , and the paternal estate descended to this his eldest son , being of a considerable value ; but this young heir was so far from being transported by such an accession of fortune , that it did not in the least shake him from his design ; for he finding it somewhat incumbred with law suits , and sisters portions , and fearing those might prove an hinderance to the course of his studies ( which he still resolved to pursue ) he chose rather to commit himself to the providence of god anew , and so very frankly gave his inheritance to his brother , and his several sisters for their portions ; only reserving so much of it as might enable him to buy some books , and afford him a competent maintenance in the college . this act of his perhaps by some may be censured for indiscretion ; yet so much may be allowed him in his vindication , that it shews how little he valued earthly things , in comparison of true wisdom and learning : and besides , to let you see that he very well understood what he did in this matter , there is to be seen an exact terrier of his own hand writing , of all the estate and leases left him by his father : and that it might not be thought he did any thing rashly , and with precipitation , he drew up an exact state of all the suits and incumbrances that lay upon it , with directions what to do in them , which he committed to his uncle ( as guardian for his brother and sisters ) to be managed for their advantage , which he so well performed , that most of his sisters ( being seven in all ) were afterwards very well married , and some of them to persons that proved eminently considerable both in church and state. and now being setled in the colledge , and freed of his worldly cares , and left to his own choice , he devotes himself entirely to the pursuit of all literature both humane and divine ; for the service of god's church , and the good of mankind , ( which he chiefly aimed at next the salvation of his own soul : ) and in these noble subjects he constantly exercised himself ; and did so much increase in all sorts of knowledge , that his fame ( thô he sought it not ) went abroad , and he soon became an example of piety , modesty and learning : but that which administred greatest cause of admiration , was , that so much fruit should be found upon a plant but newly set , and scarcely ripe for blossoms ; so that in this short space ( from the thirteenth year of his age to the twentieth ) he gave most ample proofs of his learning and abilities in all publick exercises which he performed . about the eighteenth or nineteenth year of his age , he being but batchelor of arts , was thought the fittest person to enter the lists of disputation with a daring and learned jesuite , one henry fitz-symonds , then prisoner in the castle of dublin , who sent out a challenge defying the greatest champion , and best learned to dispute with him about those points in controversie between the roman , and reformed churches : our usher accepts the challenge , and accordingly they met ; the jesuite made slight of him at first , as but a boy , and thinking it an easie task to baffle him , the priest admits a publick disputation , ( the subject of which was bellarmine's controversies ) and because the several matters in debate could not be dispatched at one or two meetings , they appointed to meet once a week to argue the chief points in controversie : but it seems that after one or two conferences the jesuite had enough of it ; for though he despised him at first , yet he did not care to have any more to do with him ; for , after the second conference , this boasting goliah declined the combate with this stripling ; and not without cause , for he had felt the quickness of his wit , the strength of his arguments , and skill in disputation ; so that this jesuite quickly left the field , as will appear by this modest letter which mr. usher then writ to him . i was not purposed ( mr. fitz-symonds ) to write unto you , before you had first written to me , concerning some chief points of your religion , ( as at our last meeting you promised ) but seeing you have deferred the same ( for reasons best known to your self ) i thought it not amiss to enquire further of your mind , concerning the continuation of the conference began betwixt us . and to this i am the rather moved , because i am credibly informed of certain reports , which i could hardly be perswaded , should proceed from him , who in my presence pretended so great love and affection unto me . if i am a boy ( as it hath pleased you very contemptuously to name me ) i give thanks to the lord , that my carriage toward you hath been such , as could minister unto you no just occasion to despise my youth ; your spear belike is in your own conceit a weavers beam , and your abilities such , that you desire to encounter with the stoutest champion in the host of israel , and therefore ( like the philistine ) you contemn me as being a boy ; yet this i would fain have you know , that i neither came then , nor now do come unto you in any confidence of any learning that is in me , ( in which respect , notwithstanding , i thank god i am what i am ) but i come in the name of the lord of hosts ( whose companies you have reproached , being certainly perswaded , that even out of the mouths of babes and sucklings he was able to shew forth his own praises ; for the further manifestation whereof , i do again earnestly request you , that ( setting aside all vain comparisons of persons ) we may go plainly forward , in examining the matters that rest in controversie between us ; otherwise i hope you will not be displeased , if as for your part you have begun ; so i also for my own part may be bold , for the clearing of my self , and the truth which i profess , freely to make known , what hath already passed concerning this matter : thus intreating you in a few lines , to make known unto me your purpose in this behalf , i end , praying the lord , that both this , and all other enterprises that we take in hand , may be so ordered , as may most make for the advancement of his own glory , and the kingdom of his son , jesus christ. tuus ad aras usque . james usher . no answer to this letter , nor any further conference can i find : but this , the jesuite confessed after he got out , viz. prodiit quidam octodenarius , praecocis sapientiae juvenis , de abstrusisimis rebus theologicis , cum adhuc philosophica studia vix emensus , nec ex ephebis egressus , &c. in english to this effect , there came to me once a youth of about years of age , of a ripe wit , when scarce , as you would think , gon through his course of philosophy , or got out of his childhood , yet ready to dispute on the most abstruse points of divinity : but afterwards the same jesuite , living to understand him better , calls him acatholicorum doctissimus ; a tender expression from a jesuite ; he does not say of hereticks , but of the not catholicks most learned . anno dom. . ] being now twenty years old , and having lived in the colledge seven years from his first admission , he took the degree of master of arts ; and the same year he was chosen catechist reader in the colledge ; in which office and imployment he treated of the pure principles of the christian religion , in faith and practice , as professed and maintained by the reformed churches , in opposition to the errors and innovations , which had mixed themselves with primitive christianity ; and sifting the wheat from the tares , he did so learnedly and plainly discharge that exercise to the satisfaction of his then auditors , that he was much importuned to appear , and preach in publick , which was ( as himself then thought ) very much above his years to enter on so weighty a charge . but not being able to withstand the importunity of his friends , and the commands of superiors , he yielded , though with some reluctance ; so that being thought fit for the ministry in the twenty first year of his age , he was accordingly ordained deacon and priest , by his uncle henry usher , then arch-bishop of armagh , with the assistance of others of the clergy , anno , which though uncanonical , yet his own extraordinary merit , and the necessity which the church then had of such a labourer , rendred a dispensation in that case very tolerable , if not necessary . and being not long after appointed to preach constantly before the state , at christ-church in dublin , on sundays in the afternoon , he made it his business to treat of the chief points in controversie between the romish church , and ours : in which discourses he was so clear , powerful , and convincing , that he thereby setled many that were wavering , and converted divers from that superstitious perswasion to the church of england . and now this young , but grave divine applies himself to the study of gaining souls , as the main end , and design of his ministry , and this he continued through the whole course of his life , and was exceeding successful in it . the first text he preached on publickly before the state , presently after his ordination , was rev. . . thou hast a name that thou livest , and art dead ; which fell out to be the day of the battle of kinsale , and was especially set apart to pray for the good success of that engagement , which god was pleased to answer with a noble victory . and it must be here remembred , that in the year , after that the irish papists , many of them in , and about dublin , and some other parts of the kingdom , had seemingly submitted to the laws ; and came frequently to our churches ; yet there were still very many of the irish that kept their distance from the english , and stuck to their old principles , and earnestly solicited for a toleration ( or at least a connivance ) to use their own way of worship ; which this zealous divine believed to be superstitious , and idolatrous . and fearing lest a connivance might be granted to them , and so a lukewarm indifferency to religion might seize on the protestants themselves . this pious young man was deeply touched with the sense of the evil of such an indulgence , and dangerous consequence of allowing liberty to that sort of people , to exercise a religion so contrary to the truth ; and fearing that the introducing of that religion tended to the disturbance of the government in church and state ; on which occasion this newly ordained servant of god then preached a very remarkable sermon before the same audience on a great solemnity , and did not dissemble , but freely gave his opinion in reference to a toleration : and this he did , from that of ezekiel's vision , concerning the destruction of jerusalem and that nation , ezek. . . and thou shalt bear the iniquity of the house of judah forty days : i have appointed thee each day for a year . he made then this his conjecture in reference to ireland ( viz. ) from this year i reckon forty years , and then those whom you now imbrace shall be your ruine , and you shall bear their iniquity . this then uttered by him in his sermon , seemed only to be the present thoughts of a young man , who was no friend to popery ; but afterwards when it came to pass at the expiration of forty years ( that is from . to . ) when the irish rebellion broke out , and that they had murthered and slain so many thousands of protestants , and harassed the whole nation by a bloody war , then those , who lived to see that day , began to think he was a young prophet . year neither must it be forgotten , that after the english forces had beaten , and driven out the spaniards , who then came to the assistance of the irish at kinsale , that army resolved to do some worthy act , that might be a lasting memorial of the gallantry of military men ; and that due respect which they had for true religion and learning . to promote which , they raised among themselves the sum of l. to buy books to furnish the library of the university of dublin . and when the sum was raised , it was resolved by the benefactors , that dr. challoner , and mr. james usher should have the said l. paid into their hands to procure such books , as they should judge most necessary for the library , and most useful , for advancement of learning , which they accordingly undertook ; and coming into england for that purpose ; where , as also from beyond sea they procured the best books in all kinds , which were then to be had : so that they most faithfully discharged that great trust , to the donors and the whole colledges great satisfaction . and it is somewhat remarkable , that at this time , when the said persons were at london about laying out this money in books , they then met sir thomas bodley there , buying books for his new erected library at oxford , so that there began a correspondence between them upon this occasion , helping each other to procure the choicest and best books on several subjects that could be gotten ; so that the famous bodleyan library at oxford , and that of dublin , began together . about this time the chancellorship of st. patrick , dublin , was conferred on him by dr. loftus , then arch-bishop of dublin , which was the first ecclesiastical preferment that he had , and which he retained without taking any other benefice , until he was thence promoted to the bishoprick of meath . here he lived single for some years , and kept hospitality proportionable to his incomes ; nor cared he for any overplus at the years end , ( for indeed he was never a hoarder of money ) but for books , and learning he had a kind of laudable covetousness , and never thought a good book ( either manuscript or printed ) too dear . and in this place mr. cambden found him , anno . when he was putting out the last edition of his britannia , where speaking of dublin he concludes thus , most of which i acknowledge to owe to the diligence and labour of james usher , chancellor of the church of st. patricks , who in various learning and judgment far exceeds his years . and though he had here no particular obligation to preach ( unless sometimes in his course before the state , ) yet he would not omit it in the place from whence he received the profits , viz. finglass , not far from dublin , which he endowed with a vicaridge , and preached there every lord's day , unless hindered by very extraordinary occasions . year in the year . being the seven and twentieth of his age , he took the degree of batchelor of divinity , and soon after he was chosen divinity professor in the university of dublin ; wherein he continued thirteen years , reading weekly throughout the whole year ; his lectures were polemical , upon the chief controversies in religion , especially those points and doctrines maintained by the romish church , confuting their errors , and answering their arguments by scripture , antiquity , and sound reason , which was the method he still used in that exercise , as also in his preaching , and writings , when he had to do with controversies of that nature , then most proper to be treated on ; not only because incumbent upon him by virtue of his place , as professor , but also in respect of popery , then prevailing in that kingdom : but as for those many learned and elaborate lectures he then read , written with his own hand , and worthy to be printed , we cannot tell what is become of them ; those and many other of his pieces , full of excellent learning , being dispersed , or lost by the many sudden removals of his papers , or detained by such to whom they were lent ; and as 't is pity any of the works of this great man should be lost , so i wish that those persons , who have any of them in their hands , would restore them to compleat these remains , since they cannot be so useful in private studies , as they would be if published to the world. year about this time there was a great dispute about the herenagh terman , or corban lands , which anciently the chorepiscopi received ; which as well concerned the bishops of england , as ireland . he wrote a learned treatise of it , so approved , that it was sent to arch-bishop bancroft , and by him presented to king james ; the substance of which was afterwards translated by sir henry spelman into latin , and published in the first part of his glossary , as himself acknowledgeth , giving him there this character , literarum insignis pharus : which treatise is still in manuscript in the arch-bishop's library at lambeth . this year also he came over into england , to buy books , and to converse with learned men , and was now first taken notice of at court , preaching before the houshold , which was a great honour in those days . and now whilst here , he made it his business to inquire into the most hidden and private paths of antiquity , for which purpose he inquired after , and consulted the best manuscripts of both universities , and in all libraries both publick , and private : and came acquainted with the most learned men here , such as mr. cambden , sir robert cotton , sir john bourchier ; ( after earl of bath ) mr. selden , mr. brigs , astronomy professor in the university of oxford , mr. lydiat , dr. davenant ( after lord bishop of salisbury , ) dr. ward off cambridge , and divers others , with most of whom he kept a constant friendship and correspondence to their deaths . after this he constantly came over into england once in three years , spending one month of the summer at oxford , another at cambridge , the rest of the time at london , spending his time chiefly in the cottonian library , the noble and learned master of which affording him a free access , not only to that , but his own conversation . year this being the thirtieth years of his age he was unanimously chosen by the fellows of dublin colledge to the provostship of that house , but he refused it ; fearing it might prove a hinderance to his studies , no other reason can be given for his refusal : for at that time he was deeply engaged in the fathers , councils , and church history , comparing things with things , times with times , gathering and laying up in store , materials for the repairing of the decayed temple of knowledge , and endeavouring to separate the purer mettal from the dross , with which time , ignorance , and the arts of ill designing men had in latter ages corrupted , and sophisticated it : for some years before he began to make large notes , and observations upon the writings of the fathers , and other theological authors , beginning with those of the first century , and so going on with the rest as they occurred in order of time , passing his judgment on their works , and divers passages in them , which were genuine , which spurious or forged , or else ascribed to wrong authors : so that in the space of about eighteen or nineteen years ( in which he made it his chief study ) he had read over all the greek and latin fathers ; as also most of the considerable school-men , and divines , from the first to the thirteenth century : so he was now well able to judge , whether the passages quoted by our adversaries were truly cited , or not , or were wrested to a wrong sense : and this he did , not out of bare curiosity , but to confute the arrogance of those men , who will still appeal ( though with ill success ) to antiquity , and the writings of the fathers : but these learned collections of his being a large volume , and designed by him as the foundation of a more large and elaborate work , which might have been of great use to the church , were never finished , but remain still in manuscript , though he fully intended ( had god afforded him life ) to have fallen upon this as the only considerable work he had left to do , and which perhaps he had performed many years before his death , had it not been for that unhappy irish rebellion , which bereft him not only of that , but of all his other books for some time ( except those he brought over with him , or furnished ( himself with here ; ) so that , when at last this manuscript ( together with the rest of his library ) was brought over from droghedah , they found him engaged in that long and laborious work of his annals ; and when that was done , he had ( as an appendix thereunto ) his chronologia sacra , to perfect , though he never lived to make an end of it ; so that it is no wonder , if he wanted opportunity , and leisure to finish this great task . but that he intended to give his last hand to this work , will appear from this passage in his epistle to the reader , before his answer to the jesuite's challenge , in these words : the exact discussion , as well of the authors , times , as of the censures of their works , i refer to my * theological bibliothcque ; if god hereafter shall lend me life and leisure , to make up that work , for the use of those that mean to give themselves to that noble study of the doctrine and rites of the ancient church . and how much he desired it might be done , may farther appear ; that being askt upon his death-bed , what his will was concerning those collections he answered to this effect , that he desired they might be committed to his dear friend dr. langbaine , provost of queens colledge , the only man , on whose learning , as well as friendship he could rely , to cast them into such a form , as might render them fit for the press . according to which bequest they were put into the hands of that learned dr. who in order thereunto , had them transcribed , and then set himself to fill up the breaches in the original ( the quotations in the margine being much defaced with rats : ) about which laborious task , that learned and good man studying in the publick library at oxford , in a very severe season , got such an extreme cold , as quickly ( to the great grief of all good men ) brought him to his end , feb. an. . so that though that excellent person dr. fell , ( now lord bishop of oxford ) who has deserved so well of learning , has endeavoured to get those lacunae filled up , yet these collections still remain unfit to be published ; though the transcript from the original , with the marginal quotations , and additions are now in the bodleyan library , as a lasting monument of the lord primate's learning , and industry ; and may be like wise useful to those learned persons , for whom they were designed , and who will take the pains to consult them . but the original of the authors hand writing is , or was lately in the possession of the reverend and learned anno dr. edward stillingfleet , dean of st. pauls . he was now in the d. year of his age , in which he took the degree of dr. of divinity , in that university wherein he was bred , and to which he was admitted by dr. hampton , then arch-bishop of armagh , and vice-chancellor , after he had performed the usual exercises , part of which was to read two solemn lectures on some places of scripture : which he then did on dan. . . of the seventy weeks . and on rev. . . explaining those texts so mis-applied anno by the millenaries both in elder and latter times . the next year , being at london , he published his first treatise de ecclesiarum christianarum successione & statu : being much magnified by casaubon and scultetus , in their greek and latin verses before it , was solemnly presented by arch-bishop abbot to king james , as the eminent first-fruits of that colledge of dublin . it is imperfect , for about years , from gregory xi . to leo x. i. e. from . to . and from thence to this last century , which he intended to have added , had god afforded him longer life , though he had lost very considerable assistances towards that design , as you will find hereafter , in the series of this relation . this he wrote to answer that great objection of the papists , when they ask us , where our religion was before luther and therefore the design of this book was to prove from authors of unquestionable credit and antiquity , that christ has always had a visible church of true christians , who had not been tainted with the errours and corruptions of the romish church : and that even in the midst of the darkest and most ignorant times : and that these islands owe not their first christianity to rome . about this time also he altered his condition , changing a single for a married life , marrying phoebe , only daughter of luke challoner , doctor of divinity , ( of the ancient family of the challoners in yorkshire ) who had been a great assister and benefactor to the late erected colledge at dublin , having been appointed overseer of the building , and treasurer for the money raised to that purpose : he was a learned , and pious man , and had such a friendship for dr. usher , that he courted his alliance , and intended , had he lived , to have given him this his only daughter , with a considerable estate in land and money ; but dying before he could see it concluded , he charged her upon his death-bed , that if dr. usher would marry her , she should think of no other person for a husband , which command of her dying father she punctually obeyed , and was married to him soon after , and was his wife for about forty years ; and was always treated by him with great kindness , and conjugal affection until her death , which preceded his about one year , and a half . he had by her one only child , the lady tyrrel yet living . thus he lived for several years in great reputation , pursuing his studies , and following his calling ; and whilst he sat at home , endeavouring the advancement of vertue and learning , his fame flew abroad almost all over europe ; and divers learned men , not only in england , but foreign countries , made their applications to him by letters , as well to express the honour and respect they had for him , as also for satisfaction in several doubtful points , either in humane learning , or divinity ; as the reader may see in this ensuing collection . anno there was now a parliament at dublin , and so a convocation of the clergy , when the articles of ireland were composed and published , and he being a member of the synod , was appointed to draw them up ; which articles being signed by arch-bishop jones , then lord chancellor of ireland , and speaker of the house of the bishops in convocation , as also by the prolocutor of the house of the clergy in their names : and signed by the then lord deputy chichester , by order from king james , in his name . as i shall not take upon me to defend these articles in all points therein laid down , or that they were better than those of the church of england . so on the other side , i cannot be of the opinion of that author , who would needs have the passing of these articles to be an absolute plot of the sabbatarians and calvinians in england , to make themselves so strong a party in ireland , as to obtain what they pleased in this convocation ; unless he will suppose that the bishops and clergy of that church , could be so inveagled by i know not what inchantments , as to pass those things for articles of their belief , which they had never so much as studied nor understood the true meaning of : and that the then lord deputy and king james , were likewise drawn in to be of the plot , to sign and confirm those articles , which they knew to be heterodox to the doctrine , and articles of the church of england . anno but though dr. usher was thus remarkable for piety and learning , yet he could not escape the common fate of extraordinary men , viz. envy and detraction ; for there were some in ireland , ( though of no great repute for learning or worth ) who would needs have him to be a puritan ( as then they called those whom they looked upon as disaffected to the discipline of the church , as by law establisht : ) and to lay a block in the way of his future preferment , they had got some to traduce him , as such , to the king , who had no great kindness for those men , as he had little reason . but the dr. hearing of it , and having occasion about this time to come for england : ( as he always had done once in three or four years ) the lord deputy and council were so sensible of this scandal , that for his vindication they writ by him this recommendatory letter to his majesties privy-council here . may it please your lordships , the extraordinary merit of this bearer , mr. doctor usher , prevaileth with us , to offer him that favour ( which we deny to many that move us ) to be recommended to your lordships ; and we do it the rather , because we are desirous to set him right in his majesties opinion , who it seemeth hath been informed , that he is somewhat transported with singularities , and unaptness to be conformable to the rules and orders of the church . we are so far from suspecting him in that kind , that we may boldly recommend him to your lordships , as a man orthodox , and worthy to govern in the church , when occasion shall be presented . and his majesty may be pleased to advance him ; he being one that hath preached before the state here for eighteen years : and has been his majesties professor of divinity in the university thirteen years . and a man who has given himself over to his profession : an excellent and painful preacher , a modest man , abounding in goodness ; and his life and doctrine so agreeable , as those who agree not with him , are yet constrained to love and admire him . and for such an one we beseech your lordships to understand him : and accordingly to speak to his majesty : and thus with the remembrance of our humble duties we take leave . your lordships most humbly at command , ad. loftus , canc. henry docwra , william methwold , john king , dud. norton , oliver st. john , william tuameusis , fra. anngiers . from dublin the last of sept. . but that you may see this odious nick-name was put upon many pious and orthodox divines that did not deserve it , it will not be amiss to give you this following letter to dr. usher , then in england , from a worthy divine , then in ireland . reverend sir , i hope you are not ignorant of the hurt that is come to the church by this name , puritan , and how his majesties good intent and meaning therein is much abused , and wronged ; and especially in this poor country , where the pope and popery is so much affected . i being lately in the country , had conference with a worthy , painful preacher , who hath been an instrument of drawing many of the meer irish there , from the blindness of popery to imbrace the gospel , with much comfort to themselves , and heart-breaking to the priests , who perceiving they cannot now prevail with their jugling tricks , have forged a new device : they have now stirred up some crafty papists , who very boldly rail both at ministers , and people , saying , they seek to sow this damnable heresie of puritanism among them ; which word , though not understood , but only known to be most odious to his majesty , makes many afraid of joyning themselves to the gospel , though in conference their consciences are convicted herein : so to prevent a greater mischief that may follow , it were good to petition his majesty to define a puritan , whereby the mouths of those scoffing enemies would be stopt : and if his majesty be not at leisure , that he would appoint some good men to do it for him ; for the effecting thereof , you know better than i can direct , and therefore i commit you , and your affairs to the blessing of the almighty , praying for your good success there , and safe return hither , resting your assured friend , to his power , emanuel downing . dublin th oct. . but to return whence we have digressed ; this character of the lord deputy , together with king james's own conversation with , and tryal of dr. usher ( whom he sent for on purpose to that end ) did so fully satisfie the king , that after he had discoursed with him in divers points both of learning and religion , he ( who was well able to judge of both ) was so extreamly well satisfied with him , that he said he perceived , that the knave puritan was a bad ; but the knave's puritan an honest man. and of which latter sort he accounted dr. usher to be , since the king had so good an opinion of him , that of his own accord he now nominated him to the bishoprick of meath in ireland , being then void ; anno with this expression , that dr. usher was a bishop of his own making ; and so his conge d' eslire being sent over , he was elected by the dean and chapter there . and that you may perceive how much the report of his advancement rejoyced all sorts of men , this following letter from the then lord deputy of ireland may testifie . to dr. james usher , bishop elect of meath . my lord , i thank god for your preferment to the bishoprick of meath ; his majesty therein hath done a gracious favour to his poor church here : there is none here but are exceeding glad that you are called thereunto ; even some papists themselves have largely testified their gladness of it . your grant is , and other necessary things shall be sealed this day , or to morrow : i pray god bless you , and whatever you undertake , so i rest your lordship's most affectionate friend , ol. grandisone . dublin feb. . but before his going over , and while bishop elect , a parliament was convened at westminster , and began feb. st . . and i find this passage among some of his memorandums of that time , viz. i was appointed by the lower house of parliament , to preach at st. margarets , westminster , feb. . the prebends claimed the priviledge of the church , and their exemption from episcopal jurisdiction for many hundred years , and offered their own service : whereupon the house being displeased , appointed the place to be at the temple . i was chosen a second time : and secretary calvert , by the appointment of the house , spake to the king , that the choice of their preacher might stand : the king said , it was very well done . feb. th . being shrove-tuesday , i dined at court ; and betwixt and i kiss'd the king's hand , and had conference with him touching my sermon . he said , i had charge of an unruly flock , to look unto the next sunday . he asked me how i thought it could stand with true divinity , that so many hundred should be tyed ( upon so short warning ) to receive the communion upon a day , all could not be in charity , after so late contentions in the house : many must needs come without preparation , and eat their own condemnation : that himself required all his whole houshold to receive the communion , but not all the same day , unless at easter , when the whole lent was a time of preparation . he bad me to tell them , i hoped they were all prepared , but wished they might be better : to exhort them to unity , and concord : to love god first , and then their prince and country : to look to the urgent necessities of the times , and the miserable state of christendom with bis dat , qui citò dat . feb. th . the first sunday in lent i preached at st. margarets to them : and feb. th . the house sent sir james perrot , and mr. drake , to give me thanks , and to desire me to print the sermon , which was done accordingly ; the text being upon the first of the cor. . . for we being many , are one bread and one body ; for we are all partakers of that one bread. this sermon was printed by the desire of the house , and with one more ( preached before the king at wansted , jan. . . upon eph. . . concerning the unity of the catholick faith ) were all the sermons i can find to have been published by his allowance . but the lord bishop elect returning some time after into ireland , was there consecrated by dr. hampton , then lord primate , assisted with some other of the bishops ; and being thus advanced to the episcopal degree , his province and imployment might be altered , but not his mind , nor humble temper of spirit : neither did he cease to turn as many as he could from darkness to light ; from sin , and satan to christ ; by his preaching , writing , and exemplary life ; observing that which st. augustine said of st. ambrose , et eum quidem in populo verbum veritatis recte tractantem omni die dominico audiebam , & magis , magisque mihi confirmabat , &c. that he handled the word of god unto the people every lord's day . about this time some violent papists of quality happened to be censured in the castle-chamber at dublin , for refusing to take the oaths of supremacy and allegiance : upon this occasion the state ordered the bishop of meath , on the day of the sentence , to make a speech to them , as well to inform their consciences of the lawfulness of it , as of the great penalties they would undergo , if they persisted to refuse it : which he performed in a learned discourse , and highly approved of by his majesty : which was as follows . a speech delivered in the castle-chamber at dublin , november th . . at the censuring of certain officers , concerning the lawfulness of taking , and danger of refusing the oath of supremacy . what the danger of the law is , for refusing this oath , hath been sufficiently opened by my lords , the judges ; and the quality and quantity of that offence hath been aggravated to the full by those that have spoken after them . the part which is most proper for me to deal in , is the information of the conscience , touching the truth and equity of the matters contained in the oath : which i also have made choice the rather to insist upon , because both the form of the oath it self requireth herein a full resolution of the conscience ; ( as appeareth by those words in the very beginning thereof ; i do utterly testifie and declare in my conscience , &c. ) and the persons that stand here to be censured for refusing the same , have alledged nothing in their own defence , but only the simple plea of ignorance . that this point therefore may be cleared , and all needless scruples removed out of mens minds : two main branches there be of this oath , which require special consideration . the one positive , acknowledging the supremacy of the government of these realms , in all causes whatsoever , to rest in the king's highness only . the other negative , renouncing all jurisdictions and authorities of any foreign prince or prelate within his majesties dominions . for the better understanding of the former , we are in the first place to call unto our remembrance that exhortation of st. peter , a submit your selves unto every ordinance of man for the lord's sake : whether it be unto the king , as having the preheminence ; or unto governours , as unto them that are sent by him , for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well . by this we are taught to respect the king , not as the only governour of his dominions simply , ( for we see there be other governours placed under him ) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as him that excelleth , and hath the preheminence over the rest ; that is to say , ( according to the tenure of the oath ) as him that is the only supreme governor of his realms . upon which ground we may safely build this conclusion ; that whatsoever power is incident unto the king by virtue of his place , must be acknowledged to be in him supreme : there being nothing so contrary to the nature of soveraignty , as to have another superiour power to over rule it . qui rex est , regem ( maxime ) non habeat . in the second place we are to consider , that god , for the better setling of piety and honesty among men , and the repressing of prophaneness and other vices , hath established two distinct powers upon earth : the one of the keys , committed to the church ; the other of the sword , committed to the civil magistrate . that of the keys is ordained to work upon the inner man , having immediate relation to the b remitting or retaining of sins . that of the sword is appointed to work upon the outward man , yielding protection to the obedient , and inflicting external punishment on the rebellious and disobedient . by the former , the spiritual officers of the church of christ are inabled to c govern well , to d speak and exhort and rebuke with all authority , to e loose such as are penitent , to commit others unto the lord's prison until their amendment , or to bind them over unto the judgment of the great day , if they shall persist in their wilfulness , and obstinacy . by the other , princes have an imperious power assigned by god unto them , for the defence of such as do well , and executing f revenge and wrath upon such as do evil ; whether g by death , or banishment , or confiscation of goods , or imprisonment , according to the quality of the offence . when st. peter , that had the keys committed unto him , made bold to draw the sword ; he was commanded to h put it up , as a weapon that he had no authority to meddle withal . and on the other side , when uzziah , the king , would venture upon the execution of the priest's office , it was said unto him ; i it pertaineth not unto thee , uzziah , to burn incense unto the lord , but to the priests , the sons of aaron , that are consecrated to burn incense . let this therefore be our second conclusion : that the power of the sword , and of the keys are two distinct ordinances of god ; and that the prince hath no more authority to enter upon the execution of any part of the priest's function , than the priest hath to intrude upon any part of the office of the prince . in the third place we are to observe , that the power of the civil sword ( the supreme managing whereof belongeth to the king alone ) is not to be restrained unto temporal causes only ; but is by gods ordinance to be extended likewise unto all spiritual or ecclesiastical things and causes : that as the spiritual rulers of the church do exercise their kind of government , in bringing men unto obedience , not of the duties of the first table alone , ( which concerneth piety and the religious service which man is bound to perform unto his creator ) but also of the second ( which respecteth moral honesty , and the offices that man doth owe unto man : ( so the civil magistrate is to use his authority also in redressing the abuses committed against the first table , as well as against the second ; that is to say , as well in punishing of an heretick , or an idolater , or a blasphemer , as of a thief , or a murtherer , or a traytor ; and in providing by all good means , that such as live under his government k may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all piety and honesty . and howsoever by this means we make both prince and priest to be , in their several places , custodes utriusque tabulae , keepers of both god's tables ; yet do we not hereby any way confound both of their offices together . for though the matter wherein their government is exercised may be the same ; yet is the form and manner of governing therein always different : the one reaching to the outward man only , the other to the inward : the one binding or loosing the soul , the other laying hold on the body , and the things belonging thereunto : the one having special reference to the judgment of the world to come , the other respecting the present retaining or losing of some of the comforts of this life . that there is such a * civil government as this in causes spiritual or ecclesiastical , no man of judgment can deny . for must not heresie ( for example ) be acknowledged to be a cause meerly spiritual or ecclesiastical and yet by what power is an heretick put to death the officers of the church have no authority to take away the life of any man : it must be done therefore per brachium saeculare ; and consequently it must be yielded without contradiction , that the temporal magistrate doth exercise therein a part of his civil government , in punishing a crime that is of its own nature spiritual or ecclesiastical . but here it will be said , the words of the oath being general , that the king is the only supreme governor of this realm , and of all other his highness's dominions and countries . how may it appear , that the power of the civil sword only is meant by that government , and that the power of the keys is not comprehended therein i answer : first , that where a civil magistrate is affirmed to be the governor of his own dominions and countries ; by common intendment this must needs be understood of a civil government , and may in no reason be extended to that which is meerly of another kind . secondly , i say , that where an ambiguity is conceived to be in any part of an oath ; it ought to be taken according to the understanding of him for whose satisfaction the oath was ministred . now in this case it hath been sufficiently declared by publick authority , that no other thing is meant by the government here mentioned , but that of the civil sword only . for in the book of articles , agreed upon by the arch-bishops and bishops , and the whole clergy in the convocation holden at london , anno . thus we read . where we attribute to the queen's majesty the chief government , ( by which titles we understand the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended : ) we give not to our princes the ministring either of god's word , or of the sacraments ( the which thing the injuctions also lately set forth by elizabeth , our queen , do most plainly testifie : ) but that only prerogative which we see to have been given always to all godly princes in holy scriptures by god himself : that is , that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by god , whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal ; and restrain with the civil sword , the stubborn and evil doers . if it be here objected , that the authority of the convocation is not a sufficient ground for the exposition of that which was enacted in parliament : i answer , that these articles stand confirmed , not only by the royal assent of the prince , ( for the establishing of whose supremacy the oath was framed ) but also by a special act of parliament ; which is to be found among the statutes in the thirteenth year of queen elizabeth , chap. . seeing therefore the makers of the law have full authority to expound the law ; and they have sufficiently manifested , that by the supreme government given to the prince , they understand that kind of government only which is exercised with the civil sword : i conclude , that nothing can be more plain than this ; that without all scruple of conscience , the king's majesty may be acknowledged in this sense to be the only supreme governor of all his highness's dominions and countries , as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as temporal . and so have i cleared the first main branch of the oath . i come now unto the second ; which is propounded negatively : that no foreign prince , person , prelate , state or potentate , hath , or ought to have any jurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence or authority ecclesiastical or spiritual within this realm . the foreigner that challengeth this ecclesiastical or spiritual jurisdiction over us , is the bishop of rome : and the title whereby he claimeth this power over us , is the same whereby he claimeth it over the whole world ; because he is s. peter's successor , forsooth . and indeed , if st. peter himself had been now alive , i should freely confess , that he ought to have spiritual authority , and superiority within this kingdom . but so would i say also , if st. andrew , st. bartholo●ew , st. thomas , or any of the other apostles had been alive . for i know that their commission was very large ; to l go into all the world , and to preach the gospel unto every creature . so that in what part of the world soever they lived , they could not be said to be out of their charge ; their apostleship being a kind of an universal bishoprick . if therefore the bishop of rome can prove himself to be one of this rank , the oath must be amended , and we must acknowledge that he hath ecclesiastical authority within this realm . true it is , that our lawyers in their year-books , by the name of the apostle do usually design the pope . but if they had examined his title to that apostleship , as they would try an ordinary man's title to a piece of land , they might easily have found a number of flaws and main defects therein . for , first , it would be enquired , whether the apostleship was not ordained by our saviour christ , as a special commission ; which being personal only , was to determine with the death of the first apostles . for howsoever at their first entry into the execution of this commission , we find that m matthias was admitted to the apostleship in the room of judas : yet afterwards , when james , the brother of john , was slain by herod , we do not read that any other was substituted in his place . nay , we know that the apostles generally left no successors in this kind : neither did any of the bishops ( he of rome only excepted ) that sate in those famous churches , wherein the apostles exercised their ministry , challenge an apostleship , or an universal bishoprick , by virtue of that succession . it would , secondly , therefore be inquired , what sound evidence they can produce , to shew that one of the company was to hold the apostleship , as it were in fee , for him and his successors for ever ; and that the other eleven should hold the same for term of life only . thirdly , if this state of perpetuity was to be cast upon one ; how came it to fall upon st. peter , rather than upon st. john , who outlived all the rest of his follows ; and so as a surviving feoffee had the fairest right to retain the same in himself and his successors for ever fourthly , if that state were wholly setled upon st. peter ; seeing the romanists themselves acknowledge , that he was bishop of antioch before he was bishop of rome ; we require them to shew , why so great an inheritance as this , should descend unto the younger brother ( as it were by burrough-english ) rather than to the elder , ( according to the ordinary manner of descents ; ) especially seeing rome hath little else to alledge for this preferment , but only that st. peter was crucified in it : which was a very slender reason to move the apostle so to respect it . seeing therefore the grounds of this great claim of the bishop of rome appear to be so vain and frivolous , i may safely conclude , that he ought to have no ecclesiastical or spiritual authority within this realm ; which is the principal point contained in the second part of the oath . james rex . right reverend father in god , and right trusty and welbeloved councellor , we greet you well . you have not deceived our expectation , nor the gracious opinion we ever conceived both of your abilities in learning , and of your faithfulness to us and our service . whereof , as we have received sundry testimonies both from our precedent deputies , as likewise from our right trusty and welbeloved cousin and councellor , the viscount falkland , our present deputy of that realm ; so have we now of late , in one particular , had a further evidence of your duty and affection , well expressed by your late carriage in our castle-chamber there , at the censure of those disobedient magistrates , who refused to take the oath of supremacy . wherein your zeal to the maintenance of our just and lawful power , defended with so much learning and reason , deserves our princely and gracious thanks ; which we do by this our letter unto you , and so bid you farewell . given under our signet , at our court at white-hall , the eleventh of january , . in the twentieth year of our reign , of great britain , france and ireland . to the right reverend father in god , and our right trusty and welbeloved councellor , the bishop of meath . this discourse had so good an effect , that divers of the offenders being satisfied , they might lawfully take those oaths , did thereby avoid the sentence of praemunire , then ready to be pronounced against them . after the bishop had been in ireland about two years , it pleased king james to imploy him to write the antiquities of the british church , and that he might have the better opportunity , and means for that end , he sent over a letter to the lord deputy , and council of ireland , commanding them to grant a licence for his being absent from his see : part of which letter it may not be amiss to give you here verbatim . james rex . right trusty and welbeloved cousins , &c. we greet you well . whereas we have heretofore in our princely judgment made choice of the right reverend father in god , dr. james usher , lord bishop of meath , to imploy him in collecting the antiquities of the british church , before , and since the christian faith was received by the english nation . and whereas we are also given to understand , that the said bishop hath already taken pains in divers things in that kind , which being published , might tend to the furtherance of religion , and good learning : our pleasure therefore is , that so soon as the said bishop hath setled the necessary affairs of his bishoprick there , he should repair into england , and to one of the universities here , to enable himself , by the helps to be had there , to proceed the better to the finishing of the said work , requiring you hereby to cause our licence to be passed unto him the said lord bishop of meath , under our great seal , orotherwise , as he shall desire it ; and unto you shall be thought fit for his repairing unto this kingdom for our service , and for his continuance here , so long time as he shall have occasion to stay about the perfecting of those works undertaken by him , by our commandment , and for the good of the church , &c. upon which summons the bishop came over into england , and spent about a year here in consulting the best manuscripts in both universities , and private libraries , in order to the perfecting that noble work de primordiis ecclesiarum britannicarum , though it was not published till above two years after , when we shall take occasion to speak thereof more at large . after his coming over again , he was for some time engaged in answering the bold challenge of malone , an irish jesuite , of the anno colledge of lovain , which treatise he finished , and published this year in ireland ; which he so solidly , and learnedly performed , that those that shall peruse it may be abundantly satisfied , that those very judges , the challenger appealed to , viz. the fathers of the primitive church , did never hold , or believe transubstantiation , auricular confession , purgatory , or a limbus patrum , prayer for the dead , or to saints ; the use of images in divine worship ; absolute free-will , with merits annexed ; with those other points by him maintained . and though about three years after the publishing of this treatise , when the colledge of lovain had been long studying how to answer it , the said malone did at last publish a long and tedious reply , stuffed with scurrillous , and virulent expressions against the lord primate , his relations and calling ; and full of quotations , either falsly cited out of the fathers , or else out of divers supposititious authors ; as also forged miracles , and lying legends , made use of meerly to blind the eyes of ordinary readers , who are not able to distinguish gold from dross ; all which together gave the bishop so great a disgust , that he disdained to answer a fool according to his folly , and made no reply unto him , though some of his worthy friends would not let it pass so : but the learned dr. hoyl , and dr. sing , and mr. puttock did take him to task , and so fully and clearly lay open the falshood , and disingenuity of those his arguments and quotations from the ancient records , and fathers of the church , which had been cited by this author , that he had very little reason to brag of his victory . after the bishop had published this treatise , he returned again into england , to give his last hand to his said work de primordiis ; and being now busied about it , the arch-bishoprick of armagh became vacant by the death of dr. hampton , the late arch-bishop ; not long after which , the king was pleased to nominate the bishop of meath ( though there were divers competitors ) as the fittest person for that great charge , and high dignity in the church , in respect of his own great merits and services done unto it ; and not long after he was elected arch-bishop by the dean and chapter there . after which , the next testimony that he received of his majesties favour , was his letter to a person of quality in ireland , who had newly obtained the custodium of the temporalties of that see , forbidding him to meddle with , or receive any of the rents , or profits of the same , but immediately to deliver what he had already received unto the receivers of the present arch-bishop , since he was here imployed in his majesties special service , &c. not long after which favour , it pleased god to take king james ( of pious memory ) out of this world : nor was his son , and successor , our late gracious sovereign , less kind unto him than his father had been ; which he signified not long after his coming to the crown , by a letter under his privy signet to the lord deputy , and treasurer of the realm of ireland , that , whereas the present arch-bishop of armagh had for many years together , on several occasions , performed many painful , and acceptable services to his dear father deceased , and upon his special directions , that therefore he was pleased , as a gracious acceptation thereof , and in consideration of his said services done , or to be done hereafter , to bestow upon the said primate , out of his princely bounty pound , english , out of the revenues of that kingdom . but before the return of the said arch-bishop into ireland , i shall here mention an accident that happened about this time ; to let you see , that he neglected no opportunity of bringing men from the darkness of popery , into the clearer light of the reformed religion . i shall give you his own relation of it ; from a note , ( which though imperfect ) i find of his own hand writing : viz. that in november . he was invited by the lord mordant , and his lady , to my lord's house at drayton in northampton-shire , to confer with a priest he then kept , by the name of beaumont , upon the points in dispute between the church of rome , and ours : and particularly , that the religion maintained by publick authority in the church of england , was no new religion , but the same that was taught by our saviour , and his apostles ; and ever continued in the primitive church during the purest times : so far my lord's note . what was the issue of this dispute , we must take from the report of my lord and lady , and other persons of quality there present ; that this conference held for some days , and at last ended , with that satisfaction to them both , and confusion of his adversary , that as it confirmed the lady in her religion ( whom her lord , by the means of this priest , endeavoured to pervert ) so it made his lordship so firm a convert to the protestant religion , that he lived and died in it . when the lord primate had dispatcht his affairs in england , he year then returned to be enthroned in ireland , having before his going over received many congratulatory letters from the lord viscount falkland ( then lord deputy , ) the lord loftus , then lord chancellor , the lord arch-bishop of dublin , and divers others of the most considerable of the bishops , and nobility of that kingdom , expressing their high satisfaction for his promotion to the primacy ; many of which i have now by me , no way needful to be inserted here . being now returned into his native country , and setled in this anno great charge , ( having not only many churches , but diocesses under his care ) he began carefully to inspect his own diocess first , and the manners and abilities of those of the clergy , by frequent personal visitations ; admonishing those he found faulty , and giving excellent advice , and directions to the rest , charging them to use the liturgy of the church in all publick administrations ; and to preach and catechise diligently in their respective cures ; and to make the holy scripture the rule , as well as the subject of their doctrine , and sermons : nor did he only endeavour to reform the clergy , ( among whom , in so large a diocess , and where there was so small encouragements , there could not but be many things amiss ) but also the proctors , apparitors , and other officers of his ecclesiastical courts , against whom there were many great complaints of abuses and exactions in his predecessor's time , nor did he find that popery and prophaneness had increased in that kingdom , by any thing more than the neglect of due catechising , and preaching ; for want of which instruction , the poor people , that were outwardly protestants , were very ignorant of the principles of religion ; and the papists continued still in a blind obedience to their leaders ; therefore he set himself with all his power to redress these neglects , as well by his own example , as by his ecclesiastical discipline ; all which proving , at last , too weak for so inveterate a disease , he obtained his majesty's injunctions to strengthen his authority , as shall be hereafter mentioned . the winter after his coming over , there were some propositions made , and offered to be assented unto by the papists , for a more full toleration of their religion ; viz. the maintaining horse , and foot , ( wherein the protestants must have born some share also ) for the consideration of which , a great assembly of the whole nation , both papists and protestants was called by the then lord deputy falkland . the meeting was in the hall of the castle of dublin . the bishops , by the lord primate's invitation , met first at his house , and both he , and they , then unanimously drew up , and subscribed a protestation against the toleration of popery , which was as follows . the judgment of divers of the arch-bishops , and bishops of ireland , concerning toleration of religion . the religion of the papists is superstitious , and idolatrous ; their faith and doctrine , erroneous and heretical ; their church in respect of both , apostatical . to give them therefore a toleration , or to consent that they may freely exercise their religion , and profess their faith and doctrine , is a grievous sin , and that in two respects : for , . it is to make our selves accessary , not only to their superstitions , idolatries , and heresies , and in a word , to all the abominations of popery ; but also ( which is a consequent of the former ) to the perdition of the seduced people , which perish in the deluge of the catholick apostacy . . to grant them toleration , in respect of any money to be given , or contribution to be made by them , is to set religion to sale , and with it , the souls of the people , whom christ our saviour hath redeemed with his most precious blood : and as it is a great sin , so also a matter of most dangerous consequence : the consideration whereof , we commend to the wise and judicious . bejeeching the god of truth , to make them , who are in authority , zealous of god's glory , and of the advancement of true religion : zealous , resolute , and courageous against all popery , superstition and idolatry , amen . james , armachanus . richard , cork , cloyne , rossens . mal. casellen . andr. alachadens . anth. medensis . tho. kilmore , & ardagh . tho. fernes , & leghlin . theo. dromore . ro. dunensis , &c. michael , waterford , & lysmore . george , derens. fran. lymerick . this protestation of the bishops , dr. downham , lord bishop of derry , at the next meeting of the assembly , april d. . published at christ-church , before the lord deputy and council , in the midst of his sermon ; wherein he spake much against mens subordinating religion , and the keeping of a good conscience to outward and worldly respects , and to set their souls to sale for the gain of earthly matters , &c. the lord primate the next lord's day preached before the same auditory ; the text was , john . . love not the world , nor the things that are in the world ; when he made the like application with the bishop , rebuking such , who for worldly ends , like judas , would sell christ for thirty pieces of silver . the judgment of the bishops prevailed so much with the protestants , that the proposals were drove on very heavily : but yet upon serious consideration , when it was found that the weak and distracted condition of the kingdom , could not well subsist without some standing forces , it was resolved by the lord deputy and council , that the lord primate ( then a privy-councellor ) should , in regard of his great esteem with all parties , declare in a speech to the whole assembly , the true state of the kingdom , and the necessity of a standing army for the defence thereof , against any foreign invasion , or intestine commotions , and consequently that a competent supply was needful to be granted for that purpose , and that without any conditions whatsoever , as well by the roman catholick , as protestant subjects , for which end the lord deputy having summoned the assembly to the castle-chamber at dublin , the lord primate addressing himself to the lord deputy , made this ensuing speech . my lord , the resolution of those gentlemen in denying to contribute date april th . unto the supplying of the army , sent hither for their defence , doth put me in mind of the philosopher's observation , that such as have a respect to a few things , are easily misled : the present pressure which they sustain by the imposition of the souldiers , and the desire they have to be eased of that burthen , doth so wholly possess their minds , that they have only an eye to the freeing of themselves from that incumbrance , without looking at all to the desolations , that are like to come upon them by a long and heavy war , which the having of an army in readiness , might be a means to have prevented ; the lamentable effects of our last wars in this kingdom , do yet freshly stick in our memories : neither can we so soon forget the depopulation of our land , when besides the combustions of war , the extremity of famine grew so great , that the very women in some places by the way side , have surprised the men that rode by , to feed themselves with the flesh of the horse , or the rider : and that now again here is a storm towards , wheresoever it will light , every wise man may easily foresee , which if we be not careful to meet with in time , our state may prove irrecoverable , when it will be too late to think of , had i wist . the dangers that now threaten us , are partly from abroad , and partly from home ; abroad , we are now at odds with two of the most potent princes in christendom ; and to both which , in former times , the discontented persons in this country have had recourse heretofore , proferring the kingdom it self unto them , if they would undertake the conquest of it : for it is not unknown unto them that look into the search of those things , that in the days of king henry the eighth , the earl of desmond made such an offer of this kingdom to the french king , ( the instrument whereof yet remains upon record in the court of paris ) and the bishop of rome afterwards transferred the title of all our kingdoms unto charles the fifth , which by new grants was confirmed unto his son philip , in the time of queen elizabeth , with a resolution to setle this crown upon the spanish infanta : which donations of the pope's , howsoever in themselves they are of no value , yet will they serve for a fair colour to a potent pretender , who is able to supply by the power of the sword , whatsoever therein may be thought defective . hereunto may we add , that of late , in spain , at the very same time , when the treaty of the match was in hand , there was a book published with great approbation there , by one of this country birth , philip o sullevan , wherein the spaniard is taught , that the ready way to establish his monarchy ( for that is the only thing he mainly aimeth at , and is plainly there confessed ) is , first , to set upon ireland , which being quickly obtained , the conquest of scotland , next of england , then of the low countries , is foretold with great facility , will follow after . neither have we more cause in this regard to be afraid of a foreign invasion , than to be jealous of a domestick rebellion . where , left i be mistaken , as your lordships have been lately , i must of necessity put a difference betwixt the inhabitants of this nation ; some of them are descended of the race of the ancient english , or otherwise hold their estates from the crown , and have possessions of their own to stick unto , who easily may be trusted against a foreign invader , although they differ from the state in matter of religion : for proof of which fidelity in this kind , i need go no further than the late wars in the time of the earl of tyrone , wherein they were assaulted with as powerful temptations to move them from their loyalty , as possibly hereafter can be presented unto them : for , at that time , not only the king of spain did confederate himself with the rebels , and landed his forces here for their assistance , but the bishop of rome also , with his breves , and bulls , solicited our nobility , and gentry , to revolt from their obedience to the queen , declaring that the english did fight against the catholick religion , and ought to be repugned as much as the turks , imparting the same favours to such as should set upon them , that he doth unto such as fight against the turks ; and finally , promising unto them , that the god of peace would tread down their enemies under their feet speedily . and yet for all the pope's promises , and threatnings , which were also seconded by a declaration of the divines of salamanca and valledolid , not only the lords and gentelmen did constantly continue their allegiance unto the queen , but also were encouraged so to do by the priests of the pale , that were of the popish profession : who were therefore vehemently taxed by the traytor o sullenan , for exhorting them to follow the queen's side ; which he is pleased to term insanam , & venenosam doctrinam , & tartareum dogma ; a mad and venomous doctrine , and a hellish opinion . but besides these , there are a great number of irish , who either bear a secret grudge against the english , planted amongst them , or having nothing at all to lose upon the first occasion , are apt to joyn with any foreign invader ; for we have not used that policy in our plantations , that wise states have used in former times . they , when they setled new colonies in any place , did commonly translate the ancient inhabitants to other dwellings . we have brought new planters into the land , and have left the old inhabitants to shift for themselves ; who being strong in body , and daily increasing in number , and seeing themselves deprived of their means and maintenance , which they and their ancestors have formerly injoyed ; will undoubtedly be ready , when occasion is offer'd , to disturb our quiet ; whether then we cast our eyes abroad , or look at home , we see our danger is very great . neither may you , my lords , and gentlemen , that differ from us in point of religion , imagine that the community of profession will exempt you , more than us , from the danger of a common enemy . whatsoever you may expect from a foreigner , you may conjecture by the answer which the duke of medina sidonia gave in this case in ; that his sword knew no difference between a catholick and a heretick , but that he came to make way for his master : and what kindness you may look for from the country-men that joyn with them , you may judge , as well by the carriage which they ordinarily use towards you and yours , both in the court , and in the colledges abroad , as by the advice not long since presented by them unto the council of spain , wherein they would not have so much as the irish priests and jesuits , that are descended of english blood , to be trusted , but would have you and yours to be accounted enemies to the designs of spain . in the declaration published about the beginning of the insurrection of james fitz-morice , in the south , the rebels professed , it was no part of their meaning to subvert honorabile anglorum solium ; their quarrel was only against the person of queen elizabeth , and her government : but now the case is otherwise , the translating of the throne of the english to the power of a foreigner , is the thing that mainly is intended , and the re-establishing of the irish in their ancient possessions , which by the valour of our ancestors were gained from them . this you may assure your self , manet altâ mente repôstum , and makes you more to be hated of them than any other of the english nation whatsoever . the danger thereof being thus common to us all , it stands us upon to joyn our best helps for the avoiding of it ; only the manner how this may be effected is in question . it was wont to be said , iniquum petas , ut aequum feras , and such , perhaps , might be the intent of the project the other day propounded unto you ; but now i observe the distate you have conceived against that hath so far possessed you , that hardly can you be drawn to listen to any equal motion . the exceptions taken against the project , are partly general , made by all ; partly special , that toucheth only some particulars : of the former there are two , the quantity of the sum demanded , and the indefiniteness of the time , which is unlimited . for the proportion required for the maintenance of foot , and horse , you alledge to be so great , and your means so small , that in undertaking that which you are no ways able to perform , you shall but delude his majesty , and disappoint the army of their expected pay . and although the sum required were far less , and for a time able to be born by you ; yet are you fearful that the payment , being continued for some number of years , may afterwards be continued as a constant revenue to his majesties exchequer , with which perpetual burden you are unwilling to charge your posterity . the exceptions of the second kind , are taken against the grants annexed unto the former demands : the granting whereof seemed rather to hinder than further the service , as not so agreeing with the rules of equity . for first , some have the full benefits of the grants , and have their charge little augmented , as the countries which pay composition-rents , which by those grants , during the time of the new payments are suspended . secondly , others that have the charge of the payment imposed upon them to the full , are not partakers at all of the benefit of the grants , as the british planted in the six escheated counties of ulster . thirdly , such as the most forward to further his majesties service ; and to contribute with the most , are troubled in conscience for yielding thereto upon the terms proposed , especially for that condition , whereby the execution of the statute against recusants is offer'd to be forborn . wherein , if some of my brethren , the bishops , have been thought to have shewed themselves more forward than wise , in preaching publickly against this kind of toleration ; i hope the great charge laid upon them by your selves in the parliament , wherein that statute was inacted , will plead their excuse . for there , the lords temporal , and all the commons , do in god's name earnestly require and charge all arch-bishops and bishops , and other ordinaries , that they shall endeavour themselves , to the utmost of their knowledge , that the due and true execution of this statute may be had throughout their diocesses ; and charged , as they will answer it before god , for such evils and plagues as almighty god might justly punish his people , for neglecting these good and wholesome laws . so that if in this case they had holden their tongues , they might have been censured little better than atheists , and made themselves accessary to the drawing down of god's heavy vengeance upon the people . but if , for these and such like causes , the former project will not be admitted , we must not therefore think our selves discharged from taking farther care to provide for our safeties . other consultations must be had , and other courses thought upon , which need not be liable to the like exceptions . where the burden is born in common , and the aid required to be given to the prince by his subjects that are of different judgments in religion ; it stands not with the ground of common reason , that such a condition should be annexed unto the gift , as must of necessity deter the one party from giving at all , upon such terms as are repugnant to their consciences . as therefore on the one side , if we desire that the recusants should joyn with us in granting a common aid ; we should not put in the condition of executing the statute , which we are sure they would not yield unto ; so on the other side , if they will have us to joyn with them in the like contribution , they should not require the condition of suspending the statute to be added , which we in conscience cannot yield unto . the way will be then freely to grant unto his majesty , what we give , without all manner of condition that may seem unequal unto any side , and to refer unto his own sacred breast , how far he will be pleased to extend or abridge his favours : of whose lenity , in forbearing the executing of the statute , our recusants have found such experience , that they cannot expect a greater liberty , by giving any thing that is demanded , than now already they do freely enjoy . as for the fear , that this voluntary contribution may in time be made a matter of necessity , and imposed as a perpetual charge upon posterity , it may easily be holpen with such a clause as we find added in the grant of an aid made by the pope's council , anno hen. . out of the ecclesiastical profits of this land , quod non debet trahi in consuetudinem , of which kinds of grants , many other examples of later memory might be produced : and as for the proportion of the sum , which you thought to be so great in the former proposition , it is my lord's desire , that you should signifie unto him , what you think you are well able to bear , and what your selves will be content voluntarily to proffer . to alledge , as you have done , that you are not able to bear so great a charge as was demanded , may stand with some reason ; but to plead an unability to give any thing at all , is neither agreeable to reason or duty . you say , you are ready to serve the king , as your ancestors did heretofore , with your bodies , and lives , as if the supply of the king's wants with monies , were a thing unknown to our fore-fathers . but if you will search the pipe-rolls , you shall find the names of those who contributed to king henry the third , for a matter that did less concern the subjects of this kingdom , than the help that is now demanded , namely , for the marrying of his sister to the emperour . in the records of the same king , kept in england , we find his letters patents directed hither into ireland , for levying of money to help to pay his debts , unto lewis the son of the king of france . in the rolls of gascony , we find the like letter directed by king edward the second , unto the gentlemen , and merchants of ireland , of whose names there is a list there set down , to give him aid in his expedition into aquitaine , and for defence of his land ( which is now the thing in question . ) we find an ordinance likewise made in the time of edward the third , for the personal taxing of them that lived in england , and hold lands and tenements in ireland . nay , in this case you must give me leave , as a divine , to tell you plainly , that to supply the king means , for the necessary defence of your country , is not a thing left to your own discretion , either to do , or not to do , but a matter of duty , which in conscience you stand bound to perform . the apostle , rom. . having affirmed , that we must be subject to the higher powers , not only for wrath , but for conscience sake , adds this as a reason to confirm it ; for for this cause you pay tribute also , as if the denying such payment , could not stand with a conscionable subjection : thereupon he infers this conclusion , render therefore to all their due , tribute to whom tribute , custom to whom custom is due ; agreeable to that known lesson which he had learned of our saviour , render unto caesar the things which are caesar's , and unto god the things which are god's : where you may observe , as to with-hold from god the things which are god's , man is said to be a robber of god ; whereof he himself thus complaineth in the case of substracting of tythes and oblations : so to deny a supply to caesar of such means as are necessary for the support of his kingdom , can be accounted no less than a robbing of him of that which is his due ; which i wish you seriously to ponder , and to think better of yielding something to this present necessity , that we may not return from you an undutiful answer , which may be justly displeasing to his majesty . this speech , though it had not its desired effect , yet may sufficiently declare the lord primate's abilities in matters of government , when ever he would give his mind to them , and how well he understood the present state of that kingdom : and it had been well for ireland , if his advice had been then hearken'd to , since those standing forces then moved for being to have been all protestants ; would in all probability have prevented that rebellion , that some years after broke out in that kingdom ; but a copy of this speech being desired by the lord deputy , was transmitted to his majesty , who very well approved of it , as much conducing to his service , and the publick safety . it cannot now be expected in times so peaceable , and quiet , as these seem'd to be ( and in which my lord primate proceeded in one constant course , with little alteration ) that every year should afford matter enough to be taken notice of in this account , therefore i shall only here give you in general the more remarkable transactions of his life , from this time till his going over into england , not long before that unhappy war. after his being arch-bishop he laid out a great deal of money anno in books , laying aside every year a considerable sum for that end , and especially for the procuring of manuscripts , as well from foreign parts , as near at hand , having about this time , by the means of mr. thomas davis , then merchant at aleppo , procured one of the first samaritan pentateuchs that ever was brought into these western parts of europe , ( as mr. selden , and dr. walton acknowledge ) as also the old testament in syriack , much more perfect than had hitherto been seen in these parts ; together with other manuscripts of value . this pentateuch , with the rest , were borrowed of him by dr. walton , after bishop of chester , and by him made use of in the polyglot bible : all which manuscripts being lately retrieved out of the hands of the said bishop's executors , are now in the bodleyan library at oxford ; a fit repository for such sacred monuments . about this time the lord viscount falkland , being re-called anno from being deputy of ireland , was waited on by the lord primate to the sea side , of whom taking his leave , and begging his blessing , he set sail for england , having before contracted an intimate friendship with the lord primate , which lasted till his death ; nor did the lord primate fail to express his friendship to him on all occasions after his departure , doing his utmost by letters to several of the lords of his majesties privy-council here , for his vindication from several false accusations , which were then laid to his charge by some of the irish nation , before his majesty ; which letters , together with the vindication of the council of ireland , by their letter to his majesty , of his just and equal government , did very much contribute to the clearing of his innocence in those things , whereof he was then accused . this year the happy news of the birth of prince charles , his late gracious majesty , then prince of wales , being brought into ireland , anno by an express on purpose , the lords justices , and council , order'd a solemn day of thanksgiving for that great happiness , and the lord primate was invited ( as i find by their letter ) to preach before them on that occasion , as he did accordingly . my lord primate published at dublin his history of gotteschalcus , anno and of the predestinarian controversie stirred by him , ( being the first latin book that was ever printed in ireland . ) wherein , after a short account of pelagianism , which had then much spread it self in spain , and britain , he proceeds to the history of gotteschalcus , ( a monk of the abby of orbais , who lived in the beginning of the ix century : ) and his opinions , shewing out of flodoardus , and other approved writers of that age , that the points then held by this learned monk , and that were then laid to his charge by hincmar , arch-bishop of rhemes , and rabanus , arch-bishop of mentz ; and which they got condemned in a synod held in that city , as also in another at quierzy , were , notwithstanding , defended and maintained by remigius ( or st. remy ) arch-bishop of lyons , and the church of that diocess , as consonant to the scriptures , and writings of the fathers . and that indeed divers dangerous opinions , and consequences were imputed to this learned monk , which he was not guilty of . and after an account of the heads of a treatise written by j. scotius erigene , in defence of free-will , and the contrary opinions to those of gotteschalce , the lord primate then likewise gives the sum of the censure , which florus , deacon of lyons , writ against the same , in the name of that church : as also of several writings of remigius , arch-bishop of lyons , pudentius , bishop of troyes , and ratramus , a monk of corbey , in defence of the said gotteschalce's opinions , and against the extravagant tenets of scotus : which disputes produced two other synods at bonoil , and neufle , in france ; wherein the opinions held by gotteschalce were asserted , and the contrary , as maintained by scotus , were condemned . though those councils were still opposed , and censured by hincmar in a large book , dedicated to the emperour , charles the bald , the heads of which are there set down out of flodoard : which yet did not at all satisfie the contrary party ; nor hinder remigius , arch-bishop of lyons , and his provincial bishops , from calling another council at langres , wherein the canons of the valentinian council , were confirmed , and those propositions , maintained by scotus , were again condemned : which canons were also referred to the judgment of the general council of the xii provinces assembled at thoul ; and being there debated , were not by it condemned , ( as baronius , and others will have it ) but for quietness sake were again referred to the judgment of the next general assembly , that the doctrines of the church , and fathers being produced , those should be agreed on , that should then appear most sound , and orthodox . and in the conclusion , my lord there shews the great constancy of this poor monk , who , notwithstanding his cruel whippings , and long imprisonment , to which he had been condemned , by the council of mentz , till his death , yet he would never recant , but made two confessions of his faith , which are there set down , and by which it appears , that many things were laid to his charge , and condemned in those councils , which he never held . in this treatise , as the lord primate has shewn himself excellently well skill'd in the church history of those dark and ignorant ages ; so he there concludes , that men should not dogmatize in these points . and indeed there ever have been , and still will be different opinions , concerning these great and abstruse questions of predestination , and free-will , which yet may be tolerated , and consist in any church , if the maintainers of either the one side , or other , will use that charity as they ought , and forbear publickly to condemn , rail at , or write against each other . about this time the romish faction growing there very prevalent , anno by reason of some former connivance by the state , as also for want of due instruction , as hath been already said , and likewise that divers abuses had crept into the church , not only among the inferior clergy , but the bishops themselves ; all which had been represented by the lords committees for irish affairs , to his majesty , who thereupon thought fit to send over his letters into ireland , to all the arch-bishops of that kingdom , as well to put them in mind of their duty , as to strengthen their authority ; which were as follows . charles rex . most reverend father in god , right trusty , and entirely beloved , we greet you well . among such disorders as the lords of our privy-council , deputed by us to a particular care of our realm of ireland , and the affairs thereof , have observed , and represented to us in that government , as well ecclesiastical as civil ; we have taken in special consideration the growth and increase of the romish faction there , and cannot but from thence collect , that the clergy of that church are not so careful as they ought to be , either of god's service , or the honour of themselves , and their profession , in removing all pretences of scandal in their lives and conversation ; wherefore as we have by all means endeavoured to provide for them a competency of maintenance , so we shall expect hereafter on their part a reciprocal diligence ; both by their teaching and example , to win that ignorant and superstitious people to joyn with them , in the true worship of god. and for that purpose we have thought fit by these our letters , not only to excite your care of these things , according to your duty , and dignity of your place , in that church , but further to authorize you in our name to give by your letters to the several bishops in your province , a special charge , requiring them to give notice to their clergy under them in their diocesses respectively , that all of them be careful to do their duty , by preaching and catechising in the parishes committed to their charge : and that they live answerable to the doctrine which they preach to the people . and further we will , that in our name you write to every bishop within your province , that none of them presume to hold with their bishopricks any benefice , or other ecclesiastical dignity whatsoever in their own hands , or to their own use , save only such as we have given leave , under our broad seal of that our kingdom , to hold in commendam : and of this we require you to be very careful , because there is a complaint brought to the said lords committees for irish affairs , that some bishops there , when livings fall void in their gift , do either not dispose them so soon as they ought , but keep the profits in their own hands , to the hinderance of god's service , and great offence of good people ; or else they give them to young and mean men , which only bear the name , reserving the greatest part of the benefice to themselves , by which means that church must needs be very ill , and weakly served ; of which abuses , and the like , ( if any shall be practised ) we require you to take special care for present redress of them , and shall expect from you such account of your endeavours herein , as may discharge you , not to us only , but to god , whose honour and service it concerns . given under our signet at our palace atwestminster , the twelfth of april , in the sixth year of our reign . by which letter it is manifest , how highly his majesty was offended at the increase of the popish party in that kingdom , and therefore would have all diligence used to prevent it , as also other abuses reformed , which had ( it seems ) crept in , by degrees , amongst the protestant clergy there . but how little his majesty liked the romish religion , the lord primate was before very well satisfied by this memorandum , which i have of his own hand writing , in a book of his , viz. the king once at white-hall , in the presence of george , duke of buckingham , of his own accord said to me , that he never loved popery in all his life , but that he never detested it before his going into spain . but to return to the matter in hand , the lord primate , in pursuance of his majestie 's command , ( which so fully agreed with his own desires ) set himself diligently to put in execution what had been committed to his care , as well for the good of the church , as his majestie 's service : he therefore endeavoured to reform , first , those disorders which had been complained of in his own province , and which had been in good measure rectified already , ( as has been already mentioned ) and in the next place , he made it his business to reclaim those deluded people , who had been bred up in that religion from their infancy ; for which end he began to converse more frequently , and familiarly , with the gentry , and nobility of that perswasion ; as also with divers of the inferior sort that dwelt near him , inviting them often to his house , and discoursing with them , with great mildness , of the chief tenets of their religion ; by which gentle usage he was strangely successful , convincing many of them of their errors , and bringing them to the knowledge of the truth . and he also advised the bishops , and clergy of his province , to deal with the popish recusants in their several diocesses , and cures , after the same manner ; that if possible they might make them understand their errors , and the danger in which they were : which way , in a country where there are no penal laws to restrain the publick profession of that religion , was the best , if not the only means , which could be used . nor was his care confined only to the conversion of the ignorant irish papists ; but he also endeavoured the reduction of the scotch and english sectaries to the bosom of the church , as it was by law established , conferring and arguing with divers of them , as well ministers as lay-men , and shewing them the weakness of those scruples and objections they had , against their joyning with the publick service of the church , and submitting to its government and discipline ; and indeed the lord primate was now so taken up in conferences with all sorts of persons , or in answering letters from learned men abroad , or else such as applied themselves to him for his judgment in difficult points in divinity , or resolutions in cases of conscience ; that whoever shall consider this , as also his many civil , and ecclesiastical functions , together with the constant course of his studies , must acknowledge , that none but one of his large capacity , and who made a constant good use of his time , could ever be sufficient for so many , and so different imployments . about the end of this year , i find , the arch-bishop was in england , by his publishing and printing , at london , a small treatise of the religion anciently professed by the irish , ( which comprehends also the northern scots ) and britains , which he writ in english to satisfie the gentry , and better sort of people , that the religion professed by the ancient bishops , priests , monks , and other christians of these kingdoms , was the very same in the most material points with that which is now maintained by publick authority , against those novel and foreign doctrines introduced by the bishop of rome in latter times . the next year , anno . the lord primate , after his return into ireland , published his veterum epistolarum hybernicarum sylloge , containing a choice collection of letters , out of several ancient manuscripts , and other authors , partly from , and partly to ancient irish bishops and monks , commencing about the year of our lord . to the year . concerning the affairs of the irish church in those times ; which abundantly shew the great esteem the learning and piety of the bishops and clergy of that church had then both at rome , france , england , and elsewhere : containing , likewise , divers choice matters , relating to the great controversies of those times , concerning the keeping of easter ; as also divers things relating to the ecclesiastical discipline , and jurisdiction of the church of that kingdom , very worthy the taking notice of . and i suppose about this time , if not before , he contracted a more intimate acquaintance with the reverend dr. laud , lord bishop of london , who had for some time managed the most considerable affairs both in church and state : and i find by divers of his letters to the lord primate , as well whilst he was bishop of london , as after he was advanced to the see of canterbury , that there was scarce any thing of moment concluded on , or any considerable preferment bestowed by his majesty in the church of ireland , without his advice , and approbation , which you may see by some letters in this ensuing collection , which we have selected from divers others of lesser moment , as fittest for publick view ; but the l. primate always made use of his interest with the said arch-bishop , and other great men at court , not for his own private advantage , but for the common good of the church , by opposing , and hindering divers grants and patents to some great men , and courtiers , who had under-hand obtained the same ; and particularly , he caused a patent , made to a person of quality , of the scotch nation , in ireland , of several tythes , to be called in , and vacuated , his majesty being deceived in his grant , who would not have done any thing prejudicial to the church , had he been rightly informed of the nature of the thing ; and the lord primate was so much concerned for a competent maintenance for the clergy in that kingdom , that he had some years before this obtained a grant of a patent from his majesty , to be passed in his own name , though for the use of the church , of such impropriations belonging to the crown , as were then leased out , as soon as they should fall ; which , though it did not succeed , being too much neglected by those who were concerned more immediately , yet it sufficiently shews my lord's pious intentions in this matter . about this time there was a letter sent over , from his late anno majesty , to the lord viscount wentworth , then lord deputy , and the council of ireland , for determining the precedency of the arch-bishop of armagh , and arch-bishop of dublin , in respect of their sees , the latter making some pretence unto it ; therefore , in regard of a parliament , intended by his majesty shortly to meet , it was thought fit , for order's sake , that controversie should be decided before their meeting : in order to which , he was commanded by the lord deputy , to reduce into writing what he knew upon that subject : but he not desiring to engage in so invidious an argument , and which so nearly concerned himself , and which he did not desire to have stirred , did what he could to decline it ; but being still further urged , and commanded to do it , he did at last , though unwillingly , write a short , and learned discourse , full of excellent remarks , wherein he proved the antiquity and primacy of his see to have preceded that of dublin divers ages , which discourse being sent over into england , the precedency was determined by his majesty on his side , as afterwards by another letter from his majesty and council here ; he had also , without his seeking , the precedency given him of the lord chancellor , which ( he being above such trifles ) were not at all able to elate him . at the opening of the following parliament , he preached before the lord deputy , lords and commons , at st. patrick's , dublin , his text was , genes . . . the scepter shall not depart from judah , nor a law-giver from between his feet , till shiloh come , and to him shall the gathering of the people be . and in the convocation which was now assembled , the lord primate , at the instrance of the lord deputy , and lord arch-bishop of canterbury , thought fit to propose , that to express the agreement of the church of ireland with that of england , both in doctrine and discipline , the thirty nine articles should be received by the church of ireland , which proposal was thereupon consented to by both houses of convocation , and the said articles were declared to be the confession of faith of the church of ireland , but without abrogating or excluding the former articles , made , either by that convocation , or parliament , as two several writers of those times , viz. a church , and civil historian , have without ground reported them to be : and though the * latter was at last brought to confess his error of their being repealed by autority of parliament ; yet he still insisted , that the reception of the articles of the church of england , though it be not an express , yet is a tacite annulling of the former , instancing in the old covenant , which st. paul proves to be abrogated by the giving of a new ; which were a good argument , if the articles of the church of england were as inconsistent with those of ireland , as those two covenants are with each other , but if they differ no more than the nicene does from the apostles creed , ( which , though it contains more , yet does not annul the former ) then without doubt the receiving of the articles of the church of england was no abrogation of those of ireland . but since it is not my design to write controversies , i shall not enter farther into this argument , but shall leave the reader to consider , whether the instances brought by the historian , to prove the articles of these two churches to be inconsistent , are convincing , or not , and shall say no more on this ungrateful subject , but that it is highly improbable , that the lord primate should be so outwitted by the lord deputy , or his chaplains , ( as the * historian makes him to have been in this affair ) but that he very well understood the articles of both churches , and did then know , that they were so far from being inconsistent , or contradictory to each other , that he thought the irish articles did only contain the doctrine of the church of england more fully , or else he would never have been so easily perswaded to an act which would amount to a repeal of those articles , which , as hath been already said , he himself made , and drew up : and for a farther proof that this was the sense , not only of himself , but of most of the rest of the bishops at that time ; they always at all ordinations took the subscription of the party ordained to both articles ; the articles of england , not being received instead , but with those of ireland , ( as dr. bernard hath informed us ; ) which course was continued by the lord primate , and most part of the bishops , till the confusion of that church by the irish rebellion : and if , at this day , the subscription to the thirty nine articles be now only required of the clergy of that kingdom , i suppose it is purely out of prudential considerations , that any divine , or other person of that church , may still , either by preaching , or writing , maintain any point of doctrine contained in those articles , without being either heterodox , or irregular . it was likewise reported , and has been since written by some , ( with the like truth ) that the lord primate should have some dispute with dr. bramhall , then bishop of london-derry , concerning these articles : whereas the contest between the lord primate , and that bishop , was not about the articles , but the book of canons , which were then to be established for the church of ireland ; and which the bishop of derry would have to be passed in the very same form , and words , with those in england ; which the lord primate ; with divers other of the bishops , opposed , as somewhat prejudicial to the liberties of the church of ireland ; and they so far prevailed herein , that it was at last concluded , that the church of ireland should not be tyed to that book , but that such canons should be selected out of the same , and such others added thereunto , as the present convocation should judge fit , for the government of that church ; which was accordingly performed , as any man may see , that will take the pains to compare the two books of the english , and irish canons together : and what the arch-bishop of canterbury's judgment was , on this affair , you may see in a letter of his to the lord primate , published in this collection . about the end of this year , the lord primate published his anno long expected work , entitled , britannicarum ecclesiarum antiquitates : in which also is inserted a history of pelagius , and his heresie ; which work i suppose my lord kept so long unpublished , because he still found fresh matter to add to it ; as you may see by the many additions , and emendations at the latter end of it ; and as it was long in coming out , so it did fully answer expectation , when it came abroad into the world , being the most exact account that ever yet was given of the british church , beginning with the earliest notices we can find in ancient authors of any credit , concerning the first planting of christianity in these islands , within twenty years after our saviour's crucifixion , and bringing it down ( with the succession of bishops , as far as they could be retreived ) not only in our britain , but in ireland also , as far as towards the end of the vii century ; collected out of the best authors , either printed or manuscript ; and is so great a treasure of this kind of learning , that all that have writ since , with any success , on this subject , must own themselves beholding to him for his elaborate collections . the lord primate having now sate arch-bishop sixteen years , anno with great satisfaction , and benefit to the church , about the beginning of this year , came into england , with his wife and family , intending to stay here a year or two , about his private affairs , and then to return again : but it pleased god to disappoint him in those resolutions , for he never saw his native country again ; not long after his coming to london , ( when he had kissed his majesty's hand , and been received by him with his wonted favour ) he went to oxford , as well to be absent from those heats and differences , which then happened in that short parliament , as also with greater freedom to pursue his studies in the libraries there , where he was accommodated with lodgings in christ-church , by dr. morice , canon of that house , and hebrew professor ; and whilst he was there , he conversed with the most learned persons in that famous university , who used him with all due respect , whilst he continued with them ; so after he had resided there some time , he returned again to london , where , after the sitting of that long , and unhappy parliament , he made it his business , as well by preaching , as writing , to exhort them to loyalty , and obedience to their prince ; endeavouring , to the utmost of his power , to heal up those breaches , and reconcile those differences , that were ready to break out , both in church and state ; though it did not meet with that success he always desired . this year there was published at oxford ( among divers other treatises of bishop andrews , mr. hooker , and other learned men , anno concerning church government ) the lord primate's original of bishops , and metropolitans , wherein he proves from scripture , as also the most ancient writings , and monuments of the church , that they owe their original to no less authority than that of the apostles , and that they are the stars in the right hand of christ , apoc. . so that there was never any christian church founded in the primitive times without bishops , which discourse was not then ( nor , i suppose , ever will be ) answered , by those of a contrary judgment . that unhappy dispute between his majesty and the two houses , concerning his passing the bill for the earl of strafford's attainder , now arising , and he much perplexed and divided between the clamour of a discontented people and an unsatisfied conscience , thought fit to advise with some of his bishops , what they thought he ought to do in point of conscience ( as he had before consulted his judges in matter of law , ) among which his majesty thought fit to make choice of the lord primate for one , though without his seeking , or knowledge ; but since some men , either out of spleen , or because they would not retract what they had once written from vulgar report , have thought fit to publish , as if the lord primate should advise the king to sign the bill for the said earl's attainder , it will not be amiss to give you here that relation which dr. bernard had under his own hand ; and has printed in the funeral sermon by him published ; which is as followeth . that sunday morning wherein the king consulted with the four bishops , ( of london , durham , lincoln and carlisle ) the arch-bishop of armagh was not present , being then preaching ( as he then accustomed every sunday to do ) in the church of covent-garden ; where a message coming unto him from his majesty , he descended from the pulpit , and told him that brought it , he was then ( as he saw ) imployed about god's business ; which as soon as he had done , he would attend upon the king , to understand his pleasure : but the king spending the whole afternoon in the serious debate of the lord strafford's case , with the lords of his council , and the judges of the land , he could not before evening be admitted to his majesty's presence . there the question was again agitated , whether the king in justice , might pass the bill of attainder against the earl of strafford , ( for that he might shew mercy to him was no question at all ; ) no man doubting but that the king , without any scruple of conscience , might have granted him a pardon , if other reasons of state ( in which the bishops were made neither judges , nor advisers ) did not hinder him . the whole result therefore of the determination of the bishops , was to this effect ; that therein the matter of fact , and matter of law , were to be distinguished : that of the matter of fact , he himself might make a judgment , having been present at all proceedings against the said earl ; where , if upon the hearing of the allegations on either side , he did not conceive him guilty of the crimes wherewith he was charged , he could not in justice condemn him : but for the matter in law , what was treason , and what was not , he was to rest in the opinion of the judges ; whose office it was to declare the law , and who were sworn therein to carry themselves indifferently betwixt him , and his subjects : which gave his majesty occasion to complain of the dealing of the judges with him not long before : that having earnestly pressed them to declare in particular , what point of the lord of strafford's charge they judged to be treasonable , ( forasmuch as upon the hearing of the proofs produced , he might in his conscience , perhaps , find him guiltless of that fact ) he could not by any means draw them to nominate any in particular , but that upon the whole matter , treason might justly be charged upon him . and in this second meeting , it was observed , that the bishop of london spake nothing at all , but the bishop of lincoln not only spake , but put a writing also into the king's hand , wherein , what was contained , the rest of his brethren knew not . from all which we may observe my lord primate's modesty , who would not set down his own particular judgment in this matter , but only that it agreed with that of his brethren , but also his charity , and fidelity , who would not ( though to acquit himself ) betray his trust , and accuse the only person of that company , who was supposed to have moved the king to the doing of it : nor is the reason those men have supposed , why my lord primate should perswade the king to do this , less false , and improbable , viz. revenge , because the earl of strafford , whilst lord lieutenant of ireland , had outwitted him , and made him the instrument ( before he was aware ) of abrogating the articles of ireland , above mentioned ; the falseness of which calumny may sufficiently appear from what hath been already said upon this subject , for the lord primate did willingly , and upon due consideration , without any surprise , propose the admission of those articles of the church of england , nor was he ever convinced ( neither did my lord strafford ever insist upon it ) that the admission of these articles , was an abrogation of the former ; and if the lord primate had any private grudge against the earl upon this score , he carried it very slyly , insomuch that the earl himself , nor any of his friends were ever sensible of it ; for whilst the earl continued in ireland , there was never any dispute , or unkindness between them , but they parted good friends , as will appear by some letters , which you will find in this collection . the earl writ to him after this business , and not long before his going for england , full of kindness and respect : so likewise after the earl's commitment to the black-rod , as also when he was a prisoner in the tower ; the lord primate frequently visited him , and the earl was pleased to consult with him in divers matters relating to his defence at his tryal . and certainly had the earl believed that the lord primate bore any malice towards him , much more had advised the king to put him to death , ( which could not have been well concealed from him ) though we may suppose the earl had so much christian charity as to forgive so great an injury , yet it is not very likely , that he should exercise such a piece of mortification , as to chuse him , whom he believed to be the promoter of his death , to prepare him for it ; and to be the man to whom he addressed his speech upon the scaffold , and whose assistance he desired in that his last extremity . but i shall speak no farther of this matter , till i can in order of time tell you what the lord primate himself said unto me concerning it , when he lay ( as he thought ) on his death-bed , and not likely to live an hour ; and also what his majesty declared , when he heard the report of his death . not many months after the execution of this great , and unfortunate earl , there came over the unhappy news of the breaking out of the horrid irish rebellion , in which , as his majesty's ( with the english , and protestant ) interest in that kingdom , received an unexpressible blow , so likewise the lord primate bore too great a share in that common affliction ; for in a very few days the rebels had plundered his houses in the countrey , seized on his rents , quite ruined , or destroyed his tenements , killed , or drove away his numerous flocks , and herds of cattle , to a very great value ; and in a world , had not left him any thing in that kingdom , which escaped their fury , but his library , and some furniture in his house in droghedah , which were secured by the strength of that place , notwithstanding a long and dangerous siege by those rebels ; which library was some years after conveyed over to chester , and from thence to london : this must needs reduce him to a very low condition , happening not long after michaelmas , when he expected a return of his rents , so that he was forced , for his present supply , to sell , or pawn all the plate and jewels he had ; this , though a very great tryal , yet made not any change in his natural temper , and heavenly disposition , still submitting to god's providence , with christian patience , and magnanimity , having long before learned to use the things of this world , as if he used them not ; and in whatsoever condition he was , therewith to be content : yet these afflictions were sufficient to move compassion , even in the breasts of foreigners , for some months after his losses , the city , and university of leyden offered to chuse him their honorarie professor , with a more ample stipend , than had been formerly annexed to that place : and dr. bernard , in the above cited sermon , likewise tells us , that cardinal richlieu did about the same time , make him an invitation to come into france , with a promise of a very noble pension , and freedom of his religion there ; and that this is not unlikely ( though i never heard my lord primate speak of it ) may be proved from the great honour that cardinal had for him , which he expressed by a letter full of kindness and respect , accompanied with a gold medal of considerable value , having his own effigies stamped upon it , which is still preserved ; these were sent him upon his publishing his work , de primordiis ecclesiarum britannicarum , which present was also returned by the lord primate , by a letter of thanks , with a handsome present of irish grey-hounds , and other rarities which that countrey afforded . but it pleased his late majesty to provide for him much better in england , by conferring on him the bishoprick of carlisle ( lately void by the death of dr. potter ) to be held in commendam ; this , though very much abated by the scotch and english armies quartering upon it , as also by the unhappy wars which not long after followed ; yet he made shift to subsist upon it , with some other helps , until that rebellious house of commons seized upon all bishops lands ; and though , in consideration of his great losses in ireland , as also of his own merits , and to make him some satisfaction for what they took away , they voted him a pension of four hundred pounds per annum , yet i cannot hear that he ever received it above once , or twice at most ; for the independant faction getting uppermost , soon put an end to that payment . his majesty having now left london , by reason of the tumults anno there , and the undutifulness of the house of commons towards him , the lord primate being more deeply afflicted for these breaches , than for all his own private sufferings : having now no more satisfaction in abiding longer at london , he resolved to remove thence for oxford , not long before his majesty's coming thither : and here , though the lord primate's outward condition was much lessened , to what it was before , yet his greatness being founded upon a more solid bottom than riches , and outward splendor , he was received with the same , or rather greater kindness , and respect than before . the reverend dr. prideaux , bishop of worcester , ( his good friend ) lent him his house adjoyning to exeter colledge , which he accepted of , as being near his business at the publick library , where he now pursued his studies , preparing divers treatises for the publick view , some of which he also printed there , as shall be hereafter mentioned ; nor did he less endeavour to be serviceable to mens souls , than to the common-wealth of learning , preaching commonly at one church , or other , every sunday , and for great part of the time , in the forenoons , sometimes at st. olives , and sometimes at alhallows , where he had constantly a great audience , both of scholars and others ; where notwithstanding the learnedness of most of his hearers , he rather chose a plain substantial way of preaching , for the promoting of piety and vertue , than studied eloquence , or a vain ostentation of learning ; so that he quite put out of countenance that windy , affected sort of oratory , which was then much in use , called floride preaching , or strong lines . and i remember , i then heard , that there was a person in the university , very much famed for that kind of preaching , who , after he had sometimes heard the lord primate's sermons , and observing how plain , and yet moving they were , and being sufficiently satisfied that it was not for want of wit , or learning , that he did not do otherwise , he was soon convinced that this was not the most ready way of gaining souls , and therefore quitting his affected style , and studied periods , took up a more plain and profitable way of preaching , so that coming afterwards to visit the lord primate , he gave him many thanks , and told him , he had now learned of him how to preach , and that since he had followed his example , he had found more satisfaction in his own conscience , and comfort in his ministry , than ever he had before . and i remember one sermon above the rest , which he preached in exeter colledge chappel , about that time ; the text , prov. . . through desire a man having separated himself , seeketh and intermedleth with all wisdom ; in which sermon he so lively , and pathetically set forth the excellency of true wisdom , as well humane , as divine , and that desire which every ingenious , and vertuous soul ought to have for it , that it wrought so effectually upon the hearts of many of the younger students , that it rendered them more serious , and made them ply their studies much harder than before . the first sunday after his majesty's return to oxford , from the fights of edge-hill and brainford , the lord primate was called to preach before him , as he did likewise on divers other more solemn occasions , both in this , and the following year . about this time , likewise , the lord primate came acquainted year with the most learned , and pious dr. hammond , with whom he contracted so intimate a friendship , that it continued to his dying day ; and though some persons ( i suppose rather out of misinformation than malice ) have reported , that the lord primate should give a scandalous , unbeseeming character of the doctor ; he was ever so far from it , that he never mentioned him without due kindness , and respect , as you will find by some letters in this collection , wherein you may see the lord primate much concerned for an aspersion , of the like nature with this , imputed to him , but cast upon him indeed by a foreign writer ; a learned , though violent and obstinate asserter of his own anti-episcopal opinions , contrary to those of the doctor 's . this summer the lord primate was nominated ( though against his desire ) to be one of the assembly of divines at westminster , as were also dr. brownrig , bishop of exeter , dr. west field , bishop of bristol , and divers others of the orthodox clergy , but the lord primate neither approved of the authority that named him , nor yet of the business they met about ; so that he never troubled himself to go thither ; but when that mock assembly found he scorned to come among them , they complained of him to the house of commons , who soon voted him out again ; which yet the arch-bishop took more kindly , than their chusing him into it : and now when this prevalent faction , sitting at westminster , found that the arch-bishop was not for their turn , but to the contrary , had in divers sermons at oxford , preached against their rebellions proceedings , they were so inraged at him , that the committee they had appointed for delinquents estates , ( as they nick-named those who now faithfully served their prince ) made an order for the seizing of a study of books of a considerable value , which he had either brought over with him , or bought here , and were left behind in chelsy colledge , which were seized accordingly , and had been sold by them , had not dr. featly , who was then in some favour with them , by reason of his being one that sate in that assembly , ( though otherwise orthodox , and loyal ) made an interest with them , by the means of mr. selden ( a member of the house , as also of the assembly ) to obtain those books for his own use , either as a gift , or by laying down some money for them ; and so got them into his hands , and secured them for my lord brimat's use , at least as many of them as were not imbezled , or stollen away whilst they were in their custody , as amongst other things divers papers and collections of his own writing , with all his letters , either to , or from his learned friends ( which he had left behind him there ) were then plundered , and for which loss , this ensuing collection does fare the worse . about this time my lord primate published a small , but learned treatise , entided , a geographical , and historical disquisition , touching the lesser asia , properly so called , viz. the lydian asia , so often mentioned in the new testament , and by ecclesiastical , and other writers , by the names of the proconsular asia , or asian diocess . where having shewn his admirable skill in the geography of the ancients , and also in the imperial laws , in order to the right understanding the ecclesiastical , and civil histories of those times , out of which he hath fixed and setled the several provinces of the lesser asia , as mysia , caria , and lydia , ( under which latter were comprehended the adjoyning countries of ionia , and aeolis . ) he then proves , that the asia mentioned in the new testament , and the seven churches of asia particularly , are contained within the limits of lydia , and that each of these seven cities was a metropolis , and that according to this division of the civil government , they were made choice of to be the seats of the most eminent churches of all asia . . that the roman provinces were not always the same , but according as reason of state required , and for greater ease , and security of the government , often varied , and admitted alterations , the division of the empire being different in the times of augustus , from what it was under constantine , under whom the proconsular asia was confined to the lydian asia only , the former great extent of its jurisdiction being then very much abridged , and a distinction made between the proconsular asia , which was under the jurisdiction of the proconsul , and the asian diocess , governed by the vicarius , or comes asiae , or dioceseos asianae : as it was also subject in the times of the succeeding emperors , to variety of changes , and that in this disposition , made by constantine , it was ordered , that there should be but one metropolis in each distinct province , whereas before there had been several : though this did not hold always in the reigns of some of his successors , who permitted sometimes two metropolitans in one province , to satisfie the ambitious humour of several bishops , who contended for that title , upon the account of the riches , and greatness of each of their respective cities . . that in regard to this establishment of constantine , ephesus ( where the deputies of the several provinces of asia , who constituted , and made up the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or common-council , had their assemblies , and which had formerly been lookt upon as the chief city ) became the sole metropolis of this new proconsular asia ; the proconsul of which was exempted from the authority , and jurisdiction of the praefectus praetorio . and accordingly , in the ecclesiastical government , for the greater honour of this renowned see , the bishop of ephesus was not only held the metropolitan of the proconsular asia , ( but as my lord most judiciously proves ) the primate , or enarchus of all the provinces , that were comprehended within the compass of the whole asian diocess , of which diocess he discourses at large ; and that he acted suitably to this patriarchal jurisdiction , which was in effect conferred upon him . lastly , that there was a great harmony between the civil and ecclesiastical government ; and consequently , that the bishops of every province were subject , subordinate to the metropolitan bishop , ( the same then with our arch-bishop ; ) as the magistrates , that ruled in the other subordinate cities , were to the president , or chief governor of that province . the arch-bishop in these years , whilst he was now at oxford , published in greek , and latine , the epistles of the holy martyrs , years , ignatius , and as much of the epistle of st. barnabas , as the great fire at oxford ( which burnt the copy ) had spared ; together with a premunition of the entire design . the old latin version of ignatius , his lordship publisht out of two manuscripts found in england , noting in red letters the interpolation of the former greek impressions . this work was much illustrated by his collation of several greek copies of the letters and martyrdom of ignatius , and polycarp ; as also with a most learned dissertation concerning those epistles ; as also touching the canons , and constitutions ascribed to the apostles , and to st. clement , bishop of rome . about seven years after which , his lordship also set forth at london his appendix : ignatiana ; wherein , besides other tracts , there are added the seven genuine epistles of ignatius ( commended by eusebius , caesare , and other fathers ) according to the amsterdam edition , publisht by the learned dr. is. vossius , from the greek manuscript in the medicean library , which the lord primate had some years before given him notice of , and also obtained the great duke's leave to copy it . the signal use of these epistles , so eminently asserting that perpetual order , of which his grace was so great an ornament , well deserved all that time which himself , dr. hammond , and the learned lord bishop of chester have so usefully imployed therein . this year my lord primate publisht his syntagma de editione lxx . interpretum : in which he asserts ( though with great modesty , ) this particular opinion . that greek version of the five books of moses , under ptolomeus philadelphus , utterly perishing at the conflagration of his library , dositheus the jew made another greek translation of the pentateuch , and the rest of the old testament , about . years before the birth of christ , viz. in the time of ptolomey philometor ; collecting so much from a note at the end of the greek , esther ; which latter version his lordship conjectures the greek fathers , and all the eastern churches cited , and made use of , instead of the true philadelphian . then he learnedly , and fully discourses concerning the several editions of this latter version found in the library of cleopatra , the last egyptian queen . as also touching the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or vulgar , and that more correct one of origen , those of eusebius , lucian , and hesychius : and lastly , of the modern ones , as the complutine , venetian , and roman . hereunto also is added a specimen of esther in greek , according to two ancient manuscripts in the arundelian library , as also after the alexandrian copy in the king's library . this syntagma was followed the next year before his death , by his lordships dissertation de cainane altero , or the second cainan , mentioned in the lxx . and by st. luke . and that was again followed with a letter to ludovicus capellus , wherein the lord primate very judiciously moderates , in the controversie between that learned professor , and ar. bootius , concerning the present hebrew bibles : superadding his own conjectures , that dositheus , the false messias , was the corrupter of the samaritan pentateuch , as we now have it : and that especially by his lordships great care , and expence . but to let you see how he further now imployed his time at oxford , for his majesties service ; i shall give you here his answers to several queries , made to him from some at london , or other parliament quarters , concerning the lawfulness of taking up arms against the king in that unhappy war , then newly begun . the queries we have not , but you may easily judge what their sense was by the following answers here inserted . to the first . no man is bound to leave his vocation , and turn souldier , unless summoned and commanded by his majesty , or those that have commission from him for the gathering of the people to war. moses ( and so successively the supreme governor ) had the power of the trumpet for that purpose ( nu. . . . ) and accordingly the duty and oath of allegiance , binds every subject to come in to the defence of his sovereign , against what power soever . the danger of poverty , and ruine of estate , must give way to publick respects : nor must it be provided against , but in a just way ; in the prosecution of which , life and goods , and every thing else must be committed to the providence of god. to the second . for the discerning of the justness of the cause , we must not look only at the ends pretended ( which though never so fair and specious , do not justifie a bad cause , or unlawful means , ) nor at the wickedness or evil carriage of instruments , imployed in the prosecution ; which doth not conclude the cause to be bad and unjust : but we must look at the means used for such ends ; and then consider the ends , whether intended by those that do pretend them . by these we shall see the cause of the adverse party to the king is unjust . for first , the means they use , is war maintained against their sovereign ; the end pretended , is the defence of religion , laws , liberties : but war made by subjects , though really intending such an end , is unjust . i. it has no warrant in scripture , but is disallowed , prov. . . no rising up against a king. sam. . . no remedy left them against the oppressions of their king , but crying to the lord. the prophets also , which bitterly reproved the idolatrous , and unjust kings of israel and judah , never called upon the elders of the people , by arms to secure the worship of god , or the just government of the kingdom . in the th . to the romans , and the ep. cap. of peter , the same doctrine of passive obedience is taught , and accordingly was the doctrine and practice of the primitive christians . ii. arms taken up by subjects , do invade the power and rights of the sovereign ; for it takes from him the sword , which he is said to bear , rom. . . and so doth every supreme magistrate : the supreme power being signified by bearing the sword , as the best interpreters do affirm : and as our laws , and the oath of supremacy do acknowlege our king the only supreme governor , and to be vested with the power of arms. now what saith the scripture he that takes the sword , shall perish by the sword ; that is , he that takes and uses it without warrant , without , and against his consent that bears the sword , that is supreme . also war undertaken by subjects , invades the rights of the sovereign , his revenue , customs , &c. will not give to caesar , what is caesar ' s. but the scripture is very express in preserving rights and power entire , even to the worst princes ; give unto caesar that which is caesar's , said our saviour , when caesar was bad enough : and st. paul bids us render them their due , tribute , customs , honour , when the emperours were at the worst : and our laws determine insurrection , or levying of war , to be treason , not against a religious , and just prince only , but indefinitely against any . secondly , their pretences are taken away , if we consider , that the continuance of the established religion , and government , together with a just reformation of all abuses , and grievances has been offered , promised , protested for by his majesty : but the religion and government of church and state , as by law established , will not content the adverse party , however they pretend to fight for religion and laws : i mean those of the party , which are the main contrivers of the enterprise , and those also , upon whose number the main strength of the faction rests , being of such sects , for the most part , as are by the law to abjure the land , because not to be held within the bounds of any setled government . there are ( no question ) many which follow them , and do really intend the advancement of religion , going after them , as many did after absalom , in the simplicity of their hearts , expecting a speedier course of justice , and redress of grievances , which they suffered by some evil officers under david , sam. . . . but for the other , to whom we owe this war , and who will rule , and dispose all , if they do prevail ; their end intended , and driven at , is , the abolishing of the publick service and liturgy , which is established by law , the utter taking away of episcopal government , which has always been : and for their greater security , they will have the power , which by law is his majesty's ; and because these are not granted , arms are taken up by subjects to the invading of his majesty's rights and power ; and for the maintaining of them , the right and liberty of subjects are destroyed . to the third . hence will appear what is to be answered to the third query , that there is precept and example for passive obedience , but none for taking arms to divert apparent innovations . the example commonly abused to this purpose , is that of the israelites , preparing to go out to war against their brethren , the 〈◊〉 , and gad●es ; for raising an altar , jos. . . but it is altogether impertinent , for those arms are taken up , and that war prepared by those that had the supreme power . to the fourth . the right being discovered , it would tend much to the ending of this war , and the restoring of our peace , if the king's subjects would rise as one man to maintain the right : every particular man is bound to do it upon the summons of his sovereign , commanding his assistance . the danger , and loss of estate , in discharge of duty , is but an outward consideration , and to be left to the providence of god , as was said in the first resolution . to the other part of this fourth query . answer , that necessary maintenance is due to him that lawfully : bears arms , for who goeth a warfare any time ( as the apostle saith ) at his own charges and if the army cannot be maintained but by free quarter , it is lawful to receive maintenance that way , though at the cost of others ; whose private interests must give way to the publick . indeed the abuse of free quarter may make a souldier guilty of the sins here mentioned , but then it is by his own wilful transgression . to the fifth . he must , in the prosecution of his military duty , so behave himself as to observe john baptist's rule , do violence to no man , that is , unjust violence ; for he forbids not to use force against them of the adverse party , who are in arms ready to offer force . for sparing friends , and kindred , he must be guided by christian prudence , so to do it as thereby not to endanger any present design , or at large , to hinder the publick service . as for the king 's person , it cannot be every where , so that he must not limit his duty , and service , to the immediate defence of it ; but know , that to serve any where in the defence of his majesty's just cause , is to defend him. to the sixth . it is lawful to fight in the company of notorious wicked men , and of a different faith , looking at the cause , whatever inordinate ends they have : the primitive christians fought in the company of heathens , and idolaters , under their heathen emperors ; and did by prayer obtain relief for the whole army , when it was in distress : which did also shew , that god approved that their service , it being the duty they owed to their lawful emperors . from the performance of which duty to a sovereign , the many evil examples , and occasions of sin , which the military life abounds with , cannot excuse that subject , that is justly commanded to it : but the conscionable souldier must commend himself to the grace and protection of the almighty , who is able to keep him from the dangers , as of the body , so of the soul too : remember the examples of the good and faithful centurion that came to our saviour , luke . and of the godly centurion , cornelius , who is approved of god , acts . to the seventh . for obeying extrajudicial precepts of his majesty : if they be such as command a man to be active in doing that which is unjust , by the known laws of the land ; he yields truest obedience , that denies to fulfil such a command : only this must not be generally pronounced as a rule in time of war , where necessity will be in many things a stronger law , than that which is fixed for a peaceable government . but if they be such commands as make me only passive , by requiring some of my estate , upon a loan , or tax ; i may not hastily square with my sovereign by denyal and standing out : for any man , as he may recede from his right , and that which is his own , so ought he not to contest with his sovereign upon matters of no very great moment . as for the infringing of the liberties of the subject , such taxes , or loans , or any other extrajudicial commands of the king , must be general , extending to all , or most subjects , and customary , being often imposed , before they can be judged so immediately to infringe the subject's liberty , as to make a subject think he is bound to deny . to the last . to yield to martialists , quartered upon him , if they be the king 's , he is bound in duty ; if of the rebels , he is directed by prudence to yield unto it , when they can by force command it . about this time he also preached before the king on a fast day ; the text , chron. . . if my people , which are called by my name , shall humble themselves , and pray , and seek my face , and turn from their wicked ways : then will i hear from heaven , and will forgive their sin , and will heal their land. in this sermon , among other things suitable to the occasion , he had this remarkable passage , viz. the casting of our eyes upon other mens sins more than upon our own , makes us to esteem the things we suffer , to be the injuries of men , and not the punishments of god : when the outward senses fail , we take it to be a sign of approaching death ; and so when we are given over , to have eyes , and see not , ears , and hear not , it is an argument of decaying souls : for as no prayers or fastings in the world can sanctifie a rebellion , nor tempt god to own an unjust party , so neither will a good cause alone justifie us , any more than a true religion without practice ; we must first do our duties , otherwise , neither the one , nor the other will do us any good ; with many other things against that looseness , and debauch'dness of manners , which he had observed in too many , who believed that the being of the right side , would atone for all other faults . thus he neither spared , or flattered any , when his duty required him to speak the truth , and to reprove those sins that were most scandalous at that time , and place : he would also tell them in conversation , that such actions would frustrate all our hopes of success ; for how could they expect , that god should bless their arms , whilst they were fighting against him nor was he less severe against the actions of the then rebellious houses against his majesty , ) and declared against the war they made , as wicked , and of fatal consequence , and which cast an irreparable scandal upon the reformed religion ; so that they thereby rendered themselves liable to the censures of the church , that might justly have been pronounced against them . and during the treaty of peace at uxbridge , he preached likewise before the king , on a fast day , upon jam. . . the fruits of righteousness is sown in peace of them that make peace : wherein he shewed from vers . . the great evils which come of contention , strife , and war , and from whence they proceed , and the great happiness , and blessings of peace ; and wished that those then up in arms in a rebellious manner against their prince , would seriously consider this , and speedily accept of those gracious concessions that his majesty then offer'd , though all to no purpose , for the treaty quickly after broke off , the rebels being too stout to yield to any equal terms , and so that unhappy war ( for a short time suspended ) broke out again with greater violence , never ceasing , till at last it ended , not only with the murder of the best of kings , but also with the loss , and destruction of those very rights , and priviledges , for which these men pretended to shed so much blood . and now it being given out , that oxford would soon be besieged , year / and that the king would speedily quit that place , the lord primate was advised by his friends ( if it were possible to be avoided ) not to run that hazard , and therefore having been before invited by his son-in-law , sir timothy tyrrel , ( who had married his only daughter ) to come to them to caerdiffe in wales , ( where the said sir timothy was then governor , and general of the ordnance , under the lord gerard , lieutenant general of his majesty's forces in south wales ) which invitation the lord primate resolved to accept , and so having taken leave of his majesty , he , with his approbation , took the opportunity of waiting upon his highness the prince of wales ( our late gracious sovereign ) as far as bristol , and from thence he went to caerdiffe , where his son and daughter welcomed him , with all that joy and affection which so good a father , after so long an absence , could expect : here he staid almost a year free from the dangers of war , this being a strong garrison , and well manned , which invited many persons of good quality to come thither for safety , so that the lord primate had a good opportunity to pursue his studies , having brought many chests of books along with him , and he now made a great progress in the first part of his annals : whilst he was at caerdiffe , his majesty , after the fatal battle at naseby , came into wales , to my lord marquess of worcester's at ragland , and from thence to caerdiffe , where he staid some days : and the lord primate then enjoyed the satisfaction ( though upon a sad occasion ) of his majesty's excellent conversation in the same house , who received him with his wonted kindness , and favour : whilst he was here , the lord primate preached before him in the castle ; and when his majesty went away , and that the lord primate had taken his leave of him , i heard him declare , that nothing came nearer to his heart than the imminent danger of the king and church , with the effusion of so much christian blood. his majesty's necessities now not permitting him to leave many men in garrisons , he was now forced to unfurnish this , as well as others , of its souldiers , and ammunition ; so that sir timothy tyrrel was forced to quit that government ; by reason of which the arch-bishop , being forced to remove , was in a great strait whether to go , the ways from thence to oxford being all cut off by the enemy , so that he had some thoughts ( being near the sea ) of going over into france , or holland , to both which places he had been formerly invited , as hath been already mentioned : but whilst he was in this perplexity , the lady dowager stradling sent him a kind invitation to come to her castle of st. donates , as soon as he pleased , which he accepted as a great favour . but by that time he was ready to go ( with his daughter the lady tyrrel ) the country thereabouts was up in arms , in a tumultuous manner , to the number of ten thousand ( as was supposed ) who chose themselves officers , to form them into a body , pretending for the king , but yet would not be governed by english commanders , or suffer any english garrisons in the country ; this gave the lord primate a fresh disturbance , the welch-men lying upon the ways between that place , and st. donates ; but there were some at that time in caerdiffe , who would needs undertake to convey the lord primate , and his company through by ways , so that they might avoid this tumultuous rabble ; which , though it might be well advised by the then governor of caerdiffe , and was faithfully enough executed by them that undertook it , yet happened very ill for my lord , and those that were with him , for going by some private ways near the mountains , they fell into a stragling party , that were scouting thereabouts , who soon led them to their main body , where it was crime enough that they were english ; so that they immediately fell to plundering , and breaking open my lord brimate's chests of books , and other things which he then had with him , ransacking all his manuscripts , and papers , many of them of his own hand writing ; which were quickly dispersed among a thousand hands ; and not content with this , they pulled the lord primate , and his daughter , and other ladies from their horses ; all which the lord primate bore with his wonted patience , and a seeming unconcernedness : but now some of their officers coming in , ( who were of the gentry of the country ) seemed very much ashamed of this barbarous treatment , and by force , or fair means , caused their horses , and other things which were taken from them to be restored ; but as for the books and papers , they were got into too many hands to be then retrieved , nor were these gentlemen satisfied with this , but some of them very civilly conducted him , through the rest of this tumultuous rabble , to sir john aubery's house , not far off , where he was civilly received , and lodged that night : when he came thither , and had retired himself , i must confess , that i never saw him so much troubled in my life ; and those that were with him before my self , said , that he seemed not more sensibly concerned for all his losses in ireland , than for this ; saying to his daughter , and those that endeavoured to comfort him ; i know that it is god's hand , and i must endeavour to bear it patiently , though i have too much humane frailty , not to be extremely concerned , for i am touched in a very tender place , and he has thought ●it to take from me at once , all that i have been gathering together , above these twenty years , and which i intended to publish for the advancement of learning , and the good of the church : the next day divers of the neighbouring gentry and clergy came to visit him , and to condole this irreparable loss ; promising to do their utmost endeavours , that what books or papers were not burnt or torn , should be restored ; and so very civilly waited on him to st. donates : and to let you see that these gentlemen and ministers , did not only promise , but were also able to perform it , they so used their power with the people , that publishing in the churches all over those parts , that all that had any such books , or papers , should bring them to their ministers , or landlords , which they accordingly did ; so that in the space of two or three months there were brought in to him , by parcels , all his books and papers , so fully , that being put altogether , we found not many wanting ; those most remarkable , that i , or others can call to mind , were two manuscripts , concerning the vvaldenses , which he much valued , and which he had obtained toward the continuing of his ecclesiarum christianarum successione : as also another manuscript , catalogue of the persian kings , communicated by elikmannus ; and one volume of manuscripts , variae lectiones , of the new testament : and of printed books , only tully's works , and some others of less concernment . whilst the lord primate was at st. donates , till he could get his own books and papers again , he spent his time chiefly in looking over the books and manuscripts in the library in that castle , and which had been collected by sir edward stradling , a great antiquary , and friend of mr. cambden's , and out of some of these manuscripts the l. primate made many choice collections of the british , or welch antiquity , which i have now in my custody . within a little more than a month after my lord primate's coming hither he was taken with a sharp and dangerous illness , which began at first with the strangury and suppression of urine , with extremity of torture , which at last caused a violent bleeding at the nose , for near forty hours together , without any considerable intermission , no means applied could stop it , so that the physicians , and all about him dispaired of his life , till at last ( when we apprehended he was expiring , it stanched of it self ) for he lay a good while in a trance ; but god had some farther work for him to perform , and was pleased by degrees to restore him to his former health , and strength ; but it is worth the remembering , that whilst he was in the midst of his pain , as also his bleeding , he was still patient , praising god , and resigning up himself to his will , and giving all those about him , or that came to visit him , excellent heavenly advice to a holy life , and due preparation for death , e're its agonies seized them , saying , it is a dangerous thing to leave all undone , till our last sickness ; i fear a death-bed repentance will avail us little , if we have lived vainly , and viciously , and neglected our conversion , till we can sin no longer : thus he exhorted us all to fear god , and love and obey the lord jesus christ , and to live a holy life : and then ( said he ) you will find the comfort of it at your death : and your change will be happy . while he was thus bleeding , there came to visit him one of the then house of commons , that was related by marriage to that family : to whom he said , sir , you see i am very weak , and cannot expect to live many hours , you are returning to the parliament , i am going to god ; my blood and life is almost spent : i charge you to tell them from me , that i know they are in the wrong , and have dealt very injuriously with the king , and i am not mistaken in this matter . after this , the room being cleared of company , and only my self left with him , he spake somewhat to me about his own private concerns , giving orders how he would have his books and papers disposed of here , and elsewhere ; and that those books which he had borrowed , should be restored ; and that if any friend would undertake to finish his annals , he should have the use of his papers , and collections ; he thought dr. langbaine the fittest man for that purpose , as being very well vers'd in those studies , and so most able , ( if willing ) to undertake it : after some other discourse , i then made bold to ask him , if he had advised the king to pass the bill against the earl of strafford ( as it had been reported . ) to which he replyed , i know there is such a thing most wrongfully laid to my charge , for i neither gave , nor approved of any such advice , as that the king should assent to the bill against the earl , but on the contrary , told his majesty , that if he was satisfied by what he had heard at his tryal , that the earl was not guilty of treason , his majesty ought not in conscience to consent to his condemnation : and this the king knows well enough , and can clear me if he pleases . nor was my lord primate mistaken in this ; for when not long after it was told his majesty at oxford that the arch-bishop of armagh was dead , he spake to colonel william leggt , and mr. kirk , then of the bed-chamber , ( as they were since to his late majesty ) to this effect , viz. that he was very sorry for his death , together with high expressions of his piety , and merits : but one there present replyed , that he believed he might be so , were it not for his perswading your majesty to consent to the earl of strafford 's execution : to which the king in a great passion , returned , that it was false ; for , said the king , after the bill was past , the arch-bishop came to me , saying , ( with tears in his eyes ) oh sir , what have you done i fear that this act may prove a great trouble to your conscience ; and pray god that your majesty may never suffer by the signing of this bill , or words to that effect . this is the substance of two certificates , taken at divers times under the hands of these two gentlemen of unquestionable credit ; both which , since they agree in substance , i thought fit to contract into one testimony , which i have inferted here , having the originals by me , to produce if occasion be . and now , i hope , after what hath been said to justifie my lord primate of this calumny , that no honest or charitable person can believe it ; but as for those who are so ill natur'd , and censorious , as to think , and speak ill of all men that do not fully comply with their notions , and opinions , it is no great matter what they either believe , or report . whilst the lord primate was in wales , there was published at london , under his name , by mr. downame , a book intitled , a body of divinity , or the sum and substance of the christian religion , which being formerly lent by the lord primate , and transcribed by some who had borrowed it , but was not intended by him to be published , being only some collections of his , out of several modern authors , for his own private use , when he was a young man : and though he did , at the importunity of some friends , communicate it to them , yet it was not with a design to have it printed ; but the treatise at the end of this book , intitled , immanuel , or the incarnation of the son of god , , is wholly my lord primate's , and is an excellent discourse , being the substance of divers sermons he had formerly preacht upon that subject . there came out likewise , not long after , under his name , a catechism , intitled , the principles of christian religion , and was an epitome of the former , and which he had extracted for his own private family , without any intention to be made publick ; but seeing , contrary to his mind , it had by many impressions been divulged , and that in a very faulty manner , he was resolved at last to review it , as well for his own vindication , as the common good ; and so much he thought fit to tell the reader in his preface to the edition which himself published in the year . after the lord primate had fully recovered his strength at st. year donates , and been most kindly entertained , and tenderly used during his great weakness , by the lady of that place , he began now to consider where next to remove , but the king's affairs growing every day more desperate , and oxford like speedily to be taken ; there was no returning thither ; nor yet had he a mind to trust himself at london , the faction there being very much exasperated against him , therefore he began to reassume his former thoughts of passing beyond the seas , and upon this endeavoured to get a vessel for his transportation ( having before obtained a pass from the earl of warwick , then admiral , for that purpose , ) but when we had now procured him a vessel , and that we were preparing to go to it , there came into the road , before caerdiffe , a squadron of ships , under the command of one molton , vice-admiral for the parliament : whereupon my lord primate sent me to him ( being then on shoar at caerdiffe ) to know if he would suffer him to go by him ; and i shewed him the pass aboye mentioned , to which molton returned a rude , and threatening answer , absolutely refusing it , and saying , if he could get him into his hands , he would carry him prisoner to the parliament ; and threatned likewise to send me also to his ship : by which you may see how highly inraged those of that faction were at this good bishop , for adhereing to the king. he being thus disappointed in this design , attempted it no farther : and not long after came to him a most kind invitation from that noble lady , the countess dowager of peterborough , to come and make his abode with her , and she would engage that he should not be molested , but have all accomodations suitable to his condition , and the great affection and esteem she had for him , as a return for those benefits she had formerly received from him , in converting her lord , and securing her self from popery , as has been already related : so , after some consideration , he thought fit to accept this kind proffer ; and after having obtained passes for his journey , he left st. donates , after almost a years residence there . but it must not be here forgotten , that before he left wales , the great expences of his sickness , and removals in the year past , had much reduced him , as to his purse , nor knew he where to get it supplyed ; when it pleased god to put it into the hearts of divers worthy persons of that countrey , to consider that the lord primate had not only suffered much by the rudeness of the rabble , ( as hath been already related ) but also by a long , and expensive sickness : so they sent him , unknown to each other , divers considerable sums ; so that he had in a few weeks enough to supply all his present occasions , and also to defray the expences of his journey into england . this the good bishop accounted a special providence , and was very thankful for it : and i thought good to take notice of it , that it may serve as a memorial of the high generosity and charity of the gentry of this countrey at that time . so that considering all those fore-mentioned occurrences , the lord primate might very well say with st. paul , in journeyings often , in perils of waters , in perils of robbers , in perils among false brethren , in weariness , and painfulness , in afflictions , necessities , in tumults , in evil , and good report : yet in all these tryals he could still say , though chastned , yet not killed , as sorrowful , yet rejoicing , though poor , yet making many rich , &c. so that in all these dispensations he fainted not , his faith and patience were still victorious . so the lord primate arrived safe at the countess of peterborough's house in london , in june following , where he was most kindly received by her ; and from this time he commonly resided with her , at some or other of her houses till his death ; where now he met with a fresh disturbance , there was an order of parliament , that whosever should come from any of the king's garrisons to london , must signifie their names to the committee at goldsmiths-hall , and there give notice of their being in town , and where they lodged ; accordingly , june th . he sent me to goldsmiths-hall , to acquaint them , that the arch-bishop of armagh was in town , and at the countess of peterborough's house ; but they refused to take notice of his being in town , without his personal appearance ; so upon a summons from the committee of examinations at westminster , he appeared before them ( being advised by his friends so to do , ) they strictly examined him , where he had been ever since his departure from london , and whether he had any leave for his going from london to oxford ; he answered , he had a pass from a committee of both houses ; they demanded farther , whether sir charles coote , or any other , ever desired him to use his power with the king , for a toleration of religion in ireland he answered , that neither sir charles coote , nor any other , ever moved any such thing to him , but that as soon as he heard of the irish agent 's coming to oxford , he went to the king , and beseeched his majesty not to do any thing with the irish , in point of religion , without his knowledge ; which his majesty promised he would not ; and when the point of toleration came to be debated at the council-board , the king , with all the lords there , absolutely denyed it ; and he professed for his part , that he was ever against it , as a thing dangerous to the protestant religion : having answered these queries , the chair-man of the committee offered him the negative oath , ( which had been made on purpose for all those that had adhered to the king , or came from any of his garrisons ) but he desired time to consider of that , and so was dismissed , and appeared no more ; for mr. selden , and others of his friends in the house , made use of their interest to put a stop to that trouble : not long after this , he retired with the countess of peterborough to her house at rygate in surrey , where he often preached either in her chappel , or in the parish church of that place , and always whilst he continued here , there frequently resorted to him many of the best of the gentry , and clergy thereabouts , as well to enjoy his excellent conversation , as for his opinion and advice in matters of religion . about the beginning of this year , he was chosen by the honourable society of lincolns-inn , to be their preacher , which , after year some solicitations , he accepted , and the treasurer , and benchers of that house ( whereof his good friend mr. hales , since l. chief justice , was one ) ordered him handsome lodgings , ready furnished , as also divers rooms for his library , which was about this time brought up from chesten , ( being almost all the remains of his worldly substance , that had escaped the fury of the rebels . ) here he was most kindly received , and treated with all respect and honour , constantly preaching all the term time , for almost eight years , till at last his eye-sight , and teeth , beginning to fail him , so that he could not be well heard in so large a congregation , he was forced , about a year and half before his death , to quit that place , to the great trouble of that honourable society . about this time he published his diatriba de romanae ecclesiae symbolo apostolico vetere , & aliis fidei formulis , wherein he gives a learned account of that which is commonly called , the apostles creed , and shews the various copies which were used in the roman church ; with other forms of confessions of faith , that were wont to be proposed to the catechumeni , and younger sort of people , in the eastern , and western churches ; together with several other monuments of antiquity relating to the same . this he dedicated to his learned friend ger. vossius . about the beginning of this year he published his learned dissertation , year concerning the solar year , anciently used among the macedonians , syrians , and inhabitants of asia , ( properly so called ) in which he explains many great difficulties in chronology , and ecclesiastical history ; and has particularly fixed the time of the martyrdom of st. polycarp : he hath also here compared the grecian , and macedonian months , with the julian , and with those also of other nations , and having laid down the method , and entire disposition of the macedonian , and asiatick year , he thought fit to add certain rules whereby to find out the cycles of the sun , and moon , and easter for ever ; with several curious accounts of the celestial motions , according to the ancient greek astronomers , meton , calippus , eudoxus , and others ; together with an ephemeris at the end of it , being an entire greek and roman kalendar for the whole year , with the rising and setting of the stars in that climate : in this small treatise my lord primate has shewed himself admirably well skill'd in astronomical , as well as chronological learning . about this time , whilst his late majesty was kept prisoner at year carisbrook castle in the isle of wight , the lord primate was highly concerned at the disloyal actions of the two houses , towards their lawful prince ; to express which , he preached at lincolns-inn , on this text , isa. . , . say ye not a confederacy to all them , to whom this people shall say a confederacy , neither fear you their fear , nor be afraid : sanctifie the lord of hosts himself , and let him be your fear , and let him be your dread : wherein he sufficiently expressed his dislike of those covenants , and consederacies , which they had now entred into , contrary to that oath they had taken already , and that we should not fear man more than god , when we were to do our duty to our prince , or country : not long after which , the presbyterians finding the independant party too strong for them , had no way left to secure themselves , but by recalling their votes of non-addresses , and to vote a treaty with his majesty in the isle of wight : and because the differences concerning church-government were not the least of those that were to be setled , and concluded at this treaty , and for which it was necessary for his majesty to consult with some of his bishops , and divines , the lord primate was sent for by the king , among divers others , to attend him , for that purpose ; when he came thither , he found one of the greatest points then in debate , was about the government of the church : the parliament commissioners insisting peremptorily for the abolishing , and taking away arch-bishops , bishops , &c. out of the churches of england , and ireland . his majesty thought he could not with a good conscience consent to that demand , ( viz. ) totally to abolish , or take away episcopal government : but his majesty then declared , that he no otherwise aimed at the keeping up the present hierarchy in the church , than what was most agreeable to the episcopal government in the primitive and purest times : but his majesty ( since the parliament insisted so obstinately on it ) was at last forced to consent to the * suspension of episcopacy for three years ; but would by no means agree to take away bishops absolutely . but now to stop the present career of the presbyterian discipline , the lord primate proposed an expedient , which he called episcopal and presbyterial government conjoyned , and which he , not long after he came thither , delivered into his majesty's hands , who having perused it , liked it well , saying , it was the only expedient to reconcile the present differences ; for his majesty , in his last message to the parliament , had before condescended to the reducing of episcopal government , into a much narrower compass , viz. not only to the apostolical institution ; but much farther than the lord primate proposed or desired , even to the taking away of arch-bishops , deans , chapters , &c. together with all that additional power and jurisdiction which his majesty's predecessors had bestowed upon that function : which message being read in the house , was by them , notwithstanding , voted unsatisfactory : so that the presbyterian party was so absolutely bent to abolish the very order of bishops , that no proposals of his majesty's , though never so moderate , would content them ; till at last ( when they had wrangled so long , till they saw the king's person seized by the army , and that the power was like to be taken out of their hands ) they then grew wiser , and would have agreed to his proposals , when it was too late ; and so the presbyterian party saw themselves , within a few days after , forcibly excluded , and turned out of doors , by that very army which they themselves had raised , and hired to fight against their prince ; which , as it was the cause of his majesty's destruction , so it proved their own ruine . but since some of the church of england have been pleased to judge very hardly of this proposal made by the arch-bishop , as if it too much debased the episcopal order , and levelled it with that of presbyters . to vindicate the lord primate from which imputation , i desire them to consider these particulars ; first , the time when this expedient was proposed , viz. when his majesty had already consented to the suspension of episcopal government for three years absolutely , as also for setling presbytery in the room of it for that time , and for quite taking away arch-bishops , deans and chapters , &c. ( as hath been already said , ) whereas the lord primate's expedient proposes none of these , but supposes the arch-bishops , or primates ought to be continued , appointing them to be the moderators of the provincial synods of suffragans , and pastors : and though it is true , he mentions bishops , as to be only presidents of the diocesan synod , yet he no where denies them a negative voice in that assembly ; and though he mentions at the beginning of this expedient , that the bishops were wont in the primitive times to do nothing of moment , without the advice of a synod of their clergy , ( as he proves from divers quotations out of the fathers , and ancient councils ; ) yet he does not assert this practice , as a thing of divine , or unalterable right , but only as the custom , and practice of the church in those times , which being only prudential , may be altered one way , or other , according as the peace and order of the church , or the exigency of affairs may require ; and though in sect. . of this expedient , he proposes the making of as many suffragans in each diocess , as there are rural deanries in the same , and who should assemble a synod of all the rectors , or ministers of their precinct ; yet their power was only to be according to the statute of the th . of henry the eighth , whereby they are expresly forbid to act in any matters , but by the authority of , and in subordination to their diocesan bishop ; nor does the lord primate here extend their power farther , than to be moderators of this lesser synod , where matters of discipline , and excommunication only were to be determined , still reserving the power of ordination to the diocesan , this being no where given from him in this expedient ; neither was this power of excommunication left absolutely to this lesser synod , without an appeal to the diocesan synod of the suffragans , and the rest of the pastors wherein the bishop was to preside : only i shall say thus much , that it was not the lord primate's design , or intention , in the least , to rob the bishops of any of those just rights , which are essentially necessary to their order , and constitution , and without abasing episcopacy into presbytery , or stripping the church of its lands , and revenues , ( both which the lord primate always abhorred ) for he was of his majesty's mind in his excellent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that presbytery is never so considerable , or effectual , as when it is joyned to , and crowned with episcopacy . and that the king himself was then convinced , that this was the best expedient for the setling of the differences of the church at that time . you may likewise see by what he writes in the same chap. in these words , viz. not that i am against the managing of this presidency , and authority in one man , by the joynt counsel and consent of many presbyters : i have offered to restore that , as a fit means to avoid those errors , corruptions , and partialities , which are incident to any one man. and so likewise in the chapter about the reformation of the times , he has this passage , i was willing to grant , or restore to presbytery , what with reason , or discretion it can pretend to , in a conjuncture with episcopacy ; but for that wholly to invade the power , and by the sword to arrogate , and quite abrogate the authority of that ancient order , i think neither just , as to episcopacy , nor safe for presbytery ; nor yet any way convenient for this church , or state. and that the most pious and learned dr. hammond , was about the same time of the lord primate's judgment in this matter , may appear by this passage in the preface to his treatise of the power of the keys : that a moderate episcopacy , with a standing assistant presbytery , as it will certainly satisfie the desires of those whose pretentions are regular , and moderate , ( craving nothing more , and in some things less than the laws of the land , ) so that it will appear to be that , which all parties can best tolerate ; and which , next himself , both presbyterian , independant , and erastian , will make no question to choose and prefer before any of the other pretenders . and though it may be true , that divers of the more sober of the presbyterian party , have seemed to have approved of these terms of reconciliation , yet it has been only since the ill success their discipline hath met with , both in england and scotland , that has made them more moderate in their demands ; for it is very well known , that when these terms were first proposed , the ring-leaders of the party utterly cryed them down , as a great enemy to presbytery : since this expedient would have yet left episcopacy in a better condition than it is at this day in any of the lutheran churches ; but they were not then , for divisum imperium would have all , or nothing ; and they had their desires : so that it is no wonder if the lord primate in this endeavour of reconciliation met with the common fate of arbitrators , to please neither party : but thô the church is now restored ( beyond our expectation , as well as merits , ) to all its just rights , and priviledges , without the least diminution : yet certainly no good subject , or son of the church , either of the clergy , or laity , at that time when this expedient was proposed , but would have been very well contented to have yielded farther than this , to have preserved his late majesty's life , and to have prevented those schisms , and confusions , which for so many years harrassed these poor nations , but if our king , and church are both now restored , it is what then no man could fore-see , it is the lord 's doing , and is marvellous in our eyes , but i have dwelt so long upon this subject , that i forgot to relate a passage , though not of so great moment as the affair we last mentioned , yet as it happened in order of time before it , so was it too considerable to be passed over , viz. the sermon which the lord primate now preached before the king at newport in the isle of wight , presently after his coming thither , on the th . of novemb. ( being his majesty's birth-day : ) which because it then was the occasion of a great deal of discourse , i shall give you the heads of it , being there present at that sermon ; which afterward was published ( though very imperfectly ) by some that took notes ; the text was gen. . . ruben thou art my first-born , my might , and the beginning of my strength ; the excellency of dignity , and the excellency of power : these remarkable passages he had in this sermon , among others , in explication , viz. the regal power which comes by descent , is described by a double excellency ; the excellency of dignity , and the excellency of power : by dignity we understand all outward glory ; by power , all dominion : and these are the two branches of majesty . the greeks express it in the abstract : and so in respect of dignity , the supreme magistrate is called glory ; and in respect of sovereignty , he is called lord : both these are joyned in the epistle of jude , ver . . there are a wicked sort there described , that despise dominion , and speak evil of dignities ; and make no conscience to blaspheme the footsteps of the lord 's anointed : and what is their censure , ver . . to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever . we used to say , that those that have god's tokens upon them , are past hopes of life ; here you may plainly see god's tokens upon these men , they are reserved to everlasting damnation . after he had shewen in many instances of the outward splendor and pomp , which peculiarly belong to majesty , and are lawful , and requisite to maintain the dignity of a prince , &c. then he proceeded to shew the eminency of power belonging thereunto ; for a king to have great state , and to have no power , he were then but a poor , weak king : there is a subordination of power in all governments , which because it cannot go in infinitum , it must needs rest some where , and that is in the king , let every soul be subject to the higher power , whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god. and the apostle pet. . . to the king as supreme . if any professors of religion do rebel against the king , this is a scandal to religion ; and 't is the fault of the professors , and not of the profession , for the church of england doth teach the contrary : but when men shall not only practise , but teach rebellion , this amounts to a very high crime indeed : the king ( as st. peter saith ) hath the excellency of power , as sent by god. but what need i say any more , we all swear that the king is the only supreme governor in his dominions . a man would think , that that word only , might be spared , since nothing can be above a supreme , but it is put there by way of eminency . i read in josephus , that herod having offended cleopatra , she besought antony to call him to account for it : but antony refused so to do , for then said he , he will be no king. and after he had enlarged somewhat on these points , he added this : in the word of a king there is power , saith the preacher : it was wont to be so ; and by the word of god it ought to be so . i might enlarge upon this , but some ears will not endure sound doctrine . the king , you see , must be acknowledged to be supreme , and no superior to the king on earth : far be it from me to flatter any man , i thank god i fear no flesh , but do deliver the truth . this day is the birth-day of our sovereign lord. birth-days of kings have been usually celebrated with great solemnity in former times ; it pleaseth god , that this day begins the th . year of his majesty's life , and let me call it the year of jubilee to his majesty . the jews had a custom , that in the th . year of any mans life , he should be at liberty , whatever his sufferings were before . it must be the desire and prayer of every loyal heart , that the king may have a jubilee indeed : this is that which loyalty bids us do . i will not stand too much upon this particular ; but this i will say , oh! that we knew our happiness , to have a king that is the son of nobles ; a king that is not a child ; a king that is at full age to govern by wisdom , and prudence : and truly as god gives us this blessing , so he expects we should acknowledge it thankfully , eccles. . . wo be to thee o land , ( saith the preacher ) when the king is a child ! to have him , when his experience hath riveted in him sound judgment , and ability to govern. the lord threatned jerusalem , in isa. . . i will give children to be their princes , and babes shall rule over them . those that would have their own wills , could ( i warrant you ) be content that the youngest should reign . to have a base man exalted , is one of the things that the earth cannot bear : but some body must have the government , it doth not belong to all , you see here is one that alone hath a right to it . after which , he concluded to this effect , that all true christians are the first-born of god , heb. . the congregation of the first-born ; they are all heirs of heaven ; in the same relation that christ is by nature , we are by grace , and adoption , &c. this sermon , together with the arch-bishop's steady carriage in the point of episcopacy , did so much enrage both the presbyterian , and independant factions , that in their news books , and pamphlets at london , they reproach'd the lord primate for flattering the king , as also for his perswading him not to abolish bishops ; and that he had very much prejudiced the treaty ; and that none among all the king's chaplains had been so mischievous ( meaning to them ) as he ; which reproaches , whether the lord primate did deserve , or not , i leave to the candid readers , both of the said sermon , and reconciliation above mentioned , to judge ; i am sure his majesty's affairs were in as ill a condition to tempt any man to flatter him , as the temper of his soul was then to suffer it : but the truth is , the lord primate did no more than assert his majesty's just rights and prerogative , then trampled upon ; and it was no more than what he had both preached and written before in that treatise , since published , of the power of the prince , and obedience of the subject . after the lord primate had taken his last leave of his majesty , and done him and the church all the service he was able at that time ( though not with that success he desired ) he returned to southampton , in order to his going towards london , where he was kindly received by the chief of the town , and withal intreated to preach there the next day , ( being sunday ) but when he thought of complying with their desires , the governor of the garrison hearing of it , came to my lord primate , and told him , he had been informed , he intended to preach on the morrow ; to which ; when my lord answered yes , 't was true ; he replyed , that it might be at that time of ill consequence to the place , and therefore wished him to forbear , for they could not permit it ; and so they suffered him not to preach there ; for they were afraid of his plain dealing , and that he would have declared against that villainy , they were then about to execute : for not long after my lord's return to london , his majesty was brought up thither as a prisonerby the army , in order to that wicked piece of pageantry , which they called his tryal : and now too soon after came that fatal thirtieth of january , ( never to be mentioned , or thought on by all good men , without grief and detestation ) on which was perpetrated the most execrable villainy ( under the pretence of justice ) that ever was acted since the world began , a king murthered by his own subjects , before his own palace , in the face of the sun : for which the lord primate was so deeply sensible , and afflicted , that he kept that day as a private fast so long as he lived ; and would always be wail the scandal and reproach it cast , not only on our own nation , but religion it self ; saying , that thereby a great advantage was given to popery , and that from thence forward the priests would with greater success advance their designs against the church of england , and protestant religion in general . nor will it be impertinent here to relate a passage that happened to the lord primate , at the time of his majesty's murther : the lady . peterborough's house ( where my lord then lived ) being just over against charing-cross , divers of the countesse's gentlemen , and servants , got upon the leads of the house , from whence they could see plainly what was acting before white-hall : as soon as his majesty came upon the scaffold , some of the house-hold came , and told my lord primate of it , and askt him if he would see the king once more before he was put to death : my lord was at first unwilling , but was at last perswaded to go up ; as well out of his desire to see his majesty once again ; as also curiosity , since he could scarce believe what they told him , unless he saw it : when he came upon the leads , the king was in his speech ; the lord primate stood still , and said nothing , but sighed ; and lifting up his hands and eyes ( full of tears ) towards heaven , seemed to pray earnestly ; but when his majesty had done speaking , and had pulled off his cloak and doublet , and stood stripped in his wastcoat , and that the villains in vizards began to put up his hair , the good bishop no longer able to endure so dismal a sight , and being full of grief , and horror for that most wicked fact now ready to be executed , grew pale , and began to faint ; so that if he had not been observed by his own servant , and some others that stood near him ( who thereupon supported him ) he had swounded away . so they presently carried him down , and laid him on his bed , where he used those powerful weapons which god has left his people in such afflictions , viz. prayers , and tears ; tears , that so horrid a sin should be committed , and prayers , that god would give his prince patience , and constancy to undergo these cruel sufferings ; and that he likewise would not ( for the vindication of his own honour and providence ) permit so great a wickedness to pass unpublished . this i received from my lord primate's * grandson , who heard it from the mouth of his servant , who lived with him till his death . after this sad tragedy , the government ( if it may be so called ) was managed by a corrupt oligarchy , until oliver cromwell turned them out , and set himself up for protector , by the help of his army , and creatures , though with equal tyranny , and arbitrariness as the former ; during most of which sad times the lord primate kept close to his study , and charge at lincolns-inn , utterly disowning those usurpers , and their wicked actions , and still comforting the loyal party ( then sufferers ) that this usurpation would quickly expire , and that the king ( whose right it was ) would return unto his throne , though he himself should not live to see it ; and thus much he declared , not long before his death , to his said grand-son , and my self ( among others , ) saying , that this usurpation of cromwell's , was but like that of some of the grecian tyrants , which , as it began by an army , so it commonly ended with the death of the usurper . about the middle of this year he finished the first part of his year great and long expected work of the annals of the old testament , from the beginning of the world to anno mundi . as far as to the reign of antiochus epiphanes , in which he has very exactly fixed the three great epocha's of the deluge , the going of the children of israel out of egypt , and the return of the jews from their captivity in the first year of cyrus ; which is the only certain epocha , or rule of conjoyning the sacred with prophane chronology . in this volume he gives a most exact account of the reigns of the kings of israel , and judah , with their synchronisms : as also the succession of the babylonish , persian , and macedonian monarchs ; with the concurrent olympiads , and aera of nabonussar , and the most remarkable eclypses of the sun ; as they might any way serve to regulate the account of time , which he has collected out of all authors , both sacred , and prophane , with singular industry , learning and judgment . about this time the lord primate had finished , and published year the second part of his annals ; beginning with antiochus epiphanes , and continued to the destruction of jerusalem , by titus vespasian : in which volume he has given an exact account of the macedonian empire , under the asiatick , and egyptian kings , reducing their reigns to a more certain calculation , than ever had been done before , and restoring several of them to their due places , and times , which had been omitted by other writers of chronological history : as also an account of the affairs of the roman empire , especially those relating to the oriental parts thereof ; together with a history of the new testament , from the birth of st. john the baptist , to anno christi . out of the holy scriptures , as also from the best greek and roman authors that have written of those times . so that these two volumes may well be accounted of as the most useful , as well as the learned'st works he ever wrote , and are a repository , or common-place of all ancient history . i cannot now omit to take notice , that oliver cromwell , to make the world believe that he did not persecute men for religion , had for some time before this shewed favour to some of the orthodox clergy ; as particularly to dr. brownrig , bishop of exeter , whom he had sent for , and treated with great outward respect ; and as for dr. bernard , who had been the lord primate's chaplain in ireland , and was after dean of kilmore , cromwell having saved his life at the taking of droghedah , had made him his almoner here : so that it is the less wonder if he also sent for the lord primate to come to him ; who was at first unwilling to go , but upon d . thoughts , considering that his refusal would but exasperate him the more , against himself , and the rest of the clergy of the king's party , and that perhaps he might thereby prevail with him to do some good , or at least hinder him from acting some greater evil , he went accordingly , and was received by cromwell with great outward kindness , and civility ; what the conversation was in particular , i cannot tell , but as i have heard , it was chiefly about advancing the protestant interest , as well at home as abroad , ( to which cromwell made great pretences , ) but be it as it will , you may be sure he was too great an enthusiast to take my lord primate's advice ; and so after a great deal of canting discourse , he civily dismist him : but whether now , or at any other time , oliver cromwell bestowed any gratuity , or pension upon him , i know not ; nor do at all believe , notwithstanding a late † english writer of his life , ( i know not upon what grounds ) has made bold to say so : only this much i remember , my lord primate said , that oliver cromwell had promised to make him a lease of some part of the lands belonging to the arch-bishoprick of armagh for years , which my lord primate thought it no harm to accept , considering it was but his own , and which he had been deprived of above half that time , especially in consideration of his daughter , and many grand-children , for whom he had as yet been able to do nothing : and if the church did happen to be restored before that time , it could lose nothing by this grant ; and if not , he thought his children might as well deserve to reap the benefit of it , as others ; but though dr. bernard in his epistle to the reader , before the life of the lord primate , was made by cromwell's secretary , ( who then had the copy in his power ) to publish , as if this grant had been really past ; yet the usurper was craftier then so ; and as he delayed the passing of it as long as the lord primate lived ; so after his death he made a pretence , by imputing malignancy ( which was indeed loyalty ) to the lord primate's son-in-law , and daughter , to free himself from that promise . this year , about the beginning of winter , the most learned mr. selden happening to dye , the lord primate was desired by mr. vaughan , and mr. hales , and the rest of his executors , to preach his funeral sermon ; which ( though he had now left off preaching in great congregations ) yet he now granted , as well out of respect to those two above mentioned , as also to the deceased , between whom , and himself there had been so long an acquaintance , so he preached at the temple-church ( where he was buried ) giving him all the elogies which so great and learned a man could deserve , though to the lessening of himself , having this passage ( among others ) in his sermon , that he looked upon the person deceased as so great a scholar , that himself was scarce worthy to carry his books after him . cromwell being now highly enraged against the loyal party , year for their indefatigable ( though unsuccessful endeavours ) for his majesty's restauration to his throne , after he had shewed himself very implacable and severe to the cavalier gentry , ( as they then called them ) began now to discharge part of his rage upon the orthodox clergy , forbidding them , under great penalties , to teach schools , or to perform any part of their ministerial function : whereupon some of the most considerable episcopal clergy , in , and about london , desired my lord primate , that he would use his interest with cromwell , ( since they heard he pretended a great respect for him ) that as he granted liberty of conscience , to almost all sorts of religions , so the episcopal divines might have the same freedom of serving god in their private congregations , ( since they were not permitted the publick churches ) according to the liturgy of the church of england ; and that neither the ministers , nor those that frequented that service , might be any more hindered , or disturbed by his souldiers . so according to their desires , he went , and used his utmost endeavours with cromwell , for the taking off this restraint , which was at last promised , ( though with some difficulty ) that they should not be molested , provided they medled not with any matters relating to his government : but when the lord primate went to him a second time , to get this promise ratified , and put into writing , he found him under his chyrurgeons hands , who was dressing a great boyl , which he had on his breast ; so cromwell prayed the lord primate to sit down a little , and that when he was dressed he would speak with him ; whilst this was a doing , cromwell said to my lord primate , if this core ( pointing to the boyl ) were once out , i should quickly be well ; to whom the good bishop replyed , i doubt the core lies deeper ; there is a core at the heart that must be taken out , or else it will not be well ; ah! replyed he , ( seeming unconcerned ) so there is indeed , and sighed . but when the lord primate began to speak to him concerning the business he came about , he answered him to this effect , that he had since better considered it , having advised with his council about it , and that they thought it not safe for him to grant liberty of conscience to those sort of men , who are restless , and implacable enemies to him , and his government ; and so he took his leave of him , though with good words , and outward civility : the lord primate seeing it was in vain to urge it any farther , said little more to him , but returned to his lodgings very much troubled , and concerned that his endeavours had met with no better success ; when he was in his chamber , he said to some of his relations , and my self , that came to see him , this false man hath broken his word with me , and refuses to perform what he promised ; well , he will have little cause to glory in his wickedness , for he will not continue long ; the king will return ; though i shall not live to see it , you may : the government both in church and state is in confusion , the papists are advancing their projects , and making such advantages as will hardly be prevented . not long after this viz. about the midle of february following , he went from london to rygate , taking his last leave of his friends and relations , who never had the happiness to see him again : as soon as he came thither , he set himself to finish his chronologia sacra , which took up most of that little time he after lived ; he was now very aged , and though both his body and mind were healthy , and vigorous for a man of his years ; yet his eye-sight was extremely decayed by his constant studying , so that he could scarce see to write , but at a window , and that in the sun-shine , which he constantly followed in clear days , from one window to another ; so that had he lived , he intended to have made use of an ammanuensis : he had now frequent thoughts of his dissolution ; and as he was wont every year to note in his almanack , over against the day of his birth , the year of his age , so i find this year . this note written with his own hand : now aged years , my days are full ; and presently after in capital letters , resignation : from which we may gather , that he now thought the days of his pilgrimage to be fulfilled , and that he now wholly resigned up himself to god's will , and pleasure . not long before his death , going to rygate , i preached a sermon there , where this good bishop was present , after church , he was pleased to confer with me in private ( as 't was usual with him so to do ) and he spake to this effect ; i thank you for your sermon , i am going out of this world , and i now desire , according to you text , to seek those things which are above , where christ sitteth at the right hand of god , and to be with him in heaven ; of which ( said he ) we ought not to doubt , if we can evidence to our selves our conversion , true faith , and charity , and live in the exercise of those christian graces , and vertues , with perseverance ; mortifying daily our inbred corruptions , renouncing all ungodliness , and worldly lusts ; and he that is arrived at this habitual frame , and holy course of life , is the blessed , and happy man , and may rejoyce in hope of a glorious eternity in the kingdom of heaven , to receive that inheritance given by god , to those that are sanctified . so that all his discourse was of heavenly things , as if his better part had been there already , freed from the body , and all terrene affections ; and he seemed as if he were seriously considering his spiritual state , and making ready for his departure , which he now shortly expected . but since it had been usual with him to insist on things of this nature , when we were together , and that he was at this time in health , i did not believe that his change was so near , as he presaged ; yet he himself had other thoughts , and it proved he was not mistaken ; for on the th . of march , ( the day he fell sick ) after he had been most part of it , as long as he had light at his study , he went from thence to visit a gentlewoman then sick in the house , giving her most excellent preparatives for death , together with other holy advice , for almost an hour , and that in such a heavenly manner , as if , like moses upon mount pisgah , he had then a prospect of the celestial canaan ; that night , after supper , he first complained of his hip , judging it to be a touch of the sciatica , which he had many years agone ; next morning early he complained of a great pain in his side ; a physician being sent for , prescribed what he thought convenient in that case , but it could not thereby be removed , but rather encreased more and more upon him , which he bore with great patience for or hours , but his strength , and spirits decaying , he wholly applied himself to prayer , and therein had the assistance of the countesse's chaplain ; upon some abatement of the torture , he advised those about him to provide for death , in the time of health , that then they might have nothing else to do but to dye : then taking his leave of the countess of peterborough , by whom he had been so long , and kindly entertained , and giving her many thanks for all her kindness to him , with excellent spiritual counsel , as a return for all her favours : then he desired to be left to his own private devotions : after which , the last words he was heard to utter , ( about one of the clock in the afternoon ) praying for forgiveness of sins , were these , viz. o lord forgive me , especially my sins of omission : so presently after this , ( in sure hopes of a glorious immortality ) he fell asleep , to the great grief , and affliction of the said countess , who could never sufficiently lament her own , and the churches great loss , by his too sudden departure out of this life . thus dyed this humble , and holy man , praying for his sins of omission , who was never known to omit his duty , or scarce to have let any time slip , wherein he was not imployed in some good action , or other ; and if such a man thought he had so much to beg pardon for ; what an account must those have to make , who scarce bestow any of their time as they ought to do he had been when he died years a minister ( and almost all that time a constant preacher , ) near years a professor of divinity in the univesity of dublin , and several years vice-chancellor of the same , he sat bishop of meath near years , and one and thirty years arch-bishop of armagh , being from st. patrick , the bishop of that see. as soon as his relations received the sad news of his death , they gave orders for his interment at rygate , where he dyed , the honourable countess , with whom he had lived and dyed , intending to have him buried in her own vault , in order to which , his relations ( being then not near ) it was thought fit to preserve the corps by such means as are proper in that case ; so a chyrurgeon being sent for , the body was opened , and a great deal of coagulated blood found setled in his left side , which shewed that the physician had mistook his disease , not expecting a pleurisie in a man of above years of age. but now whilst they were preparing speedily to bury him , some or other put it into oliver cromwell's head , how much it would be for the lord primate's , as well as his own honour , to have him solemnly buried ; which he approving of , and thinking it a good way to make himself popular , because he well knew what great reputation the deceased had among all ranks and degrees of men : whereupon he presently caused an order to be drawn , and sent to the lord primate's son-in-law , and daughter , straitly forbidding them to bury his body any where else , than at westminster abby , for that his highness ( as he then called himself ) intended a publick funeral for him : this command his relations durst not disobey , ( as the times then were ) though it was much against their wills , perceiving well enough the usurper's design , that ( as it was intended , so ) it would make more for his own honour , than that of the deceased primate , and withal perceiving ( what accordingly happened ) that he would never defray half the expence of such a solemn funeral , which therefore would cause the greatest part of the charge to fall upon them ( though they were least able to bear it , ) and yet he would reap all the glory of it . i should not have said so much on this subject , had it not been to shew the world the intriguing subtilty of this usurper , even in this small affair ; and that for the expence of about l. out of the deodands in his amoner's hands , ( which was nothing at all to him ) he was able to put those he accounted his enemies , to treble that charge : however ( since it could not be avoided ) the corps was kept unburied , till the th . of april following , when it was removed from rygate towards london , being met , and attended by the coaches of most of the persons of quality then in town , the clergy in , and about london , waiting on the hearse from somerset house to the abby church , where the crowd was so great , that there was forced to be a guard , to prevent the rudeness of the people : the body being brought into the quire , dr. nicholas bernard , ( then preacher of grays-inn ) preached his sermon ; his discourse was on sam. . . and samuel died , and all israel were gathered together , and lamented him , and buried him : of which i shall say nothing more , since it is in print , and is but , for the most part , an account of his life , which we now give you more at large . the sermon ended , the corps was conveyed to the grave in st. erasmus chappel , and there buried by the said dr. according to the liturgy of the church of england , his grave being next to sir james fullerton's , once his school-master ; there waiting a glorious resurrection , with those that dye in the faith of our lord jesus : many tears were shed at his obsequies , the city and country being full of the singular piety , learning , and worth of the deceased primate ; which , though it fall not to every man's lot to equal , yet it is his duty to follow so good an example , as far as he is able , quamvis non passibus aequis . in the next place i shall give you a faithful account ( without flattery ) of his personal qualifications , opinions , and learning . as for his outward form , he was indifferent tall , and well shaped , and went always upright to the last ; his hair naturally brown , when young ; his complexion sanguine ; his countenance expressed gravity , and good nature ; his carriage free ; a presence that commanded both respect , and reverence ; and though many pictures have been made of him , the air of his face was so hard to hit , that i never saw but † one that was like him : he was of a strong and healthy constitution , so that he said , that for the most part of his life , he very rarely felt any pain in his head , or stomach ; in his youth he had been troubled with the sciatica , and some years after that , with a long quartan ague , besides the fit of the strangury and bleeding above mentioned , but he never had the gout , or stone : a little sleep served his turn ; and even in his last years , though he went to bed pretty late , yet in the summer he would rise by five , and in the winter by six of the clock in the morning ; his appetite was always suited to his dyet , he would feed heartily on plain , wholsom meat , without sauce , and better pleased with a few dishes , than with great varieties ; nor did he love to tast of what he was not used to eat : he liked not tedious meals , it was a weariness to him , to sit long at table ; but what ever he eat , or drank , was never offensive to his stomach , or brain , for he never exceeded at the greatest feast ; and i have heard some physicians impute the easieness of his digestion to something very particular , in the frame of his body , for when the chyrurgeon had opened him , he found a thick membrane lined with far , which ( as i suppose ) was but a continuation of the omentum , which extended it self quite over his stomach , and was fastened above to the peritonaeum , somewhat below the diaphragma , ; so that i have heard him say , he never felt his heart beat in the most exercise ; and the chyrurgeon said , that had it not belonged to the body of a person of his eminency , he would have taken it out , and preserved it , as a rarity which he had never found , or heard of in any other body besides , and therefore the quickness of his digestion considered , it was no wonder if he bred blood so fast as he did , so that he used to have frequent evacuations thereof , from the veins on one side of his tongue , but more usually in some lower parts of his body , to the stopage of which ( for some time before his death ) may very well be ascribed that distemper which was the cause of it . as for his natural temper , and disposition , he was of a free , and easie humour , not morose , proud , or imperious , but courteous and affable , and extremely obliging towards all he convers'd with ; and though he could be angry , and rebuke sharply when he ought , ( that is , when religion , or vertue were concerned , ) yet he was not easily provoked to passion , rarely for smaller matters , such as the neglects of servants , or worldly disappointments : he was of so sweet a nature , that i never heard he did an injury , or ill office to any man , or revenged any of those that had been done to him , but could readily forgive them , as our blessed lord and master enjoyns : nor envyed he any man's happiness , or vilified any man's person , or parts ; nor was he apt to censure , or condemn any man upon bare reports , but observed that rule of the son of syrach , blame not before thou hast examined the truth ; understand first , and then rebuke . his natural endowments were so various , and so great , as seldom are to be met with in one man , viz. a fertile invention , a tenacious memory , with a solid and well-weigh'd judgment ; whereby he was always , from a young man , presently furnished for any exercise he was put upon , which lay within the compass of those studies he had applied himself to ; so that in short , that character given of st. augustin , might be very well applied to him , viz. insignis erat sanctissimi praesulis mansuetudo , ac miranda animi lenitas , & quaedam invincibilis clementia : linguam habebat ab omni petulantia , & convitiis puram , ingenii felicitas prorsus erat incomparabilis , sive spectes ingenii acumen , vel obscurissima facile penetrans , sive capacis memoriae fidem , sive vim quandam mentis indefatigabilem , &c. but that which is above all , he was endowed with that wisdom from above , which is pure , peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated ; full of mercy , and good fruits , without partiality , and without hypocrisie . no man could charge him of pride , injustice , covetousness , or any other known vice ; he did nothing mis-becoming a prudent , or a good man ; and he was so beneficent to the poor , that when he was in prosperity ( besides the large alms with which he daily fed the attendants at his door ) he gave a great deal away in money , keeping many of the irish poor children at school , and allowing several stipends to necessitous scholars at the university , not to mention other objects which he still found out , on whom to bestow his charity : and after the irish rebellion , when he himself was in a manner bereft of all , it is incredible to think how liberal he was to poor ministers , or their widows , and others that had been undone by that wicked insurrection ; and i scarce ever knew he refused an alms to any person , whom he believed to be really in want , insomuch that i have heard this passage from his servant , who then waited on him , that once at london , ( when he was out of the way ) there was brought to my lord a poor irish woman , pretending great necessity , but he being either somewhat displeased to be called off from his study , ( upon which he was then very intent , ) or perhaps he might not have at that time much to spare , told her in short , he was not able to relieve all that came to him upon that account , if he did , he should soon have nothing left for himself ; which this poor woman was so far from taking ill , that she went away praying for him , which he immediately reflecting , was much concerned at , for fear he should have neglected his duty , when a fit object of charity was offered him ; wherefore he presently commanded some of my lady's servants , to run after her , and if possible , overtake her and bring her back , but they could not light of her : so when his servant returned home , he told him this accident with great concern , ordering him to go the next day to some places , where such people used to resort , to inquire out such a woman , ( whom he described , as exactly as he could , to him ) which orders his man obeyed , though without success : at which his lord was much troubled ; and could she have been found , no question but she would have been very well rewarded for her being sent away empty the day before by him . yet notwithstanding all these vertues , none was more humble , and free from vain glory , than this person , who was endowed with them ; so that what high esteem soever others might have of him , he never put any value on himself , but was little in his own thoughts , and would often bewail his own infirmities , and the want of those graces he thought he saw in others , and which he most earnestly desired : he was so great a lover of real piety , that he thought no other accomplishments worth speaking of , without it ; and he heartily loved , and respected all humble , devout christians , and would always say , they were god's jewels , highly to be valued , and with these ( though of the meanest condition ) he would gladly discourse , speaking kindly to them , causing them to sit down by him , and if they were bashful he would encourge them , to speak their minds freely in any words , that might best express their love to god , and the state of their souls ; and he was so skilful a physician in spiritual matters , that he could readily perceive every man's case , and necessities , and would apply suitable remedies thereunto ; if wavering , to settle them ; if doubting , to resolve them ; if sad , to comfort them ; if fallen into a fault , to restore them , administering means to prevent the like temptations ; nor did he neglect any opportunities by good advice , and admonitions , to reclaim those that were corrupted with errors , or vices : so that in all his discourses , as well publick , as private , he still endeavoured to bring religion into reputation , and to make sin , and a wicked course of life odious , shameful , and destructive to the souls and bodies of men : and he would press this point with such a concerned earnestness ; that one would have believed those to whom he then applied himself , must needs resolve not to love sin any longer : and on the other side , he would so magnifie the happiness , and excellencies of a vertuous and pious life , that one would have thought that none could withstand such powerful perswasions . and as this holy man was never better pleased than when he saw the grace of god manifested in any , so was he never grieved at any thing more , than at the great decay of sound religion , and christian piety , which too much prevailed in those days , together with the mighty encrease of both spiritual , and fleshly wickedness , as heresies , and schisms , and unchristian animosities ; with debauchery , and prophaneness , ( so contrary to the nature of true christianity , ) which had so over-run , and infected this nation , during those times of licentiousness , and confusion : for these things he would frequently express his grief , saying , these were the sad presages of greater miseries , that will befal this church and kingdom , and make way for popery , to which our own divisions , and wicked lives , give the greatest advantage ; and that these at length would prove a scourge to the nation , if not cause the greatest blow that had been ever given to the reformed churches . these things he spake ( not as pretending to prophecy , but ) from the then present evil aspect of those times . and as this religious man was always well imployed himself , so he was a constant reprover of idleness in others ; for he would have all men ( of what degree , or quality soever ) still busied in some honest imployment , that thereby temptations might have the less power over them : and he would often express his pity , that any who had good natural parts , and abilities , should not imploy their talents , to better purposes , than he saw too many did ; saying , that such were no better than drones , who did nothing but devour the fruits of other mens labours , and would not be at any themselves ; and thought it a great shame for persons of quality to be brought up ( for the most part ) only in learning how to eat , and drink , and dress themselves ; and to spend their time , and estates in luxurious treats , unnecessary visits , or ( which is worse ) in down-right debauchery ; these he looked on as persons that did not only wrong to their own souls , but were a dishonour to the nation , and a scandal to the truth of religion ; and would frequently affirm , that it was better to be an idiot , than such a witty ( but wicked ) man ; better to be an honest clown , than such a fashionable , but vicious gentleman . yet was he not so morose , or severe , as to disallow what were harmless diversions , for he knew how useful they were in their respective seasons , but he could not endure it should become a trade , and business , as if men could find nothing else to do , but to run from one vain recreation to another , till they had quite wearied themselves with their eager pursuit , and so made themselves unfit for the service of god , or their own civil concerns : and as for particular recreations , he liked those best that exercised the body without too much force , or violence , as walking , or riding abroad ; or such as might relax , and unbend the mind , and keep it from melancholy , or too deep a thoughtfulness on business : but as for gaming , ( especially for mony , ) he by no means could allow of it , for several reasons ; but chiefly , for that it too often administred to passion , as also to swearing , cursing , quarrelling , cheating , and not unseldom to duelling ; all which arose from coveting that which was anothers ; so that neither winners nor losers were satisfied , nor rarely knew when to give over in time . as for his own recreations , walking was his greatest delight , and at spare times he loved pleasant conversation , and innocent mirth , himself often telling stories , or relating the wise , or witty sayings of other men , or such things that had occurred to his own observation ; so that his company was always agreeable , and for the most part instructive ; but still he would conform himself to the genius , and improvements of those he convers'd with ; for as with scholars he would discourse of matters of learning , so could he condescend to those of meaner capacities . but when any asked his opinion , or advice , in any points of learning , he was highly communicative , and free to impart what he knew , or thought would benefit others ; and would first , with great modesty , shew them what others said upon that subject ; and would after , when farther pressed , deliver his own thoughts thereupon : yet he was prudently cautious in delivering his opinion , when he was sifted by designing captious men , whom he thought intended only to take advantage of what he should declare to them : but he never declined giving his true thoughts , when desired by those he thought honest , candid , and pious , and that would not make use of his opinion to evil purposes . but he could not endure that any should ridicule either scripture , or religion , or drole upon any man's private faults , or calamities ; and above all things he could not suffer filthy , or obscene communication , or swearing ; he knew it displeased god , and therefore it extremely offended him ; and where he could not make the persons desist from it , he would presently leave the place , and their company : and when he could not with decency , or good manners go away , and though he was always very uneasie in such conversation , yet did he not always express his abhorrence of it in words , nor reprove their persons , when he considered it might do more hurt , than good , but would then hold his peace , waiting for an ppportunity to do it with gentleness , and by way of advice , when the persons concerned might happily be convinced , he did it purely for their good , and not in reproach to them : and i remember once , when there had happened some discourse at table , from persons of quality , that did not please him ; he said nothing then , seeming not to hear them ; but after dinner , when i waited on him into his chamber , he looked very melancholy , which i taking notice of , and asking him if i might know the cause : it is a sad thing ( said he ) to be forced to put one's foot under another's table , and not only to have all sorts of company put upon him , but also to be obliged to hear their follies , and neither to be able to quit their company , nor to reprove their intemperate speeches . if he perceived any ( whom he accounted truly religious ) sad , and melancholy , he would often ask them why they were so , and if any thing really troubled them ; if not , he would proceed thus , if you have entirely devoted your selves to the service of god , what reason have you to be melancholy when , ( if you will riously consider ) none have more cause to be cheerful , than those who lead a holy , and a vertuous life ; by this your dejection , you may bring an evil report upon religion ; for people seeing you always sad , will be apt to think 't is that occasions it ; and that you serve a hard master , whose yoke is heavy , and commands grievous ; which vvill deter others , and scare them from the vvays of vertue , and piety , vvhich you ought by no means to do , for sincere christians may , and ought to rejoyce , and to shevv themselves cheerful ; vvhereas the vicious and vvicked have the greatest reason to be sad : and as he advised others , so he himself vvas alvvays of an even , cheerful temper , seldom troubled , or discomposed , unless he found such occasions as those above mentioned ; and indeed his conversation vvith heaven gave him all the reason imaginable to be so ; for besides his private devotions morning and evening , he never omitted ( vvhen he kept house ) to have prayers there four times a day publickly , viz. in the morning at six , in the evening at eight , besides the whole service before dinner and supper in his chappel , at which he was always present , as he also was , when it was constantly read at the countess of peterborough's , or other families where he lived : from whence you may observe the reverend esteem he had for our liturgy ; so that when some had traduced him , as if he had spoke flightingly of it , he took it very ill , as appears by what i find of his own hand in his private manual , january th . . not long before his death , which i suppose he wrote on purpose , that those who should peruse his papers might take notice of it . of the book of common-prayer i have always had a reverend , and a very high esteem ; and therefore that at any time i should say it was an idol , is a shameless , and a most abominable untruth . j. a. and he did so much approve of set forms of prayer in publick , that he always kept himself to one constant short pathetical prayer before his sermons , with little alteration . and though this apostolical preacher , and prelate , was as much able as any to instruct , and direct others in all matters of religion , yet would he still give a good example , and offer himself to be a learner , and though he had preached in the morning , yet would he rarely miss his attendance at the publick service in the afternoon , and was observed to be one of the most devout at prayers , and the most attentive hearer of any in the congregation ; nor would he admit any drowsiness to seize him , nor suffer any thing to divert him from the present business . and as he used plain preaching himself , so was he much pleased with a pious , practical discourse from others , as if he had been to learn what he never knew before . he delighted to hear sin rebuked , and laid open in all its colours , and christ , and his kingdom exalted ; this was always a pleasant theme to him , and he would afterwards thank , and encourage the preacher , when he had thus performed his duty , to do so still . having given you some account of his private conversation , we will now proceed to that of his more publick . i have already given you an idea of his way of preaching , to which i shall only add , that in his delivery his very voice , and gesture were moving and perswasive , yet without any tone , or affectation ; so that his preaching was with authority , and not with inticeing words of humane wisdom , but in demonstration of the spirit , and with power . he had that fluency , and ready command of words , that for many years he never committed more to writing than the heads of his sermons , trusting the rest ( after he had well considered what to say , ) wholly to his memory , which though it might render his sermons not so fit to be published , as wanting that polishing , and exactness of style , which those that write , and supervise their own sermons are able to give them : yet on the other side , his discourses had that pathos , and natural vigor , ( the very sinews of perswasion ) which must needs be wanting in those that are read ; nor yet does abound ( being always attended with some concern ) in those , who speak their written sermons without book : and indeed , considering how constantly he preached , had he tyed himself up to that drudgery , he would scarce have had time for any other business : but this made him not desirous of having any of his sermons printed , since he was sufficiently sensible of the great disadvantage they must appear abroad withal , as well in respect of those errors , and omissions , which those that take sermons in characters must needs be liable to ; as also because they wanted his own eye , and correction to be added to them , both which are requisite to make any discourse so exact , and coherent as it ought to be : but to add something farther of his way , and method in his popular sermons ; as he was an excellent textuary , so it was his custom to run through all the parallel places , that concerned the subject on which he treated ; and paraphrase , and illustrate them as they referred to each other , and their particular contexts ; he himself , as he past on , turning his bible from place to place , and giving his auditory time to do the like : whereby as he render'd his preaching extreme easie to himself , so it became no less beneficial to his auditors , acquainting them with the holy scriptures , and enabling them to recur to the proofs he cited , by which the memory was very much help'd , to recover the series of what was discoursed upon from them : he never cared to tire his auditory with the length of his sermon , knowing well , that as the satisfaction in hearing decreases , so does the attention also , and people , instead of minding vvhat is said , only listen vvhen there is like to be an end . and to let you see hovv strictly he endeavoured to keep himself to this rule , ( though sometimes to the great regret of his hearers , ) i shall give you this one instance ; about a year before he died , vvhen he had left off preaching constantly , he vvas importuned ( being then in london , ) by the countess of peterborough , and some other persons of quality , to give them a sermon at st. martin's church , as vvell because it vvas the parish vvhere he then lived , as that it vvas a church vvhere his voice vvould be best heard of any thereabouts : the lord primate complyed vvith their desires , and preached a sermon highly satisfactory to his auditory ; but after a pretty vvhile the bishop happening to look upon the hour-glass vvhich stood from the light , and through the weakness , and deficiency of his sight mistaking it to be out , when indeed it was not , he concluded , telling them , since the time was past , he would leave the rest he had to say on that subject to another opportunity ( if god should please to grant it him ) of speaking again to them in that place : but the congregation finding out my lord's mistake , and that there was some of the hour yet to come ; and not knowing whether they might ever have the like happiness of hearing him again , made signs to the reader ; to let him know that the glass being not run out , they earnestly desired he would make an end of all he intended to have spoken ; which the reader performing , the bishop received it very kindly ; and reassuming his discourse where he broke off , he concluded with an exhortation full of heavenly matter for almost half an hour ; the whole auditory being so much moved therewith , that none ( unless perhaps some of the meaner sort in the iles ) went out of the church , until he had done his sermon . i relate this to let you know what great power this good man had in the pulpit ; and i have heard many say , they were never weary of hearing him , for besides the excellency of the matter he was upon ; he had the faculty still to keep up the warmth , and attention of his hearers , and to dismiss them withal with an appetite . and that you may see how great a master he was in this art of gaining souls , it will not be amiss to insert here some of those directions he used to give those who were newly enter'd into holy orders , since they may not be unprofitable to such as mean seriously to undertake this sacred calling . i. read , and study the scriptures carefully , wherein is the best learning , and only infallible truth ; they can furnish you with the best materials , for your sermons ; the only rules of faith , and practice ; the most powerful motives to perswade , and convince the conscience ; and the strongest arguments to confute all errors , heresies , and schisms : therefore be sure , let all your sermons be congruous to them ; and to this end , it is expedient that you understand them as well in the originals , as in the translations . ii. take not hastily up other mens opinions without due tryal , nor vent your own conceits , but compare them first with the analogy of faith , and rules of holiness , recorded in the scriptures , which are the proper tests of all opinions , and doctrines . iii. meddle with controversies , and doubtful points as little as may be in your popular preaching , lest you puzzle your hearers , or engage them in wrangling disputations , and so hinder their conversion , which is the main design of preaching . iv. insist most on those points that tend to effect sound belief , sincere love to god , repentance for sin , and that may perswade to holiness of life : press these things home to the conscience of your hearers , as of absolute necessity , leaving no gap for evasions , but bind them as close as may be to their duty ; and as you ought to preach sound and orthodox doctrine , so ought you to deliver god's message as near as may be in god's words , that is , in such as are plain , and intelligible , that the meanest of your auditors may understand : to which end 't is necessary to back all practical precepts , and doctrines , with apt proofs from the holy scriptures ; avoiding all exotic phrases , scholastick terms , unnecessary quotations of authors , and forced rhetorical figures , since it is not difficult to make easie things appear hard , but to render hard things easie is the hardest part of a good orator , as well as preacher . v. get your hearts sincerely affected with the things you perswade others to embrace , that so you may preach experimentally , and your hearers perceive that you are in good earnest , and press nothing upon them but what may tend to their advantage , and which your self would venture your own salvation on . vi. study , and consider well , the subjects you intend to preach on , before you come into the pulpit , and then words will readily offer themselves , yet think what you are about to say , before you speak , avoiding all uncouth , phantastical words , or phrases , or nauseous , undecent , or ridiculous expressions , which will quickly bring preaching into contempt , and make your sermons , and persons , the subjects of sport , and merriment . vii . dissemble not the truths of god in any case , nor comply with the lusts of men , or give any countenance to sin by word , or deed . viii . but above all , you must never forget to order your own conversation , as becomes the gospel , that so you may teach by example , as well as precept , and that you may appear a good divine every where , as well as in the pulpit ▪ for a minister's life and conversation is more heeded than his doctrine . ix . yet after all this take heed you be not puffed up with spiritual pride of you own vertues ; nor with a vain conceit of your parts , or abilities , nor yet be transported with the applause of men , nor dejected , or discouraged with the scoffs , or frowns of the wicked and profane . to which i shall add one advice more , which i received from a person of great worth , and dignity in the church , who had it from the mouth of this great master of perswasion ; it was concerning reproof , where men were to be dealt with that lay under great prejudices , and vices , either by education , interest , passion , or ill habits , ( cases of much frequency ) and therefore to render admonitions of greater force upon them , his direction was , to avoid giving the persons intended to be wrought upon , any alarm before hand , that their faults , or errors were designed to be attacked ; for then the persons concern'd , look upon the preacher as an enemy , and set themselves upon their guard : on such occasions he rather recommended the chusing of a text , that stood only upon the borders of the difficult subject ; and if it might be , seem'd more to favour it ; that so the obnoxious hearers , may be rather surprized , and undermined , than stormed , and fought with : and so the preacher , as st. paul expresses it , being crafty , may take them with guile . he would also exhort those who were already engaged in this holy function , and advised them , how they might well discharge their duty in the church of god , answerable to their calling , to this effect : you are engaged in an excellent employment in the church , and intrusted with weighty matters , as stewards of our great master , christ , the great bishop : under him , and by his commission , you are to endeavour to reconcile men to god ; to convert sinners , and to build them up in the holy faith of the gospel , that they may he saved , and that repentance , and remission of sins be preached in his name , this is of highest importance , and requires faithfulness , diligence , prudence , and watchfulness . the souls of men are committed to our care , and guidance ; and the eyes of god , angels , and men are upon us , and great is the account we must make to our lord jesus christ , who is the supreme head of his church , and will at length reward , or punish his servants in this ministry of his gospel , as he shall find them faithful , or negligent ; therefore it behoves us to exercise our best talents , labouring in the lord's vineyard with all diligence , that we may bring forth fruit , and that the fruit may remain . this is the work we are separated for , and ordained unto ; we must not think to be idle , or careless in this office , but must bend our minds and studies , and imploy all our gifts and abilities in this service : we must preach the word of faith , that men may believe aright ; and the doctrine , and laws of godliness , that men may act as becomes christians indeed ; for without faith , no man can please god ; and without holiness , no man can enter into the kingdom of heaven . and as this good bishop took delight to advise others in the exercise of this great duty , so likewise , he said , none of his labours adminstred greater comfort to him in his old age , than that he had ever since he vvas called to the ministry ( vvhich vvas very early ) endeavoured to discharge that great trust committed unto him , of preaching the gospel , vvhich he accounted so much his duty , that he made this the motto of his episcopal seal , vae mihi si non evangelizavero ! i mention not this , as if he thought all those of his ovvn order vvere obliged to preach constantly themselves , since he was sensible that god hath not bestowed the same talents on all men alike , but as st. paul says , gave some apostles , and some pastors , and teachers , though on some he hath bestowed all these gifts , as on this great prelate , yet it is not often : and besides , god's providence so ordained , that as he had qualified him in an extraordinary manner , for the preaching of the gospel , so likewise towards his latter end he should be reduced to that condition , as in great part to live by it . and here i cannot omit , that amongst many of those advices , which he gave to those who came to him for spiritual counsel ; one was concerning afflictions , as a necessary mark of being a child of god , which some might have gathered out of certain unwary passages in books , and which he himself had met with in his youth , and which wrought upon him so much , that he earnestly prayed god to deal with him that way , and he had his request . and he told me , that from that time , he was not without various afflictions through the whole course of his life ; and therefore he advised , that no christian should tempt god to shew such a sign , for a mark of his paternal love , but to wait , and be prepared for them , and patient under them , and to consider the intention of them , so as to be the better for them , when they are inflicted : and by no means to judge of a man's spiritual state , either by , or without afflictions , for they are fallible evidences in spiritual matters ; but that we should look after a real sincere conversion , and internal holiness , which indeed is the only true character , and evidence of a state of salvation . i have already given you some account of his carriage whilst he exercised his sacred function in his own country ; to which i shall only add , that as his discipline was not too severe , so was it not remiss , being chiefly exercised upon such as were remarkably vicious , and scandalous in their lives , and conversations , whether of the clergy , or laity ; for as he loved , and esteemed the sober , diligent , and pious clergy-men , and could not endure they should be wronged , or contemned ; so as for those who were vicious , idle , and cared not for their flocks , he would call them the worst of men , being a scandal to the church , and a blemish to their profession ; and therefore he was always very careful what persons he ordained to this high calling , observing st. paul's injunction to timothy , lay hands suddenly on no man : and i never heard he ordained more than one person , who was not sufficiently qualified in respect of learning , and this was in so extraordinary a case , that i think it will not be amiss to give you a short account of it , there was a certain english mechanick , living in the lord primate's diocess , who constantly frequented the publick service of the church ; and attained to a competent knowledge in the scriptures , and gave himself to read what books of practical divinity he could get , and was reputed among his neighbours and protestants thereabouts , a very honest and pious man ; this person applyed himself to the lord primate , and told him , that he had an earnest desire to be admitted to the ministry , but the bishop refused him , advising him to go home , and follow his calling , and pray to god to remove this temptation ; yet after some time , he returns again , renewing his request , saying , he could not be at rest in his mind , but that his desires toward that calling encreased more and more ; whereupon the lord primate discoursed him , and found upon examination , that he gave a very good account of his faith and knowledge , in all the main points of religion . then the bishop questioned him farther , if he could speak irish , for if not , his preaching would be of little use in a country where the greatest part of the people were irish , that understood no english. the man replyed that indeed he could not speak irish , but if his lordship thought fit he would endeavour to learn it , which he bid him do , and as soon as he had attained the language to come again , which he did about a twelvemonth after , telling my lord that he could now express himself tolerably well in irish , and therefore desired ordination : whereupon the lord primate finding upon examination that he spake truth , ordained him accordingly , being satisfied that such an ordinary man , was able to do more good than if he had latin without any irish at all , nor was the bishop deceived in his expectation , for this man as soon as he had a cure , imployed his talent diligently and faithfully , and proved very successful in converting many of the irish papists to our church , and continued labouring in that work , until the rebellion and massacre , wherein he hardly escaped with life . and as this good bishop did still protect and encourage those of his own coat , so did he likewise all poor men , whom he found oppressed or wronged by those above them . and for an instance of this i will give you part of a letter , which he writ to a person of quality in ireland , in behalf of a poor man , which was his tenant , whom he found much wronged and oppressed by him . viz. i am much ashamed to receive such petitions against you . have you never read , that the unrighteous , and he that doth wrong , shall not inherit the kingdom of god think there is a god who heareth the cry of the poor , and may bring a rot upon your flocks , and curse every thing you put your hand to . and if you think not of him , because you see him not ( although he sees you through and through ) yet believe your own eyes , and consider that he hath appointed his deputies upon earth , the higher powers , which will not suffer the poor to be oppressed by you or those that are greater than you ; for shame therefore give content to this petitioner , that you hear not of this in a place , where your face must blush , and your ears tingle at the hearing of it . j. a. now having given as brief a character as i could , of this excellent prelate , not only as a private man , but also a minister and bishop of gods church , and as a most loyal subject to his lawful sovereign prince , expressed upon all occasions , i should proceed in the last place , to give some account of his judgment and opinions in points of religion and learning , for the first i shall say in general , that he always adhered to , and maintained the fundamental catholick truths , observing that golden rule , concerning traditions . — quod ubique , quod ab omnibus , quod semper creditum est , &c. and never approved of any religion , under what pretence soever obtruded or introduced , contrary to the scriptures and primitive truths , received and professed in the church of christ in all ages ; and upon this account could never comply with , nor approve of the new doctrines and worship obtruded and practised in the church of rome , as now it is , but always protested against their innovations and humane inventions , as doth most evidently appear , in his writings , bearing testimony against their corruptions , false and erroneous principles . and as for the great scholars and leading men of the romish church , the lord primate usually said , that it is no marvel ; if they had a veil cast over their eyes , as st. paul said of the jews , in the reading of the scriptures ; for besides the several judgments of god upon them , that have blinded their own eyes , their minds are so prepossessed and corrupted with false principles , prejudices and worldly interest , that it is no wonder if they cannot perceive the most manifest and plainest truths . but as this good mans judgment was sound and not byassed by prejudice or passion or worldly interest , so did he heartily approve of the religion professed and established in the church of england , as most congruous to the holy scriptures and primitive christianity ; and in which ( if a man keep the faith and lives according to its precepts persevering ) he need not doubt of his salvation . and in this faith and communion of the church of england , he lived holily and died happily . and this holy primate being fully perswaded in his own mind , laboured instantly to reduce popish recusants and sectaries from their errors , and vain conceits to inform them aright , and to perswade them for their souls good to comply with , and embrace the religion and communion of the church of england , and this he aimed to bring about by his writing , preaching and conference upon all occasions and was successful in that enterprise . but now for his opinion in some nice points of religion , that do not touch the foundation of faith , he would not be rigorously dogmatical in his own opinions , as to impose on others learned and pious men , of a different apprehension in the more obscure points , with whom nevertheless ( thô not altogether of his judgment ) he had a friendly conversation , and mutual affection and respect , seeing they agreed in the points necessary . — would to god , that the learned and pious men in these days were of the like temper . it will be needless here to mention any more particulars of his judgment in several points seeing there are so many instances of this kind in the collection , to which i refer the reader . yet before i leave this matter , i think fit to mind you of some treatises published by doctor bernard , after the primates death , intituled , the judgment of the late lord primate , on several subjects . . of spiritual babylon , on rev. . . . of laying on of hands , heb. . . and the ancient form of words in ordination . . of a set form of prayer in the church . each being the judgment of the late bishop of armagh , which being not set down in my lord primates own words , nor written by him in the method and order they are there put into , cannot be reckoned , being much enlarged by the dr. , as himself confesseth ; therefore cannot so well vouch them , as if i had been certain , that all he writes were purely the lord primate 's , since the papers , out of which the doctor says he collected them , were never restored to my custody , thô borrowed under that trust , that they should be so ; and therefore i desire that those , into whose hands those manuscripts are now fallen , since the drs. decease , would restore them , either to my self , or the lord primates relations . and tho perhaps some of those letters published by dr. bernard , might have been as well omitted , or at least some private reflections of them left out , concerning a person easily provoked to bitterness and ill words , being provoked by the publishing those letters , writ an invective book on purpose to answer to what was contained therein , and not contented with this , has likewise bestowed great part of that book , to tax my lord primates opinions and actions , as differing from the church of england , only to lessen the esteem and veneration , which he deservedly had , with all those who loved the king and church of england , as also to maintain those old stories broached before concerning the repeal of the irish articles , and the death of the earl of strafford , to which last particulars i need say no more than what i have already spoken in the lord primate's vindication : and as to the former , relating to my lord's opinions and actions , a near relation of the lord primate's has , i hope , vindicated him sufficiently , in an appendix at the end of this account ; so that i shall concern my self no farther therewith . i have now no more to do , than to give you a short account of his opinions , in some of the most difficult parts of learning , with some observations , which either my self , or others that convers'd with him can remember we have received from him by way of discourse , though not the twentieth part of what might have been retrieved in this kind , had this task been undertaken many years agone , whilst these things were fresh in our memories , and whilst many more of his learned friends were alive , who must needs have received divers learned remarks from his excellent conversation . as for the lord primate's opinions in critical learning , it is very well known , as well by his discourse , as writings , that he still defended the certainty , and purity of the hebrew text of the old testament , before the translation of the septuagint , since he doubted whether this we have , were the true translation of the lxx . or not ; as you may see in his epistle to valesius , and his answer thereunto ; which controversie , as it is a subject above my capacity to give a judgment on , having exercised ( as it still does ) both the wits , and pens of the greatest scholars in this present age : so i heartily wish , that it may never tend to the disadvantage , not only of our own , but indeed of the whole christian religion , with prophane and sceptical men ; for whilst one party decry the hebrew text as obscure , and corrupted by the jews , and the other side shew the failings , and mistakes of the greek translation , sufficient to prove that it was not performed by men divinely inspired , it gives the weak , and more prophane sort of readers , occasion to doubt of the divine authority of these sacred records , though ( notwithstanding all ) the differences that have hitherto been shown between the hebrew original , and greek translation do not ( god be thanked ) prove of greater moment , than in the accounts of time , names , or numbers of men , difference of some words , and phrases , &c. whilst they still agree in all the main points , both of the history , and doctrine , which i think ought to satisfie any sincere , considering person , that god's providence has taken sufficient care , to convey these sacred records , and foundations of our faith , clear , and uncorrupted to us , a reasonable allowance being still given to the mistakes and errours of the copiers , or translators , which were not divinely inspired , so as to secure us from all mistakes in a book which has been so often transcribed in so many hundreds of years , and that out of a language which is thought by divers of the learned to have been written without any of those points , which in most of these eastern languages stand for vowels : but to other of the learned of the contrary opinion , and what our primate thought of this , and some beside him , skill'd in this point , we may understand among the collections hereafter , unto which i refer the reader , and to return from whence we have digressed . the lord primate being once importuned by a learned man , to give some directions in writing , for the advancement of solid , and useful learning , as well sacred , as prophane , he said it might be thus performed . . by learned notes , and illustrations on the bible . . by censuring , and inquiring into the ancient councils , and works of the fathers . . by the orderly writing and digesting of ecclesiastical history . . by gathering together whatsoever may concern the state of the jews , from the destruction of jerusalem to this present age. . by collecting of all the greek and roman histories , and disting them into a body . and to effect all this , he proposed , that the most ingenious and studious men of both universities , being preferred to prebends in cathedral churches should be enjoyned , and amply encouraged to prosecute this design , for the advancement of this most profitable learning . and how much the lord primate desired the performance of these so useful works appears by what he had long since recommended to the university of oxford , touching the revising the works of the ancient fathers of the church : what his design was in this kind , the reader may best judge by this passage in a letter , written . recommending this design to the university of oxford , which i shall here insert . — the business of revising the ancient fathers works in latin ( so long projected , and so many years followed by dr. james ) i do greatly approve , and judge it to be ( as the times now are , and the books now printed at cologne , and else where ) most necessary , tending to the great honour of this famous university ; the benefit of them that shall be imployed therein , and the great good of the church : and if the heads of the university would be pleased , or might be intreated to incourage , and imploy some of their younger divines herein ( whereof i see so great store , and some i have found very painful in another kind ) i shall think my self greatly honoured by this university ( as i confess i have been very much already ) if by my means they may be the rather encouraged to the performance of this great work . and indeed he had so great an esteem of the ancient authors , for the acquiring any solid learning , whether sacred , or prophane , that his advice to young students , either in divinity , or antiquity , was , not to spend too much time in epitomes , but to set themselves to read the ancient authors themselves , as to begin with the fathers , and to read them according to the ages in which they lived , ( which was the method he had taken himself ) and together with them carefully to peruse the church historians that treated of that age , in which those fathers lived , by which means the student would be better able to perceive the reason and meaning of divers passages in their writings ( which otherwise would be obscure ) when he knew the original and growth of those heresies , and heterodox opinions they wrote against ; and may also better judge what doctrines , ceremonies , and opinions prevailed in the church in every age , and by what means introduced : so likewise for prophane authors , his advice was , to begin with the most ancient , and so to read them in the order of time , of which they writ , which was the method he used in the composing of his annals : nor did he advise students in divinity to spend more time than was necessary , in the subtilties of the school-men , only so far as might serve for the understanding , and answering the controversies , between those of the church of rome and us ; saying , that they were good to puzzle mens heads with unnecessary doubts , but bunglers in resolving them , and that their writings had done more mischief to the church , than brought advantage either to learning , or religion ; that they might serve for controversial disputes in the schools , but were very improper for the pulpit , and altogether useless for the functions of a civil life : and whom one would think prudentius had on purpose thus described , solvunt ligantque quaestionum vincula , per syllogismos plectiles , fidem minutis diffecant ambagibus , &c. as for the heathen moral philosophers , he advised young divines not to spend too much time in them , for they were much mistaken in many great points of morality , and true happiness , the best rules of life , &c. and the shortest , and plainest for all moral duties ; being delivered by god in the holy scriptures . in theological treatises , and discourses , he was displeased with new wording of old truths , and changing the terms used by the ancients , to express the things they meant ; he would have the old form of sound words retained , for qui nova facit verba , nova gignit dogmata ; and ever suspected that those who purposely used new coined words , had no very good meaning , or else affected too great singularity . but i think i need say no more to prove the lord primate's great knowledge in all parts of useful learning , since besides the suffrages of the most knowing men of this age , his many and learned works ( of which i have given you a short account in this treatise ) sufficiently declare it to the world , but let us look back a little , and survey at once those various parts of learning he was skilled in : first , his sermons , treatises theological , and writings against the papists , do sufficiently shew how great a doctor he was in theology , as well practical , as polemical ; his theological bibliotheke ( as imperfect as it is ) together with the epistles of ignatius , and polycarp , which he put forth , with learned dissertations concerning their writings ; as also his treatise of the ancient apostolical symbol of the roman church , declare how well he was versed in all the ancient monuments of the church ; as his works of the succession , and state of the christian churches , and of the antiquities of the british church do his knowledge in ecclesiastical history , and antiquity ; his syntagma of the version of the septuagint , and his epistle to lud. capellus , concerning the various readings of the hebrew text , speak him a great critick in the greek , and hebrew tongues ; and his annals of the old , and new testament , do shew how great a master he was in all the ancient authors both sacred and prophane ; besides several other smaller treatises , as well in latin , as english , viz. of the macedonian year , the geographical description of the lesser asia , &c. each of which shew his great skill , either in astronomy , ancient geography ; or the civil laws of the roman empire , besides divers other smaller works of his , too many to be here particularly inserted , and therefore i shall refer the reader to the catalogue added at the end of this account : yet must i not omit particularly to take notice of two excellent posthumous treatises of his , which have not been yet mentioned , as being published since his death , the first is that of the power of the prince , and obedience of the subject , which was written by the king's command , during the late wars , but forborn then to be published , because the corruption of those times still growing worse and worse , would not bear this sound doctrine ; nor did he think it proper to do it in the short time of that usurper , lest he , or others , might have interpreted it to his advantage ; but not long after his late majesty's happy restauration it was published , and dedicated to him by the lord primate's grandson , james tyrrel , with an excellent preface written by that learned , and good bishop sanderson , in which he has given as true a character of the author , as of the work it self , in which he says , ( with a great deal of truth ) that there is nothing which can be brought either from the holy scriptures , fathers , philosophers , common reason , and the laws , and statutes of this realm , to prove it altogether unlawful for subjects to take up arms against their sovereign prince , but is there made use of with the greatest advantage . the other treatise is written in latin , entitled chronologia sacra , which the lord primate never lived to finish ; but was , as much of it as could be found ( though somewhat imperfectly ) published by the learned and reverend . dr. barlow , now lord bishop of lincoln : the occasion , and design of this treatise , was , to prove the foundations of the accounts of time in his annals , and that his chronological calculations made use of in that work , agreed with the accounts laid down in the scriptures , and prophane authors , which could not be done in the annals themselves , without interrupting the series of the work : in this he hath solved several difficulties relating to the history , and chronology of the bible ; he began with the creation , though the first chapter is lost ( being not to be found among his papers , ) yet in the next he gives an exact account of the differences between the jewish , samaritan , and greek calculations , from the creation to the birth of abraham , which he carried on , as far as the time of the judges , but was then interrupted by death : yet he had before happily perfected the account of the reigns , and synchronisms of the kings of judah , and israel , from saul to the babylonish captivity , which being more perfect than the other part , was thought fit by the printer , or publisher to be set before it , though it be indeed contrary to the order of time : it was great pity that my lord did not live to finish this work , which would have been of excellent use for the clearing of many difficulties , and reconciling the differences between the sacred and prophane chronology , and history . i may here likewise take notice of those many volumes of his collections , and several of them , all of his own hand , on particular subjects , both theological , philological , and historical , most of them extracted out of several manuscripts in the libraries of the universities , cathedrals , and private mens studies , there being scarce a choice book , or manuscript in any of them but was known to him , nor was he conversant in the libraries of our own nation alone , but also knew most of the choice pieces in the vatican , escurial , and imperial library at vienna , as likewise in that of the king of france , of thuanus at paris , and erpenius in holland , as still appears by the catalogues he had procured of them , divers of which i have now in my custody ; and out of which libraries he at his great cost procured divers copies for his own use , which made the most considerable ornament of his study . but to return to his own collections above mentioned , which were the store-houses , and repositories , from whence he furnished himself with materials for the writing of so many learned treatises , and out of which might be gathered matter towards the performing much more in the same kind , though divers volumes of them were borrowed by dr. bernard , and never restored by him , as i have already said : yet those that remain are thought very considerable by the several learned men , who have perused them , and in particular , the late judicious lord chief justice hale having borrowed several of them , did out of them transcribe those four volumes , which he bequeaths in his will to the library at lincolns-inn , among divers other manuscripts of his , by the name of his extracts out of the lord primate's collections : and for the satisfaction of the reader , i shall give you the heads , and subjects of some of the most considerable of them , at the end of this account : so that the lord primate was like the wise housholder in the gospel , who brought out of his treasure things new and old : and a learned man of this nation compared the arch-bishop of armagh , not only to a careful surveyor , who collects all sorts of materials for his building , before he begins his work , but also to a skilful architect , who knew artificially how to frame and put together the materials before collected , till they became one strong , entire , and uniform structure . nor does any thing more express the great strength of the lord primate's memory , than those collections , which though promiscuously gathered by way of adversaria , according as those subjects offered themselves , yet could he as readily call to mind , and find out any particular in them , which he had occasion to make use of , as if they had been digested in the more exact method of a common-place-book . so that he certainly deserved a much higher character than that dr. heylin sarcastically puts upon him , of a walking concordance , and living library , as if he had been only an index for such wise men as himself to make use of ; but greater scholars than he , had far higher and more reverend thoughts of him , there being scarce a learned writer of this present age , who does not mention his great piety , learning , and judgment with honour , and veneration : i had once collected a great many elogies of this kind from the writings of divers considerable authors , but since i find that done already by others , and that it would swell this work into too great a bulk , and only serve to prove that which i think no body questions ; i shall only refer you to the learned works of mr. cambden , mr. selden , sir roger twisden , bishop davenant , bishop hall , bishop prideaux , and divers others of our own country : and of foreigners , to the learned vossius , spanhemius , testardus , morus , lud. de dieu , bochartus , and many more ; divers of whose letters you will find in this ensuing collection , so that you can scarce read farther , than the preface , or epistle dedicatory of several of their works , without finding his name mentioned with peculiar honour ; but i cannot here omit that elogy given him by the suffrages of the university of oxford , in a publick convocation , anno . since the authors are not commonly known . jacobus usserius , archiepiscopus armachanus , totius hiberniae primas , antiquitatis primaevae peritissimus , orthodoxae religionis vindex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , errorum malleus , in concionando frequens , facundus , praepotens , vitae inculpatae exemplar spectabile . rob. pink vicecancellarius oxoniensis posuit . this was then ordered to be placed under his effigies , cut in brass at the charges of the university , in order to be prefixed before his works . and unto what hath been already said concerning his great learning , we may add his great activity , as occasion served , to advance the restauration of our old northern antiquities , which lay buried in the gothick , anglo-saxonick , and other the like obsolate languages . and for this we have the testimony of two late learned , and most industrious retrievers of those decayed dialects ; namely , mr. abraham whelock , late professor of arabick , and saxon , in the university of cambridge , and mr. francis junius . the first of these , in an epistle before the saxon translation of bede's history , acknowledgeth the solemn direction and encouragement he received in cambridge from the lord primate of ireland , in order to the prosecuting his publick saxon lectures in that place : and in his notes upon the persian gospels , the same author shews what information he received from that reverend person , concerning the doxology in the lord's prayer , which is found in the very ancient translation of the gospels into gothick . mr. junius published a very old paraphrastical poem in saxon , which upon strict enquiry was found to be written by one caedmon , a monk , of whom bede makes mention : the manuscript copy of which poem , the said publisher lets his reader know more than once , he received from the hands of the lord arch-bishop of armagh . and when the same author published the now mentioned gothick translation of the four evangelists , and carefully transcribed out of the most venerable monument , known by the name of codex argenteus , he therewith printed in his gothick glossary a very learned epistle upon that subject , written to him by the same lord primate of armagh , which you will find in this ensuing collection . but whilst we now speak of his learning , i had almost omitted to give you some account of that , out of which he gained great part of it , his excellent library , consisting of near volumes , prints , and manuscripts , all which , he in the time of his prosperity , intended to bestow at his death on the colledge of dublin , in gratitude to the place where he received his education : but when it pleased god to lay that great affliction upon him , in the loss of all he had , except his books , it is not to be wondered if he left those as a portion to his only daughter , who had been the mother of a numerous off-spring , and hitherto had nothing from him , and which ( besides some parcels of gold he had by him , that had been before presented to him by mr. selden's executors , and other persons of quality ) was all he had to leave her . this library which cost the lord primate many thousand pounds , was after his decease much sought for by the king of denmark , and cardinal mazarine , and a good price offered for it by their agents here : but the lord primate's administrators being prohibited by an order from the usurper , and his council , to sell it to any without his consent , it was at last bought by the souldiers , and officers of the then army in ireland , who out of emulation to the former noble action of queen elizabeth's army , were incited , by some men of publick spirits , to the like performance , and they had it for much less than what it was really worth , or what had been offered for it before , by the agents above mentioned : they had also with it all his manuscripts , ( which were not of his own hand-writing , ) as also a choice ( though not numerous ) collection of ancient coins : but when this library was brought over into ireland , the usurper , and his son , who then commanded in chief there , would not bestow it upon the colledge of dublin , least , perhaps , the gift should not appear so considerable there , as it would do by it self ; and therefore they gave out , that they would reserve it for a new colledge or hall , which they said they intended to build , and endow : but it proved , that as those were not times , so were they not persons capable of any such noble , or pious work , so that this library lay in the castle of dublin unbestowed , and unimployed all the remaining time of cromwell's usurpation ; but after his death , and during that anarchy , and confusion that followed it , the rooms where this treasure was kept , being left open , many of the books , and most of the best manuscripts were stolen away , or else imbezeled by those who were intrusted with them ; but after his late majesty's restauration , when they fell to his disposal , he generously bestowed them on the colledge , for which they were intended by their owner , where they now remain ; and ( as they are ) make up the greater part of that library . thus having dispatch'd ( as well as i am able ) this account of the life , and writings of this rare , and admirable prelate , though infinitely short of his incomparable worth , and perfections , being so eminently pious , so prodigiously learned , and every way so richly accomplished , i can only conclude , humbly beseeching the god of all grace , the father of light , the giver of every good and perfect gift , that he would appoint , and continue in his church a constant succession of such lights ; and that particularly within his majesty's dominions , these churches may still flourish under the like pious , watchful , laborious , and exemplary ministers , and bishops , who may adorn the gospel , and their own profession ; for the confutation of the adversaries of our religion , and the conviction of all those who clamour against the doctrine , government , and godly worship now established in the church of england . amen . m. s. jacobus usserius , archiepiscopus armachanus hic situs est ; ob praeclaram prosapiam , raram eruditionem , ingenii acumen , dicendi & scribendi faeundiam , morum gravitatem suavitate conditam , vitae candorem & integritatem , aequabilem in utrâque fortunâ animi constantiam , orbi christiano & piis omnibus charus , omniumque judicio praeterquam suo , praesul verè magnus . qui ecclesiam veterum institutis , clerum suo exemplo , populum concionibus affidue instruxit : chronologiam sacram pristino nitori restituit ; bonarum artium professores , inopia afflictos , munificentiâ sublevavit : denique qui haereses repullulantes calamo erudito contudit ; his ingenii dotibus , his animi virtutibus ornatus , praesul optimus , piissimus , meritissimus , cum inter bella civilia & ecclesiae & patriae suae funesta , sibique luctuosa , nec ecclesiae nec patriae diutius prodesse poterat , in christo pacis authore placide obdormivit , anno aerae christianae , . aetatis suae , . riegat in comitatu surrey , martii , . obiit , sepultus apud westmonast . in hen. mi . capellâ apr. . . a catalogue of the lord primate , james usher's works , and writings , already printed . in latin. de ecclesiarum christianarum successione & statu , cum explicatione quaestionis de statu ecclesiarum , in partibus praesertim occidentis , à tempore apostolorum . de primordiis ecclesiarum britannicarum . epistolarum hibernicarum sylloge . historia gotes-chalci . polycarpi & ignatii epistolae graec. lat. cum desertatione de eorum scriptis , deque apostolicis canonibus & constitutionibus clementi tributis . appendix ignatiana . de romanae ecclesiae symbolo apostolico vetere , & aliis fidei formulis . de anno solari macedonum . epistola ad lodovicum capellum , de textus hebr. variantibus lectionibus . annales vet. test. annales n. test. chronologia sacra . de graecâ septuaginta interpretum versione syntagma . desertatio de cainane . in english. an answer to malon the jesuits challenge . the religion professed by the ancient irish and britains . a sermon preached before the house of commons ; westminster . a sermon of the visibility of the church , preached before king james , jun. , . a speech delivered in the castle chamber dublin , concerning the lawfulness of taking , and danger of refusing the oath of supremacy , nov. . . a speech in the same place upon the denial to contribute for the supply of the kings army , for the defence of the government , april , . immanuel , or the mistery of the incarnation of the son of god. a geographical description of the lesser asia . a discourse of bishops and metropolitans . a small catechism entitled the principles of christian religion , with a brief method of the doctrine thereof . his annals of the old and new testament , translated into english , with the synchronisms of the heathen story , to the destruction of jerusalem . the power of the prince , and obedience of the subject stated , with a preface by dr. robert sanderson late bishop of lincoln . published from the original copy , written with his own hand , by james tyrrell esq , grandson to the lord primate . a body of divinity , or the summ and substance of christian religion by way of question and answer , collected by himself in his younger years for his own private use , and through the importunity of some friends communicated to them , but not with a design to be printed , though afterwards published by others ; with good acceptance . a volume of sermons in folio , preached at oxford , before his majesty , and elsewhere ; published since his death . these that follow were gathered out of the fragments of the lord primate , and published since his death , by dr. bernard . his judgment and sense of the state of the present see of rome from , apocal. . . ordination a fundamental : his sense of hebrews , . . of the use of a set form of prayer in the church . the extent of christs death and satisfaction , with an answer to the exceptions taken against it . of the sabbath , and observation of the lords day . his judgment and sense of john . . . receive ye the holy-ghost . whose sins ye remit , &c. a catalogue of the lord primate ushers own manuscripts , of various subjects , not printed . lemmata manuscriptorum . censura patrum & aliorum scriptorum ecclesiasticorum , five bibliotheca theologica . historiae dogmaticae quaestionum inter orthodoxos & pontificios controversarum specimen , in quaestione de communi sacrarum scripturarum usu , contra scripturarum lucifugas . de veterum pascalibus scriptis , & de ratione paschali , quibus computi ecclesiastici in universo orbe christiano , ante gregorianam reformationem , apperiuntur , ex vetustissimis manuscriptis codicibus , notis illustratum . veterum de tempore passionis dominicae & phaschalis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . variae lectiones & collationes , vet. & nov. instrumenti . . genesis ] longe antiquissimum exemplar graecum cottonianum , cum editione francofurtensi , collatum . . collatio psalterii à b. hieronymo ex heb. conversi , & à jacobo fabro , parisiis , an. . editi , cum aliis exemplaribus manuscriptis & impressis . . annotationes variarum lectionum in psalmis juxta masoreth judaeorum , five cum notâ aliquâ masoreticâ . . psalterium cum versione saxonicâ interlineatâ in bibliothecâ salisburiensis ecclesiae . . psalterium gallicum cum romano collatum & hebraico 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oppositum , manuscripto in westmonasteriensis ecclesiae bibliothecâ . . collatio canticorum utriusque testamenti cum editione vulgatâ latinâ . . variae lectiones & collationes n. test. ex vetustissimis exemplaribus . . collatio editionis chronici eusebii , à josepho scaligero edit . cum manuscripto è regiâ bibliothecâ . . collatio variorum pentateuchi samaritani exemplarium , cum notis & observationibus . . chronologia legum codicis theodosiani & justiniani ; collata cum malmesburiensi manuscripto . julianae periodi ad juliani anni usum & vulgaris aerae christianae , ad anni juliani pariter & gregoriani methodum accommodatae , fixa jam epochâ , cum tabulâ reductionis dierum anni juliani veteris ad dies anni gregoriani novi , hodie usitati in pluribus partibus orbis . ratio bissextorum literarum dominicarum , equinoctiorum & festorum christianorum , tam mobilium quam immobilium . de institutione chronologicâ , viz. de tempore & illius mensurâ , de die ejusque partibus , de horis & scrupulis , de hebdomadibus & mensibus , de anno astronomico , de variâ annorum supputatione : secundum graeca exemplaria . de differentiâ circuli & spherae , de cursu septem planetarum & signorum coelestium , & de quinque parall . in sphera zonasdistinguent . — veteres observationes coelestes chaldaicae , graecae , & aegyptiacae . insigniorum imperiorum & regnorum , quae ante christi adventum in orbe floruerunt , successiones et tempora , ad usum veteris historiae studiosorum ; eorum praesertim qui exoticam chronologiam cum sacra conferre cupiunt . series chronologica syriaca , regum & imperatorum babylonicorum , persarum , graecorum , & romanorum , à nebuchadnezzar ad vespasianum , ab anno mundi . ad annum . de fastis magistratuum & coss. & triumphorum romanorum , ab urbe condita usque ad excessum caesaris augusti , ex fragmentis marmoreis foro romano effossis , & à doctissimis nostri temporis chronographis suppletis . catalogus consulum , ex variis authoribus . de ponderibus & mensuris . de primis haereticis & haeresibus judaeorum . annotationes rabbinicae , ex scriptis rabbinorum & eorum scarae scripturae interpretum . imperatorum christianorum à constantino magno usque ad justinianum , constitutiones , & epistolae collectae & recensitae . veterum anglo-saxorum monumenta & anglo-saxonicarum epistolarum sylloge , ex variis manuscriptis . epistolae alcuini variae ad diversos missae ineditae , in bibliothecâ cottonianâ manuscriptis collectae & recensitae . epistolae venerabilis archiepiscop . lanfranci ad diversos missae , ex antiquissimo exemplari bibliothecae cottonianae collectae , & recensitae . collectiones genealogicae , historicae , mathematicae , astrologicae , chronologicae , & theologicae variae , de quibus passim judicium fertur . memorandum , that out of the forementioned manuscripts , the incomparable sir math. hale , late lord chief justice , ( having borrowed them ) extracted those four volumes , which he calls , chronological remembrances extracted out of thë notes of bishop usher , mentioned in the catalogue of his manuscripts , which he left to the honourable society of lincolns-inn . besides those manuscripts above cited , the primate usher had written his polemical lectures in the university of dublin , while professor there , touching the points in controversie , between the protestants and pontificians , volumes to . ( lost ) his lectures pro formâ when he commenced dr. of divinity , touching the weeks , dan. . . and de mille annis , mentioned apocal. . . ( lost ) his treatise of the hermage and corban lands in england and ireland , yet to be seen in bibliothecâ lambethianâ . his collections and observations touching the advancement and restauration of our northern antiquities in the gothick , anglo-saxonick , and the like obscure languages ; and also concerning the doxology , found in the very ancient gospels in gothick . his numerous epistles latin and english , touching matters of learning , and religion , many of them now printed in collection with others . an appendix to the life of the lord primate usher ; containing a vindication of his opinions and actions in reference to the doctrine and discipline of the church of england , and his conformity thereunto , from the aspersions of peter heylin d. d. in his pamphlet called respondet petrus . finding that dr. heylin hath taken the pains to write this book on purpose to callumniate and asperse the lord primates memory , and arraign his opinions and actions , as not conformable to the doctrines of the church of england , i cannot well omit to consider what that author hath there laid to his charge , how justly i shall leave to the impartial reader to judg ; for i hope i shall make it appear that what the lord primate hath either publish'd , or written in private letters on those subjects , was on very good grounds , and such as may very well be defended , as agreeable to the sence and doctrine of our church , contained in the articles . or if after all i can say , the reader shall happen to think otherwise , i desire him not to censure too hardly , but to pass it by , since such difference ( if any be ) was not in the fundamental doctrines of our religion , but only some points of lesser moment ; or in which the church it self has not tied men either to this or that sence ; and that the lord primate held these opinions , not out of contradiction or singularity , but only because he thought them more agreeable to scripture and reason : tho in most of them i doubt not but to shew , that the doctor has stretched the lord primate's words farther than ever his own sence and meaning was . but to come to the points in which the doctor hath made bold to question his judgment , the first is his opinion of the divine morality of the sabbath , or seventh days rest , asserted by him in two several letters , published ( tho perhaps not so prudently with those private reflections ) by dr. bernard , in which controversy whether the authorities made use of by the lord primate out of the fathers and other writers , do not make out the assertion by him laid down ; or whether the doctor has fairly and ingenuously answered those quotations he cites in those letters , i shall not here take upon me to examine , but shall observe thus much , that as it is a doctrine held by some of the fathers , as also maintained by divers learned divines and bishops of our church , and therefore could not be so puritanical as the doctor would have it ; especially since the lord primate thought that he had the church of england on his side , as she hath declared her sence of this matter in the first part of the homily of the time and place of prayer , viz. god hath given express charge to all men , that upon the sabbath day ( which is now our sunday ) they shall cease from all weekly and work-day labour ; to the intent , that like as god himself wrought six days , and rested the seventh , and blessed and consecrated it to quietness and rest from labour : even so god's obedient people should use the sunday holily , and rest from their common and daily business , and also give themselves wholly to the heavenly exercise of god's true religion and service . which passage being expresly in the point , of my lord primat's side , the sabbath day , mentioned in the fourth commandment , being there called our sunday , and the same reason laid down for its observation , viz. because god had rested on the seventh day , &c. the doctor has no way to oppose this so express authority , but to make ( if possible ) this homily to contradict it self ; and therefore he produces another passage just preceding in this homily , as making for his opinion , which that you may judge whether it does so or no , i shall put down the passage as he himself hath cited it , with his conclusions from it , and shall then further examine whether it makes so much of his side as he would have it , viz. as concerning the time in which god hath appointed his people to assemble together solemnly , it doth appear by the fourth commandment , &c. and albeit this commandment of god doth not bind christian people so strictly to observe and keep the utter ceremonies of the sabbath day , as it was given unto the jews , as touching the forbearing of work and labour , and as touching the precise keeping of the seventh day , after the manner of the jews ; ( for we keep now the first day , which is our sunday , and make that our sabbath , that is , our day of rest , in honour of our saviour christ , who upon that day rose from death , conquering the same most triumphantly : ) yet notwithstanding whatsoever is found in the commandment appertaining to the law of nature , as a thing most godly , most just and needful for the setting forth of god's glory , ought to be retained and kept of all good christian people . so that it being thus resolved , that there is no more of the fourth commandment to be retained by good christian people , than what is found appertaining to the law of nature ; and that the law of nature doth not tie us to one day in seven , or more , to one day of the seven , than to any other ; let us next see by what authority the day was changed , and how it came to be translated from the seventh to the first . concerning which it follows thus in the said homily , viz. this example and commandment of god , the godly christian people began to follow immediately after the ascension of our lord christ , and began to chuse them a standing day of the week to come together in ; yet not the seventh day , which the jews kept , but the lord's day , the day of the lord's resurrection , the day after the seventh day , which is the first day of the week , &c. sithence which time god's people hath always in all ages , without any gainsaying , used to come together on the sunday to celebrate and honour god's blessed name , and carefully to keep that day in holy rest and quietness . so far the homily . and by this homily it appears plainly , that the keeping of the lord's day is not grounded on any commandment of christ , nor any precept of the apostles , but that it was chosen as a standing day of the week to come together in , by the godly christian people immediately after christ's ascension , and hath so continued ever since . but the doctor has been very careful in his quotations , not only to take whatsoever in this homily he thinks makes for his purpose , but has also been so wary as to leave out whatsoever he thinks is against him ; and therefore the reader is to take notice , that the place first cited by the doctor immediately precedes that before quoted by the lord primate , being connected to it by this passage ( which the doctor omits ) , and therefore by this commandment , we ought to have a time , as one day in the week , wherein we ought to rest , yea from our lawful and needful works . so likewise doth he omit that which immediately follows the words quoted by my lord primate , viz. so that god doth not only command the observation of this holy day , but also by his own example doth stir and provoke us to the diligent keeping of the same . and after the obedience of natural children , not only to the commands , but also to the example of their parents , is urged , it follows thus , as an argument for its observation , so if we will be the children of our heavenly father , we must be careful to keep the christian sabbath day , which is the sunday , not only for that it is god's express commandment , but also to declare our selves to be loving children , in following the example of our gracious lord and father . after which it follows again in the next paragraph ( which is also concealed by the doctor , tho it connects the words aforegoing , and the passage he next makes use of , together ) , thus it may plainly appear that god's will and commandment was to have a solemn time , and standing-day in the week , wherein the people should come together , and have in remembrance his wonderful benefits , and to render him thanks for them , as appertaineth to loving and obedient people . from all which put together , i shall leave it to the ingenuous reader to judge who hath most perverted the sence of this homily , the lord primate , or the doctor and whether or no these conclusions following do not clearly follow from the passages above-cited ; first , that by the fourth commandment it is god's perpetual will to have one solemn and standing day in the week for people to meet together to worship and serve him secondly , that this day , tho it be not the seventh day from the creation , yet is still the christian sabbath , or day of rest , being still the seventh day , and still observed , ( not only because of our saviour christ's resurrection on this day ) but also that we keep the christian sabbath , which is the sunday , as well for that it is god's express commandment , as also to shew our selves dutiful children , in following the example of our gracious lord and father , who rested on the seventh day . thirdly , that on this christian sabbath , or sunday , we ought to rest from our lawful and needful works , and common and daily business ; and also give our selves wholly to heavenly exercises of god's true religion and service . and therefore this being the express words and sence of this homily , that we may not make it contradict it self , the passages which the doctor relies so much upon , must have this reasonable construction , viz. that the maker thereof , tho he supposed that we christians were not obliged to the precise keeping of the seventh day after the manner of the jews , yet notwithstanding whatsoever is found in this commandment appertaining to the law of nature , &c. as most just and needful for the setting forth of god's glory , ought to be retained and kept of all christian people . which words must be understood in a clean contrary sence to the doctor 's , viz. that the meaning of the author was , ( and which our church confirms ) that by the law of nature the seventh day or one day in seven is to be kept holy ; or otherwise to what purpose serve these words before recited , viz. thus it may plainly appear that god's will and commandment was to have one solemn and standing day in the week , wherein people should come together &c. ( that is , now under the gospel , as before under the law. ) and what follows , which the doctor thinks makes for him , viz. this example and commandment of god the godly christian people began to follow immediatly after the ascension of our lord christ , and began to chuse them a standing day of the week to come together in ; yet not the seventh day , which the jews kept , but the lord's day , the day of the lord's resurrection , the day after the seventh day , which is the first day of the week , &c. does rather make against him ; that is , by gods example as well as command , they were obliged after christs ascension to chuse them one standing day of the week to meet together in : and if so , that must be one day in seven by an immutable moral institution ; or else , the church might , if they had so pleased , have celebrated the lord's resurrection ( not as the homily says ) on one standing day of the week , but only at easter ; and the law of nature , according to the doctor , not tying us to observe one day in seven , if this commandment of keeping the sabbath , or seventh day , oblige none but the jews ; then the primitive church might , if they had pleased , have quite left off setting aside any particular day of the week for god's service , and have thought it sufficient to have kept one day ( suppose ) in a month or two , for men to meet together for the service and worship of god : which whether those of the doctor 's party would be pleased with , i shall not dispute ; but sure i am that the church of england maintains no such doctrine . but the doctor , because he thinks the homily not enough of his side , undertakes to shew us upon what grounds the lord's day stood in the church of england at the time of the making this homily , and therefore he has put down the proem of an act of parliament of the fifth and sixth years of edward the th concerning holy-days , by which he would have the lord's day to stand on no other ground but the authority of the church , not as enjoyned by christ , or ordained by any of his apostles . which statute whosoever shall be pleased to peruse , may easily see that this proem he mentions , relates only to holy days , and not to sundays , as you may observe from this passage , viz. — which holy works as they may be called god's service , so the times especially appointed for the same are called holy-days , not for the matter or nature either of the time or day , &c. which title of holy-days was never applied to sundays , either in a vulgar , or legal acceptation . and tho the doctor fancied this act was in force at the time when this homily was made , and therefore must by no means contradict so sacred an authority as that of the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons assembled in parliament : because this act , tho repealed by queen mary , he would have to be revived again the first year of queen elizabeth , and so to stand in force at the time of making this homily ; whereas whoever consults our statute-book , will find that this statute of king edward the th was not revived , nor in force till the first of king james , when the repeal of this statute was again repealed : tho certainly the reviving of that , or any other statute , does not make their proems ( which are often very carelesly drawn ) to be in every clause either good law , or gospel : but tho the doctor in other things abhors the temporal powers having any thing to do in matters of religion ; yet if it make for his opinion , then the authority of a parliament shall be as good as that of a convocation . but i have dwelt too long upon this head , which i could not well contract , if i spoke any thing at all to justifie the lord primat's judgment in this so material a doctrine . the next point that the doctor lays to the lord primat's charge as not according to the church of england , is a passage in a letter to dr. bernard , and by him published in the book , intituled , the judgment of the late primat of ireland , &c. viz. that he ever declared his opinion to be , that episcopus & presbyter gradu tantum differunt , non ordine , and consequently that in places where bishops cannot be had , the ordination by presbyters standeth valid . and however ( saith he ) i must needs think that the churches in france , who living under a popish power , and cannot do what they would , are more excusable in that defect than those of the low-countries , that live under a free-state , yet for the testifying my communion with these churches ( which i do love and honour as true members of the church universal ) i do profess , that with like affection i should receive the blessed sacrament at the hands of the dutch ministers , if i were in holland , as i should do at the hands of the french ministers , if i were at charenton . which opinion as i cannot deny to have been my lord primat's , since i find the same written almost verbatim with his own hand , ( dated nov. . , in a private note-book ) not many months before his death , with the addition of this clause at the beginning , viz. yet , on the other side , holding as i do , that a bishop hath superiority in degree above presbyters , you may easily judg that the ordination made by such presbyters as have severed themselves from their bishops , cannot possibly by me be excused from being schismatical . and concluding with another clause , viz. for the agreement or disagreement in radical and fundamental doctrines ; not the consonancy , or dissonancy in the particular points of ecclesiastical government ) is with me ( and i hope with every man that mindeth peace ) the rule of adhering to , or receding from the communion of any church . and that the lord primate was always of this opinion , i find by another note of his own hand , written in another book many years before this , in these words , viz. the intrinsecal power of ordaining proceedeth not from jurisdiction , but only from order . but a presbyter hath the same order in specie with a bishop ; ergo , a presbyter hath equally an intrinsecal power to give orders ; and is equal to him in the power of order ; the bishop having no higher degree in respect of intension , or extention of the character of order ; tho he hath an higher degree , i. e. a more eminent place in respect of authority and jurisdiction in spiritual regiment . again , the papists teach that the confirmation of the baptized is proper to a bishop , as proceeding from the episcopal character as well as ordination : and yet in some cases may be communicated to a presbyter , and much more therefore in regard of the over-ruling commands of invincible necessity , although the right of baptising was given by christ's own commission to the apostles , and their successors : and yet in case of necessity allowed to lay-men : even so ordination might be devolved to presbyters in case of necessity . these passages perhaps may seem to some men inconsistent with what the lord primate hath written in some of his printed treatises , and particularly that of the original of episcopacy , wherein he proves from rev. . . that the stars there described in our blessed saviour's right hand , to be the angels of the seven churches . . that these angels were the several bishops of those churches , and not the whole colledg of presbyters , as mr. brightman would have it . . nor has he proved archbishops less ancient , each of these seven churches being at that time a metropolis , which had several bishops under it ; and ( ) that these bishops and archbishops were ordained by the apostles , as constant permanent officers in the church , and so in some sort jure divino ; that is , in st. hierom's sence , were ordained by the apostles for the better conferring of orders , and for preventing of schisms , which would otherwise arise among presbyters , if they had been all left equal , and independent to each other . and that this may very well consist with their being in some cases of necessity , not absolutely necessary in some churches , is proved by the learned mr. mason , in his defence of the ordination of ministers beyond the seas , where there are no bishops , in which he proves at large against the papists , that make this objection from their own schoolmen and canonists ; and that tho a bishop receives a sacred office , eminency in degree , and a larger ecclesiastical jurisdiction than a presbyter , yet that all these do not confer an absolute distinct order ; and yet that bishops are still jure divino , that is , by the ordinance of god , since they were ordained by the apostles , and whereunto they were directed by god's holy spirit , and in that sence are the ordinance of god. but if by jure divino , you would understand a law binding all christian churches universally , perpetually , unchangeably , and with such absolute necessity that no other form of regiment may in any case be admitted , in this sence we cannot grant it to be jure divino . and much of the same opinion is the learned bishop davenant in his treatise . so that you see here that as learned men , and as stout asserters of episcopacy as any the church of england hath had , have been of the lord primat's judgment in this matter , tho without any design to lessen the order of bishops , or to take away their use in the church , since mr. mason in the said treatise , tho he grants the french churches ( having a constant president of the presbytery ) to enjoy the substance of the episcopal office ; yet whereas their discipline is still very defective , he wishes them in the bowels of christ by all means to redress and reform it , and to conform themselves to the ancient custom of the church of christ : so that i hope after all , this question , whether episcopacy be ordo , or gradus , will prove only a difference in words rather than substance , between those of the lord primat's judgment , and those of the contrary , since they are both agreed in the main points in controve sie between them and the presbyterians , viz. that bishops were ordained in the church by the apostles themselves , from the direction , or at least approbation of our saviour himself , being the stars which st. john saw in his vision in our lord christ's own hand , and that they are permanent , immutable officers in the church , which cannot subsist without it , but in cases of pure necessity . and lastly , that those presbyters , which in churches founded and setled with bishops , do separate from them , are guilty of schism . these things being agreed upon on both sides , i think the rest of the controversie is not worth contending about : but if any learned persons of the church of england , who are well vers'd in the writings of the fathers , and other ancient monuments of the church , have already proved , or can further make out , that episcopacy has always been an absolute distinct order , as well as office in the church , i suppose the lord primate , were he now alive , would be so far from opposing them , that he would heartily thank them for giving him greater light , provided it could be done without unchurching all those protestant churches abroad vvho want bishops . and i hope however , if the lord primat may be thought by the doctor , or others , not to go high enough in this matter , nor sufficiently to magnifie his own office , yet that he may well be pardoned , since it proceeded from his excess of humility , and charity towards our neighbouring-churches , to whom no good protestants ought to deny the right-hand of fellowship . the third point which the doctor will have the lord primat to hold contrary to the doctrine of the church of england , which ( he says ) maintains an universal redemption of all mankind , by the sufferings and death of christ , as is proved by the prayer of consecration of the sacred elements in the sacrament , which declares , that god hath given to his son jesus christ , by his suffering death upon the cross , and by the oblation of himself , a full and sufficient sacrifice , oblation , and satisfaction for the sins of the whole world. and also that in the publick catechism , the party catechised is taught , to believe in god the son , who hath redeemed him , and all mankind . but that in this point the lord primat is of a contrary judgment to the church of england . for as he seems not to like their opinion , who contradict the riches of christ's satisfaction into too narrow a room , as if none had any interest therein but such as were elected before the foundation of the world ; so he declareth his dislike of the other extream ( as he is pleased to call it ) by which the benefit of this satisfaction is extended to the redemption of all mankind . the one extremity ( saith he ) extends the benefit of christ's satisfaction so far , ut reconciliationem cum deo , & peccatorem remissionem singulis impetraverit , as to obtain a reconciliation with god , and a remission of sins for all men at his merciful hands , p. . which tho they are the words of the remonstrants at the conference at the hague , anno , and are by him reckoned for untrue ; yet do they naturally result from the doctrine of universal redemption , which is maintained in the church of england ; not that all mankind is so perfectly reconciled to almighty god , as to be really and actually discharged from all their sins , before they actually believe , ( which the lord primate makes to be the meaning and effect of that extremity , as he calls it , p. . ) but that they are so far reconciled unto him as to be capable of the remission of their sins , in case they do not want that faith in their common saviour which is required thereunto . and here the doctor thinks he finds out two notable contradictions in the lord primat's letter of the year , since in one part thereof , he seems to dislike of their opinion , who contract the riches of christ's satisfaction into too narrow a room ; as if none had any kind of interest therein , but such as were elected before the foundation of the world , as before was said . and in the other he declares , that he is well assured that our saviour hath obtained at the hands of his father reconciliation , and forgiveness of sins , not for the reprobate , but elect only . p. ● . now the doctor has done his worst . yet i hope to prove that tho there may be a difference between my lord primat's way of explaining this doctrine , and that of the doctor 's , ( which proceeds indeed from the different notions they had of election and reprobation ) ; yet that there is no such formidable contradiction in these two propositions of my lord primat's by him laid down , as the doctor fancies ; or that the l. primat hath maintained any thing in this doctrine contrary to that of the church of england : for ( . ) the doctor owns that all mankind is not so perfectly reconciled to almighty god , as to be really and actually discharged from all their sins , before they actually believe ; but that they are so far reconciled unto him , as to be capable of the remission of their sins , in case they do not want that faith in their common saviour which is required thereunto . now what will the doctor get by these words , [ if they are so far reconciled to him , as to be capable of the remission of their sins , in case they do not want that faith which is required thereunto ] since the question still remains between the lord primat , and those of the contrary opinion , whether all men can obtain , without the aid of grace , this saving faith which is required thereunto our saviour says the direct contrary , joh. . , . no man can come to me , except the father which hath sent me , draw him : and i will raise him up at the last day . and st. paul tells us , ephes. . . for by grace are ye saved , through faith ; and that not of your selves , it is the gift of god. so phil. . . and that likewise it is the greatness of god's power that raises man's heart unto this faith , ephes. . . so then faith being the work of god in man's heart , ( which he bestows on whom he pleases ) all the question now is , whether christ has obtained reconciliation , and remission of sins from his father for those whom god foresaw would , or could not obtain this saving faith and if not , consequently not for the reprobate , ( as the lord primat hath laid down ) they being only reprobate , for want of this faith. nor will this be contradictory to my lord prim at 's other proposition , against such who contract the riches of christ's satisfaction into too narrow a room , as if none had any kind of interest therein , but such as were elected before the foundation of the world. since this is to be understood of the supralapsarian opinion , which makes reprobation to be antecedant to the fall of adam , and not only at a praeterition , but a predamnation for actual sins . whereas the lord primat held that mankind considered in massa corrupta after the fall of adam , was the only object of god's election or reprobation ; so that it is in this sence that he is to be understood when he says that our saviour hath obtainedat the hands of his father forgiveness of sins , not for the reprobate , but elect only . nor does he say that this proceeds from any deficiency in our saviour's death , and satisfaction , which is sufficient to save the whole world , if they would lay hold of it , and apply it to themselves ; but the reason why all men were not thereby saved , was , because they do not accept salvation when offered to them . which is the lord primat's express words , in a sermon upon john . . concerning our redemption by christ. so that those passages in our liturgy and catechism , before cited by the doctor , of christ's being a sufficient sacrifice for the sins of the whole world ; and in the catechism , of his redeeming all mankind ; must certainly be understood in this restrictive sence , viz. to as many of the world of mankind , as god foresaw would lay hold of this satisfaction by faith and good works ; or else all men must have a like share therein , whether they contribute any thing to it by faith or repentance or not . and now i shall leave it to the indifferent reader to judg whether the lord primat or the doctor are most to be blamed for breaking their subscription to the articles ( as the doctor would have him guilty of in this point ) because the church of england in its second article says expresly , that christ suffered , was crucified , dead , and buried , to reconcile his father to us , and to be a sacrifice not only for original guilt , but also for the actual sins of men. in which ( says he ) as well the sacrifice , as the effect and fruit thereof , which is the reconciliation of mankind to god the father , is delivered in general terms , without any restriction put upon them ; neither the sacrifice , nor the reconciliation being restrained to this or that man , some certain quidams of their own , whom they pass commonly by the name of god's elect. the sacrifice being made for the sins of men , of men indefinitly without limitation , is not to be confined to some few men only . yet after the doctor has said all he can , it seems still to me ( and i suppose to any unprejudiced reader ) that these christ suffered , &c. to reconcile his father to us , and to be a sacrifice , &c. for the actual sins of men — to be , not general , but limited propositions : since by reconciling his father to us , can be understood no further than to us that are not reprobates ( every man supposing himself not to be of that number ) ; and in this sence the lord primat himself makes use of the words we and us in his body of divinity , when he speaks of justification and reconciliation by faith , tho he there supposes that all men are not actually justified , nor reconciled to god by christ's sufferings . and as for the last clause , it is no more general than the former : for tho the word men be used in that place indefinitly , yet it is not therefore a general proposition , it being still to be understood of those men who truly believe ; for otherwise it had been very easie and natural for the framers of this article to have added this small word [ all ] and if they had , the question would have been much as it was before , christ's death being a sacrifice that did not actually take away the sins of the whole world , ( for then none could be damned ) tho vertually it hath power to do it , if it were rightly applied , the sacrifice having such virtue in it self , that if all the world would take it and apply it , it were able to expiate the sins of the whole world , as the lord primat in the above cited sermon very plainly and truly expresses himself on this doctrine . the fourth point which the doctor accuses the lord primat not to hold according to the church of england , is that of the true and real presence of christ's most precious body and blood in the sacrament . which doctrine of a real presence , he first proves from the words of the distribution , retained in the first liturgy of king edward the sixth , and formerly prescribed to be used in the ancient missals , viz. the body of our lord jesus christ which was given for thee , preserve thy body and soul unto life everlasting . the blood of our lord jesus christ , &c. it is proved , secondly , by that passage in the publick catechism , in which the party catechised is taught to say , that the body and blood of christ are verily and indeed taken and received of the faithful in the lord's supper . now if a question should be made , what the church means by verily and indeed in the former passage it must be answered , that she means , that christ is truly and really present in that blessed sacrament , as before was said ; the words being rendred thus in the latin translation , viz. corpus & sanguis domini quae verè & realiter exhibentur , &c. verily and indeed , as the english hath it , the same with verè and realiter , ( that is to say , truly and really ) : as it is in the latin. he likewise cites bp. bilson , bp morton , and bp. andrews , all of them to maintain a true and real prefence of christ in the sacrament ; and likewise mr. alex. noel in his latin catechism makes the party catechized answer to this effect , that the body and blood of christ given in the lord's supper , and eaten and drank by them , tho it be only in an heavenly and spiritual manner , yet are they both given and taken truly and really , or in very deed , by god's faithful people . by which it seems it is agreed on both sides , ( that is to say , the church of england , and the church of rome ) that there is a true and real presence of christ in the holy eucharist , the disagreement being only in the modus praesentiae . but on the contrary , the ld primat , in his answer to the jesuit's challenge , hath written one whole chapter against the real presence of christ in the sacrament ; in which tho he would seem to aim at the church of rome , ( tho by that church not only the real presence of christ in the sacrament , but the corporal eating of his body is maintained and taught ) yet doth he strike obliquely and on the by on the church of england . all that he doth allow concerning the real presence is no more than this , viz. that in the receiving of the blessed sacrament , we are to distinguish between the outward and the inward action of the communicant . in the outward , with our bodily mouth we receive really the visible elements of bread and wine ; in the inward , we do by faith really receive the body and blood of our lord ; that is to say , we are truly and indeed made partakers of christ crucified , to the spiritual strengthning of our inward man. which is no more than any calvinist will stick to say . but now after all these hard words the doctor has here bestowed upon my lord primat ( part of which i omit ) ; i think i can without much difficulty make it appear , that all this grievous accusation of the doctor 's is nothing but a meer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a strife about words , and that the lord primat held and believed this doctrine in the same sence with the church of england ; . then the th article of our church disavows all transubstantiation , or the change of the substance of bread and wine in the supper of the lord. the second asserts that the body of christ is given , taken , and eaten in the supper , only after an heavenly and spiritual manner ; and that the mean whereby the body of christ is received and eaten in the supper , is faith. and now i will leave it to the unprejudiced reader to judge whether the lord primat's way of explaining this sacrament ( according to the passage before cited by the doctor ) does differ in sence from these articles , ( however it may somewhat in words , as coming nearer the articles in ireland , which the bishop when he writ this book had alone subscribed to , and was bound to maintain ) : for i think no true son of the church of england will deny that in this sacrament they still really receive the visible elements of bread and wine . . that in the inward and spiritual action we really receive the body and blood of our lord , as the lord primat has before laid down . but perhaps it will be said , that the lord primat goes further in this article than the church of england does , and takes upon him to explain in what sence we receive the body and blood of our lord , and that otherwise than the church of england does ; he explaining it thus , that is to say , we are truly and indeed made partakers of christ crucified , to the spiritual strengthning of our inward man ; whereas the church of england declares that the body of christ is eaten only after a heavenly and spiritual manner ; yet still maintains the body of christ to be eaten , whereas the lord primat only says , that we are truly and indeed made partakers of christ crucified , but does not say ( as the article of our church does ) that we are therein partakers of the body and blood of christ. but i desire the objector to consider whether the explanation of our church , does not amount to the same thing in effect , that saying that the body of christ is eaten in the supper after a heavenly and spiritual manner ; and the lord primat , that we are truly and indeed made partakers of christ crucified , viz. after a spiritual , and not a carnal manner . but perhaps the doctor 's friends may still object , that the lord primat does not express this real presence of christ's body and blood in the sacrament , as bp. bilson and bp. morton assert , the former saying that christ's flesh and blood are truly present , and truly received by the faithful in the sacrament , and the latter expresly owning a real presence therein and bp. andrews in his apology to cardinal bellarmine , thus declares himself , viz. praesentiam credimus non minus quam vos veram , de modo praesentiae nil timerè definimus . which the doctor renders thus : we acknowledg ( saith he ) a presence as true and * real as you do , but we determine nothing rashly of the manner of it . and the church catechism above cited , as also the latin catechism of mr. noel , confess the body and blood of our lord are truly and indeed ( or as the latin translation renders it , verè & realiter ) taken and received in the lord's supper . which the lord primat does not affirm . i know not what such men would have . the lord primat asserts that we do by faith really receive the body and blood of christ , and that in the same sence with mr. noel's catechism , and the article of the church , viz. that christ's body is received after a spiritual and heavenly manner . which was added to exclude any real presence as taken in a carnal or bodily sence . so that our church does in this article explain the manner of the presence ( notwithstanding what bp. andrews says to the contrary . ) nor know i what they can here further mean by a real presence , unless a carnal one ; which indeed the church of england at the first reformation thought to be all one with the real , as appears by these words , in the first articles of religion agreed on in the convocation , ( anno . edw. . ) it becometh not any of the faithful to believe or profess , that there is a real or corporal presence of the body and blood of christ in the holy eucharist . and that our church did likewise at the first passing the articles in convocation , anno , likewise disallow any real presence , taken in a carnal sence , christ's body being always in heaven at the right hand of god , and therefore cannot be in more places than one : appears by the original of those articles , to be seen in the library of corpus christi colledg in cambridg , where tho this passage against a real or corporal presence ( which they then thought to be all one ) are dash'd over with red ink ; yet so , as it is still legible , therefore it may not be amiss to give you dr. burnet's reasons in his d part of the history of the reformation , p. , for the doing of it , — the secret of it was this ; the queen and her council studied to unite all into the communion of the church ; and it was alledged , that such an express definition against a real presence , might drive from the church many who were still of that perswasion ; and therefore it was thought to be enough to condemn transubstantiation , and to say that christ was present after a spiritual manner , and received by faith. and to say more ; as it was judged superfluous , so it might occasion division . upon this , these words were by common consent left out ; and in the next convocation the articles were subscribed without them . this shews that the doctrine of the church , then subscribed by the whole convocation , was at that time contrary to the belief of a real and corporal presence in the sacrament ; only it was not thought necessary , or expedient to publish it . tho from this silence , which flowed not from their opinion , but the wisdom of that time , in leaving a liberty for different speculations , as to the manner of the presence . some have since inferred , that the chief pastors of this church did then disapprove of the definition made in king edward 's time , and that they were for a real presence . and that our protestant bishops that were martyr'd in queen mary's days were against this expression of a real presence of christ as a natural body , appears by those questions which they disputed on solemnly at oxford before their martyrdom : the first question , whether the natural body of christ was really in the sacrament the second , whether no other substance did remain but the body and blood of christ both which they held in the negative . so that since this expression of a real presence of christ's body , was not maintained by our first protestant reformers , nor used by the church of england in her articles , i do not see of what use it can be now , ( tho perhaps only meant in a spiritual sence by most that make use of it ; for the real presence of a body , and yet unbodily ; i suppose those that speak thus , understand as little as i do ) unless that some men love to come as near the papists as may be in their expressions , tho without any hopes now of ever making them approach the nearer to us , and in the mean time giving matter of offence and scandal to divers ignorant and weak christians of our own religion . the fifth point that the doctor taxes the lord primat with as held by him contrary to the church of england , is , that she teaches that the priest hath power to forgive sins , as may be easily proved by three several arguments , not very easie to be answered . the first is from those solemn words , used in the ordination of the priest , or presbyter , that is to say , receive the holy ghost . whose sins ye forgive , they are forgiven ; and whose sins ye retain , they are retained . which were a gross prophanation of the words of our lord and saviour , and a meer mockery of the priest , if no such power were given unto him , as is there affirmed . the second argument is taken from one of the exhortations before the communion , where we find the people are exhorted by the priest , that if they cannot quiet their consciences , they should come unto him , or some other discreet minister of god's word , and open their grief , that they may receive such ghostly advice and comfort , as their consciences may be relieved , and that by the ministry of god's word they may receive comfort , and the benefit of absolution , to the quieting of their consciences , and avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulness . the third and most material proof , is the form prescribed for the visitation of the sick ; in which it is required , that after the sick person hath made a confession of his faith , and professed himself to be in charity with all men , he shall then make a special confession , if he feel his conscience troubled with any weighty matter . and then it follows , that after such confession , the minister shall absolve him in this manner , viz. our lord jesus christ who hath left power to his church to absolve all sinners that truly repent , and believe in him , of his great mercy forgive thee thine offences : and by his authority committed to me , i absolve thee from all thy sins , in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost . amen . of the first of these three places , deduced all of them from the best monuments and records of the church of england , the lord primat takes notice in his answer to the jesuit's challenge , p. . where he treateth purposely of the priests power to forgive sins , but gives us such a gloss upon it , as utterly subverts as well the doctrine of this church in that particular , as her purpose in it . and of the second he takes notice , p. . where he speaks purposely of confession , but gives us such a gloss upon that also , as he did upon the other . but of the third , which is more positive and material than the other two , he is not pleased to take any notice at all , as if no such doctrine were either taught by the church of england , or no such power had been ever exercised by the ministers of it : for in the canvassing of this point , he declares sometimes that the priest doth forgive sins only declarative , by the way of declaration only ; when on the consideration of the true faith , and sincere repentance of the party penitent , he doth declare unto him in the name of god , that his sins are pardoned , and sometimes that the priest forgives sins only optativè , by the way of prayers and intercession ; when on the like consideration he makes his prayers unto god , that the sins of the penitent may be pardoned . neither of which comes up unto the doctrine of the church of england ; which holdeth that the priest forgiveth sins authoritativè , by virtue of a power committed to him by our lord and saviour . that the supream power of forgiving sins is in god alone , against whose divine majesty all sins , of what sort soever , may be truly said to be committed , was never question'd by any who pretended to the christian faith. the power which is given to the priest is but a delegated power , such as is exercised by judges under soveraign princes ( where they are not tied unto the verdict of twelve men , as with us in england ) who by the power committed to them in their several circuits and divisions , do actually absolve the party which is brought before them , if on good proof they find him innocent of the crimes he stands accused for , and so discharge him of his irons . and such a power as this , i say , is both given to , and exercised by the priest , or presbyters in the church of england . for if they did forgive sins only declarativè ; that form of absolution which follows the general confession in the beginning of the common-prayer-book would have been sufficient , where the absolution is put in the third person ; or , if he did forgive sins only optativè , in the way of prayers and intercession , there could not be a better way of absolution , than that which is prescribed to be used by the priest or bishop , after the general confession made by such as are to receive the communion , viz. almighty god , and heavenly father , &c. have mercy upon you , pardon you , and deliver you from all your sins , &c. or else the first clause in the form of absolution used at the visitation of the sick , would have served the turn ; viz. our lord jesus christ , who hath left power to his church to absolve all sinners , which truly repent and believe in him , of his great mercy forgive thee thine offences ; and there could be no reason at all imaginable why the next clause should be superadded to this prayer , viz. and by his authority committed to me , i absolve thee from all thy sins , &c. if the priest did not forgive sins authoritativè , by such a delegated and commissionated power as before we spake of after all which tedious charge of the doctor 's against the lord primate , which i have been forced to transcribe , to let the impartial reader see i shall not answer him by halves , i doubt not but to prove that first the doctor hath dealt very disingenuously with the lord primat's book , by him there cited , out of which he hath culled some passages here and there , on purpose to cavil and find fault : for i shall shew you ( . ) that the lord primat doth there assert , that whatsoever the priest or minister contributes in this great work of cleansing the souls of men , they do it as god's ministers , and receiving a power from god so to do ; and that tho perhaps he does not make use of the doctor 's distinction of authoritativè , yet he speaks the same sence . ( . ) that admit the priest does absolve authoritativè , yet that this absolution can only operate declarativè , or optativè , and not absolutely . and dly , that the church of england in none of the three forms of absolution above mentioned ( no not in the last which he so much insists upon ) does pretend to give any larger power to the priest or minister than this amounts to . as for the first head i have laid down , i shall prove it from the lord primat's own words , in the same treatise before cited by the doctor ; who agrees with the lord primat , that the supream power of forgiving sins is in god alone . next , that the power given to the priest , is but a delegated power from god himself . now that the lord primat owns the priest , or minister , to be endowed with such a power , i shall put down his own words in the said book : viz. having thus reserved unto god his prerogative royal in cleansing the soul , we give unto his under officers their due , when we account of them as of the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god. not as lords , that have power to dispose of spiritual graces as they please , but as servants that are tied to follow their master's prescriptions therein ; and in following thereof , do but bring their external ministry , ( for which it self also they are beholden to god's mercy and goodness ) god conferring the inward blessing of his spirit thereupon , when and where he will : who then is paul , ( saith st. paul himself ) and who is apollos , but ministers by whom ye believed , even as the lord gave to every man. therefore , saith optatus , in all the servants there is no dominion , but a ministery ; cui creditur , ipse dat quod creditur , non per quem creditur ; it is he who is believed , that giveth the thing that is believed , not he by whom we do believe . whereas our saviour then saith unto his apostles , joh. . receive the holy ghost . whose sins ye forgive , shall be forgiven . st. ambrose , st. augustine , st. chrysostom , and st. cyril , make this observation thereupon , that this is not their work properly , but the work of the holy ghost , who remitteth by them , and therein performeth the works of the true god. to forgive sins therefore being thus proper to god only , and to his christ : his ministers must not be held to have this power communicated unto them , but in an improper sence , namely , because god forgiveth by them ; and hath appointed them both to apply those means by which he useth to forgive sins , and to give notice unto repentant sinners of that forgiveness . for who can forgive sins but god alone yet doth he forgive by them also , unto whom he hath given power to forgive , saith st. ambrose . and tho it be the proper work of god to remit sins , saith ferus ; yet are the apostles ( and their successors ) said to remit also , not simply , but because they apply those means whereby god doth remit sins . after the lord primat had shewed in the pages before-going , that the power of binding and loosing consists in exercising the discipline of the church , in debarring or admitting penitents from or to the communion , he proceeds thus ; that this authority of loosing remaineth still in the church , we constantly maintain against the heresie of the montanists and novations , &c. and after having confuted the uncharitableness of those hereticks , who denied that penitents who had committed heinous sins , ought to be received into the communion of the church , goes on thus ; that speech of his ( viz. st. paul's ) is specially noted , and pressed against the hereticks by st. ambrose , to whom ye forgive any thing , i forgive also : for if i forgave any thing to whom i forgave it , for your sakes i forgave it , in the person of christ. for as in the name , and by the power of our lord jesus christ , such a one was delivered to satan ; for god having given unto him repentance , to recover himself out of the snare of the devil ; in the same name , and in the same power was he to be restored again ; the ministers of reconciliation standing in christ's stead , and christ himself being in the midst of them that are thus gathered together in his name , will bind or loose in heaven , whatsoever they according to his commission shall bind or loose on earth . then after he has shewn that the power of the priest , or ministers of the gospel , is only ministerial and declarative , like that of the priests under the law of moses , where the laws are set down that concern the leprosie , ( which was a type of the pollution of sin ) we meet often with these speeches ; the priest shall cleanse him , and , the priest shall pollute him ; and in vers . . of the same chapter , the priest with pollution shall pollute him , as it is in the original ; not , saith st. hierom , that he is the author of the pollution , but that he declareth him to be polluted , who before did seem unto many to have been clean . whereupon the master of the sentences ( following herein st. hierom , and being afterwards therein followed himself by many others ) observeth that in remitting , or retaining sins , the priests of the gospel have that right and office , which the legal priests had of old under the law , in curing of the lepers . these therefore ( saith he ) forgive sins , or retain them , whiles they shew , and declare that they are forgiven , or retained by god. for the priests put the name of the lord upon the children of israel , but it was he himself that blessed them . neither do we grant hereby , ( as the adversary falsly chargeth us ) that a lay-man , yea or a woman , or a child , or any infidel , or a parrat likewise , if he be taught the words , may in this sence as well absolve as the priest as if the speech were all the thing that here were to be considered , and not the power : whereas we are taught that the kingdom of god is not in word , but in power . indeed if the priests by their office brought nothing with them but the ministry of the bare letter , a parrat peradventure might be taught to found that letter as well as they ; but we believe that god hath made them able ministers of the new testament , not of the letter , but of the spirit ; and that the gospel ministred by them , cometh unto us not in vvord only , but also in power , and in the holy ghost , and in much assurance . for god hath added a speical beauty to the feet of them that preach the gospel of peace , that howsoever others may bring glad-tidings of good things to the penitent sinner , as truly as they do ; yet neither can they do it with the same authority , neither is it to be expected that they should do it with such power , such assurance , and such full satisfaction to the afflicted conscience . the speech of every christian ( we know ) should be imployed to the use of edifying , that it may minister grace unto the hearers ; and a private brother in his place may deliver sound doctrine , reprehend vice , exhort to righteousness very commendably : yet hath the lord notwithstanding all this , for the necessary use of his church , appointed publick officers to do the same things , and hath given to them a peculiar power for edification , wherein they may boast above others ; and in the due execution whereof god is pleased to make them instruments of ministring a more plentiful measure of grace unto their hearers , than may be ordinarily looked for from others . — these are god's angels , and ambassadors for christ , and therefore in delivering their message are to be received as an angel of god , yea as christ jesus . that look how the prophet esay was comforted when the angel said unto him , thy iniquity is taken away , and thy sin purged ; and the poor woman in the gospel , when jesus said unto her , thy sins are forgiven : the like consolation doth the distressed sinner receive from the mouth of the minister ; when he hath compared the truth of god's word faithfully delivered by him , with the work of god's grace in his own heart . for as it is the office of this messenger , to pray us in christ's stead , that we would be reconciled unto god : so when we have listned unto this motion , and submitted our selves to the gospel of peace , it is a part of his office likewise to declare unto us in christ's stead , that we are reconciled to god : and in him christ himself must be acknowledged to speak , who to us-ward by this means is not weak , but mighty in us . having now shewn what the lord primate hath said in that treatise ; that the absolution of the priest , or minister , tho it be declarativè , yet is still authoritativè , by virtue of that power which christ hath commited unto him . but that this is no absolute power , but still only declarative , i shall prove in the next place , as well from what the lord primat hath here laid down , as from the nature of the absolution it self , the lord primat having before declared , that the prayer of the priest is one great means of obtaining remission of sins , i shall now shew you that the doctor did not so well peruse the lord primat's book as he might have done , when he so confidently affirms , that tho the lord primat has spoken somewhat of the declarative and optative forms of absolution , yet he hath taken no notice of the indicative , or that which is used in the absolution of the sick : of which sort take the lord primat's words ; in the days of thomas aquinas there arose a learned man among the papists themselves , who found fault with that indicative form of absolution then used by the priest , i absolve thee from all thy sins , and would have it delivered by way of deprecation ; alledging that this was not only the opinion of guliel . altisiodo , guliel . paris . and hugo cardinal ; but also that thirty years were scarce passed since all did use this form only , absolutionem & remissionem tribuat tibi omnipotens deus , almighty god give unto thee absolution and forgiveness . this only will i add , that as well in the ancient rituals , and in the new pontificial of the church of rome , as in the present practice of the greek church , i find the absolution expressed in the third person , as attributed wholly to god , and not in the first , as if it came from the priest himself . and after the lord primat hath there shewn , that the most ancient forms of absolution both in the latin and greek church , were in the third and not in the first person , he proceeds thus : alexander of hales , and bonaventure , in the form of absolution used in their time , to observe that prayer was premised in the optative , and absolution adjoined afterward in the indicative mood . whence they gather that the priest's prayer obtaineth grace , his absolution presupposeth it , and that by the former he ascendeth unto god , and procureth pardon for the fault ; by the latter he descendeth to the sinner , and reconcileth him to the church . for although a man be loosed before god , ( saith the master of the sentences ) yet is he not held loosed in the face of the church but by the judgment of the priest. and this loosing of men by the judgment of the priest , is by the fathers generally accounted nothing else but a restoring them to the peace of the church , and admitting of them to the lord's table again : which therefore they usually express by the terms of bringing them to the communion ; reconciling them to , or with the communion ; restoring the communion to them ; admitting them to fellowship ; granting them peace , &c. neither do i find that they did ever use any such formal absolution as this , i absolve thee from all thy sins : wherein our popish priests notwithstanding , do place the very form of their late-devised sacrament of penance , nay hold it to be so absolute a form , that ( according to thomas aquinas his new divinity ) it would not be sufficient to say , almighty god have mercy upon thee , or god grant unto thee absolution and forgiveness : because , forsooth , the priest by these words doth not signifie that the absolution is done , but entreateth that it may be done . which how it will accord with the roman pontifical , where the form of absolution is laid down prayer-wise , the jesuits who follow thomas , may do well to consider . now how near the doctor approaches to this opinion of the papists when he urges these words , i absolve thee from all thy sins , as an argument of the priests power to forgive sins authoritative , and as if this form had something more in it , or could work further towards the remission of the sins of the penitent than any of the rest , i shall leave it to the reader . whereas whosoever will consider the office of the priest , will find that it is not like that of a judg , or a vice-roy ( as the doctor would have it ) under a soveraign prince ; who has power not only to declare the person absolved from his crimes , but also may reprieve , or pardon him when guilty , or condemn him tho innocent , neither of which perhaps the prince himself , by whose commission he acts , would do : whereas the priest , whatever power he has delegated from god , ( vvhich i do not deny ) yet it is still only declarative , and conditional , according to the sincerity of the repentance in the person absolved . for as his absolution signifies nothing , if the repentance of the penitent , or dying person , be not real and sincere ; so neither can he hinder god from pardoning him , if it be so indeed , tho he should be so wicked , or uncharitable , as to deny him the benefit of this absolution , if he desire it : so that the office of the priest in this matter , rather resembleth that of an herald , who has a commission from his prince to proclaim and declare pardon to a company of rebels who have already submitted themselves , and promised obedience to their prince ; which pardon as it signifies nothing , if they still continue in their rebellion ; so tho the herald alone has the power of declaring this pardon , yet it is only in the name , and by the authority of his prince , who had passed this pardon in his own breast before ever the herald published it to the offenders : so that it is in this sence only that the priest can say thus , — by his authority ( viz. of our lord jesus christ ) committed to me , i absolve thee from all thy sins , since he does this not as christ's vicar , or judg under him , but as his herald or ambassador , or , as st. paul words it , in the person of christ forgives our offences ; yet still conditionally , that we are really penitent , and consequently is not effective , but only declarative of that forgiveness . i shall now in the last place shew you , that the church of england understands it in no other sence but this alone : and that if it did , it would make it all one with that of the papists . first , that the form of absolution which follows the general confession , is only declarative the doctor himself grants ; so likewise that before the communion is only optative , in the way of prayer and intercession , and consequently no other than declarative or conditional ; and therefore that the absolution to particular penitents both in order to receive the communion , as also in the visitation of the sick , are no other likewise than declarative , appears from the great tenderness of the church of england in this matter , not enjoining , but only advising the penitent in either case to make any special confession of his sins to the priest , in which case alone ( this absolution is supposed to be necessary ) unless he cannot quiet his conscience without it , or if he feel his conscience troubled vvith any weighty matter , after which confession the priest shall absolve him . but our church does not declare that either the penitent is obliged to make any such special confession to the priest either before the sacrament , or at the point of death , or that any person cannot obtain remission of their sins without absolution , as the church of rome asserts ; so that it seems our church's absolution in all these cases is no other than declarative , and for the quieting of the conscience of the penitent , if he find himself so troubled in mind , that he thinks he cannot obtain pardon from god without it : tho the priest ( as the herald above-mentioned , whose office it is to proclaim the king's pardon ) still absolves authoriative , and could not do it unless he were authorized by jesus christ for that purpose . and if the doctor , or any other , will maintain any higher absolution than this , it must be that of the church of rome , where a small attrition , or sorrow for sin , by virtue of the keys , ( that is , the absolution of the priest ) is made contrition , and the penitent is immediately absolved from all his sins ; tho perhaps he commit the same again as soon as ever he has done the penance enjoyned . and that the pious and judicious mr. hooker ( who certainly understood the doctrine of the church of england as well as dr. h. ) agrees fully with the lord primat in this matter , appears from his sixth book of ecclesiastical policy , where after his declaring ( with the lord primat ) that for any thing he could ever observe , those formalities the church of rome do so much esteem of , were not of such estimation , nor thought to be of absolute necessity with the ancient fathers , and that the form with them was with invocation , or praying for the penitent , that god would be reconciled unto him ; for which he produces st. ambrose , st. hierom , and leo , &c. p. . he thus declares his judgment , viz. as for the ministerial sentence of privat absolution , it can be no more than a declaration what god hath done ; it hath but the force of the prophet nathan's absolution , [ god hath taken away thy sins ; ] than which construction , especially of words judicial , there is nothing more vulgar . for example , the publicans are said in the gospel to have justified god ; the jews in malachy to have blessed the proud man , which sin , and prosper ; not that the one did make god righteous , or the other the wicked happy ; but to bless , to justifie , and to absolve , are as commonly used for words of judgment , or declaration , as of true and real efficacy ; yea even by the opinion of the master of the sentences , &c. priests are authorized to loose and bind , that is to say , declare who are bound , and who are loosed . the last point in which the doctor taxes the lord primat as differing from the church of england , is in the article of christ's descent into hell ; the church of england ( says he ) maintains a local descent ; that is to say , that the soul of christ , at such time as his body lay in the grave , did locally descend into the nethermost parts , in which the devil and his angels are reserved in everlasting chains of darkness , unto the judgment of the great and terrible day . this is proved at large by bishop bilson in his learned and laborious work , entitled , the survey of christ's sufferings . and that this was the meaning of the first reformers , when this article amongst others was first agreed upon in the first convocation of the year , appears by that passage of st. peter , which is cited by them touching christ's preaching to the spirits which were in prison . and tho that passage be left out of the present article , according as it passed in the convocation of the year , yet cannot it be used as an argument to prove that the church hath altered her judgment in that point ; as some men would have it ; that passage being left out for these reasons following : for , first , that passage was conceived to make the article too inclinable to the doctrine of the church of rome , which makes the chief end of christ's descent into hell , to be the fetching thence the souls of the fathers , who died before and under the law. and secondly , because it was conceived by some learned men , that the text was capable of some other construction than to be used for an argument of this descent . the judgment of the church continues still the same as before it was , and is as plain and positive for a local descent as ever ; she had not else left this article in the same place in which she found it , or given it the same distinct title as before it had ; viz. de descensu christi ad inferos , in the latin copies of king edward the th , that is to say , of the going down of christ into hell , as in the english copies of queen elizabeth's reign . nor indeed was there any reason why this article should have any distinct place or title at all , unless the maintenance of a local descent were intended by it . for having spoken in the former article of christ's suffering , crucifying , death and burial , it had been a very great impertinency ( not to call it worse ) to make a distinct article of his descending into hell , if to descend into hell did signifie the same with this being buried , as some men then fancied ; or that there were not in it some further meaning , which might deserve a place distinct from his death and burial . the article speaking thus , [ viz. as christ died for us , and was buried ; so is it to be believed that he went down into hell ] is either to be understood of a local descent , or else we are tied to believe nothing by it , but what was explicitly or implicitly comprehended in the former article . and lastly ; that mr. alex. noel , before mentioned , who being prolocutor of the convocation in the year , when this article was disputed , approved and ratified , cannot in reason be supposed to be ignorant of the true sence and meaning of this church in that particular . and he in his catechism ( above mentioned ) declares , that christ descended in his body into the bowels of the earth , and in his soul , separated from that body , he descended also into hell ; by means whereof the power and efficacy of his death was not made known only to the dead , but the devils themselves ; insomuch that both the souls of the unbelievers did sensibly perceive that condemnation which was most justly due to them for their incredulity ; and satan himself the prince of devils , did as plainly see that his tyranny , and all the powers of darkness were opprest , ruined , and destroyed . but on the contrary the l. primat allows not any such local descent , as is maintained by the church , and defended by the most learned members of it , who have left us any thing in writing about this article . and yet he neither followeth the opinion of calvin himself , nor of the generality of those of the calvinian party , who herein differ from their master ; but goes a new way of a later discovery , in which although he had few leaders , he hath found many followers . by christ's descending into hell , he would have nothing else to be understood but his continuing in the state of separation between the body and the soul , his remaining under the power of death during the time he lay buried in the grave : which is no more in effect , tho it differ somewhat in the terms , than to say , that he died , and was buried , and rose not till the third day , as the creed instructs us . in vindication of the lord primat's judgment in the sence of this article , i shall lay down some previous considerations to excuse him , if perhaps he differed from the sence of the church of england in this article , if it should appear that it ought to be understood in a strict and literal sence . for , first , you must understand that this article of christ's descent into hell , is not inserted amongst the articles of the church of ireland , which were the confession of faith of that church when the lord primat writ this answer to the jesuit ; the articles of the church of england ( amongst which this of christ's descent into hell is one ) not being received by the church of ireland till the year , ten years after the publishing of this book ; so that he could not be accused for differing from those articles , which he was not then obliged to receive , or subscribe to . dly . had this article been then inserted , and expressed in the very same words , as it is in those of the church of england , could he be accused of being heterodox for not understanding it , as the doctor does , of a local descent of christ's soul into hell , or the places of torment , since the church of england is so modest as only to assert , that it is to be believed that he went down into hell , without specifying in what sence she understand it for , as the lord primat very learnedly proves in this treatise , the word hell in old saxon , signifies no more than hidden , or covered ; so that in the original propriety of the word , our hell doth exactly answer the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which denotes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the place which is unseen , or removed from the sight of man. so that the word hell , signifies the same with hades in the greek , and inferi in the latin. concerning which st. augustin gives us this note ; the name of hell ( in latin inferi ) is variously put in scriptures , and in many meanings , according as the sence of the things which are intreated of do require . and mr. casaubon ( who understood the property of greek and latin words as well as any ) this other ; they who think that hades is properly the seat of the damned , be no less deceived , than they , who when they reade inferos in latin writers , do interpret it of the same place . [ whereupon the lord primat proceeds to shew ] that by hell , in divers places of scripture , is not to be understood the place of the wicked , or damned , but of the dead in general ; as in psal. . . what man is he that liveth and shall not see death shall he deliver his soul from the hand of hell and esa. . , . hell cannot praise thee ; death cannot celebrate thee ; they that go down into the pit cannot hope for thy truth . the living , the living , he shall praise thee , as i do this day . where the opposition betwixt hell , and the state of life in this world , is to be observed . therefore since the word hell does not necessarily imply a place of torment , either in scriptures , or ancient authors ; and that christ's descent into hell is not to be proved from any express place of scripture , as the doctor himself grants , since upon the review of the articles of our church , past in edward the sixth's time , this passage of st. peter , of christ's preaching to the spirits in prison , was left out in the present articles of our church , as not well bearing that interpretation . and that the learned grotius , and dr. hammond have in their comments on the new testament explained this place in a quite different sence . so that all the light we can receive as to this article of our creed , must be sought for in the ancient fathers of the church , whose opinions in this point are various and uncertain , ( as the lord primat sufficiently sets forth in this treatise ) some of them understanding by this word hell , [ or hades ] abraham's bosom , or place of happiness , whither the angels carried lazarus ; or that paradise in which our saviour promised the good thief he should be with him . so that this sort of hell can have no great difference from heaven it self . others of them will have our saviour descend into hell , or some out-skirts of it , which were no places of torment , only that he might make the patriarchs and prophets a visit , whom they supposed to be there detained , tho he did not fetch them from thence . others , as st. jerom , st. augustine , and others , suppose christ to have descended into hell , or the place of torment , to bring forth such souls of his as he found there . others , that he went thither to preach , and to bring from thence all the souls of the heathens , that heard then , and believed his preaching . others again , that he emptied hell of all its prisoners , and left the devils there alone ; which opinion , tho very untrue , was maintained by st. cyril , and others : into which error they were led by the superficial consideration of those words of st. peter , above-mentioned . from which difference , and variety of opinions we may learn , that as the fathers were not infallible ; so this opinion of christ's local descent into hell , as a place of torment , was not generally agreed on amongst them , no more than the reasons for which he should go thither . and therefore sure our more modern authors , as bp. bilson and mr. noel , could be no more certain than the fathers themselves , in what sence our saviour descended into hell , or what business he had to do there ; especially since this article of our church only says , we must believe he went down into hell , without specifying in what sence he went thither ; which she might easily have done , if she had not thought it better to leave men to their liberty to put what reasonable sence they should think fit , upon so obscure and doubtful an article ; and which has so little influence upon our faith or manners , supposed to be taken in one or the other sence . therefore i cannot see how the lord primat deserves to be blamed if in a matter of so great uncertainty and variety of opinions , he followed some of the most sober of the fathers , who did not understand christ's descent into hell , or hades , to be understood of any local descent into a place of torment . and that the lord primat was not the first discoverer or broacher ( as the doctor would have him ) of this interpretation of hades , or hell , for the state of souls as separate from their bodies , i shall shew you from several quotations the lord primat makes use of , out of the fathers , and other ancient authors to this purpose . first , as for the heathen , or prophane writers , he shews out of plato , and other philosophers and poets , that the word hades signifies a general invisible future state of the soul after it is separated from the body , consisting of two places , one of bliss , and the other of torment , according to the nature and actions of the soul whilst it was united with the body , and which places they fancied to be as far beneath the earth as the heaven is from it : for they imagined that the earth was not round but flat , and that the sea and skies did meet . so that most of the ancient fathers having no notion of the roundness of the earth , and of its being encompassed with air ; and likewise being most of them platonic philosophers , it is no wonder if they had the same notion of this hades , as those ancient philosophers and poets had before . yet some of them were better instructed , as st. chrysostom , who says modestly , if thou dost ask me ( saith he ) of the situation and place of gehenna i will answer and say , that it is seated somewhere out of this world ; and that it is not to be enquired in what place it is situated , but by what means rather it may be avoided . but st. gregory nyssen , in his dialogue between himself and macrina touching the soul and the resurrection , makes her to answer the question proposed by gregory in this manner : where is that name of hades so much spoken of and which is so much treated of in our common conversation , so much in the writings both of the heathen and our own into which all men think that the souls are translated from hence as into a certain receptacle for you will not say that the elements are this hades . whereunto macrina thus replies : it appeareth that thou didst not give much heed to my speech , for when i spake of the translation of the soul from that which is seen unto that which is invisible , i thought i had left nothing behind to be enquired of hades ; neither doth that name , wherein souls are said to be , seem to me to signifie any other thing either in prophane writers , or in the holy scripture , save only a removing unto that which is invisible and unseen . so likewise theophylact , and hugo etherianus after him , what is hades , or hell some say that it is a dark place under the earth ; others say that it is the translation of the soul from that which is visible , unto that which is unseen and invisible . for while the soul is in the body , it is seen by the proper operations thereof ; but being translated out of the body , it is invisible ; and this did they say was hades . hitherto also may be referred the place cited before out of origen in his fourth book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which by st. jerom is thus delivered : they who die in this world by the separation of the flesh and the soul , according to the difference of their works , obtain divers places in hell. where , by hades , inferi , or hell , he meaneth indefinitly the other world ; in which how the souls of the godly were disposed , he thus declares in another place : the soul leaveth the darkness of this world , and the blindness of this bodily nature , and is translated into another world , which is either the bosom of abraham , as it is shewed in lazarus , or paradise , as in the thief that believed upon the cross ; or yet god knows if that there be any other places , or other mansions , by which the soul that believeth in god , passing and coming unto that river which maketh glad the city of god , may receive within it the lot of the inheritance promised unto the fathers . for touching the determinate state of the faithful souls departed this life , the ancient doctors ( as we have shewed ) were not so throughly resolved . the lord primat having thus shewn in what sence many of the ancient fathers did understand this word hades , which we translate hell , proceeds to shew that divers of them expound christ's descent into hell ( or hades ) according to the common law of nature , which extends it self indifferently unto all that die : for as christ's soul was in all points made like unto ours ( sin only excepted ) while it was joined with his body here in the land of the living : so when he had humbled himself unto the death , it became him in all things to be made like unto his brethren , even in the state of dissolution . and so indeed the soul of jesus had experience of both : for it was in the place of human souls , and being out of the flesh , did live and subsist . it was a reasonable soul therefore , and of the same substance with the flesh of men , proceeding from mary . saith eustathius the patriarch of antioch , in his exposition of that text of the psalm , thou wilt not leave my soul in hell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the place of humane souls , ( which in the hebrew is the world of spirits ) and by the disposing of christ's soul there , after the manner of other souls , concludes it to be of the same nature with other mens souls . so st. hilary in his exposition of the th psalm , this is the law of humane necessity , saith he , that the bodies being buried , the souls should go to hell. which descent the lord did not refuse for the accomplishment of a true man. and a little after he repeats it , that desupernis ad inferos mortis lege descendit , he descended from the supernal to the infernal parts by the law of death . and upon psal. . more fully ; to fulfil the nature of man , he subjected himself to death ; that is , to a departure as it were of the soul and body ; and pierced into the infernal seats , which was a thing that seemed to be due unto man. i shall not trouble you with more quotations of this kind out of several of the ancient greek and latin fathers which he makes use of in this treatise , most of them agreeing in this , that christ died ; and was buried , and that his soul went to that place or receptacle , where the souls of good men do remain after death ; which whether it is no more in effect but differing in terms , than to say , he died and was buried , and rose not till the third day : which the doctor makes to be the absurdity of this opinion , i leave to the judgment of the impartial reader ; as i likewise do whether the lord primat deserves so severe a censure after his shewing so great learning as he has done , concerning the various interpretations of this word hades , or hell , both out of sacred and prophane writers , that it only serves to amaze the ignorant , and confound the learned . or that he meant nothing less in all these collections than to assert the doctrine of the church of england in this particular ; or , whether christ's local descent into hell can be found in the book of articles which he had subscribed to , or in the book of common-prayer which he was bound to conform to and if it be not so expressed in any of these , i leave it to you to judge how far dr. h. is to be believed in his accusation against the lord primat in other matters . but i doubt i have dwelt too long upon this less important article , which it seems was not thought so fundamental a one , but ( as the lord primat very well observes ) ruffinus in his exposition of the creed takes notice , that in the creed or symbol of the church of rome there is not added , he descended into hell ; and presently adds , yet the force or meaning of the word seems to be the same , in that he is said to have been buried . so that it seems old ruffinus is one of those who is guilty of this impertinency ( as the doctor calls it ) of making christ's descent into hell to signifie the same with his lying in the grave , or being buried , tho the same author takes notice that the church of aquileia had this article inserted in her creed , but the church of rome had not , ( which sure with men of the doctor 's way , should be a rule to other churches . ) and further , card. bellarmin noteth , ( as the lord primat confesses ) that st. augustin in his book , de fide & symbolo , and in his four books de symbolo ad catechumenos , maketh no mention of this article , when he doth expound the whole creed five several times . which is very strange , if the creed received by the african church had this article in it . ruffinus further takes notice , that it is not found in the symbol of the churches of the east ; by which he means the nicene and constantinopolitan creeds , the latter of which is nothing else but an explanation , or more ample enlargement of creed apostolical . tho this indeed be not at this day read in the greek , or other eastern churches , or so much as known or received in that of the * copties and abyssines . but the doctor having shown his malice against the lord primat's memory and opinions in those points , which i hope i have sufficiently answered , cannot give off so , but in the next section accuses him for inserting the nine articles of lambeth into those of the church of ireland , being inconsistent with the doctrine of the church of england . but before i answer this accusation , i shall first premise , that as i do not defend or approve that bishops , or others , tho never so learned divines , should take upon them to make new articles , or define and determine doubtful questions and controversies in religion , without being authorized by the king and convocation so to do : yet thus much i may charitably say of those good bishops , and other divines of the church of england , who framed and agreed upon these articles , that what they did in this matter , was sincerely , and as they then believed , according to the doctrine of the church of england , as either expresly contained in , or else to be drawn by consequence from that article of the church concerning predestination . and certainly this makes stronger against the doctor : for if with him the judgment of bp. bilson , bp. andrews , and mr. noel , in their writings , be a sufficient authority to declare the sence of the church of england in those questions of christ's true and real presence in the sacrament , and his local descent into hell ; why should not the judgment and determination of the two arch-bishops of canterbury and york , with divers other bishops and learned divines , after a serious debate and mature deliberation , as well declare what was the doctrine of the church of england in those questions of predestination , justifying faith , saving grace , and perseverance but it seems with the doctor , no bishops opinions shall be orthodox , if they agree not with his own . but to come to the charge it self : the main reason why the doctor will needs have the lord primat to be the cause of the inserting these articles of lambeth into those of ireland , agreed on in convocation , is , because the lord primat being then no bishop , but only professor of divinity in the university there , and a member of convocation , was ordered by the convocation to draw up those articles , and put them into latin , as if dr. usher could have then such a great influence upon it , as to be able to govern the church at his pleasure ; or that the scribe of any synod or council should make it pass what acts or articles he pleases ; or that one private divine should be able to manage the whole church of ireland , ( as the doctor would needs have him do in this affair . ) whereas the doctor having been an ancient member of convocation , could not but know that all articles after they are debated , are proposed by way of question by the president and prolocutor of either house , and are afterwards ordered to be drawn into form , and put in latin by some persons whom they appoint for that purpose ; and tho perhaps they might not be themselves in all points of the same opinion with those articles they are so ordered to draw up ; and that dr. usher did not hold all those articles of ireland in the same sence as they are there laid down , appears from what the doctor himself tells us in this pamphlet ; for p. , he saith , that it was his ( viz. the lord primat's ) doing , that a different explication of the article of christ's descent into hell , from that allowed of by this church ; and almost all the other heterodoxies of the sect of calvin were inserted , and incorporated into the articles of ireland . and p. , he finds fault with the th article of that church , because it is said of christ , that for our sakes he endured most grievous torments , immediatly in his soul , and most painful sufferings in his body . the enduring of which grievous torments in his soul , as calvin not without some touch of blasphemy , did first devise : so did he lay it down for the true sence and meaning of the article of christ's descending into hell ▪ in which expression , as the articles of ireland have taken up the words of calvin , so it may be rationally conceived that they take them with the same meaning and construction also . but the doctor owns that this was not the lord primat's sence of this article ; for p. , aforegoing , he says thus , yet he ( viz. the lord primat ) neither follows the opinion of calvin himself , nor of the generality of those of the calvinian party , who herein differ from their master ; but goes a new way of a later discovery , in which altho he had few leaders , he hath found many followers . but as i shall not take upon me to enter into a dispute with the doctor , or his followers , in defence of these irish articles , and to prove they are not contradictory to those of england , it not being my business ; yet i cannot forbear to observe , that it is highly improbable that all the bishops and clergy of ireland should incorporate the nine articles of lambeth , containing all the calvinian rigours ( as the doctor calls them ) in the points of predestination , grace , free-will , &c. if they had thought they were inconsistent with those of the church of england , and had not been satisfied that it was the doctrine then held and maintained in those points by the major part of the bishops and clergy of our church , as also believed by the king himself , who confirmed them , and certainly would never else have sent one bishop , and three of the most learned divines within his dominions , to the synod of dort , to maintain against the remonstrants or arminians , the very same opinions contained in these irish articles : but if all those must be counted by the doctor for rigorous calvinists that maintain these articles , and consequently heterodox to the church of england , i desire to know how he can excuse the major part of our bishops in queen elizabeth and king james's reign , and a considerable part of them during the reigns of the two last kings of blessed memory ( some of whom are still living ) from this heterodoxy . and if all men must be guilty of calvinism , who hold these opinions concerning predestination , grace , and free-will ; then the most part of the lutherans ( who differ very little from calvin in these points ) must be calvinists too . nor are these points held only by protestants , but many also of the church of rome hold the same , as witness the jansenists , and also the order of the dominicans , who come very near to calvin in the doctrines of predestination , &c. and are as much opposed by the jesuits , as the arminians are by the anti-remonstrants in holland . but perhaps the doctor may make st. augustin a calvinist too , since he is much of the same opinion with the lord primat in most of these points against the pelagians . having now i hope vindicated the lord primat from these unjust accusations of his differing from the church of england in matters of doctrine , i now come to answer his aspersions upon the lord primat in lesser matters ; and that you may see how unjustly he seeks out a quarrel against him , he makes it a crime in him , because those who were aspersed with the names of puritans made their addresses to him by letters , or visits , and because he was carress'd and feasted by them where-ever he came , ( as the doctor will have it ) as if the lord primat had no other perfections but his asserting those calvinian tenents . then he goes on to tax the lord primat with inconformity to the rules and orders of the church of england in several particulars : but with how great want of charity , and with how many malicious inferences and reflections , without any just grounds , i leave to the impartial reader who will give himself the trouble to peruse that pamphlet , many of those passages being cull'd here and there out of dr. bernard's treatise , entitled , the late lord primat's judgment , &c. without ever considering what went before , or what followed after ; and without taking notice that several things enjoined in the canons of the church of england , had no force or obligation in that of ireland , where those canons were not yet subscribed to , or received : and consequently such ceremonies as were by them enjoined , being in themselves indifferent , as the church declares , it had been singularity in him to have observed them there , and much worse to have imposed them upon others : for it is truly said of him by dr. bernard , that he did not affect some arbitrary innovations , ( not within the compass of the rule and order of the book of common-prayer ) and that he did not take upon him to introduce any rite or ceremony upon his own opinion of decency , till the church had judged it so . p. . what the lord primat's behaviour was in england in relation to some of these ceremonies of lesser moment , either to the peace or well-being of the church , the lord primat needs no apology , he having reason enough for what he did , if he conformed himself no further than the doctor would have him . but to give one instance for all of the doctor 's want of charity towards the lord primat ; dr. bernard having asserted his conformity to the discipline , liturgy , and articles of the church of england , — and that many of those who were called puritans , received such satisfaction from him , as to concur with him in the above-said particulars . the doctor immediatly makes this remark : for this ( says he ) might very well be done , and yet the men remain as unconformable to the rules of the church ( their kneeling at the communion only excepted ) as they were before . now what other rules of the church the doctor means i know not , since i always thought that whoever had brought over a lay-nonconformist to conform to the service and orders of the church , had done a very good work ; and i know not when that is done , what is required more to make him a true son of the church of england . but i shall say no more on this ungrateful subject , since i doubt not but the lord primat's great esteem and reputation is too deep rooted in the hearts of all good men , to be at all lessened by the doctor 's hard reflections ; tho i thought i could do no less than vindicate the memory of so pious a prelate , since many ordinary readers , who were not acquainted with this good bishop , or his writings , may think dr. h. had cause thus to find fault with him . so avoiding all invidious reflections upon the reverend doctor , long since deceased , i shall now conclude , heartily wishing that whatever he hath written , or published , had never done any more prejudice to that church which he undertook to serve , than any of those writings or opinions of the lord primat's , which he so much finds fault with . finis . a collection of three hundred letters written between the most reverend father in god , james usher , late lord arch-bishop of armagh , and most of the eminentest persons for piety and learning in his time , both in england and beyond the seas . collected and published from original copies under their own hands , by richard parr , d. d. his lordships chaplain at the time of his death , with whom the care of all his papers were intrusted by his lordship . london , printed for nathanael ranew , at the king's arms in st. paul's church-yard . mdclxxxvi . the contents . letter i. a letter from mr. james usher to mr. richard stanihurst , at the english colledge in lovain . page . ii. a letter from mr. james usher to mr. william eyres . iii. a letter from mr. william eyres to mr. james usher . iv. a letter from mr. henry briggs to mr. james usher . v. a letter from mr. thomas lydiat to mr. james usher . vi. a letter from mr. james usher to mr. thomas lydiat . vii . a letter from mr. james usher to mr. thomas lydiat . viii . a letter from mr. james usher to dr. challoner . ix . a letter from mr. samuel ward to mr. james usher . x. a letter from mr. james usher to mr. samuel ward . xi . a letter from mr. samuel ward to mr james usher . xii . a letter from mr. alexander cook to mr. james usher . xiii . a letter from mr. samuel ward to mr. james usher . xiv . a letter from mr. samuel ward to mr. james usher . xv. a letter from mr. william eyres to mr. james usher . xvi . a letter from mr. henry briggs to mr. james usher . xvii . a letter from the most reverend tobias matthews , arch-bishop of york , to mr. james usher . xviii . a letter from mr. thomas gataker to mr. james usher . xix . a letter from mr. robert usher to dr. james usher . xx. a letter from mr. thomas lydiat to dr. james usher . xxi . a letter from dr. james usher to mr. thomas lydiat . xxii . a letter from dr. james usher concerning the death and satisfaction of christ. xxiii . an answer to some objections against the said letter , by dr. james usher . xxiv . a letter from sr. henry bourgchier to dr. james usher . xxv . a letter from mr. william crashaw to dr. james usher . xxvi . a letter from mr. thomas gataker to dr. james usher . xxvii . a letter from mr. thomas lydiat to dr. james usher . xxviii . a letter from mr. william eyres to dr. james usher . xxix . a letter from mr. james warren to dr. james usher . xxx . a letter from dr. james usher to mr. thomas lydiat . xxxi . a letter from sr. henry bourgchier to dr. james usher . xxxii . a letter from mr. william eyres to dr. james usher . xxxiii . a letter from dr. james usher to mr. william camden . xxxiv . a letter from mr. william camden to dr. james usher . xxxv . a letter from mr. thomas warren to dr. james usher . xxxvi . a letter from the right reverend thomas morton , bishop of chester , to dr. james usher . xxxvii . a letter from mr. samuel ward to dr. james usher . xxxviii . a letter from dr. james usher to mr. thomas lydiat . xxxix . a letter from dr. james usher . xl. a letter from mr. edward browncker to dr. james usher . xli . a letter from dr. james usher , bishop elect of meath , to the most reverend dr. hampton arch-bishop of armagh . xlii . a letter from the most reverend dr. hampton arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . xliii . a letter from mr. thomas gataker to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . xliv . a letter from sir william boswell to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . xlv . a letter from sir henry spelman to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . xlvi . a letter from mr. john selden to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . xlvii . a letter from sir robert cotton to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . xlviii . a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . xlix . a letter from the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath , to mr. john selden . l. a letter from dr. samuel ward to the right reverend james usher bishop of meath . li. a letter from the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath , to oliver lord grandison . lii . a letter from the most reverend dr. hampton , arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . liii . a letter from the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath , to dr. samuel ward . liv. a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lv. a letter from mr. henry holcroft to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lvi . a letter from dr. goad and dr. feately to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lvii . a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the right reverend james usher bishop of meath . lviii . a letter from the right reverend thomas morton , bishop of coventry and litchfield , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lix . a letter from the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath , to the most reverend dr. hampton , arch-bishop of armagh . lx. a letter from the most reverend , the arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxi . a letter from dr. ryves to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxii . a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxiii . a letter from dr. thomas james to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxiv . a letter from mr. william eyres to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxv . a letter from dr. thomas james to mr. — calandrine . lxvi . a letter from dr. thomas james to mr. — calandrine . lxvii . a letter from the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxviii . a letter from dr. thomas james to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxix . a letter from mr. thomas davis in aleppo , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxx . a letter from mr. thomas pickering to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxxi . a letter from mr. thomas davis in aleppo , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxxii . a letter from sir henry bourgchier , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxxiii . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxxiv . a letter from the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath , to dr. samuel ward . lxxv . a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxxvi . a letter from dr. thomas james to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxxvii . a letter from dr. thomas james to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxxviii . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxxix . a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . lxxx . a letter from the right reverend , the bishop of kilmore , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop elect of armagh . lxxxi . a letter from mr. thomas davis from aleppo , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . lxxxii . a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . lxxxiii . a letter from mr. thomas davis at aleppo , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . lxxxiv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend john williams bishop of lincoln and lord keeper . lxxxv . a letter from mr. abraham wheelock to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . lxxxvi . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . lxxxvii . a letter from dr. thomas james to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . lxxxviii . a letter from mr. john selden to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . lxxxix . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . xc . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . xci . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . xcii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the lord keeper and lord treasurerer . xciii . a letter from mr. john selden to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . xciv . a letter from mr. john cotton of new england , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . xcv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . xcvi . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . xcvii . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . xcviii . a letter from most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . xcix . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . c. a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ci. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to samuel ward . cii . a letter from mr. ralph skinner to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ciii . a letter from mr. ralph skinner to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . civ . a letter from mr. ralph skinner to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cv . a letter from mr. ralph skinner . cvi. a letter from mr. ralph skinner to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cvii . a letter from mr. james white to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cviii . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cix . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . cx . a letter from dr. john bainbridge to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxi . a letter from mr. thomas davis from aleppo , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxii . a letter from mr. alexander cook to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxiii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the lord faulkland . cxiv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the most reverend robert abbot , arch-bishop of canterbury . cxv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the honourable society of lincolns-inn . cxvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the most reverend robert abbot , arch-bishop of canterbury . cxvii . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxviii . a letter from the lord deputy faulkland to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxix . a letter from the most reverend robert abbot , arch-bishop of canterbury , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxx . a letter from mr. thomas davis in aleppo , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxi . a letter from the reverend john hanmer , bishop of st. asaph , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. john selden . cxxiii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , to mr. — cxxiv . a letter from dr. william bedell , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxv . a letter from dr. john bainbridge , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxvi . a letter from dr. william bedell , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxvii . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxviii . a letter from sir henry spelman to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxix . a letter from mr. john king to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxx . a letter from sir henry spelman to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxxi . a letter from dr. george hakewill to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxxii . a letter from the reverend john prideaux , bishop of worcester , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxxiii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , to the right honourable — cxxxiv . a letter from the right reverend william laud , bishop of london , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxxv . a letter from dr. william bedell to the most reverend jamesusher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxxvi . a letter from sir henry bourgchier , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxxvii . a letter from mr. archibald hamilton to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxxviii . a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxxxix . a letter from the right honourable the lord deputy faulkland , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxl . a letter from mr. john philpot to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxli . a letter from the lords of the council in ireland , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxlii . a letter from the right reverend william laud , bishop of london , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxliii . a letter from the right reverend william laud , bishop of london , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxliv . a letter from dr. john bainbridge , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxlv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend william laud , bishop of london . cxlvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to ludovicus de dieu . cxlvii . a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxlviii . a letter from the right reverend william laud , bishop of london , to the most rend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxlix . a letter from the right reverend william bedell , bishop of kilmore , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cl. a letter from mr. lawr. robinson , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . cli . a letter from sir henry bourgchier , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clii a letter from the right reverend william bedell , bishop of kilmore , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cliii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend william bedell , bishop of kilmore . cliv. a letter from the right reverend william laud , bishop of london , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clv . a letter from the right reverend william bedell , bishop of kilmore , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the lords justices in ireland . instructions to mr. dean lesly for the stoping of sir john bathes patent . clvii . a letter from the right reverend george downham , bishop of london-derry , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clviii . a letter from the right reverend thomas morton , bishop of coventry and litchfield , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clix. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . clx . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxi . a letter from the right reverend william bedell , bishop of kilmore , to dr. samuel ward , concerning baptism . clxii . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the right reverend william bedell , bishop of kilmore , concerning baptism . clxiii . a letter from the right reverend william bedell , bishop of kilmore , to dr. samuel ward , concerning baptism . clxiv . a letter from king charles the first , to the lords of the council in ireland . clxv . a letter from the earl of cork , and the lord chancellor of ireland , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxvi . a letter from the right reverend william laud , bishop of london , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxvii . a letter from the kings council in ireland , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxviii . a letter from the right reverend william bedell , bishop of kilmore , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxix . a letter from dr. john forbes to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxx . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. john forbes . clxxi. a letter from the ministers of the pallatinate to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxxii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend william laud , bishop of london . clxxiii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend william laud , bishop of london . clxxiv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to ludovicus de dieu . clxxv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to ludovicus de dieu . clxxvi . a letter from johannes buxtorfius to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxxvii . a letter from constantinus l'empereur ab oppych , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxxviii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . clxxix . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxxx . a letter from constantinus l'empereur ab oppych , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxxxi . a letter from dr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxxxii . a letter from constantinus l'empereur ab oppych , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxxxiii . a letter from mr. francis taylor , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxxxiv . a letter from the most reverend william laud , arch-bishop of canterbury , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxxxv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . clxxxvi . a letter from ludovicus de dieu , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxxxvii . a letter from ludovicus de dieu , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . clxxxviii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to ludovicus de dieu . clxxxix . a letter from the most reverend william laud , arch-bishop of canterbury , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxc . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to gerardus vossius . cxci. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to fredericus spanhemius . cxcii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to constantinus l'empereur ab oppych . cxciii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to ludovicus de dieu . cxciv . a letter from ludovicus de dieu to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxcv. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to ludovicus de dieu . cxcvi. a letter from mr. j. battiere to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxcvii . a letter from constantinus l'empereur ab oppych , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxcviii. a letter from arnoldus bootius to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cxcix . a letter from dr. william gilbert to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cc. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . cci. a letter from sir simon d'ewes to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccii. a letter from the right honourable dudly loftus , lord chancellor of ireland , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cciii . a letter from mr. arnold boate , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cciv. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to lewis de dieu . ccv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , concerning the sabbath and observation of the lords day . ccvi. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to sir simon d'ewes . ccvii. a letter from johannes priceus to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccviii . a letter from sybilla christiana comitiss . hanoviae , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccix. a letter from d. blondellus to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccx . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to claudius salmasius . ccxi. a letter from mr. john greaves , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxii. a letter from dr. gerard langbaine to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxiii. a letter from christianus ravius to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxiv. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. gerard langbaine . ccxv . a leter from dr. gerard langbaine to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxvi . a letter from dr. gerard langbaine to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxvii . a letter from t. — to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxviii . a letter from the right reverend joseph hall , bishop of norwich , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxix. a letter from mr. patrick young to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxx . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to fredericus spanhemius . ccxxi . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to johannes gerardus vossius . ccxxii . a letter from the right reverend thomas barlow , now bishop of lincoln , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxiii. a letter from claudius sarravius to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxiv. a letter from fredericus spanhemius to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxv. a letter from dr. gerard langbaine to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to christophorus justellus . ccxxvii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to claudius sarravius . ccxxviii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to isaacus vossius . ccxxix . a letter from the right reverend joseph hall , bishop of norwich , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxx . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend joseph hall , bishop of norwich . ccxxxi . a letter from gerardus johannes vossius to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxxii . a letter from dr. jsaac basire to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxxiii . a letter from sir thomas ryves to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxxiv . a letter from mr. arnold boate to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxxv . a letter from dr. gerard langbaine to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxxvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. alexander more . ccxxxvii . a letter from sir thomas reeves to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxxviii . a letter from isaacus gruterus to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxxxix . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to johannes gerardus vossius . ccxl . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to johannes hevelius . ccxli. a letter from dr. henry hammond to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxlii. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. henry hammond . ccxliii . a letter from dr. henry hammond to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxliv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. henry hammond . ccxlv . a letter from dr. henry hammond to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxlvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. henry hammond . ccxlvii. a letter from mr. edward davenant to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxlviii . a letter from mr. abraham wheelock to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxlix . a letter from isaacus gruterus to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccl . a letter from petrus scavenius to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccli . a letter from paulus testardus to the most reverend james usher , arch-shop of armagh . cclii . a letter from christianus ravius to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccliii . a letter from dr. gerard langbaine to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccliv . a letter from the right reverend godfrey goodman , bishop of gloucester , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclv. a letter from the right reverend joseph hall , bishop of norwich , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclvi. a letter from dr. merick casaubon to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclvii . a letter from dr. isaac vossius to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclviii. a letter from mr. arnold boate to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclix . a letter from ludovicus capellus to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclx . a letter from mr. arnold boate , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxi . a letter from mr. robert vaughan to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxii . a letter from ludovicus capellus to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxiii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to franciscus junius . cclxiv . a letter from mr. arnold boate to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxv. a letter from the right reverend henry king , bishop of chichester , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxvi. a letter from ludovicus capellus to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxvii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to ludovicus capellus . cclxviii . a letter from the right reverend brain duppo , bishop of salisbury , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxix . a letter from gothofredus hotton to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxx. a letter from robert vaughan to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxi. a letter from mr. arnold boate to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxii . a letter from johannes buxtorfius to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxiii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to johannes buxtorfius . cclxxiv . a letter from ludovicus capellus to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxv . a letter from mr. arnold boate to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxvi . a letter from the right reverend brian walton , bishop of chester , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxvii . a letter from mr. john selden to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxviii . a letter from mr. john selden to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxix . a letter from mr. john selden to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxx . a letter from mr. john price to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxxi . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to ludovicus de dieu . cclxxxii . a letter from dr. john price to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxxiii . a letter from the right reverend thomas morton , bishop of durham , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxxiv . a letter from mr. thomas whalley to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxxv . a letter from mr. thomas whalley to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxxvi . a letter from mr. thomas whalley to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxxvii . a letter from mr. thomas whalley to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxxviii . a letter from mr. arnold boate to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . cclxxxix . a letter from jacobus goar to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxc. a letter from nicolaus mercator to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxci. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to henricus valesius . ccxcii . a letter from the right reverend joseph hall , bishop of norwich , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxciii . a letter from the right reverend john bramhall , bishop of london-derry , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxciv. a letter from henricus valesius to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxcv. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to henricus valesius . ccxcvi. a letter from dr. thomas barlow , now bishop of lincoln , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxcvii. a letter from mr. herbert thorndike to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxcviii . a letter from johannes dallaeus to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . ccxcix . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. arnold boate. ccc . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. arnold boate. ccci. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. arnold boate. cccii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. arnold boate. ccciii. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to nicolaus mercator . ccciv. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. samuel hartlib . cccv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to christianus ravius . cccvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. samuel hartlib . the contents of an additional collection of letters from several other eminent persons . i. a letter from mr. william camden to sir edward stradling . ii. a letter from mr. william camden to sir edward stradling . iii. a letter from padre paulo , author of the history of the council of trent , to the abbot of st. medard . iv. a letter from hugo grotius to dr. john overal , dean of st. pauls . v. a letter from hugo grotius to dr. john overal , dean of st. pauls . vi. a letter from hugo grotius to the right reverend john overal , bishop of coventry and litchfield . vii . a letter from hugo grotius to the right reverend john overal , bishop of coventry and litchfield . viii . a letter from johannes henricus hottinger to christianus ravius . ix . a letter from jacobus irmingerus to christianus ravius . x. a letter from jacobus syrmondus to simon de dewes . xi . a letter from jacobus syrmondus to simon de dewes . xii . a letter from john deodate to the assembly of divines , london , . xiii . a letter from sir thomas bodleigh to sir francis bacon . xiv . a letter from sir thomas bodleigh to sir francis bacon . xv. a letter from sir henry sydney to his son sir phillip sydney . xvi . a letter from sir henry sydney to his son sir phillip sydney . xvii . a letter from sir william boswell to the most reverend william laud , arch-bishop of 〈…〉 letters . letter i. a letter from mr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. richard stanihurst at the english colledge in lovain . dear uncle , having the opportunity of this messenger so fitly offered unto me , i make bold to desire your furtherance in some matters that concern my studies . the principal part of my study at this time is imployed in perusing the writings of the fathers , and observing out of them the doctrine of the ancient church ; wherein i find it very necessary , that the reader should be thoroughly informed touching his authors , what time they lived , and what works are truly , what falsely attributed to them ; either of which being mistaken , must of force bring great confusion in this kind of study . to help students wherein , johannes molanus , sometime divinity professor in the university of lovain , wrote a book , which he intituled bibliotheca theologica ; giving charge at his death to his heirs , that they should see the work published ; ( as witnesseth possevinus in apparatu sacro ) but they being negligent in discharging that trust committed unto them , the book is at last fallen into the hands of aubertus miroeus , a canon of antwerp , as himself acknowledgeth in his edition of sigebert's chronicle . if you could procure from him the copy thereof , ( which i suppose will be no hard matter for you to effect ) and with some convenient speed impart it unto me , i should take it for a very great argument of your love , and hold my self exceedingly obliged unto you thereby . besides my main studies , i have always used , as a kind of recreation , to spend some time in gathering together the scattered antiquities of our nation ; whereof i doubt not but many relicks are come into your hands , which i would very willingly hear of . but especially i would intreat you to let me have a copy of philip flatsebury's chronicle , for hitherto i could never get a sight of it ; as neither of cornelius hibernicus his history , cited by hector boethius : sentleger's collections , alledged by mr. campian : richard creagh of the saints of ireland : christopher pembridg his abstract of the irish chronicles , &c. there is also among the manuscript books of the jesuites colledge at lovain , the life of st. patrick , a manuscript , &c. a manuscript whereof i have much desired , both because the author seemeth to be of some antiquity , and likewise alledgeth certain sentences out of st. patrick's own writings . if any of our country men , studious of such matters , will be pleased to communicate either that , or any other antiquities of like nature , i do promise that i will take as much pains for him , and make full recompence of courtesie in the same kind . your own treatise of st. patrick's life i have ; as also your hebdomada mariana . your margarita mariana , and other writings ( if there be any ) i have much sought for , but could not as yet get : thus presuming upon that natural bond of love which is knit betwixt us , that i shall receive such satisfaction from you as i expect ; with my mother , your sister 's most kind remembrance , i remain your most loving nephew , james usher . letter ii. jac. usseri ad guil. eyrium epistola . guilielmo eyrio , in collegio emmanuelis cantabrigiae , socio , quas ad me dedisti literas , eyri ornatissime , eas reddidit mihi jampridem huc ex angliâ reversus , frater : ad quas quòd seriùs jam respondeam , partim illud in causa fuit quòd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , partim etiam quòd livelaeanam de authentica scripturarum editione commentationem priùs expectaverim , quo amplior mihi tribueretur occasio & gratias agendi , & amplius de quaestione gravissimâ inquirendi ( quo unâ fideliâ duos dealbarem parietes ) profectò me negligentiam insuper commemorare necesse sit , quam diffiteri non possum . sanè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum livelaeo tuo conferre , cum aliis de rebus , tum praecipuè de versione lxx interpretibus adscriptâ ; ubi mihi in multis aquam haerere non diffiteor : promisit de his nuper rara quaedam & inaudita doctissimus scaliger , ( cujus ego hominis multiplicem eruditionem admirari soleo ) ut & de masoritarum observationibus , à quibus , post hieronymi tempora , puncta hebraeorum & accentus inventos , confirmatur . sed ludet ibi profectò operam , si quid ego augurari possum . ludat scaligeri critica in virgiliano culice ; ludat , ( inquam ) nam lusisse ostendunt crebrae illae trajectiones , quas ille nulli opinor hominum unquam probaverit . et ludente autore , ludat etiam interpres . lusit virgilius culice , ( lusimus octavi ) lusit etiam in emendando culice scaliger . et hujusmodi nugis ludat ille quantum volet : non in eo positae sunt fortunae graeciae . sed in seriis & maximi momenti rebus pium & modestum pectus desideraverim . tuum erit ( doctiss . eyri ) & tui simillium , quibus ad arcana literaturae hebraicae datus est aditus , succrescenti huic malo ire obviam , & curare ne quid inde detrimenti resp. christiana capiat . haec in nostros fabricata est machina muros ; aut aliquis latet error . ad nos quod attinet , qui sacris illis vix dum initiati sumus ; congessimus et nos ex hieronymo & scriptis hebraeorum observationes ; sed talmudicorum librorum ope destituti , quod voluimus perficere , nondum potuimus . illud certè mihi persuasissimum ipsum masoreth longè antè hieronymi tempora extitisse . illud velim scire quomodo in baba bothra , in historia de joabo magistrum suum occidente , distinguunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an per puncta vocalia , an aliter . et in massecheth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . et quid intelligit arias montanus , cum dicit josephum punctorum meminisse . lasciviunt critici , quorum petulantia comprimenda ; nisi non sit verisimile , non ego credulus illis . — cur dextrae jungere dextram non datur , ac veras audire & reddere voces aen. . nec vidisse semel satis est : juvatusque morari ; et conferre gradum , & veniendi discere causas . aen. . — nequeunt expleri corda tuendo . aen. . spondeo digna tuis ingentibus omnia coeptis . — nec partum gratia talem parva manet . — aen. . omnia magna de te spem nobis conciliasti . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jac. usserius . dublin . kal. januar. . letter iii. guiliel . eyrii ad usserium epistola . spectatissimo viro ac amico suo singulari , m. jacobo usserio theologiae professori apud dublinienses in hyberniâ , s. quod hieronymus in epistolâ quâdam ad paulinum presbyterum scripsit , nempè literas ejus à principio probatae jam fidei fidem & veteris amicitiae nova praetulisse argumenta , idem de tuis ( ornatissime humanissiméque usseri ) quas ad me kalendas januarii dedisti literis , verè dicere possum . vera est enim haec necessitudo nostra & satis antiqua , quam ( ut sanctissimi patris verbis utar ) non utilitas rei familiaris , non proesentia tantùm corporum , non subdola & palpans adulatio , sed dei timor & divinarum scripturarum studia conciliant . hanc tu praeclarè novis officiis reapse coluisti , guilielmus tuus votis & affectu tantùm . quod autem tam diu jam conticuêre literae meae , in causâ non fuit veternus aliquis , nec oblivio singularis erga me tuae humanitatis , quam nec loci distantia , aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. obscurare nec temporis diuturnitas è tabulis memoriae meae obliturare potest ; sed quotidiana exspectatio liveleanae commentationis de authenticâ scripturarum editione , quam tibi jam anteâ pollicitus eram . hanc frustrà adhuc expectavimus ; licèt jampridem consilio roffensis episcopi tradita fuerit cuidam viro docto , unà cum chronologiâ latinâ , ut publici juris fiant . ambas quamprimum lucem aspexerint , volente deo , ad te mittam . chronologicus ille tractatus ( credo ) propediem prodibit : alterum quod attinet , si non editus fuerit ( quod non multùm desiderarem , nisi quaedam cautiùs , quaedam verò pleniùs scripta fuissent ) non dubito quin post menses aliquot , copiam ejus mihi denuò haeredes livelaei facient ; atque tum postea in tuam gratiam exscribendum curabo . intereà verò loci , agnosco me valdè obaeratum esse & tibi & doctissimo juveni fratri tuo ambrosio , qui peritissimâ manu suâ , quaedam in meum usum ex alcorano arabicè exscripsit . tibi verò ( clarissime jacobe ) meipsum debeo , qui non solùm suavissimis tuis literis animum meum erexisti , sed etiam arabicae grammaticae mihi copiam fecisti . nondum potui , postelli auxilio , nebiensis psalterii superare difficultatem , neque sanè operae pretium est . video enim arabicam illam psalmorum versionem non hebraicam veritatem , sed ubique ( ni fallor ) vel graecam vel ( quae plerumque eôdem redit ) vulgatam latinam translationem expressisse . amisimus judaeum , olim praeceptorem meum , cujus gratiâ in animo mihi fuit hoc studium suscepisse ; quia specula aliqua asfulserat , qualemcunque hujus linguae scientiam in academiâ nostrâ hâc ratione , locum aliquem habere potuisse . non sum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( ut clenardus olim : ) sed arabicari parumper , & primoribus tantùm labris arabicismum degustare volui , ut in aliis quibusdam rectiùs judicare possem . nam in animo mihi fuit jampridem , quorundam hortatu & consilio , quaedam de authenticâ scripturarum editione déque punctorum , vocalium & accentuum hebraicorum antiquitate & ratione penitiùs ( quàm hactenùs ) rimari ; & fontium puritatem integritatémque à librariorum incuriâ & criticorum quorundam conjecturis vindicare : ob cámque causam limatissimum tuum judicium in nonnullis libentissimè cognoscerem , quorum te ( doctissime usseri ) callentissimum esse , omnes qui te nôrunt testari possunt . verùm ne longiore hujusce rei explicatione , aliud quiddam quod mihi jam in animo occurrit , excidat planè è memoriâ , illud priùs expediam . degit hîc apud nos ( uti nôsti ) * antonius martinus ; quem & tute satis nôsti , ego verò in cute novi . vestras est natione & affectu suo : & noster foret non tantùm affectu & votis nostris , aequè ac merito suo , sed etiam loco , nempe in albo sociorum , si natione nostras esset . quorsum haec dicam paucissimis . quoniam martinus hic meus ( nam sic revera est , curâ , & pro more nostro , tutelâ quâdam ) noster esse nequit ; gratularer sanè plurimum ipsimet & vobis si vester esse posset , locúmque socii in collegio patrio capesseret . certè quorundam sermone nuper accepi , quosdam propediem asciscendos & cooptandos esse in album sociorum collegii dubliniensis : scio etiam vos in votis habere , probos & literatos in seminario vestro collocare , qui strenuam operam vel in artibus docendis , inque juventute erudiendâ , vel in messe domini in agris hybernicis colligendâ , tandem ponant , & vel sint vel fiant idonei ut hoc faciant . illud consultissimum est . nam si habeatis in scholâ vestrâ qui cum laude & fructu juventutem vestram in philosophiâ & politiori literaturâ instituant , ( quales & habuisse , ac etiamnum vos habere sat scio ) tandem fiet ( annuente deo ) ut intra fines hiberniae generosa juventus contineatur , neque extra athenas vestras romae aut alibi instituantur . talis futurus est ( spero ) martinus noster : quippe qui is est , qualis alii plerique videri tantùm volunt , & in humaniori literaturâ , & vitae integritate : germanissimus certè nathaneel , sine fraude . haec divinae providentiae & vestrae prudentiae relinquenda censeo , & ad rem propositam accedo . atque ut intelligat reverentia tua , me operam daturum , ut tibi gratus sim , spero me brevi confecturum indicem sive catalogum variarum lectionum in utroque instrumento , unâ cum earundem censurâ , quem ad te transmittam ; ut tibi saltem occasionem aliquam haec eadem penitiùs rimandi , & lucem veritatis aliis praebendi dare possim . scio enim te multa in adversariis tuis ad hanc rem pertinentia habere , quae occasione oblatâ , in usum ecclesiae proferas : mihi satis fuerit ansam doctioribus praebere . quid enim amplius tenuitas mea in hoc genere praestare potest , cui non conceditur per statuta collegii nostri in gremio indulgentissimae matris academiae , ultra biennium aut triennium manere , atque intereà loci oportet in aliis potissimum temporis partem consumere tuum erit potiùs ( doctissime jacobe ) qui commodius antiquitates indagare , spartam hanc exornare . verùm ut intelligas , quid à me expectes , & quâ ratione tute postea rem ipsam expedias , en tibi methodum eorum quae parare occoepi ! & quidem opus ipsum in privatum usum brevi ( juvante domino ) absolvam . appellari potest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seles legis , sive massoreth , vel ( ut alii legunt ) masorah , ad puritatem fontium sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s s. contextus scripturarum conservandam , & consequenter ad ejusdem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declarandam adhibita , & . libris comprehensa , quorum . prior , prolegomena generalia continebit . . alter , indicem variarum lectionum , in totâ scripturâ . primi libri praecipuam materiem ( post statum controversiae de authenticâ scripturarum editione & fontium puritate ) sex propositionibus , quas firmissimis rationibus confirmare possim , si dextrè intelligantur , complexus sum . i a propositio : illa tantùm scripturarum editio est authentica quae divinitùs inspirata fuit , & à prophetis atque apostolis conscripta . ii a propositio : illa ipsa scriptura prophetica quae primitùs conscripta fuerit etiamnum pura & integra conservatur in ecclesiâ . iii a propositio : hebraica veteris instrumenti scriptura iisdem vocalium & accentuum notis , quibus hodiè utimur , antiquitùs tradita . iv a propositio : graeca novi testamenti scriptura ( quae divinitùs inspirata fuerit ) adhuc integra & pura manet in ecclesiâ . v a propositio : graeca veteris instrumenti translatio , nec divinitus inspirata , nec pura & integra . vi a propositio : vulgata latina bibliorum editio , nec fida nec authentica , nedum divinitùs conscripta . appendix lib. i. in appendice , paralipomena sive praetermissa in prolegomenis quaedam subjicientur , ad praesens negotium facientia , sed in propositionibus commodè tractari non possunt . . de characterum hebraicorum qui hodie in usu sunt , origine & antiquitate . haec disquisitio necessaria videtur , ad defensionem integritatis scripturae , propter novam opinionem illustrissimi viri josephi scaligeri : qui in animadvers . in euseb. chron. ad locum eusebiani num . . literae , ( inquit ) quibus hodie judaei sacros libros & omnia acta sua conscribunt , nuperae ac novitiae sunt , ex syriacis depravatae , illae autem ex samaritanis , &c. vide locum . hâc de re variae sunt aliorum opiniones , ut postelli libello de phoenicum literis , waseri lib. de antiquis numis hebr. &c. & aliorum : quas hic ventilandas suscepi , etsi fateor in quibusdam quae caput rei non attingunt aquam mihi haerere . verum scaligeri opinionem aperte falsam esse probari potest ex metis . nam o probatur , modernas literas non esse nuperas , &c. & samaritanas in biblico usu semper non fuisse antiquitùs , quia non samaritanae sed judaicae in usu fuerunt christi humiliati tempore : ut constare mihi videtur ex matth. . . luc. . . & locis id genus aliis , ubi christus docet , ne minimam quidem particulam legis perituram ; nempe ut ( omnes fatentur ) saltem quoad sensum & doctrinam , allusione facta ad minimam literulam hebraici contextus , nempe joth , quae facilè omnium literarum minima est in hebr. alphabeto , sed in samaritano potiùs maxima ( heb. י samar . . ) quod si ante christi humiliati tempus , nostrae literae fuerint , tum neque nuperae sunt & novitiae , neque ex syriacis depravatae . nam syriacae sive maroniticae introductae fuerint à christianis nascentis ecclesiae , ne quid cum nazaraeis & hebionitis ( quorum haeresin execrabantur ) haberent commune ; ut docet doctiss . vir guido fabricius boderianus in epistola ad dictionar . syro-chald . o idem constat ex omnibus illis scripturae locis ( qui benè multi sunt ) in quibus veteres interpretes lxx , & alii antiquissimi hallucinati sunt & decepti literarum similitudine , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . job . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , graecè legitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & id genus sexcenta quae ex indice nostro observari possunt . nulla autem tális est earundem literarum vicinitas juxta samaritanum alphabetum . vide postelli vel scaligeri ipsius alphabetum samaritanum locis citatis . o multa alia id ipsum docent , quae non opus est hîc repetere . nempe figurae hebraicae literarum quae hodiè in usu sunt , simplicissimae : ex quibus etiam , ( ut postellus probat , & res ipsa docet ) nimirum ex currente earum formâ , syriacae & arabicae literae ortum habent . item 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive notationes nominum quae hebraicis potiùs quam samaritanis characteribus conveniunt . quâ de re consulendi sunt grammatici . miror quid scaligero in mentem veniebat . sed missa haec facio , & reliqua quae communiter contra hanc scaligerianam & aliorum opinionem dici possunt . ii. de masoriticis & rabbinicis notis in bibliis hebraicis : de perigmoth , déque librorum & capitum variis distinctionibus ; & id genus aliis , & quid illis tribuendum sit . neque hîc multis opus est , quia in confirmatione ae propositionis nostrae , in responsione ad objectiones contra hebraici fontis puritatem , fusiùs diximus , quod satis esse videatur , donec ad particularium locorum censuram in indice nostro deveniamus . . de locis qui vulgò appellantur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & à quibusdam contra puritatem hebraicae scripturae & fidem judaeorum objiciuntur . . de . locis qui vulgò appellantur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , objicitur etiam . . de locis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , objectis , &c. ubi descripsi ea ex talmude & eliae massoreth hammassoreth : quae tu ( doctissime usseri ) à me in tuam gratiam describenda petis . . de varietatibus inter orientales & occidentales , item inter filios aser & nephtali . . de locis quibusdam veteris instrumenti , in quibus corruptelae objiciuntur ex rei grammaticae ratione . . de locis ( in genere ) tam veteris quàm novi testamenti , in quibus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 observantur , atque ex collatione locorum parallelorum corruptionis arguuntur . iii. de chaldaicâ paraphrasi , déque arabicâ & syriacâ , necnon de aliis veterum & neotericorum versionibus , quarum in propositionibus non fit mentio , & quid illis tribuendum sit . iv. de castigatissimis bibliorum hebr. veteris instrumenti , & graec. novi testamenti exemplaribus , his generalibus propositis ac enucleatis , facilè erit judicium de singulis variarum lectionum locis : neque opus erit in indice sive catalogo nostro subsequente multa dicere , quae alioquin saepissimè & ferè ubique repetere oporteret . secundi libri argumentum . index & collatio variarum lectionum per singulos scripturae libros & librorum capita , unâ cum earundem censurâ , juxta ordinem particularium locorum ; praesertim ubi fontium puritas quibusdam suspecta videtur vel incuriâ librariorum aut criticorum temeritate periculum sit ne corrumpatur . hujus specimen , ex collectaneis nostris depromptum , hic subjiciam . collatio variarum lectionum in psalmis . significationes notularum quibus saepiusculè in hac parte indicis nostri usi sumus . qu. leg . al. rect . h. e. quibusdam legitur sicuti primo in loco habetur : alitèr verò rectiùs sicuti postea subjicitur . i. ii. iii. indicant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quorum ope judicandum est , ex positis jam ante propositionum fundamentis , de genuina lectione in singulis locis : nam ad a capita revocari possunt . i. codices sive exemplaria primaevi contextus , tum manuscripta , tum typis excusa . ii. interpretum versiones & commentationes , tum veterum tum recentiorum . iii. rationes ex verbis ipsis locique circumstantiis , necnon ex aliorum locorum collatione , fideique analogia . quod si lectio aliqua ex his tribus alicujus auctoritate destituatur , tum sic notatur , i — o ii — o om. cod. — i. omnes codices vel omnia exemplaria nostra , tàm manuscripta , quàm typographica . exempl . mass. — i. exemplaria juxta masoreth judaeorum excusa , praesertim si voculae aut verbis , de quibus controvertitur , nota masoretica apponatur . ms. t. — manuscriptum psalmorum exemplar in bibliotheca collegii trinitatis cantabrigiae . ms. c. — manuscriptum exemplar in bibl. coll. gonevelli & caii cantabrig . ms. t. & c. notat utrumque . bom. edit . bom. edit . bom. edit . — codices bibl. hebr. à dan. bombergo venetiis editi , tum seorsim variis formis & temporibus , tum etiam cum rabbinorum commentariis , necnon cum masora minori & majori in duabus posterioribus editionibus emendatissimis , quas ubique ferè comprobavimus in psalterio . pl. o pl. o pl. o pl. fol. — codices bibl. hebr. à ch. plantino , variis formis & temporibus , antwerpiae excusi , — praesertim acuratissima editio illa ab aria montano & aliis doctissimis viris elaborata , quam hac nota [ bibl. reg. ] indicavimus . comp. — codices hebr. juxta complutensem editionem . steph. — biblia hebraea in o cum com . rab. in pro. minor . & in o elegantissimis characteribus , parisiis , per rob. stephanum . int. v. & n. vulg . edit . — interpretes veteres & neoterici , qui vulgatam editionem graecam vel latinam in versionibus aut commentationibus suis sequuti sunt . huc spectat arabica tralatio psalmorum in justiniani nebiensis octaplo psalterio , quam saepè consuluimus . int. v. & n. heb. ver. — interpretes veteres & recentiores , qui hebraicam veritatem sequuti sunt . hoc nomine complector etiam rabbinicos scr. interpretes , item lexicographos , & alios qui vel concordantiis aut scholiis suis lectionem aliquam in locis controversis comprobarunt . variarum lectionum in psal. hebr. observatio & censura . psal. . . qu. leg . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ut vocula , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sit cum tseri , atque ut clausula haec referatur ad praecedentem versum . i. legitur . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in margine ae edit . bom. cum rab. com. & ae edit . cum rab. scholiis . ii. graec. schol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a edit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vul. lat . proedicans proeceptum ejus . ] narrabo proprie , ut narrem dei statutum & decretum ( inquit genebrardus ) ubi observa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 posse esse nomen dei , ut à masoretis notatum sit perverse per seghol loco tseri . vel si sit proepositio latine vacare , narrabo proeceptum [ ejus ] h. e. ut narrem proeceptum ejus , sum constitutus rex ab ipso . haec ille . al. rect . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sit cum seghol , atque ut clausula haec non referatur ad praecedentem versum , sed initium sit sequentis . . om. exempl . nostra , tàm m s. quàm typograph . quòd autem in margine ae edit . bom. cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rab. & ae in minori forma absque scholiis leg . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum tseri , nihil valere debet , tum quia verborum ratio , & versuum divisio in omnibus etiam non punctatis exemplaribus repugnant , tum etiam quia ( ut elias lev. monet in a praefat . mas. hammas . cautè agendum est in illis bibliis venetianis . non respiciat ( inquit ) lector verba quae in margine falso sunt posita de lectionum varietate , &c. qui enim concordantias illas adjecit indoctus fuit , nec fuit judaeus , nec quippiam novit in masoreth , nec habuit delectum in oblatis exemplaribus , &c. vide basil. edit . heb. pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. ii. int om. v. & n. quibus propositum fuit hebraicam veritatem exprimere nostram lectionem comprobarunt : nempe chald. hieron . rab. sunt jar. ab. ez. d. kimqui , justinianus , cajetanus , montanus , & lexicographi , etiam omnes rab. mord. nathan in concordantiis . neque verò lat. vulg . interpres ( qui graecum sequutus est ) nec interpretes quibus propositum fuit latinam aut graecam vulgatam explicare ( hebraeum autem contextum vel non omnino aut negligentiùs consuluerunt ) nostrae lectioni refragantur . graec. vulg . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. sic non aliorsim legisse videatur quàm in hebraeis habetur . nam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 recte explicat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] propter sensus evidentiam adjicitur . hinc . vulg . lat . proedicans proeceptum ejus . quod librarii non inspectis hebraeorum pausis praecedenti versui non rectè addiderunt ; sensu quidem non incommodo , quem ambrosius , augustinus , theodoretus , haymo , euthymius , & alii expresserunt . scholiastes etiam theod. & . editio supra citat . sensum potiùs quam verba reddiderunt . jansenius utramque lectionem exponit , neutram rejicit . iii. sensus est aptior & verbis convenientior juxta hebraicam versuum divisionem & punctationem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per segol , ut significet juxta , vel fit idem quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : quòd fi per tseri legeretur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nullo modo , hoc in loco [ dei vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] sonaret , ut patet ex ordine verborum , nam tum legendum esset 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : futilis autem videtur conjectura drusii quest. lib. q. collat . cum observ . lib. . cap. . ubi asserit interpretem chald. lxx . & hieron . legisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & transtulisse , annunciabo dei proeceptum ; postea autem mutatam esse lectionem propter ordinem verborum ; praeterea juxta latini vulgati interpretis distinctionem accentuum hebraicorum ratio planè negligitur , nec commodior sensus exprimitur . quid sit autem tribuendum punctis & accentibus bibliis nos in prolegomenis ostendimus . psal. . . qu. leg . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod significat [ pascere ] propriè : sumitur autem figuratè pro [ regere ] sicut & graecis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. — . ii. grae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vulg. lat . reges eos . hanc etiam lect . sequ . int. v. & n. vulg. edit . iii. apoc. . . & . . leg . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . al. rect . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod idem significat cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h. e. confringere , conterere . i. om. cod. ms. t. & c. & typ . & in mass. exempl . cum nota masoritica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ii. int. v. & n. hebr. ver. aqu. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chald. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , confringes eos : et sic rab. ab. ez. r. da. kim . hieron . franges eos . eandemque lect . comprobarunt justin. mon. vat. & rab. mor. na. in concord . &c. arab. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] ambiguum est ex defectu punctorum vocalium in neb. edit . iii. hanc lectionem confirmat , posterius membrum versiculi . nihil enim tritius est in scripturis , praesertim in libris metricis & poeticis , ejusdem sensus reputatione , juxta rabbinorum observationem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apocalypseωs autem cap. ver . . non citatur iste locus psalmis , sed vel recitatur sensus tantum juxta vulgatam & in vulgus notam graecorum interpretationem , vel potius juxta frequentissimum spiritûs sancti in scriptura loquentis morem , aliqua fit loci hujusce paralleli in verbis , sensu manente , immutatio . quâ re non animadversa , & observatâ , quidam non dubitarunt ( ut opinor ) in nascente ecclesia christiana , hunc & similes locos graecae vulgatae versionis novi testamenti locis parallelis conformare , in quibus forsan olim aliter legebatur . sexcenta hujusce rei exemp . suppetunt ex indice hoc nostro . vide psal. . . ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] linea vel delineatio eorum , leg . grae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : quia sic leg . rom. . . sed de his fusius in confirmatione ae propositionis libri primi . variationes autem sive discrepantias hujusmodi tritas esse & frequentes in locis parallelis constat éx collatione , non solum veteris instr. cum novo , sed etiam alterutrius cum ejusdem aliis locis , ubi idem sensus habetur . confer psal. . cum sam. cap. . ubi idem psalmus verbis pulchre immutatis recitatur . e. g. sam. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 psal. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sam. &c. lege totum psalmum & confer . sic sam. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — chron. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reg. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — chron. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . et alia id genus sexcenta . denique etiamsi concederetur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rectè verti hoc in loco [ pasces eos ] inde tamen non sequitur legendum esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quia in poët . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 duci potest à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pascere , sicut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & similia , quae videre est in ezraidis & camii grammatica . vide micoe . . ubi verbum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in significatione pascendi cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quemadmodum & defendi potest hoc in loco , potius quam lectio masoritica sit rejicienda . psal. . . qu. leg . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : al. rect . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] verum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exempli ac speciminis ergo reliqua in psalterio & caeteris scripturae libris , hac ratione ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) conficiam . appendix lib. ii. in appendice , quaedam paralipomena , ad indicem nostrum pertinentia , sunt adjicienda . . tabulae varietatum inter orientales & occidentales judaeos , atque inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quae in calce ae & ae editionum bibliorum bombergianorum habentur . . tabulae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . consectaria nonnulla , unâ cum summâ totius causae quam in manibus habemus . viz. . lectio alicujus loci veteris vel novi testamenti quae comprobatur consensu & conspiratione omnium exemplarium quae inveniri poffunt , non est rejicienda propter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod difficulter conciliari potest , nedum propter interpretum quorundam auctoritatem qui aliter legisse videantur ; donec exemplar aliquod fide dignum aliam lectionem exhibeat : nisi circumstantia loci , aut analogia fidei necessariò postulet . hoc patet ex iis quae dicenda sunt lib. . in prolegomenis , praesertim in confirmatione ae , ae , ae , & ae propositionum . . lectio alicujus loci veteris instrumenti quae comprobatur fide masoriticorum & emendatissimorum exemplarium , licèt in aliis aliter habeatur , caeteris paribus , est praeferenda . hujus ratio petenda est ex iis quae in prolegomenis diximus de masorae ratione & fide , necnon ex iis , quae docentur in a & a appendice libri primi . . lectio alicujus loci veteris vel novi testamenti , quae comprobatur auctoritate interpretum qui de industriâ fontes sequuti sunt , h. e. hebraicam & graecam veritatem , versione aut commentatione suâ illustrârunt , caeteris paribus , potior est illâ quae nititur fide , vel potiùs hallucinatione interpretum qui rivulos consectati , & graecam sive vulgatam latinam editionem interpretati sunt . hujus veritas patet ex a & a propositione libri primi , atque ex a ejusdem appendice . . lectio alicujus loci novi testamenti quae comprobari potest auctoritate & fide vetustiorum & correctiorum exemplarium , licèt forsan pauciora sint , caeteris paribus , est praeferenda . vide am appendicem lib. . huic nemo non suffragabitur , qui novit quid tribuendum sit aliquam multis codicibus , praesertim noviter editis , qui in vulgus spargunt errores & multiplicant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unius qui primò lapsus est incuriâ vel inscitiâ . verùm errantium multitudo ( ut in re aliâ dixit hieronymus , ni fallor ) non debet patrocinari errori . lectiones autem omnes quas in catalogo nostro defendimus , comprobantur vel consensu omnium exemplarium & interpretum qui primaevam scripturae editionem sequuti sunt , nullâ ratione repugnante , vel saltem fide emendatissmorum codicum , ac praeterea , quorundam doctissimorum interpretum calculo , ratione etiam ex verbis ipsis vel ex aliis locis petitâ , exigente . hoc patet ex singularium locorum inspectione in indice nostro variarum lectionum . ergo lectiones quas sequuti sumus , & censurâ nostrâ comprobavimus , sunt verae & germanae . rursus , illa tantum scripturarum editio , & lectio in singulis locis est authentica , quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , primitùs conscripta fuerit , juxta primam propositionem primi libri . at hebraica tantùm veteris instrumenti integrè etiamnum cohservata in ecclesiâ ( juxta am propositionem ) idque punctata ( juxta am . ) novi verò testamenti graeca editio , integrè etiam adhuc conservata ( juxta am propositionem ) atque utraque juxta lectiones quae in indice nostro comprobantur , divinâ inspiratione primitus conscripta fuerit , ut ex prolegomenis & indice patet : non autem graeca veteris instrumenti , nec latina vulgata novi , quae nec fidae nec purae sunt , juxta am & am propositiones , nee denique cujuscunque limae versiones nostrae sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conscriptae , ut patet ex a appendice libri primi . ergo , sola hebraica veteris instrumenti editio , sicut graeca novi , authentica est & pura . vides methodum quam mihi proposui . in animo etiam fuit , difficultates quasdam tibi ( doctissime vir ) proposuisse , in quibus exactissimum tuum judicium cognoscerem . sed sentio me jam modum epistolae excessisse , & vereor ne interpellem te nimis nugis meis à gravioribus negotiis . ignoscas quaeso guilielmo tuo , qui prolixè & cordatè potiùs quam eleganter & suaviter te compellare maluit . nactus jam tandem tabellarii opportunitatem , remisi ad te , manu fidâ ejusdem , postelli grammaticam , unâ cum libello altero , quem tibi benevolentiae ergô dicavi ; majorem daturus , si anglia nostra aliquid librorum non-vulgarium ad antiquitatem eruendam suppeditaret . nondum aliquid efficere potui in arabicis , quod dignum sit operâ : forsan si christmanno muto magistro , aut bedwello londinensi vel potiùs ambrosio tuo dubliniensi vivâ voce praeceptore uti liceret , aliquid efficerem . sed non licet . velit , jubeat clementissimus pater qui in coelis est , ut ecclesiae suae pomoeria dilatet , nostras ecclesias in verâ pace conservet , tibíque ( frater doctissime ) & tuis omnibus in christo benedicat . vale : è musaeo m collegio emmanuelis cantabrigiae , o kalendas aprilis juxta veteres fastos , & anno domini , juxta computum ecclesiae anglicanae . tuus in communi fide , ac ministerio evangelii , frater amantissimus , guil . eyre . letter iv. a letter from mr. h. briggs to mr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh , salutem in christo. good mr. usher , pardon me , i pray you , that i have not written unto you of late , nor gotten the book , you gave me , printed , ( for now i cannot think it yours . ) i received your letter the other day , and did the same day twice seek mr. rimay , and your books mentioned in the end of your letter ; of all which abraham could get none save one catalogue of the last mart , which i have sent you within a book of the shires of england , ireland and scotland , which at length i send to mr. d. chaloner , to whom i pray you commend me very kindly , with many thanks and excuses for my long deferring my promise . abraham hath taken all the names of your books , and promiseth to get them for you at the next mart. i was likewise with mr. crawshaw ( he hath not gotten , nor cannot find confes. ambrosianam ) of whom i have now received your book again , because he saith it is impossible to get it printed here without the author's name , or without their index expurgatorius , if any thing in it do sound suspiciously . he hath not read it over himself , and he is had in some jealousie with some of our bishops , by reason of some points that have fallen from his pen , and his tongue in the pulpit . i will keep your book till you please to send me word what i shall do with it . i think sir j. fullerton , or sir j. hamilton may with one word speaking have it pass without name ; but i am now determined not to mention it to them until you give me some better warrant . concerning eclypses , you see by your own experience that good purposes may in two years be honestly crossed , and therefore till you send me your tractate you promised the last year , do not look for much from me , for if another business may excuse , it will serve me too : yet am i not idle in that kind , for kepler hath troubled all , and erected a new frame for the motions of all the seven upon a new foundation , making scarce any use of any former hypotheses ; yet dare i not much blame him , save that he is tedious and obscure ; and at length coming to the point , he hath left out the principal verb , i mean his tables both of middle-motion , and prosthaphaereseων ; reserving all , as it seemeth , to his tab. rudolpheas , setting down only a lame pattern in mars : but i think i shall scarce with patience expect his next books , unless he speed himself quickly . i pray you salute from me your brother mr. lydyat , mr. kinge , mr. martin , mr. bourchier , mr. lee. macte virtute : do not cease to help the building of sion , and the ruinating of babel ; yet look to your health , ut diu & valide concutias hostium turres . the lord ever bless you , and your labours , and all that most worthy society . farewel . tuus in christo , h. briggs . aug. . concerning sir r. cotton's letter , i must crave pardon at this time , for i am but very lately come home , and full of business , going out of the town again ( i think ) to morrow ; and now if perhaps i find him i shall hardly get it copied . but i pray you to what question of sound divinity doth this appertain yet do not think me so censorious , but i can like you should sometimes descend to toys for your recreation . my opinion is , he that doth most good is the honestest man , whosoever have precedence ; but if harm , the less the better . pray for us : the lord ever bless his church , and us all in particular . mr. bedwell is not well , and keepeth altogether at his t'other living at totenham . farewel . yours ever in the lord , henry briggs . letter v. a letter from mr. thomas lydyat to mr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh . mr. usher , i received your letter this friday the th of march , for which i thank you : it had been broken open by chester searchers before it came to him ; but i thank god i have not lost any thing of moment for ought i find as yet . the east-indian fleet is gone about six weeks since ; but i remain at london still , a suiter unto you that the school of armagh be not disposed of otherwise than i have hitherto requested you , until i speak with you in ireland , or rather here in london , where i shall be glad to see you . the night before i received your letter , mr. crashaw acquainted me with a letter from mr. cook , wherein he seemed to doubt of divers things in mr. james his english book , whereof you write ; signifying withal that he purposeth to be at london this spring , where i hope to see you all three meet , to the better performing of that business . mr. provost told me that he had sent you a minister for warberies ( mr. i have forgot his name , mr. provost being now out of town ) with my lord arch-bishop his letters commendatory to my lord chancellor ; i think he is come to you ere this time . printing of books , especially latin , goeth hard here : mine is not yet printed , nevertheless , i thank god , mine honourable friends , whom i have acquainted with the matter , shew me still a friendly countenance , with which i rest , comforting my self with that , pro captu lector is habent sua fata libelli . i have sent you the king's book in latin against vorstius , yet scant dry from the press ; which mr. norton , who hath the matter wholly in his own hands , swore to me , he would not print , unless he might have money to print it : a sufficient argument to make me content with my manuscript lying still unprinted , unless he equivocated : but see how the world is changed ; time was when the best book-printers , and sellers would have been glad to be beholding to the meanest book-makers . now mr. norton , not long since the meanest of many book-printers and sellers , so talks and deals , as if he would make the noble king james , i may well say the best book-maker of this his own , or any kingdom under the sun , be glad to be beholding to him : any marvel therefore , if he think to make such a one as i am his vassal : but i had rather betake my self to another occupation ; therefore again i request you that my possibility be not frustrate for the school of armagh . thus hoping to see you in london ere long , with my very hearty thanks unto you , and commendations to mr. d. chaloner , mr. richardson , and all the residue of our good friends with you , i commit you to god's gracious preservation . yours as his own , thomas lydiat . inner temple . aug. . . letter vi. a letter from mr. james usher , late arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. thomas lydyat . good mr. lydyat , howsoever i intended not to have written unto you , before i had first heard from you , ( which i long since expected ) yet having the opportunity of this bearer offered , i could not pretermit that occasion of saluting you , and making known that you are not out of remembrance with your friends here , for in truth that was the special cause of my writing at this time : you will not believe how i long to be informed from you of the state of things there , both of our own private , and of our respublica literaria in general . now i pray you be not slack in satisfying my desire ; and let me hear , among other things , how matters go with mr. casaubon , and how he is imployed . if hereafter you shall have occasion to enter into conference with him , learn whether he can bring any light to the clearing of the albigenses , and waldenses , from those imputations wherewith they are charged by their adversaries . ludovicus camerarius reporteth , that many of their writings in the ancient occitanical language ( langue d' oc ) were to be seen in joseph scaliger's library . poplinier in the th . book of his history , to prove that their religion little differed from ours , alledgeth the acts of a disputation between the bishop of pammiers , and arnoltot , minister of lombres , written in a language savouring much of the catalan tongue : yea , sundry persons ( saith he ) have assured me that they have seen the articles of their faith engraved in certain old tables , which are yet to be seen in alby , in all things conformable to those of the protestants . at my last being in london mr. fountayn , the minister of the french church , ( dwelling in the black-fryars ) told me , that in his time there was found a confession of the albigenses , which being exhibited to a synod of the reformed churches in france , was by them approved as orthodox . he promised me to write to the ministers of paris for the copy of the articles of that confession . i pray you put him in mind of it : and get from mr. casaubon , and him , what information you can in those particulars ; for you know how greatly they make for my purpose . you remember that dr. chaloner wished you to deal for some minister to come hither for st. warburghs : i would willingly understand what you have done therein ; if mr. ayre be about london , you may do well to acquaint him with it , and try whether he can find in his heart once again to visit poor ireland . dr. chaloner hath written to mr. provost to this purpose : you may do us a very great pleasure , if you can help us to a faithful minister to undertake that charge ; and letters commendatory from the arch-bishop of canterbury . i would willingly hear what is done with mr. justice sibthorp's book , the preface whereof i sent over by you . if mr. briggs cannot get it printed , i pray you let it be safely sent unto me again , and that with as convenient speed as may be . if it will pass there , intreat mr. crashaw for my sake to take some pains in perusing the same , and altering therein what he thinketh fit , for that hath the author wholly referred to his discretion . if you can come any where to the sight of sanders , de schismate anglicano , write me out what he noteth concerning ireland , in the year . sir robert cotton promised me the copy of certain letters , which concerned the consecrating of the bishops of dublin , by the arch-bishop of canterbury , ( they are at the end of his great manuscript book of the pope's epistles . ) i pray you call to him for it , and likewise intreat mr. camden to send me the copy of those letters which he alledgeth to that purpose in his hiberniâ , pag. . of the last edition . i will trouble you no more at this time , but expect to hear from you after so long silence ; in the mean time , committing you and your labours to god's good blessing , and wishing unto you , as unto mine own self . james usher . septemb. . . letter vii . a letter from mr. james usher afterward arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. thomas lydyat at london . i received your letter of the of august , together with the books specified therein , for which i give you great thanks . and as you have not been unmindful of my businesses ; so have not i been altogether of yours . i have dealt since with my uncle , the primate , both for the annual stipend in the proportion of land lying about the school ; and do find him constant in his promise : whereby i resolve you may well make account of your fifty pounds per annum , at the least . his register hath been very forward in furthering the matter , and will take care that the utmost benefit be made of the land to your behoof . i have caused him to write unto you of the state thereof , for your better information . make i pray you , as convenient hast unto us as you can ; and in the mean time , let us hear ( once more at least ) of your affairs , and send unto me in your next letter , in what forwardness justice sibthorp's book is — ( as you have signified , delivered unto a stationer in the church-yard ) and whether mr. crashaw hath taken any pains in running it over . and at your coming , forget not to bring for me a bible in octavo of the new translation well bound , ( for my ordinary use ) together with mr. james , and mr. cook 's books you wrote me of . i would hear also willingly , whether you have proceeded further with mr. web , and what hope we may conceive of his coming . because you met not with himself , and we had no certainty from you to pitch upon , dr. chaloner thought good at mr. bernard's departure , to try whether mr. storer ( a worthy preacher ) might be drawn over to the place . we look for answer very speedily , of which we will not fail to certifie you with the first : for if we speed not this way ; the care must lie upon mr. provost , or your self , to see us otherwise provided for ; wherein you shall not only do us a great pleasure , but also procure a great blessing to this whole city . i pray you remember me in all kindness to mr. provost , and the rest of our friends there : but especially remember me to god in your prayers ; to whose good blessing i commend you and your labours . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jac. usserius . october the th . . letter viii . another letter from mr. james usher , late arch-bishop of armagh , to doctor chaloner . dear sir , i know you greatly wonder at my long silence , and much blame my negligence in that behalf . but the truth is , your letters sent so long since by mr. cubbiche , came not unto mine hands before the th of march ; neither could i have full time to sollicite my lord of canterbury in those businesses , before the th of april . what then ( after two or three hours serious conference had with me ) he resolved upon , you may understand by his letters written to my lord chancellor , and to the visitors . divers defects he observed in our statutes , as in that of the election of fellows , though an order be taken therein for others to have a voice in that business , yet it is said electio sit penes magistrum , which he said was absurd . he observed that there was no order taken that the scholars should come into the chappel , clericaliter vestiti ; and took great exception against the statute for the ordering of common-placing , which he affirmed to be flat puritanical . the statutes had been sufficiently confirmed , if the visitors there had subscribed unto them , without whose consent they could not afterwards have been altered by the provost and fellows ; who ( as the arch-bishop , our chancellor , saith ) have by the charter of foundation power to make statutes , but not to alter them after they be made . your project for the general was well liked by the arch-bishop , but he excepted against it in divers particulars . we should not look so much ( he said ) for a great number , as to give some competency of maintenance unto those whom we did entertain . that batchelors of art should have no more allowance , than those that came newly into the house , he misliked : and for masters of art , if every year there be a new commencement of twenty of them , ( according to your project ) then , said he , the twenty whom you would have to stay in the house ( to be ready to answer the church livings , and schools abroad ) must of force be dismissed at every years end , to give place unto the new supply : therefore would he have a competent number of fellows , who might have a more setled abode in the colledge , and read lectures by turns ; counting it a great inconvenience that there should be but about six fellows constantly resident in the house , and they so taken up with lectures , that they can have no time for themselves to grow up in further learning : and you must look , saith he , to have some eminent men among you which may be deeply grounded in all manner of knowledge ; and not content your self with sending out a number of such as are but superficial . likewise for the proportion of accates , set down by you , he said it was in vain to look that there should be in times to come the same prices of them , which are at this present , or have been heretofore : and therefore if we would build upon any certainty , we should take care that all our payments should not be brought in money , but a certain reservation should be made for provisions . when my lord chancellor hath imparted unto you , how far my lord of canterbury hath proceeded ; what you see remaineth fit to be further sollicited , signifie unto me by the first that cometh from thence , that i may move my lord of canterbury therein : and i pray you withal send me a note of the most general , and gross defects , or abuses in our church of ireland , with the means whereby they may be redressed , if easily they may be redressed ; for in such matters i have good hope that my lord of canterbury may be wrought withal to do us good . but i pray you be not too forward to have statutes sent you from hence . dictum sapienti . according to your direction , i dealt with mr. cook to come over unto st. warburghs , and now that mr. hill is placed there , i know not what to do or say . you write unto me of an allowance of l. which he might have from the colledge ; let me know upon what consideration it shall be , for he would understand what his imployment shall be , before he resolve to leave his own country . the provost hath sent me a bill for l. to discharge my credit with the stationers , for the books which mr. martin brought over : you may do well to have a care that the english popish books be kept in a place by themselves , and not placed among the rest in the library , for they may prove dangerous . purchase hath done nothing yet for the religions of divers churches ; having hitherto written not a word more in that intended work of his , than you see printed . speed's chronicle is at l. . s. price . sir henry savil's chrysostom ( in eight volumes ) at l. which prices are too great for me to deal withal , unless i might put them upon sir james carol his score , ( as you would have me put pradus upon ezekiel , which is now discharged by mr. temple . ) about the end of may i purpose ( god willing ) to see you . i am now earnestly attending the press , and as much of my book as is at this present printed , i send unto you ; together with two small treatises lately published here , of some importance , ( which also i would have you deliver unto my lord chancellor , if he hath not already seen them . ) that against paulus v. is supposed to be written by marta : and one thing therein i think special worthy of observation , what the intendment may be of those great sums of money , which the pope is said there daily to lay up . the parsonage of trim ( for as much as i can learn here by the common-lawyers ) is like to fall to the king's presentation : and otherwise ( i suppose ) sir james carol hath lost his turn , if he have not presented within the compass of his six months . mr. briggs would willingly hear from you , what scholars you would entertain of his sending over . mr. sherwood hath written to the provost for one increase nowel , of the age of years , of good sufficiency in learning , and religious ; he looketh to have your furtherance also in his admitting . mr. hildersham remembreth himself unto you . to morrow the prince palatine , and the lady elizabeth remove to greenwich ; on tuesday from thence to rochester ; and the next day take shipping homeward . but i have no leisure to write unto you any news ; and therefore reserving the relation of them unto others , and remembring my heartiest commendations to mrs. chaloner , and all the rest of my good friends ; i leave you all unto the blessed protection of our good god , and rest always , yours in all christian affection , james usher . london april . . letter ix . a letter from mr. samuel ward to mr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh . salutem . good mr. usher , i am given to understand by mr. bourchier , that the edition of the councils specified in the new catalogue , as set forth by the authority of paulus quintus , hath the greek councils in greek . i would know whether the acts of the iv. v. vi. vii . and viii . councils were set forth graeco-lat . as the first tome is , which i have seen at oxford ; also what other remarkable differences you observe between these and former editions . if there be any other books of note which you meet withal amongst the new , i pray you in the next letter let me have the names . yesterday i went to benedict coll. library ; where we found cladius seisellius contra waldenses , not perfect . thus with my best wishes i commend you and your studies to the protection of the highest . your loving friend , samuel ward . sydney coll. may . . letter . x. a letter from mr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. sam. ward . you will not believe ( good sir ) what great pleasure i took in perusing those writings which i received from you , especially where i found your learned parisian so fully to agree with me , in collecting the order of the ancient codex canonum , out of the council of chalcedon . for not long before , i had entred my self into the same consideration , and resolved after the same manner , but upon somewhat a more sure ground . i had found in baronius ( ad an . . § . . ) that both in the th . and in the th . action of the council of chalcedon , certain canons of the council of antioch were cited , but without any name , out of some ancient collections , in which the th . and th . canon did contain the same that the th . and th . of the antiochen council . i mused a while what this might mean ; and conceiving baronius his opinion to be somewhat improbable , that these canons should be produced from some other place than the council of antioch it self . i bethought my self at last , of that which dionysius exiguus hath in his preface before his translation of the greek canons , ad stephanum salonitanum episcopum . regulas nicenae synodi , & deinceps omnium conciliorum , sive quae anteà , seu quae postmodùm facta sunt usque ad synodum . pontificum , qui apud constantinopolim convenerunt , sub ordine numerorum , id est à primo capitulo usque ad um . sicut habentur in graecâ auctoritate , digessimus . tum sancti chalcedonensis concilii decreta subdentes in his graecorum canonum finem esse declaramus . then set i a numbring of the canons , and finding some variety in the divers editions , i resolved to try constantinus harmenopulus his reckoning in his preface before the abridgment of the greek canons : where he numbreth canons of the council of nice , . ancyranae , . neocaesariensis , . gangrensis , . antiochenae , . laodicen . synodi . ( although i yield rather to give with your parisian , . to the council of neocaesaroea , and . to that of gangra . ) so applying his reckoning to the order of the old codex canonum , the th . and th . canon of the council of antioch , fell out precisely to be th . and th . in the other reckoning : and the first canon of the council of constantinople ( which immediately followed the five provincials in dionysius his order ) to the th . hence i concluded that the first collection of the canons consisted only of the first general , and five other provincial councils , unto which afterwards were added the general councils that followed . for thus much both dionysius his distinction of them from the rest seemeth to insinuate , and the order of placing those general councils after the provincials ( which otherwise no doubt if then they had been extant , when this first collection was compiled , would immediately have been conjoyned with the council of nice ) doth further confirm : and the citation of this collection in the council of chalcedon ( afterwards incorporated into the same book of greek canons , as appeareth by dionysius ) manifestly convinceth . whether the ephesine were as yet entred into the same body , i make some question : because i find no canon thereof cited , neither by fulgentius ferrandus , or cresconius ; neither is it well known which were to be accounted the canons of that council : the canons which are in the counterfeit isidorus his collection , being quite divers from those which are in tilius his greek edition of the canons . of this ancient collection of the greek canons , there was an ancient latin translation extant before the time of dionysius , as he in his preface witnesseth . but it being somewhat confused , dionysius made a new translation , which also he enlarged with addition of new canons : prefixing in the begininng of his book the . canons of the apostles , translated by him out of greek . in principio , ( saith he ) canones , qui dicuntur apostolorum , de graeco transtulimus : quibus quia * plurimi consensum non proebuere facilem , hoc ipsum ignorare vestram noluimus sanctitatem . then having ended the greek canons in the council of chalcedon he adjoyned thereunto the latin canons of the sardican and african councils , which before were never brought into codex canonum , as you have well observed . for so much also doth himself testifie in his preface ; ne quid praeterea notitiae vestrae videamur velle substrahere , statuta quoque sardicensis concilii atque africani , quae latine sunt edita , suis à nobis numeris cernuntur esse distincta . and here i take it about the year . do we * first find mentioned these canons of sardica of dionysius , and ferrandus : being as yet also unknown unto the greek church howsoever afterward we find them added unto their codex canonum . for about this same time in the days of justinian , constantinus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( alledged by turrian lib. . contra magdeburg . pro ▪ canonib . apost . cap. . & . ) maketh his collection of ecclesiastical constitutions , only out of the canons of the apostles , and the ten great synods ( as he calleth them ) viz. ancyrana , neocaesariensi , nicenâ , gangrensi , antiochenâ , laodicensi , constantinopolitanâ , ephesinâ , chalcedonensi , carthaginensi ; without mention of that of sardica , whose canons seem to have been coyned for the advancement of the bishop of rome's authority , after that the forgery of the canon of the council of nice , had no success , as no small presumptions may induce us to imagine . if we may believe bellarmine lib. . de romano pontif. cap. . ( who herein i think followeth lindanus . ) dionysius his translation is extant in monasterio s. vedasti atrebati ; where the canons of the council of nice and of sardica are joyned together , as if they were but one council . but they may believe him who list . the words of dionysius , which i have already alledged , put the matter out of all question , that in his edition the canons of the council of nice and sardica were placed for enough asunder . but where this edition of dionysius is to be had , is not so easie to be told . this only i conjecture , that whereas crab setteth down two old editions of the canons , that which is different from codex moguntinus is likely for the most part to be that of dionysius . so baronius testifieth ( ad an . . § . . . ) that the first edition of the ancyrane council in crab , is of dionysius his translation : but ad an . . § . . ( he sheweth , ) that the first edition of the nicene canons is not of dionysius , nor the second neither , if we may give credit to his relation . but this i leave to your own judgment , who have better means to search out this matter , than i can possibly have in this country . after this cometh codex romanus to be considered , which had nothing of dionysius his translation , but only the canons of the apostles , the rest being either of the old translation which was before dionysius , or of some other done after his time . for that there were many , appeareth by the preface of the counterfeit isidorus to his collection : and hincmarus rhemensis archiepisc. in libro de variis capitulis ecclesiasticis , cap. . de translatione è graeco concilior . & canonum : where among other things he writeth thus of isidorus his collection ; et beatus isidorus in collectario suo de canonibus quatuor editiones nicaeni concilii compaginavit . although in the printed collection of isidorus , we have but one edition left unto us . this codex romanus contained no more councils than that of dionysius ; but had in the end adjoyned the epistles of some bishops of rome : first of six , viz. siricius , innocentius , zosimus , celestinus , leo , and gelasius ; as is manifest by the collection of cresconius , ( by some thought to be corippus grammaticus ) who using this codex about years after christ , alledgeth the decrees of no other bishops of rome than these . then in the roman book were added the constitutions of bishops from gelasius to hormisda : and afterwards , to the time of vigilius , as i gather by gregory lib. . epist. . from gelasius to gregorius junior , the decrees of * five popes you have in codice moguntino , ( the true copy of codex romanus ) quod volumen postea recognitum est romae cohoerere cum aliis antiquis fideliter , saith possevinus : and just so many are mentioned by leo iv. in gratian , distinct. c. de libellis , ( but that silvester is by error added , of whose decrees none were extant in the body of the canons ) according to the last roman edition ; for in the former editions of gratian i find the name of * symmachus written with great letters : iste codex est scriptus de illo authentico , quem dominus adrianus apostolicus dedit gloriosissimo carolo regi francorum & longobardorum , ac patricio romanorum , quando fuit romae . and in this book , eckius writeth , were contained the decrees of xv bishops of rome , ( lib. . de primatu petri , cap. . ) but in other copies which p. pithoeus had of the same sort , there appear to be no more than the epistles of xi popes , * as in codice moguntino . i have great want of this codex moguntinus , which i am very glad you have lighted upon . i doubt not but it is wholly inserted into crab his edition ; but i know not how to distinguish it from the other collections there : i would intreat you therefore to send me a transcript of the title of the book ( and if any thing be worthy the noting in the preface of him that set out the book ) as also of the several councils , and epistles , with a direction in what page we may read the same in * crab , or † nicolinus his edition ; that so i might learn which of the two old editions in crab , is that which is found in codice moguntino : as also whether the subscriptions be the same . and here especially desire i to be satisfied in the sardican and african councils . the like would i now do unto you for isidorus his collection , directing you how you might read it entirely in crab , if i had thought the book were not to be found with you there . and if you could spare for a time your book hither ( which i would not willingly desire , considering the great distance betwixt our dwellings ) i would send it back with all speed , and send together with it tilius his edition of the greek canons , if i might understand you wanted it at cambridge . but if by your good direction i may find it fully in crab , it shall suffice . now a word of that collection , which falsly is attributed unto isidorus , being compiled sometime betwixt the years . and . as in my bibliotheca theologicâ , god willing , i shall fully declare . the author of this collection , taking pattern by the epistles fathered upon clement , coyned a number more of the same stamp , giving them the superscription of the names of the ancient popes : and not content by this means to advance only the pope's spiritual jurisdiction , for the enlarging of his temporalties , he counterfeiteth , in the name of constantine , that ridiculous donation , which before this time was never heard of . this forgery being first hammered in spain , was first of all uttered in france by riculfus , bishop of mentz , viro erga s. sedem romanam valdè devoto , as a certain author beareth witness of him , ( produced by p. pithoeus in his testimonies prefixed before ansegisus ) where what entertainment it had , shall in his place be declared . this collection was first published in print by jacobus merlinus , paris . . . and it is to be found in a manner wholly , ( but enlarged with some additions of popes epistles at the end ) in your corpus canonum of benett colledge , [ § . ] and in the two great volumes of the popes epistles , in the publick library of your university , [ § . . ] in the beginning whereof are to be seen provinciarum & regionum nomina , which are wanting in the printed books , but not in the manuscripts , as appeareth by pithoeus lib. . adversariorum , cap. . i would willingly understand whether it hath more or less than provinciarum imperii romani libellus , set out by ant. sconhovius with eutropius , and andr. schottus with antoninus his itinerary ( colon . . . in the printed copy of isidorus , there is . origo conciliorum generalium , as in crab , taken in a manner verbatim , out of the true isidorus , lib. . orig. cap. . and by him out of some former council-book , as appeareth by those words , sed & siqua sunt concilia quae sancti patres spiritu dei pleni sanxerunt , post istorum quatuor auctoritatem omni manent stabilita vigore : quorum gesta in hoc opere condita continentur . . annotatio . principalium synodorum : item , annotatio [ . ] synodorum , quarum gesta in hoc codice continentur . this is to be found in gratian , distinct. . cap. . & . with some additions at the end : whereof see the roman corrections in that place . now seeing in this catalogue many councils are reckoned , which are not to be found in isidore's collection , and some also in isidorus which are not to be found in this catalogue , ( which seemeth to be the cause why this catalogue was omitted by crab , as not agreeing to the collections now extant ) it appeareth that annotatio synodorum quarum gesta in hoc codice continentur , was translated hither out of some other collection of councils not now extant . for beside the book which had the greek canons , there is no doubt but there were others which contained also the constitutions of the western councils . one of which was used by ferrandus , who , beside concilium cellense or zellense ( which is the same with concilium tilense sub siricio p. in isidore and crab , ) citeth other councils , not now to be found as i suppose . marazense ( or marizanense ) macrianense , suffetulense , incense , tusduritanum , thenitanum , and septimunicense . but to return to the printed isidorus . there follow there , . the epistle of aurelius to damasus , and of damasus to aurelius , extant also in crab , and the copy of your publick library ; which epistles baronius sheweth ( ad an . . § . . ) to have been counterfeited by this counterfeit isidorus . . isidorus his preface , which is extant in crab , and the ms. of your publick library . where he is called isidorus mercator , for , peccator . whereof see the roman correct . of gratian , distinct. . cap. . and baronius in martyrolog . roman . ( april . ) . the . canons of the apostles , as they are in your benett copy . . the decretal epistles of the popes from clemens to melchiades , ( inclusivè ) as in order they lie in the former part of the first tome of the decretal epistles , set out by the authority of sixtus v. at rome , an. . fol. as also in your two manuscripts . . the discourse de primitivâ ecclesiâ : and edictum d. constantini imperatoris , ( which is the lewd donation fathered upon constantine ) extant in crab , immediately before the nicene council . . the nicene council , with a preface prefixed , in your copy of the publick library , as i remember . the acts of the nicene council are more largely set down , than in the printed copy of isidore . i pray you make a comparison with your crab , and write unto me what you find . . the canons of councils , from nicen. i. to hispalense ii. as in your bennet copy . for in the copy of the publick library , all this is wanting . . concilium romanum sub silvestro : as in crab , pag. . the counterfeit epistles of athanasius , and the aegyptian bishops to pope mark , &c. ( in crab , pag. ) with other decretal epistles , from marcus to gregory the first , in whom isidorus ended his collection , as himself in his preface signifieth . yet in the end are further added the epistles of gregorius minor , vitalianus , martinus , gregorius iii , and zacharias , as they were found in the ancient copies of this collection . but enough , or rather too much now of isidorus . beside these ancient collections , there were kept in later times , greater volumes of the councils ; containing both eastern and western councils , old and new , not much unlike the first edition of crab , set out at colon. an. , fol. such a one have i seen fairly written , with sr. robert cotton , and such a one is that which you enquire of in sr. thomas bodley's library , ( pag. . c. . n. . ) such a one also is that of lorrain , in bibliothecâ canonicorum ecclesiae virdunensis , mentioned by fronto ducoeus the jesuit , ( apud baron . an. . § . . ) and hither do i refer the great book of the acts of the councils , of which petrus de aliaco ( about the end of his book de reformatione ecclesiae ) wisheth care to be had , ut magnus codex conciliorum generalium , qui modo rarus est , ( saith he ) licet sit perutilis & necessarius , à metropolitanis in magnis ecclesiis reponeretur . and sure a faithful record of the acts of general councils , would be a matter of great moment . we have long expected them from the roman press : where the good fathers have been mending them a longer time , than nature requireth for bringing forth an elephant . anno . ( or about the year . at the farthest ) the work was under the press , as appeareth by baronius , ad an. . § . . & ad an. . § . . jo. antonius petramellarius , in his continuation of onuphrius his book of popes and cardinals , set out anno . signified unto us that the work was printed . ( pag. . ) but that it was not yet finished , baronius after that maketh known unto us . ( ad an. . § . . & . § . . ) and whether this birth of theirs as yet hath seen the light , i cannot learn. we read in socrates ( lib. . cap. . lib. . cap. . & . lib. . cap. . ) that one sabinus , a macedonian heretick , gathered together the acts of the councils . but it seemeth that work is perished ; except that be some abridgement of it , which is extant in the library of the patriarch of constantinople , and intituled , sabini monachi epitome omnium synodorum , ( as it is in the catalogue of constantinople , set out by antonius verderius , in supplemento epitomes gesnerianae . ) but what should we talk of works , which we have no hope to come by j. u. letter xi . a letter from mr. samuel ward to mr. james usher , afterwards arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in domino plurimam . good mr. usher , i received your large letters , &c. as you were confirmed in your opinion touching the ancient canonical code , by the parisian , which i sent you . so i having long since observed the place of dionysius exiguus in his epistle to the bishop of saling , ( which is extant in casiodorus ) was glad to see you jump with me ; which place i much marvel how it escaped our parisian , being a far better evidence for the ancient code , than is that of the council of chalcedon , considering it setteth down exactly the number of : that this collection of the council of nice , and the provincial , was before the council of constantinople , ( besides your conjecture from the placing of the provincials after that general of nice , which you make out of dionysius , and is also in the titles which are in the greek canons , and in codex moguntinus , ) methinks that may probably be gathered out of the th . action of the council of chalcedon . when after that constantine the secretary of the consistory had read the th . can. of the nicene council out of the canonical code , which was in the custody of aetius the arch-deacon ( which no doubt was the same which is mentioned both in the . & . actions ) coming afterwards to alledge the canons of the council of constantinople , he beginneth to read thus , synodicum primi concilii sub nectario episcopo ; and which synodicum , no doubt was the title of a distinct codex from the other , though it may be , both in one volume . it is great pity we have not these acts of the council of chalcedon in greek , and more pity we have not those of the . constantinop . neither in greek or latin. it should seem by verderius appendix , that they are to be had in the libraries in greece . but by this citation , and maxinianus his subscription in that action , a little after , we may see the constantinopol . councils canons were then incorporated into the canonical code ; though according to my former probable conjecture , non sub eadem numerorum serie . as for the ephesine canons howsoever they are neglected , or at least not mentioned by ferrandus , dionysius , and cresconius , ( and that in probability especially the first , for that they were not touching general orders in church discipline , but in particular for the suppressing of nestorius , and the pelagian heresies , whence baronius seemeth to acknowledge but , ) yet i doubt not but they were received in the canonical codes , both of the east and west churches . and first i doubt not but they are comprehended in that general ratification of the canons , which is in the st . canon of the council of chalcedon , as may appear by balsamon his schol. upon that canon . dly , no doubt but they are contained in justinian's canonical code , which is confirmed , novell . , where he will have the canons of the general councils , and such as are by them approved , to be received as imperial laws . now the first canons of the ephesine council are all orderly compiled together tom. iv. cap. . of peltarus's edition , with a synodal epistle to the emperor theodos. prefixed for the confirmation of them . the other two canons are before in the acts of that council , and also are to be found in libello constitutionum synodicarum , fathered by crab upon cyril chiefly , which he ( as it seemeth ) faithfully set forth , tom. . pag. . &c. which is dismembred in the venetian and the late cologne edition ; one member placed one where and another elsewhere , not much unlike their dealing with the ancient canonical code . this book crab much commendeth as having not seen the acts of the council of ephesus , since by peltarus , and sylburgius set forth , where most of those things are to be found . whereas you seem to say , that it is not well known which were the canons of that council , for that the counterfeit isidore hath diverse from those in tilius's greek edition : i doubt not but those and those only which are in tilius's greek copies are the right canons of the councils , the other anathematisms being rather to be reputed dogmata than canones , according to justinian's distinction in the aforesaid novell . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as gelasius cyzicoenus lib. . distinguisheth . and therefore joannes windlestin who set forth codex moguntinus out of manuscripts , writeth thus in proefat . concil . ephesin . hoc concilium in majoribus duobus quibus utimur codicibus non habetur , ex eâ forsan ratione , quod solum de fide , nihil de statu & regimine ecclesiastico statuisse videtur . — integra quidem acta illius non habemus , synodicam verò epistolam , una cum xii capitulis ex o codice huic operi adjungi operae pretium fore duximus . but he was deceived and so were the compilers of his two greater codes , if they thought there were no other canons of that council . but i rather think that the romanists have no great good will to that th . can. concerning much the liberty of the church universal . as for the mutations which came after the council of chalcedon , and after justinian's edict , i doubt not but the times might by diligence be observed , whether they were by substraction or addition : the leaving out of the ephesine canons ; the altering of the constantinopolitan ; and the cutting off of the two or three last canons ; also the leaving out of the last canon of the council of chalcedon , no doubt that was by the romanists means , which hence is apparent , in that all these are as yet entire in the greek copies , whereas all these defects are in codice moguntino . as for the canons of the apostles , they were not only questioned in dionysius his time , but before his time by gelasius , dist . . cap. rom. eccles. and after his time about the year . for in a synod at paris held contra praetextatum rhothomagensem , about that time , king chilperic sent to the synod , librum canonum in quo erat quaternio novus annexus , habens canones quasi apostolicos continentes haec , episcopus in homicidio , adulterio , & perjurio deprehensus , à sacerdotio divellatur : now this is the th canon of the apostles , and yet saith gregorius turonensis , lib. . cap. . regi nihilominus neque bertichranus burdegal . neque gregorius turonensis , neque alii qui aderant episcopi fidem habere voluerunt , quod falso canone uteretur , observantissium antiquorum canonum . whence it is evident that then in the french church , no not the first fifty translated by dionysius , were received . some years after all the canons were confirmed in trullo , but cresconius after that doth acknowledge no more than are in codice moguntino , viz. . whereas you seem to doubt of the council of sardica ; surely there may be just cause of the suspicion of forgery . reasons might be brought on both sides ; i wish i had leisure to scan my doubts . concil . carthag . . can. . & habetur dist . . c. primatus , or rather privatus . mr. b. calleth it sanctissimum concilium , mentioning one of the canons of that council . augustine afterward calleth it in question , cont . crescon . lib. . c. . & lib. . c. . acknowledging no other sardican , but one , which was heretical . and patres aphricani ( as you know ) writing ad coelestinum : ut aliqui tanquam à tuae sanctitatis latere mittantur , nulla invenimus patrum synodo constitutum . i know their distinction of the two sardicans , but much may be said against it . sure it is , that it was never holden for general which made the canons . codex hadrianaeus , which is inserted into the late cologne edition , out of henricus canisius his lib. antiq. lection . maketh mention only of bishops which subscribed to that council . and codex moguntinus in the end , numbereth but lx. which subscribed , but after the catalogue of the names , it addeth , et subscripserunt omnes episcopi diversarum provinciarum vel civitatum , numero cxxi . moreover in the preface in codice hadrianaeo , before the sardican canons , there are said to have been xx regulae xl episcoporum : but in codice moguntino , in the * preface there , it is said there xl regulae xx episcoporum . and here i am to tell you , that codex hadrianoeus , and moguntinus , though in substance they agree , yet in many circumstances they disagree , as for example , in many particulars in the said prefaces ; also in the distinction of canons , and sometimes in titles : so it should seem also for number of decretal epistles , if that which eckius saw were the same with that h. canisius had , for it should seem that eckius's book had the decrees of popes , whereas codex moguntinus hath but , and not only , as you seem to say out of pithoeus . and now since i mention pithoeus , if his copy of ferrandus's breviary of the canons were true , there were other canons amongst the sardican canons than those we have , as may appear in ferrandus his breviary , num . , , and ; for the . and . tit. there alledged , are not to be found in the canons of sardica now extant . another thing also touching pithoeus : he saith in the preface of ferrandus's breviary , that that version which is in codice moguntino is not that of dionysius exiguus ; but i assure you baronius , ant. augustinus , and the recognisers of gratian in their annotations , and binius in the late cologne edition , take that which is in codice moguntino to be that of dionysius exiguus . you alledge hincmarus rhemens . in lib. de variis capitul . eccles. i would know whether you have the book , or you have it * from some others who do alledge him . i would desire your help for such books as were pertinent to this business . hincmarus was an excellent man , and a stout champion against innovations , and all such as prejudged ancient canonical liberties . as for the decretal epistles , i am of opinion with you , that first they were brewed in spain , and broached by * riculfus , and afterward by otgarius , ( or autcarius , as bened. levit. proefat . in . lib. capitular . termeth him . ) and so much doth hincmarus lib. contra hincman . laudunens insinuate ; alledged inter testimonia proefixa capitularibus : and in fr. pithoeus his glossary , lit . r. and by baron . ad an . . n. . but in one thing i cannot accord to fr. pithaeus in the forenamed place , that isidorus mercator was the collector of the decretal epistles from clement to gregorius magnus . it seemeth tho that the decretal epistles began chiefly to be in request about the time that isidore lived , according to your account ; for in the xiv . council of toledo can. . there is somewhat which may argue so much . but i do not think that cresconius followed isidore his collection , considering it may be doubted whether ever he saw it ; and therefore though isidore gathered the decretals to gregory the great , as he intimateth in his preface ; yet cresconius ( as it should seem ) followed some former . my error in concil . cellensi was , in that i presupposed , that all the councils mentioned by ferrandus , ( excepting those which are in codice tiliano ) were in africk : whereas tela is in spain , as antoninus's itinerarium witnesseth . i have not that edition of isidore printed by merlinus . but by those your directions i shall acknowledge it when i meet with it . i have included here a note , by which you may know how to find the whole codex moguntinus in crab's edition . i had verily thought you had had it . as for the acts of the councils in greek , which are promised to be set out at rome , and have been a long time , i do fear me there will be jugling in that work . it is much to be lamented that ant. augustinus , who had gotten manuscript copies out of the chief libraries of asia , and europe , of the iv general councils , and had them almost in a readiness for the press , was prevented in this work by untimely death . i have been at bennet colledge , but could not get into the library , the master , who had one of the keys , being from home . i will remember sometime for to look the places out of burchardus : as for that other place of your irish synod , alledged dist. . can. . but of that canon thus writeth ant. august . emendat . gratian. lib. . dialog . xiv . post concilium carthaginens . iii. quaedam fragmenta sunt incerta , quibus proeponitur illud , quod gangrensi concilio falsò gratianus & poenitentiale romanum tit . . c. . ascribunt , cujus initium est , presbyter si fornicatione : concilio hiberniensi vindicatur in lib. anselmi lucensis romano lib. . cap. ult . et ut audio ita inscribitur à gregorio presbytero in polycarpi lib. . titulo , de incontinentia clericorum . poenitentiali theodori in veteri lib. mich. thomasii ; & certè illud hiberniense concilium sub eodem theodoro cantuariensi habitum est . since the time in which i writ the former part of this letter ( which was in the beginning of lent , upon the receipt of yours ) i have been occasioned to be going and coming from and to cambridge , to have some settled place of abode ; being limited in my time for the keeping of my place in our colledge ; which if i could have enjoyed , i should hardly have removed hither , ( where i am now with the bishop of bath & wells ) or any where else . but the bishop sending for me , and offering me a competency , in that kind i requested of him , then when i was unprovided , i could not neglect god's providence , and was advised hereunto by my best friends : this unsettled abode of mine was the cause why i finished not this letter so long since begun , and sent it not before this . i have since got jacob merlin's edition of isidore's collection , and before that at my being in the north , i borrowed out of durham library , the manuscript of it , which is all one with corpus canonum in bennet colledge library ; and in trinity colledge library newly erected , there is another copy of the same . i got also in the north a fair transcript of the greek canons , which , as i understand , erasmus caused to be copied out of an ancient copy which was brought to basil , at what time the council of basil was held . this copy erasmus sent to cuthbert tunstall bishop of durham , where it hath been since . bishop barnes who was bishop there since , gave it to his son , and his son to me . it is the same with that which is translated by gentian harvett , and which balsamon commenteth upon . the other day my lord shewed me a letter which came from one of his chaplains at windsor , who signified unto him that sir henry savil had an intendment to set out the greek councils : i fear me , he will hardly get copies . i will inquire further into it , and will further it what lyeth in me : antonius augustinus had gathered all the acts of the first general councils , out of all the libraries of italy , and had purposed to have set them forth , as andreas schottus reporteth in a funeral oration upon him : nay , he saith further , he had writ a book thus entituled , concilia graeca & latina cum historia , scholiis , & variae lectiones . but surely they will be suppressed for ever . as for the title of volusianus ad nicholaum in colleg. corp. christi , you are to know that bennet colledge by his foundation is called collegium corporis christi , not christ's colledge ; and the book in that library i have not looked into . but the printed book , which ad verbum is printed out of the manuscript hath nicholaus i. but falsly i verily think , for that was nicholaus ii. which is mr. fox his opinion , and i think other probable arguments than he hath might be brought . i have not my books here , and therefore i can say no more of that now . i cannot meet with turrian de eucharistia , and therefore cannot relate unto you now , what he thinketh of the author of the epistle ad caesarium monachum : i remember p. martyr de eucharistiâ , saith that chrysostom was the author and that it was written in the time of his second exile , against appollinarius and others of his sect , and he addeth , that in the library of florence there was a manuscript copy of it ; and that arch-bishop cranmer had another . and now , good mr. usher , to shut up these disorderly and scambling lines , i do acknowledge mr. alvey's great kindness and kind offer , and could have wished his offer had come first , but god had otherwise disposed ; for i had disposed of my self before i heard of him ; who otherwise would have been glad to have been one of your confociates . but howsoever i hope by entercourse of letters , we shall benefit one another in some sort by gods grace . mr. eyres is purposed to come to see your colledge , and to take some tryal ; you 'll find him a sound christian , an honest and faithful friend , and ( i think ) in some sort eminent in one kind , i mean in the hebrew tongue . he is of a good constitution and able to take pains , and as he is able so is willing . in a word , such an one as i think you shall have much comfort , and so you shall have of mr. pearson too , if he also come among you . thus in hast i am glad to omit many things : i must send the concordance of codex moguntinus with crab's edition of the councils , from london , for i forgot it at greenwich . the lord keep you , prosper your studies , bless your endeavours , and give his grace to conduct us in those ways which lead to happiness . your very loving friend in the lord , samuel ward . eman. coll. july the th . . i could not have leisure to revise my letter . pardon my loose and negligent writing . diligentius mihi consideranti quo tempore prima canonum collectio facta esset , duplex occurrit ratio quae me in hanc sententiam traxit , et existimem primum et antiquissimum homo-canonicum ex nicaenis , ancyranis , neocaesariensibus , gangrensibus , antiochenis , laodicenis canonibus , compositum , inter an. . & . ( ) post laodicenum , & ante constantinopolitanum primum in unum corpus coactum fuisse . prior fundata est in verbis dionysii in epistola ad stephanum salonitanum , qui cùm secutus sit antiquum graecum homo-canonicum , perspicuè docet supradictos canones numerorum serie continuatos olim fuisse clxv . constantinopolitanos verò canones novâ serie et seorsim numeratos . quorsum enim summam colligeret canonum proecedentium , priusquam recitet constantinopolitanos , eosdemque serie de novo inchoaret , si in vetusto graeco codice , quo usus est , hi canones unâ eâdemque serie continuati fuissent cum prioribus firmatur adhuc haec ratio conjecturâ petitâ ex act. xvi . concilii chalced. ubi constantinus secretarius relegit nicaenos canones ex codice , [ qui proculdubio idem erat cum illo , ex quo leguntur canones . et . synod . antiochen . actione xi . qui coincidunt cum can. xcv . & xcvi . tituli codicis , planè juxta seriem numerorum in codice graeco quo usus est dionysius ] postea cum legit canones constantinopolitanos , sic incipit , synodicum concilii constantinopolitani . altera ratio petita est è titulo proefixo canonibus ancyranis & neocaesariensibus in graecis exemplaribus & codice moguntino , & aliis latinis editionibus ; ubi cum collectores primi dicant proepositos fuisse in hoc codice canones nicaenos propter authoritatem oecumenicae synodi , manifestum est nondum secundam oecumenicam synodum habitam fuisse . si enim canones constantinopolitani jam extitissent , cum facta esset haec prima collectio , unà cum nicaenis priorem locum obtinuissent , cum illud concilium pro oecumenico etiam habitum . haec subjeci , ut tibi ansam ministrarem amplius in haec inquirendi ; ut haec , quae tamdiu in tenebris delituerunt , tandem in apertam lucem proferantur . vale ( amicissime usher ) & d. alveium , virum multis nominibus reverendum , meo nomine saluta . welliae calend. augusti , . versio quae habetur in codice moguntino , & quae dicitur fuisse dionysii exigui tota inserta est edit . coloniens . p. crab , . eámque facilè hoc indiculo subjecto ita dignoscas . in editione crabbensi , haec sunt codicis moguntini . in canonibus apostolorum vetus editio . in graecis conciliis . in nicaena ancyrana neocaesariensi antiochena laodicena chalcedonensi editio prior in titulis . canonibus . in gangrensi editio a in titulis . a in canonibus . in concil . constantinopol . . editio secunda in titulis . canonibus . concil . ephesini nulli canones , sed eorum vice , epistola synodalis concilii ephesini ad nestorium , unà cum symbolo , & anathematismis cyrilli , quae omnia unâ habentur in editione p. crab , à pag. . ad lin . . col . . pag. . in latina synodo sardicensi editio prior in titulis . canonibus . concil . carthaginens . canones sunt . qui iidem sunt cum . primis canonibus , qui sunt in graeco codice tiliano . latine non fimul extant in edit . crabbens . concil . aphricanum integrè extat apud p. crab , prout est in codice moguntino , à pag. ad . pro●emium gangrens . dominis honorabilibus , &c , et praefatio synod . antiochenae , sancta & pacata synodus , &c. extant iisdem verbis in cod. moguntino . subscriptiones non multum variant in nicaena . ancyrana . neocaesariensi . gangrensi . constantinopol . . magis in antiochena . nullae in codice mogunt . in ephesina . laodicena . subscriptiones concil . chalcedonens . quae tres integras pagin . occupant in cod. moguntino , non extant in editione crabbens . subscriptiones concil . sardicens . in cod. mogunt . & crabbens . non variant numero , sed lectiones variae & ordo varius . crab enim alphabeticum sequitur ordinem , non sic cod. mogunt . haec de conciliorum canonibus . catalogus roman . pontificum , quorum decreta in codice moguntin . habentur . siricius — xv. cap. innocentius . — lvii . cap. zosimus — iiii. cap. bonifacius . — iiii. cap. coelestinus . — xxii . cap. leo . — xlix . cap. hilarius — vi. cap. simplicius — ii. cap. felix — iii. cap. interseritur in ipso codice , non tamen in catalogo praefixo . gelasius . -xxviii . cap. anastasius . — viii . cap. symmachus . — v. item viii . cap. hormisda — iiii. cap. gregorius . — xvii . cap. summa , decreta ccxxix . cap. concordantia horum decretorum prout extant in codice moguntino cum edition . concil . petri crab , bus . tom. colon. an . . in gratiam eorum penes quos non sit iste codex . . decreta siricii in cod. mogunt . xv. — apud crab. pag. . ubi tituli ferè respondent codici moguntino . . innocentii — lvii . quae sic concordes cum edit . crabbens . decreta-viii — apud crabb . — epistol . . ad decentium eugubinum episcopum , à pag. . ad . xiii — ad victricium rothomagens . à pag. . ad . col . . vii — ad exuperium tholosanum , à pag. ad . v — ad foelicem nucerianum episcopum . horum summa — xxxii xxxiii xxxiv xxxv xxxvi xxxvii xxxviii xxxix xl xli xlii xliii xliv xlv xlvi xlvii xlviii xlix l li lii liii liv lv lvi lvii . ergo si ita est , &c. plura decreta innocentii i. non extant in cod. mogunt . . zosimi decreta iiii. ad verbum habentur apud crab , p. . & . . bonifacii etiam decreta iiii. ubi rescriptum honorii habetur pro decreto novo , p. . ad . . coelestini , à pag. . ad . decreta . epistol . a xiii epistol . a vi epistol . a iii sum. xxii . . leonis i. decreta xlix . quae cum edit . crabbens . sic in concordiam redigas . apud crab. decreta v epist. . pag. . vi epist. . pag. . vii epist. . pag. . viii epist. . pag. . ix epist. . pag. . x epist. . pag. . xi epist. . pag. . xii epist. . pag. . xiii epist. . pag. . xiv epist. . p. . xv epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xvi epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xvii epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xviii epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xix epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xx epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xxi epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xxii epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xxiii epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xxiv epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xxv epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xxvi epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xxvii epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xxviii epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xxix epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xxx epistol . ad rusticum episcopum narbon a pag. . ad . xxxi epistol . ad anastasium episcopum thessalonicensem à pag. . ad . xxxii epistol . ad anastasium episcopum thessalonicensem à pag. . ad . xxxiii epistol . ad anastasium episcopum thessalonicensem à pag. . ad . xxxiv epistol . ad anastasium episcopum thessalonicensem à pag. . ad . xxxv epistol . ad anastasium episcopum thessalonicensem à pag. . ad . xxxvi epistol . ad anastasium episcopum thessalonicensem à pag. . ad . xxxvii epistol . ad anastasium episcopum thessalonicensem à pag. . ad . xxxviii epistol . ad anastasium episcopum thessalonicensem à pag. . ad . xxxix epistol . ad anastasium episcopum thessalonicensem à pag. . ad . xl epistol . ad anastasium episcopum thessalonicensem à pag. . ad . xli epistol . ad anastasium episcopum thessalonicensem à pag. . ad . xlii epistol . . ad nicetam episcopum aquileiensem , pag. . xliii epistol . . ad nicetam episcopum aquileiensem , pag. . xliv epistol . . ad nicetam episcopum aquileiensem , pag. . xlv epistol . . ad nicetam episcopum aquileiensem , pag. . xlvi epistol . . ad nicetam episcopum aquileiensem , pag. . xlvii epistol . . ad nicetam episcopum aquileiensem , pag. . xlviii epistol . . ad nicetam episcopum aquileiensem , pag. . xlix . epistol . ad episcopos africanos per mauritaniam , pag. . in codice mogunt . non distinguitur in plures canon sed unious est can. . hilari decreta apud crab. i pag. . § . quoniam . ii . col . . § . praeterea . iii . col . . § . epistol . . tarraconens . iv . col . . & . epistol . a tarraconens . videtur mihi codex moguntinus hîc parum accuratus . nam epistolae tarraconensium proculdubio non pro decretis habendae , sed rescripta hilati . pag. . & . col . . post medium , apud crab. non enim plures epistolae habentur in codice moguntino . . simplicii decreta tantum duo ; i est epistol . apud crab. ii pag. . ii est epistol . apud crab. iii pag. . . foelicis pap. iii. decreta duo ; i apud crab , p. . col . . lin . à fine . communis dolor , & usque ad fin . illius col . . anastasius diaconus , &c. ad pag. . col . usque ad lineam am . ii apud crab , p. . col . . lin . à fine . communis dolor , & usque ad fin . illius col . . anastasius diaconus , &c. ad pag. . col . usque ad lineam am . . gelasii decreta xxviii . apud crab , à pag. . ad . col . . ad lin . . . anastasii decreta viii . apud crab , à pag. . ad . col . . lin . . . symmachi papae decreta , sub nomine symmachi papae extant in codice moguntino , quae in edit . crab. dicuntur esse decreta romanarum synodorum i. ii. iii. iv. hoc est apud crab , à pag. . col . . ad pag. . col . . ad ista : finiunt decreta symmachi papae . . hormisdae papae decreta iv. i apud crab , p. . col . . quo finimus semper , &c. ii apud crab , . col . . deo amabili , ac piissimo imp. ad finem epist. iii apud crab , . col . . gloriosissimo atque elementiss . ad finem epist. iv apud crab , . col . . lectis literis , &c. . gregorii junioris decreta xvii - extant apud crab , sub nomine gregorii iii. tom. à pag. . col . . circa medium , ad pag. . & finem col . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . letter xii . a letter from mr. alexander cook to mr. james usher , afterwards arch-bishop of armagh . good sir , i read in the mariale , that deus in curia sua coelesti habet tres cancellarios ; primus est , ad quem spectat dare literas simplicis justitiae , et iste est michael arch-angelus , &c. secundus cancellarius , ad quem spectat dare literas mixtas , scilicet justitiae & misericordiae , est b. petrus apostolus , qui in palatio dei est janitor constitutus , ubi sunt duae portae , viz. porta justitiae & misericordiae . nam per portam justitiae ingrediuntur illi qui salvantur exoperibus justitiae ; per portam verò misericordiae ingrediuntur illi qui salvantur ex sola dei misericordia & gratia sine operibus . et istam differentiam tangit apostolus ad rom. . dicens : ei autem qui operatur , merces non imputatur secundum gratiam , sed secundum debitum : ei verò qui non operatur , credenti autem in eum qui justificat impium , reputatur fides ejus ad justitiam , &c. ideo petrus pingitur cum duabus clavibus , quia cum una aperit portam justitiae , illis viz. qui dicere possunt cum psal. . aperite mihi portas justitiae , & ingressus in eas confitebor domino , &c. cum alia verò aperit portam gratiae & miserecordiae viz. illis quibus dicitur , eph. . gratiâ servati estis per fidem , hoc non ex vobis , dei enim donum est , & non ex operibus , ne quis glorietur . tertius cancellarius est ille , ad quem spectat dare literas purae gratiae , & misericordiae , & hoc officium habet b. virgo , &c. i pray , if your leisure serve , and opportunity too , let me know , if you have read of like divinity to that of the two gates , and of st. peter's two keys , in any other paper . and besides i would gladly know , whether you have not seen these words in the title page of arius montanus his interlineal bible , printed by plantin , an. . viz. accesserunt & huic editioni libri graece scripti , quos ecclesia orthodoxa hebroeorum canonum sequuta , inter apocryphos recenset . for if my memory deceive me not , i have seen them there : and yet a friend of mine hath that bible bearing the same date , wherein they are not ; and i have not opportunity to see more copies . i verily think the papists have reprinted the first page , whereby it comes to pass that in some they are , and in some they are not . i would be glad to see the other part of the succession of the church , which you promise in that you have set out already . and if i can hear when good occasion brings you to london , i will make hard shift but i will meet you there . the bearer hereof , mr. foxcroft , is an honest gentleman , and one of my brother's neighbours ; by him you may send to us at your pleasure . my brother commends himself very kindly to you : and so with remembrance of mine own love unto you , i commend you , and your labours to god's gracious blessing . your unfeigned well-willer , alexander cook. leedes in yorkshire , july . . do not you think that mr. casaubon p. , . mistook baronius his opinion of damascen for my part i do not believe his censure touched damascen de imaginibus . letter xiii . another letter from mr. sam. ward to mr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in christo. good mr. usher , i understood by a paper inclosed in a letter to mr. winch , that you were desirous of some information hence in sundry particulars therein mentioned . and first for the place alledged out of joachim abbas in mr. perkins his problem , there is a little mistake ; for it is cited pag. . whereas it should have been part. . pag. . facie . in the edition which was an. dom. . there is in the allegation a word or two differing ; but in the place mentioned you shall find somewhat more to that purpose . for that which is written touching rabanus in the preface of guilielmus malmesb. in abbreviatione amularii , it is verbatim the same with that which you have in your book alledged out of the ms. in collegio omnium animarum oxon. as for the words which m. plesseis alledgeth out of claudius seisellius contra waldenses , in commendation of the said waldenses , i have not exactly perused the book : but thus much i find fol. . nonnihil etiam ad horum waldensium confirmandam toler and amque sectam confert , quod praeter haec ( quae contra fidem religionemque nostram assumunt ) in reliquis fermè puriorem quam coeteri christiani vitam agunt . non enim nisi coacti , jurant , raroque nomen dei in vanum proferunt , promissaque sua bonâ fide implent , & in paupertate pars maxima degentes apostolicam vitam doctrinamque servare se solos protestantur . touching the history of the earls of tholouse , i have transcribed some part of that which concerneth the waldenses , and will finish the rest , and send it you ere long . it chiefly consisteth in a narration of simon mountiffort his attempt warranted by the great council of lateran , for the suppressing of the hereticks , and their abbettors , chiefly raymundus earl of tholouse . but i will in some sort satisfie your request shortly , by sending you the transcript . i doubt not but they which set forth the council of chalcedon , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 writ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thus with my best wishes , and kindest salutations , and willingness to help you here in what i can out of our libraries , i commit you to the protection of the highest . in hast . your very loving friend , sam. ward . sidney colledge july . . we have lost ( and so hath the whole church ) a great loss by mr. casaubon's untimely decease . letter xiv . a letter from mr. samuel ward to mr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh , then in london . salutem . good mr. usher , i am sorry i had not opportunity to see you before my departure out of the city . i pray you inform me what the specialties are which are omitted in mr. mason's book . i would only know the heads . i would know of you , whether you have seen , or heard of the second tome of councils , groeco-lat . set out at rome . i hear it is alledged by fronto ducoeus . or whether you can remember out of the reading of catalogues of manuscripts , whether the acts of the council of chalcedon be extant in any library in europe , graecè . i have read of the acts of the concilium arelatense , set forth by p. pithoeus , but could never come by them : i would know whether they be extant in the late paris edition of hilary , or no , . i had no leisure when i was with you , to inquire how mr. mason doth warrant the vocation , and ordination of the ministers of the reformed churches in foreign parts . thus with my best wishes , and kindest salutations , i commend your self , and all your labours to god's blessing , and the good of his church , and so rest , your assured loving friend , samuel ward . sidney colledge april . . i did hear that the king had given l. per annum to the colledge in ireland , and that now the whole revenue of the same is l. per annum , which i am glad to hear of . letter xv. a letter from mr. william eyres to mr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh , clarissimo viro ac amico suo singulari dom. jacobo usher , sacrae theologiae professori eximio , guil. eyre salutem in christo. cùm multis aliis nominibus ( clarissime , charissiméque usher ) metibi oboeratum esse lubens agnoscam , tum postremùm , pro libro quem superiore anno abs te dono accepi ; intelligo historicam tuam explicationem gravissimae questionis , cujus tertiam partem multi ( sat scio ) avide desiderant & expectant : certe omnes qui orthodoxam fidem amplexantur , pro utilissimo hoc opere tuo multùm tibi debent . beasti me hoc munere , ut non dicam quanti aestimo : atque praeterea animum addidisti ad antiquitatis studia intermissa , in quibus infantiam meam agnosco , & jam hospes plane fui in iisdem praesertim perquinquennium , quo hic colestriae assiduis ad populum concionibus distentus fuerim . gratulor tibi purpuram si verus sit rumor : nobis etiam ipsis vitam & valetudinem tuam gratulari debeo , propter tristem rumorem de morte tua apud nos sparsum : cura ( quaeso ) valetudinem ; ac si me audies , minùs frequens eris post reditum tuum in angliam , quem expectamus , quàm olim fueris londini concionibus , ne ardor tuus citiùs quàm cupimus , languescat . tu quidem ipsissimos antiquitatis fontes & reconditos thesauros apperuisti , & limatissimo judicio veritatem collegisti ; quam scioli nonnulli ex foxii martyrologio aliisque id genus rivulis tantum derivatum à te affirmare non dubitârunt . hoc forsan in proxima operis editione , vel saltem in ejusdem proxima parte , praeoccupare juvabit : sed in tanta re minimè opus esse consilio existimo . atque de his rebus , si nobis tam liceat esse fortunatis , in angliâ reverentiam vestram alloqui speramus . aliquoties domino nostro domino archiepiscopo cantuariensi academiae vestrae cancellario , officium meum praesentare soleo : quod si aliquid sit vobis negotii apud illum , quod mea tenuitas expedire possit , nec mihi nec meis parcere decrevi , sed facilè intelligo paratissimos vos habere londini , quorum opera uti liceat : hoc tantum amoris & officii mei erga vos & collegium vestrum gratiâ , calamo incidebat . deus opt . max. clementissimus in christo pater vos omnes , omni benedictionum genere cumulatissimos reddat , per dominum nostrum jesum . amen . guil. eyre . colcestriae . die aprilis , . letter xvi . a letter from mr. h. briggs professor of astronomy at gresham college , to mr. james usher , late arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in christo. good sir , mr. carew , shewed me your letter written to mr. smith of lincolns-inn , ( whose death , i perceive , even we which did not know him , have much cause to lament ) wherein you mention me , and a letter which formerly you writ to me , which never came to my hands . but to the point which here you repeat , i cannot tell how to meet with that part of theon . his commentary upon ptolomoeus his magna constructio ; i have it in greek , but there i have no hope to find that thing either explained or recorded . there is in christman upon alfraganus which i suppose you have , in his treatise de connexione annorum , pag. . and in other places mention of oera philippica which kabasilla maketh the same with à morte alexandri ; but the arabs ignorantly confound philip and alexander , and alexander and nicanor , making oeram alexandrinam seleucidarum years and days later than oera philippica . but i am out of mine element , and i do not doubt but you have these things better known than i can : but i shall most gladly do any thing i can according to your direction . concerning eclipses which my coufien midgeley putteth me in mind of from you ( for whom i heartily thank you , and for all your other kindnesses . ) mullerus in his phris . tabulis hath mightily discouraged me , for he hath weakned the prutenicks , my foundation , in three places of his book at least , yet hath not either helped it , or shewed the fault in particular , that others might seek remedy . i have seriously set upon it ; but these difficulties , and other straitness of time , and weight of other easier and more proper business , have , sore against my will , forced me to lay it aside as yet , till i can find better leisure and then i hope still to do somewhat . napper , lord of markinston , hath set my head and hands a work , with his new and admirable logarithms . i hope to see him this summer if it please god , for i never saw book which pleased me better , or made me more wonder . i purpose to discourse with him concerning eclipses , for what is there which we may not hope for at his hands . paulus middleb . is at pawn as i hear , and the other book likewise ; but i have , somuch as i can in mr. crawshaw's absence , had care to have them kept . i pray you , if you see mr. widdows , commend me heartily to him . we have here long expected him . thus desiring the almighty ever to bless and prosper you , referring all news , &c. to mr. egerton's report , i take my leave from gresham house this th . of march , . yours ever to his power in the lord h. briggs . let me i pray put you in mind de pres . numero & officio . i set it here that you may the more seriously remember it . letter xvii . a letter from the most reverend tobias mathews , arch-bishop of york , to james usher , late arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in christo jesu . having oftentimes wished occasion to write unto you , since the publication of that your learned work , de continuâ successione , & statu christianarum ecclesiarum , &c. god now at last , though long first , sending so good opportunity , by this honest religious gentleman , mr. peregrine towthby , i can do no less than both wish and advise you to proceed in the full performance of the same , by addition of the third part , according to the project of your whole design : which last shall , i hope , be no less useful and beneficial to all christian and truly catholick professors , than the former have been , and are like to be for ever . and as i doubt not but you may contain the rest within the compass of no more , at the most , than the volume already extant doth comprehend ; so do i verily perswade my self you shall therein glorifie god , and edifie his people exceedingly . especially if you will but interlace , or adjoyn , some rather judicious , than large or copious discourse of this punctual question , or objection , quid de salute patrum , & majorum nostrum , &c. fit statuendum ; whereof albeit some other good authors have well , and worthily delivered their opinions , yet you shall be sure not to lose your farther labour , endeavour , and determination therein . for assure your self that in the controversie de ecclesiâ , our adversaries do not demurre themselves , nor intangle others ( though needlesly , yet sophistically ) in any one quillity , or cavil , more than in that particular before expressed . were i not throughly perswaded both of your sufficiency , and integrity , i would not intimate thus much unto you : all which , notwithstanding , i refer to your own pious and discreet consideration ; yet hoping withal to hear from you ere long , by whom you now receive these from me ; which i trust you will reserve to your self alone , howsoever you entertain , or dislike , yea or deliberate of the motion . the while here i right heartily commend you , and your godly studies to the special good blessings of the almighty . yours very loving in the lord , tobias eboracensis . bishopthorpe may , . letter xviii . a letter from mr. thomas gataker to mr. james usher , late arch-bishop of armagh . health in christ. good sir , presuming on your kindness shewed me at your being in these parts , together with your ingenuous disposition otherwise , i am bold to request a further courtesie from you . i have in mine hands a manuscript , containing , among others , certain treatises , which i cannot yet learn to have been printed ; to wit , guilielmi de sancto amore ; de periculis novissimorum temporum ; as also divers things of robert grosthed , sometime of lincoln , viz. an oration delivered in writing to the pope at lions ; ( whereof i find a peice recorded in catalogus testium ; ) excerpta quaedam ex ejusdem epistolis ; tractatus de oculo morali ; de modo confitendi ; & sermones quidam . some of these , peradventure , if they be not abroad already , might not be unworthy to see the light : nor should i be unwilling , if they should be so esteemed , to bend my poor and weak endeavours that way ; but of that oration to the pope , certain lines , not many , are pared away in my copy , though so as the sense of them may be guessed , and gathered from the context : and in the other treatises there are many faults , that cannot easily or possibly , some of them , without help of other copies , be amended . my desire is to understand from you , whether at your being here in england ( for i wot well how careful you were to make inquiry after such monuments ) you lighted upon any of these , and where , or in whose hands they were . there are besides in this manuscript a commentary on augustine de civitate dei ; and a postil on ecclesiastes , with a treatise de modo proedicandi ; but these two imperfect , of nameless authors : besides guilielm . paris . de prebendis , & malachiae minorith de veneno spirituali : which two last i understand to have been published . i should be glad to hear , as many others desire , that the second part of your painful and profitable task , so generally applauded , and no less greedily expected , were preparing , or fully prepared for the press , and much more to see it abroad . works of that kind are in these times very seasonable ; nor deserve any better of god's church than those that deal soundly , and learnedly in them , among whom your self , as not a few acknowledge , may well claim a prime place : your labours both in that kind , and others , the lord bless , and continue unto you life and strength , to be long an instrument to his glory , and of his churches good . yours assured in the lord , thomas gataker . rederith martii . . letter xix . a letter from mr. robert usher to doctor james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh . ornatissimo viro , amantissimoque suo sobrino jacobo usserio , dignissimo in nostra academia theologiae professori , salutem . duas fulgentes & insignes stellas ( vir ornatissime ) firmamento nostrae ecclesiae nuper decessisse , cimmeriae , & horrendae , quibus miserima haec insula , & in occasum vergens academia involvuntur , tenebrae promulgant ; ad quas dispellendas te sulgenti scientiarum splendore omnibus praelucentem , admirabili morum candore corruscantem , summoque honore coronatum , deus elegit , ut studiorum tuorum habenas , ad emolumentum nostrae ecclesiae babylonica superstitione infestae , ad salutem patriae mentis caecitate laborantis , & ad dignitatem academiae in praecipitem ruinam irruentis , expeditè flectas . miseris fuccurrere te didicisse , ter nobilis illa pugna nunquam fatis laudanda nuper cum superba , & septemplici romanae gentis hydra , sub christi vexillo inita , pro maturata aetate , ac illibatâ despectae ecclesiae castitate , palam testatur ; quam pene oblivio , vel potius cruenta tyrannorum rabies etiam spirantem absorbuit , & sepelivit . perpetuas hujus peregrinationes , duraque exilia , terribilem draconis faciem fugientis , ab ultima antiquitate , quâ in cunabulis fuerat , ad nostra fere tempora vivis coloribus depinxisti . nunc igitur facessant nostris finibus mendaces romanae synagogae cretenses , quos olim abyssus turmatim evomuit , facessant , ( inquam ) non sine hac novitate , quâ perfidam , & obscoenam babyloniae meretricem salutent : ferreo tui ingenii ariete antichristiani regni fundamenta concussa , vel potius convulsa novâ restauratione indigere ; veram christi sponsam demum tenebrosis umbris extulisse caput ; teque istius gravissimae controversiae & contentionis palmam reportasse . hinc omnes , quos liber tuus , variâ sane lectione & doctrina perpolitus , vel saltem ejus fama à limine salutavit , uno ore te solum in hac materia apollinis lyram attigisse , constanter perhibent : hoc idem insignis tua fama astipulatur , quae nullam europae partem insalutatam reliquit , idem industriae & ingenii tui foetus , quem omnes avidè arripiunt , summoque prosequuntur amore . filium equidem parentis causâ omnes fovent , parentem filii gratiâ omnes admirantur , sic cunctos te cum admiratione amare , cunctosque te cum amore admirari facile percipias . immortales deo grates , propterea quod te per devios antiquorum campos vagantem in penetralia suae veritatis deduxit , benignitatis suae thesauros tibi apperuit , teque patriae incolumem , patriamque tibi restituit : tibique ( amantissime sobrine ) justissimas habeo gratias , quas me tibi diu debuisse immensa tua erga me gratia comprobat ; cujus tuum cubiculum mihi creditum minimam non esse tesseram ingenuè fateor . sed ne chartacea haec salutatio te gravissimorum negotiorum mole obrutum , molestiâ afficiat , vela contraham , hoc interim abs te flagitarem , & hoc audaciae meae symbolum , pariterque amoris , ferena humanitatis fronte accipias . tuae salutis , & felicitatis studiosiss . rob. usserius . ad obscoenam meretricem septem insidentem montibus , de tuo libro , carmen . frigore cur pavido trepidas babylonica thais cur trepidae proebes turpia terga fugoe fluctibus hesperiis emergit lucida stella , quâ veniente fagis , quâque oriente cadis . purpuream lucem vitat caligo profunda , dagon sic arcam concidit ante dei. hac radiante patent cunctis genitura nefanda , gorgoneusque tuus partus , uterque parens . mordaces anni , violataque foedera lecti , et stygio soboles carcere spurca fluens . fulgenti nuper cecidit tua gloria coelo , nunc eadem terris in loca nigra cadit . letter xx. a letter from mr. thomas lydyat to dr. james usher , at dublin colledge . reverend and dear dr. usher , i received your letter dated the sixth of october . i am glad you received my book , and i thank you for yours , which i received from mr. harris of hanwell . the former part of your letter , being , in regard of the matter , a tragi-comedy , drave me almost into an ecstasie ; and afterwards brought to my mind that of the psalmist , many are the troubles of the righteous : but god delivereth him out of them all . and therefore it is good to hold fast by him continually , and to desire his direction and furtherance in all our affairs and businesses : so although the beginning and middle thereof be never so troublesome , we shall not need to doubt , but that the end will be happy and prosperous . the astronomical calculation of years in ptolemy's canons , if it be genuine , is doubtless an excellent monument of antiquity , which i would gladly see : but yet it is not likely to make me to let go mine account of darius his years , firmly proved out of thucydides , and ctesias , compared with diodorus . i have endeavoured to satisfie you , touching the objections you make in your letter : as also to satisfie your desire touching the distances of taurus , mentioned by albategnius ; and touching the quantity of the solar and lunar year , and disposition of the grecian calendar , in geminus . thus with remembrance of my dutiful commendations to your self , mr. provost temple , d. richardson , and the rest of our friends with you , i commit you , your studies , and affairs , to the blessing of god , to the behoof of your country , and the whole church of christ. yours to be commanded in all christian duties , thomas lydyat . alkerton , monday march . . excerpta ex albatenio . de epocharum distantiis , i find no such express mention in albategnius , as that in the end of the of alfraganus , of christman's edition : neither are his nor his set down in the same method . the ( the title whereof , in the indice capitum before the book , is , in scientiâ tarec arabum & romanorum ac persarum atque alkept alternatim ) hath three parts . in the first part are set down their sorts of months , thus . mensium quidem arabum nomina sunt , almuhartan , saphar , &c. romanorum autem mensium nomina secundùm graecorum & egyptiorum principia sunt , elul , tisrin primus , tisrin secundus , &c. nomina verò mensium persarum , sunt efrosometh , asdiasdmed , &c. mensium autem alkept nomina sunt tut , bena , accur , &c. whereunto is subjoyned a clause directly concerning your purpose , and that truly set down , amidst the manifold errors about the dates of times , both in the same chapter , and in the whole book , as appeareth by comparing the same with other places in these words . principium autem à quo romani incipiunt & alkept , est à morte alexandri macedonis secundum graecos . aegyptii verò & romani ab ehahilcarnain annis numerant , & sunt inter eos anni aegyptiaci . these are the very words , and without doubt albatenius his meaning , confirmed by the dates of the most principal of his observations , and the plain truth . in the second part , he sheweth how to find the beginnings of all those sorts of years and months . where the arabian and alhegira radix , is , d . the roman from alhilcarnain , is d . d . the persian from jesdag , d. the alkept also from adhilcarnain , d . whereby is signified that the first year of dhilcarnain began in the year of nabonazar , and à morte alexandri , almost ending , to wit , on the d . of tisrin posterioris , or november following . in the . he sheweth how to find one sort of year by another , and it hath sections . . romanorum , i. e. syre-graecorum & constantinopolitana , à die septembris feria a , anni periodi julianae . [ ab initio octobris alii arabes exteri antiochiam deducunt ; ut à o tisri hebraei in suâ aerâ contractuum , & jason cyrenaeus in o. lib. maccab. — vel o die octobris ( ejusdem anni ) feriâ , ut apud alfraganum , & alios arabas , & hebraeos in suo — . ] . alkept , alexandrinorum , i. e. à die augusti feriâ , anni periodi julianae . ut aera chaldaeorum apud ptolęmaeum , & laodicenorum apud scalig. p. . nam thoth nabonass . . incurrit in novem. . seria a. thoth verò ( quod hic potius intelligendum , quia à alexandri dessnente sit supputatio ) à nov. ser. a. § . . si autem romanorum taric per taric alhegira scire volueris , ita ut diem romani mensis in quo fueris , & quot ad hilcarnaim anni praeterierint , deprehendas , arabicam radicem servatam accipe , eique dies superadde ( viz. as many as are from the first of elul or september , to the of themmur or tamuz , that is , july ) — quibus superadde annos , collectumque erunt anni ad hilcarnaim . this confirms the former account ; for being granted that there are years inter philippum sive mortem alexandri , & hegiram , take away , there remain between dhilcarnaim and hegira . § . . cum autem taric alkept per romanorum taric nosse desideras , annos ad hilcarnaim cum anno in quo fueris ( etsi elul per unum tantùm diem ingressus sit ) accipe ; post hoc , ex eo diem abjice , &c. — et collecto , tres semper dies adjunge , et hi sunt dies in quibus alkepin , elul graecos ingressu , quae est tut , proecedunt , &c. — per hoc autem taric stellarum ex canonibus theum abstrahuntur postquàm his annis anni superadduntur , eo quod sit à morte alexandri macedonis . § . . romanorum autem taric per taric alkept si nosse quaeris , annos alkept ( qui sunt anni ad hilcarnaim aegyptiaci perfecti * ) sume , ex quibus abjice , &c. — et si perfectis annis alkept annos , ut ab alexandri macedonis morte , sic adhibueris . dehinc collecto † annos aegyptiacos adjunxeris , inde collectum annos libri ptolemaei , quibus stellarum motus abstrahuntur , efficies , quod est à principio regni nabuchodonosor primi usque ad annum in quo fue is , ex annis alkept . here the last number , being by a manifest error of the first figure , put for , from the beginning of nabonazar's reign , to the alkept year , ( in which oera dhilcarnaim , from the syro-graeco-roman month , elul gorpioeus and september began , ) doth as manifestly discover the error of twice put for , and consequently of ‖ days for * years , from anno nabonazari to , as being the remains of taken away from . à morte alexandri in the year , ad regnum aegyptiacum augusti in the same . and so likewise in the . cap. quod si conjunctionem vel proeventionem per taric alkept scire volueris , annos ad hilcarnaim cum anno in quo fueris , licet una dies tantum elul praeterierat , assume ; post hoc , ex annis projice , residuique quartam accipe , quodque fuerit , erit dies quartarum . — et ei quod ex diebus quartarum provenerit , dies , in quibus mensis tut ab alkept priusquam à graecis habetur , superis junge , eique quod ex diebus post hoc exierit , ab elul initio , &c. for annis , read annis . now that oera dhilcarnaim is placed by albategnius in the beginning of the syro-roman elul or september , falling into the aegyptian year from nabonazar's reign , and the from alexander's death ending , is further proved , as i said , by the dates of the most and principal of his observations . as , namely in the cap. where he writeth , he observed the autumnal aequinoctium at arac , anno ex annis adilcanari , qui sunt post mortem alexandri † annorum , ante solis ortum die mensis elul ex romanorum mensibus , quod est die mensis pachon ex mensibus ‖ alkept per quatuor horas et dimidiam et quartam ferè , — post ptolemaei observationem ( before set down , ejusdem aequinoctii , anno tertio regni antonini , quod fuit anno à morte alexandri , nonâ die mensis athyr , ex mensibus aegyptiorum , unâ horâ ferè post ortum solis in alexandriâ ) annis aegyptiacis et diebus , et medietate et quarta unius diei minutis duabus quintis unius horae ferè ; vice dierum et unius medietatis , ac quartae diei partis , &c. and in the cap. medietas autem eclypsis primae ( solaris , ) secundum quod visu deprehendimus , fuit anno ad hilcarnaim , qui est annus ab alexandri morte , post dimidium unae octavae diei mensis ab , in arracta civitate , per spatium unius horae temporalis , sole existente inter et gradus leonis . the second eclipse noted d . mens . huni ( sive — secundi ) an. . dhilc . . ab alex. morte , hath both numbers corrupted , and , as it appears , to be corrected and . eclypsis lunaris prima fuit anno ad hilcarnaim , quod est anno à morte alexandri die mensis temur ( tamuz ) . invenimasque dimidium eclypsis in arracta post hujus diei dimidium , horis , et modicum plus ex horis aequalibus : — sole existente inter et gradus leonis , &c. eclypsis secunda anno ad hilcarnaim , quod est anno à morte alexandri apparuit , fuitque medietas eclypsis in antiochia post medium secundae diei mensis ab — horis et tertiâ parte horae ferè — sole existente inter et gradus leonis . note that in all these places and allegations ( contrary to my self upon scaliger's allegations in the — my tract , before my self had seen albategnius ) he understandeth as well the year à morte alexandri , as dhilcarnaim , syro-graeco-roman , not † alkept . only in the chap. he connecteth the year ad hilcarnaim with the year regni nabuchodonosor , without any agreement of day or month : the observation of the site of the fixt stars in the zodiack , as namely cor leonis , not requiring either . and the year dhilk. falls into the year nabon . ending the of canna posterioris or january , thereof , to the farther confirmation of the premises . for thence it follows that the dhilk. likwise fell into the year nab. ending in tisrin posteriore or november : there being one whole * alkept year swallowed up in years † dhilk. within little more than two months . and on the other side , in the chap. confuting the author 's motus coeli ante & retro , he hath these words , dixerunt etiam quod perfectio anterioris motus fuit ante regnum augusti aegyptiacos , et sunt anni alexandri macedonis . where restoring the true reading anni à morte alex. mac. and adding the and together , you have ptolemy's years à morte alexandri ad regnum augusti . and so i hope i have fully satisfied your desire touching the distances of the taric's in albategnius , especially annorum alkept ab alexandri morte ad regnum augusti , and of taric annorum dhilcarnaim between and from them both . i have set down the translator's very words , together with his own and the printer's faults , not doubting but you will easily discern them . your objections against mine account . darius hath objection α years , and xerxes , which makes me somewhat to stagger at your beginning of artaxerxes longim . not that i doubt of the flight of themistocles to artaxerxes objection β after the death of his father xerxes , ( for of that i am well resolved ) but that i would be satisfied objection γ better for the time of that flight . which that it fell on the year of the olympiad can be no more proved out of objection δ diodorus siculus , than that he objection ε died the same year , which we know to be untrue . diodorus doth , as baronius in his annals , where he findeth a note of the time expressed in his authors , he followeth that direction , objection ζ where he findeth none , he placeth things at adventures . cimon's victory at eurymedon , is by eusebius set at the th . objection ν year of the olympiad . diodorus placeth not it only , but also cimon's conquest of objection θ eione , and the taking of scyrus by the athenians ( even as he found them related together by thucydides l. . pag. . edit . graeco-lat . without any note of time , ) at the d. year of the olympiad . but of this i desire to have further satisfaction from your self . mine answer . answer α that is not much material , unless there be recorded some astronomical observation , made in any year of his above , by some that lived at the same time . answer β if you grant that , you must needs grant , that artaxerxes began to reign before the year of the olympiad , if any credit be to be given , either to thucydides or diodorus touching the time of themistocles's flight . answer γ what better satisfaction can you desire than that thucydides places it anon after the execution of pausanias , indefinitely before cimon's double victory , and diodorus definitely in the year of the olymp. and next before the same famous victory : and no other author that you do name , or i ween can name , places it later . answer δ i prove not that point out of diodorus but out of thucydides , convincing diodorus of error , touching the same , by his own confession . yet diodorus might with very good historical order and reason , to the story of his * flight , ( as falling out in greece , being the last memorable matter concerning him ) adjoyn the story of his death , the time whereof was uncertain , as falling out in the persians † dominions . this general imputation raised , as may seem , upon occasion of pontacus his note upon themistocles's death , in euseb. chron. is of no force to the shaking of this particular truth , touching themistocles's flight , in the year of the olymp. at the latest , otherwise sufficiently confirmed . your self alledge no author that sets it later : and you may see that in eusebius chron. it is set years sooner , to wit , in the th . year of the olymp. at what time perhaps his trouble began , upon the arraignment and examination of ‖ pausanias , by a manifest and notorious error of two olympiads , acknowledged also by scaliger . it is no more to be doubted that cimon got that most famous persian victory in the year that demotion was archon at athens , and that the same was the year of the olymp. than that pompey took jerusalem , when cicero was consul at rome . it is true that he there mentioneth them both , in his entrance to the history of that year ; but so as he plainly signifieth they were obtained before that year , by what he writeth : cimon , the athenians admiral , * after he had taken eione and scyrus , enterprizing greater matters , returned home ; and encreasing his navy , and making sufficient preparation , he set forwards towards caria , &c. according to my interpretation of the same years story , out of diodorus ; which also you saw . where also it is worth the noting , that he concludes the same story with these express words : so these things were done this year . and for your further satisfaction , note , that there being two fountains , as it were , of the history and chronology of the persian monarchy : the one herodotus , out of the greek records , as i guessed , out of hecatoeus milesius his copy , having by some error of the writer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in darius hystaspis years ; the other ctesias , artaxerxes mnemor's physician , out of the persians own records : howsoever your author ptolemy being an aegyptian-greek may follow herodotus account ; yet ctesias adding to his account of years , a further advertisement of darius his dying within a few days , after the marathonian discomfiture , deserveth more credit . and his meaning is more fully explained by those words of scaliger's georgian collections , in his . pag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and darius himself not enduring the ignominy died for grief . mark those words well . note , that the marginal notes are the bishop's , and not mr. lydyat ' s. letter . xxi . a letter from dr. james usher , late arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. thomas lydyat . salutem à salutis fonte d. n. i. c. dear sir , i remember that some three or four years since , having occasion in a publick lecture in the colledge , to speak of the beginning of daniel's seventies : i laboured to prove that artaxerxes longimanus began his reign toward the end of the third year of the th . olympiad . first , by the number of years attributed to darius hystaspis , by ctesias , viz. . not . secondly , by the time of the death of the same darius , noted not only in him , but also in georgius syncellus his collections , ( pag. . graec. euseb. scaligeri ; which place , i then did cite long before you advertised me thereof : ) to be not long after the overthrow received at marathon , an. o olympiadis . thirdly , by the testimony of petrus alexandrinus , ( whom mr. casaubon , in his exercitations against baronius , wrongfully maketh the same with peter the ancient martyr of alexandria , ) or whosoever was the author of those fasti , which commonly are called siculi : wherein the beginning of artaxerxes is expresly placed at the time above assigned . fourthly , by the testimony of thucydides , making artaxerxes then to reign , when themistocles fled into persia. but here i made a doubt of the time of themistocles his flight : wherein i desired your further resolution . for though i willingly yield to that which i find recorded in thucydides , that it fell after the execution of pausanias , and before cimon's double victory : yet whether that victory was gotten in the year that demotion was archon at athens , and whether themistocles his flight fell out the year before that , is not ( i take it ) so clear , but that we may call it into question . the former i would willingly believe , for the authority of diodorus siculus ; upon whose credit only , the referring of cimon's victory unto that year dependeth . eusebius ( who is the only man i know of , that after him setteth down the time of his victory ) placeth it at the fourth year of the th . olympiad : by a manifest and notorious error of two olympiads , you say , but prove by no other authority but the confession of scaliger ; which with me ( and i think with you too ) is of very little moment . diodorus is the only man we can find , that saith , this victory was gotten in the year that demotion was archon at athens , publicola and rufus consuls at rome . but doth not he also say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and that he being thus made admiral took eïone , and scyrus the words methinks sound thus plainly , that this year he was made admiral , and then conquered those places ; which being untrue , derogates much from the credit of his report , that saith , cimon got his famous victory at eurymedon the same year . you say , the former is reported by him , by way of recapitulation : but the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seem to me very clear , that diodorus meant plainly , that cimon this year was made admiral ; and the words following as plainly import , that having thus undertaken the admiralty , he took eïone and scyrus . i never read that part of your written chronicle , wherein this matter is handled : if there be any thing in it , that may farther clear the point , i pray you communicate it unto me , for i do desire , as much as you do , to strengthen the authority of diodorus , in placing cimon's victory at the praetorship of demotion , ( or which is all one ) at the third year of the th . olympiad . but this being admitted , for diodorus his sake , how can you prove , either out of him , or any other author , that themistocles his flight into persia fell out just the year before that for this is the main matter that concerneth the cause : you say , that you prove not that point out of diodorus , but out of thucydides . for diodorus , i think you do well , seeing he expresseth not any way , that this flight fell upon that year , more than his ostracism , or his death , but heapeth promiscuously all that appertained to his fall . thucydides saith no more than what i have delivered , and do willingly acknowledge : that his flight happened after the execution of pausanias , and before cimon's victory . other proof you produce none for the setling thereof at the second year of the th . olympiad , but what is contained in these words of your letter [ your self alledgeth no author that sets it later : and you may see that in eusebius's chronicle it is set two years sooner , viz. in the fourth year of the th . olympiad . at what time perhaps his trouble began , upon the arraignment and examination of pausanias . ] whereunto i thus answer : it was far from my meaning to alledge any author that setteth the flight of themistocles later than the second year of the th . olympiad . but i would know of you , what reason might be alledged , why it should not be placed forwarder . the arraignment and execution of pausanias is referred by diodorus siculus to the fourth year of the th . olympiad : the flight of themistocles by eusebius to the fourth of the th . olympiad . these two being the sole authors , who express the time of these two accidents ; why should we without cause reject the testimony of either especially for the strengthening of the assertion of eusebius ; which we may thus farther reason . the peloponnesian war began in that spring , which ended the first year of the th . olympiad , as is known . two years and a half after that , dyed pericles , ( witness thucydides lib. . pag. . ) he began to rule the common-wealth after the death of aristides ; and continued the government fourty years ; ( witness plutarch in pericle , pag. . & . ) aristides deceased almost four years after themistocles was expelled from athens , as aemilius probus ( or cornelius nepos ) testified in the life of aristides . these things being laid together , do shew , that the expulsion of themistocles from athens fell no later than the beginning of the fourth year of the th . olympiad ; ( to which time you doubtfully refer the beginning of his troubles : ) how much sooner soever , my opinion is , that at that time themistocles fled unto persia , as eusebius noteth , whose testimony i have no reason to discredit , unless i have some better testimony or reason to oppose against it . the year before that ( which is the third of the th . olympiad ) i suppose artaxerxes longimanus to have begun his reign : to whom , as yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , themistocles fled , as thucydides sufficiently proveth . thus the th . year of his reign should fall upon the second year of the olympiad : and the th . year from that ( which is the middle of daniel's last week ) should fall toward the end of the fourth year of the olympiad ; from which i cannot be drawn as yet , to draw the passion of our saviour christ. if you have any further reason to perswade me to hold my first opinion , which i learned from you , and did once publickly deliver in the schools , upon the reasons laid down in the beginning of this letter , i pray you let me understand thereof , for i am most willing to learn any thing , that may further me in the understanding of daniel . concerning aera dhilkarnain , and taric alkept , i cannot , in such manner as i would , deliver my mind unto you , until i see the intire work of albategnius , which i expect from you by this bearer , together with geminus , according to my request in my former letter : ( which by reason of the bearer's sudden departure from hence , hath lain by me well nigh a year . ) in the mean time i commit you , and your godly studies , unto the blessing of the almighty , resting always your most assured loving friend , and brother , james usher . dublin jan. . . letter xxii . a letter from dr. james usher afterwards arch-bishop of armagh , concerning the death of christ , and his satisfaction on the cross. the all-sufficient satisfaction of christ , made for the sins of the whole world. the true intent and extent , is lubricus locus to be handled , and hath , and doth now much trouble the church : this question hath been moved sub iisdem terminis quibus nunc , and hath received contrary resolutions ; the reason is , that in the two extremities of opinions held in this matter , there is somewhat true , and somewhat false ; the one extremity extends the benefit of christ's satisfaction too far , as if hereby god , for his part , were actually reconciled to all mankind , and did really discharge every man from all his sins , and that the reason why all men do not reap the fruit of this benefit , is the want of that faith , whereby they ought to have believed , that god in this sort did love them : whence it would follow , that god should forgive a man his sins , and justifie him before he believed , whereas the elect themselves , before their effectual vocation are said to be without christ , and without hope , and to be utter strangers from the covenants of promise , ephes. . . . the other extremity contracts the riches of christ's satisfaction into too narrow a room ; as if none had any kind of interest therein , but such as were elected before the foundation of the world ; howsoever by the gospel , every one be charged to receive the same : whereby it would follow , that a man should be bound in conscience to believe that which is untrue , and charged to take that wherewith he hath nothing to do . both extremities then drawing with them unavoidable absurdities ; the word of god ( by hearing whereof , faith is begotten , eph. . . ) must be sought unto by a middle course , to avoid these extremities . for finding out this middle course , we must , in the matter of our redemption , carefully put a distinction betwixt the satisfaction of christ absolutely considered , and the application thereof to every one in particular : the former was once done for all ; the other is still in doing : the former brings with it sufficiency abundant , to discharge the whole debt ; the other adds to it efficacy . the satisfaction of christ , only makes the sins of mankind fit for pardon , which without it , could not well be ; the injury done to god's majesty being so great , that it could not stand with his honour to put it up without amends made . the particular application makes the sins of those to whom that mercy is vouchsafed to be actually pardoned : for , as all sins are mortal , in regard of the stipend due thereunto by the law , but all do not actually bring forth death , because the gracious promises of the gospel stayeth the execution ; even so all the sins of mankind are become venial , in respect of the price paid by christ to his father , ( so far , that in shewing mercy upon all , if so it were his pleasure , his justice should be no loser , ) but all do not obtain actual remission , because most offenders do not take out , nor plead their pardon as they ought to do . if christ had not assumed our nature , and therein made satisfaction for the injury offered to the divine majesty , god would not have come unto a treaty of peace with us , more than with the fallen angels , whose nature the son did not assume : but this way being made , god holds out unto us the golden scepter of his word , and thereby , not only signifieth his pleasure of admitting us unto his presence , and accepting of our submission , which is a wonderful grace , but also sends an embassage unto us , and entreats us that we would be reconciled unto him , cor. . . hence , we infer against the first extremity , that by the virtue of this blessed oblation , god is made placable unto our nature , ( which he never will be unto the angelical nature offending ) but not actually appeased with any , until he hath received his son , and put on the lord jesus . as also against the latter extremity , that all men may be truly said to have interest in the merits of christ , as in a common , though all do not enjoy the benefit thereof ; because they have no will to take it . the well-spring of life is set open unto all , apoc. . . whosoever will , let him take of the water of life freely , but many have nothing to draw with ; and the well is deep : faith is the vessel whereby we draw all vertue from christ , and the apostle tells us , that faith is not of all , thes. . . now the means of getting this faith is the hearing of the word of truth , the gospel of our salvation , eph. . . which ministreth this general ground for every one to build his faith upon . syllogism . what christ hath prepared for thee , and the gospel offereth unto thee , that oughtest thou with all thankfulness to accept and apply to the comfort of thy own soul. but christ by his death and obedience hath provided a sufficient remedy for the taking away of all thy sins , and the gospel offereth the same unto thee . therefore thou oughtest to accept , and apply the same to the comfort of thine own soul. now this gospel of salvation many do not hear at all , being destitute of the ministry of the word ; and many hearing do not believe , or lightly regard it ; and many that do believe the truth thereof , are so wedded to their sins , that they have no desire to be divorced from them ; and therefore they refuse to accept the gracious offer that is made unto them . and yet notwithstanding their refusal on their part , we may truly say , that good things were provided for them on christ's part , and a rich prize was put into the hands of a fool , howsoever he had no heart to use it , prov. . . our blessed saviour , by that which he hath performed on his part , hath procured a jubilee for the sons of adam ; and his gospel is his trumpet , whereby he doth proclaim liberty to the captives , and preacheth the acceptable year of the lord , luk. . , . if for all this some are so well pleased with their captivity , that they desire no deliverance , that derogates nothing from the generality of the freedom annexed to that year . if one say to sin , his old master , ( levit. . . exod. . . deut. . . ) i love thee , and will not go out free , he shall be bored for a slave , and serve for ever , but that slavish disposition of his , maketh the extent of the priviledge of that year not a whit the straighter , because he was included within the general grant , as well as others ; howsoever , he was not disposed to take the benefit of it . the kingdom of heaven is like to a certain king that made a marriage of his son , and sent his servants to those that were bidden to the wedding with this message ; behold , i have prepared my dinner ; my oxen , and my fatlings are killed , and all things are ready ; come to the marriage , ( mat. . ) if we look to the event , they that were bidden made light of their entertainment , and went their ways ; one to his farm , and another to his merchandise , ( verse . ) but that neglect of theirs doth not falsifie the word of the king ( verse . ) viz. that the dinner was prepared , and these unworthy guests were invited thereunto : for what , if some did not believe , shall their unbelief disannul the faith , and truth of god ( rom. . , . ) god forbid ; yea , let god be true , and every man a lyar , as it is written , that thou mayest be justified in thy sayings , and overcome when thou judgest . let not the house of israel say , the way of the lord is unequal . for when he cometh to judge them , the inequality will be found on their side , and not on his . o house of israel , are not my ways equal , and your ways unequal saith the lord , ezek. . , . the lord is right in all his ways , and holy in all his works . all the ways of our god are mercy and truth ; when we were in our sins it was of his infinite mercy that any way , or remedy should be prepared for our recovery : and when the remedy is prepared , we are never the nearer , except he be pleased of his free mercy to apply the same to us , that so the whole praise of our redemption , from the beginning to the end thereof , may intirely be attributed to the riches of his grace , and nothing left to sinful flesh wherein it may rejoyce . the freeing of the jews from the captivity of babylon , was a type of that great deliverance , which the son of god hath wrought for us . cyrus , king of persia , who was christus domini , ( and herein but a shadow of christus dominus , the author of our redemption ) published his proclamation in this manner ; who is amongst you of all his people , the lord his god be with him , and let him go up , ( chron. . . and ezra . . ) now it is true , they alone did follow this calling , whose spirit god had raised to go up , ezra . . but could they that remained still in babylon , justly plead , that the king's grant was not large enough , or that they were excluded from going up by any clause contained therein the matter of our redemption purchased by our saviour christ lieth open to all , all are invited to it , none that hath a mind to accept of it , is excluded from it . the beautiful feet of those that preach the gospel of peace , do bring glad tidings of good things to every house where they tread : the first part of their message being this , peace to this house , ( rom. . . luk. . . ) but , unless god be pleased out of his abundant mercy to guide our feet into the way of peace , the rebellion of our nature is such , that we run head-long to the ways of destruction and misery , rom. . . and the ways of peace do we not know . they have not all obeyed the gospel , rom. . . all are not apt to entertain this message of peace , and therefore , though god's ambassadours make a true tender of it to all unto whom they are sent , yet their peace , only resteth on the sons of peace , but if it meet with such as will not listen to the motion of it , their peace doth again return unto themselves , luk. . . the proclamation of the gospel runneth thus : apoc. . . let him that is a thirst come , for him this grace is specially provided , because none but he will take the pains to come ; but least we should think this should abridge the largeness of the offer , a quicunque vult , is immediately added , and whosoever will , let him take of the water of life freely : yet withal this must be yielded for a certain truth , that it is god who must work in us to will and to do of his good pleasure ; and though the call be never so loud and large , yet none can come except the father draw him , joh. . . for the universality of the satisfaction derogates nothing from the necessity of the special grace in the application : neither doth the speciality of the one any ways abridge the generality of the other . indeed christ our saviour saith , joh. . . i pray not for the world , but for them that thou hast given me : but the consequence hereby inferred may well be excepted against , viz. he prayed not for the world , therefore , he payed not for the world ; because the latter is an act of his satisfaction , the former of his intercession : which being divers parts of his priesthood , are distinguishable one from another by sundry differences . this his satisfaction doth properly give contentment to god's justice , in such sort as formerly hath been declared : his intercession doth sollicit god's mercy . the first contains the preparation of the remedy necessary for man's salvation ; the second brings with it an application of the same , and consequently the one may well appertain to the common nature which the son assumed , when the other is a special priviledge vouchsafed to such particular persons only , as the father hath given him . and therefore we may safely conclude out of all these premises , that the lamb of god offering himself a sacrifice for the sins of the whole world , intended , by giving sufficient satisfaction to god's justice , to make the nature of man , which he assumed , a fit subject for mercy , and to prepare a medicine for the sins of the whole world ; which should be denied to none that intended to take the benefit of it : howsoever he intended not by applying this all-sufficient remedy unto every person in particular , tomake it effectual unto the salvation of all , or to procure thereby actual pardon for the sins of the whole world. so , in one respect he may be said to have died for all , and in another respect not to have died for all ; yet so as in respect of his mercy he may be counted a kind of universal cause of the restoring of our nature , as adam was of the depraving of it ; for as far as i can discern , he rightly hits the nail on the head that determineth the point in this manner . thom. contra gentiles , lib. o. . mors christi est quasi quaedam universalis causa salutis ; sicut peccatum primi hominis fuit quasi universalis causa damnationis . oportet autem universalem causam applicari ad unumquemque specialiter , ut effectum universalis causae participet . effectus igitur peccati primi parentis pervenit ad unumquemque per carnis originem ; effectus autem mortis christi pertinget ad unumquemque per spiritualem regenerationem per quam christo homo quodammodo conjungitur & incorporatur . james usher . march . . letter xxiii . an answer to some exceptions taken against the former letter , by the reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . i cannot sufficiently wonder , why such exceptions should be taken at a letter of mine , which without my privity came to so many mens hands , as if thereby i had confirmed papism , arminianism , and i know not what error of mr. culverwell's which ( as you write ) is , and hath been , opposed by many ; yea , all good men . the papist ( saith one ) doth thus distinguish ; a mediator of redemption and intercession ; and bellarmine ( saith another ) divides the satisfaction and application of christ. to which , what other answer should i make but this to hold , that christ is the only mediator of redemption , but the saints are also mediators of intercession , that christ by his merits hath made satisfaction to his father in gross , and the pope by his indulgence , and his priests by their oblations in the mass do make a particular application to particular persons ; to joyn thus partners with christ in this manner in the office of mediation is popery indeed : but he who attributing the entire work of the mediation unto christ alone , doth yet distinguish the act of redemption from the act of intercession , the satisfaction made by him unto god , from the application thereof communicated unto men , is as far from popery , as he that thinks otherwise , is from the grounds of the catechism ; for that christ hath so died for all men ( as they lay down in the conference of hague ) ut reconciliationem cum deo , & peccatorum remissionem singulis impetraverit , i hold to be untrue , being well assured , that our saviour hath obtained at the hands of his father reconciliation , and forgiveness of sins , not for the reprobate , but elect only ; and not for them neither , before they be truly regenerated , and implanted into himself . for , election being nothing else but the purpose of god , resting in his own mind , makes no kind of alteration in the party elected , but only the execution of that decree and purpose , which in such as have the use of reason is done by an effectual calling , in all by spiritual regeneration , which is the new birth , without which no man can see the kingdom of god. that impetration , whereof the arminians speak , i hold to be a fruit , not of his satisfaction , but intercession ; and seeing i have learned from christ's own mouth , joh. . . i pray not for the reprobate world : i must needs esteem it a great folly to imagine , that he hath impetrated reconciliation and remission of sins for that world. i agree therefore thus far with mr. ames in his dispute against grevinchovius , that application and impetration , in this matter we have in hand , are of equal extent ; and , that forgiveness of sins is not by our saviour impetrated for any unto whom the merit of his death is not applyed in particular . if in seeking to make straight that which was crooked in the arminians opinion , he hath bended it too far the contrary way , and inclined too much upon the other extremity ; it is a thing which in the heat of disputation hath befallen many worthy men before him ; and if i be not deceived , gave the first occasion to this present controversie . but i see no reason why i should be tied to follow him in every step , wherein he treadeth : and so much for mr. ames . the main error of the arminians ( vid. corvin . in defen . armini . cap. . ) and of the patrons of universal grace , is this , that god offereth unto every man those means that are necessary unto salvation , both sufficiently and effectually ; and , that it resteth in the free-will of every one to receive , or reject the same ; for the proof thereof they alledge , as their predecessors , the semipelagians , did before them , that received axiom of christ's dying for all men , which being rightly understood , makes nothing for their purpose . some of their opposites ( subject to oversights as well as others ) more forward herein than circumspect , have answered this objection , not by expounding , ( as was fit ) but by flat denying that famous axiom ; affirming peremptorily , that christ died only for the elect , and for others nullo modo ; whereby they gave the adverse party advantage to drive them unto this extream absurdity , viz. that seeing christ in no wise died for any , but for the elect , and all men were bound to believe that christ died for themselves , and that upon pain of damnation for the contrary infidelity ; therefore all men were bound to believe that they themselves were elected , although in truth the matter were nothing so : non tali auxilio nec defensoribus istis tempus eget . neither is there hope , that the arminians will be drawn to acknowledge the error of their position , as long as they are perswaded the contrary opinion cannot be maintained without admitting that an untruth must be believed , even by the commandment of him that is god of truth , and by the direction of that word , which is the word of truth . endeavouring therefore to make one truth stand by another , and to ward off the blow given by the arminians in such sort that it should neither bring hurt to the truth , nor give advantage to error ; admit i failed of mine intent , i ought to be accounted rather an oppugner , than any wise an abettor of their fancies . that for the arminians . now for mr. culverwell , that which i have heard him charged withal , is the former extremity , which in my letter i did condemn , viz. that christ in such sort did die for all men , that by his death he made an actual reconcilement between god and man ; and that the special reason why all men reap not the fruit of this reconciliation , is the want of that faith , whereby they ought to have believed , that god in this sort did love them . how justly he hath been charged with this error , himself can best tell ; but if ever he held it , i do not doubt but he was driven thereunto by the absurdities , which he discerned in the other extremity ; for what would not a man fly unto , rather than yield , that christ no manner of way died for any reprobate , and none but the elect had any kind of title to him , and yet so many thousand reprobates should be bound in conscience to believe that he died for them , and tied to accept him for their redeemer and saviour ; yea , and should be condemned to everlasting torments for want of such a faith , ( if we may call that faith , which is not grounded upon the word of truth ) whereby they should have believed that which in it self was most untrue , and laid hold of that in which they had no kind of interest if they who dealt with mr. culverwell , laboured to drive out one absurdity by bringing in another , or went about to stop one hole by making two , i should the less wonder at that you write , that though he hath been dealt withal by many brethren , and for many years , yet he could not be drawn from his errour . but those stumbling blocks being removed , and the plain word of truth laid open , by which faith is to be begotten , i dare boldly say , he doth not hold that extremity wherewith he is charged , but followeth that safe , and middle course , which i laid down ; for after he had well weighed what i had written , he heartily thanked the lord , and me , for so good a resolution of this question , which for his part he wholly approved , not seeing how it could be gainsaid . and so much likewise for mr. culverwell . now for mr. stock 's publick opposition in the pulpit , i can hardly be induced to believe that he aimed at me therein ; if he did , i must needs say he was deceived , when he reckoned me amongst those good men , who make the universality of all the elect , and all men to be one : indeed i wrote but even now , that god did execute his decree of election in all by spiritual generation : but if any shall say , that by all , thereby i should understand the universality of all , and every one in the world , and not the universality of all the elect alone , he should greatly wrong my meaning : for i am of no other mind than prosper was , lib. . de vocat . gent. habet populus dei plenitudinem suam , & quamvis magna pars hominum salvantis gratiam aut repellat aut negligat , in elect is tamen & proescitis , atque ab omni generalitate discretis , specialis quaedam censetur universitas , ut de toto mundo , totus mundus liberatus , & de omnibus hominibus , omnes homines videantur assumpti . that christ died for his apostles , luk. . . for his sheep , joh. . . for his friends , joh. . . for his church , ephes. . . may make peradventure against those , who make all men to have a share alike in the death of our saviour : but i profess my self to hold fully with him , who said , etsi christus pro omnibus mortuus est , tamen specialiter pro nobis passus est , quia pro ecclesia passus est . yea , and in my former writing i did directly conclude , that as in one respect christ might have been said to die for all , so in another respect truly said not to have died for all : and my belief is , that the principal end of the lord's death , was , that he might gather together in one the children of god scattered abroad , joh. . . and , that for their sakes he did specially sanctifie himself , that they also might be sanctified through the truth , john . . and therefore it may be well concluded , that christ in a special manner died for these ; but to infer from hence ; that in no manner of respect he died for any others , is but a very weak collection , specially the respect by me expressed being so reasonable , that no sober mind advisedly considering thereof , can justly make question of it , viz. that the lamb of god offering himself a sacrifice for the sins of the world , intended by giving satisfaction to god's justice to make the nature of man , which he assumed , a fit subject for mercy , and to prepare a sovereign medicine that should not only be a sufficient cure for the sins of the whole world , but also should be laid open to all , and denied to none , that indeed do take the benefit thereof : for he is much deceived that thinks a preaching of a bare sufficiency , is able to yield sufficient ground of comfort to a distressed soul , without giving a further way to it , and opening a further passage . to bring news to a bankrupt , that the king of spain hath treasure enough to pay a thousand times more than he owes , may be true , but yields but cold comfort to him the miserable debtor : sufficiency indeed is requisite , but it is the word of promise that gives comfort . if here exception be taken , that i make the whole nature of man fit for mercy , when it is as unfit a subject for grace as may be ; i answer , that here two impediments do occurr , which give a stop unto the peace , which is to be made betwixt god and man. the one respects god , the party offended , whose justice hath been in such sort violated by his base vassals , that it were unfit for his glorious majesty to put up such an injury without a good satisfaction . the other respects man , the party offending , whose blindness , stupidity , and hardness of heart is such , that he is neither sensible of his own wretchedness , nor god's goodness : that when god offers to be reconciled unto him , there must be much intreaty to perswade him to be reconciled to god , cor. . . in regard of the latter , i acknowledge with the apostle , that the natural man receives not the things of the spirit , for they are foolishness to him ; neither can he , because spiritually discerned , cor. . . and this impediment is not taken away by christ's satisfaction ( which is a work of his priestly function ) but by the enlightening of the mind , and softening the heart of the sinner , which are effects issuing from the execution of the prophetical and kingly office of our redeemer . when therefore , i say , that by christ's satisfaction to his father , he made the nature of man a fit subject for mercy , i mean thereby , that the former impediment arising on god's part is taken away , that if it were not for the other ( for the having whereof we can blame none but our selves ; and in the not removing whereof , we cannot say god hath done us any wrong ) there were no let , but all men might be saved : and if it pleased god to extend his mercy unto all , as he keeps his freedom therein , in having compassion on whom he will have mercy , and leaving others in blindness , natural hardness of their own heart , yet the worth of christ's satisfaction is so great , that his justice herein should be no loser . but if this justice ( you will say ) be satisfied , how comes it to pass that god exacts payment again from any i answer , we must take heed we stretch not our similitudes beyond their just extent , lest at last we drive the matter too far , and be forced to say ( as some have done ) that we cannot see how satisfaction and forgiveness can stand together , and so by denying christ's satisfaction be injurious to god's justice , or by denying remission of sins become injurious to god's mercy . we are therefore to understand , that the end of the satisfaction of god's justice is to make way for god's free liberty in shewing mercy , that so mercy and justice meeting , and embracing one another , god may be just , and the justifier of him that believes in jesus , rom. . . now the general satisfaction of christ , which was the first act of his priestly office , prepares the way for god's mercy , by making the sins of all mankind pardonable , the interposition of any bar from god's justice notwithstanding , and so puts the sons of men only in a possibility of being justified , a thing denied to the nature of fallen angels , which the son was not pleased to assume : but the special application of this satisfaction vouchsafed by christ unto those persons only whom his father hath given him out of the world , which is an appendant , or appertaineth to the second act of his priest-hood , viz. his intercession , produceth this potentia in actum , i. e. procureth an actual discharge from god's anger , and maketh justification , which before was a part of our possibility , to be a part of our present possession . if it be said , it is a great derogation to the dignity of christ's death , to make the sins of mankind only pardonable , and brings in a bare possibility of justification ; i answer , it is a most unchristian imagination to suppose the merit of christ's death , being particularly applied to the soul of a sinner , produceth no further effect than this . saint paul teacheth us , that we be not only justifiable , but justified by his blood , rom. . . yet not simply as offered on the cross , but through faith in his blood , rom. . . that is , through his blood applyed by faith . the blood of jesus christ his son , ( saith saint john , john . . ) cleanseth us from all sins , yet cleanse it doth not by being prepared , but by being applyed ; prepared it was when he poured it out once upon the cross ; applyed it is when he washeth us from our sins therein , rev. . . it is one thing therefore to speak of christ's satisfaction , in the general absolutely considered ; and another thing , as it is applyed to every one in particular : the consideration of things , as they are in their causes , is one thing ; and as they have an actual existence , is another thing . things as they are in their causes , are no otherwise considerable , but as they have a possibility to be . the application of the agent to the patient , with all circumstances necessarily required , is it that gives to the thing an actual being . that disease is curable for which a soveraign medicine may be found , but cured it is not till the medicine be applyed to the patient ; and if it so fall out , that the medicine being not applied , the party miscarries , we say , he was lost , not because his sickness was incurable , but because there wanted a care to apply that to him that might have helped him . all adam's sons have taken a mortal sickness from their father , which if it be not remedied , will without fail , bring them to the second death : no medicine under heaven can heal this disease , but only a potion confected of the blood of the lamb of god , who came to take away the sins of the world ; which , as prosper truly notes , habet quidem in se ut omnibus profit ; sed si non bibitur non medetur . the virtue thereof is such , that if all did take it , all without doubt should be recovered , but without taking it there is no recovery : in the former respect it may be truly said , that no man's state is so desperate , but by this means it is recoverable , ( and this is the first comfortable news that the gospel brings to the distressed soul ) but here it resteth not , nor feedeth a man with such a possibility , that he should say in his heart , who shall ascend into heaven to bring christ from above but it brings the word of comfort nigh unto him , even to his mouth and heart , and presents him with the medicine at hand , and desireth him to take it ; which being done accordingly , the cure is actually performed . letter xxiv . a letter from sir henry bourgchier , afterwards earl of bath , to dr. james usher , afterwards arch-bishop of armagh . worthy sir , vvere my invention able to find words to express the greatness of my error , i would fill this sheet of paper with phrases apologetical , and reasons of excuse for my long silence ; but when i consider the goodness of your disposition and mine own confidence , of the interest i have heretofore had in your love , they diminish despair in me , and perswade strongly to conceive hope of pardon at your hands . i should have been very glad in this time of my absence from thence , to have heard from you , but your greater imployments , and the burthen of a higher duty that lyeth upon you , do speak sufficiently in your behalf . if you can steal any time from your pastoral function to give perfection and life , to many of your exquisite labours , there liveth no man who would more rejoyce at the news thereof than my self . i hear by common fame , that there is somewhat published against you this mart ; but the catalogue is now come over , and proves fame a lyar. the arch-bishop of spal . his great promised work is in the press here at london , and will come abroad before the end of the term. it will be as large as bellarmin's work. laurentius beyerlinke , who stiles himself archipresbyter antuerpiensis , hath begun the fight against the arch-bishop . i know not whether you have seen his book or no. there came but a few over . i only saw it , but could not buy it for money . he is much threatned by the jesuits in all countries of christendom . i doubt not but you have heard of the ambassage of sir john bennet to bruxels to question the arch-duke in the behalf of the king our master , concerning the late book of patianus , who neither apprehended the author , nor suppressed the book , until he was sollicited by the kings agent , and only interdicted the book , and suffered the author to fly his dominions . on munday the th . of april , in the king's chamber of presence at the tower in paris , the marquess d' ancre , a man of no obscure fame , was murthered with a pistol , by the hands of mouns . de vitri his old professed enemy , whose death will give a great assistance to the much desired peace in france . a synod of the reformed churches began at rochel the th . of the last month ; wherein will be handled the cause of the princes in the late stirres . sir john digby makes preparation for his journey into spain , to treat of a marriage , which ( to give you my opinion ) i think is unfeignedly intended on our part , but whether by them or no , the doctors doubt , as the saying is . sir walter raleigh is now at southampton , and the ships of his fleet follow him daily from hence , and other parts . the action is most distastful to the spaniards beyond any that we have undertaken these many years , and hath received strong opposition from the spanish ambassador , and some of our own , who have sucked in too much spanish air. we hear that two scottish earls , angus and morton , both of the family of douglas , have lately withdrawn themselves out of their country , and are gone into france . this place is now grown somewhat solitary ; and therefore if my advertisements be somewhat trivial , i hope you will afford them a favourable interpretation . i desire to be esteemed a servant to your love , and will ever be ready ( i make profession ) to declare my self your true affectionate friend , while i am henry bourgchier . london , the th . of may . letter xxv . a letter from mr. william crashaw , preacher at the temple , to dr. james usher . salutem in christo. sir , these be some of the points i would have conferred with you in . . whereas the oath for the clergy in the council of trent , it runs thus , credo , &c. sanctam cath. ap. romanam ecclesiam , &c. our men say luther and others were not perjured : for that romana was then put in , and not in afore when they took it : i pray shew me where any such oath or creed is extant of theirs that hath it not in . what credit is to be given to the life of st. george extant in lipomanus , printed at rome , . translated , he saith , out of metaphrastes and what evidence in story you find of alexandra , an empress , wife to dioclesian . what found evidence have you of cyril the monk his evangelium aeternum , and whether it is extant more than in gul. de s. amore . who was the author of that hellish libel , de tribus mundi impostoribus , and whether you ever saw it . what author have you more than scaliger , that mysterium in greek was written within on the fore-part of the pope's crown and what certainty of proof conceive you to be in that testimony of scaliger . what evidence have you , that the book of esdras , refused both by us and the church of rome , was written before christ ; if it were , why then is it refused as non-canonical , seeing such plain and pregnant prophecies are in it , and such as no power but divine could foretel , especially that of the caesars , cap. of these things i pray consider , and when you have leisure , write me what you conceive , that so i may not lose it ; i lent you josseline de vitis . archiep. cant. in fol. which you said you lent dr. mocket and i believe it , yet i could never get it ; and now i find my book at mr. edwards his shop , near duke-lane , and he saith he bought it with dr. mocket's library , but i cannot have it . happily you might by your testimony prevail to get it me , for i charged him not to fell it : i pray think of it , as you go that way . thus longing to see you , and till you send me word what day you will be here , i commend us to god , and am yours in christ , william crashaw . letter xxvi . a letter from mr. thomas gataker to dr. james usher , afterward arch bishop of armagh . health in christ. worthy sir , i esteem my self much beholden unto you , as for your former love , so for this your late kindness , in vouchsafeing me so large a letter , with so full instructions concerning this business , that i was bold to break unto you , though the same , as by your information appeareth , were wholly superfluous . true it is , that though not fully purposed to do ought therein my self , willing rather to have afforded mine endeavours and furtherance to some others , i supposed that those two treatises , viz. that oration of the bishops , and that of wilhelm of s. amore. his might be not unworthy the publishing , had the one been perfect , and the other not yet published , ( for as for that of parisiensis de prebendis , i had heard to be already abroad : and gesner in his bibliotheca hath tractatus . argentin . impress . de collatione & pluralitate eccles. beneficiorum , which may seem the same , one of them with this . as it is said to be gemma pretiosior in that manuscript you speak of , so to be auro pret . in mine . ) but i perceive now by your instructions , that the one is out already , and the other perfect and fit for the press , in the hands of one better furnished and fitter for the performance of such a work than my self , whom i would therefore rather incite to send what he hath perfect , abroad , than by his perfect copy , having pieced out mine imperfect one , to take his labours out of his hand . i have heard since i wrote to you by mr. bill , that sir henry savil is about to publish bishop grosthead's epistles , out of a manuscript remaining in merton colledge library . that treatise de oculo morali , i lighted lately on , in another manuscript bound together with grosthead in decalog . having this title before it , incipit liber de oculo morali , quem composuit magister petrus de sapiere lemovicensis . and i find it cited by petrus reginaldeti , a friar , in his speculum finalis retributionis , under the name of johannes de pechano , as the author of it . neither seemeth it , though written honestly , yea wittily and learnedly , as the wit and learning of those times was , to be of the same frame and strain for gravity , that other the works of that bishop are ; which also maketh me suspect those sermons , that in my manuscript go under his name , should not be his , having lately at idle times run over some of them . if i meet with your country-man malachy at any time , i will not be unmindful of your request . and if any good office may be performed by me for you here , either about the impression of your learned and religious labours , ( so esteemed and much desired , not of my self alone , but of many others of greater judgment than my self , ) or in any other imployment , that my weak ability may extend it self unto , i shall be ready and glad upon any occasion to do my best therein . i lighted of late upon an obscure fellow , one hieronymus dungersheim de ochsenfart , who in anno published a confutation dedicated to george , then duke of saxony , of a confession of the picards , which whether it be the same with that which gretser saith luther set out with his preface , i wot not : the title of it is , totius quasi scripturae apologia , and the beginning of it , in summi dei maximo nomine & terribili , amen . nos homines in terrae or be quanquam ad ima subacti , &c. and though it be not entirely , inserted by him in his answer , yet so much is picked out of it , and set down in their words , as may shew in divers main points their dissent from them , and consent with us . but it is not likely , that this author , though obscure and not worthy the light , hath escaped your curious eye . gesner seemeth mistaken in him , when he saith , hieronymus dungersheim scripsit apologiam sacrae scripturae boemorum , for he wrote not it , but against it . but i trouble you , it may be unseasonably , with needless trifles , amids your more serious affairs , which forbearing therefore to do , further at this present , with hearty salutations , and my best prayers unto god , i commend you and your godly labours to his gracious blessing , and rest your assured friend and unworthy fellow-labourer in the lord , tho. gatacre . rederith june . . letter xxvii . a letter from mr. thomas lydyat to dr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh . salutations in christ. reverend mr. usher , i received both your letters ; and as touching your discourse in the latter , about the beginning of artaxerxes's reign , and daniel's weeks , and the time of our lord's passion , &c. depending thereupon , i framed mine answer to your former discourse therebout , in your letter bearing date , octob. . . upon the ground of your opinion , which i gathered out of the words thereof : darius hath there ( in ptolemy 's canons ) years , and xerxes which maketh me somewhat to stagger at your beginning of artaxerxes . which words i could not otherwise understand , than that they had drawn artaxerxes's beginning back again , in your conceit , unto the vulgar station , lower than i had advanced it , upon the grounds mentioned in the beginning of your last letter , and that place of fast. sicul. which either i had not marked , or else had neglected and forgotten . and to the same purpose seems unto me to tend that you inferr in the same letter , upon cimon's taking eione and scyrus , in the beginning of his admiralty , first mentioned by diodorus siculus in demotion's year . whence it would follow , that the siege of naxos , and themistocles's flight at the same time , was later , and the victory at eurymedon yet later than that . my manuscript chronicle being the third part of my treatise de emendat . tempor . after my first project , wherein i have wholly translaed those places of thucydides and diodorus , concerning themistocles's flight , i did communicate unto you ; if i have not much forgotten my self , and if i be not much deceived , you shall find that part of my translation , agreable both to diodorus his words , and to the truth . wherefore it made me marvel , that in the latter part of the same letter , you now go about contrariwise , to set themistocles's flight , according to eusebius's chronicle , and consequently the beginning of artaxerxes , according to thucydides , two or three years higher , at what time i supposed his troubles began , about the arraignment and examination of pausanias , and so much the more , that for your purpose you alledge aurelius probus or cornelius nepos , affirming themistocles to have been expelled athens , four years before aristides's death , and the beginning of perieles's government ; which falling out just upon the very same year of my supposal , strongly confirmeth the same ; and so much the more strongly , for that his words seem to have direct reference to those of thucydides . erat enim themistocles patriâ puisus per ostracismum , argis vitam agens , & per caeteram peloponnesum commeans . whereas therefore cornelius nepos his account casts themistocles's expulsion or exostracism from athens , right upon that same year , after which time , saith thucydides , he lived at argis , and was going up and down about peloponnesus : needs must his pursuit and flight be supposed a good space after that , upon the execution of pausanias , whose first plotting of treason and endictment thereupon , whereabout was long and much ado before his execution , seem to have be fallen the th . year of the olympiad : where diodorus relateth his whole history together , according to his manner . but that , that made me most of all to marvel , was , that by your thus urging artaxerxes's beginning together with themistocles's flight , two or three years higher than my pitch , you not only utterly discredit your ptolemy's canons , for giving years to darius and to xerxes , together with diodorus and eusebius , but also all other authors of antiquity that i know , whereof none ascribes less than to darius , and to xerxes , which hereby , whether upon oversight or otherwise , you enforce your self to do ; namely subtracting two or three years more from xerxes , leaving him scarce . whose authorities and testimonies , together with the other reasons , that i have in place alledged , will , i trust , in the end prevail with you , to move and draw you , to assent to the truth which i have delivered , concerning the beginning and ending of daniel's weeks , and the time of the passion and resurrection of our lord and saviour christ , with all the dependences thereupon . for certainly how weak soever i the restorer and publisher thereof am , yet it is strong and will prevail ; and notwithstanding mine obscure estate , in due time , the clouds and mists of errors being dispersed and vanished , it will shine forth as bright as the clear sun at noontyde . as touching the books you wrote for , i told this messenger that i meant to send them , and therefore i appointed him to call for them , together with my letter this day . but since i have altered my purpose , not envying you the sight of them , but expecting your coming into england ere long as of custom , once within three or four years : at which time i shall be glad to shew you them , and to confer them together with your ptolemy's canons . in the mean time if you have any more urgent occasion , of desiring to be resolved of any thing in them , do but acquaint me with your purpose , what you would prove out of them , and i will truly give my best diligence to ●●● what may be found in them for the same ; and so save you that labour on seeking , which i suppose you may better bestow otherwise , and so i trust i shall deserve better of you , than if i sent you the books . thus desiring your daily prayers , as you have mine , for gods blessing , to bend our studies to the best ends , and make them most profitable to the setting forth of his glory and the good of his church and of our countries , i take leave of you for this time , resting yours to be commanded in all christian duties . thomas lydyan . 〈◊〉 july , . letter xxviii . mr. william eyres letter to dr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh . eximio doctori domino jacobo usserio guilielmus eyre s. p. d. praestantissime domine ; fateor me tibi plus debere quàm verbis exprimere possim , etiamsi centiès ad te quotannis literas darem , idque non solùm propter privatae benevolentiae erga me tuae fructus uberrimos , sed etiam ob magnitudinem tuorum erga nos omnes qui theologiae studiosi sumus meritorum . macte virtute tua , faxitque christus opt. max. ( cujus sub vexillo militamus ) ut scripta tua polemica cedant in nominis sui gloriam , & antichristi interitum , quo de in sibyllinus memini me legisse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod de scriptis doctissimorum virorum quidam interpretantur . nos hic plerique omnes ( ut opinor ) preces fundimus , dum vos , sive gubernatores , sive nautae , vel clavum tenetis , vel per foros cursitatis , &c. & navali praelio dimicatis . preces & lachrymae , arma nunquam magis necessaria fuerunt , quàm in hac in exulceratissima tempestate & omnium pessimâ morum corruptelâ . serenissimus rex noster jacobus jam denuò collegium illud chelseiense prope londinum , theologorum gratia , qui controversiis dent operam , adornare & locupletare coepit . matthaeus sutlivius ea in re nullum lapidem immotum relinquit . quid fiet nescio . res agitur per regias literas ad episcopos apud clerum , & eorum operâ apud subditos ditiores , ut opus tandem perficiatur . forsan majora adhuc à vobis in dubliniensi collegio , quàm ab illis chelseiensibus expectare possumus , quamdiù vivit acviget amicus ille meus , de quo draxus quidam nostras , in libello nuper edito , lumen illud irlandiae , & in academia dubliniensi professor regius , theologus tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut sive scripta sive disputationem requiras , idoneus est , qui cum tota papistarum natione concertet . sed quid ego haec autem ne quicquam ingrata revolvo me quod atinet , ita nuper , praesertim per integrum annum novissime elapsum & eo plus & secularibus negotiis quotidianis , contra genium & voluntatem meam & concionibus ad populum nimis ( ut videtur ) frequentibus , quasi demersus fuerim ut nihil in hebraicis quaestionibus me posse videar ; atque in quibusdam absque te , quem pure indigitare possim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ita haeret aqua , ut ulterius progredi non liceat : fas sit igitur mihi oraculum tuum consulere , & limatissimum judicium tuum expiscari . nolo tamen in hoc tempore diutiùs te interpellare . gratulor tibi ex animo & purpuram tuam & costam illam , quam tibi deus restituit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cura valetudinem . gratia jesu christi sit cum omnibus vobis . amen . g. eyres . colcestriae die augusti , . letter xxix . a letter from mr. edward warren to dr. james usher , afterwards arch-bishop of armagh , at st. patricks . reverend sir , that the beast which was , and is not , and yet is , should be romanus pontifex , i like your conjecture very well , and the ground seems to me firm , and such as i may tread safely on . and that which you quote out of dionys. halicarnas . touching his immunity , brought me to consider better of his office and authority set down by livy , ( lib. . ) — caetera quoque omnia publica privataque sacra pontificis scitis subjecit [ numa : ] ut esset quò consultum plebs veniret : ne quid divini juris negligendo patrios ritus peregrinósque asciscendo turbaretur . which in my conceit is some resemblance of that head-ship which the latter pontifex now challengeth to himself . in the other part i take all to be clear , save only that i stick somewhat at the accommodation of those words , ( pag. . ) that when he cometh , he shall continue but a short space . i heartily thank you , that for my satisfaction you have taken so much pains . your poor friend edward warren . kilkenny . novemb. . . the god of peace be with you . usserii notae . of pontifex maximus see plutarch . in vitâ numae , ciceronem in orat . pro domo , apud pont. et de aruspic . resp. val. max. lib. . cap. . georg. fabrice observat . lect . virgil. aenead . . insolentia & superbia eorum abiit in proverbium . ( horat. od. . . ) — mero tinget pavimentum superbo pontificum potiore coenis . vid. loc . ubi interpres not at proelautas coenas proverbio pontificales appellari solitas . exemplum hujus coenae vide in macrobio , lib. . saturnal . cap. . letter xxx . a letter from dr. james usher , afterwards arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. thomas lydyat , rector of askerton in oxford-shire . salutem in christo. as i was now going out of the house , i met with robert allen , who told me he was to go presently for england , and required my letters unto you . i have nothing that upon this sudden i can well write of , but the renewing of my former request for those two books which i wrote for in my two former letters . and therefore according to the form which our canonists use in their court proceedings , — peto , primò , secundò , & tertio , instantèr , instantiùs , & instantissimè , that you will let me have the use of your geminus and albategnius , which shall ( god willing ) be returned unto you as safely and as speedily as you shall desire , which i hope you will the rather condescend unto , because i have no purpose to see england these many years : the contrary report whereunto , was the chief cause wherefore you deferred the sending of those books by the former messenger . and so nothing doubting , but you will yield at last to my earnest request , i bid you heartily farewel , resting ever your assured loving friend and brother , james usher . scripsi raptim dominici adventûs anno domini . letter xxxi . a letter from sir henry bourgchier to dr. james usher , afterwards arch-bishop of armagh , at dublin . worthy sir , had the opportunity of convenient messengers concurr'd with my desires , my letters should have come faster to your hands than they have done ; and what hath been wanting of that respect which absent friends yield one another , i do assure you hath been supplied by an affectionate desire in me to enjoy your company , together with the remembrance of those many happy hours , which i have spent with you . i had once hop'd to have seen you this winter , but my necessary occasions in england , with the difficulties of a winter journey , are like to detain me here until the spring ; where , if my service may be useful or advantageous to you , it shall be as absolutely at your command , as any friend of yours that lives . i doubt not , but you have heard much of the troublesome estate of the low-country churches , by their diversity of opinions , and what tumults had like to have ensued ; or rather are like to ensue , for the tempest is not yet over-blown ; and had not the opposite faction to the arminian , by them termed vulgarly gomarians , shewed a great deal of temperance , and patience , much effusion of christian blood had followed . i suppose you have seen sir dud. carlton's speech in the last general assembly at the hague , which is answered by h. grotius in print : he is a professor in leyden , very inward with mouns . barneveldt , and by name ( i think ) well known to you : and of the cities , which send their deputies to the general assembly , have publickly protested against any national , or provincial synods , which shall be called . about a fortnight since , the heads and others of the university of cambridge , were summon'd to appear before his majesty at new-market , where , at their coming , they were required to deliver their opinions concerning mouns . barneveldt's confession , lately sent over to the king , to which , as i am informed , many of them did subscribe ; and principally dr. richardson , the kings professor , for which he either hath already , or is in some danger of losing his place . i know not whether you have seen the book called analecta sacra , published the last mart , if you can discover the author i pray you let me know him . i have written to a friend of mine at paris , to enquire at the printers , where the book was printed of the author . with much difficulty i obtained one of them , which you should have received , had i not been constrained to bestow it otherwise . here in england there is little written or published in any kind of learning . in every parish-church there are now sums of money collected for chelsey colledge , but i see no addition to the work. our kind friend , mr. briggs , hath lately published a supplement to the most excellent tables of logarithms , which i presume he hath sent you . suarez's book against the king , is now grown common by the late german impression ; which if you please you may have . the popish writers having sharpned their weapons , being now to strike , with sharp invectives , our arch-bishop of spalato , after their wonted manners , and now openly charge him with apostacy , and revolt from their religion . he hath not obtained any ecclesiastical promotion , nor , for ought i hear , desireth any ; but rather to end his days in a retired and solitary exile . since the return of digby into spain , there is little known of the progress of our affairs there ; neither of sir walter raleigh , since the return of captain bayly from him , if i may give his unworthy running away so honest a name . sir , both i and my messenger stand upon thorns , as they say , being both presently to begin our journeys ; he for ireland , i for the west of england , where i mean to spend this festival time ; which i hope shall excuse my rudeness in writing , both for matter and manner . when i come to a place of more leisure , you shall hear from me . in the mean time , let me live in your good opinion , as one who truly loves you , and will ever declare himself your truly affectionate and faithful friend , henry bourgchier . london the th . of december . letter xxxii . a letter from mr. william eyres to dr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh . eximio sacr. theologiae professori , & amico suo singulari , domino jacobo usserio , s. ramus iste tuus & noster , qui brevi ( ut opinor ) ad nos in angliam reversurus est , absque grati animi mei significatione aliqua , pro singulari tuâ erga me clementiâ & benignitate , non est dimittendus . gratulor verò tibi ( charissime frater ! ) felicitatem tuam , qui in regione minùs culta , & variis motibus perturbatâ natus & educatus , nobis hic in florentissimo regno , totique orbi christiano facem divinae intelligentiae in rebus maximè necessariis praebuisti ; ac etiamnum porrò ( uti speramus , & expectamus ) praebiturus es . intelligo doctissimas tuas lucubrationes , tanquam stellas totidem lucidissimas . macte virtute istâ tuâ , christo optimo maximo duce in omnibus . nos hic semipagani qui ad stivam religati sumus , rusticos in christianae fidei fundamentalibus , & in timore domini instruimus . plerique hic ferè omnes papismum detestantur . sit nomen domini benedictum . contra papatum quotidie concionamur . neminem habemus repugnantem : omnes consentientes . caeterum valde multi sunt , qui odio papismi plusquam vatiniano ( ut ita dicam ) flagrant , ut solenniorem dei cultum nullo modo ferre possint . hinc omne genus nequitiae caput sustollere taxim occoepit . multi qui contra papisticam superstitionem invehuntur , contra rapinam , sacrilegium , luxuriam , ebrietatem , gulam , arrogantiam , superbiam , avaritiam , usuram , & id genus enormia , ne protestantur quidem . sed quorsum haec manum de tabula . verbum sapienti sat est , satque habet favitorum semper qui rectè agit . quid nos in votis habemus , postmodum accipies . interea verò , in jesu christo domino ac sospitatore nostro benè vale . fraterculus tibi multis nominibus devinctissimus , guilielmus eyres . colcestriae . die aprilis , . letter xxxiii . a letter from dr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. william camden . my dear and worthy friend , i have been earnestly intreated by dr. rives to send this inclosed ▪ letter unto you . he hath had his education in new-colledge in the university of oxford , where he took his degree of doctor in the civil law. he is now one of the masters of the chancery with us , and judge of the faculties and prerogative court. two things , he told me , he was very desirous to be certified of from you ; the one , in what sort you would have him answer that calumniation of our irish libeller , where he intimateth , that you dissemble your religion , and write otherwise than you think , delusus spe hujus secult , et mundani honor is lenocinio illectus . the other , what you think of our great st. patrick and of his miracles . touching the former , i assured him of my own knowledge , that you were wrong'd most shamefully : what you did you did out of judgment , and not led by any such base respect as you were charged withal ; and that i knew for certain , that with your heart you embraced the religion which by authority is maintained in the church of england . for the latter , i gave him good leave to discredit as much as he list , that pack of ridiculous miracles which latter writers had fastned upon st. patrick ; but wished him in no wise to touch the credit of that worthy man himself , nor to question his succession to palladius , nor to cast him unto lower times , contrary to the consent of all writers that ever make mention of him . and to this end , i shewed unto him what i had gathered together to this purpose , in a treatise which i lately wrote at the request of dr. hampton , lord arch-bishop of armagh , of the first planters of the christian faith in ireland , and specially , of st. patrick and his successors in the see of armagh : but one word from you will satisfie him more than a hundred from me ; and therefore let me intreat you , that you would here erranti comiter monstrare viam . you easily may see what little credit the testimony ( or the silence rather ) of so late an author as platina is , may carry to bear down the constant agrement of all our own writers . the objection would be far more specious , if it were drawn from the silence of venerable bede , who making express mention both in his history and his chronicle of palladius , speaketh nothing at all of patricius . yet have i seen in sir robert cotton's library an ancient fragment written before the time of bede , wherein st. patrick is not only mentioned , but also made to be as ancient in time as hitherto we have still believed him to have been . it was found among mr. josseline's papers : and is now bound up in blew leather , with other antiquities . if you can come by the book , and will be pleased to transcribe that place of it where the tradition of the liturgy from man to man is described ( for there this mention of st. patrick is to be found ) either that or nothing will give full satisfaction to our doctor . the company of stationers in london are now erecting a factory for books and a press among us here : mr. felix kingston , and some others are sent over for that purpose . they begin with the printing of the statutes of the realm ; afterwards they purpose to fall in hand with my collections de christianarum ecclesiarum successione & statu . i do intreat you of all love , to look over the first edition ; and what you find i have mistaken , or what you think may be further added out of the antiquities which you have met withal , signifie unto me . i wrote unto you to this purpose about four years since , by a kinsman of mine , mr. john brereton : at which time also i desired to understand from you , whether it were possible to get the copy of the epistles to the monks of glastenbury , attributed to st. patrick , which i remember you told me you had sometimes seen . but since that time i have heard nothing from you . if you will be pleased at this time to write unto me , or to dr. rives , ( who earnestly expecteth your answer ) you may leave your letters at my lord knevet's house in westminster , there to be delivered unto sir henry docwra , our treasurer at wars ; who will take order that they shall be safely conveyed unto me . and thus craving pardon for my boldness in troubling you thus far , i take my leave for this time , resting always . your most loving and firm friend , james usher . dublin , june . . letter xxxiv . a letter from mr. william camden to dr. james usher , afterward arch-bishop of armagh . my most esteemed good mr. dr. your loving letter of the eighth of june i received the fourth of july , being retired into the country for the recovery of my tender health , where portum anhelans beatadinis , i purposed to sequester my self from worldly business and cogitations . yet being somewhat recovered , i could not but answer your love , and mr. doctor rieves letter for your sake , with the few lines herein enclosed , which i submit to your censure . i thank god my life hath been such among men , as i am neither ashamed to live , nor fear to die , being secure in christ my saviour , in whose true religion i was born and bred in the time of king edward vi. and have continued firm therein . and to make you my confessor sub sigillo confessionis , i took my oath thereunto at my matriculation in the university of oxon. ( when popery was predominant ) and for defending the religion established , i lost a fellowship in all-souls , as sir daniel dun could testifie , and often would relate how i was there opposed by the popish faction . at my coming to westminster i took the like oath , where ( absit jactantia ) god so blessed my labours , that the now bishops of london , durham , and st. asaph , to say nothing of persons employed now in eminent place abroad , and many of especial note at home of all degrees ; do acknowledge themselves to have been my scholars . yea , i brought there to church divers gentlemen of ireland , as walshes , nugents , o raily , shee s , the eldest son of the arch-bishop of cassiles , petre lombard a merchants son of waterford , a youth of admirable docility , and others bred popishly , and so affected . i know not who may justly say that i was ambitious , who contented my self in westminster school when i writ my britannia , and eleven years afterward : who refused a mastership of requests offered , and then had the place of a king of arms , without any suit cast upon me . i did never set sail after present preferments , or desired to soar higher by others . i never made suit to any man , no not to his majesty , but for a matter of course incident to my place , neither ( god be praised ) i needed , having gathered a contented sufficiency by my long labours in the school . why the annalectist should so censure me i know not , but that men of all humours repair unto me in respect of my place ; and rest content to be belied by him , who is not ashamed to belie the lords deputies of ireland and others of honourable rank . sed haec tibi uni & soli . that i might give you better satisfaction , i sent my servant with directions to my study at westminster , who found this which i have herein inclosed . which if they may stead you i shall be right glad . as my health will permit i will look over your learned treatise de christianarum ecclesiarum successione . but such hath been your happy industry therein , that i have little hope to add any thing , and less to observe any mistaking . thus with my salutations to your good self , and my respectful love remembred to sir arthur savage , i rest your true and devoted friend , william camden . chesilhurst july . . letter . xxxv . a letter from mr. thomas warren to dr. james usher , after - arch-bishop of armagh . sir , i have read carefully what arminius hath written de justitia & efficacia providentiae dei in malo . yet in that i read him for especially , he leaves me as doubtful as he found me . for where he saith , quum soepenumero futurum sit , ut creatura non omnino in malo obdurata actum quia peccato junctus sit patrare nolit , nisi argumentis quibusdam & occasionibus , quae velut incitamenta sint ad illum patrandum , objectis ; istius quoque objectionis administratio penes dei providentiam est , qui irritamenta ista objicit : in these words ( if i mistake him not ) he will have it , that god casts stumbling-blocks in the way of them that of themselves would have gone upright , of purpose to provoke them to do evil ; which , taken together with his foreknowledge of the event , in my apprehension seems very harsh , and flat contrary to the scripture , jam. . . indeed if god , foreseeing both what arguments and occasions inciting unto sin , would by ordinary course of nature , or free-will , come in the way of him that for the present meant no such evil ; and likewise , that unless his providence hindered , he would be thereby overcome ; i say , if god , foreseeing all this , should with-hold his preventing interposition , it were no more than bare permission , the justice whereof cannot be called in question . and if this seem too little , it might haply be farther granted , istius objectionis administrationem penes dei providentiam esse , ( to use his own words ) though i cannot think what bounds are thereunto due : but that he should irritamenta ista objicere , cum creatura actum peccato junctum ex se patrare nolit , it seems to me very hard to grant , and he as hardly to maintain the justice of it , pag. . & . but of the extent , and justice of his administration in this point , i would your leisure served to send me your opinion ; you shall both pleasure me , and do god service in it . so commending you to his protection and grace , i rest , and shall be ever at your service , edward warren . kilkenny sept. . . i have sent you arminius by this bearer , james congame . letter xxxvi . a letter from the right reverend thomas morton , bishop of chester to dr. james usher , late arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in christo jesu . sir , i do heartily thank you for your double pains in writing , which is your kindness beyond any single desert of my part ; and i must twice thank you for the young batchelor , who hath approved himself , since his coming hither , to be indeed very commendable . your manifold imployments specified in your letters , will not suffer me to be too large in these of mine , lest i might morari tua tempora . truly i cannot but admire your exceeding pains , and bless god for his graces in you . the synod in the low countries is held at dort , the most of their suffragators are already assembled , the manner of their proceedings is methodically ordered ; the remonstrants ( excepting some few ) do exempt themselves . i think to hold universal grace quoad revelationem negativè , as importing that no soul can be said particularly to be excluded , may sufficiently qualifie the violence of oppositions . i shall long to see you with me , that i may enjoy the comfort of your presence ; i pray you , if it be possible , satisfie my desire : in the interim , and always , i pray our lord jesus to preserve us to the glory of his saving grace , and rest your loving friend , tho. cestrensis . chester , decemb. . . letter xxxvii . a letter from mr. samuel ward to dr. james usher , at dublin . good mr. dr. usher , my kindest salutations premised . these are to signifie unto you , that i received at dort the letter you sent me , though a long time after the date . as touching the additions and corrections * which j. scaliger left with gomarus ; i understand by him , that they shall shortly be published . he hath delivered them to a printer at leyden , who is to print them . the additions are many , as he telleth me , almost as many as are already set forth . chamierus was not at the synod , and i cannot learn whether any such ancient writings of the albigenses were left with him . as for that which you desired to be transcribed out of paulus alexandrinus , concerning the method of the alexandrian year , i being at leyden after the synod , was desirous to have spoken with meursius ; but enquiring for him of mr. joannes latius , one of our synod , he told me he would go to meursius , and transcribe it , and send it me into england ; for he thought it not seasonable to go to him that day , being the day of bernevelt's execution , whose sons meursius had been tutor unto . when i receive the transcript from latius , i will send it you . it may be you will be desirous to know the remarkable passages of the synod , which will be shortly published , both the acts , and the canons concluded upon touching the five articles : we had somewhat to do when we came to frame canons , with the provincials , and some of the exteri , touching some points , especially touching the second article . some of us were held by some half remonstrants , for extending the oblation made to the father , to all ; and for holding sundry effects thereof offered seriò , and some really communicated to the reprobate . i had somewhat to do with a principal man touching this point ; somewhat passed in writing between us privately . we were careful that nothing should be defined which might gainsay the confession of the church of england : which was effected , for that they were desirous to have all things in the canons defined unanimi consensu . we foreign divines , after the subscription of the canons , and a general approbation of the belgick confession , and catechism ( which is the palatine's ) as containing no dogmata repugnant to the word of god , and a decree against vorstius's doctrine , chiefly that in his book de deo , were dismissed . in our approbation of the belgick confession , our consent was only asked for doctrinals , not for matters touching discipline . we had a solemn parting in the synod , and all was concluded with a solemn feast . this was upon thursday april . the saturday we went to the hague to take our leaves of the states general , where we resolved , while our ship was made ready , to see leyden , amsterdam and harlem , which we did the week following . upon the monday we purposing to go for leyden , early in the morning were informed , that bernevelt , was to lose his head that morning , which was executed . upon the tenth of may we loosed from the bril , and arrived at gravesend the thirteenth of may : and visited his majesty at greenwich as we came by , who graciously did receive us . and thus , i thank god , we are safely returned to our homes . and here with my hearty salutations , i commend you to the gracious protection of the highest majesty . your assured , ever-loving friend , samuel ward . sidney colledge may . . letter xxxviii . a letter from dr. james usher to mr. thomas lydyat : salutem , à salutis fonte d. n. jesu christo. dear sir , i do acknowledge my self much bound unto you for the loan of your geminus and albategnius ( the reading whereof hath given me a great deal of contentment ) but most of all for your kind letter ( delivered unto me by robert allen , the d. of july last ) wherein you so gently pass over my great error in detaining your books so long from you . i will not make any long apology for my self , and excuse my negligence by want of opportunity of a fit messenger : your love having covered my offence already i may spare my labour in covering any further . now at length therefore i return your books unto you again , with a thousand thanks ; and heartily do wish that i may have some occasion offered on my part to gratify you in the same kind . in the mean time i send you ptolomy's canon regum , so often cited by dr. rainolds in his lectures : a copy whereof i received from bishop overal ( lately deceased ) transcribed by mr. rich. mountague out of sir henry savils manuscript of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the same volume is theon also upon those canons , whence sir henry savil himself hath sent me certain notes de ratione anni alexandrini ; touching which also within these three daies i received from meursius a greek discourse of the scholiasts against paulus alexandrinus , who wrote in the year of the world ( according the account of the grecians ) , dioclesiani , ( hoc est aerae nostrae . ) this latter doth contain but ordinary stuff : in theon the principal thing that i observe is the time of the concurrence of the beginning of the aegyptian and the alexandrian year , ( hoc est anni vagi et fixi ) noted by him in these words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ( as he otherwise expresseth it ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , ab initio aerae philippicae , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he reckoneth with ptolomy annos , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that from this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we must deduce caput aerae alkept apud albategnium , which by him is placed annis . ( , . your book hath the first figure being set down inconstantly and falsly , the other two constantly and truly ) post aeram dhilcarnain , i make little question : howsoever i be not yet fully resolved whether i should referr the same to the beginning or the ending of the fifth year of augustus , that is , whether i should begin it à thoth anni . or . oerae philippicoe : for in both of them , the first of thoth fell upon the same day , tam in anno vago , quam in fixo ; in the former upon august , feria a , ( which is the character oerae alkept in albategnius ; if the number be not depraved ) in the latter upon august , feria a , unto which i rather incline ; because by this means we shall keep straight the beginning of dhilkarnain , which by albategnius his account certainly doth incurr in annum periodi julianoe , twelve years after the death of alexander ( as himself setteth down fol. . lin . . and you do acknowledge to be true ) whereas by the former hypothesis it must be referred to the year , ( contrary to the meaning of albategnius ) eleven years after alexander's death . that the aegyptians received the use of their annus aequabilis from nabonasar ; or that the babylonians did ever use that form of year , i think will hardly be proved . if that be true which eratosthenes writeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( apud geminum pag. . ) that the aegyptians sometime celebrated their isia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , using this manner of year , it must needs be that they used this form of year before the time of nabonasar . for the th . day of athyr ( to which you rightly refer the beginning of that — i could never concurr with the summer solstice betwixt the time of nabonasar and eratosthenes . the authority of geminus also moveth me to yield , that in metonis enneadecaëteride , the years were not alternatim pleni and cavi ( as you imagine ) although in calippus his period the disposition seemeth to have been such ; to which , ( as to that which was received into civil use in his time ) i referr that place of geminus ( pag. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you have rightly observ'd that in my discourse de christianarum ecclesiarum successione & statu , there is wanting for the accomplishment of the second part , an hundred years story : which defect in the continuation of the work is by me supplied . i purpose to publish the whole work together much augmented : but do first expect the publication of my uncle stanihurst's answer to the former , which i hear since his death is sent to paris to be there printed . i am advertised also , that even now there is come out at antwerp , a treatise of my country-man christopher de sacro-bosco , de verae ecclesiae investigatione , wherein he hath some dealing with me . both these i would willingly see , before i set out my book anew : that if they have justly found fault with any thing , i may amend it ; if unjustly , i may defend it . i am very glad to hear of your pains taken in the unfolding of the revelation : and hope that e'er long , it will come abroad among us . to help you therein touching the fratricelli , beguini , &c. my opinion is this , that as under the name of the albigenses were comprehended not only the manichees which swarmed in those parts of france , but also the waldenses which dwelt among them : so likewise under the name of the fratricelli and beguini ( unto whom as monstrous opinions and practices are ascribed as unto the other ) those also were contained who made profession of the truth . for to omit the testimony of a certain writing , in quo s. bernardini errores recensentur ( alledged by illyricus ) affirming , fratricellos , qui potissimum in italiâ fuerunt , communiter esse hussitas : the witness of conradus de monte puellarum , or of maydenburg , ( a canon of ratisbon , who wrote about the year . de erroribus begehardorum ) is plain to this purpose . sub illorum habitu ( saith he ) quarumlibet hoeresum species , utpote pauperum de lugduno , & aliarum iniquitatis sectarum partitiones per ovile christi suos apostolos satagunt seminare . add hereunto , that the waldenses merindoll and cabriers , are known to have been a colony deduced from the alpes , the chief receptacle of the fratricelli . this appeareth by the inquisition returned unto francis the first , anno . by william bellay then governor of those parts : wherein was certified of them , ducentis abhinc annis ex regione pedemontanâ profectos , in provinciae partemillam commigrasse , &c. as may be seen in crispin . lib. o actionum & moniment . martyrum . thuanus hath here years , but of these times they were persecuted under the name of the beghardi . i alledge the testimony of matthias parisiensis , who lived in bohemia about the year . qui alienant se strenuè ( saith he in lib. de sacerdotum & monachorum spiritualium abominatione cap. . ) ab exercitio tulium & à contubernio propter domini jesu timorem & amorem , mox à vulgo christiano hujus mundi conviciantur & confunduntur , & nota pessima singularitatum vel hoeresum criminantur : propter quod tales homines devoti , qui similia vulgo profano non agunt , bechardi , vel turspinii ( lego turebipini ) aut aliis nominibus blasphemis communiter jam nominantur : quod figuratum est in illis primis in babylone , quibus alia nomina impofuerunt quàm habuerunt in terra israel . there cometh also unto my mind , another place ( which is not common ) touching the beghardi and fratricelli , out of the book de squaloribus romanae curiae , written by matthew de cracovia , who was bishop of worms , ab anno ad . thus he there complaineth , vadunt beckardi , fratricelli , sectuarii suspectissimi de hoerefi , & clero infestissimi , erectis capitibus absque ullo timore in urbe , et seducunt liberè quotquot possunt . and mark that this fell upon the time of pope gregory the xii , who usually did send his letters to the princes and bishops of christendom , per lollardos seu beguardos , ad quos semper videbatur ejus affectio specialitèr inclinari . as is affirmed by theodoricus à niem . lib. . de schism . cap. . whereby we see what rest and boldness the same professors got by the great schism in the papacy ; agreeable to that which wickliff writeth , lib. . de sermone domini in monte . you see , when i begin , i know not how to make an end , and therefore that i prove not too tedious , i will abruptly break off , desiring you to remember in prayers . your most assured , loving friend and brother , james usher . dublin , aug. . . letter xxxix . a letter of dr. james usher 's , afterwards arch-bishop of armagh . sir , you hear ( i doubt not ) ere this , of the lamentable news out of bohemia ; how it pleased god , on the th . of october last , to give victory to the emperor's army against the king of bohemia . his whole army was routed , flain on the ground , others taken prisoners , who have yielded ( to save their lives ) to serve against him . himself , and the chief commanders , fled with horse , came to prague , took away the poor queen ( being with child ) and some of his councellors , with such things as in that hast could be carried away ; and so left that town ( it not being to be held ) and withdrew himself into silesia , where he hath another army ( as also in moravia ) though not without an enemy there invading also . how those of the religion in bohemia are like to be dealt with , you may imagine ; and what other evil effects will follow , god knoweth , if he in mercy stay not the fury of the enemy , who in all likelihood intendeth to prosecute the victory to the uttermost . spinola also prevaileth still in the palatinate , one town or two more , with two or three little castles , he hath gained ; and now we hear , that a cessation of arms is on either side agreed upon , for the space of five months . the spaniard hath made himself master of the passage betwixt italy and germany , by getting voltelina ; where he hath put down five protestant churches , and erected idolatry in their places . he hath so corrupted many among the switzers , as they cannot resolve on any good course , how to help the mischief , or how to prevent the further increasing of it . the french ( that should protect them ) are hispaniolized : the germans have their hands full at home : and the venetians , that would , dare not alone enter into the business . and now newly ( while i am writing this addition ) we are certified here , that the king of bohemia hath quit moravia and silesia , seeing all things there desperate ; and hath withdrawn himself unto brandenburgh . god grant we may lay this seriously to heart ; otherwise i fear , the judgment that hath begun there , will end heavily upon us ; and ( if all things deceive me not ) it is even now marching toward us with a swift pace . and so much touching the affairs of germany , which you desired me to impart unto you , whether they were good or evil . concerning mr. southwick's departure , although not only you , but divers others also have advertised me ; yet i cannot , as yet , be perswaded that it is intended by him : for both himself in his last letter unto me , and his wife here ( no longer than yesterday ) hath signified unto me the plain contrary . your son downing wisheth the place unto mr. ward , your neighbour mr. johnson unto mr. cook of gawran , and others unto one mr. neyle , who hath lately preached there with good liking ( as i hear : ) the last of these i know not ; with the first i have dealt , and am able to draw him over into ireland . your assured loving friend james usher . . letter xl. a letter from mr. edward browncker to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . sir , i marvel much at the deputy's exceptions ; he discovers a great deal of unworthy suspicion . what answer i have made unto him you may here see . i doubt not but he will rest satisfied with it , unless he hath resolved to do me open wrong . you may seal it up with any , but your own seal . i pray you lend me your best furtherance , it shall not go unacknowledged , howsoever i speed . as for the manuscripts you desire to hear of , neither one , nor the other is to be found : it is true , according unto dr. james his catalogue , there was one gildas in merton colledge library , but he was gildas sapiens , not gildas albanius , whom pitts says was the author of the book entituled , de victoria aurelii ambrosii ; neither is that gildas sapiens now to be seen in merton colledge , he hath been cut out of the book whereunto he was annexed : yet there is one in our publick library . * who writes a story de gestis britannorum , in whom i find mention of king lucius his baptism : his words be these , post annos post adventum christi lucius britannicus rex cum universis regulis totius britaniae baptismum susceperunt , missa legatione ab imperatore & papa romano evaristo . as for the orations of richard fleming , there be no such to be heard of in lincoln colledge library : neither can i find , or learn , that the junior proctor's book relates any passage of the conversion of the britains . if you have any thing else to be search'd for , i pray make no scruple of using me further : so wishing you comfort in your labours , i rest your very loving and thankful friend , edward browncker . from wadham colledge septemb. . . letter xli . a letter from the right reverend james usher , bishop-elect of meath , to the most reverend dr. hampton , arch-bishop of armagh . my very good lord , i received yesterday your grace's letter , whereby i understand , how unadvisedly the bishop of clogher entred into contestation with your lordship for the exercise of his jurisdiction ; and laboured to turn your particular favour toward me , to his own advantage , whereat i was not a little grieved . it was far from my meaning ever to oppose either your archiepiscopal right , or the duties of your register for the time present , much less for the time to come . the difference betwixt the registers is by their mutual consent referred to the determination of my l. chancellor , before whom let them plead their own cause ; i mean not to intermeddle with it . the exercising of the jurisdiction hitherto , cannot be justified by taking out a commission now from your lordship : but seeing what hath been done herein , cannot now be undone , i will thus far shew my respect unto your metropolitical authority , that whensoever the matter shall be called in question , i will profess , that what i have done in the exercising of the jurisdiction , i have done it by your special licence , without which i would not have meddled with it . and for the time to come , i have given order to my commissary , that he shall proceed no farther , but presently surcease from dealing any way in the jurisdiction : that no occasion may be left , whereby it might be thought that i stood upon any right of mine own , to the derogation of any point of your archiepiscopal authority . and thus much for my self . as for my lord of clogher , howsoever i be none of his council , yet the respect and duty which i owe unto you , as unto my father , forceth me to wish , that your grace would seriously deliberate of this business , before you bring it unto a publick tryal . for then i fear the matter will be determined , not by theological argumentations of the power of the keys , but by the power of the king's prerogative in causes ecclesiastical , and the laws of the land. if my lord of clogher's council told him , that he might challenge the exercising of his jurisdiction as an incident to that which he had already received from the king : it is certain that in his letters patents the bishoprick is granted unto him , una cum omnibus juribus , jurisdictionibus , prerogativis , preeminentiis , allocationibus , commoditatibus & privilegiis tam spiritualibus quàm temporalibus , with a mandamus directed universis & singulis archiepiscopis , episcopis , decanis , archidiaconis , officialibus , commissariis , rectoribus , vicariis , presbyteris , & aliis personis ecclesiasticis quibuscunque ; quatenus ipsum episcopum & ejus officiarios tam spirituales quàm temporales episcopatum proedictum habere , percipere , gubernare , gaudere & disponere permittant . and howsoever , if the matter were to be disputed in the schools , he peradventure might obtain the victory , who did defend , that jurisdiction ecclesiastical doth issue from the keys , not from the sword : yet i doubt me , when the case cometh to be argued in the king's court , he will have the advantage that hath the sword on his side , and standeth to maintain the king's prerogative . again , by the statute of eliz. whereby congedelires are taken away , he that hath the king's letters patents for a bishoprick is put in the same state , as if he were canonically both elected and confirmed . now , howsoever by the law , a bishop barely elected can do little or nothing : yet the canonists do clearly resolve , that he who is both elected and confirmed , may exercise all things that appertain to jurisdiction ; although he may not meddle with matters of ordination , until he receive his consecration . lastly , i would intreat your lordship to consider , when the see of armagh becometh void , ( as sometimes it hath been for two or three years together : ) in whom doth the exercise of the archiepiscopal jurisdiction remain doth it not in the dean and chapter of armagh if a dean then , who is but simplex presbyter , without receiving commission from any other bishop , is by the custom of the land , capable in this case of episcopal jurisdiction ; what should make him that is elected and confirmed a bishop to be uncapable of the same i speak now only of the law , and ancient customs of the realm ; by which ( i take it ) this matter , if it come to question , must be tryed . all which i humbly submit unto your graces grave consideration ; protesting , notwithstanding , for mine own particular , that i will not only for the time to come cease to exercise the jurisdiction ( of the proceeding further wherein , i see no great necessity before my consecration ) but also willingly herein submit my self unto any course that your lordship shall be further pleased to prescribe unto me . there is at this time in dublin neither civilian nor register with whom i might advise touching the matter of the dilapidation . my lord chancellor offered to grant ( if i pleased ) a commission out of the chancery , for the inquiry hereof : but i considered with my self that this business was more proper for the archiepiscopal court ; whereof i remembred that famous president of william wickham bishop of winchester ; who sued the executors of his predecessor in the court of william witlesey arch-bishop of canterbury , and recovered against him afros , boves , mutones , oves matrices , agnos , & libras cum solidis , pro reparatione aedificiorum ad ruinas vergentium : as in the register of the said witlesey is yet to be seen . i will cause mr. ford to draw up my libel in the best manner he can ; and then expect the issuing of the commission with all convenient expedition : for it behoveth me that the inquiry of the dilapidations be returned , before i go in hand with the reparation : and that i must do very shortly , though upon mine own charges , unless i will see the house fall quite down the next winter . i humbly thank your grace for your remembrance of me in the matter armagh . for howsoever i conceive very little hope that i shall ever enjoy that deanry ; yet am i nothing the less beholding unto you for your care of me : for which , and for all the rest of your honourable favours , i must always remain . your graces in all duty to be commanded , james usher . dublin , july . . letter xlii . a letter from the most reverend dr. hampton , arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . salutem in christo. i thank your lordship for your care and respect of me , as likewise your counsel , that i should be well advised , ere i brought the matter of jurisdiction into publick tryal . i truly have not cause to complain , but if the bishop of clogher , or any other , think themselves wronged , that i give not way to the exercise of his jurisdiction until he be consecrated , and thereupon desire justice , i shall be ready to shew reason , and yield account of my opinion as well in the king's courts , as in theological schools . for to pass the general words of his grant cum omnibus jurisdictionibus , which grant him jus ad rem , but not in re : the statute of eliz. cap. . expresly forbiddeth all that shall be preferred , to take upon them , receive , use , exercise any bishoprick , &c. before he hath taken the corporal oath of the king's supremacy before such person as hath authority to admit him to his bishoprick . as for the statute of conferring and consecrating bishops within this realm , i find not the words you have written , viz. that he which hath the king's letters patents for a bishoprick , is put in the same state as if he were canonically elected and confirmed . but that his majesties collation shall be to the same effect , as if the conge delire had been given , the election duly made , and the same election confirmed ( for the dean and chapters election in england is not good , until the king have confirmed by his royal assent ) then it followeth in the statute , upon that collation the person may be consecrated , &c. afterward in the same statute it is further enacted , that every person hereafter conferred , invested , and consecrated , &c. shall be obeyed , &c. and do , and execute in every thing , and things touching the same , as any bishop of this realm , without offending of the prerogatives royal. now by an argument à contrario sensu it appeareth that it is not i which stand against his majesties prerogative , but they which exercise jurisdiction without the form prescribed in these statutes : confider again how impertinent the opinion of canonists is in this case , where the king's collation is aequivalent to a canonical election , and confirmation : the confirmation which the canonists speak of is from the pope , not from the prince . gregoriana constitutione in lugdunensi consilio cautum est , electum infra tres menses post consensum suum electioni proestitum , si nullum justum impedimentum obstat confirmationem à superiore proelato , petere debere , alioqui trimestri spatio elapso electionem esse penitus irritandam . when the see of armagh falleth void , the dean and chapter have authority by the canons to exercise jurisdiction , which the bishop elect hath not until he be consecrated , as you may read in mason's book , and elsewhere , and so it is practised in england . behold the cause which maketh the dean capable , namely the authority , canons , and custom of the church : so is not the bishop elect warranted , and standeth still in the quality of a simple presbyter , until he be further advanced by the church . when jo. forth shall bring his libel i will do the part which belongeth to me . in the mean time i commend you to god , and rest your lordships very loving friend , armagh . july . letter xliii . a letter from mr. thomas gataker to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . right reverend , my duty to your lordship remembred . this messenger so fitly offering himself unto me , albeit it were the sabbath even , and i cast behind hand in my studies by absence from home , yet i could not but in a line or two salute your lordship , and thereby signifie my continued and deserved remembrance of you , and hearty desire of your welfare . by this time i presume your lordship in setled in your weighty charge of over-sight , wherein i beseech the lord in mercy to bless your labours , and endeavours , to the glory of his own name , and the good of his church , never more in our times oppugned and opposed by mighty and malitious adversaries both at home and abroad : never in foreign parts generally more distracted and distressed than at the present . out of france daily news of murthers and massacres , cities and towns taken , and all sorts put to the sword. nor are those few that stand out yet , likely to hold long against the power of so great a prince , having no succours from without . in the palatinate likewise all is reported to go to ruine . nor do the hollanders sit , for ought i see , any surer , the rather for that the coals that have here been heretofore kindled against them , about transportation of coin , and the fine imposed for it , the quarrels of the east-indies , the command of the narrow seas , the interrupting of the trade into flanders , &c. are daily more and more blown upon , and fire beginneth to break out , which i pray god do not burn up both them and us too . i doubt not , worthy sir , but you see as well , yea much better , i suppose , than my self , and many others , as being able further to pierce into the state of the times , and the consequents of these things , what need the forlorn flock of christ hath of hearts and hands to help to repair her ruines , and to fence that part of the fold that as yet is not so openly broken in upon , against the incursions of such ravenous wolves , as having prevailed so freely against the other parts , will not in likelihood leave it also unassaulted : as also what need she hath , if ever , of prayers and tears ( her ancient principal armor ) unto him , who hath the hearts and hands of all men in his hand , and whose help ( our only hope , as things now stand , ) is oft-times then most present , when all humane helps and hopes do fail . but these lamentable occurrents carry me further than i had purposed when i put pen to paper . i shall be right glad to hear of your lordship's health and welfare , which the lord vouchsafe to continue ; gladder to see the remainder of your former learned , and laborious work abroad . the lord bless and protect you : and thus ready to do your lordship any service i may in these parts , i rest your lordships to be commanded in the lord , thomas gataker . rothtrith , sept. . . letter xliv . a letter from sir william boswel to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . my very good lord , if your lordship hath forgotten my name , i shall account my self very unhappy therein , yet justly rewarded for my long silence ; the cause whereof hath especially been my continual absence ( almost for these last eight years ) from my native country : where now returning , and disposed to rest i would not omit the performance of this duty unto your lordship , hoping that the renewing of my ancient respects will be entertained by your lordship , as i have seen an old friend or servant , who arriving suddenly , and unexpected , hath been better welcomed than if he had kept a set and frequent course of visiting and attendance . with this representing of my service , i presume your lordship will not dislike that i recommend my especial kind friend dr. price ( one of his majesties commissioners for that kingdom , ) and for his learning , wisdom , and other merits ( which your lordship will find in him ) truly deserving your lordships good affection . the most current news i can signifie to your lordship from this place , are , that the lord vicomte doncastré returneth ( within three days ) into france , ( as 't is thought ) invited thereunto by that king , both at his coming from thence , and since by his ambassadour resident here ; which occasioneth some forward natures to presage of peace very speedily in those parts , between the king and his protestant subjects . whereof , notwithstanding , ( except want of moneys ) the importunity of his old councellors , at length , having been long slighted , the disunion of his grandees , and desperate resolution of the afflicted protestants to withstand these enemies , shall beget an alteration , for my own part , i see little reason : for it is not likely , that either the prince of condé , who hateth the protestants , and loveth to fish in troubled waters ; or the jesuit party ( earnest votaries of the house of austria ) being still powerful in france , will ever suffer that king to be at rest , until their patrons affairs shall be settled in grisons , germany , &c. from italy i hear that in rome there is lately erected a new congregation de fide propaganda , consisting of cardinals , ( whereof cardinal savelli is chief : ) a principal referendary thereof being gaspar schioppius : there are to be admitted into this congregation of all nations , and their opus is to provide maintenance from their friends , &c. for proselites of all nations , who shall retire into the bosom of the romish church : but i fear i begin to be tedious to your lordship , and therefore craving pardon , as well for my present boldness as former omissions , with my ancient and most unfeigned respects i take leave of your lordship , desiring to know if in these parts i may be useful to your lordship , and remaining ever your lordships most affectionate to love and serve you , william boswel . from westminster colledge , march . . letter xlv . a letter from sir henry spelman to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . right reverend , and my most worthy lord , though i be always tied to reiterate my thankfulness to your lordship , for your favours here in england , yet is it not fit to trouble you too often with letters only of complement . and other occasion i have hitherto not had any , save what in michaelmas term last i wrote unto you touching the monument of bury abby , which the cutter going then in hand with came to me about , as directed so by your lorship . i was bold to stay him for the time , and signified by those letters that i thought much exception might be taken to the credit of the monument , for that both the ends of the upper label pictured in the glass , over the head of antichrist , are stretched out so far , as they rest not in the glass , but run on either way upon the stone pillars , which , as your lordship knows , could not possibly be so in the window it self . how it cometh to pass i do not know , whether by the rashness of the painter , ( not heeding so light a matter as he might take it ) or that perphaps those which in the picture seem to be the pillars of the window , were but painted pillars in the glass it self , and so the whole window but one pannel . i cannot determine this doubt , but out of all doubt such a picture there was , and taken out exactly by a painter then , as a right honest old gentleman which saw it standing in the abby window , and the painter that took it out , did often tell me about years since ; affirming the picture now at the cutters to be the true pattern thereof . but at that time my understanding shewed me not to make this doubt ; if i had , he perhaps could have resolved it . for my own part , though i think it fitter in this respect not to be published , as doth also sir h. bourgchier , yet i leave it to your direction , which the cutter hitherto expecteth . so remembring my service most humbly to your lordship , and desiring your blessing , i rest your lordships to be commanded , henry spelman . tuttle-street , westm. mar. . . letter xlvi . a letter from mr. john selden to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . my lord , i should before this have returned your nubiensis geographia ; but mr. bedwell had it of me , and until this time , presuming on your favour , he keeps it ; nor can we have of them till the return of the mart. then i shall be sure to send your through mr. burnet . there is nothing that here is worth memory to you touching the state of learning ; only i received letters lately out of france touching this point , whether we find that any churches in the elder times of christianity were with the doors , or fronts eastward or no , because of that in sidonius — arce frontis ortum spectat aequinoctialem , lib. . ep . . &c. and other like . i beseech your lordship to let me know from you what you think hereof . i have not yet sent it , but i shall most greedily covet your resolution : and if any thing be here in england that may do your lordship favour or service , and lye in my power , command it , i beseech you , and believe that no man more admires , truly admires your worth , and professes himself to do so , than your lordships humble servant , j. selden . march . . styl-anglic . my titles of honour are in the press , and new written , but i hear it shall be staid ; if not , i shall salute you with one as soon as it is done . letter xlvii . a letter from sir robert cotton to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . my honourable lord , the opportunity i had by the going over of this honourable gentleman , sir henry bourgchier , i could not pass over without doing my service to your lordship in these few lines . we are all glad here you are so well settled to your own content and merit , yet sorry that you must have so important a cause of stay ; that all hopes we had to have seen your lordship in these parts is almost taken away : yet i doubt not but the worthy work you gave in england the first life to , and have so far happily proceeded in , will be again a just motive to draw you over into england to see it perfected , for without your direction in the sequel i am afraid it will be hopeless and impossible . let me , i pray you , intreat from your honour , the copy of as much as you have finished , to show his majesty , that he may be the more earnest to urge on other labourers to work up , with your lordships advice , the rest . i have received eight of the manuscripts you had ; the rest are not returned : if i might know what my study would afford to your content , i would always send you ; and that you may the better direct me , i will , as soon as it is perfected , send your honour a catalogue of my books . the occurrents here i forbear to write , because a gentleman so intelligent cometh to you . what after falleth worthy your honours knowledge , i will write hereafter upon direction from your lordship , whither , and by whom i may address my letters . i cannot forget your lordships promise to get me a book of the irish saints lives , and that poem of richard the second your honour told me of : a love to these things i hope shall make excuse for my bold remembrance . my service to your self , i remain your lordships constant and assured to be ever commanded , robert cotton . new exchange , mar. . . letter xlviii . a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . most reverend in christ , i must excuse my long silence , partly by my long stay by the way , and partly by my expectation of your lordship here about this time : now being somewhat doubtful of your repair hither , i have adventur'd these , as an assured testimony of my respect and observance to your lordship . many of your good friends here were glad to hear of your health , and hopeful to see you . sir robert cotton hath purchased a house in westminster , near the parliament house , which he is now repairing , and there means to settle his library by feoffment to continue for the use of posterity . mr. camden is much decayed , et senio planè confectus , in so much that i doubt his friends shall not enjoy him long . sir henry spelman is busie about the impression of his glossary , and mr. selden of his eadmerus , which will be finished within three or four days ; together with his notes , and the laws of the conqueror ; the comparing whereof with the copy of crowland , was the cause of this long stay ; for they could not get the book hither , though they had many promises , but were faign to send one to crowland to compare things . we have not yet the catalogue of frankfort ; nor any news but what you often hear . the reports of the princes entertainment in spain fills the mouths and ears of all men ; and not so only , but also set the printers a work . i should be very glad to know your lordships resolution of coming into england , that i might accordingly send you either books , or other news which we have here . if your lordship would be pleased to send me your copy of dionysius exiguus , i would willingly take some pains in the publication of him ; for i doubt your own labours take you up so much , that you cannot attend him . i desire to be most kindly remembred to mr. dean of christ-church . i hear much murmurings among the papists here , especially those of our county , against some new persecutions , ( you know their phrase ) lately raised in ireland , and particularly against some courses of your lordships in the diocess of meath ; as namely in the case of clandestine christnings , &c. beyond all others of your rank . i should be larger , did i not doubt of my letter 's finding your lordship there ; but wheresoever god will dispose of us , let it be ; i will ever approve myself your lordships true affectionate friend and servant , henry bourgchier . london , april . . your colledge statute of seven years continuance is much disliked here , with some other things in that society ; and some fault laid upon us , that we did not take a more exact survey of their affairs . letter xlix . a letter from the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath , to mr. john selden . worthy sir , i received your loving letter sent unto me by sir henry bourgchier , and do heartily thank you for your kind remembrance of me . touching that which you move , concerning the situation of churches in the elder times of christianity , walafridus strabo ( de rebus ecclesiasticis cap. . ) telleth us , non magnoperè curabant illius temporis justi , quam in partem orationis loca converterent . yet his conclusion is , sed tamen usus frequentior , & rationi vicinior habet , in orientem orantes converti , & pluralitatem maximam ecclesiarum eo tenore constitui . which doth further also appear by the testimony of paulinus bishop of nola , in his * twelfth epistle to severus : prospectus verò basilicae non , ut usitatior mos , orientem spectat . and particularly with us here in ireland , joceline in the life of st. patrick , observeth , that a church was built by him in sabul , hard by downe ( in ulster ) ab aquilonali parte versus meridianam plagam . add hereunto that place of socrates , lib. . hist. eccles. cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and compare it with that other place of walafridus strabo , where he sheweth both in the church that constantine and helena builded at jerusalem ; and at rome also in the church of all-saints , ( which before was the pantheon ) and st. peters ; altaria non tantum ad orientem , sed etiam in alias partes esse distributa . i desire to have some news out of france concerning the samaritan pentateuch ; and how the numbers of the years of the fathers , noted therein , do agree with those which the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath in graecis eusebianis scaligeri ; also whether fronto ducoeus his edition of the septuagint be yet published . i would intreat you likewise ( if it be not too great a trouble ) to transcribe for me out of the annals of mailrose in sir robert cotton's library , the succession and times of the kings of scotland . so ceasing to be further troublesome unto you at this time , i rest your most assured , loving friend , ja. mid. dublin , april . . letter l. a letter from dr. ward , margaret professor at cambridge , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . my good lord , the remembrance of our former love , doth embolden me to present these lines to your lordship , which otherwise i would not presume to do . i wish your lordship , in your great place and dignity , all happiness and contentment ; still perswading my self , that your place and dignity doth not so alter you , but that you still do continue to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no less than that bishop of durham , r. angervile , was . i hope therefore it will not be altogether ungrateful to write of things touching that argument . i am right sorry to hear of that heavy news which was reported unto me upon monday last , of the taking of heydelberg by tilly , the commander of the duke of bavaria . it is a great grief that the place where the purity of the reformed religion hath so long been maintained , should now come into the hands of the enemy . i take it ( i have heard ) that , out of fear it should be besieged , care was taken that the manuscripts were conveyed into the duke of wirtemburg's country . i wish it were so , if it be not . it should grieve me , if that famous library too should come into their hands , who are so faithless in setting them out . your lordship was partly acquainted with a business which i had undertaken , to answer one chapter of perron's latest work , set out after his decease . since that time petrus bertius , the remonstrant , is turned roman catholick , and hath undertaken the translation of that whole book into latin , and hath in specimen set forth the translation of that chapter which i had undertaken to answer , as a principal motive of his conversion to them , which he hath added to the oration of the motives to his conversion ; i suppose you have seen the book . now having been lately chosen , upon my lord of sarum his promotion , to be reader of the margaret lecture in our university , lam advised by my good friends , and namely the lords bishops of wells , and sarum , to read those controversies mentioned in that chapter . and upon more mature advice have resolved to set down positively the fathers doctrine , not barely by thesis , but with their several proofs , and the vindication of them from the adversaries cavils . i will be bold to communicate with you , the special difficulties which i shall observe , if it be not troublesome unto your lordship . in the first controversie touching the real presence , they except against the testimony produced by p. martyr of chrysostom ad caesarium monachum . i have heard your lordship say , it is alledged by leontius , but by what leontius , and where , i remember not . i cannot find it in such tractates of leontius , as i find in bibliotheca patrum ; i desire your lordship in a word to certifie me . it seemeth p. martyr read it in latin , for otherwise it is probable he would have alledged the greek text , if originally he had it out of the greek . i suppose your lordship hath seen the third tome of spalatensis , containing his vii . and ix . book . i fear me he may do some harm with the treatise which he hath , lib. . c. . touching the matter of predestination , wherein he goeth about to shew , that both opinions may be tolerated , both that of st. austin's , which makes predestination to be gratuita ; and that other , which maketh predestination to be , ex proevisis fide & operibus . but chiefly he goeth about to invalidate st. austin's opinion . it will confirm the remonstrants in their error ; for he hath said more than any of them , but all in vain , for doubtless st. austin's opinion is the truth : and no doubt but it is special grace which doth distinguish peter from judas , and not solum liberum arbitrium . it is great pity the man was so carried away with ambition and avarice ; otherwise i think he is not inferior to bellarmine , for the controversies . i write this letter upon my way , being at sarum , where my lord bishop of sarum doth salute you . i cannot now dilate further , but with my best service and wishes , commend your lordship to the highest majesty , and so rest your lordships in all service , samuel ward . sarum , sept. . . i intreat your lordship that i may know where leontius doth alledge that tractate of chrysostom . letter li. a letter from the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath , to the right honourable oliver lord grandison . my very good lord , i had purposed with my self long ere now to have seen your honour in england ; which was one reason , among others , why i did forbear to trouble you hitherto with any letters . but seeing i think now it will fall out , that i shall remain here this winter , i thought it my duty , both to tender my thankfulness unto your lordship for all the honourable favours which i have received at your hands , and withal to acquaint you with a certain particular which partly doth concern my self , and in some sort also the state of the church in this poor nation . the day that my lord of falkland received the sword , i preached at christ-church : and fitting my self to the present occasion , took for my text those words in the th . to the romans ; he beareth not the sword in vain . there i shewed , . what was meant by this sword. . the subject wherein that power rested . . the matters wherein it was exercised . . thereupon what it was to bear the sword in vain . whereupon falling upon the duty of the magistrate in seeing those laws executed that were made for the furtherance of god's service , i first declared , that no more was to be expected herein from the subordinate magistrate than he had received in commission from the supreme ; in whose power it lay to limit the other at his pleasure . secondly , i wished , that if his majesty ( who is , under god , our supreme governour ) were pleased to extend his clemency toward his subjects that were recusants , some order notwithstanding might be taken with them , that they should not give us publick affronts , and take possession of our churches before our faces . and that it might appear , that it was not without cause that i made this motion , i instanced in two particulars that had lately fallen out in mine own diocess : the one certified unto me by mr. john ankers , preacher of athloane , ( a man well known unto your lordship ) who wrote unto me , that going to read prayers at kilkenny in west-meath , he found an old priest ( and about with him ) in the church ; who was so bold as to require him ( the said ankers ) to depart , until he had done his business . the other concerning the friars , who not content to possess the house of multifernan alone ( whence your lordship had dislodged them ) went about to make collections for the re-edifying of another abby near molengarre , for the entertaining of another swarm of locusts . these things i touched only in general , not mentioning any circumstances of persons or places . thirdly , i did intreat , that whatsoever connivance were used unto others , the laws might be strictly executed against such as revolted from us , that we might at least-wise keep our own , and not suffer them without all fear to fall away from us . lastly , i made a publick protestation , that it was far from my mind to excite the magistrate unto any violent courses against them , as one that naturally did abhor all cruel dealings , and wished that effusion of blood might be held rather the badge of the whore of babylon , than of the church of god. these points , howsoever they were delivered by me with such limitations , as in moderate mens judgments might seem rather to intimate an allowance of a toleration in respect of the general , than to exasperate the state unto any extraordinary severity : yet did the popish priests perswade their followers , that i had said , the sword had rusted too long in the sheath , whereas in my whole sermon i never made mention either of rust or sheath : yea some also did not stick to give out , that i did thereby closely tax your self for being too remiss in prosecuting of the papists in the time of your government . i have not such diffidence in your lordships good opinion of me , neither will i wrong my self so much , as to spend time in refelling so lewd a calumniation . only i thought good to mention these things unto your lordship , that if any occasion should be offered hereafter to speak of them , you might be informed in the truth of matters : wherein , if i have been too troublesome unto you , i humbly crave pardon , and rest your honours in all duty , ever ready to be commanded , jac. midensis . dublin , oct. . . letter lii . a letter from the most reverend dr. hampton , arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . salutem in christo. my lord , in the exceptions taken by recusants against your sermon , i cannot be affected as gallio was at the beating of sosthenes , to care nothing for them . i am sensible of that which my brethren suffer : and if my advice had been required , i should have counselled your lordship to give lenitives of your own accord , for all which was conceived over harsh , or sharp ; the inquisition , whether an offence were given or taken , may add to the flame already kindled , and provoke further displeasure , it is not like to pacifie anger . but let your case be as good as peter's was , when the brethren charged him injuriously for preaching to the uncircumcised , the great apostle was content to give them a fair publick satisfaction , act. . and it wrought good effects ; for the text saith , his auditis quieverunt & glorificaverunt deum : it brought peace to the congregation , and glory to god. my noble lord deputy hath propounded a way of pacification , that your lordship should here satisfie such of the lords as would be present ; wherein my poor endeavours shall not be wanting : howbeit ( to say ingenuously as i think ) that is not like to have success ; for the lord of kilkenny , and your other friends trying their strengths in that kind at trim , prevailed not ; but can tell your lordship what is expected . and if my wishes may take place , seeing so many men of quality have something against you , tary not till they complain , but prevent it by a voluntary retractation , and milder interpretation of the points offensive , and especially of drawing the sword , of which spirit we are not , nor ought to be ; for our weapons are not carnal , but spiritual . withal it will not be amiss in mine opinion for you lordship to withdraw your self from those parts , and to spend more time in your own diocess ; that such as will not hear your doctrine , may be drawn to love and reverence your lordship for your hospitality , and conversation . bear with the plaines of an old mans pen , and leave nothing undone to recover the intercourse of amitie between you and the people of your charge . were it but one that is alienated you would put on the bowels of the evangelical shepherd , you would seek him and support his infirmities with your own shoulders , how much more is it to be done , when so many are in danger to be lost but they are generous and noble and many of them near unto you in blood or alliance , which will plead effectually , and conclude the matter fully whensoever you shew your self ready to give them satisfaction . in the mean time , i will not fail to pray god for his blessings unto the business , and so do rest your lordships very loving brother , armagh . tredagh , october . . letter liii . a letter from the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath , to dr. samuel ward , master of sidney sussex colledge , cambridge . worthy sir , i was heartily glad when i heard , that upon my lord of sarum's promotion you were chosen to succeed him in reading the lady margaret's lecture ; and do very well approve the judgment of them , who advised you to handle the controversies mentioned in that chapter of cardinal perron's book , which bertius pretendeth to have been the principal motive of verifying in himself the title of his old book , hymenoeus desertor . his oration of the motives to his perversion i saw before i left england , than which i never yet did see a more silly and miserable discourse proceed from the hands of a learned man. the epistle that chrysostom wrote unto caesarius against the heresie of apollinarius and others , that confounded the deity and humanity in chirist , is not cited by leontius , but by the author of the collections against the severians , who is thought to have lived about the time of damascen . in the th . tome bibliothecae patrum , edit . colon. an. . pag. . you shall find these words alledged by him , ex chrysostomo ad caesarium monachum : hoc est absurdum dogma apollinarii amentis ; haec est hoeresis impiissima introducentium mixtionem et compositionem . sir henry savil was of your mind , that pet. martyr met with this treatise only in latine ; but i shewed him the contrary , by the controversie that was betwixt gardiner and him , ( respons . ad object . ) concerning the interpretation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . martyr mistaking it , as if it had been derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so translating it in that sentence [ sic et divinâ mundante corporis naturâ , ] and gardiner on the other side contending it should be rendred [ firmante corporis naturâ , ] and the righter of the three peradventure being that which i follow [ divinâ naturâ in corpore insidente . ] i am at this present in hand with such a work as you are imployed in , being drawn thereunto by a challenge made by a jesuit in this country , concerning the fathers doctrine in the point of traditions , real presence , auricular confession , priest's power to forgive sins , purgatory , prayer for the dead , limbus patrum , prayer to saints , images , free-will , and merits . i handle therein only the positive doctrine of the fathers , and the original of the contrary error , leaving the vindication of the places of antiquity abused by the adversary , until i be urged thereunto hereafter by my challenger . the better part of the work i have gone through already : as soon as the whole is finished i will not forget to send it unto you , or else deliver it with mine own hands . in the mean time i send you a treatise , written by one of our judges here , touching these controversies ; with a discourse of mine own added thereunto , concerning the religion professed by the ancient irish : and so leaving you , and all your painful endeavours unto the blessing of our good god , i rest your own in all christian love and affection , jac. midensis . tinglass , march , . letter liv. a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . salutem à fonte salutis . most reverend in christ ; i cannot hope to send you any portion of our london news , which common fame will not bring sooner to you ; i notwithstanding fail in my duty , if i adventure not . the same day of your departure hence , the houses of parliament presented their petition concerning recusants to the king ; to which they received a large and very satisfactory answer ; and a proclamation to that purpose is expected within a few days . on saturday , the day following , the spanish ambassador ( i mean the marquess ) desiring audience , acquainted the king with a practice of treason ; namely , that the prince and my lord of buckingham had conspired , that if they could not draw the king to their desires this parliament , by the authority thereof they would confine him to some place of pleasure , and transfer the government to the princes about this there is now much consultation , in what manner to proceed ; ( salvo legatino jure ) and sir robert cotton , ( as you know his manner is ) hath been very busie in ransacking his papers for presidents : of this more hereafter . this day my lord treasurer makes his answer ; about the beginning of the next week we shall know his doom . our good friend d. lyndsel was cut on munday ; and is yet ( god be praised ) well after it ; there was a stone taken out of his bladder about the bigness of a shilling , and rough on the one side . i am now collating of bede's ecclestastical history with sir robert cotton's copy ; wherein i find many variations ; i compare it with commelyn's edition in folio , which is that i have . all that i expect from your lordship , is , to understand of the receipt of my letters , which if i know , i shall write the more confidently . i should also willingly know how you like your dwelling . my lord of bristol is come . i pray you present my love and service to mrs. usher : and so with many thanks for all your kind respects , i will ever remain . your very affectionate friend and servant , henry bourgchier . london , april . . sir robert cotton is like to get a very good copy of malmsbury de antiquit . glaston . it is a book i much desire to see . i pray you remember the irish annal which you promised me before your going out of town . letter lv. a letter from mr. h. holcroft to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . my lord , it hath pleased his majesty now to direct this letter to the lord deputy to admit you a privy counsellor of that kingdom . i am ashamed it hath staid so long in my hands before it could be dispatch'd : but if it had come at the first to me , during the duke of buckingham's being here , it had not staid three days ; but gone on in the plain high-way , which is ever via sana . after the lord deputy was pleased to put it into my hands , at my first access i moved his majesty and shewed his lordships hand : but the king willed it should stay ; and it became not me to press it further at that time : i know the cause of the stay was not any dislike of your person , or purpose not to grant it . but if the duke had come home in any time , you should have been beholding to him for it . i pray your lordship not to think it strange , that about the same time , his majesty dispatch'd the letter for sir edward trevour to be a counsellor : the grant was gotten by my lord of buckingham before his going , and by his commandment i drew it . i do strive to give your lordship a particular accompt of this business , and do pray your lordship to endeavour to satisfie the lord deputy , of whose commands herein i was not negligent . so soon as i acquainted his majesty with his lordships second letter , i had his royal signature of which i wish you much joy. my lord grandison is in reasonable good health . so i remain your lordships most assured friend , henry holcroft . westminster , june . . letter lvi . a letter from dr. goad , and dr. featly , chaplains to the arch-bishop of canterbury , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . admodum reverende domine , having so convenient a means , we send to your lordship , which perhaps you have not yet seen translated and thus armed with a preface , by a worthy and learned gentleman , sir humphrey lynd , our neighbour . to whose observations concerning the censures upon this tractate de corpore & sang. christi , if you will add any thing which he hath not espyed , we will impart the same from you to him , whereby your lordship shall more encourage this well deserving defender of the cause of religion , to whom in other respects the church and common cause oweth much . for at this instant upon our motion he hath undertaken the charge of printing the particular passages of many late writers castrated by the romish knife . the collections are made by dr. james , and are now to be sent unto us for preparation to the press . we shall begin with polydore virg. stella , mariana , and ferus . proeterea in eodem genere alia texitur tela . the story of the waldenses written in french , and comprising relations and records for years , is now in translating into english to be published . before which it is much desired that your lordship will be pleased to prefix a preface for the better pass ; which we think will be very acceptable , and the rather because we hope your lordship will therein intimate , that in the same subject jamdudum aliquid parturis , whereto this may serve for a midwife , unless the masculine birth deliver it self before this foreign midwife come . thus desiring to hear from your lordship ; but more to see you here upon a good occasion , we take our leave , and rest , thomas goad . your lordships to be commanded , daniel featly . lambeth , june . . letter lvii . a letter from sir henry bourgchier to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . salutem à salutis fonte d. n. jesu christo. most reverend in christ , though i have little to say more than the remembrance of my love and best respects , i could not forbear to lay hold on the opportunity of this bearer , our common friend , thereby to present them , as many ways most due from me to your lordship . you have been so long expected here , that your friends letters have by that means , come more rarely to your hands . we have little news either of the great business , or any other , though messengers come weekly out of spain : and i conceive that matters are yet very doubtful . the new chapel for the infanta goes on in building , and our london-papists report , that the angels descend every night , and build part of it . here hath been lately a conference between one fisher a jesuit , and one sweete on the one side ; and dr. whyte and dr. feately on the other : the question was of the antiquity and succession of the church : it is said that we shall have it printed . all our friends are in good health , namely sr. robert cotton , sr. henry spelman , mr. camden , mr. selden and the rest , and remember themselves most affectionately to you . mr. selden will send you a copy of his eadmerus with the first opportunity ; which should have been done before this time , had not his expectation of you here , stayed his hand . philip cluverius is lately dead at leyden of a consumption : before his death he was so happy as to finish his italia , which they say is done with great diligence , and the impression so forward that we shall have it this autumnal marte . my lord chichester is to go within a fortnight to colen , to the treaty and meeting there , appointed for the restitution of the palatinate . but some think that the armies now a-foot in germany will much hinder it . bethlem gabor troubles the emperor again in austria . the duke of brunswick in bohemia , lusatia , and silesia ; and manfeyld in other places . i believe i shall see your lordship in ireland , before i see you here . if your answer to the challenge be printed , i hope i shall be beholding to you for a copy . and thus wishing your lordship as much happiness as to my self , i will ever remain your lordships most affectionate friend , and servant , henry bourgchier . london . july , . . divers of my fellow-commissioners remember their best affections to your lordship ; especially sr. nath. rich , and mr. crew . my lord marshal speaks of you often with much affection ; you will find him a noble friend , if occasion be to use him ; which if it be in your absence , and my self present , i shall be most glad to be your sollicitor . letter lviii . a letter from the right reverend thomas morton , bishop of coventry and litchfield , to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . salutem in christo jesu . right reverend , and dear brother : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i do much joy to hear of your health , wherein consisteth the comfort of many : i have been much beholding unto mr. dr. barlow for his pains , both in commending your lordships health unto me , and in inviting me by his presence to write unto you ; yet more especially for the view that he gave me of your treatise , which is now lately published : at the sight of the inscription , viz. [ the religion professed by the ancient irish ] i was compelled to usurp that saying , num boni quid ex galiloea yet when i came and saw , it is that good which beyond expectation doth much affect me : this is ex tenebris lucem : macte industriâ & sanctitate , and bless the world with your labours . when i shall have any thing that may seem acceptable , i shall be ready to impart it unto your lordship . my request is , that when you shall have occasion for london , i may be your host , for i lie directly in the road : in the interim let us , i pray you , enjoy the rite of christian absents , to pray one for another . and thus desiring our lord jesus to preserve us to the glory of his saving grace , i rest your lordship's loving brother and friend , tho. coven . & litch . eccleshall , july , ; . letter lix . a letter from the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath , to the most reverend dr. hampton , arch-bishop of armagh . my very good lord , it is now above a fortnight since i received your graces direction for prosecuting the order , for settlement of the payment of tithes in the escheated counties : whereof some question was made at the council table . my lord docwra , and my self , the next day after we received your letters , addressed our selves unto the lord deputy ; and possessed him fully with the substance of the business : within two hours after your graces letter was openly read at the table : together with which i exhibited the orders set down in your triennial visitation , anno . whereupon my lord deputy very honourably moved , that the former act of state might be renewed , and enlarged with the addition of such particulars as were in your orders expressed , and there omitted . it was replyed , that the matter was of great importance , and much concerned the country , and therefore it was not suddenly to be resolved upon , until the advice of the judges , and some other of the bishops were had therein . in the mean time , for the preparing of matters , mr. vice-treasurer , my lord chief justice , sir roger jones , sir adam loftus , and my self , were appointed to meet in private , and to consider of those particulars in your graces order , which were not formerly contained in the act of state. the things questioned at that meeting , were , . for the titles of warrens , and fish , of which they made doubt , whether they ought to be paid or no. . of tradesmen , merchants , and sellers of small wares , under which title , they said , all sellers of ale , all manual occupation , and day labourers might be comprehended : yea , and the servants of all the trades also , as well as the masters . . to the title of milk and calves ; they would have the words of cheese and butter added , to take a way all questions about them . . that no seed of hemp and flax should be paid , but such as are in the bundle with the stalks of the hemp and flax , ( as it was no otherwise , i told them , in the order intended . ) . of mortuaries was the last and greatest controversie ; which being given heretofore ( as was alledged ) for praying for dead mens souls , it was by some said , that it was against law and conscience to demand them now , when such praying is held to be unlawful . but generally the exception taken against the order was , that the poor only did suffer therein ; and therefore it was wished , that a certainty might be laid down for all mortuaries . this is the substance of all that passed at that meeting : since which , i have attended divers times , to see unto what issue these things might be brought at the table . and to be sure that nothing should be done therein in my absence , i took with me your graces orders , and the commissioners animadversions upon them , and still detain them in mine own custody . at last , considering that it was your graces pleasure , that my lord chancellor should be made acquainted with this business , before it came to the table , seeing , by reason of his absence , that could not then be done , i thought it not amiss yesterday to move my lord deputy , that things might be deferred until my lord chancellor's coming hither : for now that my lord docwra is in england , i think we shall not find any like affected unto us in this business , as my lord deputy and lord chancellor have always shewed themselves to be . my continual expectation of the ending of this matter , hath occasioned the delay of my writing unto your grace therein : now , as you shall be pleased to give me further direction , i will either proceed in the same , or forbear until we may have the benefit of my lord chancellor's presence . while i was writing of this , i received your graces letter brought by this bearer : together with his complaint made against heglye , and others , in the prosecution of that suit . i will , according to your direction , give order to my official that these violent courses may be stayed , until the truth of things upon further examination may appear . i find more trouble with mr. heglye and mr. shepherd in causes of this nature , than with all the ministers in meath beside : and in truth ( my lord ) unless some course be taken for restraining such unquiet spirits as these , our whole clergy will pessime audire for their sakes . yesterday i was fain my self to prefer a petition to my lord deputy in the behalf of my clergy , that no indictments might be permitted to proceed against them at the assizes for matters of this kind , but they might be referred to the ecclesiastical court , unto which the cognisance of the right of tithes doth properly appertain . and i do discern at this time a kind of a general combination to be made for the disgrace and keeping down of our ministers . what that particular is which your grace doth mention in the beginning of your letter , i do not yet understand , john forth having not as yet sent any letter unto me . but whatsoever it is , i will not fail ( god willing ) to be present at the assizes in trim ; and both in that particular , and in all other things , wherein your grace shall be pleased to employ me , to follow your directions , as one who desireth always to be accounted your graces , ready to do you all service , ja. midensis . pinglass , august , . . letter lx. a letter from the most reverend the arch-bishop of armagh to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . salutem in christo. upon sunday last , as i was going to bed , a pacquet was brought unto me from my lord deputy , with the advertisements of all that passed at white-hall the th of july . but by good hap i received advice from my lord grandison five days before of the king 's noble profession in a speech used to his judges , that as he had , so he would still maintain the religion established in the church of england , and would never give way to the contrary . only he wished the judges to proceed in the execution of laws with temperance , and fitting moderation . seeing it hath pleased god ( whose councils may be secret , but not unjust ) to exercise us with this mixture , let us remember how dangerous it is to provoke princes with too much animosity , and what hazard chrysostom brought to religion that way . the gospel is not supported with wilfulness , but by patience and obedience . and if your lordship light upon petulant , and seditious libels , too frequent now-a-days , as report goeth , i beseech you to repress them , and advise our brethren to the like care . so i commend you to god , resting your lordships very loving brother , armagh . august . . letter lxi . a letter from dr. ryves to the right reverend james usher bishop of meath . right reverend , and my very good lord ; i have now too long time forborn to write unto your lordship , the cause whereof hath been , for that we have here lived in suspense our selves , of what would ensue of our noble prince his journey into spain ; neither durst i write you any thing for certain , because i was ever in fear of a contrary report before my letter could come unto you ; and as for uncertainties they were not worth the writing . but now at the last , thanks be to our good god , we have our prince again ; he came to london on monday morning last , being the th of this present , at eight of the clock in the morning ; it was my hap to be at lambeth at that time with my lord of canterbury ; and whilst i was there , the prince came to lambeth stairs , where his grace received him and kissed his hand ; and from thence in his graces barge went to york-house , where he brake his fast , and presently went away to royston , where the king then was and is . news of his lodging that night at guilford came to his grace of canterbury that morning at three of the clock , and presently all london rang with bells , and flamed with bonfires , and resounded all over with such shouts , as is not well possible to express . the day , without bidding , was kept festival by every man ; whereof , because i took such pleasure in seeing it , i conceive your lordship will also take some pleasure in hearing the relation . as for the match , rumor in ambiguo est , pars invenit utraque causas ; some say it will be a match , others that it will not ; and each part thinks he hath reason for what he says ; but nothing is yet known that may be reported for a certainty . as for my self , hanging otherwise in equal ballance between the two opinions , your divining spirit is always obversant before mine eyes ; and sways me to believe as i hope , that it will please god to dispose of our prince's affections for the greater benefit of his church , and our state. it hath happly ere this came to your lordship's ears , that i was not long since commanded to attend my lord chichester into germany : after a while , that negotiation was hung up upon the nail , in expectance of the princes return : and now we look to hear of a new summons , but nothing is done as yet therein . and even so , my good lord , humbly desiring your good prayers to god for me in all my honest endeavours , i take leave , and rest , your lordship 's in all service to be commanded , f. ryves . from my house near the doctors-commons , this th of october , . postscript . my good lord , no man doubts but that the prince went a good protestant out of england ; but it 's as certain , thanks be given to god for it , that he is returned out of spain tenfold more confirm'd in ours , more obdurate against their religion than ever he was before . so is the duke of buckingham , in so much that upon his letters to his dutchess out of spain , she went also publickly to her parish-church at st. martins the sunday before michaelmas-day , and on michaelmas-day it self , and so continueth . moreover , what is befallen to the prince himself and to the duke , the same is befallen to all the rest of his company , they all return more resolv'd protestants than ever ; being thorowly perswaded ex evidentia facti , that popery is idolatry , if ever any were . f. r. letter lxii . a letter from sir h. bourgchier to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . salutem à d. n. iesu christo. most reverend in christ , i hope you will impute my long silence to your long expected and much wished repair hither , which you seemed in your last kind letter to intend before this time : i trust that your stay proceeds not from want of health , but some other occasion , which i shall most gladly understand . we are here full of business , but all in treaty , and so little concluded , that i know not what to deliver for truth to my friends . here hath been a great conventicle of embassadors , which is now dissolved : dieguo de mendoza , who accompanied the prince , is gone yesterday : dieguo de meshia , who came from bruxells with a fair train of nobles , gentlemen , and military men , goes away on tuesday next . our late prodigious events , as that of the fall of the house in black-friers , being related in three several pamphelts , the late dangerous fire in london , with some others of that kind , cannot now be new to your lordship . the latest which i must send you , is very sad and dolorous , being of the death of our late worthy friend mr. camden , whose funeral we solemnized at westminster on wednesday last in the afternoon with all due solemnity : at which was present a great assembly of all conditions and degrees ; the sermon was preached by dr. sutton , who made a true , grave , and modest commemoration of his life : as he was not factious in religion , so neither was he wavering or inconstant , of which he gave good testimony at his end ; professing in the exordium of his last will and testament , that he died , as he had lived , in the faith , communion , and fellowship of the church of england . his library ( i hope ) will fall to my share , by an agreement between his executors and me , which i much desire , partly to keep it entire , out of my love to the defunct . the original copy of the second part of his elizabeth , is in my hands , which is intended to be shortly printed . within a day or two sir robert cotton and my self intend to go into his study , which is yet shut up , and there to take a view of his papers , especially of such things as are left of his own writing . i desire to be remembred by your lordship in your holy prayers to god , to whose gracious protection i commend you , and ever remain , your lordships most affectionate friend and servant , henry bourgchier . london , novemb. , . letter lxiii . a letter from dr. james to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . my duty in most humble manner remembred unto your lordship . i am informed that your lordship passed this way , not far from us to london , where you have remained for some few weeks : i should have been glad to have known of it sooner , or rather to have waited upon your lordship here in oxford . i have traced the steps a far off about the succession and visibility of the church , wherein your lordship hath gone a far journey : i do but glean where you have reaped a plentiful harvest . nevertheless if my poor and weak labours may any ways stead your lordship , i would be glad to contribute my pains . you ascend ( as i perceive ) as far as our st. aug. of england , and not unworthily : for if our records be true , not only the irish , ( as you shew ) but also our britains and scots continued averse and heretical ( as they are called ) to the whole world , almost till the time of s. bernard . many scots and french were orthodox in the substantial points of religion long before waldus ( i mean p. waldus , for there was another waldus orthodox some hundreds of years before p. waldus in berengarius's time . ) i have collected as much as i can find in all likely authors to this purpose , as in the catalogue of writers and witnesses of the truth of the last age of goulartius , wolfius , rhoanus , balaeus de scriptoribus , out of the history of the waldenses , both by lydius and camerarius out of lombard , dr. powel and others , printed ; out of sundry manuscripts , as gascoigne , canter , mapes , p. de vineis , becket , sarisburiensis , which have been diligently read over by a learned kinsman of mine , who is at this present , by my direction , writing becket's life : wherein it shall be plainly shewed , both out of his own writings and those of his time , that he was not ( as he is esteemed ) an arch-saint , but an arch-rebel ; and that the papists have been not a little deceiv'd in him . this kinsman of mine , as well as my self , shall be right glad to do any service to your lordship in this kind . he is of strength , and well both able and learn'd to effectuate somewhat in this kind ; critically seen both in hebrew , greek , and latin , knowing well the languages both french , spanish , and italian , immense and beyond all other men , especially in reading of the manuscripts of an extraordinary style in penning , such a one as i dare ballance with any priest or jesuit in the world of his age , and such a one as i could wish your lordship had about you : but paupertas inimica bona est moribus , and both fatherless and motherless , and almost ( but for my self ) i may say ( the more is the pity ) friendless . for my self , i am not so far gone in years as in sicknesses ; yet my body is not so weak , but my mind is as strong , and my zeal great to see somewhat acted against the papists in matters of forgery and corruption , which are matters of fact , whereto my studies have always aim'd , and shall during life ( if god will. ) i find infinite corruptions in the fathers works , especially of the roman print : in the canon law and decretals i can convince them of shameless forgeries by the parchments . but that which hath amazed or amused the world , and made it turn , or continue popish , hath been the want of censurers of the fathers works , which made our magdeburgians and some of our best learn'd , to lance the fathers , and not to spare them , whereas they are but pseudo-fathers indeed . but the notedst cozenage which is rife , and most beguiling in these days , is a secret index expurgatorius , and therefore the more dangerous ; that is , the reprinting of books , not making mention of any castigation or purgation of them , and yet both leaving and adding , and otherwise infinitely depraving them ( as is to be seen in hundreds of books of the middle-age and later writers ) i instance in sixtus senensis , and alphonsus de castro , and antoninus summes . there are about five hundred bastard treatises , and about a thousand places in the true authors which are corrupted , that i have diligently noted , and will shortly vindicate them out of the manuscripts , ( for hitherto they be but the conjectures of the learned . ) for this purpose i have gotten together the flower of our young divines , who voluntarily will joyn with me in the search : some fruits of their labours ( if your lordship desires ) i will send up . and might i be but so happy as to have other twelve thus bestowed ; four in transcribing orthodox writers ( whereof we have plenty ) that for the substantial points have maintain'd our religion , ( or l. would serve ) : four to compare old prints with the new : four other to compare the greek translations by the papists ( as vedelius hath done with ignatius , wherein he hath been somewhat help'd by my pains ) i would not doubt but to drive the papists out of all their starting-holes : but alas , my lord , i have not encouragement from our bishops ! preferment i seek none at their hands , only or l. per annum for others , and their lordships letters to incourage others is that i seek , which being gained , the cause is gained , notwithstanding their brags in their late books . and thus , craving pardon , i rest in humble service , your lordship 's in all duty , tho. james . oxford , jan. . letter lxiv . a letter from mr. william eyre to the right reverend james usher , bishop of meath . reverende in christo pater , domine mihi mult is nominibus colendissime : nuperrime de adventu tuo in angliam , deque morâ per aliquot menses , audivi à ramo nostro , quem tamen nondum mihi contigit videre , ex quo tecum fuit londini : solummodo per internuntium me de quibusdam certiorem fecit . gratulor verò tibi & tuis , nobis etiam omnibus vitam & valetudinem tuam , qui tam auspicatò . & foeliciter his funestissimis temporibus , illa arma sumsisti , quae non carnalia , sed divinitùs valida sunt ad subversionem munitionum antichristi , & davidis exemplo in nomine domini exercituum addebellandum incircumcisum illum accessisti . certe hic in anglia ad arma ecclesiae communia capessenda , quae preces sunt & lachrymae , heu ! nimis segnes sumus omnes : & alibi forsan ad arma carnalia minimè necessaria nimis proclives fuerunt valdè multi , oraculi apostolici non satis ( ut videtur ) memores de interitu antichristi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; quod non solum de praedicatione veritatis vivâ voce , sed etiam , ac praecipuè de polemicis theologorum nostrorum scriptis interpretari licet : quò sibyllinum etiam illud a quibusdam transfertur , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; quoniam scilicet ex linteis contritis fit papyrus , quae scriptioni inservit . sed quorsum haec apud dominationem tuam accedo ad illa quorum tu nupèr mentionem fecisti . fateor me ante annos aliquot quaedam meditatum fuisse quae verè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel etiam antidoti vice esse possent , non solùm contrà venenata aliquam multorum scripta , qui sacrosanctos fontes corruptelae passim insimulant ; sed etiam adversus nonnullorum & pontificiorum & nostrorum de origine biblicae punctationis scriptionisque , admodùm periculosas vel certè nimis temerarias conjecturas ; & quorundam etiam aliorum ex adversa parte , judaizantium superstitiosas vel minùs probabiles opiniones . nam inter biblicam & masoreticam punctationem diligenter distinguendum esse censeo , ut veritatem tàm ab excessu quàm à defectu inter utrumque vindicemus & sartam tectam defendamus . caeterùm haec etiam omnia & id genus alia à nobis semipaganis qui nec otio nec literis abundamus , & qui literis quam libris sumus abundantiores , ad te releganda sunt ; limatissimum tuum & judicium & stylum desiderant . in his & aliis ejusdem farinae spinosis & perplexis nobis eris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel in apologia quam in promptu habes pro sacrorum fontium puritate & authentica utriusque instrumenti editione , vel in bibliotheca tua theologica , quam post lucubrationes tuas de christianarum ecclesiarum successione , expectemus . fieri quidem potest ut rectè quis sentiat forsan etiam & firmissimis argumentis ostendat & confirmet ; sed illud ipsum nec commodè , nec expeditè , nedum politè & latinè proferre possit : quod tamen in hoc de punctatione hebraicâ argumento mihi videtur necessarium . quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adtinet : lectum reperies in manuscripto exemplari ( inter alia ) symboli apostolici romanis characteribus expresso , cantabrigiae in archivis bibliothecae benedictinae , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , iisdem ferè verbis cum lxx ( ut opinor ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & cum apostolo ephes. . mirum in modum debacchantur hic adversarii nostri quod non satis theologi & catechistae nostri consentiunt in hoc articulo explicando . et certè populus plerisque in locis apud nos articulum hunc tantum non planè negare & rejicere jamdudum occoepit . quod concionatorum & catechistarum quorundam vel imperitia , vel ( ut levissimè dicam ) incogitantiâ , factum esse videtur . mihi semper maximè consentaneum visum est & ad obstruendum os pontificiis & ad piorum consolationem , si unà cum confutatione errorum de limbo patrum , &c. unum idemque doceamus & profiteamur , nempe juxta tum articulos doctrinae catholicae ecclesiae anglicanae , tum utrumque catechismum nostrum , minorem & majorem , christum scilicet dominum nostrum , verè & reapse ad locum damnatorum descendisse , & quoad efficaciam infernum , &c. debellasse , &c. ut in noellano catechismo ( si dextrè intelligatur ) exprimitur . sed manum de tabula , ne epistolae modum excedendo gravissimum occupationum tuarum cursum impediam . temporis totiusque villicationis nostrae reddenda est ratio in die illo , coram supremo judice . quoties mihi in mentem venit ( venit autem saepiuscule ) tua in me singularis clementia toties me ipsum vel ingratitudinis vel socordiae accusare me posse videar quòd non faepius per literas officii & grati animi significationem dederim . ignoscas igitur quaeso huic temeritati meae . christus opt . max. te incolumem servet precor omnique benedictionum genere cumulatiffimum reddat . vale , dominationi tuae devotissimus in domino , guilielmus eyre . colcestriae martii vii , / . letter lxv . a letter from dr. james to mr. calandrine . good mr. calandrine , i am glad my lord hath a mind this way ; i am told that he may perhaps have those fair houses furnished for the speaking . godstow of sir tho. walters , which is not far from oxford , by land or by water at pleasure ; water-eaton of sir richard lovelace , four miles distant , waterstock of sir geo. crooks six miles . i move not because i hear not from his lordship , but if i may , both dr. bambridge and my self will do our best for the best in our intentions , both for my lord's health , and the facilitating of his lordship's studies . sir john walter and sir geo. crook may be spoken withal in london . concerning our beginning , and that with the councels , taking damasus de pontificibus , and the epistles , decretals together , i wish it here presently , if we had my lord of canterbury's letters and copies . normannus certainly is no anabaptist . alph. de castro is in the index expurgatorius as well as cajetan , contrary to both our expectations . not only the peices , but the whole tracts are at my lord's command . that of anselm , plessis had not from me : of that my cousin is transcribing , i know that asinus burnelli of nigellus wiraker is long ago printed , now out of print ; but he hath compared his manuscript with two more and enlarged it , the print is not to be come by . stampensis and serlo , i think are no where extant . in my note d. i am not as yet assured to be that in lambeth ; the sight will shew that it is a ms. so ancient , that it was theodorus's , written almost in gregory's time : the copy of the concordance i send you , you need not keep a copy of it , for i have the original by me . anentine of ingolst . i have not seen , he is much corrupted , as all our historians , two quire taken out of him , two out of cuspinian , more than a quire out of krantzius : if my cousin come , i will perhaps send , i dare not venture them otherwise : remember my duty to my lord , & sic te deo. your assured friend , tho. james . april , . letter lxvi . a letter from dr. tho. james to mr. calandrine . good mr. calandrine , i receiv'd your last weeks letter : the collection out of stella i have , but no stella it self , and that i will not trust an ordinary carrier with , the lyon's addition and the index expurgatorius of spain will satisfy your longing therein : some of the first places are amended according to the prescript of that unholy inquisition , but farther they proceed not : all the rest ( and in one place a whole leaf or two ) are to be expunged , but untouched in that of lyons . we have fully finished the collation of the opus imperfectum , hereafter more of that matter , mean time i have taken pains for trial sake , to compare both our basil and it with the manuscript , for one homily ; i find wonderful need of a second review . i have sent you a proof of some few differences from both the printed copies , whereby you may perceive , how this book and sundry others have been tossed and tumbled by ignorant men , what , and how great mistakes , and need of a diligent review , for this is but lapping . i do send you up also in thankfulness for dr. goad's project , a fancy of mine , which i pray you to impart to the good bishop ; if he give any liking to it , let it go forward , if otherwise , let it be remanded , it is both fesible and possible in my judgment . if cambridge will set up , or set forward the like , i dare undertake more good to be done for the profit of learning and true religion , than by building ten colleges . i have of late given my self to the reading only of manuscripts , and in them i find so many , and so pregnant testimonies either fully for our religion , or against the papists , that it is to be wondred at ; religion of papists then , and now , do not agree . how many private men out of their devotion would singly be able to found such a college ; much more jointly considered , but i leave all to god's providence , it shall suffice , and be a great comfort to me if this cannot be effected , that by my lord of canterbury's letters , ( which i have long'd for ) we may have a quasi college , and the whole benefit of that which is expected in dr. goad's refin'd project . i my self , by my intreaty , have set twenty or thirty a-work ; how may the lord archbishop command our heads of houses , and they their company , or at least , one out of a college or hall. i have or shall receive this week three quire of paper of my workmen , for which as they finish the quire , i lay out the mony , s. for each quire : of gu. de s. amore i have received one quire ; and so of wickleph 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is harder to read , and the other in english of wicklephs , i look for this day . platina is almost done , alphonsus à castro respited a while , and cajetan likewise , till i hear from the learned bishop . touching wicelius , i thank you for your advertisment , i now perceive my conjecture fails me not , that cassander was much holpen by him , and his judgment confirm'd by reading his ; but if i read his epistles , i will tell you my mind ; howsoever in the interim , wicelius is of more authority than cassander , and his books concealed purposely , or made away quantum in illis by the inquisitors . i have ever been of dr. ward 's mind , touching the publishing those books which they make away so fast , ut jugulent homines furgunt , &c. fisher de natura dei , is in one of their indices impudently denied to be his ; tho some one in the council of trent say nay . upon the fifth of matthew , is but a scantling to those great volumes which i have ready : if any man please to come hither , he may see the whole , my lord of meath's return and earnestness for the plot , both before and since , as also dr. goad's forwardness to print ought hereabout ( i pray god the news be not too good to be true ) glads me much ; as the sickness of my lord of ely doth some no less . it were not from the purpose , if dr. sutcliff do see this whole project of our college and purpose ; and if he did turn away his mind wholly from chelsey , i durst presume of more fasibility and possibility here of doing good . lastly , for the catalogue , it is a great and painful work , but hath well requited my pains , in that i find some books that i have long sought after , and could not find , as stella of the popes , and such like . if any thing be printed , i would print only those that are not mentioned in our present catalogue . but where is the encouragement for the printing or doing any thing if our genevians had sent us over that of gregory at this mart , how seasonable had it been to have put an egde to our great business : i am sorry it came not , but see no remedy . what of the enchiridion ! nothing ; my judgment you have , and it is free to alter , that do nothing at pleasure , but sure i am some things are past question : lay aside and expunge all doubtful treatises , till our college take them in hand , which shall rivet them in after another fashion , if god give life . i have now at length recovered the spanish book of mr. boswell : the book is a commentary upon our english laws and proclamations against priests and jesuits , spightful and foolish enough , but especially about the powder-treason , laying it to puritans , as cobham , gray , and rawley ; or to the whole state , or a policy to intrap them and their estates . i would my lord of meath did understand the tongue , that from him the king might understand the mystery of iniquity contained in the book : no place , or time when , or where it was printed . was he asham'd of that he did and it seemeth it , or the like like hath been divulged in many languages . but i end , and pray god , that the clergy give us not a fair denial , that is , a delay to our businesses at this session . let my lord prevent as wisely and timely as he can . god have you and all yours in his safe keeping , and remember my service in dutiful manner to my lord , and commendations to my cousin , with whom ( if i had had the spirit of prophecy ) dr. featly should not have coaped withal , but god send the truth to take place ; if the president be faulty , to be punished ; if innocent , to be delivered : and so once again i bid you heartily farewel . your most assured friend , tho. james . oxon the d of may , . if my lord of meath , nor any other there hath wicelius , it shall be written out , unless my lord please to speak with sir william paddy , who was the donor of the book , and may command it to london , where it may be reprinted . letter lxvii . a letter from the right reverend james usher bishop of meath . my very good lord ; yesterday , being the th of september , i received this inclosed letter : in reading whereof , it presently came into my mind , that this was the man at whose sermon his majesty was so much offended , when i was last at court. whereupon i sent for the party , and upon conference had with him , found indeed that i was not deceived in mine opinion . i put him in mind , that his conceits were contrary to the judgment of the church of christ from the beginning of the gospel unto this day : and that of old they were condemned for heretical in the nazarites . but finding that for the present he was not to be wrought upon by any reasoning , and that long a dies was the only means to cure him of this sickness ; i remembred what course i had heretofore held with another in this country , who was so far ingaged in this opinion of the calling of the jews ( tho not of the revoking of judaism ) that he was strongly perswaded , he himself should be the man that should effect this great work , and to this purpose wrote an hebrew epistle ( which i have still in my hands ) directed to the dispersed jews . to reason the matter with him i found it bootless ; i advised him therefore , that until the jews did gather themselves together , and make choice of him for their captain , he should labour to benefit his country-men at home with that skill he had attained unto in the hebrew tongue . i wished him therefore to give us an exact translation of the old testament out of the hebrew verity , which he accordingly undertook and performed . ( the translation i have still by me ) : but before he had finished that task , his conceit of the calling of the jews , and his captainship over them , vanished clean away , and was never heard of after . in like manner i dealt with mr. whitehall ; that forasmuch as he himself acknowledged that the mosaical rites were not to be practised unto the general calling of the jews , he might do well , i said , to let that matter rest till then ; and in the mean time keep his opinion to himself , and not bring needless trouble upon himself and others by divulging it out of season . and whereas he had intended to write an historical discourse of the retaining of judaism under christianity : i counselled him rather to spend his pains in setting down the history of purgatory , or invocation of saints , or some of the other points in controversy betwixt the church of rome and us. so far i prevailed with him herein , that he intreated me to become a suitor unto your lordship in his behalf , that the loss of his living , and those other troubles which he hath already sustained , might be accepted for a sufficient punishment of his former offence ; and that he might have the favour to be restored only unto his fellowship in oxford , where he would bind himself to forbare intermedling any way with his former opinions , either in publick or in private , and spend his time in any other employment that should be imposed upon him . how far it will be fitting to give way unto this motion , i wholly leave unto your own grave consideration . thus much only i have presumed to propound unto your lordship , in discharge of my promise made unto mr. whitehall , with whom i could have no long communication , by reason i way presently to begin my journey for the visitation of the diocess of meath . until my return from thence , i have stayed the printing of the rest of mine answer unto the jesuits challenge ; the former part whereof i humbly make bold to present unto your lordship's view , as unto whom , above all others , i most desire my simple labours in this kind may be approved . and so craving pardon for my boldness in troubling you thus far , i rest , your lordship's , in all christian duty , ready to be commanded , ja. midensis . dublin sept. . . letter lxviii . a letter from dr. thomas james to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . my duty remembred unto your lordship . i am much beholden to your lordship for your last book , which i received before the act by my good friend mr. calendrine ; i have punctually perused it , and do render unto your lordship both common and private thanks for the same , and expect your lordship 's of the britains ancient religion : wherein as i see no difficulty , so i would be glad to assist with my pains if any thing were worthy : yet of my cousin mr. rich. jame's ( who remembreth himself most dutifully to your lordship ) i send a taste , or essay ; of what may be done by him . i will say no more of him or it , but this ; that i know no man living more fit to be imployed by your lordship in this kind than himself ; his pains incredible , and his zeal as great , and his judgment in manuscripts such , as i doubt not but your lordship may use to the great benefit of the church , and ease of your lordship ; may there be but some course taken that he may have victum & vestitum independant from any one . this if he may have from your lordship , or by your lordships means , i know his deserts and willingness to deserve well of the church . for my own business , i know not what to say , whether to go onward , or to stay . guil. de s. amore is transcribed , and wants but the three books from your lordship , whereof mr. calendrine hath given me good hopes . wickleph de veritate is the better part done ; i have hitherto laid out the money , but my purse will hold out no longer to defray the charges : if it would be so , that i may receive the money to recompence their pains , i would not doubt before the next session , but to have most of wickleph's works transcribed ; but i fail in the burden , and refer all to god's providence and your lordship's direction , being not idle in these businesses . and so in haste , with my own and my cousin's duty to you , i end , and rest , your lordship 's in all duty , tho. james . oxon the july , . letter lxix . a letter from thomas davies to the right reverend james usher bishop of meath . right reverend , may it please your lordship to take notice , that your letter of the th of january in london , came to my hands the th of july , unto which i have given due perusal ; and perceiving your lordship's pleasure thereby , omitted no opportunity , neither any time , but the very day that i received it , began to lay out for those books you writ for . the five books of moses in the samaritan character , i have found by a meer accident , with the rest of the old testament joyned with them ; but the mischief is , there wants two or three leaves of the beginning of genesis , and as many in the psalms , which notwithstanding i purpose to send by this ship , lest i meet not with another ; yet i have sent to damascus , and if not there to be had , to mount gerazim , so that in time i hope to procure another , which shall contain the five books of moses perfectly . i sent a messenger on purpose to mount libanus and tripoly , for the old testament in the syriack tongue , but he returned without it , and brought word that there i might have one after two months , but could not have it time enough to send by this ship. the reason why they sent it not , was , that they wanted parchment to copy one of the books , and so not being perfect , did not send it ; which by the next ship , if your lordship please , god willing , i will send you . but i pray understand , that by the syriack tongue they mean here the caldean ; and every man tells me it is all one , the syrians and caldeans being one and the same people , but questionless the same language ; therefore if your lordship mean , and desire to have the old testament in caldean , i beseech you to write me by the first over land , that i may provide it by the next ship. also i beseech you to take knowledge that i dare not promise you to send it according to the hebrew ; for neither my self , nor any other man here , can determine it ; only i must be forc'd to take his word that sells it me , who is a minister of the sect of the marranites , and by birth a caldean , but no scholar , neither is there any to be found in these parts ; but if your lordship will have me send it at adventures , though it cost dear ( as it will cost l. ) i will do my best endeavour to send it by the first conveyance , but shall do nothing herein , until such time i have further order from your lordship ; to effect business of this nature in these parts requires time , travel being very tedious in these countries . i have inquired of divers , both christians and jews , of the overflowing of jordan , but can learn no certainty . some say it never rises but after great rain ; but i met with a learned jew , ( at least so reputed ) who told me that jordan begins to flow the th of july , and continues flowing days , and is some or days increasing : but i dare not believe him , his relation not agreeing with the text ; for harvest is near ended with them by that time ; and unless you will understand by harvest , the time of gathering grapes , it cannot agree . i have also sent to damascus concerning this , and trust ere long to satisfy your lordship in this particular , and in the calendar of the samaritans . a french frier , who lived at jerusalem , told me that it never overflowed except occasiond by rain : whereupon i shewed him the words in joshua . . that jordan overfloweth his banks at the time of harvest : which words are written with a parenthesis , and therefore said he , are no part of the text , which i know is his ignorance ; i could have shewed him , the thing plainly proved by that which he holds canonical scripture , ecclus. . . if i have done your lordship any service herein , i shall greatly rejoyce , and shall ever be ready and willing to do the best service i can to further the manifestation of god's truth ; yea i should think my self happy that i were able to bring a little goats hair , or a few badgers skins , to the building of god's tabernacle . i acknowledg your lordship's favour towards me , who have not , neither could deserve at your hands the least kindness conceivable ; yet the graciousness of your sweet disposition , emboldens me to entreat the continuance of the same , and also the benefit of your faithful prayers ; so shall i pass the better amongst these infidel enemies to god and his christ. and so i pray god to encrease and multiply his favours and graces both upon your soul and body , making you happy in what ever you possess here , and hereafter to grant you glory with christ ; into whose hands i recommend your lordship , and humbly take leave , ever resting , your lordship 's in all bounden duty to command , thomas davies . aleppo , aug. . . letter lxx . a letter from mr. thomas pickering to the r. r. james usher bishop of meath , at wicken-hall . right reverend , and my very good lord ; i was not unmindful , according to my promise , to send to dr. crakenthorp for polybius and diodorus siculus immediatly after i was with your lordship : but he attending the visitations at colchester and maldon , came not home till yesterday . at which time , sending my man for the books , the doctor returned answer , that your lordship shall command any books he hath whensoever you please . that he had not diodorus siculus ; but he sent me polybius , and marianus scotus , which he says dr. barkham told him you desired to borrow . these two books your lordship shall now receive ; and if it fall out that you be already provided of marianus scotus , then it may please you to let that come back again , because the doctor tells me that after a while he shall have occasion to see some things for his use in sigebert and other writers , which are bound in this volume with marianus ; but by all means he desires your turn should be served however . i shall be most ready to afford your lordship any service that lieth in my power , during your aboad in these parts , holding my self in common with the church of god , much bound to you for your great and weighty labours , both formerly and presently undertaken in the cause of our religion . the god of all wisdom direct your meditations and studies , and grant you health , and all conveniences , for the accomplishment of your intended task . and so with remembrance of dr. crakenthorp's , and my own love and service , i humbly take leave , and shall ever rest , your lordship 's in my best devotions and services to be commanded , tho. pickering . finchingfield , sept. . . letter lxxi . a letter from mr. thomas davies in aleppo , to the right reverend james usher lord bishop of meath . right reverend sir , my bounden duty remembred , &c. news here is not any worthy your knowledg ; the great rebel abassa still troubles the state , and hinders the going forward of the army against the persian . some few days time news came that the vizier had given battel to the rebel , and that the rebel had cut off janisaries ; yet they report the vizier to have the best of the day , which most men judg to be but report : certainly it is that abassa will give them great trouble , pretending only revenge upon the janisaries for the blood of his master sultan osman . the greatest villanies that ever were practised or intended , never wanted their pretences . yet it is thought by many that this man hath done nothing without leave from the port , otherways it is strange they had not cut him off long since ; for what can be his forces against the grand signior's powers the janisaries refuse to go to war before the rebel be cut off , or peace made with him : whereby you may observe what power the king hath over his souldiers ; the truth is , they command and rule all , oppressing and eating up the poor . when i consider the estate of the christians in these parts , yea the mahumetans themselves that are not souldiers , then must i say , happy , yea thrice happy are the subjects of the king of england , who live in peace , and enjoy the fruits of their own labours , and yet have another and a greater blessing , the free passage of the gospel . i pray god we may see and be thankful for so great favours , expressing it by obedience to god , and honour to our king. thus fearing that i have troubled your lordship with a slender discourse , humbly take my leave , beseeching the lord of lords , to multiply his graces upon you , recommending you , with all yours , to god's grace and mercy , rest , your lordship 's in all duty to command , thomas davies . aleppo , th september , . letter lxxii . a letter from sir h. bourgchier to the right reverend james usher lord bishop of meath . my very good lord , i received your lordship's letter , for which i return many thanks . my journy into ireland is of such necessity , that i cannot defer it long ; though i have many motives , besides those mentioned by your lordship , to urge my stay . as for the books which you mention , i find jordanus in vitas fratrum in the catalogue of the publick library at oxford ; mr. selden told me he never heard of the author ; if any library about london have it , or that other work of his , i will endeavour to discover them . as for the new edition of sealiger de emendat . temporum ; as many as i speak withal are of opinion that it is so far from coming out , that it is not yet come in to the press . here are already come two dry-fats of mart books , and they expect but one more ; you may perceive by the catalogue what they are . here will be very shortly some good libraries to be had ; as dr. dee's , which hath been long litigious , and by that means unsold . one oliver , a physician of st. edmundsbury , of whose writing i have seen some mathematical tracts printed ; and dr. crakanthorp are lately dead . if there be any extraordinary books which your lordship affects , if you will be pleased to send a note of them , they shall be bought . such news as we have , you receive so frequently , as coming from me they would be stale , which you know destroys their very essence . we have had bonfires , ringing , shouting , and also ballads , and base epithalamiums for the conclusion of the french marriage , and yet i am but modicae fidei . our country-man florence , mr. carthye was committed to the tower some five days since . and thus remembring my best affection to your lordship and mrs. usher , i will remain , your lordship 's very affectionate friend and servant , henry bourgchier . london , ( in haste ) novemb. . . letter lxxiii . a letter from dr. ward to the right reverend james usher bishop of meath , at much-haddam in essex . my very good lord , it was my purpose to have come to visit your lordship at haddam to morrow : but the truth is , upon thusday last , before i came out of cambridg , i was made acquainted with a business which will occasion my return to cambridg to morrow . i notwithstanding brought with me the manuscripts of bedes ecclesiastical story which i have of sir r. cotton's , and have sent it unto you by this bearer walter mark : i will expect the book from you , when you have done with it , for that i would keep it till sir robert restore a book of mine , which he had of mr. patrick young. i had purposed to have borrowed also out of our university library , simeon dunelmensis , but i find that i am deceived , in that i thought it had been his history or chronicle , but it is only the history of the church of durham , and of the endowments of that church , and not his history of england . and thus sorry that my occasions will not suffer me to see your lordship this time ; and with my kind salutations to sir gerard harvy and his lady , with thanks for my kind entertainment when i was there ; i commend you to the gracious protection of the highest majesty . your lordship 's in all observance , samuel ward . much-mondon , jan. . . letter lxxiv . a letter from the right reverend james usher bishop of meath , to dr. samuel ward . good mr. doctor ; i received by w. marks your ancient bede , which i suppose did sometime belong to the church of durham : as soon as i have compared it with the printed book , i will not fail ( god willing ) to send it you safe back again . as for simeon dunelmensis his history of the church of durham ( which is in the publick library of your university ) i would intreat you to borrow it for me ; however it hath not proved to be the chronicle which i at first desired ; for i have a great mind to see and transcribe all that hath been written by simeon and turgotus . dunelmensis . turgotus ( i hear ) is with mr. tho. allen of oxford , and ( if my memory do not much deceive me ) at my being in england the last time before this , you told me that you had begun to transcribe the annals of simeon dunelmensis , which continue the history of bede . i pray you , if you know where those annals may be had , do your best to help me unto them . i could wish that mr. lisle would take some pains in translating the saxon annals into our english tongue ; for i do not know how he can more profitably imploy that skill which god hath given to him in that language . if i had any opportunity to speak with him my self , i would direct him to five or six . annals of this kind , ( three of which belonging to sir rober cotton , i have in my hands at this present ) our of which there might be one perfect annal made up in the english tongue , which might unfold unto us the full state of the saxon times . but how that gentleman's mind stands affected that way i know not the feeling of his mind therein i leave to you . and so commending all your good endeavours to the blessing of our good god , i rest , your most assured friend , ja. mid. much-haddam , jan. . . letter lxxv . a letter from sir h. bourgchier to the right reverend james usher bishop of meath . my very good lord ; i received your lordship's letter , which was must wellcome to me , and much more the news of your recovery , which was deliver'd to me by mr. burnet , and by me to some others of your friends , who were no less glad than my self . i am afraid that you converse too much with your books ; i need not tell you the danger of a relapse . this news which i sent your lordship deserved not thanks , because vulgar and trivial : that of the death of erpenius is but too true , and is much lamented by learned men in all places , for the cause by your lordship truly expressed ; he died of the plague . mr. briggs was gone from london some three days before the receipt of your lordship's letter . but i will write to him , that which i should have delivered by word of mouth , if he had tarried here . in the collating of books your lordship hath made a good choice , that being a fit study in time of sickness , as not so much imploying the mind as other studies . as for bede i doubt the collation of him will be scarce worth your labour : for as far as i went , they seemed rather to be variantes lectiones , than material differences , a very few excepted . to make use of my collations , your lordship shall not want the heydelburg edition , which i will take care to have sent unto you . i have been this morning with mr. patrick young , who cannot give me satisfaction concerning those books till he have been in the princes library . for the nameless annal , i conceive that your amanuensis mistook your meaning ; for where you say that it begins at the year of our lord , and ends in the year , i cannot see how asserius menevensis could be the author of most of it : mr. young will make search for it , and return an answer as soon as conveniently he may . as for asserius de rebus gestis alfredi , he tells me that they have only a transcript of it ; but sir robert cotton hath an ancient copy ; the same he tells me of florentius wigorniensis , and simeon dunelmensis . of eusebius chronicle they have three or four copies ; and if you please shall have all of them , or which you please . sir rob. cotton doth daily augment his store ; he hath gotten lately a book of st. edm. bury . by the next return i hope to send the books which you desire , and perhaps to play the carrier my self . there is a rumor of the adjournment of the parliament till april , but no proclamation yet come forth . there is a new secretary , sir albertus morton , to be sworn in the place of sir geo. calvert . i have not heard any thing out of ireland since my last to your lordship . mr. young tells me that he received lately a letter from paris from one lucas holstenius , a young man whom i mention'd sometime to your lordship , being acquainted with him here in london the last year : he writes to him that a jesuit there doth publish a new edition of eusebius in greek and latin ; for the furtherance of which work , mr. mountague , and mr. young sends thither their notes and observations upon him . petavius is busy about his work de emendat . temp. which will shortly come abroad . holstenius is printing scylax , artemidorus ephesius ; with divers other old geographers , some of which were heretofore publish'd by d. haeschelius ; and some till now never publish'd . i doubt not but d. ryves hath sent your lordship his answer to the analecta . i have read him over , and approve the work , but not in every particular ; as where he makes sedulius among others , ( pag. . lib. . ) to be one of st. patrick's forerunners in the plantation of christian religion in ireland . i do not see how that can be ; the best authors making him contemporary , if not later than st. patrick . some other passages i could censure , both of ancient and modern times ; but i will spare that labour till our meeting . in the mean time with the remembrance of my love and service to your lordship and mrs. usher , and my heartiest wishes and prayers for your health , i will remain your lordship's most affectionate friend and servant , henry bourgchier . lond. jan. . . letter lxxvi . a letter from dr. thomas james to the right reverend james usher , lord bishop of meath . after my duty in humble manner premised ; i hope , and am right glad to hear of your lordship's recovery . i have received from your lordship two books , whereby i have not been a little benefited ; yet of boston i hear there is a greater catalogue extant . i forbore to write all this while , for fear of trouble . i have laboured ever since in the common business , as your lordship shall perceive by an humble supplication printed , which your lordship shall receive by mr. calandrine , which could i have had the happiness that it might have passed your learned censure , would have been much more perfect , but , ut quimus aut quando , non ut volumus . i have done it as advisedly as i could , and doubt not to give every man good satisfaction in good time . if our friends of cambridge will joyn with us , the work may be well atchieved within half the time , they taking half the points mentioned , and they both sending to us their observations to be revised by us ; we ours to them to be revised by them , that it may be the work jointly of both universities . my zeal and knowledg cannot match dr. ward 's , yet i will endeavour to do my best . i de●ire to have my service remembred to my lord of ely. i have upon a letter of your lordship's , imployed some in transcribing guil. de s. amore , not that which your lorship sent , but another greater and fuller work , that is done , and a great deal besides : more had been , if we had not been compell'd , for want of mony to have surceased ; and my poor means would not serve to supply wants , and i am indebted for that which is done . your lordship by letter ( if i mistake not ) undertook for my lord of ely's l. per annum ; had all promised been paid , i had had or quire in readiness ; that which i have shall be fitted against the parliament , in the exactest manner that it can be done for the press . i have in the press at the present these things , a confutation of papists out of papists , in the most material articles of our religion ; whose testimonies are taken either out of the indices expurgatorii , or out of the ancient books , especially the manuscripts . an index librorum prohibitorum ae , ae , vel ae classis , vel expurgatorum quovismodo ; chiefly for the use of our publick library , that we may know what books , and what editions to buy ; their prohibition being a good direction to guide us therein ; i have cast them into an exact alphabet . my cousin rich. james desireth to have his duty remembred to your lordship , he hath reviewed and inlarged his book of bochel's decanonization , a book so nearly concerning kingly dignity , and so fully opening the history of those times , that i know not where a man shall read the like : i would he might have the happiness that your lordship might see it , being now fair transcribed , that it might pass your lordship's censure before it pass any further . and i am perswaded ( over-weaning perhaps in love to my cousin ) that if his majesty saw it , it would please him , having so many good pieces of antiquity in it : it is his , and shall be my chiefest study . i have here found upon search thereof , petrus minorita's homil. upon matthew , and two books of st. augustins coming here into england , which are of good note : but i make no doubt your lordship hath seen them already ; i leave therefore to trouble your lordship any further , being right glad to hear of your lordship's preferment ( as i am informed ) for the good of the church ; and so i rest , your lordship 's in all duty , thomas james . oxon febr. . letter lxxvii . a letter from dr. thomas james to the right reverend james usher bishop of meath . my humble duty remembred to your lordship : i am incouraged by your lordship's letters to go on chearfully in my intended course and discovery , solus aut quomodo what is one man able to resist , when so many oppose so falsly and so impudently i have written to his grace by his chaplains for helps necessary for the forwarding so great a work , as the visibility and perpetual succession of the church . there shall come nothing forth till i have viewed by my self , or others , under a publick notaries hands , all the testimonies that do result out of the manuscripts and printed books of papists : but what can i poor weak man do , unless my lord of canterbury command help , and command books and all things necessary to so great and requisite a work which being well done , will-serve to close up the mouths of our deceived papists . this question ( if i conceive aright ) is set afoot politickly by our adversaries the papists , by especial advice from rome : for it is plausible amongst the people and vulgar sort , and impossible to be answered by every one ; but be it as it may , i have willingly offered to answer one smith , a lincolnshire-man , who insults upon us in the close of his book in these words ; and if now they endeavour to answer them , [ his reasons ] it will yet more appear that they can no way answer them , and that this kind of dealing with protestants [ in matters of fact ] out of their own confessions is the fittest to stop all mouths . upon occasion of these words , i will make bold to write somewhat concerning this matter , both to divert our papists to other matters of fact , wherein they have hitherto declined the question about the controversie of their bibles ( i mean of sixtus and clemens ) impossible to be answered . i have heard their best reasons about the number of the bastard treatises , which , as false writers , have put them into possession of their false religion , which amount unto five hundred , reckoning none but such as are both condemned by some , and urged by others as learned papists ; touching the corrupting of all authors , and records in all ages , both in their several indices expurgatorii , and without , especially of their decretals and gratian , wherein the soul and life of popery consists . for the decretals , i have lighted upon a manuscript , that , i trust , to a clear eye , will make the matter indubious , and by the sight of this manuscript ( which contains them not at large ) there are such absurdities contain'd in them , as i shame either in modesty ( as of mice turds in the eucharist ) or in grammar ( epscopi si in fide erraverit ) are to be quitted ; but for all other matters whatsoever they are , portandi , a good resolution set down in a good phrase . for the canon law , i mean gratian , i have compared it from top to tae , not without special contentment to all lovers of the truth . for by the edition of the canon law , so carefully set out by greg. . faber and contius , and i know not who must be imployed to that great business , more care had of the printing of that than of the bible ; it must be testified that the edition doth agree exactly with the roman copy , or else it of no worth ; they had the use of many vatican copies . now either this is untrue , or their copies are of no credit : for none of our copies , of as great antiquity as theirs , either have constantine's donation , or the proof of it out of gelasius dist. if gesta ss . martyrum s. sylvestri , this is proving of a thing that is ignotum by ignolius ; for both are wanting in all our copies , that are of as great antiquity as theirs , as long since antoninus and other good lawyers have observed . generally in the edition of the canon law they have deceived us thus . . those which are palea , noted by them , are indeed palea , that is chaff , in our old copies . but besides , . there are a number of good consequences that are paleae , which they have passed over in silence , whereof our manuscripts give good witness . there are also a third sort which they have made paleae , to discredit them which are no paleae , as in the th distinction touching obedience to princes commandments for religion , this is in all our manuscripts but censured and sentenced by them lord ! what a world of corruptions is contained in that volume , i mean not only of gratians , that is bad enough , but of their additions to , and perversions of gratian's . i mean to spend this next week wholly upon this argument of popish fra●ds , and to send up my abortive labours to be submitted to your lordship's grave judgment . i deal in matters of fact , and have little help god knoweth : i will empty my self to your lordship . for marianus scotus , god knows , if i had compared it , one of the first books , and both that and matthew of paris , yea and bedes history must be compared , or vain will be our labour in writing of the visibility of the church , when we shall rely upon such sandy proofs . it is too true that possevin observeth , that there are whole pages thrust into marianus's works ; he saith by hereticks : he lieth like a varlet ; the cui bono will shew us that . the manuscript in our publick library ( i have compared the capita throughout ) doth hugely differ from the printed , and so doth another copy of alike goodness and antiquity in c. c. c. to compare him exactly , is to write him out anew : hoc opus , hic labor est . i doubt your lordship's leisure will not serve ; after this fortnight mine shall ; and it will need the help both of dr. banbridge and mr. briggs . to have the copy out of the library it is impossible ; for if the king should write for it , it is perjury for any man to propose a dispensation for the lending it forth : but the copy at c. c. c. upon a sufficient caution for the redelivery , shall and may be sent up to your lordship ; and i suppose mr. patrick young hath one or two copies in the princes library at st. james's . not only the rabbins , but the thalmud in six volumes at rome hath felt the smart of the popish indices , would god we were but half as diligent to restore , as they abolish and put out the truth . i have restored citations , and rescued them from corruption in thirty quire of paper : mr. briggs will satisfie you in this point , and sundry other projects of mine , if they miscarry not for want of maintenance ; it would deserve a prince's purse . if i was in germany , the estates would defray all charges ; cannot our estates supply what is wanting if every church-man that hath an l. per annum and upward , will lay down but a shilling for every hundred towards these publick works , i will undertake the reprinting of the fathers , and setting forth of five or six volumes of orthodox writers , comparing of books printed with printed , or written ; collating of popish translations in greek , and generally whosoever shall concern books , or the purity of them , i will take upon me to be a magister s. palatii in england , if i shall be thereunto lawfully required . i thank your lordship for my poor kinsman , whom i leave to express his own wants and desires himself . i have trespassed too much on your lordship , whom god long preserve . your lordship 's in all duty , tho. james . oxon feb. th , . letter lxxviii . a letter from dr. ward to the right reverend james usher bishop of meath , at much-haddam in essex . right reverend , i received your lordship's letter , which i should have answered ere now . but the truth is i had a purpose to have seen your lordship at my return from london at the end of the term , but i was hindred in that intention : and since my return home , i heard your lordship was fallen into a burning fever , whereupon i purposed to have made a journey to visit your lordship , and to that purpose went to mr. crane to have his company : but being born in hand by one of jesus colledg , that he should shortly hear from haddam how your lordship did , the party went out of town , and so i heard nothing till mr. crane came home . i did hear at london of the decease of the late primate of armagh , and of your lordship's designment by his majesty to succeed in that place , which i pray god may turn to his glory , the good of the nation , and your own comfort and contentment . i have borrowed of mr. vice-chancellor , the book wherein is the history of the church of lindifern , after of durham ; it is in four books ; the book is none of those which bale mentioneth ; i borrowed it of him for two months . it is one of them which matthew parker gave to the university-library : i spake with mr. lisle , as touching the setting of some of the saxon chronicles : he saith he hath seen some , but few of them have any thing which are not in other chronicles now extant . if you have any which you think were worth his pains , i would incite him thereunto . i suppose your lordship hath seen the process against the corps , picture , and books of the arch-bishop of spalato . unwise man that could not easily have presaged these things . by halting between two , he hath much obscured his worth with all parties . i have perused some of dr. crakenthorp's book , which is well done . i purpose to see your lordship at easter , if god will , and you continue with sir gerard harvy . this messenger bringeth the book , and things from mr. crane , with two letters from him . thus with my prayers to god for the recovery of your health , and to bless you in all your affairs , with my best wishes i commend your lordship to the gracious protection of the highest majesty . your lordship 's in all practice , samuel ward . cambridg this st of march , . letter lxxix . a letter from sir h. bourgchier to the right reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , at much-haddam . salutem in christo. most reverend in christ ; in discharge of my promise , and that great obligation of thankfulness due from me , i thought good to present these lines to your lordship : your friends here were glad to conceive so good hope of your perfect recovery , which i doubt not will be daily greater . i have herewithal sent your lordship eusebius's chronicle , and asserins de vita alfredi from mr. patrick young , together with the remembrance of his love and service . it was neither his fault nor mine that you had them not sooner . he desires that your lordship will be pleased to return the transcript of epistles which you borrowed of me , if you have not present occasion to use them ; for among them are some epistles of grossetede , which my lord keeper desires to have : having contracted with the printer for the impression of his works , with which he goes in hand presently , as i told your lordship . sir rob. cotton hath not yet gotten malmesbury de antiquit. glaston . but expects it daily . i have been with my lord of winehester , and presented your lordship's love and best respects to him : i also told him of your samaritan pentateuch , of which he was very glad , and desires to see it with your lordship's best convenience : he keeps his chamber for a cold , being otherwise very well . since my being with your lordship , i understand that mr. mountagues appeal to caesar ( for so he stiles it ) is in the press . i am promised sirmundus upon sidonius apollinaris , and anastasius bibliothecarius history , which are not common : the former with savarons notes i have ; but mr. selden will furnish your lordship in the mean time with both . vettius valens in greek is mr. selden's now , but was sometimes dr. dees : but the rest of his books will be had very shortly , as many as are worth the having ; and so much de re literaria . now your lordship will expect something of the publick occurrents of the world , which may be to you some recreation . the siege of breda holds still ; the prince of orange will be in the field by the th of april , stylo novo , with foot , horse , and pieces of ordnance , and as they say , is resolved to fight rather then breda shall be lost . here is now great talk of the french match , and of the duke 's present journey thither , but i confess i believe little : for i hear others speak of the popes nephew , cardinal barberino coming with great pomp into france , and , as some say , rather to hinder th●n further the match . here is great preparation for a fleet to go to sea : they speak of a press of land souldier , and mariners to furnish that fleet ; and that it shall be victual'd for eight months . here is news come out of spain of a great loss lately sustained by the spaniards in the south sea , and that by the holland fleet that went for lima. and thus wishing your lordship perfect health , and as much happiness as to my self , i will ever remaim , your lordship 's very affectionate friend , and humble servant , henry bourgchier . london march d , . letter lxxx . a letter from the bishop of kilmore to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop elect of armagh . most reverend , and my honourable good lord , i do congratulate with unspeakable joy and comfort your preferment , and that both out of the true and unfeigned love i have ever born you , ( for many years continued ) ; as also out of an assured and most firm perswasion , that god hath ordained you a special instrument for the good of the irish church , the growth whereof ( notwithstanding all his majesty's endowments and directions ) receives every day more impediments and oppositions than ever : and that not only in ulster , but begins to spread it self into other places : so that the inheritance of the church is made arbitrary at the council-table ; impropriators in all places may hold all ancient customs , only they upon whom the cure of souls is laid , are debarr'd : st. patrick's ridges , which you know belonged to the fabrick of that church , are taken away : within the diocess of ardagh , the whole clergy being all poor vicars and curats , by a declaration of one of the judges this last circuit , ( by what direction i know not ) without speedy remedy , will be brought to much decay ; the which i rather mention , because it is within your province : the more is taken away from the king's clergy , the more accrews to the pope's : and the servitors and undertakers , who should be instruments for settling a church , do hereby advance their rents , and make the church poor . in a word , in all consultations which concern the church , not the advice of sages but of young counsellors is followed . with all particulars the agents whom we have sent over will fully acquaint you , to whom i rest assured your lordship will afford your countenance , and best assistance . and my good lord , now remember that you sit at the stern , not only to guide us in a right course , but to be continually in action , and standing in the watch-tower to see that the church receive no hurt . i know my lord's grace of canterbury will give his best furtherance to the cause , to whom i do not doubt , but after you have fully possessed your self thereof , you will address your self . and so with the remembrance of my love and duty unto you , praying for the perfect recovery of your health , i rest , your lordship 's most true and faithful servant to command , tho. kilmore , &c. march . . letter lxxxi . a letter from mr. tho. davis to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , may it please your grace ; upo the th of july past i received your letter , baring date the th of march from much-haddam , and the th of the last month the copy thereof by way of legorn , whereby i perceive that my letter of the th of spetember , together with the five books of moses in the samaritan character came in safety to your hands , being very glad it proves so acceptable to your lordship ; however find myself to have been abused by a jew , who pretends to have knowledg in that tongue , affirming to me that it contained all the old testament . how they read those books i have enquired ( having no better means ) of him , who i perceive knows no more ( if so much ) than their alphabet , and to hear him read the first two verses of genesis i could not , because another of those books is not here to be had . the name of god jehovah , is pronounced by them , as saith he , yehueh . and the fist , eight , and sixth of these letters of their alphabet are pronounced hef , chef , ef , the ch of the eight letters must be pronounced deep in the throat , chef . i sent to damascus to see if i could procure the grammer , chronicles and calendar which your lordship desires , but could not obtain any of them , there being but one poor man of the samaritan race left in damascus , who is not able to satisfy me in any thing you desire ; only he said there were certain books in their language pawned to a great spahee of that city , but what they contained the poor fellow knew not . the spahee would not part with them under dollers , which is l. sterling : so i durst not venture upon them , being ignorant of their worth ; yet i will not cease labouring as occasion shall serve to give satisfaction to your grace in what you require touching the samaritans , and i hope to prevail in some things , unless the troubles in and about jerusalem do hinder the free passage of caravans this ensuing spring . a former letter , which it seems your lordship writ and sentaway by marcelles , i never received ; but as for the old testament in the chaldean tongue , my diligence hath not wanted to procure ; and to this end , sent divers times to tripoly and mount libanus , but could not prevail . i have seen here the two first books of moses , but examining them according to your direction , i found them to be out of the greek ; whereupon i resolved to send to emmit and carommitt a city in mesopotamia , where divers of the sect of the jacobites do remain ; and after a long time there was sent me ( which i received eight days past ) the five books of moses only , in an old manuscript , and according to the hebrews , with a promise ere long to send the rest of the old testament : the party that sent me this , is the patriarch of the jacobites in those parts who writ also that i should have eusebius his chronicle , with some of the works of ephraem ; which if he do , shall be sent by the first good conveyance . those parcels of the new testament , viz. the history of the adulterous woman ; the second epistle of st. peter , the second and third of john , the epistle of jude , with the book of the revelations , i have procured , and sent them together with the five books of moses , and a small tract of eprhaem by the ship patience of london . with the said books i have sent another in the same tongue , which i humbly present your grace ; if it shall yeild any matter worthy your reading , i have obtained my desire ; however it may prove , i presume it will be accepted as a token of his love , who will ever be ready , in what he can , to observe and effect what your lordship shall command him . i have sought the old testament in that tongue , which is out of the greek , and distinguished by certain marks and stars : but i cannot hear of any such . from emmit i hope to have some good news to write your lordship , and to send you a catalogue of such books as be here to be had . when this book which i now send shall be received , i beseech your grace to give your secretary order to advise me thereof : in the mean time , if any of the books you desire shall be brought or sent unto me , i will not let them go for a small matter more or less ; such books are very rare , and esteemed as jewels by the owners , tho they know not how to use them , neither will they part with them but at dear rates , especially to strangers , who they presume would not seek after them , except they were of good worth : and indeed they give a kind of superstitious reverence to all antiquity . thus have i related my proceedings , and what intend to do , in what your lordship writes for , and i should be very glad to accomplish your desire , but i presume my willing and ready mind shall be accepted . here is news from bagdat , that the vizier with the army have been thereabouts now three months past , but have done little worthy so great a force ; and now for or days have besieged bagdat , but can do no good upon it . the persians have made divers sallies out of the city , and after a small skirmish returned , giving the turks the worst ; the king of persia , if report be true , draws all his forces that way , but rather to fear the turk than encounter him , unless by some stratagem , wherein he hath the advantage of the turks : the sequel and issue of this war we expect , and greatly desire in this place , the rather because our trade depends much thereupon . there hath of late happened some troubles about jerusalem , by the insolence of an arab called emeere farrach ; there is a force of men gone against him ; he being of no great power , will be soon quiet . the estate of his empire decays , and will be utterly ruined by the tyranny and oppression of the spahees and janisaries , who are lords and governors of the country ; what man is he that dare oppose a souldier the mahometans are slaves to the souldiers , the christian and jew under both ; it would grieve a man's heart to see the poor estate and condition of the christians in these parts ; nor so much for their outward estate , tho that be marvelous grievous , but they are to be pitied for their estate of christianity ; for i know that in a manner all true knowledg is departed both from minister and people , the lord in mercy visit them . pardon my tediousness and presumption , and excuse my weakness , who shall daily pray unto the lord of lords to prosper all your ways , and bless all your endeavours , and grant you a long life here , with happiness , and everlasting glory in the life to come , and will ever rest , your graces in all humble observance to be commanded , thomas davis . aleppo the th of january , . letter lxxxii . a letter from sir h. bourgchier to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , at much-haddam . most reverend in christ , and my very good lord ; i received your lordship's letter of the th of march , for which i return many humble thanks . i have written to mr. pat. young , both concerning his transcript of epistles , and the nameless annal ; but i could yet receive no answer from him , and i have not yet had time to go to him myself . i have spoken with sir rob. cotton concerning malmesbury , and the two books of saints lives in sarisbury library , all which he hath undertaken your lordship shall have with all convenient speed . as for the other two books , he tells me that you have one of them , if not both already , but if you want either of them you shall have it sent to you . giraldus cambrensis of the lives of david and patrick was in my hands , which i send your lordship herewithal . i have transcrib'd him for the press , only i will desire that when the printer is ready for that part , i may have it to compare with my transcript ; for i purpose to go in hand with the impression of his works , tho i make some adventure of my own purss. if my memory fail me not , that arabick book is in my lord marshall's library , but i have not had opportunity to go in since the receipt of your lordship's letter , by the next i will give your lordship an account of it . i received some letters out of ireland of the th of march , but containing little memorable ; only which is very lamentable , of five hundred souldiers lately transported from the river of chester , three hundred at least are lost by shipwrack upon the coast of wales . sir ed. chichester is created baron of belfast , and viscount of carikfergus . here is much preparation for the solemnities of the funeral , parliament , and coronation . the new writs are gone out , returnable the th of may. the funeral-day is appointed the th of may , which doubtless will be very great and sumptuous . it is said that the king of bohemia his eldest son comes over to be chief mourner . there is no day certain for the coronation , because it depends upon the marriage , that both may be done together . italy which hath been quiet sixty years , some few , brables of the d. of savoy excepted , is now grown the stage of war : the french , the duke of savoy , and the venetian forces are , and are come within twelve miles of genoa , having already taken divers of their towns. but now my paper bids me end ; wherefore with the remembrance of my love and service to your lordship and mrs. usher , as also to sir garret harvy and my lady , i will ever remain , your graces most affectionate friend and humble servant , henry bourgchier . london , april . . letter lxxxiii , a letter from mr. thomas davies to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend father , and my no less honoured lord ; it is a good while since i writ your to grace , for want of a good occasion , not presuming to trouble you with unnecessary lines , so trust my long silence will be excused . the five books of moses , with those parcels of the new testament ( which your lordship writ for ) in the caldean tongue , sent you ten months ago , i trust in safety are come to your hands , whereof i should be glad to hear . i have used my best industry to procure those other books that you would have bought , but hitherto have not been so happy as to light upon any of them , such books being very rare and valued as jewels , tho the possessors are able to make little use of them . amongst all the caldeans that lay in mount libanus , tripoly , sidon , and jerusalem , there is but only one old copy of the old testament in their language extant , and that in the custody of the patriarch of the sect of the maronites , who hath his residence in mount libanus , which he may not part with upon any terms ; only there is liberty given to take copies thereof , which of a long time hath been promised me , and indeed i made full account to have been possessed of one ere this time , having agreed for it ; but i was deluded , which troubled me not a little , so in fine , resolved to send a man on purpose to libanus to take a copy thereof , who is gone , and i hope in four or five months will finish it ; and by the assistance of the almighty , i trust to be able to send it by our next ships . by our ships lately departed i have sent your lordship some of the works of ephrem , which if they prove useful , i have my desire , however i trust will be acceptable . the last letter i received from your lordship bears date the st of february , and came to my hands the th of july , where i perceive you would have the new testament in the aethiopian language and character , wherein my best endeavours have not wanted , for which purpose i have sent to damascus , where a few of the abissines do inhabit , yet have had no answer thence ; and in case do not prevail here , i purpose to send to jerusalem , where divers of them do attend upon the sepulcher of our lord , whence i hope to be furnished , and in due time to send it with the old testament in the syriack tongue , by the next ships . thus much i beseech your lordship to be assured of , that i will omit no time , nor neglect any means for effecting what you have or shall command me . touching such occurrences which are worthy your lordship's knowledg , this unsettled tottering estate affords little . the turks forces were before bagdat , and during the siege , the persians sallied out of the city divers times and had many skirmishes with the turks , but ever came off with honour , and slew the turks in great numbers , who after eight months were forced to raise their seige and be gone ; who whilst they sought to starve their enemies , were themselves almost famish'd , the persians having stopped all passages whereby provision should have been brought to the camp. the vizier having raised the siege , and marching toward mossell , a city formerly called ninive , was pursued by their subtil adversaries , demanding their ambassador , who the turks , contrary to the laws of arms , did detain : in this their fight the persians had the slaughter of the turks , and after three days the ambassador was delivered them , who with great honour and joy returned to bagdat ; and the turks with great loss , and greater dishonour marched weakly towards mossell , who before they could arrive thither , what with want of victuals , and a sickness that raigned amongst them , as also an extream hot wind that sometimes happens in those parts , there died in one day twelve thousand persons ; in fine , they lost in these wars the greater part of the army , which consisted of thousand men ; and now the vizier with a great part of the army are here in aleppo , where they purpose to winter , and in the spring to make a second on-set and try their fortunes ( as they term it ) with their enemies . but a good success such unruly and rebellious souldiers can scarce expect ; their long ease and unjust gotten wealth hath caused them to forget obedience either to their king , or his lieutenant : but whether of these two mahumetans prevail i think makes not much ; my prayers shall be , that god his enemies may be scattered , and his truth take place . your graces in all bounden duty , thomas davis . aleppo , july , . letter lxxxiv . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend john lord bishop of lincoln , lord keeper of the great seal . my very good lord , it pleased your lordship and my lord treasurer , upon the reference made unto you by his majesty , to order that dr. rives should forgo the claim which he made by his patent to the exercise of the office of the prerogative and faculties , and to execute the same only as substitute under me . but the doctor having taken upon him to set down in writing your lordship's mind ; hath done it with such advantage to himself , that i am forced to become an humble suitor unto your lordship to commit the drawing up of that order to some person that shall be more indifferent . for there he hath inserted a clause , that he may enjoy the place which he desireth during his life : ( which is not fit to be granted unto any substitute , but during his good behaviour ) and generally he setteth down all things therein as may most make for his own behoof , without reserving any power unto me , to limit him any way in the exercise of those offices ; when it was no part of my meaning to give him any such unlimited and absolute power ; but such only as other bishops ordinarily do give unto those which they place under them . and whereas in ireland the power of granting dispensations is not by law restrained to any competent distance of place , to any certain number of benefices , or to any qualification of persons : i more particularly declared my mind therein unto my lord treasurer in the doctor 's own presence : that i held it no ways fit that my substitute should have authority to grant faculties as he listed , but only to such persons , and in such manner as i my self should appoint : yet so as the whole profit of such grants should wholly be reserved unto him , and the care of ordering them left only unto me . hereupon a motion was made by my lord treasurer , that as we had referred the main business unto your lordship , so we should also refer the condition and limitation of that deputation , which was to be granted unto him by me ; unto which motion both of us then yeilded . after this he brought unto me the copy of an instrument drawn by himself ; wherein there was no manner of mention at all made of any limitation of his power , either in the granting of dispensations , or in any thing else : so that by virtue hereof he might also likely do what he pleased , without controul or restraint from me . i leave unto your lordship's wisdom to consider , whether it would be convenient , that the doctor should take upon him to visit the whole clergy of the kingdom , to convent arch-bishops and bishops before him , and to grant all manner of dispensations whether i will or no ; and whether i should not wrong both my self and the whole clergy of ireland ( who have groaned long under this heavy burden , as your lordship discerns by the copy of their petitions here inclosed ) if i did commit any such transcendent and unlimited power unto him . my humble suit therefore unto your lordship is , that you would be pleased to get the order drawn by dr. rives , into your hands again , and to commit the laying down both of it and of the authority which he is to receive from me , unto some other which shall not respect his own ends , but simply express what shall be your lordship's pleasure therein ; whereunto i will most willingly submit my self , and ever rest , your lordship 's in all duty ready to be commanded , ja. armachanus . much-haddam , july , . the answer of the bishop of lincoln . my lord , i do not conceive this patent to be so unreasonable ; so a clause be added therein , of a power reserved to you and your successors person , to take unto your own cognizance , any exercise of any one private act of jurisdiction , or issuing forth of any one particular dispensation , that may be of consequence to the state , or the church : which clause sir henry martyn will ( at my desire and request ) clear up for your lordship . jo. lincoln , c. s. letter lxxxv . a letter from mr. abraham wheelock to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend , my most humble duty remembred to your lordship , being not a little affected with your recovery . my lord , you may peradventure blame me of neglect or forgetfulness , or both , concerning some business i was entrusted with , when last i was with your lordship . i had wrote a letter fully to excuse my self . the fellows of emanuel were confident they had not that thalmud your lordship desired : mr. dr. ward undertook the delivery of that bennet-colledg book , when i intended to have by a letter excused my self , but a long fit of sickness prevented me . i could draw little or nothing from mr. downs , whose memory fails him ; by much a-do i desired him to shew me that place which mr. broughton so much talked of concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is in plato his cratylus , pag. . at the bottom of the leaf of the basil edition , apud henricum petri ; where he brings socrates shewing why pluto was so called ; your lordship will better gather the argument that i can fitly set it down . socrates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where he addeth much more concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; if i were able to give the sum of it , it needeth not if your lordship have plato , if not , ( except london stationers now furnish ) i can with much conveniency send down to tottenham any book . i was lately with one mr. boyse , whose notes are on chrysostom , with mr. downes's ; he is now comparing of nicene syn. in greek with an old manuscript which was by great chance offered to him : he is very learned in the greek authors , and most willing to communicate , tho your lordship needs not those excellencies ; he is but four miles dwelling out of cambridg . i intend to go over of purpose to him concerning the same queries which your lordship propounded , because he was mr. downes his scholar ; i shall intreat him to furnish me with all the notes ( if he may conveniently ) that he gathered from mr. downes . my lord ( if i be not over-bold to desire such a favour ) i wish i had that table wherein your lordship hath compared the hebrew , greek and latin alphabet , which sheweth plainly the right pronunciation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the whole consent of the rest . when i have done with mr. boyse , and have obtained any thing worth your view , i will by that messenger desire your servant to copy out that table for me , which would give great content to my scholars , which study the languages . and thus craving pardon of your lordship , i humbly take my leave , and rest your lordship's humble servant to his power , abraham wheelock . clare-hall , july . . letter lxxxvi . a letter from dr. sam. ward , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , at much-haddam . most reverend , and my very good lord , i received a note from dr. lindsell , written by your lordship ; wherein you desire to have a book out of trinity-colledg library , which you intitle , psalterium gallicum , romanum , hebraicum ms. in magno folio . there is no such book there , as the master telleth me ; but he shewed me the psalter in hebrew ms. interlinear with a latin translation ; and two other collateral translations in latin , but there is no french , and it is but in a little folio . the catena in psalmos priores , daniele barbaro interprete , i cannot learn where it is . whereas you desire some old impression of the greek psalms , in trinity-colledg library , there is augustini justiniani , episcopi nebiensis psalterium octaplum ; in which there is the greek translation , also the arabick and chalde paraphrase ; but i suppose you have that book already . also they have a manuscript psalter in greek , a very good hand , which it seemeth was liber theodori archiepiscopi cantuariensis . if you would have any of those , i will procure them from dr. maw . i had purposed to have seen you e're now ; and now this week i had purposed to have brought my whole family to mundon , but this day i received a letter , that one of my workmen at my parsonage , had a sister who is suspected the last saturday to die of the plague at standon . i thank god we are yet well at cambridg . if you please to write unto me your mind , touching the books aforesaid , i will do what you would have me . thus desiring the lord to mitigate this grievous judgment which hath seized upon our mother-city , and from thence is diffused to many other towns in the land , and to stay it in his good time ; and in the mean time to sanctify this correction unto the whole land , that it may have that powerful working for which god sends it , to make us sensible of our sins , and of his wrath for our sins , and of the miseries of our brethren under the cross ; and so to move us to true repentance , and new obedience ; which he effect in us for his mercy 's sake . thus with my best service to your self , and mrs. usher , and my kind love to sir gerard and his lady , i commend you to the safe protection of the highest majesty . your lordships in all observance , samuel ward . sidney-coll . aug. . . i am careful that the letter be conveyed by persons safe from all infection . letter lxxxvii . a letter from dr. james , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . after the remembrance of my humble duty : may it please your grace to pardon my long silence and neglect of writing , according to my duty , occasioned partly by sickness , partly by discontent and discouragement from our great ones : but being now freed from both , ( god be thanked ) i address my self wholly to the care of the publick , long since by me intended . wherein now , more than ever , i must be bold to crave your lordships furtherance , that as it had its first beginnings from your grace , so it may its final end , and a fulfilling by your lordships good means . it is true , my lord of litchfield is intrusted with the whole direction and managing of this business : but had your grace been near , there would have been none more able nor willing than your grace . i do therefore most humbly intreat your lordship , that sometime before your grace's departure into ireland , you would be pleased , upon conference with my lord of litchfield , to settle the whole business , what authors we shall begin with , in what order , and after what manner . as for the canon-law , which i have looked unto , not without the vocation and approbation of mr. vice-chancellor ; i must confess my forwardness therein , upon a supposal of sundry additions unto gratian ; and my fellow-labourers are as earnest as my self upon that little which we have hitherto found . doubtless gratian was one of the first compilers of the popish religion , in his hotch-potch of the canon-law : but yet he is not so bad as he is made , the corruptions are of a later hue , and came in long since his time . i have given a taste as of all that i have hitherto done , in certain rude papers , overhastily perhaps sent up to pass your lordships censure and judgment ; and from thence to the press , that i may have a taste to present unto my lord the bishops , and others , that have already promised their helps . if this , of almost an hundred places corrupted in point of religion , ( not taking all upon an exact survey , but a few to give proof of the faisibility of the work to the common profit of the church ) shall be thought fit to be printed , and an hundred places of flat contradiction , men , if ever , will be stirred up to advance this work ; for the doing whereof , with some jeopardy of my health , and loss of all worldly preferment , i am most willing to be imployed to the uttermost of my simple endeavours , having nothing to promise but fidelity and industry . good , my lord , what can be done by your grace , let it be done to the uttermost ; the work is in a manner yours ; to god be the glory ; and if the church of england receive not as much profit by this one work being well done , as by any thing since erasmus's time , i will never look hereafter to be credited of your grace , or any man clse . but to the well-doing and perfecting of this work , two things are requisite ; first , that the fathers works , in latin , be reprinted , ( the vindiciae will not serve ) wherein i desire to have three or four able doctors , or batchelors of divinity , to be my assistants in framing the annotations . secondly , that there be provision , either in parliament , or out , that the copies may be sent from any cathedral church or colledg , upon a sufficient caution , non obstante statuto : both these being granted , as at your lordships instance they may be , i doubt not of a most happy success of the whole business . which , that i may not be too troublesome to your grace , i commend unto the protection of the almighty , praying for your lordships health and happiness , and resting , as i am , in all bands of duty and service . your grace's in all duty , tho. james . oxon feb. . i have a pseudo-cyprian , arnaldus bonavillacensis , work collated and restored by the ms. and printed here under your graces name : of authors falsified , it is the greatest instance that can be given , the whole treatise fairly written forth , is at your grace's dispose , your mind being signified . it hath sundry foul additions , and diminutions in many points of controversy . letter lxxxviii . a letter from mr. john selden , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord , i was glad to have occasion to send to your lordship , that i might so hear of the good estate of your self , and your family , to which certainly all good men wish happiness . i was the last week with sir robert cotton at connington ; at my parting from him , ( when he was with his son to go to oxford to the parliament ) he gave me leave to send to your lordship to spare me the two saxon chronicles you have of his ; which i beseech you to do , and to send them me by this bearer ; together with my matthew paris , baronius his martyrologie , and balaeus . i exceedingly want these five books here , and ( if you command it ) they shall be sent you again in reasonable time . i presume too , my lord , that by this time you have noted the differences between the texts of the received original , and that of the samaritan . i beseech you to be pleased to permit me the sight of those differences , if they may with manners be desired , especially those of times . i shall desire nothing more , than upon all opportunity to be most ready to appear , and that with all forwardness of performance in whatsoever i were able , your lordships most affectionate servant , j. selden . wrest in bedfordshire , august . . letter lxxxix . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . salutem in christo jesu ; sir robert cotton did assure me , that the psalterium gallicum romanum , hebraicum , was in trinity-colledg , in an extraordinary large folio ; but hereby you must not understand any text written , either in the french or in the hebrew language , but by hebraicum , the latin psalter translated by st. hierom out of the hebrew ; and by gallicum , the latin psalter , translated by him out of the greek , ( which is the very same with our vulgar latin edition ) so called , because it was first received in the french church ; as the other romanum , because it was used in the church of rome : which if our last translators had considered , they would not have alleaged , ( as they do in their epistle to the reader ) for confirmation of the translating of the scriptures into the vulgar tongue , the testimony of trithemius , that efnarde ( einardus they mean ) about the year , did abridg the french psalter , as beda had done the hebrew . if this book cannot be had , ( as i much desire it may ) i pray fail not to send me the other two manuscript psalters which ( you write unto me ) are in the same library , viz. the greek ( thought to be theodori cantuar. ) and the hebrew that is interlin'd with a latin translation ; for aug. justiniani psalterium octaplum i have of mine own . when you remove to munden , ( if it be not troublesome unto you ) i wish you did bring with you your greek ganons manuscript . i understand that mr. boyse hath gotten lately into his hands , a greek manuscript of the acts of the first council of nice : i should be glad to hear how it differeth from that of gelasius cyzicenus which we have ; and whether he can help me with any old greek copy of the psalms , or any commentary upon them . so ceasing to trouble you any further at this time , i commend you , and all yours , to god's blessed direction and protection , ever resting your own in christ jesus , ja. armachanus . much-haddam , aug. . . letter xc . a letter from dr. ward , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend and my very good lord ; ireceived your lordship's letter , and according as you will me , have borrowed the two books you mention . dr. maw would intreat you to set down some limited time for which you would borrow them ; and to signify the receipt of them , in some note under your hand . there is , as i remember , a part of the psalter in king's-colledg library , manuscript , in a great folio , which was brought from cales , i will look into it . when i come to munden , i will bring the books you mention . mr. boyse his manuscript of the acts of the nicene council , is surely the collection made by gelasius . he came to me to borrow the printed copies , i lent him two of them ; and withal told him , there is another manuscript of gelasius in trinity-colledg library . the next time i speak with mr. boyse , i will know whether he have any greek copy or commentary upon the psalms . thus hoping to see you e're long , ( if god will ) with my best service remembred ; i commend you , and all yours , to the gracious protection of the highest majesty in these dangerous times , resting your lordships in what he may , samuel ward . sidn . coll. aug. . . letter xci . a letter from dr. ward , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend my very good lord , i received your letter , and the enclosed , which i will deliver to dr. maw . this day i met with one of king's-colledg , and he tells me , the great volume they have in manuscript of the psalms in latin , which was brought from cales , is but half of the psalter . i willed him to compare it with the vulgar edition , and to tell me whether they differ . he promised me he would . i received not the letter ●ill six a clock this night , and this bearer is to be gone early in the morning , so that i cannot compare it with the vulgar now ; but i verily think it is no other but the vulgar edition ; it is the greatest folio that ever i saw . yesterday , after i sent you the two books , i hit upon the book you desired , psalterium gallic . roman . hebraicum , at one of our stationers , set out by jacobus stapulensis , with his commentary , which i here send you . i will also write to mr. bedell for the manuscript psalter he hath . thus , in some haste , i commend your lordship to the safe protection of the highect majesty . your lordships in what he may , samuel ward . cambridg , aug. . . i send you also one edition of the psalms , graeco lat. but i think it will do you no great pleasure . letter xcii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . to the right honourable and my special good lords , the lord-keeper of the great seal , and the lord high-treasurer of england . my most honoured lords ; your lordships letters , bearing date the th of this present , were delivered unto me by a servant of dr. rives the th of the same . in reading whereof , i found my self much grieved , that the doctor , by his sinister suggestions , should so far prevail with your wisdoms , as to make you conceive that i refused to perform the agreement which your lordships made betwixt us . true it is indeed , that i complained unto your lordships , that the drawing up that agreement was committed to the party himself , who was careful enough to lay down all things therein to his own best advantage ; without reservation of any power unto me , to limit him any way in the exercise of that authority which he was to hold under me . but as soon as i had received satisfaction from your honour ( my lord keeper ) under your hand writing , that i might limit him by private instructions , though not by patent ; and that the clause of good-behaviour was ever included in these offices , howsoever they were granted during life : i presently did agree to sign his patent . and this is that second agreement he talketh so much of ; which i never took to be any other , than that which was at first intended . concerning this , he affirmeth in his petition , that having shewed unto me my lord keeper's opinion , signified in writing , concerning the exceptions taken by me against his draught of the patent ; i agreed to seal him the said patent , provided that two clauses only might be added ; but most guilefully suppresseth that which was not to be inserted in the patent , but to pass in private betwixt us two ; namely , that i might limit him by private instructions , according to my lord keeper's direction , which at that very time he delivered unto me in writing . my lords , if you think that i have any faith or honesty in me , believe me herein , that i propounded this unto him as the main foundation of our agreement ; and that he gave his assent unto it before ever i would promise to seal his patent : he only adding this , that he did not doubt , when he could shew cause unto me why i should vary from my instructions in any particular , i would be ruled by better reason . herewith for the present did i rest satisfied : but the day following i considered better with my self , what a slender tie i had upon him , if i only should rest contented with his bare word only ; which at his pleasure he might deny , where-ever he saw cause . and therefore to prevent all matter of future discord , i intreated him , by letter , that as i had shewed my self ready to gratify him , by binding my self publickly under my hand and seal unto him , so he would privately tie himself in like manner , for giving more full satisfaction unto me in two particulars . for the former of these , which doth concern the registership ; i signified unto him , at the time of our agreement , that i had made promise of it already to one mr. hilton : which being a matter of less importance , the doctor doth now so little stand upon it , that in a letter lately written unto me , he hath utterly disclaimed all power of conferring the said office upon the next avoidance . but for the latter , which concerneth the limiting of him by private instructions , ( according to my lord-keeper's express direction ) he hath now at full discovered that whereof i conceiv'd at first but a jealousie ; namely , that he did but dare verba , and intended nothing less than performance , when to get my consent unto the signing of the patent of his own drawing , he submitted himself to be ordered by the instructions which i should give him . for as if res were adhuc integra , and no such agreement at all had passed betwixt us ; he now maketh your lordships to write , that you do not think it reasonable that this should be imposed upon him . i am bold to say , that he maketh your lordships to write thus ; because , i am verily perswaded , that if the matter be examined , it will be found , that this letter was of his own drawing . wherein , what infinite wrong he hath done unto your honour , ( my lord-keeper ) i humbly beseech you to consider . first , he bringeth your lordship's writing unto me , signifying that i might limit him by private instructions , though not by patent : and hereunto he shewed himself then content to yield . and now he hath stolen another letter from your honour , wherein he would have you signify again , that you do not think it reasonable that he should be tied to follow the instructions that i shall give him . behold ! jordanes conversus est retrorsum : and now , not littora littoribus contraria , but litterae litteris . your lordships had need to watch this man's fingers , when-ever you trust him with drawing up of any orders or letters that do concern his own particular : for otherwise you may chance to find him as nimble in putting tricks upon your selves , for his own advantage , as now he is in putting them upon me . which that your lordships may yet be more sensible of , i intreat you to weigh well the reason which he maketh you here to render , of the unreasonableness of the condition that i require of him . for did ever any reasonable man hold it to be a thing unreasonable , that a substitute should be ordered by him that hath appointed him to be his substitute this may be true , will he say , in thesi , but not in hypothesi , in other substitutions , but not in this ; because , upon your lordships motion he hath submitted himself to take that under me , which he hath a fair pretence to challenge in his own right : so that , were it not for the respect which he did bear unto your lordships motion , his stout heart belike would not stoop to such terms of submission ; but hazard the whole rather , by putting his own right in trial . yea , but what if this prove to be another piece of the doctor 's legerdemain ; and that it do appear evidently , under his own hand , that this desire of submission did primarily and originally proceed out of his own breast , ex motu mero & proprio , long before your lordships had any thing to do in the business if you will be pleased to take so much pains as to peruse the inclosed copy of a letter which he wrote unto me , not long before the decease of his late majesty , ( of blessed memory ) you shall find a motion tendred therein unto me , for the intreating of sir henry holcraft to move his majesty , that he ( the said doctor ) might be spoken to for the surrendering of his patent ; together with the renewing of a former suit , of making him my servant in that place ; sealed up with a promise , of rendring his due obedience and thankfulness unto me for my favour . so far was he then from those high terms whereon he now standeth . but the case is now so far altered , that this obedient servant of mine , affecteth not an equality only with me , ( by exempting himself wholly from my controul ) but also , for ought i see , a superiority over me . for if it shall please him to visit my diocess , or my province , as he did in the time of my predecessor ; what is there in that patent , as he hath drawn it , whereby i may hinder him from so doing your honour may , by private instructions , and his discretion , free your self of this fear ; faith my lord-keeper in his marginal annotations upon my former letter . but , good my lord , give me leave to think , that the hope of such a prize as he got by his other visitation of all the arch-bishops and bishops in our kingdom , will very easily blind this man's discretion ; and for my private instructions , what weight will they be of , if it be now thought a matter not reasonable , that my substitute should be tied by them as for the report which your lordships are to make unto his majesty , upon the reference of this business unto you : i humbly crave , that for so much as doth concern me , it may be made to this effect . first , that i never did , nor do , refuse to submit my self to that agreement which you have put under your hands to be signified to his majesty , but am ready to perform it in every particular . secondly , that for the limiting of my substitute , and the terms whereupon he must hold his place under me , ( of which there is nothing laid down in that agreement which you have signed , that which concerneth fees and profits only excepted ) i do desire that his patent only be drawn according to the pattern of sir henry martin's ; and that the same power may be reserved to me and my successors , that my lord of canterbury's grace doth retain unto himself , in the exercise of the office of prerogative and faculties . which if it may here stand well with sir henry martin's reputation ; i see not but it may stand as well likewise in ireland , without any such great disparagement to mr. doctor 's dignity . and lastly , if the doctor herein shall not hold himself to be fairly and exceeding favourably dealt withal ; my desire is , that both of us may be left to the law , to try our rights together . for thereby it shall be made as clear as the light , that the doctor 's patent was absolutely void , or voidable , ab initio ; that whatsoever validity it had at the beginning , yet it was afterwards forfeited by his notorious misdemeanour ; and , in fine , that it was actually surrendred into the hands of his majesty , and by him cassated and annulled , howsoever the ceremony of cancelling it hath been neglected . which kind of trial , by course of law , i do now the rather desire , ( yet strill submitting my self to the former agreement , if it shall so seem fit unto your lordships ) ; . because the doctor wished mine agent to certify me , in plain terms , that he would not be under me ; and hereby , for his part , hath disclaimed the benefit of your lordships order . . because , by his incensing of my lord of canterbury against me , ( of whose grace i never yet deserved evil ) by his abusing of me in his reports unto your lordships , and by his disgraceful traducing of me in all companies ; he hath made himself utterly unworthy of the favour which i intended to shew unto him . . because , as long as my life shall be conceived to remain in that pretended patent ; the validity of the acts that have passed in the prerogative court , during the time of my predecessor , ( some whereof have been of very great moment ) may be held in suspence ; it being still questionable , whether they were done coram non-judice , or no. all which i leave unto your honourable consideration : and humbly craving pardon , if i have any way overshot my self in defending mine innocency and reputation against the unworthy proceedings of my ungrateful accuser ; i rest , your lordships , ready to do you service , j. a. much haddam , aug. . . letter xciii . a letter from mr. john selden to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord , it was most glad news to me to hear of your so forward recovery , and i shall pray for the addition of strength to it , that so you may the easier go on still in the advancement of that common-wealth of learning , wherein you can so guide us . i humbly thank your lordship for your instructions touching the samaritan bible , and the books . i have returned the saxon annals again , as you desired , with this suit , that if you have more of them ( for these are very slight ones ) and the old book of ely , historia jornallensis , the saxon evangelist , the book of worcester , the book of mailros , or any of them , you will be pleased to send me them all , or as many as you have of them by you , and what else you have of the history of scotland and ireland , and they shall be returned at your pleasure : if you have a saxon bede , i beseech you let that be one also . if i have any thing here of the rest , or ought else that your lordship requires for any present use , i shall most readily send them to you , and shall ever be your lordship's most affectionate servant , j. selden . sept. . . wrest . sept. . sent him upon this ; annales latino-saxonici , the book of mailros , fordoni scotichronic . fragment . scotic . annal. ad finem ivonis carnot . fragment . annalium abb. b. mariae virginis dublin . annales hiberniae thomae case . the book of hoath . pembrig's annals ms. there is hope ( as sir robert cotton tells me ) that a very ancient greek ms. copy of the council of nice , the first of them of that name , is to be had some where in huntingdonshire , i thought it was a piece of news that would be acceptable to your lordship ; he is in chase for it . letter xciv . a letter from mr. john cotton of boston in new-england , to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend , my beloved neighbour-minister mr. wood , acquainted me with your desire to hear from me , how i conceived of the way of god's eternal predestination , and the execution of it : i should not have hearkned to him herein ( tho i love him well ) were it not for the deep affection and reverence i bear to your person and gifts , which hath constrained me ( together with his importunacy ) to yield to the sending of this discourse to you , which i was occasioned to write a year ago for the satisfaction of a neighbour-minister in points of this nature . the questions and answers in the beginning of the book , i delivered and opened by way of catechism long ago ; which a neighbour-minister having afterwards gotten from some of my hearers , he wrote those doubts , which follow in the book , the better to inform either himself or me : whereupon as i could get any time in the midst of other continual employments ( too heavy for me ) i wrote to him the discourse following , the more fully to acquaint him with the grounds of my judgment , as knowing well his sufficiency to object fully , if he found himself unsatisfied in any passage thereof . the style ( i confess ) is unmeet for you to read , as being plain and popular , and therefore too large , and withal empty of variety of reading , which store of other occurrences in my calling here , inforceth me too often to intermit . thus much let me humbly intreat at your lordship's hands , by the honour which you owe to christ , and by the love you bare to his poorest servants , stick not ( i beseech you ) to advertise me freely of any such tenent herein , as you shall think less safe . i trust you shall find me conscious of mine own slenderness , and glad to r●●●ive such light , as god shall be pleased to impart to me by you . yet this one thing more let me also add . tho i yield some degree of efficacy in christ's death unto all ; yet i conceive it far short , both of impetration and application of that gracious atonement , which is thereby wrought to the elect of god ; whence also it is that i dare not preach the gospel indifferently unto all , before the law ; nor the worth of christ , before the need of christ. childrens bread is not meet for whelps ; and full souls will despise hony-combes . i see john baptist was sent to humble , before christ to heal : and christ himself preached repentance , before faith in the promises , mark . . neither do i remember in the gospel any promise of grace , pardoning sin , nor any commandment to believe sin pardoned , but to the broken , the bruised , the poor , the weary , the thirsty , or the like . faith in the promises , before the heart be changed from stoniness to brokenness , i fear is no better than the temporary faith , which is found in the stony soil ; luke . . but i cease your lordship 's further trouble . now the lord jesus , who hath delighted in you to fill your heart with the riches of his manifold precious graces , be pleased to enlarge you to the employment of them to his best advantage , guide all your ways in his faithfulness , and wisdom , and sustain you with his mercy and power unto the end . so i humbly take leave , and rest ; earnestly desirous to be directed by your lordship , or confirmed in the truth , john cotton . boston , may . . letter xcv . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . salutem in christo jesu . sir , i am very sorry to hear of your distractions there ; but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to whose guidance we must refer both this and ipsam rerum summam quae in summo jam ( si quid videmus ) versatur discrimine . when the collaters have finished the acts , i could wish they collated the epistles with the text which is inserted into the commentaries of photius and oecumenius , manuscripts in the university library , where there are some varieties of readings also ; ( as i remember ) noted in the margent in the brief scholies that are written in red letters . remember me to mr. chancy , and learn of him what he hath done for mr. broughton's books ; intreat him also to look into the manuscript psalter in hebrew and latin in trinity colledg-library , and thence transcribe for me the last verse save one of the psalm , which is wanting in our printed hebrew bibles ; the latin of that verse ( if i forget not ) beginneth , consilium mosis , &c. i would willingly also hear how far he hath proceeded in the samaritan bible , and what mr. boys hath done in the transcribing of the greek manuscript which i left with him : wish mr. green to send me lucian in greek and latin. your assured friend , j. ar. letter xcvi . a letter from dr. ward to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , and my very good lord , i received your lordship's letter ; and that which i signified to your lordship in my last letter , was almost really effected . the night before the choice of our new chancellor , i was very ill , so as without hazard of my health , i could not be at the choice , and so was absent : the duke carried it not above three or four voices from the earl of berkshire ; and had not neither carried it , but that the king's pleasure was signified for the duke , both by message and letter . quod vis summam rerum in summo versari discrimine , & timeo , & doleo . i acquainted mr. white with your pleasure , and wished him to impart it to the rest of the collators , as touching the collation of the text in the comments of photius and oecumenius . i send you inclosed the hebrew verse you writ for . they are in denteronomy in the samaritan pentateuch . i have not as yet spoken with mr. boyse . i received the books you mention , and sent two of them to mr. austine . mr. green will send you the two books , lucian graeco . lat. and n. testam . syrlacum-latin , to mr. burnets . mr. white sendeth up unto you the variae lectiónes upon the psalms . the divers readings of prosper shall be sent you . dr. goad sent me two sheets of my latin sermon printed . but i hear not whether our suffrage be reprinted . i would know whether nicetus his orthodoxus thesaurus be extant in greek . i suppose it is in latin , at least in the new bibliotheca . he is said to interpret greg. nyssen his opinion of the conversion which is made in the eucharist mentioned c. catechet . i cannot tell what to pronounce touching that discourse . his discourse is somewhat plausible till he come to the conversion made in the eucharist by christ's words , and then he doth faulter . i pray you let me know where the manuscript copies of the saxon annals are to be had . mr. mede and mr. whalley are both in good health . i am right sorry that your lordship should so soon go from us . i am now in business , in disputations in our schools . i shall forget many things which i should have enquired of . and so with my best service remembred to your lordship and mrs. usher , i commend you . to the gracious protection of the highest majesty , and so rest , your lordship 's in all observance , samuel ward . sidney-college , june . . there is good agreement ( god be thanked ) in king's college . letter xcvii . a letter from dr. ward , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , and my very good lord ; i have sent you here enclosed the diverse readings of the continuation of eusebius's chronicle by hierom , and both the prospers . mr. elmar will bring your lordship the concio ad clerum , which , against my mind , is set forth , without those other things which i told your lordship of , whereof i would have had this but an appendix . we have had this week a gracious letter from his majesty , much approving the choice of our chancellor . and another from our chancellor . to both which answers are returned by our university . god dispose of all to good . our chancellor seemeth to be forward for the erecting a library here . i have not spoken with mr. boyse as yet ; nor do i hear that mr. chaunty is come home . i would be sorry your lordship should so soon leave us . i will still hope of your longer continuance . howsoever when you leave us , i will accompany you , and all yours , with my best devotions , for your safe journey and arrival at your home . and so commend you , and mrs. usher , to the gracious protection of the highest majesty . your lordship 's in all observance , samuel ward . sidney-coll . june th . . letter xcviii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . sir , i have received from you the divers readings of the continuation of eusebius's chronicle , and your concio ad clerum , for which i heartily thank you . your gratia discriminans ( i doubt not ) will settle many mens minds in those dubious times , to which i wish that the other things which you intended , had been added , especially those places which you observed out of st. augustin , against falling from grace . but of this argument i earnestly beseech you to take special care , as soon as your commencement businesses are past over , and when you have put your notes together , i pray you make me so happy as to have a copy of them . neque enim mihi gratior ulla est quam sibi quae wardi praefixit pagina nomen . the suddain dissolution of the parliament hath amazed us , all mens hearts failing them for fear , and for looking on those things which are coming on the land. the lord prepare us for the day of our visitation , and then let his blessed will be done . there is a proclamation to be presently set out for the stopping of those contentions in points of religion . i have dealt with your chancellor very effectually for the erecting of your library , to which he is of himself exceeding forward : i have procured him to send unto leyden for all the printed hebrew books of erpenius his library ; which together with his manuscripts which he hath already , he purposeth to bestow upon your university . i have also perswaded him to send thither for the matrices of the syriack , arabick , aethiopick , and samaritan letters , and to bestow them like wise upon you . mr. white hath sent up unto me the variae lectiones of the psalms , accompanied with a very kind letter . i pray you tell him , from me , that i will keep them by me as a perpetual testimony of his love and respect to me ; whereof he shall find that i will not be unmindful , whensoever either himself , or any of his , shall have occasion to use me . nicetus his orthodaxus thesaurus i have not seen in greek , the latin i have in ireland ; but whether it be inserted into bibliotheca patrum i cannot tell , the book being not now by me . that gregory nyssen's catechetical oration hath been evil handled and interpolated by hereticks , i think is somewhere observed by nicephorus himself , ( see his ecel . elist . lib. . cap. . ) ; yet that discourse of the eucharist ( if my memory fail me not ) is inserted by cuthimius in his panoplia : and i have seen it my self in two ancient greek manuscripts of gregory nyssen with mr. patrick toung , ( the one whereof was mr. ca●sabon's , the other of metrophanes the grecian ) which you may do well to see collated with the printed . spalatensis also , i think , suspecteth this place of forgery . in sir rob. cotton's library there be four several saxon annals ; and one written both in the saxon and in the latin tongue . in benet-colledg library likewise , vol. . there is another ancient saxon annal. i should have gone from hence at the time i wrote unto you of ; but since that time i received a letter from the lord chamberlain , signifying the king's pleasure , that i should preach at court the th of this month , which hath caused me to put off my journey until the end of the term. so with the remembrance of my best wishes to you , i rest , your most assured , ja. armachanus . lond. jun. . . letter xcix . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. samuel ward . salutem in christo jesu . sir , since i wrote unto you last , i have received intelligence from leyden , that all erpenius's printed books are already sold ; and his matrices of the oriental tongues are bought by elzevir the printer there ; so that now you must content your selves with his manuscripts only , which are a very rare treasure indeed , and for which your university shall rest much beholden unto your chancellor . i my self have now received out of mesopotamia , an old manuscript of that syrian translation , of the pentateuch out of the hebrew , ( the same which st. basil citeth in his hexameron ) which i make very great account of . the patriarch of the jacobites in those parts , who sent this , promiseth also to send the rest of the old testament e're long ; in the mean time i have received the parcels of the new testament , which hitherto we have wanted in that language , ( viz. the history of the adulterous woman , the d epistle of peter , the d and d epistles of st. john , the epistle of jude , and the revelation ) ; as also a small tractate of ephram syrus , in his own language . elmenhorst is dead , but i will do my best to hearken after his copy of the acts of the council of calcedon at hamburg . i will also speak with mr. patrick young , for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the th chapter of greg. nyssen's catechet . as soon as i can meet with him . the place of nyssen doth not trouble you more , than a like one of chrysostom hath done me , viz. sermone quinto de poenitentiâ , tom. . edit . savil. pag. . ( which in the latin tomes , is homil. de eucharistiâ in eucaeniis ) where i would willingly understand what the meaning of his similitude is , and of that mysteria consumi corporis substantiâ . there is another place likewise of chrysostom , cited by bellarmin in his apology , ex hom. . in thess. jubebit seipsum pro deo coli , at in templo collocari , non hierosolymitano solum sed etiam ecclesiis ; where my lord of winchester telleth the. cardinal , that the word tantum is not in the greek . i pray you see in commelinus's , edition , or that of verona , for sir h. savil's is otherwise , tom. . pag. . your assured friend , j. arm. london , june . . letter c. a letter from dr. ward , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , and my very good lord ; i received your lordships last letter , of the d of this month , and do perceive thereby , that erpenius's printed books , and his matrices of the oriental tongue , are already sold. i am glad your lordship hath got the old manuscript of the syriack translation of the pentateuch , and for your hopes of the rest . you say , you have received the parcels of the new testament in that language , which hitherto we have wanted . but it seemeth those parcels are writttn out of some copies : but i doubt whether anciently they were in the old manuscript . i am much afraid the jesuits have laid hold of elmenhorst's copy . as for the places of chrysostom , i will at my better leisure , by god's grace , examine it . mr. boyse hath written out the fragment of p. alexandrinus ; but intreateth me to let him have the book till the next week , for he would gladly peruse the notes of casaubon upon nicander . and , god-willing , the next week , i will send it to mr. francis burnett . i am right sorry to see matters of that importance carried ex consilio perpaucorum . i had a letter from my lord of sarum , by which i understand as much . there was the last week a cod-fish brought from colchester to our market to be sold ; in the cutting up which , there was found in the maw of the fish , a thing which was hard ; which proved to be a book of a large o , which had been bound in parchment , the leaves were glewed together with a gelly . and being taken out , did smell much at the first ; but after washing of it , mr. mead did look into it . it was printed ; and he found a table of the contents . the book was intituled , a preparation to the cross , ( it may be a special admonition to us at cambridg ) . mr. mead , upon saturday , read to me the heads of the chapters , which i very well liked of . now it is found to have been made by rich. tracy , of whom bale maketh mention , cent. . p. . he is said to flourish then . but , i think , the book was made in king henry the eighth's time , when the six articles were a-foot . the book will be printed here shortly . i know not how long your lordship will stay in england ; i wish you might stay longer . we are to come to present our new chancellor , with his patent , upon the th of july ; all our heads will be there , i would be glad to meet your lordship then . and thus wishing your lordship all good success in your affairs , a fortunate journey , and speedy passage when you go , with our best devotions , my wife and i wish you and yours all health and happiness , commending you to the safest protection of the highest majesty . your lorships in all observance , samuel ward . sidn . coll. june . . letter ci. a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . to dr. samuel ward . sir ; i received your letter , wherein you signify unto me the news of the book taken in the fishes belly : and another letter from mr. mead touching the same argument . the accident is not lightly to be passed over , which ( i fear me ) bringeth with it too true a prophesy of the state to come ; and to you of cambridg ( as you write ) it may well be a special admonition , which should not be neglected . it behoveth you who are heads of colledges , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to stick close to one another , and ( quite obliterating all secret distasts , or privy discontentments which possibly may fall betwixt your selves ) with joint consent to promote the cause of god. mr. provost , i doubt not , will , with great alacrity , in hoc incumbere . so , with the remembrance of my affections to all my friends there , i commit you to the protection and direction of our good god ; in whom i rest , your own most assured , ja. armachanus . lond. june . . letter cii . a letter from mr. ralph skinner , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend in god , and cordially religious ; your lordship knows right-well that trivial adage , that there is no fishing to the sea , nor mines of silver and gold like to the indies : yet no fisher , when he fished , did ever draw up all fish in his net , and no mud , gravel , or stones ; nor no pioneer did ever dig up all pure trench , or without some oar intermixed therewith . the same befalls me in the works of maymon , the ocean of all jewish learning , the quarries of silver and gold , whose ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) fame surpasseth the indies ; for his wine is mixed now and then with water , and his silver with some dross . all is not fish that comes to the net , nor all is not gold that glisters . what must i do then shall i reject maymon , full of good mammon , for some few errors or , shall i not rather separate the errors from maymon , and present you with his golden mammon for so the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. he that winneth souls , is wise : the true fisher of men , the wise catcher of souls , my lord and master , hath taught me to do , imitating the fishers , whose custom is to gather the good into vessels , and to cast away the bad and putrid ; and to play the skilful goldsmith in the purging the tradition from the precept , as he hath taught me , mat. . . discerning inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mandatum , which was this , ( honour thy father and thy mother ) ; and inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 traditionem ; which was this , when any one saith to his father or his mother , korbon est quo jurari debebas à me . that the reader then may make a profitable use of maymon , he must observe his errors , and his good things . his errors be these six ; i. * that the stars and celestial spheres have life and knowledg . this error is gross , it needs no confutation . ii. that god did never repent him of a good thing , or retreat his words , but only once , viz. when he destroyed the just with the unjust , in the destruction of the first temple . he forgot himself , of that he said in the first chapter , viz. † that no accidents are incident unto god , that he cannot change ; that he is not as man that lies , or the son of man to repent ; but one that keepeth his fidelity for ever . iii. ‖ that all moses law is perpetual . he understood not that the ceremonies was buried in christ's grave , dan. . that the substance come , the shadow must vanish . iv. * that man hath free-will to do good or evil. but we know that the preparations of man's heart are of god ; that we are not able , as of our selves , to think a good thought ; and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comes from him : if the preparation then to a good thought , if the good thought it self ; if the willing and doing of good be of god , wherein have we free-will v. † that the promises of god mentioned in the prophets , are for things temporal , to be fulfilled in this life in the days of the messiah . but we know that the son of god is already come , and hath given us an understanding that we might know him that is true . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or tradition , is thirteen times found in our testament ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or cabala , his correlative , comes but twice , tim. . . & . . this is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a faithful and firm saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & omni cabala seu acceptatione dignus . as if he should say , if there be any cabalistical doctrine worthy undoubtedly to be received , it is this , that christ jesus came into the world , &c. this is our christian gabala then , that the messias is already come , and that he is a spiritual king ; not such a temporal one as they would have him , for he refused to be made such a king : and that the temporal blessings and promises were made to allure , and lead them as children unto the spiritual . vi. * that the kingdom descended to salathiel , of jeconias's posterity , upon jeconias's repentance . but st. luke hath taught us , that salathiel was the natural son of neri , not of jeconias , but yet said to be his son , in that he was his successor in the kingdom . and jeremy tells us , that solomon's heir failed in jeconias's dying without children , by which means the kingdom was devolved on nathan , solomon's brother . these six errors avoided as rocks of shipwrack to the reader , and his traditions distinguished from the commandments , the reader may make with me this sixfold good use of maymon . . his hebraisms , which i have noted in the margent . . the pirke aboth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the capital apothegms , and the wise sentences of the rabbies of israel , which are marked out in the margent with an hand , thus ☞ . . talmudical sentences and pharases , expounding the new testament in some places . . places of scripture otherwise expounded than by munster , tremellius , junius . . the judicial laws and punishments inflicted by the sanhedrin , or consistory , for every particular sin. . rabbinical common places . now of these six in order . the two first whereof being either written or pointed out by the finger in the margent , i shall not need particularly to rank them together in order , because of prolixity ; it is enough for them digito monstrari & dicier haec sunt ☞ . in the third place we are to speak of talmudical sentences : it is observed of the learned , that there be five several dialects or proprieties of speech in the new testament . . the common or attick greek . . the septuagint greek . . the apostolick greek . . the hebraisms noted by beza first , then by drusius in his lib. praeter . and yet as many more may be noted . . the talmudical phrases , of which i am now to shew those that i have noted out of maymon's first book . first , of fealing to life or to death . as christ himself was sealed , him hath god the father sealed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so must christians be ; who also hath sealed us , internally ; for it follows , and given us the earnest of his spirit in our hearts . and eternally , rev. . . the number of them that were sealed , of all the tribes of the children of israel , of each tribe twelve thousand . so v. . hurt not the earth , till we have sealed the servants of our god in their foreheads . to these and such-like places , maymon gives light thus : * even as they do examine and poise the righteousness of man , and his iniquities , in the day of his death ; so yearly do they counterpoise the iniquities of every particular man that comes into the world with his righteousness , on the holy day , which is new-years day . he that is found righteous , is fealed unto life ; and whosoever is found wicked , is sealed unto death : but those that he neuters , between both , them they suspend until the day of expiation ; if they repent , they are sealed up to life ; but if not , they are sealed up to death . out of which words , and laudable custom of the jews , note with me a double sealing to life , or to death , proportionable to the double person , viz. the righteous , or the wicked . . observe the two times of this sealing , in the day of a man's death , and on new-years day ; i. e. on the first day september during one's life . kimchy , on the th of ezek. v. . on these words , ( mark , a mark on the foreheads of those men that sigh ) comments thus ; make a sign or writing ; he commands that they mark with ink on their foreheads , the men that sigh and cry , for a sign , that the destroyer shall not come near unto them . and this sentence , is like the sentence of the blood of the passover in egypt , which was for a sign or mark ; only this of ezekiel was in vision of prophesy . and our rabbies , of blessed memory , have expounded the word ( tau ) , which signifies a mark , to be the letter called ( tau ) . the holy blessed one commanded gabriel , to write upon the forehead of the righteous , a mark or letter ( tau ) made with ink ; but on the forehead of the wicked , a mark ( or tau ) of blood. now , why did he make a diverse mark rab. maketh answer , ( tau tichieh , and tau tamuth ) i. e. the one mark , or tau , stands for ( tichieh ) , thou shalt live ; and the other mark , or tau , stands for ( tamuth ) , thou shalt die . but rabby samuel saith , tau stands for ( tamath ) , perfect is the righteousness of the fathers ; for those men were the righteous of jerusalem , which sighed and cried for the abominations thereof . tuus far kimchy . now that the full lustre of the place may be had , we will parallel these four places together , st. john , ezekiel , kimchy , and maymon . st. john , rev. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ezek. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 kimchy , on ezek. cap. . v. . this mark or tau was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the mark of ink. of blood. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the tau or mark of life . of death . maymon : whosoever was found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 righteous 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wicked was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sealed to life . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sealed to death . the marking then that ezekiel and kimchy speak of , is the sealing that st. john and maymon speak of ; and those that sigh and cry for the abominations of jerusalem , are those whom st. john calls the servants of our god , and maymon names them the righteous ; and both maymon and st. john tells us , that the true marks , signs , and seals of a christian , be repentance and righteousness : which marks , they that have them , are sealed and appointed unto life ; and that impenitency , and want of righteousness , be the marks of the wicked , designing them to death . kimchy , on the psalm , saith , that on the forehead of the priest , aaron and his successors , between , the eye-brows , was made a mark when he was anointed high priest ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) like the greek κ or χ , which letter , or mark , χ , stood , no doubt , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereof the high priest was a type . and rabbi shelemo jarki saith , on these words , [ thou shalt pour the oil of unction on his head , and shalt anoint him in this manner ] . also this anointing was made after the manner or fashion of χ : for moses put the oil upon his head , and between his eye-brows , and made the letter χ with his finger . so on the th verse , on these words , ( and unleavened cakes anointed with oil ) he comments thus , after the frying of those cakes , he anointed them after the manner of χ , the greek cappa , or χ. this χ on the cake of bread , was , no doubt , to teach us that christ was the true manna that came down from heaven , the bread of life . . of the typical sense of the blowing of the trumpet on new-years day . cor. . . awake to righteousness , and sin not ; for some have not the knowledg of god. ephes. . . awake thou that sleepest , and arise from the dead , and christ shall give thee light. some think this place is taken out of esay . . and some out of esay . . as beza doth . drusius approves georgius syncellus's opinion , that it is taken out of the apocryphas of jeremy . but maymon enlightens this place fully in his d chap. of repent . sect. . thus ; that it was the custom of the jews to blow the trumpet on every new-years day , and the cryer to cry ; awake thou that sleepest ; like john the crier , repent , and amend ; for the kingdom of heaven is at hand . his words be these ; although that the blowing of the trumpet in the beginning of the year , is the ordinance of the scripture , lev. . . yet there is a thing or matter signified , or intimated thereby ; as if one should say , awake you sleepers from your sleep , and ye soporiferous sluggards , arise from your drowsiness , search into your works , and return by repentance , remembring your creator . these that forgot the truth , by reason of the vanities of the time , wandring all their years in vanity and toys , which neither profit nor deliver . look into your souls , and make good your ways and your actions ; and let each of you forsake his evil ways , and his thought that is not good . thus far maymon . the blowing of the trumpet then , is a lively type of repentance , and newness of life , to begin on new-years day ; and of awaking and rising from the sleep of sin , whereof st. paul speaks . kimchy , on psal. . , . blow the trumpet in the new moon , in the time appointed in our solemn feast-day , comments thus ; this psalm was sung every new-years day in the temple , and the blowing of the trumpet is mentioned in it ; the meaning whereof is , that our fathers rested from their service , and ceased from their labours in that day : for this psalm spoke of the going of our fathers out of egypt , which was on the eve of the day of nisan , or march. out of which words of kimchy's , and maymon's compared together , note with me , that the jews had two new-years days ; one on the first of september , of which maymon speaks , in which the blowing of the trumpet signified waking to repentance ; the other on march at even , of which kimchy speaks , in which the blowing of the trumpet proclaimed the memorial of their deliverance out of egypt ; for the jews had two years , annus civilis , & naturalis , which began the first of september . and the first word of the bible , per metathesin literarum , seems to prove it , god created in the beginning , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the first of september . and annus sacer , which began on the th of nisan at even ; this month shall be unto you , the first among the months of the year . i thought good to note this , that the reader might not think that the rabbies do jar amongst themselves . . of this phrase , why abraham is called god's friend . james . . and [ he ] i. e. abraham was called the friend of god : it seems st. james alluded to that of esay . . the seed of abraham my friend . now why abraham was called god's friend st. james particularly opens not unto us . rabbi shelemo jarki saith , god saith , abraham my friend , for that he did acknowledg me out of love , and not for the rebukes and disciplines of his fathers . kimchy saith , for that he loved me , and did adhere unto me , and went forth from among the worshippers of graven images and idols , which exposition suits well to the prophets precedent words . and rabbi abben ezra saith , remember abraham that came away from the idolaters . neither is he called [ ahub ] a friend , passively , but [ oheb ] a friend , actively ; not beloved , but a loving friend , or lover ; for it is an action which passeth or goeth out of the lover or agent cleaving unto the beloved , which is the patient . maymon in his tractate of repentance , cap. . § . . . makes plain this matter unto us . men serve god three manner of ways , and have a threefold intent in serving him . . some fear god for fear of punishment , that he should not bring upon them in this . life the curses written in the law , nor cut them off from the life to come ; this is a good service , but yet none of the best : for women and children for the most part serve god thus . . some serve god for hope of reward , that all the blessings promised in the law may come upon them in this life , and that afterwards they may have everlasting life . this is also a good kind of service , but none of the best ; for that it is mercenary , and servants serve their masters for hire . . some serve god for meer love , non formidine poenae , nec spe praemii , sed veritatis amore ; and this is the excellent kind of serving of god , which every wise man cannot attain unto ; for it was the dignity of abraham our father , whom the holy blessed god called his friend or lover : for that he did not serve him for fear or reward , but out of his love. now what is this excellent love but when we are even sick of the love of our god , always musing on his love , as a lover that is sick of the disease of love , in all his actions doth nothing but muse on his beloved . and as the spouse in the canticles was sick with the divine love ; the whole book being nothing but a lively parable of this excellent kind of serving god in love. . of a periphrastical speech , or describing of god , out of gen. . and he said , let there be light , and there was light ; and out of ps. . . the rabbins describe god thus , he that did but say , and the world was : so the centurian , mat. . . stiles christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do but say the word only , thou that art the word , and my servant shall be healed : by which epithet he proves christ to be god and creator . so cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so luke . . so mat. . . . of the parable of the strange sheep found , or the joy for the repenting sinner : mat. . . and luke . . if a man hath an hundred sheep , and one of them be gone astray , doth he not leave the ninety and nine , and go into the mountains and seek that which is gone astray ; and when he hath found it , he rejoyceth more over that sheep than over the which went not astray . and st. luke addeth , that joy shall likewise be in heaven over one sinner that repenteth , more than over ninety nine just persons , which need no repentance . this stray sheep is the unrepenting sinner , the finding of him is his returning by repentance ; the joy is in heaven before god and his angels for his repentance . all this , luke . . expounds thus : likewise , i say unto you , that there is joy in the presence of the angels of god over one sinner that repenteth : and lastly , vers. , . he shews the occasion of the parable , viz. the murmuring of the scribes and pharisees against christ ; this man receiveth sinners , and eateth with them ; which thing they despised : and therefore matthew saith , . . take heed ye despise not one of these little ones , the repenting sinner , viz. and then tells the parable that their conversion is to be joyed at and not to be despised . maymon in his tractate of repentance , cap. . § . . openeth all this excellently : let not a man that is a true repentant think that he is far from the dignity of the righteous , because of the iniquities and sins that he hath committed . the matter is not so , but he is beloved , and one that the creator takes joy in as if he had never sinned ; and not that only , but his reward is great , for he hath tasted the taste of sin , but now he hath left it and subdued his ill affection . the wise have said , the place in which true repentant sinners stand , the most perfect righteous men are not able to stand therein , that is to say , that their dignity is greater than the dignity of these righteous ones who have never sinned , because that they have subdued their affections or concupiscenses more than these . and in the same chap. § . . he saith that it was accounted an absolute sin for any one to say unto a true penitent sinner , remember thy first works , &c. kimchy on the th of esay , vers . . on these words [ peace , peace to him that is a far off , and to him that is near ] comments thus : by him that it far off , is meant the sinner that repents , and by him that is near , the righteous . and from this place they have taught and said , the sinners that repent are greater than the righteous , as is said to him that is far off , and to him that is nigh ; first to him that is far off , then to him that is nigh . by far off is meant , that was far off , but now is become nigh ; and by nigh , is meant he that was nigh already . kimchy , that is , as st. paul expounds esay's words , both to jew and gentile , ephes. . . he preached peace to you which were far off , and to them that were nigh ; and vers . . the gentiles viz. which were sometimes far off , are now nigh ; as christ saith , publicans and sinners shall enter into the kingdom of heaven before the scribes and pharisees . and maymon opens his meaning more fully : repent . cap. . § . . sin is of a separating nature ; your sins have made a partition between you and me ; but repentance is of a conjoyning and uniting nature , making the sinner to day nigh unto god , who yesterday was far off . . mat. . . luke . . mark . . in the resurrectin they neither marry , nor are given in marriage , but are like unto the angels of god in heaven . maymon in his chap. of the tract of repentance , sect. . saith , that the first wise men have said , there is not in the world to come , neither eating nor drinking , nor use of marriage-bed ; but the righteous sit with their crowns on their heads , enjoying the glorious splendor of the divine majesty , and are like unto the ministring angels . it is worth observing how that christ confutes the errors of the sadduces , ( who thought there was no resurrection ) out of the ancient sayings of their own talmudical doctors . and maymon gives the reason of this apothegm ; there is no eating nor drinking in the world to come : ergo they neither marry , nor are given in marriage . thus it is observable how christ disputing against the jews about the resurrection , doth prove the resurrection out of the sayings of their own talmudicks , and in proving it , he doth approve those sayings ; and in approving them , doth reprove the sadduces for denying it . . of eating , drinking , and feasting in heaven , and such-like speeches : mat. . . mar. . . & luke . . christ saith , now i tell you , from henceforth i will not drink of this fruit of the vine , until that day when i shall drink it new with you in the kingdom of my father . and mat. . . and i say unto you , that many shall come from the east , and from the west , and shall sit down in the kingdom of heaven with abraham , isaac , and jacob. maymon in his tractate of repentance , cap. . sect . & . opens this and the like speeches unto us , saying , in the world to come there is neither eating nor drinking , nor any one thing of the things which happen unto bodies in this world. again ; everlasting life is called by eleven names in the old testament parabolically , which he there reckons up . and the wise-men have called it metaphorically by two ; that is , . the world to come . . that good feast , or banquet , that is prepared for the righteous . these two last we find in the new testament , mark. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in the places afore alledged : whereas they have said ( saith maymon ) that the righteous do sit by way of aenigma , or riddle , they have said it , meaning that the souls of the righteous are found there without labour , molestation , or weariness . . of forgiveness of sins neither in this world nor the world to come . mat. . . blasphemy against the holy ghost shall never be forgiven in this world , nor in the world to come , i. e. shall never have forgiveness 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but is guilty of eternal damnation , as st. mark expounds the hebraism , cap. . . mat. . . whatsoever ye bind on earth , shall be bound in heaven ; and whatsoever ye loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . maymon in his tractate of repent . cap. . § . . hath the like speech ; there is a sin which is punished in this world , and not in the world to come ; there is a sin which is punished in the world to come , and not in this world ; and there is a sin which is punished both in this world , and in the world to come . . acts . . wilt thou at this time restore again the kingdom to israel this phrase is frequent with maymon in his tract of repentance , cap. . sect . . where he saith , that the world passeth away , only the kingdom must first be restored unto israel . . cor. . . for the fashion of this world passeth away . so john . . the world passeth away . so maymon in his tract of repent . cap. . sect . . saith , that this world after his fashion passeth away . and there he makes as it were a threefold world : . this present world. . the day of the messiah . and . the world to come , or everlasting life . and he explaineth himself , that by this present world , he means the kingdoms and monarchies which do captivate and afflict israel , the last of which being taken away , then shall begin the world of the messias ; he means , as rabby abraham , tzebang a spanish jew , hath expounded in his bundle of myrth , on the first of gen. that after years of the world expired , and before the end of the year ( in which they say the world shall end ) : in this interim , i say , of years ( in which time we now live ) shall be the fall of rome , which they call edom typically , and that then redemption shall come in to israel . and this is maymon's meaning here when he saith , that the first wise men have said that between this world ( of the monarchies , viz. ) and the days or times of the messiah , there is not any space or let , but only this , that god causes first the kingdoms to pass away , that is , the last of these monarchies that afflicts israel , must pass away ; which is the idolatry of rome that hinders the jews from believing in christ. . cor. . . the god which is blessed for ever : so rom. . . the creator blessed for ever : so rom. . . god over all blessed for ever . this epistle which st. paul useth so frequently in his epistles , is infinitely used of maymon and all the rabbins , and therefore is become one of their rabbinical abbreviatures 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 god holy and blessed for ever . . cor. . . blessed be god the father of mercies . so maymon ends his book of knowledg : blessed be the god of mercy ; it were more significantly translated , the god of commiserations , as drusius hath well observed ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the father of mercies ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the father of commiserations , answerable to maymon's syriac word ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) whose fatherly bowels yearn with a natural 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of pity and compassion towards his . . rev. . . & . , , . he whom st. john calls so often in the revelations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the angel of the church ; is called by maymon in his first chap. of the fundamentals of moses's law , sect. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the messenger , legate , legate , apostle , minister of the church or congregation . there he saith that god appeared in mount sinai , ( when he gave the law ) like to the angel , or minister of the church or congregation , wrapped in garments . . luke . christ saith twice , it is written , and once , it is said . and so st. paul often useth this phrase , the scripture saith ; but they seldom or never tell you in what book it is written or said , or in what chapter , or in what verse . the same phrase is as frequent with maymon : he saith , it is said , it is written , or , the scripture saith , whensoever he bringeth any place of scripture for to prove his assertion . now the reason why he never cites the section , chapter , or book , is for that the jews have always been so ready and pregnant in the scriptures , as that they need not cite the book , chapter , or verse : for this their expertness in the scriptures they were called sopherim , seribes or numberers of the law. they have told us that there be parashioths or sections in moses's law , of which they do here joyn together the two shortest , and so in every year they read over moses's law , ending on the last day of the feast of tabernacles ; every sabbath-day reading in the synagogue a whole section . they set down the number of the verses of every book , as namely genesis hath in it verses . the midst of the book is at these words , [ and by thy sword thou shalt live . ] the sections thereof be . the sydrim , or lesser sections , be . the number of the letters of genesis be . and hakmi tells us on the first of genesis , how many alphabets there be in the law , viz. . and so i could run through all the other books . but i must not be tedious . now methinks i hear some ignorant scholar object , such an one as jude speaks of , who condemns and speaks ill of those things which he knows not , and corrupts those things he also knows ; to what end and purpose serves this great and needless labour of the rabbies , in numbring up of the books , verses , sections , words , and letters i answer . they serve us for exceeding great use , especially in these our days , in which god did foresee popelings would go about to prove that the scriptures were corrupted , and that then we must of necessity have another judg , viz. the pope . if i should grant this argument , made by the pope's champion , pistorius , that the scriptures were corrupted , and that therefore we must have another judge : yet doth it not follow that the pope must be he ; but contrary-wise , that of all other the pope must be excluded from being judg , for that he is a party . but we constantly deny the corruption of the scriptures , which they affirm , and endeavour to prove by the variae lectiones , and by the keries and the cethists . and we answer , that variety of reading argues not any corruption , but ingenuity and plentiful fruit of the spirit of god , done only in obscure places for illumination : for we can prove out of the nazarites and sopherisms , every word and letter to have been through god's singular providence , numbred up , and so kept by them thereby from corruption : upon which point pistorius the pope's champion durst not dispute with a learned man of our land. for howsoever the jews were male legis observatores , yet were they boni servatores & custodes , true keepers of the oracles of god committed unto them : and how did they keep them but by numbring up every word , letter , and verse , that so it being left unto posterity on record , we might prove the purity of the scriptures by their nazaretical books against the foisting papists , who do nothing but foist in and corrupt all things , not only the greek fathers , but even the targums and comments of the rabbins in all those places and expressions that make against rome in buxtorffs bible lately set forth . as for example , esay . . and [ her ] i. e. edom's rivers , shall be turned into pitch . jonathan the chaldee paraphrast , that wrote long before christ , comments thus : and the rivers of rome shall be turned into pitch . rabbi david kimchy cites this chaldaical exposition , and confirms it , saying , that all the section is spoken against edom , that is , rome . and elias levita in his methurgaman in the word [ roma ] cites the chaldee paraphrast so against rome , and so doth munster . all these follow the true and best bumberges bibles . but in buxtorffs bibles lately set forth ( which follows the third edition of bumberg's bibles that be purged ) there the word rome is left forth in the targum , and in kimchy's comment ; and four times in rabby shelemaes and kimchies comments instead of the word [ edom ] by which they mean rome , they have put the word [ javan ] that is greece , and once the word ( cuthith ) that is , samaria . and in the th chapter four times the word [ cuthith ] samaria . so rome is both samaria and greece , and in other places persia , and a mess of wax . and on the th verse of the th of esay , kimchy comments thus : whosoever will see into the destruction of rome , let him search over the book of jehova , and wade in , &c. in bumbergs bibles . but in buxtorffs bible you have no more but these words [ whosoever will see into ] leaving out the words of kimchy , the destruction of rome ; and doth not tell one that he must see , for that they would have the reader blind , and not to see rome's fall , which for all this their legerdemain with scholars , must yet in the end be sacked with sword , and burnt with fire , for her idolatry and filthiness . rev. . now for that the romans came of the edomites , as himself saith on obadiah . and the edomites came of esun , gen. . . otherwise called edom , of his red pottage . therefore they by edom mean rome and the roman antichrist , whereof esan was the type of his brother jacob , the type to the elect ; which agrees with that of the apostles , rom. . heb. . and again , what can be plainer in mysteries , then to wrap up the thing typified in the name of the type it self , as is done in this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 edom , that is , rome ; the two letters d and r , which is very frequent in the scripture , being changed . . mat. . . but i say unto you , that of every idle word that men shall speak , they shall give an account in the day of judgment . maymon saith , the wise have said , even the light , and idle , or wanton speech that is in secret or private between the husband and his wife , the lord will give even judgment upon that . and maymon saith , that this was a cabbala grounded on the th of amos , ver . . who declareth unto man what is his secret thought or speech . mameshico , the , have on purpose by a metathesis or transposition of letters made thereof one word ( hammeshico ) and translated it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shewing unto man that his messiah or christ. for that the agadah annunciation evangelization of the messiah to the gentiles , was one of the greatest secrets of god , reckoned up there by annas . it is one of the places of scripture which the did of purpose change , for the reason alledged , as i conjecture . it is not therefore a corruption of the place , as some do unjustly accuse them , but a witty mutation and signification , done by them of purpose to teach us gentiles to know the messiah , who then when they translated this , was unknown to us . mark how christ still confutes the rabbies of the jews by the saying still of their own talmudicks ; and here by an argument taken à minore ad majus thus ; if a man by the saying of your doctors , must give an account of every idle word , much more for a blasphemy ; but the first is true out of your doctors , ergo the second . for mat. . . they had spoken blasphemy against christ , that he cast out devils by beelzebub , which was the occasion christ alledged this talmudical sentence against them . . mat. . . christ having condemned the jewish rabbins for swearing , teacheth them out of their own books of ethicks , that swearing was forbidden in a rabbi , saying , but let yoar communication be , yea , yea , and nay , nay ; for whatsoever is more then these , cometh of evil . so james . . but above all things , my brethren , swear not ; but let your yea , be yea , and your nay , nay ; lest you fall into condemnation . maymon in his tractate of the manners of the rabbies , cap. . § . . saith , the contracts or commerce of the scholar of a wise man , are in truth and fidelity : he saith of that which is not so , that it is not so ; and of that which is so , that it is so : he saith , i , i , or , no , no ; yea , yea , or , nay , nay ; or of a negative no , and of an affirmitive . . acts . . i was brought up in this city ( saith paul ) at the feet of gamaliel , and taught , &c. the latter expounds the former ; for scholars were wont to sit on lower seats at the feet of their masters . maymon in his tractate of the manners , &c. cap. . sect. . saith , the wise have charged saying , dust thy self in the dust of their feet , and drink with thirst their words . the hebrew verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in pulvere seu arenam descendere , as virgil saith , fulva luctatur arena . it is a metaphor borrowed from antagonists of the olympian games , wrestling and striving together for victory till they lay in the dust ; as jacob did wrestle with god , gen. . . where this word is used , he wrestled and strove with god till he lay in the dust again ; which also is interpreted of prayer , hosea . . which overcomes god invincible . be ye holy , as i am holy ; be ye merciful , as your heavenly father is merciful . maymon in his tract ethics , cap. . § . . saith , the wise men have taught us thus , what is meant by this that is called holy even this , that thou shouldst be holy . what is meant by this , that god is called merciful● even this , that thou shouldst be also merciful . acts . . mat. . . wo unto you scribes and pharisees , hypocrites ; for ye compass sea and land to make one proselite , and when he is made , ye make him twofold , more the child of hell then your selves . maymon in his tractate of idolatry , cap. . sect . , & . tells us of the difference between , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an israelite . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a stranger , and . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a proselite ; who is also of two sorts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proselite of righteousness , a true israelite indeed , one of the covenant , who receiveth the precepts of moses's law , and was received at all times after , and was circumcised , such were shemagjah and abtalian , saith maymon in his preface . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , proselites of righteousness ; and rabby maiir , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the son of a righteous and true proselite : such were the sichemites , urias hettaeus , achor , of whom judith . herod the idumaean , onkelos , titus vespasian's sisters son , nicolaus , act. . naaman the syrian , the eunuch , cornelius , acts . . are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the aegyptians for the most part became proselites , deut. . . thou shalt not abhor an egyptian , for that ye were in the land of aegypt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strangers advenae ; nor an edomite , for he is thy brother . such an edomitish israelite was the prophet obadiah , of whom the rabbies use this proverb . kimchi , r. salomon jarchy , aben ezra in ionam . obad. the mustard pot bi●es the mustard-pot-maker : for that of an edomite obadiah became a proselite , and then was sent to prophesy against edom. and so we know that many romish edomites being become true proselites , have prophesied against rome , which is edom there , as all the rabbies say spiritually ; for , saith kimchy there , whatever our rabbies have spoken against edom , in the last days , is to be understood against rome . and god grant us more such romish edomites as luther was but of these proselites mat. . . is not to be understood . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a proselite of the gate , or an inhabitant amongst the jews who received not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 precepts but only the seven precepts of the sons of nae , qui habitabat in israel & in se recipiebat quod noluit colere idola , quia idolatrae inter judaeos habit are non licebat . these proselites were not circumcised , neither received the whole law , but only the seven precepts , which were these . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 judicia , that they should observe publick justice . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 benedictio dei , that they should worship god. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they should not worship idols . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they should fly incest and lust. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they should fly blood-shed . . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and avoid violence and rapin. . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not to cut off a member from any creature whilst it was yet living . this proselite , saith maymon , was never to be received but only in the time the jubile was in use . of this second kind of proselite christ's saying is to be understood ; for that the jews permitted these to break or omit all the other laws of moses impunè , so they kept these seven ; by which unlawful permission they became the children of hell and worthy of destruction more then themselves ; living both like jews in regard of the seven precepts and like gentiles in respect of the other precepts which 〈◊〉 the jews themselves were bound to keep . of these mungrels , heathenish jews or jewish gentiles , that like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 live of both fashions i take it ( under correction ) that christ speaketh , and justly reproveth such proselites , like our papists converts , that will both become conformable outwardly in our church , and yet also go to mass. if any can open the place better , i shall be ready to learn. jam nè istae gemmae quas galli gallinacei instar , ego in rabinorum sterquilinio offendi , ullo modo dominationem vestram offendant , iterum atque iterum supplex oro ; nam si meliores invenissem etiam obtulissem . nihilominus tamen davidica illa faba in caput meum ( si quo forte peccem ) merito cudatur . ps. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 now remains these three to be spoken of in the next place ; . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . judicials of the sanhedrim . . rabinical common-places . but both my nephews sudden journey , and an unexpected accident , have enforced me to defer these till the next time . your lordships to command , ralph skynner . this epistle is before his translation of rambanus maddae into english , and dedicated to bishop usher . letter ciii . right reverend in christ ; i have sent your lordship drusiius his alphabetum hebraicum vetus ; and veterum sapientum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of which i conjecture the reason why the jews at this day do pronounce the hebrew words with the defect of the gutturals , is , for that the septuagint jews have used so to write them in greek , as , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the , , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the , &c. three jews i have talked with personally , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and asked them the reason why they omitted these gutturals , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in words , by reason of which their pronunciation was difficult to be understood by us which pronounced them : i told them , that moses wrote them to this end , that they should be read and pronounced : and they confessed it should be so , only custom and use had otherwise prevailed . now this custom arose ( as i suppose ) from this ancient manner of writing and speaking without the guttural . now what was the original cause of this custom , i cannot yet find , unless it be that which elias levita alleageth , in his titsby voce , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum defectu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because , saith he , the pronounciation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is difficult to the gentiles ; as abben ezra saith , that whosoever hath not learned to pronounce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his youth , ( though he be an hebrew ) shall never be able to pronounce them genuinely while he lives ; therefore ( saith he ) the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. gentiles pronounce not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it may be therefore , that antiquity , and the seventy , respected the gentiles in the difficulty of these gutturals , as in other things , and to make the pronunciation of this tongue more ●●eile , did leave them out ; for surely these seventy did , in their translation , much respect the gentiles , that they might not only not offend them , or make their holy tongue unamiable to the gentiles , through the difficulty of the hard gutturals ; but also that they might allure us gentiles to become ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is ) proselites of righteousness , to receive their precepts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to believe in the messias , as one , for many places , shall shew ; amos . . aununcians hominem , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) quae sit cogitatio ipsius . maymon , secreta verba & mussitationes . septuaginta , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; acceperunt pro unâ dictione ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. his messia ) & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praeposita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indicat . unus ex loci , quos de industriâ corripuere , ut gentibus messiam indicarent . hoc etenim est unum ex magnis illis secretis ibidem enumeratis , quae deus facit , messiae nempe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 annunciatio , evangelizatio ac ejus praedicatio gentibus . i have sent your lordship also mr. claudius duret's history of the languages of the universe ; which book , long e're now , i had translated for the good of the gentry , in that it fitteth a gentleman with discourse of every nation and language ; but that i understood the several characters in this book would not be had for l. and to set it forth without characters , would be a catarract in the reader 's eye . he setteth down thirteen several characters of the hebrew tongue , pag. . & deinceps . in the division of the books of the talmud , he follows riccius and galatinus , which are not so exact as buxtorf . in his page , he affirmeth that moses , foreseeing his death , wrote the law in thirteen copies , from the first element to the last , giving each of the twelve tribes of israel , a copy written in publick characters , ( namely , saith he ) characters samaritan ; and that he left the th copy to the levites and priests in secret and divine writing standing on triangular rods ; the use of which remained only to the priests and levites , who were expert and of understanding in the reading and understanding thereof , having the knowledg of the points and accents of letters and vowels , &c. out of which i note these two things : first , that moses left unvowelled copies to the tribes , save one which had both accents and vowels to the custody of the priests , to which they might have recourse in doubtful lections . secondly , the antiquity of the samaritan characters , for the commendation of your lordships samaritain bible . i beseech your lordship , any time at your fit leisure , to send to mr. burnett's , that little tract of mine of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and your lordships approbation , or reprobation of it , wherein i fail ; for i have not yet done it so exactly as ( if god permit ) i intend . i would gladly be confirmed in the truth , or have the falshood infirmed , if there be any in that tract ; for the lord he knows , i have always sought the truth with integrity of heart , weeping often with st. john , where i find the sealed book , submitting always my spirit to the spirit of the prophets , in propriis stare ; but crying out always 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let the righteous smite me , & vincet veritas . surely the prophesy and sign of jonas , is expounded to be fulfilled in that article of our creed , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) for as jonas's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was three days , and three nights , from the time that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fish swallowed him , till the time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cast him up : so christ's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must answerably be part of three days , from the time he did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he was laid in the sepulchre , till the time that he arose out of the sepulcre , the precise time of hours ; at which instant neither the great stone , or the sepulchre , nor the seal of pontius pilate , nor the guard , could hold him any longer under the power of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and death ; for so long he must be held under ; destroy this temple , within three days i will build it up again . now the jews laboured all they could to disannul this prophesy , and to keep him longer , yea , for ever in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and under the power of death . to this end , rolling on his sepulchre a stone , sealing it , and setting a guard , saying , this deceiver said , while he was living , that within three days he would rise again . now this is more than to be buried , for he might have risen in so few hours again ; but till the hours expired , he could not , without the disannulling of jonas's prophecy . and now from christ's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i pass unto mine own , ( for i am to speak with dead phrase ) in a kind of living 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obscuratus ab amicis meis , living in tenebris , dark 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cum blattis ac tineis quotidie rixans . out of this place of obscurity i would gladly enter into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the guttural omitted . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that house , that temple of god called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mercy , chaldaice & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hebraice , as the word is taken jonah . . they that observe vain vanities , forsake ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their mercies ) the god of mercies , as the apostle calls him : the syriac ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 merciful ) now as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 said , so say i , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , your lordship must be this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or else i shall still remain telluris inutile pondus , unprofitable to the church , burying invitus my talent in the ground . whereas david tells me , psal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the righteous shall flourish as a palm-tree ; the reason he renders in the words following : they shall bring , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and as the apostle saith to the same effect , the grace of god was not in vain in me , therefore ( saith he ) i laboured more abundantly then they all . the grace of god is operative in whomsoever it is , which not suffering me to be idle , makes me seek late full employment . now as for me , god forbid that i should sin against the lord in ceasing to pray for your lordship's health , that you may still fight jehovah's battels for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and all other points , which these devilish spirits of the jesuits , the locusts of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the bottomless pit , by their smoaky doctrine do resist . i humbly beseech your lordship to have a care of your health , and a while to spare your self ( from being tantus helluo librorum ) till you have perfectly recovered your former health ; for much reading is a weariness to the flesh. there is a company of mistresses of witchcraft , nahum . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lately discovered ; your lordship will by others understand the particulars ; i only touch the general . and thus with my humble duty and observance to your lordship , ever remembring you in my poor prayers , i rest now and ever , your lordship 's ever obliged , ralph skynner . from waltham-stow , january . . letter civ . right reverend in god ; i have sent your grace cunradus graserus on the ten last verses of the th chapter of daniel ; whose tenet is contrary to junius and broughton . now to satisfy your lordship's next request : that the hebrew article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of that memorial ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is frequently put for the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 articulo loco prepositionis , these places sufficiently prove . . rabbi david kimchy in his preface on the psalms saith thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there be some psalms also that have this title or epigraph , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ to ] david , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ for ] david . as psal. . to the master quirester ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a psalm [ to ] david , that is , for david : which the kind of the psalm argueth ; for it is a supplication of the church in the behalf of their king , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. . in initio psalmi , & in fine ; he closeth it up simili sono : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . rabbi elias levita germanus , in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chapter of the office of the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath three offices . ( . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 donativum , dativi casus signum [ to ] ut gen. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ to ] my lord , to esau. ( . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est vel ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) est genitivum , genitivi casus signum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ of ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est possessivum , ut psal. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 terra est domino , id est domini . so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a psalm [ to ] david , that is of david , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being understood . ( . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est loco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( propter ) est accusativi casus signum ( for ) ut exodus . . and pharaoh said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 propter filios israel : so gen. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 say for me , he is my brother ; hitherto elias . i will add other places of mine own observation , psal. . vers . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be thy servant's surety [ for ] good , not [ to ] good . so micah . . the inhabitant of maroth was sick [ for ] good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it had lost . so psal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is no help [ for him ] in god. so psal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he hath prepared [ for him ] the instruments of death ; and kimchy notes there , that some expound ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dan. . . dan. . . [ seventy weeks are determined each one of them touching or concerning thy people . ] r. sagnadias : let us number and we shall know how many years ten times seven do amount unto , namely seventy : behold weeks are years ; abstract from them the years of the captivity of babel , from the time that nebuchadnezzar laid waste the sanctuary , unto the second year of darius , and there remain years : for so long the second house or temple remained standing ; as if he should say , seventy years he hath decreed concerning thy people , and concerning thy city jerusalem , the city of thy holiness , which shall hereafter be built up . so thou hast learned , that jointly with the babylonish captivity , together with the standing of the second house , are seventy weeks , which are years : of the destruction , and of the building . dan. . . ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ) to restrain , or prohibite defection , or rebellion , which they had already made or committed . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to seal up , that is , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to finish sins of error , that is the blessed and holy one will finish erroneous sin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ and to expiate ] to make reconciliation , i expound it to cover the iniquity of israel : that is , of solomon's temple . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to bring in righteousness of [ eternities ] . this is the house of the sanctuary , as it is written , kings . . a settled place for these to dwell [ in for ever ] . now the house of the sanctuary is called ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or worlds . in the world or age of the first building , and in the world or age of the second building , and in the world or age of the third building , which shall remain from age to age for ever . dan. . . [ and to seal up the vision and prophecy ] : for from the time that the second house was built , there did not arise up any more a prophet in israel , only they used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the echo or voice from heaven . dan. . . [ and to anoint the most holy . ] for greater shall be the glory of the dignity of the second house , than of the first ; as it 's written , great shall be the glory of the latter house above the first . and this that he saith ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) it is , of the signification of the chaldee word ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to anoint , as that place ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to anoint them , is interpreted in the chaldee ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to anoint . and some expositors say ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to anoint , is to measure out the measure ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which they interpret in the chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a measuring , according to the sentence , where it 's said , a like shall be stretched out over jerusalem . dan. . . ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) from the going forth of the commandment . from the time that the word went forth from the presence of the creator , when the decree was decreed to bring back the captives from babel , and to build jerusalem by the means of cyrus . dan. . . [ to christ the prince ] until that king shall be anointed , which is the prince that must build up jerusalem , hitherto are seven weeks : seven weeks i say are years , from the time that the creator preached the glad-tidings that jerusalem should be built , until the second year of darius king of persia. after that shall jerusalem be built , and shall stand built years . behold weeks wants years , and those years bither stood . now when they shall ascend up to jerusalem , the street shall be built ; that is , jerusalem , and the streets thereof . dan. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the wail , it 's properly the ditch cut out about the wall ; the ditches are the villages of the inhabitants of jerusalem , which are now cut off , so that men cannot pass over . dan. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in the strait of times ; they be the courts of the sanctuary , the watches and the stations of the priests and levites ; as if he should say , jerusalem should be waste all these years . abben ezra on dan. . . weeks , &c. that eminent doctor sagnadiah saith , that these weeks are years ; witness that which he saith afterwards , cap. . . till three weeks of days ( that is , years ) were fulfilled ; but he mentioneth not with the weeks days . for behold they are like sabbaths of years : and right is the interpretation ; for that half of the week that he mentioneth , is days , as i will declare by perfect demonstration , only the exposition of these weeks are exceeding hard . moreover , for that we know not whether these words [ to restrain rebellion , and to finish erroneous sins ] be in laudem , or vituperium : for lo , it 's semblable , that from the word [ to cover iniquity , and to anoint the most holy ] that all this is in laudem , in commendation ; but these words [ to seal vision and prophecy ] cannot be in commendation . now seeing it 's so , how can we order aright these words [ to restrain rebellion , and to end erroneous sin ] that they should be in commendation . and so the like of those words , [ to seal vision and prophecy . ] but behold we find it written [ that the iniquity of the amorite was not perfectly filled up ] and those words are spoken in vituperium , in the ill sense : for the meaning is , that hitherto the day of his calamity , and the final punishment of his iniquity is not yet come ; as that place , greater is my punishment than can be born ; and so that , if ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) punishment shall happen unto thee . and so thy iniquity is perfected and finished , thy punishment is ended ; and it is in the ill sense . but the replyer may answer , that these words [ erroneous sin , and trespass ] as also that word [ i beseech thee take away now , &c. ] are contrary to those words [ and her iniquity is taken away . ] but lo the whole shall be expounded according to the meaning of the place ; but these words , to bring in eternal righteousness , do shew that they are in commendation . and the sense of [ to seal vision ] is , the understanding of the prophets , which have prophesied of the subject of the second temple . and now i will tell the meaning of , that eminent gaon , he saith , that the exposition of [ the word went forth ] is , that god had decreed that jerusalem , with the second temple , should he waste years , which are the weeks . only thou hast erred in thine account , when the years were compleat and ended , and they are but only seven weeks , which make years ; and thou needest not be curious to mention the years , for they were . and the meaning [ to messias the prince ] is , cyrus the king. and he hath brought a reason from the words of the prophet ; thus saith the lord to cyrus his messias , or anointed one , whose right hand i have strengthned . and the weeks are the days , i. e. years , of the second house . but lae there is a difficulty , for the angel saith , in the beginning of thy supplications , the word went forth . again , how can the years of the captivity be mingled with the years of the second temple or , how should we expound , to restrain rebellion , and to finish error again , what shall become of the week that remains of which he saith , [ he will confirm the covenant for many in one week ] after the weeks ; and it were meet to mention , that yet three weeks do remain . moreover , his proof that cyrus is the messias , is not right ; for that [ to his messias ] is as much as to his prophet ; for so it is written for that , that the lord hath anointed me . but before i speak my opinion , i will expound these words , ( he will confirm the covenant for many ) . it is a thing manifestly known , that titus made a covenant with israel for seven years ; and that three years and an half , the daily sacrifice ceased , before the destruction of the second temple , as it s written in the book of josephus son of goryon . dan. . . and he saith , [ with the * wing of abomination he shall make it desolate ] because the abominations shall spoil the sanctum sanctorum , or the oracle , after the number of years mentioned before , when jerusalem was taken . and it is written , in the th prophecy , [ and they polluted the sanctuary of my strength ] that was the day jerusalem was taken , in the time of titus , who had taken away the continual sacrifice before , and the abomination of desolation was set up . for so it is written , [ and from the time that the daily sacrifice was taken away , and the desolating abomination set up , shall be days ] : and they must needs expound daniel , how many compleat days are half a week , because of the leap years ; so also by reason of the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] or half a week : for it is not meet that [ half ] should be the [ whole ] , neither more nor less , as the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] half-tribe of manasses , and many such like . now know thou that [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] days , are always so taken for days , and not for years . only it is meet , that if it be said [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] days , that it should be a compleat year , in the revolution of the days of the year , as they were at first . as that [ from days to days ] which are the days of a compleat year ; so that [ days shall be his redemption ] that is , in a year shall he be redeemed . but when the number of two or three days shall be used within this word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] days , it cannot fitly be taken for years , but for days as they are , after the exposition of that place [ two days ] which were two compleat ones , when the days returned as they were . and so that [ until a month of dayes ] when the moon shall be seen according to the form in which she was seen in the first day of man's being . therefore have i said , that days , are that half of the week that he mentioneth . and so that [ blessed is he that waiteth for that he may attain to those days ] as i will expound . for in case they were years , how could a man wait or expect a years to come unto them and it is written , the days of our years , in them are years . and behold we find that nehemiah saith , that the city of the sepulchres of my fathers lieth wasted , and the gates thereof are burnt with fire . and it 's written , also me hath he commanded to be a prince in the land of judah . and it 's written of him , he shall build up the temple of the lord , and shall bear the honour ; shall sit and reign upon his throne . so jeremy prophesyeth of him , a king shall reign , and be wise . and in ezra it 's written , concerning nehemiah , and thou shalt be to them for a king. and now i will expound the weeks . the weeks , are from the going forth of the word in the beginning of daniel's supplications . [ to restrain rebellion ] , is like that [ the iniquity of the amorite is not yet perfect : ] [ and to seal up error ] , is as that , [ thy iniquity is perfect and finished ] . and [ to cover iniquity ] , to bear the yoke of the captivity , to make reconciliation [ with our fathers ] . and to bring in ] till god shall judg them with righteousness . or his exposition is in dispraise : for the coming of righteousness , is the setting of righteousness ; as the going down of the sun is the setting thereof . therefore it 's in dispraise ; for commendation is the contrary , as that , [ their righteousness shall go forth like the light ] . and he shall bring forth thy righteousness like light . and this is that , arise , o my light , for thy light cometh . for thy light was set until now . dan. . . [ and to seal up the vision and prophecy ] because the prophets shall cease ; [ and to seal the messias the most holy ] . and behold , this is the beginning of the captivity . so that the matter of the account cannot come into thy mind . for lae , in the account of the kings of persia , there is a new moon added , according to the word of the angel , as i will declare . now whether there be in the computation , an addition or substraction , it hurteth not . peradventure , the matter of the new moon will come into thy mind , when he knoweth the moment of the eclipse of the moon in this year . besides , we have found another eclipse before this , an hundred years , by which i may know the place of the moon according to truth . and according to his account , he will willingly reduce backward the years that come . now lo , the meaming of vers. . know therefore , and understand , that from the going forth of the gommandment , to restore and to build jerusalem , unto the prince messias , are weeks . and behold , years were of the kingdom of cyrus and ahashuerosh . and two years of darius , and he reigned years ; and it s so written in a book of the kings of persia. and twenty years of artaxshashta the king. lo , all amounts but to seven weeks , till nehemiah came , as it s written in the book of ezra . now the weeks , are the time that the second temple stood ; and the half of the week i have expounded . and thus , my lord , i have shewed your grace the exposition of r. sagnadiah to be false , by abben ezra his opinion . and , dly , i have set down abben ezra's supputation of the weeks : which is thus , years of cyrus and ahashuerosh , darius and artaxerxes ; or weeks , years : or the weeks , the time the second temple stood ; and he makes the temple to stand longer by years than any other . seven years , the last week , in all years . you see he is a year too much : besides , he makes the last weeks half , to be after the destruction of zorobabel's temple , which was years before the destruction thereof . my lord , i must now impart a matter unto you . my wife received a letter of late , since i was with your lordship , from her sister , my lady temple , wherein she writeth that my lord of meath hearing of my entring into the ministry , did promise to confer upon me a living worth l. per annum presently ; and that within a year , he would make it worth an l. per annum , if i would come over . i wonder that my lord of meath , dr. martin ( as i suppose ) should , of his own accord , make such an offer unto me that am a meer stranger to him , and never had conference with him . but , my lord , if your lordship would vouchsafe me , to be a poor levite and chaplain in your service , i would say with mollerus , in psal. . v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum omne servire durum sit , faelicissimus , cui contigerit , bono ac pio servire domino . if your grace shall in your letter signify 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . then behold i will say with ruth , where thou goest , i will go ; and where thou diest , i will die , &c. and thus , with thanks for your lordships last bounty in bearing my charges , which i understood not till i took horse , and therefore could not return thanks till now , i rest now and ever , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ralph skynner . sutton , octob. . . my lord , i would gladly be your scholar , to learn your method and facile way in preaching . o that i might be beholden unto you for some of your directions in that kind . and that i might see but a sermon or two of your graces in writing , according to those directions : for therefore did i enter in the last hour of the day of my life into god's house , that i might say with david , ps. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reason is rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and abben ezra calleth the rabbies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 letter cv . worthy sir , your last kindness is not forgotten , though unrequited , for i cannot 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pecuniam qui habet , non refert , & qui refert , non habet . at gratiam qui refert , habet , & qui habet refert . accept therefore this my literarum manus , by which now i prove that plainly unto you , which long ago i affirmed in conference , viz. that israel passed not over the red sea transversum , as you with others have supposed . if israel coming out of the sea , arrived and landed at the self-same side of the wilderness , from which he departed when he entred the sea : then did he not go over the red sea transversum . but israel coming out of the sea , arrived and landed at the self-same side of the wilderness , from which he departed when he entred the sea. ergo , israel did not go over the sea transversum . the major proposition cannot be denied . for if he went into and out of the sea , keeping still the same side , he did not pass over-thwart the sea , which is the breadth thereof , from one side to another . the minor is thus proved out of the text , in express words . they came from succoth to etham , in the edg of the wilderness , exod. . . num. . . and returned from etham to pihahiroth , encamping by the sea , num. . . exod. . . & . and passing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in or by the midst of the sea , num. . . they came into the same wilderness again , num. . . which is called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exod. . . from which collation of places it appears , that abben ezra his opinion is true , we know ( saith he ) that there is no red sea between egypt and the land of israel , neither was there any need that they should go into the red sea , for that it was their way to canaan , only god commanded them so to do , to the end that the egyptians might go in after them and be drowned . now from the wilderness of etham , israel entred the sea , and into the wilderness of etham they went out again . seeing from the collation of these two places , the truth will better appear , i will set them down . exodus . . . on the th of nisan , six hundred thousand footmen journied from rangmeses to succoth , exod. . . numbers . , . they departed from rameses on the th day of the first month , and pitched in succoth , numb . . , . exod. . . . they departed from succoth , and encamped in etham , in the edg of the wilderness of etham , viz. exod. . . numb . . . and they departed from succoth , and pitched in etham , which is in the end of that wilderness , numb . . . exod. . . . then from etham they returned , and encamped before pi-hahiroth , between migdol and the sea , before bagnal-zephon , before it they pitched by the sea , exod. . . and chariots of the egyptians following after israel , overtook them pitching by the sea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exod. . , & . there the children of israel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exod. . . went into the midst of the sea , ( not through the midst of the sea ) the reason is rendred , for the waters were to them a wall on each hand ; and the egyptians went in after them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vers . . and the waters returned on them , ver . , , . so moses brought forth israel out of the red sea , and they went out into the wilderness of shur , exod. . . and for three days , finding no water in the wilderness , they came to marah , exod. . . . the same phrase is in the next verse said of the egyptians , exod. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if we should expound these words as the former , that god shook the egyptians through the red sea , quam absurde esset . . it s said , that israel saw the egyptians dead , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exod. . . which is not likely they would have so easily done , if they had passed over the breadth of the sea. . it appears , exod. . . that it was night when moses stretched out his hand on the sea , and when jehovah dried the waters , and when israel entred the sea. and it appears also , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exod. . . which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ver . . that the waters returned , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the egyptians were drowned . now is it likely that six hundred thousand men , besides women and children , could pass over the breadth of the red sea in so short a time as hours at the most for on the th of march they went from rameses to succoth ; on the th day from succoth to etham ; on the th day from etham they returned to pi-hahiroth , and entred the sea at night , suppose at a clock at night at the soonest , at in the morning-watch they arrived at etham , or shur in etham , and saw the egyptians drowned on the shore . numb . . , . and they departed from etham , and turned unto pi-hahiroth which is before bagnal-zephon , and pitched before migdol , numb . . . and they departed from before pi-hahiroth , and passed [ through ] for , by , or in the midst of the sea , into the wilderness , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and they went three days journey into the wilderness of etham , and pitched in marah , numb . . . by the collation of these two places , it appears , that israel returning from etham , came to pi-hahiroth ; there entring the sea , came out of the sea to the same wilderness of etham again . numb . . . which moses ( exod. . . ) calleth shur : a place in the wilderness of etham , and the same that etham is , saith abben ezra . it 's not for the wisest man ( saith he ) to judg of god's works , why dost thou thus for god commands israel here , when he had made his journey to etham , and was so much forward on his way to canaan , to return then backward again to pihahiroth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their three days journey , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the end that pharaoh might follow after them , and be drowned in the sea. for when pharaoh had heard that israel had made two days journey to etham in the wilderness , and that then they ( after they had gone so far on their way as moses had foretold them [ we must go three days journey in the wilderness to sacrifice ] ) returned back to go another way , then pharaoh thought that moses's intent was to fly , ( for it was told pharaoh , that the people fled ) exod. . . and not to go to sacrifice . then he said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he that flies away , his way is perplexed , and he knows not whither he goes . then being at pi-hahiroth , the lord commanded moses to bid the people go into the sea , exod. . . which they did , vers . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 think not , saith abben ezra , because the scripture saith there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they came into the half , or midst of the sea ; for in case they had but entred , or set but half a foot , or hoof , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the sea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it may be called , or said , within the sea , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the midst of the — and yet they were not in the midst of the camp. but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is that place where the sea was in the beginning of the night . now , the use and benefit of this place thus truly explained , is threefold . . it discovers the error of all the maps of our geographers , who make the israelites to pass over the breadth of the red sea towards canaan . . it shews the infirmity of our last translation , and the liturgy , in this particular . . it will free you , my worthy respected friend , from your mistaking of this history , and will serve to direct you into the right way of truth , which we all seek after . i hope therefore it will not displease you to be drawn with israel out of the red sea , seeing moses was content to be drawn out of the egyptian waters : he by a woman , an egyptian ; you by a man , a christian. he crying and begging it , you without petition or request . and thus , with my love and service to you and the truth , i rest now , and ever , yours to command in all good offices , ralph skynner . letter cvi. right reverend in god ; your grace's letters of the th of november , came not to my hands : till the d of december : to the contents whereof i have sent this answer . to the first demand ; rabby levi ben gershom i have not , but r. sagnadia his exposition on ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) dan. . . is this . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in verba quae dominatio vestra quaerit : aedificabitur & ( in aedificio ejus ) id est aedificata manebit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the second demand , as touching ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) dan. . . i find the first part of mr. br's words out of abben ezra , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that the weeks are from the going forth of the word at daniel's prayer ; as also the latter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but not in a continued coherence ; for after the word ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) three lines , at least of the exposition of other words of the text are inserted , without dependance ; for he saith not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : so that he shews terminum à quo , by the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but , terminum ad quem , he hath not precisely expressed , for that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wanteth . to the third ; these be abben ezra's words touching the new moon , and the eclipses . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the fourth ; abben ezra's calculation of the of daniel . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having written thus far , i presently came to london , and went to mr. walker to borrow those books i had not , because i am desirous to give your grace all the satisfaction i can . mr. walker hath not gersham , nor any comment on daniel , but the same that i have ; only he lent me ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and so i have read over the whole tractate ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) , but there is not any word touching the duration of the babylonian kingdom , or any other kingdom . it only handleth on what days the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be read , and their rites and ceremonies ; i confess , i read only the text of megillah , i read not rambanus , nor bartinorah's comment , for that would require many days , and i found no one word in the text tending any thing at all towards any such matter ; and therefore , my lord , i would be glad to know what author referred you to that tractate of megillah , or whether your grace hath mistaken the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i humbly thank your grace for your lordship's last kindness unto me , when i was at much-haddam , for defraying my charges at mine inn. and now , my lord , vetus conferendo beneficium invitas novum . it hath pleased my lord carew , who lieth at nonesuch , some mile and an half from sutton , before whose honour i have often preached , to be pleased to write his letter to the right honourable my lord keeper , sir thomas coventry , that he would be pleased , at his request , to bestow a benefice on me , when any shall fall in his gift . and he was pleased moreover to send the letter by sir thomas stafford to my lord keeper , to sollicit the matter also by word of mouth . and so i was there at hampton-court , and presented my self to my lord keeper ; who gave me his hand , and promised , that within three months , or sooner , he assured himself he should provide for me . and now , my lord , my request is , that your grace would be pleased to write your letter also unto my lord keeper , in my behalf , to this effect , having relation to my lord carew's precedent ; that whereas your lordship is informed , that my lord carew hath sollicited my lord keeper to bestow a benefice on one ralph skynner , minister and preacher of the word at sutton , ( under mr. glover ) a man of honest life and conversation , and conformable to the orders of our church , and so forth , as it shall please your lordship to write of me , that you would be pleased to second my lord carew's request effectually , for that i am but mediocris fortunae vir , and have not means and maintenance to buy me books , and other necessaries . this your grace's letter , in my behalf to my lord keeper , if your lordship would be pleased to send it before christide , inclosed in a letter to mr. burnet's , and to give me leave to seal it , after i have read it , it 's likely my lord keeper would remember me the sooner . i have given my lord carew satisfaction in many questions , at sundry times of conference ; and especially in these three , . that the pope and conclave be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . that the points and vowels were given by god from sinai , and not the invention of the masorits . . that the hebrew tongue is the most ancient tongue , and that moses wrote in it , and not in the caldee and egyptian ; and all this proved expresly out of the text of the scripture : for which my lord hath given me a greater commendation in the ancient tongues , to my lord keeper , than i either have deserved , or can answer unto . and thus , with my humble service to your grace , i end , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per metathesin radulph skynner . london decemb. . . letter cvii . a letter from mr. james white to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . illustrissime & reverendissime antistes , quòd venerandae antiquitatis monumenta , quae meae curae non ita pridem conferenda credidit dominatio vestra , tardiùs multò , quàm vellem , ad umbilicum perduxerim , est quod sperem apud tantum candorem veniae locum me inventurum . quòd autem eo auspicio ( dicam , an infortunio ) transacta sint , ut neutiquam industriae meae specimen exhibendi , nedum judicio vestro sublimi satisfaciendi copia fiat ; quicquid veniae audacia arrogaverit , nullam fidenter sperari posse exploratum habeo . siquidem ( quod minimè dissimulandum existimavi ) vel ipsae liturae , quibus inter scribendum imprudens indulsi , incuriae me vel invitum coarguunt . quin & inter sacras illas paginas conferendas semel atque iterum in ea loca incidi , unde me facilè expedire non potui . intelligat , obsecro , dominatio vestra psalmos , & . quo utroque in loco idem scrupulus , eadem occurrit difficultas . utrobique enim psalmi duo fronte satis distincti , materiâ varii , titulis etiam à se invicem diversi identitatem numericam ( si ipsum catalogum spectemus ) mirum in modum prae se ferunt . porrò , naevo haud minore laborant psalmi , & . ad quos liber ille typis excusus , quem praeire voluisse expectavi , claudus adeò inventus est , ut id spatii meâ solius conjecturâ in versibus ànnotandis emetiri coactus fuerim . has & istiusmodi densiores ingenii mei nebulas vestro benignè affulgente candore opportunè dispersum iri nullus dubito . colophonem imposuimus quatuor s. s. evangeliis ante-pentecosten , coronidem pariter actis apostolorum ( si deus dederit ) breve addituri . interim , quàm sim obstrictus dominationi vestrae , quòd me indignum , ullis negotiis hisce sacris dignatus fueris , praesul amplissime , preces meae testatum faciant deo opt. max. apud quem ardentissimis , uti par est , votis contendo , ut reverentiam vestram ecclesiae suae columen diutissimè conservet . reverendissimae vestrae dominationis observantissimus , jacobus white . cantabrigiae ex col. sid. nonas junii , . letter cviii . a letter from mr. samuel ward to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , and my very good lord , i received your lordship's ; i understood by others , this commencement of your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the sermon before his majesty , as touching the repressing of the arminian faction . god's blessing be upon you for this good service to opportunely performed . i pray god his majesty may have a true apprehension of the ensuing danger . i was told by some , that notwithstanding the proclamation , mr. mountague was to set out a book ; but i cannot say it for certain . mr. whalley spoke to me above a month ago to write to your lordship to leave mr. lively his chronology with him and me , and we would take care for the publishing thereof . if your lordship have not sent it away , we desire it may be sent hither : i had quite forgot in my last letters to mention it . i did your lordship's message to mr. chancy . i have sent your lordship the book which mr. boys had , as also his transcript which he doth expect hereafter again . those commencement-affairs here so distracted me , that i cannot recollect my self , to bethink of some things which i would have demanded of your lordship . i am right sorry of your departure from us so soon . i will intreat you to remember chrysostom ad caesarium monachum . i pray god to be with you in initio , progressu , & exitu itineris . my best wishes and devotions shall accompany you to tredaw , and there also . and so with my prayers for your lordship's health and happiness , i take my leave , resting your lordships for ever , samuel ward . sidney-colledg , july . . amicitia quae desinere potest nunquam vera fuit . hieron . i shall be bold to transmit my letters as occasion shall serve . letter cix . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. ward . salutem in christo jesu . among the manuscripts of the library of magdalen colledg in oxford , ( in dr. james's catalogue , numb . . ) i found lib. jo. chrysostomi contra illos qui negant veritatem carnis humane assumptae à deo : which i verily did suppose to be the book ad caesarium monichum , which he wrote against the history of sidonius apollinarius . but coming unto the library and making search for the book , i found it was conveyed away , and not to be heard of , which did not a little offend me . i spake with mr. young for the collation of the place in gregory nyssen's catechetical oration touching the matter of the eucharist , who told me that mr. cafa●hon and himself had heretofore collated that place , but could find nothing that could bring help to the interpretation of the place , or make much any way to or fro . you have in trinity-college a greek manuscript of euthymius's panoplia dogmatica , wherein this is cited . if you find any difference bet wixt it and the printed , i pray you acquaint me therewith , as also with your judgment concerning the place of chrysostom which i proposed unto you , and the similitude of wax which he there useth . i had many things to write , but am now intercepted by the time , being ready to take barque presently ; yet in all my haste i cannot forget sir ger and harvy's business unto trinity college , in giving furtherance whereunto , as i have already found your exceeding great forwardness , so i earnestly intreat you in my absence to supply what i my self would most willingly have done , if i were there present ; for which favour to a noble friend ( unto whom i have so extraordinarily been beholden ) as well as for the many other fruits of your love shewed to me , i shall ever rest , your assured friend and brother , ja. armachanus . leverpool aug. . . letter cx . a letter from dr. bambridge , professor of astronomy in oxford , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend , and my singular good lord ; besides my many obligations of service to your grace , i am in particular engaged in an expedite and resolute method of calculating eclipses , which i hope to accomplish to your grace's content , and would now have presented the same , but that many other pursuits in my astronomical history have taken up my time . presently after my return from your grace , i made haste to london , but could find nothing of dee's books , but bare titles , whereof some did very much please me , and encourage me to make a diligent enquiry after them . i reforted to sir rob. cotton ( with very kind welcome ) but his books being not yet ordered in a catalogue , i deferred my search there till another opportunity , and now am bold to enter your grace's bibliotheca , with humble request that i may have the names of such mathematical books as were dee's . it may be i shall find those books , whose titles did promise so much . if i had the books at oxford , i would make an abstract of all things making to astronomical history and chronography , the two chief objects of my enquiry , and safely return the books and abstract to your grace . being at london , i procured an arabick book of astronomy , the tables whereof i do perfectly understand , but the canons annexed are more difficult , and yet do so much the more incite me to find out that particular meaning , which is not possible without knowledg in the arabick ; wherefore i have made entrance into the rudiments thereof , and hope ( labore & constantiâ ) at length to be able to translate any arabick book of mathematicks . it is a difficult thing which i undertake , but the great hopes i have in that happy arabia to find most precious stones , for the adorning and enriching my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do overcome all difficulties , besides the great satisfaction to see with mine own eyes , ( videre est octava scientia ) and not to be led hoodwinkt by others , who tho they may be expert in that tongue , yet without special skill in these particular sciences , cannot truly translate the arabick ; besides that every one hath a special purpose in his study of that language , taking no delight to follow anothers course , ( flultum est ducere invitos ca●es ad venandum ) . i relate this to your grace in assurance of your favour herein , if you please in your enquiry at aleppo , and other eastern places for syriack books , to take in all arabick books of the mathematicks and chronology , and amongst the rest a good arabick copy of the alkoran , the only book whereby that language is attained . if your grace have one already , i humbly request the use thereof for some time ; for ours are bound prisoners in the library , wherein are many arabick books , but aut hore nescio-quo , de re nescio qua . i hope to bring them in lucem meliorem , and with them many others , if i may have the gracious rays of your favourable assistance . i am not yet come to the closure of my apology , i beseech your grace's patience a while . besides my enquiries , i am very busy in the fabrick of a large instrument for observations , that i may , mea fide , both teach and write ; and here again i humbly entreat you to take in your consideration my petition at oxford , that you would as occasion shall be offered commend to the munificence of some noble benefactors this excellent and rare part of astronomy ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which would certainly commend them to posterity ; in the mean time , i would not fail to publish their fame unto the learned world. i may not forget , in my return from your grace , i called on mr. burton , to see his leland , and there in the catalogue of books in worcester church i found , commentarii ' dunchagt praesulis hybernensis in mart. capel . opus eruditum , if i do well remember , for i cannot now find my written note . i spake to the dean of worcester ( who was with me at oxford ) about it , but he made no esteem thereof . yet if it please your grace , i will cause it to be perused . i shall account my self very happy , if i may here do any thing worthy your grace's acceptation . in the mean time i much desire to hear of your grace's safe return into ireland , with your worthy confort , and with many hearty prayers to god , that you may live many heathful and happy years , i rest your grace's most humbly devoted servant , john bainbridg . oxon. octob. . . letter cxi . a letter from mr. thomas davis , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend sir ; after i had writ the former lines , came to my hands your lordship's letter of the th of july , from oxford ; whereto i have given due perusal , and thereby take notice , that your grace hath received mine of the th of january , with the books sent you by the ship patience of london ; being very glad thereof , but more joy ful that your lordship finds such content in them , being sorry that i am not able to perform to the full what you desire . the patriarch's name that sold me the books of moses , is , jesu jáb ; which in the chaldee tongue , is as much as to say , jesus give me and whereas i writ he was a jacobite , i pray take notice that he is a nestorian , and hath his residence in emite and zert , and continually comes to this town to visit them that are of that heresy . his promise to me he hath not kept , neither could i ever hear from him since he sent me that book , now in your lordships possession ; yet i caused divers letters to be writ to him , and at this present have given order to write to him again : but as i often writ to your grace , those books are rare , especially in the chaldean tongue and character ; the greatest part of the chaldee books , are written in the arab character , which i think you would not have , nor esteem . as for the remainder of the old testament in the chaldee , i have sent a man to mount libanus to take a copy thereof , intending to send you the whole old testament in one volume ; notwithstanding i know you have the books of moses and the psalms ; those you have , are old copies , and this will be a new transcript , presuming your lordship will not think much of the charge , which if i had excepted , would have been very little less than now it will be . and as for the samaritan books , in the hands of the damasceen spahee , i will use my best diligence to find him out again , and redeem them at as easy a rate as i can . and so continue my care in accomplishing your lordship's will in every thing , desiring the benefit of your particular prayers . and so fearing to be further troublesom to your grace , humbly take my leave , and remain , your graces , most humbly to command , thomas davis . aleppo , novemb. . . english account . the th day of the d month , of the turkish account , and the of mahomet . the turks and moors begin their month , when they first see the moon after the change. letter cxii . a letter from mr. alexander cook , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my good lord , iacknowledg my self much bounden unto you , for your letter sent me from liverpool , in your return to ireland . yet i confess i had not from this place , where now i am , returned you thanks , but that i was desirous to acquaint you with an accident lately fallen out ; some circumstances whereof , i had better occasion to know , than many my betters . it concerneth my lady faukland . she , within this fortnight , hath declared her self to be a papist . one of the priests who perverted her , goeth under the name of fitz gerard , though his true name is george pettinger , a york-shire man , an idle p●ating companion , and a serving-man not many years ago : a frequenter of baudy-houses , and a cozener of trades-men in london , as i my self in part know ; and as i am credily informed by sir tho. savile , to whom he was well known ; and by some gentlemen of his own kindred . mr. mountague , mr. cose●s , and the colledg ( as it is called ) at durham-house , are sensible of the disgrace which they sustain by reason of her fall . mr. mountague told her , that dying an english papist , she died in the state of damnation . mr. coosens told her , that she had sinned damnably in departing from that church wherein she was born and baptized , before she had consulted with the governors thereof . besides , mr. coosens gave her a few notes , which she sent unto her priest to answer : whose answer came to my hands ; and in my poor opinion , was a very silly one . yet mr. coosens would not reply , but took his farewel of the lady , without purpose of ever visiting her again . she protested , that if ever she turned again , she will turn puritan , not moderate protestant , as she phraseth it ; for moderate protestants , viz. mr. coosens , &c. are farther from catholicks than puritans . and thus much concerning her , who , for any thing i know , is neither fallen from grace , nor to grace . here is l. offered ( as it 's said ) for the bishoprick of winchester , by the dean of winchester : and some say it is worth it , for he may make of the leases , at his first entrance , l. the other bishopricks are rated proportionably ; and destinated to men of corrupt minds . dr. laud is dean of the chappel ; and dr. white bishop of carlisle . chamierus is lately come forth against bellarmine ; they are sold as fast as they come over : but mr. fetherston looks daily for more , of which i hope to have one . the papists brag , that god hath not shewed himself a hugonite for these three years last past . they have great hopes , but i trust their hopes shall perish . yet wise men are afraid of what may follow ; and are more inquisitive than heretofore to know , whether dotage may not be wrought by sorcery . i shall be glad to see your second part of the succession of christian churches ; or any thing else of yours against the common adversary . your lordship had need now to do something , for few go with a right foot , and the enemies are many . i thought , all this while , i had been writing to mr. usher , which made me write so carelesly ; but ere-now my memory serves to tell me , that it is my lord primat of armagh , to whom i ought to have written more respectively : yet i cannot find in my heart to burn what i have written , but to pass it a way as it is , not doubting of a pardon from your lordship , if for no other respect , yet for this , that i live in the north , where we know not well what manners mean. and so with remembrance of my humble duty and service , i rest , your lordship 's poor welwiller , a. cook. lond. nov. . . letter cxii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the right honourable the lord deputy falkland . may it please your lordship ; my diligence hath not been wanting , either in treating with my lords the bishops when they were present , or in writing unto them when they were absent , touching the augmentation , and the present paiment of the loan-monies , demanded of the clergy in the province of armagh . the augmentation with one voice , they did deny ; alledging , that your lordship , in your letters directed unto them , did not propound any indefinite sum to be levied according to their discretions ; but a precise one , of l. and s. for one months pay of the new supplies in ulster . and as for the present paiment of that sum , order hath been already taken , that ( according to your lordships special directions ) l. should be delivered unto sir william calfield . one hundred twenty one pounds , and a noble , i have since received ; which is ready to be delivered unto any one who shall be authorized to receive the same under your lordship's hand . the bishop of clogher , who hath already paid half of that sum which was assigned unto sir william calfield , is there at dublin , ready to give an account of that which remaineth due upon his clergy . the bishop of derry hath left with me his ticket , wherein he undertakes to pay l. unto any one of the captains to whom your lordship shall appoint . upon the diocess of meath , there was l. s. d. taxed in this levy ; which is the double twentieth part of the clergy there ; the twentieth part of the bishoprick it self being abated , because the bishop is yet in first-fruits . for this i have used my utmost endeavour , both with the bishop and with his clergy ; but could not prevail , to get from them more than l. and therefore of them i must rid my self , and wholly leave them unto your lordship . as for the remain of the total sum , betwixt this and the beginning of the term , i will use my best endeavour to get in what may be had , and give a particular certificate of the names of those who will not pay ; to the end your lordship may deal with them , as in your wisdom you shall think fit . and so expecting your lordship's further commands in this , or any other service , i humbly take leave for the present , and ever-more rest , your honour 's faithful servant , j. a. droghedah , jan. . . letter cxiii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the most reverend george abbot arch-bishop of canterbury . my most gracious lord ; when i took my last leave of you at lambheth , i made bold to move your grace , for the settlement of the provostship of our colledg here , upon some worthy man , whensoever the place should next become void . i then recommended unto you mr. sibbes , the preacher of grays-inn ; with whose learning , soundness of judgment , and up●●ghtness of life , i was very well acquainted : and it pleased your grace to listen unto my motion , and give way to the coming over of the person named , when time required . the time ( my lord ) is now come , wherein we have ●t last wrought sir william temple to give up his place , if the other may be drawn over . and therefore i most humbly intreat your grace , to give unto mr. sibbes that encouragement he deserveth ; in whose behalf i dare undertake , that he shall be as observant of you , and as careful to put in execution all your directions , as any man whosoever . the matter is of so great importance for the good of this poor church , and your fatherly care as well of the church in general , as our colledg in particular so well known , that to shall not need to press you herein with many words . and therefore leaving it wholly to your grace's grave consideration , and beseeching almighty god to bless you in the managing of your weighty imployments : i humbly take leave , and rest your grace's in all duty ready to be commanded , j. a. droghedah , january th , . letter cxv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to the honourable society of lincolns-inn . my most worthy friends ; i cannot sufficiently express my thankfulness unto you for the honour which you have done unto me , in vouchsafing to admit me into your society , and to make me a member of your own body . yet so is it fallen out for the present , that i am enforced to discharge one piece of debt with entring into another . for thus doth the case stand with us . sir william temple , who hath governed our colledg at dublin these seventeen years , finding age and weakness now to encrease upon him , hath resolved to ease himself of that burthen , and resign the same to some other . now of all others whom we could think of , your worthy preacher mr. sibbs is the man upon whom all our voyces have here settled ; as one that hath been well acquainted with an academical life , and singularly well qualified for the undertaking of such a place of government . i am not ignorant , what damage you are to sustain by the loss of such an able man , with whose ministry you have been so long acquainted : but i consider withal , that you are at the well-head , where the defect may quickly be supplied ; and that it somewhat also tendeth to the honour of your society , that out of all the king's dominions your house should be singled out , for the place unto which the seminary of the whole church in this kingdom should have recourse for help and succor in this case . and therefore my most earnest suit unto you is , that you would give leave unto mr. sibbes to repair hither , at leastwise for a time , that he may see how the place will like him . for which great favour our whole church shall be obliged unto you : and i , for my part , shall evermore profess my self to rest your own in all christian service , ready to be commanded , j. a. droghedah , jan. th , . letter cxvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the most reverend george abbot arch-bishop of canterbury . my very good lord ; i wrote unto your grace heretofore concerning the substitution of mr. sibbes into the place of sir william temple . but having since considered with my self , how some occasions may fall out that may hinder him from coming hither ; and how many most unfit persons are now putting in for that place : i have further emboldened my self to signify thus much more of my mind unto you , that in case mr. sibbes do not come unto us , i cannot think of a more worthy man , and more fit for the government of that colledg , than mr. bedel , who hath heretofore remained with sir henry wotton at venice , and is now beneficed about berry . if either he , or dr. featly , or any other worthy man whom you shall think fit , can be induced to accept of the place ; and your grace will be pleased to advise the fellows of the colledg to elect him thereunto : that poor house shall ever have cause to bless your memory for the settlement of it at such a time as this , where so many labour to make a prey of it . in ordering the affairs that do belong unto the primacy , the greatest trouble that i yet meet withal , is the persidiousness of the register , whom my predecessor hath fastened upon me . he hath combined with one chase ( a base fellow that is now acting this business at court ) to overthrow the ministry which king james ( by your grace's special incitation ) hath so happily planted in the diocess of armagh , by making the rectories that did belong to the vicars chorals of armagh to be lay-fee ; unto which incumbents have been hitherto ( by his majesties own direction ) still presented ; and the livings also taxed with payment of first-fruits , as all other presentative livings are . dawson is a man so notoriously branded for his lewd carriage , that i dare not trust him with the keeping of the records , or suffer him any ways to intermeddle with the businesses of the church . to see therefore whether i can fairly rid my hands of him ; i have made a grant of his places unto others , and so left them to the trial of their titles by course of law : which hath so incensed dawson , that he laboureth now by his emissary chase to disgrace me in court with all the calumnies that his wicked heart can devise . wherein i doubt not but your grace , ( as occasion shall require ) will be ready to stand for me in my just defence . as for the general state of things here , they are so desperate , that i am afraid to write any thing thereof . some of the adverse part have asked me the question , where i have heard or read before , that religion and mens souls should be set to sale after this manner unto whom i could reply nothing , but that i had read in mantuan , that there was another place in the world , where coelum est venale , deusque i procured a meeting of all the prelates at my house ; who with one voice protested against these courses , and subscribed this protestation of theirs with their hands . but forasmuch as we knew that the project was wonderful distastful unto the papists themselves ; we contained our selves in publick , and suffered the breach to come from their side . i know their agents are not asleep at court ; but our hope is , that your grace is as vigilant there to make opposition unto their practices ; and to advise of some other course to give the king content , which may be more for his honour , and the good of the church . all which i humbly leave unto your grace's sage consideration , and evermore rest , your graces , ready to do you all service , ja. armachanus . drogheda february . . letter cxvii . a letter from dr. ward to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , and my very good lord , my best service premised , &c. i received your lordship's last letters to me dated from leverpool ; and have heard by others since of your lordship's safe arrival in ireland . as touching sir gerard harvy , i have been with him at hadham since , and have had letters once or twice about his business from him . i consulted with mr. whalley , and wrote to sir gerard what fine will be expected besides his coming in rent-corn , which he is willing to pay . the fine will be about l. for renewing his lease , and adding of ten years to the time he hath ; about easter he will be with us about it . i am sorry your lordship missed of that epistle of chrysostom ad caesarium monachum , at oxford . i was in good hope your lordship would have hit upon it . it is to be feared it is purloin'd away . i received mr. boys his variae lectiones in liturgiam basilii , which your lordship left to be sent him . i spake with mr. patrick young , who telleth me , that sirmondus hath all fronto's papers , and that he is in hand with theodoret , and that after he is set out , i shall have my transcript upon the psalms . he saith your lordship hath the greek transcript of euthymius . i have seen athanasius graecol . newly set forth at paris ; it hath some homilies added by one holstein , but it wanteth the varia lectiones which are in co●m●lin's edition . eusebius in three volumes graecol . is daily expected , but not yet come . dr. white , now bishop of carlisle , hath sold all his books to hills the broker . his pretence is the charge of carriage so far by land , and the danger by water . some think he paid for his place . i did hear of his censure of your lordship , which i would not have believed , but that i heard it credibly reported about the time of your lordship's departure hence . sundry bishopricks are still remaining unbestowed . the precedent is not good . concerning court and commonwealth-affairs here , i suppose you have better information than my pen can afford . i would i could be a messenger by my letter of better news than any i hear here . the th of january deceased your good friend and mine mr. henry alvey at cambridge . i was with him twice when he was sick : the first time i found him sick , but very patient , and comfortable . he earnestly prayed that god would give him patience and perseverance . the later time i came he was in a slumber , and did speak nothing : i prayed for him , and then departed . shortly after he departed this life : he desired to be buried privatly , and in the church-yard , and in a sheet only without a coffin , for so , said he , was our saviour . but it was thought fitting he should be put in a coffin , and so he was : i was at his interring the next day at night . thus god is daily collecting his saints to himself . the lord prepare us all for the dies accensionis , as st. cyprian stileth it . since the decease of dr. walsall , dr. goslin our vice-chancellor , and dr. hill , master of katherine-hall , are both dead . in their places succeed , in bennet-colledg , dr. butts ; in caius-colledg , mr. bachcroft , one of the fellows ; in katherine-hall , mr. sibbs of grays-inn . concerning the place of chrysostom , homilia de encaeniis , which you mention in your last letters , i cannot write now as i would , i having not my book by me . my last lecture was touching it . i see a great difference in the reading , between the reading in the manuscript of new-colledg in oxon , which sir h. savill printed , and the reading in m. baraciro , which is in the notes of sir h. savill . the latin translation is answerable to that of new-colledg . that speech , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gave occasion ( i think ) to damascene to say the like . though i do somewhat suspect some corruption by later grecians in that point ; especially origen writing to the contrary , as you know , in matth. . in the similitude following from wax , the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is translated in the latin translation , nihil remanet substantiae ; contrary as i conceive to the greek , for it should be , nihil substantiae perdit . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , est , aliquid substantiae perdo . it is not easy to conceive the sense of that similitude , both for the protasis , and apodosis . but of this when i come home at better leasure . i do purpose ( god willing ) in my determinations , when i shall dispute upon any , to go in the point of free-will , for that ( as i conceive ) it is the chief ground of the rest of the errors maintained by the remonstrants , or at least , of most of them . i have been here above a fortnight , for to get a license of mortmain for the holding of acres of capite land , which a gentleman would give to our colledg ; but i find great difficulty in effecting it , so as i fear me i must return , re infectâ . if you would be pleased to send mr. lively's chronology , i think mr. whalley would see to the publishing of it . and thus with tender of my best service , and my best wishes and prayers , for the happy success of your good designs , and prospering of all your endeavours ; and for the publick peace and safety of both the nations , yours and ours , in these tottering and troublesome times , i commend your lordship , and all yours , to the gracious protection of the highest majesty . your lordship 's in all service , samuel ward . london , feb. . . letter cxviii . a letter from the right honorable the lord deputy falkland , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord , your judicious apprehension of the perils which threaten the peace of this kingdom , which your dutiful consideration of the king's wants , through his other manifold occasions of expence , together with your zeal to his service , is clearly manifested , by conforming your tenants to the good example of others , to join with the rest of the inhabitants , in contributing to the relief of the new supplies , and other souldiers sent hither for the publick defence , notwithstanding your privileges of exemption , by patent , from such taxes ; which i will take a fitting occasion to make known to his majesty , for your honour . and where your lordship doth complain , that other country charges are imposed upon your tenants , whereof you conceive they ought to be free , by virtue of your patent : i can give no direct answer thereunto , until i be informed from your lordship of what nature they be ; but do faithfully assure your lordship , that neither my lord chichester , nor my lord grandison , did ever shew more respect to your predecessors , than i will be ready to perform towards your lordship , as well in this your demand , as in all other things which lie in my power , ( not being prejudicial to the king's service , which i know is as much as your lordship will ever desire ) ; and do pray your lordship to send me a copy of their warrants for my information , what hath been done in that behalf before my time. i have kept sir charles cootes company from that county as long as i could , and will remove them thence as soon as i can conveniently : but your lordship may please to understand , that by the earnest intercession of some well-willers to that county , it hath been less burthened with souldiers , than any other within that province ; saving only fermannagh , which is much smaller in scope than it . and for the distinction you desire to be made between your town-lands , which you alleadg are generally less by one half , than those that are held by others ; that error cannot be reformed without a general admeasurement , and valluation of the different fertilities ; for we all know that a hundred acres in a good soil , may be worth a thousand acres of lands that are mountainous and barren , and therefore it will surely prove a work of great difficulty , and will require a long time to reduce it to any perfection ; so as it is best to observe the custom in usage , until such a reformation shall be seriously debated and agreed upon . for the bridg to be built at charlemount , it was propounded to the board by the lord caulfield ; he informing , that the old one was so decayed , that it could hardly last out another year . the usesul consequence of that bridg , in time of war , guarded by a strong fort , ( which defence others want ) being well known to the table , did make it a short debate , every man concurring in opinion , with an unanimous consent , that it was most necessary for the king's service , that a substantial bridg should be erected there with expedition . then the question grew , at whose charge , whether at the king 's or countries which , upon mature debate was ordered , that the country should bear , as well for that it is a place of equal conveniency with any other that is or can be made elsewhere , for passage of the inhabitants over that deep river in times of peace , as because they shall enjoy great security by their neighbourhoods to that strong fort of charlemount ( in times of combustion ) built and maintained without their charge . these considerations did move us to give direction to certain of the justices of peace , of each of these counties of tyrone and armagh , to view the place , and treat with workmen ; which they accordingly did . upon whose certificate , we gave warrant to applot the same , according to their agreement with workmen ; which i wish may be levied without opposition or interruption ; and do make it my request unto your lordship , to give way and furtherance thereunto , for this work , tending so much to the service of the king and country , which i shall take in very good part from your lordship ; and you cannot want your reward in heaven for it , it being a work of that kind which is accounted pious . and so i commit your lorship to god's protection , and rest , your lordships very affectionate friend , falkland . dublin-castle , march . . i have given order for the preparing a fyant for the passing of those particulars your lordship desired , by mr. singe . falkland . letter cxix . a letter from the most reverend george abbot arch-bishop of canterbury , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my very good lord ; i send unto you mr. sibbes , who can best report what i have said unto him . i hope that colledg shall in him have a very good master , which hitherto it hath not had . you shall make my excuse to the fellows , that i write not unto them . you shall do well to pray to god that he will bless his church ; but be not too sollicitous in that matter which will fall of it self , god almighty being able and ready to support his own cause . but of all things , take heed that you project no new ways ; for if they fail , you shall bear a grievous burthen : if they prosper , there shall be no thanks to you . be patient , and tarry the lord's leasure . and so commending me unto you , and to the rest of your brethren , i leave you to the almighty , and remain , your lordship's loving brother , g. cant. lambeth , march . . letter cxx . a letter from mr. thomas davis , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend sir ; may it please your lordship to take a view of my proceedings , for the procuring of such books you gave me order for ; such as i could get , and have in readiness to be sent by our next ships , ( which may depart this port about four months hence ) are certain books , and loose papers in the samaritan tongue , of what use or value i cannot learn. the old testament in the chaldean , which after seventeen months time , is written in a fair character , wanting only the book of the psalms , and the second of esdras . i have also a small tract of ephraems in the syriack . i have used the best means i could to procure the new testament in the abyssins language and character , but to this day have not been able . fourteen days past i sent again to jerusalem , to try if it , or any other of the books your lordship would have in the samaritan tongue may be had . for obtaining whereof , i have made use of the favour of a gentleman of veniee , that is consul for that nation in this place , who i presume will endeavour to satisfy my great desire in this particular ; and if he fail me , i have no farther hopes of prevailing . i am sorry that i can do no better service in a business that may be so beneficial ( as your grace hath intimated ) to the church of god , and so acceptable to your self . such papers as i have , or can procure , shall ( god willing ) with a note of their cost and charges , be sent by our ships aforesaid . news this place affords not worth your knowledg . by our last letters from constantinople , they write of great preparation for the wars , and that they will this spring go against the rebel abbassa , that holds the city of assaraune . in their last years siege of that place , they lost many men , and much honour . the common adversary ( the persian ) in the mean while hath time to provide himself to welcome the turks , when they shall think good to visit him . they write also from constantinople , that a greek patriarch , or bishop , ( that spent three years in england ) was resolved to print ( being furnished out of christondom with all things necessary , having leave of the caymo-cham ) some of the greek fathers , whose writings it should seem the papists have abused . which when the jesuits that live in constantinople understood , they went to the bashaw , and told him . that the greek , under pretence of printing , would coin and stamp false mony : whereupon , without examination of the business , order was given to apprehend and instantly to hang the old man ; his house and goods to be seised upon for the king's use : the latter was effected , but god so provided , that the man was at that instant of time in our ambassador's house : where the officers came to take him , and execute that tyrannical sentence . but the ambassador examining the business , undertook his protection , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his person ; yea , so far pr●se●uted the business against the jes●its , that they were cast into prison , their house , library , and all their goods , taken for the king's use ; and liberty given to the old greek to go on with his intended work. and for the jesuits , the best they could expect , was to be banished constantinople , and never to come into any part of the grand signior's dominions . but i fear their mony will produce too good an issue of so foul a business . their malice is inveterate ; god deliver all good men out of their power . thus i humbly take leave , and ever rest , your grace's in all duty to be commanded , thomas davis . aleppo , the th of march , . of the turks account , the th day of the th month called raged , and the year of mahomet . letter cxxi . a letter from the right reverend dr. john hanmer bishop of st. asaph , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . may it please your grace ; i have received the chronicle of ireland , penn'd by my uncle , and perfected by mr. molineux ; together with the history of ireland , compiled by edmund campian . i have cursorily ran them both over , and do find some defects in both , not only in orthography , by reason of the unskilfulness of the transcriber , but also in the sense , by reason of dissonancy in the coherence , and the very context it self . but as it is , i do purpose ( god willing ) to send it this week to london unto some friends of mine , to give the printers there a view of the volume ; as also to deal with them touching the profit that may be raised to the advancement of the widow , my aunt . i will not fail to prefix in the epigraphe and title to mr. campian's history , that direction which your lordship very kindly affordeth in your loving letter . and i am sensible enough , that campian's name , honoured with your grace's publication to the work , will be a countenance unto it , and much further the sale . and for mr. daniel molineux , not only my self , but the whole realm of ireland , together with this of great britain , shall owe a large beholdenness unto him . if it please god that the work take success for the press , i will take care that his name , for his care and pains-taking therein , shall live and have a being in the memory of posterity , so long as the books shall live . when the copies shall be returned from london , and the printer agreed withal , i and my friends here will review them again , and again , and to our capacities make them fit for the press ; for i find , by perusing , that such a work must be framed by such men as be skilful , both in the irish and welsh tongues , and reasonably versed in their stories . between this and michaelmass i hope to bring all passages to perfection , and agreement with the printer , and then i will not fail to certify your grace of the proceedings : till when , and ever , i commit you and yours to the grace of the almighty . resting , your lordships most assured loving brother , and servant in christ jesus , joh. asaph . pe●re pa●t , may . . letter cxxii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. john selden . worthy sir ; your letter of the th of september , came not unto my hands before the th of november . and to give you full satisfaction in that which you desired out of my samaritan text ; i caused the whole fifth chapter of genesis to be taken out of it , as you see , and so much of the th as concerneth the chronology you have to deal with . the letters in the second and third leaf , are more perfectly expressed than those in the first ; and therefore you were best take them for the pattern of those which you intend to follow in your print , there being but of them in number , without any difference of initials and finals , and without any distinction of points and accents . matrices may be easily cast for them all , without any great charge ; which if you can perswade your printer to undertake , i will freely communicate to him the collection of all the differences betwixt the text of the jews , and the samaritans , throughout the whole pentateuch ; a work which would very greedily be sought for by the learned abroad ; howsoever such things are not much regarded by ours at home . the original it self , after the collation is perfected , i have dedicated to the library of our noble friend sir robert cotton . in the samaritan chronology , published by scaliger , lib. . de emend . temp . pag. . there are reckoned years from adam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to his death , where it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to his son seth : and to noah are attributed years , for which scaliger setteth down , thinking that to be signified by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which rather should have been noted by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) whereas there is meant thereby 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , . likewise to mahalaleel , there are attributed there years , and to methusalach ; for which eusebius in his greek chronicle ( pag. . ) hath , . which scaliger , in his notes upon the place , ( pag. . a ) would have reformed according to his samaritan chronography . but that eusebius was in the right , and his chronography wrong , appeareth now plainly by the samaritan's own text of the bible : only one fault there is in eusebius , ( or in the corrupt copy of georgius syncellus rather , which scaliger used ) in annis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , patrum ante diluvium : namely , in the years attributed to exoch . which to have been miswritten for appeareth , not only by the consent of the samaritan , both chronicle and text , but also by the total sum of the years from adam to the flood ; which as well in ensebius ( pag. . graeci chronici , lin . . & pag. . lin . . ) as in georgius syncellus , is noted to be annorum . ; which scaliger in his notes ( pag. b. and b ) doth wrongfully mend . and , ( pag. a ) with a greater error , terminate with the time of noah's birth , blaming george the monk for extending them ( as the truth was ) to the year of the flood . from the creation to the flood , according to the hebrew verity , are years ; according to the samaritan text ; according to eusebius his reckoning out of the septuagint , ; and according to africanus , . george followeth eusebius his account , which he noteth to be years less than that of africanus ; greater than the hebrew , and greater than the samaritan ; for that he meant so , and not as it is written ( pag. a. scaligeri ) , is evident even to this , that in the self-same place he maketh the difference betwixt the hebrew account ( which every one knoweth to be ) and the samaritan to be annorum . now for the years that these fathers lived , post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is an exact agreement between the samaritan text , and the chronicle of eusebius ; save that herein the application of them to the years of noah , there is a manifest error of the scribe , pag. . lin . , and ; putting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . adhuc tamen restat te vindice dignus nodus . st. hierom , in his hebrew questions upon genesis , affirmeth , that he found the year of mathusalah and lamech to be alike ; in hebraeis samaritanorum libris . and indeed the hebrew hath , as he setteth it down , that mathusalah lived years before he begat noah . but in the samaritan text it is far otherwise ; that mathusalah lived years before he begat lamech , after , in all ; and lamech years before the birth of noah . and these numbers are in the self-same sort related by eusebius , who lived before st. hierom ; lest any man should imagine that since his time the samaritan text which we have , might be altered . now it is to be noted , that by both these accounts it falleth out , that the death of mathusalah doth concur with the year of the flood : and it is the principal intent of st. hierom in this place , to solve the difficulty moved out of the greek edition , that mathusalah lived years after the flood ; by appealing unto the books of the hebrews , and the samaritans , wherein mathusalah is made to die , eo anno ( as he speaketh ) quo caepit esse diluvium . this general peradventure might run in st. hierom's memory , when he wrote this , which well might make him think that the particular numbers of both texts , did not differ ; especially if ( as it is likely ) he had not the samaritan text then lying by him to consult withal . but howsoever his slip of memory derogateth nothing from the credit of that which we are sure was in the samaritan text before he committed this to writing . i come now to the years of the fathers which lived after the flood . wherein for the time ante 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( whereupon the course of the chronology doth depend ) there is an exact agreement betwixt the samaritan text and chronicle . from whom also eusebius doth not dissent ; if the error be amended which hath crept into pag. . lin . . ( graeci chronici ) where years are assigned to arphaxad , instead of . for that this was the error , not of eusebius , but of the transcriber , appeareth evidently , both by the line next going before , where sem , after the begetting of arphacsad , is said to have lived years , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( whereas there would be but years to the th of phaleg , if years only had been assigned to arphacsad , and not ) ; and by the total sum thus laid down , in the th line of the same page . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and indeed , in the years ante 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , post diluvium , there is a full agreement , both in the total sum , and in all the particulars , betwixt the samaritan account , and that of the lxx , as it is related by eusebius , ( gainan in both being omitted ) which sum of being added to the former of , maketh up the full number of , from the first of adam , to the th year of terah , the very same sum which is laid down by eusebius , ( pag. . lin . . graeci chronici ) and answereth precisely to the collection of the particulars that are found in my samaritan bible . in scaliger's samaritan chronicle , ( pag. . emend . ) the particulars being summed up , amount to , ( it is in scaliger , pag. . ) ; which number so laid down in the chronicle , ( and partly misreckoned ; partly miswritten in the commentary ) is by the same scaliger , in his notes upon eusebius ( pag. . b. ) amended nimirum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neque dubium est ita esse , saith he ; of which yet i do very much doubt : or rather do not doubt at all , because i know the error was not in the transcriber , but in the chronologer himself , who accounteth from the birth of noah , to the birth of arphacsad , ( as did also africanus and others before him ) only ; and not ( as eusebius and others more rightly ) ; from whence , unto the th of terah , by the joint consent , as well of eusebius , as of the samaritan text and chronicle , there are years . for scaliger's , ( pag. . b. eusebian . ) is but an error of that noble wit , who intending higher matters , did not heed so much his ordinary arithmetick . in the numbering of the years of these fathers , post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there is not the like consent betwixt the lxx , and the samaritan , as was before . our greek copies differing very much herein , not only from the samaritan , but also betwixt themselves . eusebius , pag. . graeci chronici , differeth from my samaritan text only in the years of ragau . yet there , lin . . in phalec . instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , would be read more fully , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and lin . . in seruch . instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ( quod res ipsa indicat ) lin . . it is said of ragau ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whereas the samaritan text hath a whole hundred years less . and that we may not suspect there was here any error librarii , by putting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wheraas rehu , or ragau , is said to have lived years before he begat serug , after ; the whole sum of the years of his life is added to be . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for so the samaritan , in the th of genesis , as allothers in the th , useth to sum up the whole time of the lives of the fathers . it is true indeed , that attributing unto ragau years after he begat serug , he should have continued his life , by this account , until the th of nachor . but the text it self , of the samaritan bible , beareth such sway with me , that i should rather think eusebius did , out of it ( as elsewhere always ) set down as he found it there . and georgius the monk , in his miswritten copy , finding , laboured thus to fit the whole unto the th of nachor . which i am so much the more easily induced to believe , because in the chronology of the lxx , related by eusebius , ( pag. . lin . . ) non dissimile quid animadvertisse mihi videor ; for there the same ragau is said to have begotten seruch at years . scaliger giveth there a mark , that it should be , as * every where else it is read ; and that so it should be here , appeareth plainly by the total ( in lin . , and ) of from the flood , and from adam unto abraham : which to be the genuine calculation of eusebius , nemo harum rerum paulo peritior ignorat . yet george not heeding this , but finding written in that copy which came to his hands of eusebius , turneth the stream that way , and maketh the years which † eusebius giveth to salah , after he begat eber , to end in the th of seruch ; which would not so fall out , unless ragau did hold his years . in like manner he maketh the years of ragau himself , after he begat serug , ( in the printed books , ‖ pag. . lin . . there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to end in the th of nachor . and the of peleg , after he begat ragau , to end in the th of serug , ( though in these there be one years odds ) ; for of the years that eber is said to have lived , until the th of nachor , ( p. l. . ) we can make here mense , because both the numbers are vitiated . thus much i thought good to write unto you , concerning the state of the samaritan account , because no man hath dealt herewith since scaliger . i have likewise the old syriack translation of the pentateuch , which was received from the beginning of christianity , in the church of antioch ; but neither have i transcribed any thing unto you out of that , nor out of my arabick manuscript of moses ; because the former hath but a meer translation of the years of the fathers , as they are found in our common hebrew text , and the other is wholly taken out of the lxx . i have had also another book lately sent unto me from the east , intituled , otzar raza ( or rather razaja ) a treasury of secrets , containing a brief commentary in the syriack language , upon the whole old testament ( excepting the book of the lamentations , chronicles , ezra , nehemiah , and esther ) and likewise the new , those parts only excepted which are wanting in our printed syriack testaments , ( the text whereof i have procured likewise from the patriarch of the nestorians in syria ) viz. the d epistle of st. peter , the d and d of st. john , that of st. jude , and the * revelation . in this treasure , among other things worth the observation , are found ; . a genealogical table from adam to moses . . a table of the judges to samuel . . a table of the kings of judah , from saul to sedechias . . a chronological table of the kings that successively reigned in babylon , persia , and egypt , from thence unto vespasian . where to nebuchadnezzar , after the time of sedechias , are assigned years ; to evilmerodach , . to belshatzar , . to darius the mede , . to cyrus , . to cambyses ; and all this to make years to the second of darius hystaspis , from the desolation of jerusalem , according to zachar. . . in these tables , some heathenish antiquities also are inserted ; as of the building of tarsus , &c. but these are nothing in comparison of the treasure which you have found of the kings and archons of athens : than which ( as you have rightly judged ) nothing can please me more . you have made my teeth water at the mention thereof ; and therefore , i pray you , satisfy my longing with what convenient speed you may . i can give you no occasion of inscriptions , because i am fixed here in a country where the old romanists never had any footing . all that i have in this kind , i did but borrow from the monuments of my lord of arundel , my lord william howard of naworth , and sir robert cotton ; which to send back unto you who are there at the well-head , were inanis opera . those hebrew fragments of aldersgate , had your own explication in latin adjoined unto them ( as i remember ) which made me seek no further ; especially , because those inscriptions were made by later jews , and so were of the same stamp with that of r. moses filii r. isaac found in ludgate ( whereof stow maketh mention in his survey ) . i think you may do well to put together all the inscriptions , printed and imprinted , which are not to be found in the great volume of goltzius ; and amongst the rest , the latin one , v. scipionis barbati f. ( with sirmondus his explanation ) and the greek of herod expounded by casaubon , for salmasius his exposition is a little too long : and whatsoever punick letters can be had in any coin , ( as one or two sir robert cotton hath of them ) would be added also , because these are scarce known to any . there was a chronology some years since , published by one of ausborough , and dedicated to the pope , the emperor , and king james , which was prescribed by the church of rome . i pray you , if you can , help me to a sight of it ; and let me understand whether your second edition of titles of honour be yet come abroad , for as yet i have heard nothing of it . by this time , i suppose , i have tired you with a tedious letter , and therefore now i dismiss you , and rest always , your most assured loving friend , ja. armachanus . drogheda , nov. . . letter cxxiii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. dean — mr. dean ; i do acknowledg no promise made unto you on my part , but upon a condition to be performed on your part , of desisting to prosecute any further your sacrilegious intention , either by your self , or by any of yours ; the jealousy whereof you have been so far from taking away out of my mind , by your two last letters , that you have increased it much more . to bear me in hand , that you will not follow the business your self , but leave it only to the prosecution of your friends ; and that , if they obtain your desire , yet you will submit all afterward to mine own disposition ; i esteem no better than a meer delusion of me . and therefore if you intend to say no more than this , when you come up , you may save your journey , for i will accept no other satisfaction , but an absolute disclaiming of the prosecution of this business , either by your self , or by others . and this i look you should certify unto me , before sir archibald atcheson's arrival , for afterward i care not a rush for it . and when you both have tried the uttermost of your wits , to subvert the good foundation laid by king james , of happy memory , you shall but struggle in vain , with shame enough . and so beseeching almighty god to give you the spirit of a right mind , and to pardon the thoughts of your heart , i rest , your loving friend , ja. armachanus . drogheda , febr. . . letter cxxiv . a letter from dr. w. bedell provost of the colledg at dublin , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend father , my honourable good lord ; your letters of the th of september , came not to my hands till the beginning of november . upon the receipt whereof , i wrote to the vice-provost , to forbear to proceed to the election of fellows , if it were not past before . not but that the course was such , as stood by the statutes in being e're i came to the place ; but because , by your grace's earnestness therein , i conceived , your wisdom saw more to lie in it than i could perceive . since that , i am sorry to understand the success of that election was not such as gave satisfaction to your grace , and hath bred a new broil in the colledg . for the restriction of the statute for batchelors , that they should be at least of seven terms standing ; if there be any blame , it must lie upon me ; who would have had it according to that in emanuel colledg , that they should be of the third year ; but that by some of the company this temper was found . wherein the lord is witness , i respected meerly the good of the colledg , and had not so much as in my thoughts , the case of any that was to pretend the next election , but resolved , as every statute came to be considered , to reduce it to such perfection , as there should be as little need as was possible to touch them afterward . i have seen , by experience , that the timely preferring of young men , makes them insolent and idle ; and the holding them a little longer in expectation of preferment , doth them more good in one year , than two years before , or perhaps after . wherefore i cannot herein repent me of that which was done . if mr. vice-provost , and the seniors , have in any other point failed of their duty , i desire your grace , not only to excuse me in participation in it , but them also thus far , that as i hope , it proceedeth of error , and not malice . and of one thing i do assure my self , and have been bold to undertake so much to the fellows , that your grace , though it be in a sort necessary for you , and all men of place , to give satisfaction in words to importune suitors , will not take it ill that we discharge our consciences , coming to do acts upon oath , such as this is ; otherwise , miserable were the condition of such places , and happy are they that are farthest from them . i understood further , by your grace's said letters , that you dislike not that the time of the fellows should be extended to twelve years , though you would not have it mentioned upon this suddain , &c. which made me send for the university-statutes of cambridg , to my friend mr. ward , ( having leisure this winter to that purpose ) to think of some project , according to my last letters to your grace . and shortly it seems to me , that with one labour , the university might be brought into a more perfect form , and yet without touching our charter . at my being in dublin , there came to me one dr. de lanne a physician , bred in immanuel colledg : who in speech with me , discovered their purpose to procure a patent , like to that which the colledg of physicians hath in london . i noted the thing , and partly by that occasion , and partly also the desire of the fellows , to extent their time of stay in the colledg ; i have drawn a plot of my thoughts in that behalf , which i send your grace herewith . i have imparted the same generally to my lord of canterbury ; who desireth that your grace would seriously consider of it , and , to use his own words , that it may be weighed with gold weights ; and if it be found fit , will concur thereto when time shall be . i could have wished to have been present with you at the survey of it , to have rendred the reason of some things , which will now perhaps be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but your wisdom , experience , and knowledg of the place , will easily pierce through , and disperse all those mists which perhaps overcloud my understanding ; and howsoever i shall hereby , dare sapienti occasionem . for my speedy return , which your grace presseth ; i confess to them , that i am ready to forethink that ever i came there , so conscious to my self of mine own weakness and unfitness for the place , as i fear rather to be burthensom than profitable to the colledg : which also made me desirous to retain ( if i might lawfully ) the title to my benefice , resigning the whole profits and care to some able man , to be nominated by the patron , and approved by the bishop of the diocess ; that i might have , upon just cause , whither to retire my self . i have not yet received your grace's decision of this case . i wrot also to the society hereabout , who being conditores juris perpetui , are also interpretes : neither have i understood what they conceive . since my coming away , by occasion of my lord deputy his voluntary offer , to confer upon me the treasurership of st. patricks ; i entreated them to present a petition to his lordship , for the enjoying the l. anciently granted to the colledg , for the enlarging the provost's maintenance , and upholding the lecture at christ's church , whereof i was put in hope before my coming . they have not so much as vouchsafed me an answer . when i took my oath to the statutes , i made protestation , that i intended not to renounce my benefice , that place being litigious , and my affairs not yet accommodated here . since my coming home hither , my corn , cattel , and some goods , and a lease of some pasture grounds which i held , i have forgone ; but the main matter of my estate lying in mony , i cannot yet recover . at my coming up hither , i left one of my children sick of an ague , which he hath had these three weeks ; and if he should be recovered , he cannot be presently fit to travel ; neither are the ways and weather indeed seasonable thereto . but that which ( to deal plainly ) doth most of all trouble me , is , the report of the new broils in the colledg ; which i see , partly in other mens letters : for to my self ( as if i were but a cypher in algorism ) they vouchsafe not a word . that some fellows are displaced by the visitors , others placed by mandate of my lord deputy ; old grudges and factions revived , & malè sarta gratia necquicquam coit & rescinditur . i never delighted , nor am made for it , ignum gladio fodere . some of my friends represented to me the examples of mr. travers , and mr. alvey ; and that comes to my mind , better sit still , than rise and fall. i have now an honest retreat , with that form , non nostrum inter vos tantas componere lites . it is written hither , and i have seen it with mine eyes , that i am said to be a weak man , and so thought to be by wise men. this witness is most true . in all these regards , i humbly beseech your grace , by your undeserved love to me ( which god knows how much i value , and that it was no small encouragement to me to enter into this business ) by your love to the colledg , which i know is great ; by your love to our lord jesus christ , whereof he takes that proof , your love to his lambs . since you know now my weakness a little better than when you first nominated me to that place , and the want of the colledg of an able head , dispose of my place as you shall think most fit for that colledg , university , church , and kingdom . for my part , i do here absolutely resign all my interest unto it , into your grace's hands , or the hands of those whom it may concern . assuring your grace that i shall account your freeing me from this burden , the greatest favour that you can do me : under the which , if it had not been for the fear of offending god , i think i had never put my shoulder so far as i have done . but if you shall esteem in conscience i cannot go back , i beseech you be pleased freely to set down your opinion touching my case propounded in my last . i desire of god , that neither my living , nor my life , may be so dear unto me , as to finish my course with joy , and the ministry that i have received of the lord jesus . upon the receipt of your graces letters , i shall resolve presently ( if god let not ) to come , or stay . touching the parliament-affairs , i know your grace hath better advertisement than i can give you . the beginnings yet go marvellously well ; the lower house excellently tempered . nothing hath as yet been so much as put to question . the upper house joined with them ; insomuch as when they had received the motion for a publick fast , they added a motion , to petition to his majesty for the putting in execution all laws and acts of state against recusants . this petition was penned by the bishops of norwich and litchfield , and presented to his majesty by both houses . the former is appointed by proclamation , to be april . the latter the king hath taken into consideration , with good signs of approbation . the lower house is now employed about the liberties of the subjects ; which they deduce even from the conquest , and so down . they purpose ( it seems ) to proceed to the examination of the infringing of them , and of their causes and remedies . it is resolved among them , that the grievances of the subjects shall go hand in hand with the supply of the king's wants , which are so great , as his majesty , when he received the latter petition , told them , ( march . ) that without present supply he could not set forth one ship , &c. god of his mercy grant , that the progress and end may be correspondent . in which hearty prayer i end , recommending your grace to the lord's protection , and my self to your prayers , and rest , your grace's in all duty , w. bedell . london , april . . letter cxxv . a letter from dr. bainbridge , professor of astronomy in oxford , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend , and my very good lord ; having so fit opportunity , i am bold to remember my service to your grace ; and withal , my former suit concerning hipparchus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which being both in the vatican , and escurial , i marvel that patavius did not procure a transcript thereof ; certainly it would have helped much in his doctrina temporum contra scaligerum : whereas now the neglect of that , and other ancient monuments , hath left that work imperfect , and given just cause to others , of a more curious search ; wherein i purpose to bestow my best endeavours , not doubting of your grace's favour . mr. selden hath written some notes upon certain ancient greek inscriptions , which were brought out of turky for my lord of arundel ; amongst which , one doth promise some light in the persian chronology , ( i mean , of the persian monarchy ) which of all others i most desire to be illustrated , being so necessary to the connexion of sacred and prophane history ; concerning which i will yet forbear to signify my opinion , daily expecting a view of mr. selden's book . your grace's most obliged servant , john bainbridg . oxon , april . . letter cxxvi . a letter from dr. bedell , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend father , my honourable good lord ; having the opportunity of this bearer's return from his friends , my neighbours , to kelles , i thought fit to send by him , if it were but the duplicate of my last to your grace , from london , the first of this month , sent , as mr. burnet told me , by one mr. goodwyn of london-derry , who had special occasion to repair to your presence . wherein i satisfied you ( i hope ) of the rightness of my intention , in the restriction of the statute for batchelors probationers to seven terms standing , and represented to your grace the chief exercise of my thoughts since my leaving ireland , i mean , the draught of a new patent , and new statutes to be procured for the university ; which , i hope , you have safely received . you may perhaps esteem it a pragmatical unquietness of spirit in me , that would busy my self with things beyond mine own line . but since it hath pleased god to embarque me , by their means , in the affairs of that country , i take my self bound to further the voyage what i may ; not only for mine own safety , and the rest of the passengers , but for the honour of your self , that are the pilot , and the glory of god especially , unto which port i am well assured all your course is directed . i suppose it hath been an error all this while , to neglect the faculties of law and physick , and attend only to the ordering of one poor colledg of divines ; whereas , with a little more labour , and a few priviledges attained , a great many more good wits might have been allured to study , and seasoned with piety , and made instruments for the bringing in learning , civility , and religion , into that country . i did communicate the plat to my lord of canterbury , at my first being with him , especially in that point of admitting all students that should be matriculated , though they lodg in dublin in private houses ; and of the four faculties , with their several promoters , &c. who seemed not to dislike it ; but required it should be maturely thought of , by your grace and the university , and promised his assistance if it were found fit . at that time i left with him the statutes of our colledg , which i had this winter written out with mine own hand , and caused to be fair bound . he retained them with him till the very morning of my departing from london . at which time he signified his good approbation of the whole ; only accounted that too strait , for the provost's absence but six weeks , whereas many causes there would be , which would require longer discontinuance . i shewed his grace , that colledg-business was excepted , and that we had not innovated any thing in that statute , it being so before my election . another point he disliked , was , touching students wearing gowns always in the colledg , and if it might be when they went into the town . whereas that of all other , ( said he ) would have been provided for . i answereth , the streets in dublin were very foul , and that by the statutes , scholars were not permitted to go ordinarily into the town , without their tutors consent . he said , they might , if the streets were never so foul , take their gowns under their arms. i told him , that this was also an old statute , e're i came there . with the occasion i told his grace of the new stirs i heard of in the colledg ; ( for even but the day before , i had understood by other mens letters , more perfectly , of my lord deputy's putting in certain fellows , and of their displacing of mr. lloyd by your grace , and the visitors , whereof i had no intelligence till then , save by rumors only ) . i added , of mine own fears , that i should make a very ill pilot in so rough seas . he perswaded me to go on , using that verse , tu ne cede malis , &c. i told him of my deafness , and that the law not allowing surdum procuratorem , how could it be but absurd in the provost of such a society . he told me , that was not so great a matter , for a great many did male andire . he bad me not be dismayed , representing to me the future reward . i told him , indeed if that were not , i had little eneouragement , sith neither i should , for ought i saw , have the maintenance for the lecture , which i was put in hope of , nor retain the title of my benefice only , renouncing the profits . to that he said , there was no question i might : that i had not beneficium ; and he would maintain it to any man , &c. with these discourses , having brought his grace from his chamber to his barge , i recommended my self to his prayers . the same morning , e're my departure , i wrote to dublin , amongst others , to mr. lloyd , endeavouring to let him see his fault , and to keep him from being hardned in it . at my return home , i found one of my sons yet afflicted with an ague , which hath held him these six weeks ; and the ways being not yet fit for travel , ( the spring having been very late and winterly ) i have resolved to attend your grace's . letters , both in answer to my case propounded , in my letters of september , and of my last from london , wherein i did put my place there wholly in your disposition ; and if you think it may be more to the good of the colledg and church there , that i forgo it , did ( and do again by these presents ) absolutely resign it into your hands , or the hands of them whom it may concern . your grace may be pleased to consider seriously my insufficiency , which by my last being there , partly by your own experience , and the report of others , you may have understood to be more than perhaps you imagined before . and by these new accidents , you may perceive the need the colledg hath of a more able head. i have ever liked and loved to proceed by that good old form , ut inter bonos bene ageir , &c. i have seen it written from thence , that you and other wise men , account me a weak man ; and in truth i do know my self so to be . do not the colledg that wrong to clog it with me ; hitherto i● hath received no great damage , and these new broils may serve fitly as a good occasion to cover my defectiveness . i may , without any disgrace , and with much content , fit still . that which annibal , when in the common-council at carthage he pl●cked down a turbulent orator that stood up to disswade a necessary peace , said , to excuse his uncivility . that the feats of war he had meetly learned , but the fashions of the city he was to be taught by them . i would crave leave to invert ; the ar● of dutiful obedience , and just ruling also in part , i did for years endeavour to learn , under that good father dr. chaderton , in a well temper'd society ; the c●●nning tricks of paching , siding , bandying and 〈◊〉 , with and between great men , i confess my self ignorant in , and am now , i fear , too old to be taught . and me thinks the society it self , ( like to the frogs in the tale , weary of the block set over them ) esteem the neither worthy to be acquainted with the colledg-affairs , nor so much as answered in mine own ; and ( wherein they do extreamly wrong not me only but your grace also , as i verily believe ) do keep your letters from me . i wish them a more active governor . concluding , i be send your grace vouchsafe me your last resolution for my coming , or stay ▪ and esteem 〈◊〉 , as you shall ever truly , your grace's humble servant in christ jesus , w. bedell . horningerth , april the th , . letter cxxvii . a letter from dr. samuel ward , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , at tredagh . most reverend and my very good lord ; though i must needs acknowledg my neglect in writing , or forgetfulness , or both , since your last going into ireland ; yet now i could have no further pretext for the omission of that duty , by which i am obliged by no few bonds , especially having such conveniency of sending , by my most worthy friend , with whom i am most loth to part , but that upon higher considerations , i conceive god may use him as an instrument of much good in that place , if god send him health and life . i assure your lordship , i know not where you could have pitched upon a man , every way so qualified for such a place . he is a sincere honest man , not tainted with avarsee of ambition ; pious , discreet , wise , and stout enough , si res exigat ; he will be frugi , and provident for the colledg : and for converse of a sweet and amiable disposition , and well experienced . in a word , he is homo perpaucorum hominum , si quid judico . i pray the god of heaven to bless his coming to you , to the good of your colledg , and the church of ireland . i suppose your lordship will desire to hear somewhat of our cambridg-affairs ; though i doubt not but you hear , by some cambridg men which come over to you . i suppose you have heard of a lecture for reading of history , intended to be given us by the lord brook. who , as you know , first intended to have had mr. vossius of leyden ; afterward his stipend being augmented by the states , he resolved of dr. dorislaw of leyden also . he , before his coming hither , took his degree of doctor of the civil law at leyden : was sent down to cambridg by my lord brook , with his majesty's letters to the vice-chancellor , and the head , signifying my lord brook's intent : and also willing us to appoint him a place and time for his reading ; which accordingly was done . he read some two or three lectures , beginning with corneh●s tacitus ; where his author mentioning the conversion of the state of rome from government by kings to the government by consuls , by the suggestion of junius bru●us ; he took occasion to discourse of the power of the people under the kings , and afterward . when he touched upon the excesses of tarquintus super●us his infringing of the liberties of the people , which they enjoyed under former kings , and so among many other things , descended to the vindicating of the netherlanders , for retaining their liberties against the violences of spain . in conclusion , he was conceived of by some , to speak too much for the defence of the liberties of the people ; though he spake with great moderation , and with an exception of such monarchies as ours , where the people had surrendered their right to the king , as that in truth there could be no just exception taken against him : yet the master of peter-house complained to the vice-chancellor ; master of christ's-colledg : and complaint also was made above , and it came to ●is majesty's ear ; which we having intelligence of dr. dorislaw denied to come and clear himself before the heads , and carried himself so inge●●ously , that he gave satisfaction to an ; whereupon 〈…〉 were 〈◊〉 to his patron , to the bishop of durham , and others , to signify ●● much . but he going to his patron first , he suppressed the letters , 〈…〉 , he would 〈…〉 , before any excuse should be made . after word came from the bishop of winchester , then durham , in the majesty's name , to prohibit the history-reader to read . but after that , both his majesty , and the bishop , and all others above , and here , were satisfied ; but then his patron kept off , and doth to this day , and will allow his reader the stipend for his time ; but we fear we shall lose the lecture . i see a letter which his patron writ to him , to malden , to will him to be gone into his country ; but he would assure him of his stipend . the doctor kept with me , while he was in town . he married an english woman about malden in essex , where now he is . he is a fair-conditioned man , and a good scholar . i had a letter from mr. vossius before christmass , with a book of the latin historians , which he lately set forth , and dedicated to my lord the duke of buckingham . he sent also a book to his majesty , and the court-bishops . i writ back unto him , and sent him my lord of sarum his commentary on the colossians , willing him to revise his pelagian history , especially about the points of original sin , and the efficacy of grace . as touching my self , in my readings , i have suspended my reading upon the real pretence , though i had almost finished it . and have read this year and half , at least , upon that point which i chiefly insist upon in my sermon in latin , to shew , that the grace of conversion giveth not only posse convertere , but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 velle . i have been long in vindicating the third argument , used by the contra-remonstrants in colloq . hagiensi , taken from the places , where we are said to be mortui in peccatis ; wherein the remonstrants do discover the grounds of their assertions , more than elsewhere . dr. jackson hath lately set forth a book of the attributes of god ; wherein , in the preface to the earl of pembroke , he doth profess himself an arminian , ascribing to the opposites of arminius , as i conceive , that god's decrees , before the creation , take away all possibilities of contrary events after the creation . true it is , that god's eternal decree of any event , as that i should write at this moment ; cannot consist , with my actual not writing at this time : but none say it taketh from me all possibility of writing at this time , unless it be sensu composito . this conceit ( as i conceive ) maketh him elsewhere to impugn all . divine predefinitions as prejudicious to man's liberty and freedom ; which is a most silly conceit . i do conceive , all that which he disputeth in his book , against negative reprobation , as not sorting with the antecedent will of god , for the salvation of all , to be against the seventeenth article of religion , which plainly aver●eth a gratuitous predestination of some , and not of all . therefore from thence is inferred , a not-election of others to that grace , which is that which properly is stiled , reprobation . as for our university , none do patronage these points ; either in 〈…〉 or pulpit ; though because preferments at court are conferred upon such as incline that way , causeth some to look that way . i suppose your lordship hath seen my lord of 〈…〉 reading 〈…〉 the colossions , which should have been exhibited , 〈…〉 his majesty , when he was here about the beginning of lent. but my lord of winchester hindred that intention , though herein he 〈◊〉 the university . for we having received a favour from his majesty , to enjoy the priviledg of our charter for printing all kind of books against the london printers , thought to shew to his majesty a specimen of our printing both for good letter , and good paper , of both which his majesty had 〈…〉 in printing the bibles at london . thus with remembrance of my best service to your good lordship ; with my best wishes and prayers for the continuance of your lordship's health and prosperity here , for the good of god's church , and your happiness hereafter i commend you to the gracious protection of the highest majesty ; resting , your graces , in all service , samuel ward . cambridg , may . . mr. whalley and mr. mead are both in good health , for which friends i am beholden to your lordship , tho you take mr. bedell from me . dr. chaderton also is in health . letter cxxviii . a letter from sir henry spelman , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . pleaseth it your grace ; i cannot express with what humble gladness i received your letters : first , for that they gave me assurance of your recovery ; then , that among your weighty affairs of church and common-wealth , you should descend to think on me , so remote in application to your lordship , though no man nearer in affection and devotion . i register it in my memorials of your goodness ; as also your sending to me the copy of the synod of st. patrick , which i much desired ; and many thanks to your lordship for it . touching the books it pleased you to require my help in procuring them , by some of my friends and kindred in france ; your grace knoweth , that all intercourse between us and them is now stopped up : yet have i taken order with mr. boswell , who is gone over with my lord of carlisle , and to pass near province , that if any opportunity may serve , he will endeavour to procure them ; and my son , who is gone after them , shall put him in mind of it . it is said , that my lord of carlisle , having treated beyond the sea with the states of the low-countries , and not satisfied in their answer , hath left some protestation against them , as he passed from them ; and that the states have done the like against us . i hope it is not true , we have enemies enow . i suppose your lordship would gladly hear how the great orb of state moveth here in parliament , ( your own and many others depending on it ) : and i would very willingly have been the first that should have done you that service , if the messenger had staid a day or two longer , that we might have seen the event . for all hangeth yet in suspence ; but the points touching the right of the subject in the property of their goods , and to be free from imprisonment at the king's pleasure , or without lawful cause expressed upon the commitment , hath been so seriously and unanswerably proved and concluded by the lower house , that they have cast their sheat anchor on it , and will not recede from any tittle of the formality proposed in their petition of right touching the same . the upper house hath , in some things , dissented from them , proposing a caution to be added to the petition for preservation of the king 's soveraign prerogative ; which the lower house affirms they have not rub'd upon in ought that of right belongeth to it . yet will they not admit that addition , lest it impeach the whole intent of their petition . wherein they are so resolute , that having upon thursday last , admirably evinced the right of the subjects in every part thereof , at a conference with the upper house , they refused to meet the lords the day following in a committee required by them , for qualification as was conceived . thereupon the lords spent saturday in debate among themselves , but concluded nothing that we hear of . it is reported , the lord say did then speak very freely and resolutely on behalf of the subject , with some unpleasing rubs upon the duke there present ; but by others interposition , all was well expounded . what this day will produce , night must relate . and of what i have written , i have nothing but by hear-say , for i am no parliament-man . my lord of denbigh , with the navy that went for the rescue of rochel , is returned , without blow or blood-draught . it is said , their commission gave them not sufficient warrant to fight ; and one captain clark ( suspected in religion ) is committed to the gatehouse for disswading them . thus praying for your health and happiness , i rest , your grace's most humbly devoted , in all service , henry spelman . barbacan , may . . letter cxxix . a letter from — j. king , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , and my especial good lord ; two things do occasion me to write to your lordship ; the one , to show the continuance of my dutiful and best respect to your lordship , which i have born to your lordship ever since your childhood ; which indeed descended first from your father , who loved me always in his life-time , as i did him truly and faithfully . the other is , upon some mislike i understand your lordship hath conceived of the lord camfield , my son-in-law ; which indeed i am sorry for , for i never found him but honest and religious . i know he may have ill instruments about him , and the world is full of pick-thanks , and such as usually do lewd offices amongst men of place and quality . but if your lordship would please to take him into your favour , and upon any occasion ( if any happen ) to make known to him what is or may be reported to your lordship , of any of his miscarriages , or unfriendly dealings towards your lordship , i would not doubt of his conformity , and giving of your lordship meet satisfaction : and this is my suit and petition to your lorship ; for of all men in that kingdom , i do wish him , and all others that are my friends , to be serviceable and respective to your lordship : and for my self , so long as it shall please god to give me life , i will pray for your lordship , which is all the service i can do you . our worthy bishop here , who i have found here , ever since i came hither , a worthy friend , and a godly pastor and pillar of the church , hath many times , and often , most kindly remembred your lordship ; and surely he is as good a man as may be , yet in this parliament , which is yet scarcely ended , some have conceited not so well of him as before ; but who can or doth escape the malice of wicked men this being the last and worst age of the world , and surely for all crying and notorious sins , as whoredom , lying , swearing , and drunkenness , i am perswaded that now our own nation is become the very worst of any in the christian world , which makes me much afraid that god almighty hath some heavy judgment a preparing for us . it is certain , that in spain are wondrous great preparations for war , especially for sea-service ; which some think is rather for denmark , and those eastern parts , than for us ; and the rather it is conjectured of , because monsieur oillur lies yet with a great army of above men about stoade , hambourgh , and other parts . if his fleet come on this summer , as it is thought it will , and pass the narrow seas unfought withal , and unbeaten by us , it is to be feared , that spain , and france , or one of them , will next land upon our continent , and sit down and fortify ; being hopeful , as it may be well imagined , of aid from english papists , whereof the kingdom is too well stored . rochel is much doubted cannot long hold out , and then there is little hope of any mercy from the king of france ; which would be a woful case to have so many poor souls put to the sword. it is thought his majesty would relieve them , if these subsidies could come in time : and it is to be wished now , that his majesty had never medled with them ; for in the beginning they were well provided to have made their own peace . it is strange to be believed how this kingdom is weakned by the loss of shipping ; for within this three years , it is said , england hath lost of vessels , great and small , . all things concur very untowardly against us ; but god almighty hath reserved victory to himself only . we had great rejoicing every where for his majesty's gracious and good agreement with the parliament ; but some ten days ago , the house of commons having exhibited certain remonstrances to his highness , which , as it seemed , touched the duke : after reading thereof , his majesty rose up , and said , they should be answered ; and instantly gave the duke his hand to kiss : which the parliament-men , and others , were much amazed at . god almighty amend what is amiss , if it be his blessed will and send unity at home , that we may the better keep off and withstand our enemies abroad , and continue peace in these kingdoms ; and more pertinently i pray to keep the spaniards out of ireland , for we shall far better hold tack , with them here , if they should land , than you can do there , where too many are ready to join with them . i know i can write nothing to your lordship which is news to you , yet express my love , and hearty and humble affection to your lordship , i make bold to trouble you with a long letter : and so , with my service to mrs usher , i take leave , and rest , your lordship 's ever truly assured , to honour and serve you , j. king. layfield , june . . letter cxxx . a letter from sir henry spelman , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . may it please your grace ; i have nothing since my letter by your servant mr. sturges to trouble you with ; but this bearer , my kinsman , coming to see your noble country , i have requested him , and therewith enjoined him , to present my humble and most devoted service to your lordship ; and to bring me certain word how it standeth with you for your health : which to the good of the common-wealth , as well as my own particular respect , no man more desireth and prayeth for . for the passages here of note , i know you receive them by many pens , and therefore i will not enter into any relation of them ; only i wish they were better . yet amongst them , i desire to present your grace with the first printed copy of the petition of parliament to his majesty , for their ancient rights and liberties , with his gracious answer thereto . and by much instance i ( even in this hour ) obtained it from mr. john bill the printer , before they yet are become publick , and to the laming of the book from whence they are taken . i send you also mr. glanvill's and sir henry martyn's speeches to the upper house about this matter ; and the proclamation agaisnt mr. doctor manwaring's sermons . but the king , notwithstanding , hath ( as it is credibly reported ) released him of all the censure imposed upon him by the upper house of parliament , and this next month he is to serve in court. the deputys lieutenants also of the west country , are released ; and some of them repaired with the dignity of baronet , others of knighthood , all with grace . mr. bill desired me to remember him most humbly to your lordship , and to advertise you , that he willingly will print your noble work in one volume , as well in latin as in english ; which with multitude of others , i shall much rejoice to see . thus with all humble remembrance to your grace , i rest , a servant thereof , most bound and devoted , henry spelman . barbacan , july . . letter cxxxi . a letter from dr. george hakewill , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my very good lord ; your lordship 's favourable interpretation and acceptance of my poor endeavours , beyond their desert , hath obliged me to improve them to the utmost in your good lordship's service ; and more especially in the good education of that going gentleman ( ja dill●● ) whom you we●● pleased to commend as a jewel of price to my care and trust ; praising god that your lordship hath been made his instrument to reclaim him from the superstitions of the romish church , and wishing we had some more frequent examples in that kind , in these cold and dangerous time. for his tuition , i have placed him in exeter colledg , with mr. bodley , a batchelor of divinity , and nephew to the great sir thomas bodley of whose sob●●ty , gravity , piety , and every way sufficiency , i have had a long trial ; and ( were he not so near me in blood ) i could easily afford him a larger testimony . he assures me , that he finds his scholar tractable and studious ; in that such a disposition , having met with such a tutor to direct and instruct it , i make no doubt but it will produce an effect answerable to our expectation and desire : and during mine abode in the university , my self shall not be wanting to help it forward the best i may . your lordship shall do well to take order with his friends , that he may have credit for the taking up of monies in london , for the defraying his expences ; for that to expect it from ireland , will be troublesome and tedious . i wish i could write your lordship any good news touching the present state of affairs in this kingdom ; but in truth , except it please god to put to his extraordinary helping hand , we have more reason to fear an utter downfal , than to hope for a rising . thus heartily praying for your lordship's health and happiness , i rest , your lordship 's unfeignedly to command , geo. hakewill . exeter colledg in oxford , july . . letter cxxxii . a letter from dr. prideaux rector of exeter colledg or oxon , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend father in god ; your letters 〈◊〉 the more welcome unto me , in that 〈◊〉 brought news of the publishing of your ecclesiastical 〈◊〉 , so much desired . in which the 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 thing fully and in 〈…〉 see will put a period ( i trust ) to the 〈…〉 is a high favour , that i● pleased you to make use of my 〈◊〉 for the placing of your kinsman . i shall strain 〈◊〉 best endeavours to make good your undertakings to his friends . young tutors oftentimes fail their pupils , for want of experience and authority , ( to say nothing of negligence and ignorance ) i have resolved therefore to make your kinsman one of my peculiar , and tutor him wholly my self ; which i have ever continued to some especial friends , ever since i have been rector and doctor . he billets in my lodgings ; hath ( three ) fellow pupils , which are sons to earls , together with his country man , the son of my lord caulfield ; all very civil , studious , and sit to go together . i trust , that god will so bless our joint endeavours , that his worthy friends shall receive content , and have cause to thank your grace . whose faithful servant i remain , jo. prideaux . oxon , aug. . . letter cxxxiii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the right honourable — my most honourable lord ; the noble respect , which in a singular manner you have still born to the preservation of all monuments of antiquity , hath emboldned me at this time , to put your lordship in mind of a present occasion , which may much conduce to the general good of all of us , that employ our studies in this kind of learning . that famous library of gi●cono barocci , a gentleman of venice , consisting of greek manuscript volumes , is now brought into england by mr. fetherstone the stationer . great pity it were , that such a treasure should be dissipated , and the books dispersed into private hands . if by your lordship's mediation , the king's majesty might be induced to take them into his own hand ; and add there unto ▪ that rare collection , of arabick manuscripts , which my lord duke of buckingham purchased from the hens of erpenius , it would make that of his majestys a royal library indeed , and make some recompence of that incomparable loss which we have lately sustain'd in the library of heidelberg . we have 〈◊〉 a poor return unto , your lordship of our commission , in the business of pbeli● m●● f●●gh birr and his sons . and because the directions which we received 〈◊〉 the lords , required the dispatch thereof with all convenient expedition 〈◊〉 we have made more haste ( i fear ) than good speed , fully purposing in our selves , that the examination which 〈…〉 taken should have come unto your 〈…〉 your lordships resolutions 〈…〉 have been notified before the beginning of hil●●y te●m . that things have fallen out otherwise● i● that ( i confess ) wherein we shall be hardly 〈…〉 ●●● selves 〈…〉 that this important business might in such 〈◊〉 be 〈…〉 that the honour and dignity of his majesty 〈…〉 might withal be very tenderly respected for the least shew of 〈…〉 that may 〈…〉 he given from thence 〈◊〉 authority , will add encouragement to such ●● are too apt to 〈…〉 his majesty's ministers here , from being so forward as otherwise they would be , in prosecution of such publick services of the state. which i humbly leave unto your lordship's deeper consideration ; and evermore rest , your honour 's in all dutiful service , ready to be commanded , ja. armachanst . dublin , jan. . . letter cxxxiv . a letter from the right reverend william laud bishop of london , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my very good lord ; i have received your grace's second letters , and with the letters from dr. barlow , a man known to me only by name , and good report . i have , upon receipt of these , a second time , humbly presented dr. barlow's suit to his majesty ; with all fair representation to his majesty of the necessity of a good commendam to the arch-bishop of tuam . and tho , in my judgment , i hold it very unfit , and of ill , both example and consequence in the church , to have a bishop , much more an arch-bishop , retain a deanery in commendam : yet because there is ( as i am informed ) much service to be done for that arch-bishop , and because i have conceived this man will do that service , ( for so he hath assumed ) ; and because much of that service must be done at dublin , where that deaury will the better fit him , as well for house as charge ; and because it is no new thing in that country to hold a deanry with a bishoprick ; i made bold to move his majesty for it , and his majesty is graciously pleased to grant it ; and i have already , by his majesty's special command , given order to sir hen. holcross to send letters to my lord deputy to this purpose . but there two things his majesty commanded me to write to your lordship ; the one , that young men be not commended to him for bishops ; the other , that he shall 〈◊〉 be drawn again to grant a deanry in commendam . any other preferment , though of more value , he shall be content to yield . i am glad i have been able to serve your grace's desires in this business . and for dr. barlow , i with him joy ; but must desire your lordship to excuse my not writing to him ; for between parliament and term i have not lenure . so i leave you to the grace of god , and shall ever rest , your graces loving friend , and brother . guil. london . jan. . . my lord arch-bishop of tak . dr. barlow's 〈…〉 that was , is of my 〈◊〉 , for holding a 〈…〉 letter cxxxv . a letter from dr. william bedell , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , at drogheda . right reverend father , my honourable good lord ; since your graces departure from dublin , i began to peruse the papers you left me of dr. ghaloner's hand , about the first foundation of the colledg ; which although in some places i cannot read word for word , yet i perceive the sense , and have transcribed so far as they go without interruption : but they refer to some copies of letters which i have not , nor yet are in our chest , as namely , the city's letter to queen elizabeth , and the lord deputy and comisales ; and hers to the lord deputy here , for the founding of the colledg : all which if they might be had , would be inserted into the history of the colledg , ad verbum . and which is worse , the third duernion is wholly missing , noted , it seems , in the front with the figure . this makes me bold to write to your grace to search if you can find any thing more of this argument , that there may be somewhat left to posterity concerning , the beginnings of so good a work. i have also , since your grace's departure , drawn a form of the confirmation of our rectories , from the bishop of clougher , in conformity , to two instruments , viz. the resignation of george montgomery , sometime bishop thereof , and derry , and rapho ; and our colledg patent . i have used all the means i can , to know whether any predecessor of your grace , did in like manner resign into the king's hands any patronages within your diocess , and what their names be ; which if i could understand , i would entreat your grace to go before in your diocess , and to be our patron in the soliciting the other bishops to follow in theirs . i send your grace the form of the confirmation , and the names of the rectories in our patent , referring the rest to your wisdom and love to the colledg . this is a business of great importance to this society , and hath already been deferred so long , and mr. usher's sudden taking away , ( to omit my lord of kilmore ) admonishes me to work while the day lasts . another business there is , which enforceth me to have recourse to your grace ; which is this , yesterday , as i was following mr. usher's funeral , there was delivered me a letter from my lord chancellor , containing another to his lordship from mr. lloyd , together 〈◊〉 a note which i send herewith . he demandeth of the colledg , not only his di●t in his absence , which the statute expresly denies to a fellow , ( and which a your grace and the visitors intended to grant him , you did him a favour instead of a punishment ) but wages for being a prime-lecturer ; whereas his year came out at midsummer , and he had till then his allowance , although he performed not the duty . but here is not all , for it seems he hopes , by the words of your decree , to hold all this till he be possessed of some ecclesiastical benefice , notwithstanding his term by the charter expires at midsommer . we have answered my lord chancellor , as your grace shall find by these inclosed ; and do humbly desire your grace , to certify either him or us of your intention ; and to draw a line or two to be sent to the rest of the 〈◊〉 for this allowance ( if you 〈◊〉 it for mine own and the fellows discharge in the paying it . these letters your grace will be also pleased to send us back , as having , by reason of the shortness of time , no time to copy them . we have obtained this night , a warrant from my lord chancellor to the serjeant at arms , to arrest sir james caroll ; who in all this time of your grace's being in dublin , would never be seen , and is now , as we hear , in town . we have not yet delivered your grace's return of the reference made to you at the council table , touching the inclosure at the colledg-gate , as having but lately received it . in the mean while the scholars , upon st. matthew's day at night , between supper and prayer-time , have pulled it all down , every stick , and brought it away into the colledg to several chambers . yet upon warning that night given at prayers , that every man should bring into the quadrangle what he had taken away ; there was a great pile reared up in the night , which we sent mr. arthur word he might fetch away if he would ; and he did accordingly . this insolency , though it much grieved me , i could not prevent ; i did publickly upon the reference , pray them to be quiet , signifying our hope that we had of a friendly composition ; but when they heard that mr. arthur fell off , they would no longer forbear . concerning the affairs in england , i know your grace hath better intelligence than i. our translation goeth on in the psalms , and we are now in the th . mr. neile king is in chester . your grace will pardon this scribling . and so i commit you to god , desiring to be remembered in your prayers ; and resting , your grace's in all duty , w. bedell . trinity coll. march . . letter cxxxvi . a letter from sir henry bourgchier , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend in christ , my very good lord ; i must first desire your grace's pardon for my long silence , and that you will be pleased to believe , that it proceeded not from any neglect of him whom i have so long and so much honour'd . i presume your grace continually receiveth advertisement of what passeth here from abler pens than mine , and therefore my pains in that may well be spared . among the rest , you cannot be ignorant of the close imprisonment of your grace's friend and servant , mr. selden , for some offence given , or rather taken , at his carriage and deportment in parliament . here is lately deceased , the earl of marleburgh ; i was often with him about his irish collections , and was so happy in the pursuit of them , that i received from him the greatest part of them , not many days before his death . also the earl of westmoreland is lately dead ; and my ancient friend and kinsman , the earl of totnes , deprived of his sight , and not like to live many days : if his library will be sold , i will strain my self to buy it wholly , for it is a very select one . but howsoever , i will not miss ( god willing ) his irish books and papers . mr. selden's titles of honour , is ready to come forth here , and his de diis syris at leyden , both well enlarged ; i wish he were so too , that his friends who much love him , might enjoy him . sir robert cotton doth add to his inestimable library . mr. thomas allen hath been lately bountiful to it ; he is now in london , and also mr. brigges . if i should only enumerate those who make enquiry of your grace's health , their names would fill a letter . mr. brigges's book of logarithms is finished by a dutch-man , and printed again in holland . mr. brigges tells me that kepler is living , and confesses his mistake in the advertisement of his death , by being deceived in the similitude of his name , with one d. kapper , who died in that manner as he related . but it appears sufficiently , by his long-promised tabulae rodolphiae , which now at last are come forth ; but they answer not the expectation which he had raised of them . dr. bainbridge is well at oxford ; dr. sutcleffe is lately deceased . yesterday at newgate sessions , fa. muskett , your grace's old acquaintance was arraigned , and two other priests ; and one of them an irish-man : they were all found guilty of treason , and had judgment accordingly . there were an hundred recusants presented at the same time . it is said , that a declaration shall come forth concerning the arminian doctrine , done by those divines who were at the synod of dort. l. wadding , our country-man , hath published a second tome of his annales fratrum minorum . the jesuit's reply to your grace , is not to be gotten here ; those that came into england were seized , and for ought i can hear , they lie still in the custom-house : that which i used , was borrowed for me by a friend of the author himself , half a year since , he being then here in london , and going by the name of morgan . since the dissolution of the parliament , there is a strange suddain decay of trade , and consequently of the customs ; god grant there follow no inconvenience in the common-wealth . the french and dunkerkers are very bold upon the coast of england , and i hear of no means used to repress them . it is said , that our deputy shall be presently removed ; his designed successor , my lord of danby , is expected from garnsey : he was imployed thither , to furnish that island with munition , and other necessaries , when there was some jealousy of the french , while that army lay hovering about the parts of picardy and normandy ; but it is now gone for italy , and is passed the mountains ; they have taken some town in piedmont ; the king is there in person . it is now said , that matters are accommodated by composition ; if not , it will prove a bloody war between those two great kings , and the french will put hard for the dutchy of millain . i humbly desire to be held in your grace's opinion , as one who will ever most willingly approve himself , your grace's very affectionate friend , and humble servant , henry bourgchier . london , march . . sir robert cotton desires to have his humble respects presented to your grace . letter cxxxvii . a letter from mr. archibald hamilton , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend ; on thursday last , i understood by certain intelligence , that my lord of london ( whether by the perswasion of sir henry wotton , or others , i know not ) earnestly moved his majesty in dr. bedell's behalf , provost of dublin-colledg , that he might be preferred to the bishoprick of kilmore , which his majesty hath granted ; and the letter for his consecration is like to be there as soon as this . i am heartily glad of his good preferment , but am somewhat grieved withal that the colledg hath enjoyed him for so small a time , who was like to make it much happy by his careful government . some fear there is conceived , that one or other from hence may be put upon the house , who will not ( it may be ) so truly aim at the religious education of the students ; for some one ( deeply tainted with the arminian tenets ) putteth in close to be recommended thither by his majesty ; and thinks to prevail by that means . this i thought good to certify , that your grace may give timely warning thereof to the fellows , that they may make a wary and a safe election , of some sound scholar , and orthodox divine . i will not presume to name any , but i think mr. mead might be well thought of , the place being formerly intended for him , and he generally reputed a very able man for such a charge . the earl of totnes departed this life some ten days since , his corps is not yet buried : soon after his decease , i went and made enquiry after that press of books and manuscripts which only concern ireland , and asked whether he had left them as a legacy to our colledg , as your lordship heretofore moved him , and as he himself lately promised ( to sir fran annesly and my self ) that he would : whatsoever the good man intended , or whatsoever direction he gave , i cannot learn , but the colledg is not like to get them ; for one sir thomas stafford ( the reputed son of the said earl ) hath got them , and many other things of my lord 's into his hands , out of which there will be hard wringing of them . sir fran. annesly , and i have earnestly dealt with him , that he would give them to the colledg , as the earl intended to leave them ; and if not that he would let your lordship have the refusal of them before any other if they be to be made away ; he absolutely refuseth to part with them upon any terms , alleadging , that he purposeth to erect a library , wherein they , and all other the earl's books , are to be preserved for his everlasting memory . he promiseth withal that if your grace , or any that your lordship will appoint hath a mind to exemplify , write out , or collect any thing out of any of the said books and manuscripts , he will most willingly affoyd your lordship , or them , a fire and leasurely use of the same , as to you shall seem sitting ; and this was all that we could get from him . if your lordship's letter can be so powerful , it were not amiss to write to himself ; for it may be conjectured ( for all his fair pretences ) that a ready sum of mony may make an easy purchase of them . in my last letter i advertised your lordship how far i had proceeded in the business of armagh ; since which time i have driven it to no further perfection , partly , because i expect to hear your lordship's express pleasure therein ; and partly , by reason of the lord keeper , and lord grandison's late sickness , which hath kept them and the rest of the committees from meeting , to make a final determination of their report , that his majesty's letter may be procured accordingly , for the setting off all things to your lordship's desire . if the report were once made , the letter shall come speedily over , and in a sufficient time , to settle all before the parliament sit , or can conclude any acts for restraining of bishops , to set any leases for any longer term than one and twenty years . thus recommending your lordship to the blessed protection of the almighty , and humbly intreating your lordship to have a vigilant care for the providing of an able head to the colledg ; i humbly take leave , and remain , your grace's servant , archibald hamilton . white-hall , april . . letter cxxxviii . a letter from sir henry bourgchier , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend in christ , my very good lord ; i received your lordship's letter , of the d of march , by sir jo. neutervill . i doubt not but your grace hath heard of the greek library brought from venice by mr. fetherston , which the earl of pembroke hath bought for the university-library of oxford ; it cost him l. there are of them volumes . dr. lindsell , now dean of litchfield , tells me , that it is a great treasure , far exceeding the catalogue . he likewise tells me , that there are a great number of excellent tracts of the greek fathers , never yet published ; besides divers ancient historians and geographers ; and particularly , that there is as much of chrysostom , as will make a volume equal to any of those published by sir h. savil : i do not hear of any books brought home by sir thomas rae , besides the ancient greek bible which was sent to his majesty by him , from cyrill the old patriarch sometime of alexandria , but now of constantinople . it is that which went among them by tradition , to be written by st. tecla the martyr and scholar of the apostles ; but it is most apparent not to be so ancient by some hundreds of years ; and that , as for divers reasons , so especially because there is before the psalms , a preface of athanasius . i hear he hath brought home a rare collection of coyns and medals . i now spend my spare time , in gathering matter for the story of hen. . which in time ( if god spare me life and health ) i intend to publish . and thus with the tender of my love and service to your grace , i will remain , your grace's very affectionate friend , and humble servant , henry bourgchier . lond. april . . letter cxxxix . a letter from the right honourable the lord falkland lord deputy of ireland , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; i have received information , both of the unreverend manner of publishing the late proclamation at drogedah , and the ill observance of the same since it was published . for the first , that it was done in scornful and contemptuous sort , a drunken souldier being first set up to read it , and then a drunken serjeant of the town , both being made , by too much drink , uncapable of that task ( and perhaps purposely put to it ) made the same seem like a may-game . and for the latter , that there is yet very little obedience shewed thereto by the friers and priests ; only that they have shut up the fore-doors of some of their mass-houses ; but have as ordinary recourse thither by their private passages , and do as frequently use their superstitious service there , as if there were no command to the contrary ; those mass-houses being continued in their former use ( though perhaps a little more privately ) without any demolishing of their altars , &c. i expected to have been informed as well of the publishing thereof there , as of the effects it had wrought , from no man before your lordship , both in respect of your profession , and the eminent place you hold in the church , and of your being a privy counsellor , who was present and assistant in all the consultations about setting it forth , and privy to the resolutions of the board thereupon . but since this is come to my hands from another , i do hereby pray and authorize your lordship , calling to your assistance mr. justice philpot , who is now resident there , to enter into a serious examination of the premises , and to give me a full information of what you find thereof , by the first opportunity . so desiring to be remembred in your daily prayers , i am , your lordship 's very affectionate friend , falkland . dublin-castle , apr. . . letter cxl . a letter from mr. philpot , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my good lord ; i have had some conference with my lord deputy about those matters , wherein your grace and i were lately imployed ; he telleth me , that this day he will advise with the counsel upon the informations sent by us , and afterwards will take such course therein as shall be thought fit . his lordship insisteth much upon that part of mr. sing's information , where he saith , that the titulary bishop of rapho , did make a priest at a publick mass in an orchard . he saith , that the said bishop is as dangerous a fellow here in ireland , as smith is in england ; and that he hath good bonds upon him , and would be glad to this occasion to call him in ; and therefore i pray your grace to wish mr. sing to be ready to make good his accusation , for the said bishop is bound not to exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction . i told my lord deputy how careful you were to see him before his going from hence ; and that your grace intended to make a journey of purpose hither , having now no other business here . he told me , that if your grace had any such purpose , that you need not make any great haste , for he hoped to have time enough before his going , to make some good progress in the business begun , concerning the jesuits and their houses , &c. and that he had not his summons yet to go away , which could not come till the wind turned ; and if it came then , he said , he would stay ten days after at the least ; in which your grace may have notice time enough to perform your desire . i told my lord , that your grace was somewhat troubled at his letter ; for which he was sorry , and blamed his secretary , protesting he did not intend to give your grace any cause of discontent . his lordship told me , that the news of mantua is true , which is relieved , and the french king returned : but there is no certainty , but a common report , of any peace concluded with france . i shall be ready , upon all occasions , to do your lordship any acceptable service ; and will for ever remain , your grace's faithful servant , jo. philpot. dublin , april . . letter cxli . a letter from the lord deputy , &c. to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . after our right hearty commendations to your lordship ; by your letters of the th of this instant , which we the lord deputy thought fit to communicate to the council , we perceive , and do well approve the care and pains you have taken , as well in searching out the truth of the matter , concerning the titulary bishop of raphae , as in endeavouring to inform your self of the proprietors and possessors of the popish conventual-houses in that town . touching the titulary bishop , we rest satisfied by your lordship 's said letters , that at that time he did no publick act , nor gave orders to any : but as yet remain unsatisfied whether there were any great assembly of people at that meeting ; and what persons of note were among them , wherein we desire to receive further satisfaction from your lordship . as to their conventual-houses , we have given his majesty's attorney-general , a copy of the paper enclosed in your letters to us , and gave him direction to put up informations in his majesty's court of exchequer , against the proprietors and possessors of those houses , that thereby way may be made to such further course of proceeding as the several cases shall require . and this being all for the present , we bid your lorship very heartily farewel from his majesty's castle of dublin , may . . your lordship 's very loving friends , h. falkland . a. loftus canc. anth. midensis . hen. docwra . w. parsons . tyringham . letter cxlii . a letter from the right reverend william laud bishop of london , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my very good lord ; i am glad mr. bedell's preferment gives your grace such contentment . your former letter came safe to my hands , so did your second . i see nothing is so well done , but exceptions can fret it ; for i hear that which i looked not for concerning mr. bedell's preferment , whole name was never put to the king , till both the other competitors were refused by his majesty as too young . ardagh is not forgotten in the letter ; for since upon receipt of your lordship's last letters , i spake with sir hen. holcroft about it . beside those of your lordship's , i have received letters from mr. bedell , and from the fellows , about their freedom of election of a provost . my lord , his majesty would fain have a man to go on where mr. bedell leaves . i am engaged for none . i heartily love freedoms granted by charter , and would have them maintained . if they will return which are come hither ; and all agree , or a major part , upon a worthy man that will serve god and the king , i will give them all the assistance i can to keep their priviledg whole . the king likes wondrons well of the irish lecture begun by mr. bedell , and the course of sending such young men as your grace mentions . i hope , before our committee for the establishment of ireland end , i shall find a time to think of the remedy your lordship proposes about scandalous ministers ; in which , or any other service , i shall not be wanting . for the particulars concerning clark , i have your inclosed ; and if he stir any thing while i am present , you shall be sure i will do you right . now , my lord , i have answered all your letter , save about the arch-bishop of cassa's for the old dean . i have done all i am able for that reverend and well-deserving gentleman ; but the king's majesty hath been possessed another way ; and it seems upon like removes , hereafter will move more than one . and at this time he will give cassils to my lord of clougher , if he will take it , and so go on with another to succeed him , of whom he is likewise resolved : and who shall be cassils if my lord of clougher refuse . there is nothing which the dean of cassils can have at this time , unless he will with a good commendam , be content to take kilfanora . to which , tho i do not perswade , yet i would receive his answer : and i add , it will be a step for him to a better . as for betts , the lord-elect that was , he hath lapsed it by not proceeding to consecration . i must now humbly intreat your grace to send me the names and values of all the bishopricks and deaneries in ireland . and what bishopricks are joyned to others , that i may be the better able to serve that church , being as yet one of the committee . and i pray excuse my not writing to mr. bedle , for in truth i have not leisure . so i leave you to the grace of god , and rest , your grace's very loving brother , guil. london . june , . letter cxliii . a letter from the right reverend w. laud bishop of london , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , at armagh . my very good lord ; the two fellows of the colledg of dublin which are attendant here about the freedom of their election , were commanded by his majesty to send to the colledg there , and to know whom they would pitch upon for their governour . and his majesty was content , upon the reasons given by me , and the petition of the fellows , to leave them to freedom , so they did chuse such a man as would be serviceable to the church and him. upon this after some time , they delivered to the king , that they would choose , or had chosen dr. usher , a man of your grace's name and kindred : his majesty thereupon referred them to the secretary , the lord vicount dorchester , and my self , to inform our selves of his worth and fitness . my lord proposed that they should think of another man that was known unto us , that we might the better deliver our judgments to the king. i was very sensible of your lordship's name in him , and remembred what you had written to me in a former letter concerning him , and thereupon prevailed with his majesty that i might write these letters to you , which are to let your grace understand that his majesty puts so great confidence in your integrity and readiness to do him service , that he hath referred this business to the uprightness of your judgment , and will exercise his power accordingly . for thus he hath commanded me to write ; that your grace should presently upon receipt of these letters write back to me what your knowledg and judgment is of the worth and fitness of dr. usher for this place , setting all kindred and affection aside : and upon that certificate of yours the king will leave them to all freedom of their choice , or confirm it if it be made . so wishing your lordship all health and happiness , i leave you to the grace of god , and shall ever rest , your grace's very loving friend , and brother , guil. london . london — house , june . . letter cxliv . a letter from dr. bainbridg to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my very good lord ; this bearer's unexpected departure hath prevented my desire to discharge some part of those many obligations , wherein i am bound unto your grace ; but assuring my self that your grace will a little longer suspend your censure , i am bold to mediate for another . whereas our turky merchants , trading at aleppo , being now destitute of a minister , have referr'd the choice of one unto your self ; may it please you to understand , that there is one mr. johnson , a fellow of magdalen-colledg , who hath spent some years in the oriental languages , and being desirous to improve his knowledg therein is content to adventure himself in the voyage ; he would take the pains to preach once a week , but not oftner ; being desirous to spend the rest of his time in perfecting his languages , and making such other observations as may tend to the advancement of learning . if your grace upon these terms please to recommend him to the merchants , i dare engage my credit for his civil and sober behaviour , and his best endeavours to do your grace all respective service . i do not commend an indigent fellow enforced to run a desperate hazard of his fortunes , but a learned gentleman of fair hopes , and presently well furnished with all things needful to a scholar . i suppose that fetherstone did send you a catalogue of barroccins his greek manuscripts , they be now prisoners in our publick library , by the gift of one chancellor , and with them some few more given by sir tho. rae , amongst which there is ( as i take it ) a fair copy in arabick of the apostles canons . if there be any thing in these manuscripts which may give you content , i shall ( with my hearty prayers for your good health ) endeavour to approve my self your graces most affectionate servant , john bainbridge . oxon , july , . letter cxlv . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend w. laud bishop of london . my very good lord ; your letters of the th of june i received the th day of august , wherein i found contained a large testimony , as well of your special care of the welfare of our poor colledg , as of your tender respect unto my name and credit ; for which i must acknowledg my self to stand ever bound to perform all faithful service unto your lordship . i have hereupon written unto the fellows of the house , that in making their election they should follow their consciences according to their oaths , without any by-respects whatsoever . dr. usher is indeed my cousin german ; but withal the son of that father , at whose instance , charge and travel , the charter of the foundation of the colledg was first obtained from queen elizabeth , which peradventure may make him somewhat the more to be respected by that society . to his learning , honesty , and conformity unto the discipline of our church , no man , i suppose , will take exception . and of his ability in government he hath given some proof already , while he was vice-provost in that house ; where his care in preventing the renewing of the leases at that time was such , that thereby we have been now enabled so to order the matter , that within these six years the colledg-rents shall be advanced well-nigh to the double value of that they have been . whereunto i will add thus much more , that i know he sincerely intendeth the good of his country , meaneth to go on where dr. bedell hath left , and in his proceedings will order himself wholly according as your lordship shall be pleased to direct him . which if it may prove an inducement to move his majesty to confirm his election ; i shall hold my self strongly engaged thereby to have a special eye to the government of that colledg : seeing the miscarriage of any thing therein cannot but in some sort reflect upon my self ; who would rather lose my life , than not answer the trust reposed in me by my soveraign . in obedience unto whose sacred directions , and discharge of the care committed unto me by his letters of the th of november last ( the copy whereof i send herewith ) i humbly make bold to represent this also unto your lordship's consideration ; whether if the lord bishop of glogher shall be removed unto the arch-bishoprick of cashell , the dean of raphoe may not be thought upon to succeed him in glogher , as being a very well deserying man , and one toward whom his majesty hath very gracious intentions . but of him i shall need deliver no more , than what is contained in the enclosed testimonial , sent by my predecessor unto king james of blessed memory . and so with remembrance of my service unto your lordship , i rest , your lordship 's in all christian duty ready to be commanded , j. armac . armagh , august . th , . letter cxlvi . reverendo viro d. ludovico de dieu orientalium linguarum in academiâ leydensi professori eximio . siab academiâ is abfuerit , tradantur literae istae vel danieli heinsio , vel gerardo joh. vossio resignandae . quod ita compellem te familiaritèr , homo quem tu ne de facie quidem nosti , non est quòd adeo mireris , vir eruditissime . ex apocalypsi enim tuâ syro-latinâ ( quam cum ms o meo codice diligenter contuli ) & hebraeo-chaldaicis institutionibus , ita mihi visus sum habere te cognitum : ut participare me tecum , & thesauros ex oriente advectos primo quoque tempore communicare penè gestiam : interim , ecce tibi samaritanorum illud pentateuchum , in quo comparando christianae pietatis homines paulo negligentiores hactenus fuisse , conquestus est olim magnus vester scaliger . cujus voto aliquâ certe ex parte fuerit satisfactum , si ex academiâ cujus ille , dum vixit , ingens fuit ornamentum , primùm in lucem prodeat tamdiu desideratum venerandae antiquitatis monumentum . verum properato hîc opus ; ne hanc vobis desponsam jam & destinatam laudem , alius praereptum eat . neque est quod deterreat libri moles : merum enim pentateuchum est ; idque à punctis vocalibus & accentibus omnibus planè liberum . ut cùm in promptu vobis sint samaritani typi à clarissimo erpenio relicti ; nihil obstare videam , quo minus proximis vernalibus nundinis opus absolutum publice edi possit , ac passim divendi . tu modo operi manum admovere velis ; & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in te suscipere officium . ad exemplar ipsum quod attinet ; recentius quidem illud est , verum ex antiquioribus satis fideliter expressum . leviticum à se descriptum annotavit librarius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mense giumadi altero , anni nongentesimi filiorum ismaelis . mensis vero ille anni aerae ismaeliticae sive mahummedicae , mensi respondet martio anni christianae nostrae epochae . geneseos vero librum , qui casu aliquo exciderat , ab alio suppletum fuisse res ipsa loquitur : & quidem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hoc est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 si ego decurtatas illas voces recte interpretor , qui annus hegirae . in aere nostrae . incurrit . ut autem judei in describendo libro legis , quo in synagogis suis utuntur , minores suas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ita samaritani sectiones ( illis ut plurimum respondentes ) quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellant , curiose observant ; propriâ notâ apposita unamquamque terminantes , & interjecto insuper spatio à proxime insequente discludentes . quin & numerum earum ad uniuscujusque libri calcem recensent : geneseos , exodi . levitici , vel . numerorum . & deuteronomii . harum igitur distinctionem uti in editione negligi nollem : ita quo commodius textus samaritani cum judaico collatio possit institui , tùm capitum ( quibus vulgò utimur ) ad marginem , tum verficulorum intra contextum , numerum adjiciendum existimarem : eo modo , quo in primis partibus libri geneseos à nobis factum vides & quidem versiculorum nostrorum numerum constanter retinendum judicarem , etiam iis in locis ( nam & ejusmodi aliquando occurrunt ) in quibus à samaritis ordo est immutatus . ubi vero integrae periodi ab iisdem ad sacrum contextum sunt adjectae ( ut in xi capite geneseos , verbi gratiâ , & post xxx capitis versiculum , & in libro exodi frequentissimè ) ziphram o prae●igimus . habeo & praefationem paratam , in quâ ( inter alia ) quî factum ut solos mosis libros samaritani receperint , rationem explico ; quo tempore , & quo authore facta sit haec primigenii contextus interpolatio , ostendo , authoresque veteres , eusebium , diodorum tarsensem , hieronymum , cyrillum , anesperum , georgium syncellum , & alios qui illius testimoniis sunt usi , commemoro . eam si editione dignam censebis accipies : quam primùm quid illic acturi sitis resciero . est apud nos dublinii petrus quidam wiboraeus , cujus in mercaturis faciendis operâ utuntur middleburgensium vestrorum negotiatorum nonnulli : est & londini franciscus burnetus , qui in vico , quem lombardicum vocant , habet domicilium , ad insigne aurei velleris , horum uter literas tuas recte ad me curabit deferendas . vale , vir doctissime ; v. v. cl. danieli heinsio ac gerardo joh. vossio ( quos ego ambos , ob interiores illas & reconditas in quibus praeter caeteras excellunt literas , unicè diligo ) salutem meis verbis dicito . tuus ex animo jacobus usserius , armachanus . pontanae in hiberniâ kalendis octobris an. mdcxxix . letter cxlvii . a letter from sir h. bourgchier to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend in christ , my very good lord ; my last letter sent by mr. ja. ware , i presume is come to your grace's hands long before this time . i have the happiness to hear of your grace sometimes by mr. burnet , which is a great comfort unto me ; especially when i heard of your health and ability to perform so great a journey , in your late visitation of your province , of which i shall ever wish the continuance . i am very sorry that it is my ill fortune , so often to advertise your grace of the misfortune of your friends here . sir robert cotton hath been lately committed to the custody of the bishop of ely , and often strictly examined concerning the publication of a project , tending to the oppression of the common-wealth , and with him were restrained in several places the earls of bedford , somerset , and clare , and some others : after ten or twelve days close imprisonment , and several examinations , they were all enlarged ; and an information exhibited against them in the star-chamber , to which they are now to answer . mr. solden is also made a party to this information ; he is still a prisoner in the tower , but enjoyeth now the liberty of the prison : at my last being with him , he desired me to present his service to your grace ; he would have done it himself , if he might with safety . here hath been a good while with us ger. jo. vossius of leyden , a man well known to your grace by his books ; and now to me de facie ; and which is more , with whom i have contracted familiarity and friendship : he told me that your grace was well known to him both by your latin book , which he had diligently read , and by the report of divers learned men. and when he understood by me , how much you esteemed and loved him , he desired me to return his humble thanks , with desire that you would imploy his service in whatsoever he is able to perform . his majesty has conserr'd on him the prebend in canterbury , which lately was dr. chapman's . he is now settling himself in it ; he saith , he hath received a late advertisement of the death of bertius , who over-lived his own credit and reputation . mr. selden's titles of honour hath long slept under the press , by reason of his long close imprisonment ; but now he tells me it shall go forward ; and he thinks within two months it will come abroad . the war in italy is like to proceed ; the french king raiseth a great army for that expedition . here was a report that the states had taken gulick , but it holds not for a certain truth . one thing i must not over-pass , and that a strange and monstrous accident lately happened here in england . one dorington ( a younger son of sir william dorington of hamp-shire , and grand-child to that dorington who brake his neck from st. sepulchres steeple in london ) being reprehended for some disorderly courses by his mother , drew his sword and ran her twice through , and afterwards she being dead , gave her many wounds , and had slain his sister at the same time , had he not been prevented . i presume your grace hath heard of the death of dr. tho. james : his nephew mr. rich. james is fallen into some trouble , by reason of his familiarity and inwardness with sir robert cotton . i suppose you have the last catalogue of francfort , which hath nothing of note . but i fear i have been over troublesome to your grace's more serious and weighty imployments ; wherefore with the remembrance of my love and service , i will ever remain your grace's most affectionate friend , and humble servant , henry bourgchier . london , december the th , . letter cxlviii . a letter from the right reverend william laud bishop of london , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my very good lord ; i have received two or three letters from you since i writ you any answer . i hope your grace is not of opinion that it is either idlenesi or neglect which have made me silent ; for the plain truth is , i fell into a fierce burning fever august the th , which held me above three weeks . it was so fierce , that my physicians , as well as my friends , gave me for dead , and it is a piece of a miracle that i live . i have not yet recovered my wonted strength , and god knows when i shall ; yet since i was able to go to the court , tho not to wait there . i have done as much business as i could , and i think as your grace hath desired of me , for the church of ireland , as your lordship will see by this brief account following . and first , my lord , i have obtain'd of his majesty , the new incorporating of the dean and chapter of derry , and i think the dean is returned . at the same time the king was pleased to give order for confirming the election of dr. usher to be governour of the colledg in dublin . thirdly , upon the refusal of my lord of clougher , his majesty gave , in the time of my sickness , the arch-bishoprick of cassills to the bishop of killally , and the bishoprick of killally to the dean of rapho . and whereas your grace , in the close of one of your letters , did acquaint me , that there was a fear , lest some cunning would be used to beg or buy some patronages out of the king's hands ; i moved his majesty about that likewise , and he made me a gracious promise , that he would part with none of them . and now , my lord , i give your lordship thanks for the catalogue of the bishopricks of ireland , which i heartily desire your grace to perfect , as occasion may be offered you . and for the last business ( as i remember ) concerning the table of tything in ulster , i have carefully look'd it over ; but by reason i have no experience of those parts , i cannot judg clearly of the business ; but i am taking the best care i can about it , and when i have done , i will do my best with his majesty for confirmation , and leave , mr. hyegate to report the particulars to your grace . i have observed that kilphanora is no fertile ground , it is let lie so long fallow . hereupon i have adventured to move his majesty , that some one or two good benefices , lying not too far off , or any other church-preferment without cure , so it be not a deanery , may be not for this time only , but for ever annex'd to that bishoprick . the care of managing that business he refers to your grace , and such good counsel in the law as you shall call to your assistance . and i pray your grace think of it seriously and speedily ; and though i doubt you will find nothing actually void to annex unto it , yet if that act be but once past , the hope of that which is annex'd , will make some worthy man venture upon that pastoral charge ; and so soon as you are resolv'd what to do , i pray send me word , that so i may acquaint his majesty with it , and get pow'r for you to do the work. these are all the particulars that for the present i can recall out of your letters , sent unto me in the time of my sickness . so with my hearty prayers for your health and happiness , and that you may never be parch'd in such a fire as i have been , i leave you to the grace of god , and rest , your grace's loving poor friend , and brother , guil. london . london-house , decemb. . . letter cxlix . a letter from the right reverend william bedell bishop of kilmore , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend father , my honourable good lord ; i have received your grace's letters concerning mr. cook. i do acknowledg all that which your grace writes to be true , concerning his sufficiency and experience to the execution of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; neither did i forber to do him right in giving him that testimony , when before the chapter i did declare and shew the nullity of his parent . i have heard of my lord of meathe's attempt ; and i do believe , that if this patent had due form , i could not overthrow it how unequal soever it be . but falling in the essential parts , besides sundry other defects , i do not think any reasonable creature can adjudg it to be good . i shall more at large certify your grace of the whole matter , and the reasons of my counsel herein . i shall desire herein to be tried by your grace's own judgment , and not by your chancellor's ; or , as i think in such a case i ought to be , by the synod of the province . i have resolved to see the end of this matter ; and do desire your grace's savour herein , no farther than the equity of the cause , and the good , as far as i can judg , of the church in a high degree do require . so with my humble service to your grace , i rest , your grace's in all duty , w. kilmore . kilmore , decemb. . . letter cl. a letter from l. robinson , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my honourable and most dear lord ; my poor prayers to god shall never be wanting for the continuance and increase of your lordship's health , and all true happiness , nor my serviceable and thankful affections for all your noble favours done to me and mine . i forbear to treat with my lord of kilmore altogether about any of those things which are divulged under his hand , being perswaded his desires were only to do good , and assured himself sees his expectation fail in them ; partly , by the apology he made for himself amongst his ministers , gathered together in the church of kilmore , at the inhibiting of mr. cook ; where he shewed much grief , that there were divers scandalous reports rais'd of him : as that he was a papist , an arminian , an equivocator , politician , and traveller into italy ; that he bow'd his knee at the name of jesus , pull'd down the late bishop's seat , because it was too near the altar , preached in his surplice , &c. there generally he affirmed his education in christian religion , and his love to the truth ; shewing the reasons of his travels , and the use of the ceremonies , not to hinder any man's liberty of conscience , nor urge conscience , but as he had voluntarily practis'd them in england for the good of some others , so here . some things he denied , and others he shew'd reasons for , so that he gave us all good satisfaction , and we hope we shall have much comfort in him . yet , 't is true , he sent a strange absolution to an irish recusant , in a letter ( using many good instructions , for the man was sick ) in this form ; if you be content to receive christ , and believe in him , by the authority which is given to me , i absolve you from all your sins you have confessed to almighty god , and are truly contrite for , in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost . amen . thus craving pardon for being troublesome to your grace , i take leave , and will ever rejoice to remain , your lordship 's poor servant to be commanded , lau. robinson . farnh . jan. . . letter cli . a letter from sir henry bourgchier , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend in christ , and my very good lord ; i did very lately presume to present my service to your grace by my servant , whom i sent into ireland ; whose return from thence i expect very shortly , and by him to hear , at least of your grace's health and welfare , than which no news can be more welcome to me . your friends here , as many as i know , are all well . sir rob. cotton is not altogether free of his trouble ; but he and his friends hope he shall shortly . mr. selden is also a prisoner in the king's-bench , but goes abroad when he pleaseth , so that his friends enjoy him often ; i hope we shall have his titles of honour very shortly . at paris there is ready to come forth the king of spain's bible that was : it will be now in ten volumes , whereas the other was but in eight , and much fairer than the other , as they say that have seen it , which i think can hardly be . here is little news at this present . the french army is gone into italy , commanded by the cardinal richleau : the imperialists are so terrified with their coming , that they have raised the siege of mantua , and drawn themselves into the dutchy of milan , for the defence thereof . there is a treaty of peace there , and in the low-countries , of a truce between the king of spain and the states ; and the spanish ambassador is here about the same business , and ours in spain : and these several treaties depend so one upon another , that it is thought it will either prove a general peace , or a general war. i wrote to your grace in my former letter , of mr. vossius being here in england . within these two days i heard from him by mr. junius his brother-in-law , who went over with him . he liked his entertainment so well in england , that he hath now a good mind to settle himself here . concerning our own poor country , i can say nothing , only that the business of philim mac teagh is in question ; which i mention the rather , because your grace had your part in it as a commissioner . the king hath sat two days already with the lords , and heard it with great patience and attention . my lord of falkland , as i hear , hath ended his part ; which was , to answer the certificate and report of the commissioners in ireland , as far as it touched himself . sir henry beatinges part is next ; when those have done , the other side shall have liberty to reply . i cannot hear any speech of a new deputy ; i believe the government will continue as it is , and the rather , because it is a saving way , which these times do easily hearken unto . i have sent your grace , here inclosed , something that hath been lately done concerning the church of england : i doubt not but your grace hath received it from other hands , but i thought good to adventure it howsoever . i intend ( with god's assistance ) to be in ireland about the midst of march at the farthest . if your grace desire any thing from hence , i shall willingly conveigh it to you ; and if they be books , i can do it conveniently , because i carry many of my own . i will desire your grace to esteem me in the number of those who most reverence and honour you , and will ever approve himself , your grace's most affectionate friend , and humble servant , henry bourgchier . london , jan. . . letter clii. a letter from the right reverend william bedell bishop of kilmore , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend father , my honourable good lord ; the report of your grace's indisposition , how sorrowful it was to me the lord knows ; albeit the same was somewhat mitigated by other news of your better estate . in that fluctuation of my mind ( perhaps like that of your health ) the saying of the apostle served me for an anchor ; that none of us liveth to himself , neither doth any die to himself . for whether we live , we live to the lord ; or whether we die , we die to the lord : whether we live therefore , or die , we are the lord's : thereupon , from the bottom of my heart commending your estate , and that of his church here ( which how much it needs you he knows best ) to our common master , though i had written large letters to you , which have lien by me sundry weeks , fearing in your sickness to be troublesom , i thought not to send them , but to attend some other opportunity after your perfect recovery , to send , or perhaps bring them . when i understood by mr. dean of his journey , or at least sending an express messenger to you with other letters ; putting me also in mind that perhaps it would not be unwelcome to you to hear from me , though you forbore to answer : i yielded to the example and condition ; so much the rather , because i remembred my self a debtor to your grace , by my promise of writing to you more fully touching the reasons of my difference with mr. cook , and now a suitor in your court at his instance . and first , i beseech your grace , let it be a matter meerly of merriment , that i skirmish a little with your court , touching the inhibition and citation which thence proceeded against me , as you shall perceive by the inclosed recusation . for the thing it self , as i have written , i do submit it wholly to your grace's decision . and to enlarge my self a little , not as to a judg , but a father ; to whom , beside the bond of your undeserved love , i am bound also , by an oath of god ; i will pour out my heart unto you , even without craving pardon of my boldness . it will be perhaps some little diversion of your thoughts , from your own infirmity , to understand that you suffer not alone , but you in body , others otherwise , each must bear his cross , and follow the steps of our high master . my lord , since it pleased god to call me to this place in this church , what my intentions have been to the discharge of my duty , he best knows . but i have met with many impediments and discouragements , and chiefly from them of mine own profession in religion . concerning mr. hoil , i acquainted your grace . sir ed. bagshaw , sir francis hamilton , mr. william flemming , and divers more , have been , and yet are , pulling from the rights of my church . but all these have been light in respect of the dealing of some others professing me kindness , by whom i have been blazed a papist ; an arminian , a neuter , a politician , an equivocator , a nigardly house-keeper , an usurer ; that i ●ow at the name of jesus , pray towards the east ; would pull down the seat of my predecessor to set up an altar ; denied burial in the chaneel to one of his daughters ; and to make up all , that i compared your grace's preaching to one mr. whiskins , mr. creighton , and mr. baxter's , and preferred them . that you found your self deceived in me , &c. these things have been reported at dublin , and some of the best affected of mine own diocess ( as hath been told me ) induced hereby to bewail with tears the misery of the church ; some of the clergy also , as it was said , looking about how they might remove themselves out of this country . of all this i heard but little , till mr. price coming from dublin before christmass to be ordered deacon , having for his memory set down twelve articles , among a number of points more , required satisfaction of me concerning them . which i endeavoured to give , both to him , and to them of the ministry , that met at our chapter for the examination of mr. cook 's patent . omitting all the rest , yet because this venim hath spread it self so far , i cannot but touch the last , touching the preferring others to your grace's preaching . to which mr. price's answer was , as he told me , i will be quarter'd if this be true . thus it was , mr. dunsterveil acquainted me with his purpose to preach out of prov. . . but a faithful man who can find where he said , the doctrine he meant to raise was this , that faith is a rare gift of god. i told him , i thought he mistook the meaning of the text , and wished him to chuse longer texts , and not to bring his discourses to a word or two of scripture , but rather to declare those of the holy ghost . he said , your grace did so . sometimes , i answered , there might be just cause ; but i thought you did not so ordinarily . as for those men , mr. whiskins and the rest , i never heard any of them preach to this day . peradventure their manner is to take larger texts ; whereupon the comparison is made , as if i preferred them before you . this slander did not much trouble me ; i know your grace will not think me such a fool ( if i had no fear of god ) to prefer before your excellent gifts , men that i never heard . but look as the french proverb is , he that is disposed to kill his dog , tells men he is mad : and whom men have once wronged , unless the grace of god be the more , they ever hate . concerning the wrongs which these people have offered me , i shall take another fit time to inform your grace . where they say your grace doth find your self deceived in me , i think it may be the truest word they have said yet ; for indeed , i do think both you and many more are deceived in me , accounting me to have some honesty , discretion , and grace , more than you will by proof find . but if , as it seems to me , that form hath this meaning , that they pretend to have undeceived you , i hope they are deceived . yea , i hope they shall be deceived , if by such courses as these they think to unsettle me , and the devil himself also , if he think to dismay me . i will go on in the strength of the lord god , and remember his righteousness , even his alone ; as by that reverend and good father my-lord of canterbury , when i first came over i was exhorted , and have obtained help of god to do unto this day . but had i not work enough before , but i must bring mr. cook upon my top one that , for his experience , purse , friends , in a case already adjudged , wherein he is ingaged , not only for his profit , but reputation also , will easily no doubt overturn me . how much better to study to be quiet , and to do mine own business or , as i think , stampitius was wont to bid luther , go into my study and pray . my lord , all these things came to my mind , and at the first i came with a resolution to take heed to my self ; and if i could , to teach others moderation and forbearance by mine own example . but i could not be quiet ; nor without pity hear the complaints of those that resorted to me , some of them of mine own neighbours and tenants , called into the court , commonly by information of apparators , holden there without just cause , and not dismissed without excessive fees , a● they exclaimed . lastly , one mr. mayot a minister of the diocess of ardagh , made a complaint to me , that he was excommunicated by mr. cook ; notwithstanding , as i heard also by others , the correction of ministers was excepted out of his patent . whereupon i desired to see the patent , and to have a copy of it , that i might know how to govern my self . he said , mr. ash being then from home , should bring it me at his return : himself went to dublin to the term. at the first view i saw it was a formless chaös of authority , conferred upon him against all reason and equity . i had not long after occasion to call the chapter together , at the time of ordination : i shewed the original , being brought forth by mr. ash , desired to know if that were the chapter-seal , and these their hands ; they acknowledged their hands and seal , and said , they were the less careful in passing it , because they accounted it did rather concern my predecessor than them . i shewed the false latin , non-sence , injustice of it , prejudice to them , contrariety to it self , and to the king 's grant to me . i shewed there were in one period above words , and which passed the rest , hanging in the air , without any principal verb. i desired them to consider , if the seal hanging to it were the bishop's seal . they acknowledged it was not . therefore with protestation that i meant no way to call in question the sufficiency of mr. cook or his former acts , i did judg the patent to be void , and so declared it , inhibiting mr. cook to do any thing by virtue thereof , and them to assist him therein . this is the true history of this business , howsoever mr. cook disguises it . i suspended him not absent , & indicta causâ : it was his commission which was present , that i viewed , with the chapter , and censured ; which if he can make good , he shall have leave , and time , and place enough . and now to accomplish my promise , to relate to your grace my purpose herein ; my lord , i do thus account , that to any work or enterprize , to remove impediments is a great part of the performance : and amongst all the impediments to the work of god amongst us , there is not any one greater , than the abuse of ecclesiastical jurisdiction . this is not only the opinion of the most godly , judicious , and learned men that i have known , but the cause of it is plain : the people pierce not into the inward and true reasons of things , they are sensible in the purse . and that religion that makes men that profess it , and shews them to be despisers of the world , and so far from encroaching upon others in matter of base gain , as rather to part with their own , they magnify . this bred the admiration of the primitive christians , and after of the monks . contrary causes must needs produce contrary effects . wherefore let us preach never so painfully , and piously ; i say more , let us live never so blamelesly our selves , so long as the officers in our courts prey upon them , they esteem us no better than publicans and worldlings : and so much the more deservedly , because we are called spiritual men , and call our selves reformed christians . and if the honestest and best of our own protestants be thus scandalized , what may we think of papists , such as are all in a manner that we live among the time was , when i hoped the church of ireland was free from this abuse , at least freer than her sister of england ; but i find i am deceived . whether it be that distance of place , and being further out of the reach of the scepter of justice , breeds more boldness to offend , or necessarily brings more delay of redress . i have been wont also in ireland , to except one court , ( as he doth plato ) : but trust me , my lord , i have heard , that it is said among great personages here , that , my lord primate is a good man , but his court is as corrupt as others ; some say , worse . and which i confess to your grace , did not a little terrify me from visiting , till i might see how to do it with fruit ; in that of your late visitation they see no profit , but the taking of mony. but to come to mr. cook ; of all that have exercised jurisdiction in this land these late years , he is the most noted man , and most cried out upon . insomuch as he hath found from the irish the nick-name of pouc . and albeit he came off with credit when he was questioned , and justified himself by the table of fees , ( as by a leaden rule any stone may be approved as well-hewed ) ; by that little i have met with sitice i came hither , i am induced to believe it was not for lack of matter , but there was some other cause of his escaping in that trial. by his pretended commission , and that table of fees , he hath taken in my predecessor's time , and seeks to take in mine for exhibits at visitations , and his charges there above the bishop's procurations ; for unions , sequestrations , relaxations , certificates , licences , permutations of penance , sentences ( as our court calls them ) interlocutory in causes of correction , &c. such fees as i cannot in my conscience think to be just : and yet he doth it in my name , and tells me , i cannot call him into question for it . alas , my lord ! if this be the condition of a bishop , that he stands for a cipher , and only to uphold the wrongs of other men , what do i in this place am i not bound , by my profession , made to god in your presence , and following your words , to be gentle and merciful , for christ's sake , to poor and needy people , and such as be destitute of help can i be excused another day with this , that thus it was e're i came to this place , and that it is not good to be over just or sith i am perswaded mr. cook 's patent is unjust and void , am i not bound to make it so and to regulate , if i may , this matter of fees , and the rest of the disorders of the jurisdiction , which his majesty hath betrusted me withal your grace saith truly , it is a difficult thing , if not impossible , to overthrow a patent so confirmed ; and i know in deliberations , it is one of the most important considerations what we may hope to effect . but how can i tell , till i have tried to be discouraged e're i begin , is it not to consult with flesh and blood verily i think so , and therefore must put it to the trial , and leave the success to god. if i obtain the cause , the profit shall be to this poor nation ; if not , i shall shew my consent to those my reverend brethren that have endeavoured to redress this enormity before me . i shall have the testimony of mine own conscience , to have sought to discharge my duty to god and his people . yea , which is the main , the work of my ministry , and my service to this nation , shall receive furtherance howsoever , rather than any hinderance thereby . and if by the continuance of such oppressions , any thing fall out otherwise than well , i shall have acquitted my self towards his majesty , and those that have engaged themselves for me . at last i shall have the better reason and juster cause , to resign to his majesty the jurisdiction which i am not permitted to manage . and here i beseech your grace to consider seriously , whether it were not happy for us to be rid of this charge , which not being proper to our calling , nor possibly to be executed without deputies , as subjects us to the ill conceit of their unjust or indiscreet carriage , and no way furthers our own work or if it shall be thought fit to carry this load still , whether we ought not to procure some way to be discharged of the envy of it , and redress the abuse , with the greatest strictness we can devise for my part , i cannot bethink me of any course fitter for the present , than to keep the courts my self , and set some good order in them . and to this purpose i have been at cavan , granard , and longford , &c. and do intend to go to the rest , leaving with some of the ministry there a few rules , touching those things that are to be redressed ; that if my health do not permit me to be always present , they may know how to proceed in mine absence . i find it to be true , that tully faith , justitia mirifica quaedam res multitudini videtur ; and certainly to our proper work a great advantage it is , to obtain a good opinion of those we are to deal with . but besides this , there fall out occasions to speak of god and his presence , of the religion of a witness , the danger of an oath , the purity of marriage , the preciousness of a good name , repairing of churches , and the like . penance it self may enjoined , and penitents reconciled , with some profit to others besides themselves . wherefore albeit mr. cook were the justest chancellor in this kingdom , i would think it fit for me , as things now stand , to sit in these courts ; and sith i cannot be heard in the pulpits to preach as i may in them ( albeit innocency and justice is also a real kind of preaching ) i have shewed your grace my intentions in this matter . now should i require your direction in many things , if i were present with you . but for the present it may please you to understand , that at granard , one mr. neugent , a nephew as i take it to my lord of westmeath , delivered his letter to mr. astre , which he delivered me in open court , requiring that his tenants might not be troubled for christnings , marriages , or funerals , so they pay the minister his due . this referred to a letter of my lord chancellor's to the like purpose , which yet was not delivered till the court was risen . i answered generally , that none of my lord's tenants , or others , should be wronged . the like motion was made at longford by two or three of the farralls , and one mr. faganah in rosse ; to whom i gave the like answer ; and added , that i would be strict in requiring them to bring their children to be baptized , and marriages to be solemnized likewise with us , sith they acknowleg these to be lawful and true ; so as it was but wilfulness if any forbear . here i desire your grace to direct me ; for to give way that they should not be so much as called in question , seems to further the schism they labour to make . to lay any pecuniary mulct upon them , as the value of a license for marriage , or s. for a christening , i know not by what law it can be done . to excommunicate them for not appearing or obeying , they being already none of our body , and a multitude , it is to no profit , nay rather makes the exacerbation worse . many things more i have to confer with your grace about , which i hope to do coràm ; as about the reedifying of churches , or employing the mass-houses ( which now the state enquires of ) about books , testaments , and the common-prayer book ; which being to be reprinted , would perhaps be in some things bettered : but specially about men to use them , and means to maintain them , now that our english have engrossed their livings : about the printing the psalter , which i have caused to be diligently surveyed by mr. james nangle , who adviseth not to meddle with the verse , but set forth only the prose , which he hath begun to write out fair to the press . mr. mortugh king i have not heard of a long time , i hope he goeth on in the historical books of the old testament . mr. crian was with me about a fortnight after i came to kilmore , since i heard not of him . of all these things , if by the will of god i may make a journey over to you , we shall speak at fall . as i was closing up these , this morning , there is a complaint brought me from ardagh , that where in a cause matrimonial in the court at longford , a woman had proceeded thus far , as after contestation , the husband was enjoined to appear the next court to receive a libel ; one shane age in ingerney , the popish vicar-general of ardagh had excommunicated her ; and she was by one hubart in cutril , a popish priest , upon sunday lass , put out of the church , and denounced excommunicate . herein , whether it were more sit to proceed against the vicar and priest , by virtue of the last letters from the council ; or complain to them , i shall attend your grace's advices and now for very shame , ceasing to be troublesome , i do recommend your grace to the protection of our merciful father , and rest , your graces in all duty , will. kilmore and ardaghen . kilmore , feb. . . letter cliii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend william bedell bishop of kilmore . salutem in christo jesu . i thank your lordship for the great pains you have taken in writing so large a letter unto me ; and especially for putting me in mind of that comfortable place of the apostle , which you mention in the beginning thereof . but as for the matter of merriment ( as you call it ) contained in your inclosed recusation , i confess my ignorance to have been such , that i understood not where the jest lay : yet when i shewed it to those that had better skill in the law than my self , i saw that they did heartily laugh at it : whose reasons i had no list to examine , but referred the scanning thereof to the judex ad quem , to whom the cognisance of this matter now properly belongeth . most of the slanders wherewith you were so much troubled , i never heard of till you now mentioned them your self ; only the course which you took with the papists , was generally cried out against : neither do i remember , in all my life , that any thing was done here by any of ours , at which the professors of the gospel did take more offence , or by which the adversaries were more confirmed in their superstitions and idolatry . whereas i could wish , that you had advised with your brethren , before you would adventure to pull down that which they have been so long a building ; so i may boldly aver , that they have abused grosly both of us , who reported unto you , that i should give out , that i found my self deceived in you . what you did , i know was done out of a good intention , but i was assured that your project would be so quickly refuted with the present success and egent , that there would be no need that your friends should advise you to desist from building such castles in the air. of mr. whiskins , mr. creighton , and mr. bexter's preaching , i heard not a word till now . would god that all the lord's people might prophesy , and there might be thousands of his faithful servants that might go beyond me in doing our master's work : the spirit that it in me ( i trust ) shall never last after such enuy . for your judging of mr. cook 's patent to be void , and so judicially decl●●ing it , i wish you would not be too forward in standing upon that point . to 〈◊〉 in a judicial manner of the validity or invalidity of a patent , in no office of the ecclesiastical , but of the civil magistrate ; and for the one to 〈…〉 the judiciture of that which appertaineth to another , you know draweth near to a 〈…〉 . complaints i know will be made against my court , and your court , and every court wherein vice shall be punished , and that not by delinquents alone , but also by their landlords , ( be they protestants or others ) who in this country 〈◊〉 not how their tenants live , so they pay them their rents . i learned of old in aeschylus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and if they 〈…〉 the like authority , will be ready to receive such accusations against their brethren , every one will judg that there is less cause why they should be pitied , when they are served so themselves . the way to help this is , not to take away the jurisdiction from the chancellors , and to put it into the bishops hands alone . all bishops are not like my lord of kilmore . i know a bishop in this land , who exerciseth the jurisdiction himself ; and i dare boldly say , that there is more unjustice and oppression to be found in him alone , than in all the chancellors in the whole kingdom put together ; and though i do not justify the taking of fees without good ground , yet i may truly say , of a great part of mine own , and of many other bishops diocesses , that if men stood not more in fear of the fees of the court , than of standing in a white sheet , we should have here among us another sodom and gomorrah . your course of taking pains in keeping courts your self , i will commend , so that you condemn not them that think they have reason why they should do otherwise . as for my self , mecum habito , and am not ignorant , quam sit mihi curta supellex . my chancellor is better skilled in the law than i am , and far better able to manage matters of that kind ; suam quisque norit artem , runneth still in my mind ; and how easy a matter it is for a bishop that is ignorant in the law , to do wrong unto others , and run himself into a premunire ; and where wrong is done , i know right may more easily be had against a chancellor , than against a bishop . if my chancellor doth wrong , the star-chamber lieth open , where i will be the man that will cast the first stone at him my self , as i did for the removing and censuring of him whom i found at my first coming into the diocess of meath . and as for my late visiting of your diocesses , your lordship need not a whit be terrified therewith . it is not to be expected that an arch-bishop passing through a whole province upon a suddain , should be able to perform that which a bishop may do by leasure , in his every years visitation : neither may the arch-bishop meddle with the reformation of any thing but what is presented ; if any such presentation were made , and reformation of the abuse neglected , there is cause to complain of the visitation . but as for the taking of mony , your lordship will find , that when you come next to visit your self , there will be great odds betwixt the sum that ought to be paid unto you , and that which was delivered unto me ; and yet if your clergy can get but half so much for their mony from you , as they did from me , they may say , you were the best bishop that ever came among them . when the clergy of the diocess of ardagh was betrayed into the hands of their adversaries , ( à quibius minime omnium oportuorat ) and like to be so overborn , that many of them could scarce have a bit of bread lest them to put in their mouths ; i stood then in the gap , and opposed my self for them against the whole country , and stayed that plague . in the other diocess of kilmore , when complaint was made against the clergy by that knave , ( whom they say your lordship did absolve ) i took him in hand , and if the clergy had not failed in the prosecution , would have bound him fast enough , without asking any question for conscience-●ake , whether he were of our communion or no. and whereas they held their means , as it were , by courtesy from the state , i took the pains my self to make up the table of all their tithes and duties , and at this very instant am working in england to have it firmly established unto them by his majesty's authority . and yet the sums of me●●y which they paid me , were not so great , but that i could make a shift to spend it in defraying the charges of the very journey . i am a fool , i know , in this commending ( or defending rather ) my self , but consider who constrained me . the writings which you sent me , i had long before from the same hand which sent them unto you ; i should be glad to hear your judgment of them , and would be glad also to go on in further answering of the remain of your letter , but that i am quite tired ; and what i have written , i fear will not be so pleasing unto you . what resteth , i partly refer to mr. dean's relation , and partly to our conference when we shall next meet , where many things may be more fitly delivered by word of mouth , than committed to a letter . in the mean time i commend you to the blessing of our good god , and ever rest , your most assured loving friend , and brother , ( notwithstanding any unkind passages which may have slip'd from me in this letter ) ja. armachanus . drogheda , feb. . . letter cxliv . a letter from the right reverend william laud bishop of london , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my very good lord ; i thank your grace heartily for your letters , especially for the preface of this your last . it is true , my lord , god hath restor'd me , even from death it self , for i think no man was farther gone , and scap'd . and your grace doth very christian-like put me in mind , that god having renewed my lease , i should pay him an income of some service to his church ; which i hope , in the strength of his grace , i shall ever be willing , and sometime able to perform . i have not yet recovered the great weakness into which my sickness cast me , but , i hope , when the spring is come forward , my strength will encrease , and enable me to service . in the mean time , my lord , as weak as i have been , i have begun to pay my fine ; but what the sum comes to , god knows , is very little . your table of the tithes of ulster , and the business concerning the impropriations , are both past ; and concerning both , i leave my self to mr. hygat's report . as touching the deanery of armagh , i am glad to hear that any place of preferment in that kingdom , hath so good means of subsistence without tithes . but i must needs acquaint your grace , that neither my lord of wi●chester that now is , nor dr. lindsell , did ever acquaint me with your grace's purpose , of drawing johannes gerardus vossius into those parts ; had i known it in time , the business might have been easier than now it will be . for , first , upon an attempt made by the lord brook to bring vossius into england to be a reader in cambridg , the states allowed him better maintenance , and were unwilling to have him come ; and himself was not very willing , in regard of his wife , and many children , being loth to bring them from all their kindred and friends into a strange place . and if he were unwilling upon these grounds to come into england , i doubt whether he will venture to ireland or no. but , secondly , my lord ; since this , my lord duke in his life-time procured him of his majesty , the reversion of a prebend in canterbury , which is since fallen ; and voss●●s came over into england in the time of my infirmity , and was installed , and i was glad i had the happiness to see him . after he had seen both the universities , he return'd home again , and within these two days i received a letter from him of the safety of his return thither . the church of canterbury , notwithstanding his absence , ●●ow him an hundred pounds a year , as they formerly did to mr. casauba●● ▪ now , i think , the prebend of canterbury ( would he have been priest , and resided upon it ) would have been as much to him as the deanery of armagh . but howsoever , ( my lord ) the king having given him that preferment already , will hardly be brought to give him another , especially considering what i could write unto you , were it fit . nevertheless , out of my lov● to the work you mention , if you can prevail with vossius to be willing , and that it may appear the deanery of armagh will be of sufficient means for him and his numerous family , if your grace then certify me of it , i will venture to speak , and do such offices as shall be fit . and now , my lord , for your own business , mr. archibald hamilton , who it seems , by your grace's letters , is your agent here , hath not as yet been with me ; but whensoever he shall come , he shall be very welcome ; and i hope your grace knows , i will be very ready to do that church and you the best service i can . as i had written thus far , mr. hamilton came to me ; so that now i shall inform my self , as well as i can , of your lordship's business , which he tells me is perple●d by some to whom it was formerly refer'd . his majesty is now going to new-market , so that t●● his return , little or nothing can be done ; but so soon as he comes back , i will not be wanting to that part which shall be laid upon me . i formerly writ to your grace about divers businesses , and i have received your answer to the most of them , only to one particular you have answered nothing , which makes me think that letter scarce came safe to your hands : it is about the bishoprick of kilfanora , which is so poor in it self , that no man asks it of the king ; and his majesty is graciously pleased that your lordship would think of some good parsonage , or vicari●g , or donative , that might for ever be annex'd unto it . and though nothing be now perchance actually void to fit this purpose , yet i conceive the annexation may be presently made , though the profit arising from the thing , come not to the bishop till it become void . i pray your grace take as much care of this as possibly you can , and let me hear from you what may be done . this letter , my lord , is a great deal too long ; but so many occasions would not suffer it to be shorter . i wish you all health , and so leave you to the grace of god , ever resting , your grace's loving poor friend , and brother , guil. london . lo●d . house , feb. . . letter clv . a letter from the right reverend william bedell bishop of kilmore , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend father , my honourable good lord ; the superscription of your grace's letters was most welcome unto me , as bringing under your own hand , the best evidence of the recovery of your health ; for which i did , and do give hearty thanks unto god. for the contents of them , as your grace conceived , they were not so pleasant ; but the wounds of a friend are faithful , saith the wise man : sure , they are no less painful than any other . unkindness cuts nearer to the heart than malice can do . i have some experience by your grace's said letters : concerning which i have been at some debate with my self , whether i should answer them with david's demand ; what have i now done or as the wrongs of parents , with patience and silence . but mr. dean telling me , that this day he is going towards you , i will speak once , come of it what will. you writ , that the course i took with the papists was generally cried out against ; neither do you remember , in all your life , that any thing was done here by any of us , at which the professors of the gospel did take more offence , or by which the adversaries were more confirmed in their superstitions and idolatry . wherein you could wish , that i had advised with my brethren , before i would adventure to pull down that which they have been so long a building . again , what i did , you know was done out of a good intention ; but you were assured that my project would be so quickly refuted , with the present success and event , that there would be no need my friends should advise me from building such castles in the air , &c. my lord , all this is a riddle to me . what course i have taken with the papists ; what i have done , at which the professors of the gospel did take such offence , or the adversaries were so confirmed : what it is that i have adventured to do , or what piece so long a building , i have pulled down : what those projects were , and those castles in the air so quickly refuted with present success , as the lord knows i know not . for truly , since i came to this place , i have not changed one jot of my purpose , or practice , or course with papists , from that which i held in england , or in trinity-colledg , or found ( i thank god ) any ill success , but the slanders only of some persons discontented against me for other occasions : against which i cannot hope to justify my self , if your grace will give ear to private informations . but let me know , i will not say my accuser , ( let him continue mask'd till god discover him ) but my transgression , and have place of defence ; and if mine adversary write a book against me , i will hope to bear it on my shoulder , and bind it to me as a crown . for my recusation of your court , and advertisement what i heard thereof ; i see they have stirred , not only laughter , but some coals too . your chancellor desires me to acquit him to you , that he is none of those officers i meant : i do it very willingly ; for i never meant him , nor any man else ; but thought it concerned your grace to know what i credibly heard to be spoken concerning your court. neither , as god knows , did i ever think it was fit to take away the jurisdiction from chancellors , and put it into the bishops hands alone ; or so much as in a dream condemn those that think they have reason to do otherwise nor tax your grace's visitation ; nor imagine you would account that to pertain to your reproof , and take it as a wrong from me , which out of my duty to god and you , i thought was not to be concealed from you . i beseech you pardon me this one error , si unquam posthac . for that knave whom ( as your grace writes ) they say i did absolve ; i took him for one of my flock , or rather christ's , for whom he shed his blood. and i would have absolved julian the apostata under the same form . some other passages there be in your grace's letters , which i — but i will lay mine hand upon mine mouth . and craving the blessing of your prayers , ever remain , your grace's poor brother , and humble servant , will. kilmore and ardaghen . kilmore , march . . letter clvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the lords justices . my most honoured lords ; i received a letter from your lordships , ( without any date ) wherein i am required to declare what motives i can alleadg for the stopping of sir john bathe's patent . whereunto i answer . ; that i cannot , nor need not , produce any other reason , than that which i have done ; and for the maintenance of the sufficiency whereof , i will adventure all i am worth , namely , that for the particular now in question , sir john bathe's letter hath been gotten from his majesty by meer surreption , and therefore no patent ought to be passed thereupon . for although i easily grant , that my lord treasurer , and the chancellor of the exchequer , might certify unto his majesty , that there was no other thing left to be passed here but impropriations , ( though sir john bathe , i think , hath found already somewhat else to be passed in his book , and may do more if he will not be so hasty , but take time to enquire ) : yet how doth it appear that either of these two noble gentlemen did as much as know that his majesty had taken a former order for the settlement of these things upon the church to which resolution had they been privy , i do so presume of their nobleness and care of the publick good , that the remittal of a matter of two thousand pounds , would not induce them to divert his majesty from making good that precious donation , which ( by the example of his father of never-dying memory ) he had solemnly devoted to god and his church : such an eximious act of piety , as is not to be countervalued with two , or twenty thousand pounds of any earthly treasure . but whatsoever they knew , or knew not of his majesty's own pious resolution , and constant purpose , never to revoke that which he hath once given unto god ; i rest so confident , as i dare pawn my life upon it , that when he did sign those letters of sir john bathe's , he had not the least intimation given unto him , that this did any way cross that former gift which he made unto the church , upon so great and mature deliberation , as being grounded upon the advice , first , of the commissioners sent into ireland ; then , of the lords of the council upon their report in england ; thirdly , of king james , that ever blessed father of the church ; and lastly , of the commissioners for irish affairs , unto whom for the last debating and conclusion of this business , i was by his now majesty , referr'd my self at my being in england . i know sir john and his counsel do take notice of all those reasons that may seem to make any way for themselves . but your lordships may do well to consider , that such letters as these have come before now , wherein rectories have been expresly named , and those general non obstantes also put , which are usual in this kind : and yet notwithstanding all this , his majesty intimateth unto you in his last letters , that he will take a time to examine those proceedings , and punish those that then had so little regard to the particular and direct expression of his royal pleasure for the disposing of the impropriations to the general benefit of the church : which whether it carrieth not with it a powerful non obstante to that surreptious grant now in question : i hold it more safe for your lordships to take advice among your selves , than from any other bodies counsel , who think it their duty to speak any thing for their clients fee. as for the want of attestation , wherewith the credit of the copy of a letter transmitted unto you is laboured to be impaired : if the testimony of my lord of london , who procured it , and the bishop elect of kilfennora , who is the bringer of it , and of a dean and an arch-deacon now in ireland , who themselves saw it , will not suffice ; it will not be many days ( in all likelihood ) before the original it self shall be presented to your lordships . in the mean time , i desire ( and more than desire , if i may presume to go so far ) that your lordships will stay your hands from passing sir john bathe's patent , until my lord of london himself shall signifie his majesties further pleasure unto you in this particular . and it my zeal hath carried me any way further than duty would require , i beseech your lordships to consider , that i deal in a cause that highly concerneth the good of the church , unto which i profess i owe my whole self ; and therefore craving pardon for this my boldness , i humbly take leave , and rest , still to continue your lordships in all dutiful observance , j. a. droghedah , april the d , . instructions given to mr. dean lesly , april . . for the stopping of sir john bathe's patent . . you are to inform your self whether sir john bathe's patent be already sealed ; and if it be , whether it were done before saturday ( which was the day wherein i received and answered the lords justices letters touching this business ; and at which time they signified the patent was as yet unpast ) and use all speedy means , that the patent may not be delivered into sir john bathes hands before you be heard to speak what you can against it , and if that also be done , i authorize you to signifie unto the lords justices , that i must and will complain against them to his sacred majesty . . you are to go unto sir james ware the younger from me , and enquire of him whether he gave any certificate unto my lord treasurer , and the chancellor of the exchequer , that the king had not of temporal lands the annual rent of l. to grant in reversion ; but that of necessity must be supplied with the grant of the reversion of tithes impropriate . and withal , learn of him , to what value the temporal rents , not yet passed in reversion , do arise ; and what proportion thereof sir john bathe is now a passing in his book . . whereas the lords justices in their letter do signifie unto 〈◊〉 that such a certificate had been made unto his majesty by the lord treasurer , and chancellor of the exchequer ; you may certifie them that sir john bathe sent unto me a certificate under their hands , to view ; wherein they do inform his majesty , that in their judgments the granting of 〈◊〉 l. rent in reversion , will countervail the sum which sir john was to remit ; but that there was no other thing le●t to be passed but impropriations , ( which is the main thing that concerns this business ) ; that , to my remembrance , they meddle not with at all ; and sir john bathe by the temporal lands that now he is passing in his book , doth prove it to be otherwise . . take a view of sir john bathe's letter , and consider ( with your counsel ) first , whether there be any general non obstante in it against all precedent instructions and directions ( of which i much doubt . ) and , secondly , whether any such general non obstante have power to cross the particular letter ( which in ●y apprehension is more then an instruction at large ) which i brought over from his majesty , that now is , for the disposing of the impropriations otherwise . . let sir john bathe be demanded upon his conscience , whether he did so much as know that i had obtained any such letter from his majesty when he procured his if he did ; why did he not ( to take away all suspicion of surreption ) cause a special non obstante to be inserted against it as well as he hath done against another particular instruction , mentioned in the end of his letter if he did not ( as his kinsman , who brought me the lords justices letters assured me he did not , ) how in any common intendment can it be presumed that the particularities of my former letter were 〈◊〉 into due consideration , and revoked by his majesty if it be alledged , that his letter coming after mine , is of it self a sufficient revocation thereof : i alledg in like manner , that this last letter of mine coming after his , is of it self a sufficient revocation of his ; and so much the more by far , because his was obtained upon my direct complaint against sir john bathe's letter , as surreptitiously procured ( which i take to be a non-obstante sufficient enough against him , whatsoever it be against any other : ) whereas in the procuring of sir john bathe's , there was no notice at all taken of my particular letter . . you are to 〈…〉 the instructions which they received with the sword they are 〈…〉 make stay of the passing of any grant , for which the king's letters are brought unto them , where they have cause to doubt , whether his majesty were fully informed or no concerning the 〈◊〉 or inconveniency of that particular . wherein , if my lord of london's letter be not of authority sufficient otherwise to make a legal attestation of his majesties royal intend●ent : ye● i suppo●● , 〈◊〉 will 〈◊〉 so much weight with it , as to 〈◊〉 the●● 〈◊〉 little which longer ( as they have done 〈◊〉 , when they had nothing so strong a 〈◊〉 ) until his majesty being fully informed upon both sides , shall signifie his express pleasure unto them in this particular . and in doing otherwise , they may justly conceive , that it will be charged upon them for a neglect in performance of his majesties pleasure . letter clvii . a letter from the right reverend george downham bishop of london-derry , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , my very good lord. the book and papers which you were pleased to send to me , i have now returned with thanks . of which i made this use so soon as i had received them , that i gave directions to mr. price to insert those additions unto the th chapter of perseverance , and § . both in the beginning , whereof i spake of adulti , ( of whom properly this controversy is understood . ) and in the end thereof , where i speak of infants , touching whom , i say first , that this controversy is not understood of those , who neither are endued with habit of grace , nor are able to produce the acts thereof , as not having the use of reason . and therefore being neither justified by faith , nor sanctified by the habits of grace , cannot be said to fall from them . thus i thought good to rid my self of that question , rather then to profess a difference from them , who , notwithstanding that objection taken from baptism , agree with me in the doctrine of perseverance ; yet i must profess to your grace , that i do not subscribe to their opinion , who extend the benefit of baptism beyond either the purpose , or covenant of grace . but hereof more when it shall please god to give us a meeting . in the mean time , and always , i commend your grace to the gracious protection of the almighty ; in whom i ever rest your grace's in all duty , georg. derens. fawne , april . . letter clviii . a letter from the right reverend thomas morton bishop of coventry and litchfield , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in christo jesu . most reverend , i was right glad to receive , by your graces own letters , the report of your late , almost desperate sickness ; they being therein the messengers of your present health . wherein i and others are to acknowledg the merc● of god unto us , who hath preserved you to be still a most em●nen●●nstrument of his glory , and comfort of his church . i do also condole with your lordship the loss of those rare lights of learning mentioned in your letter ; but yet enjoying also with you the hopes of their blessedness your grace inquires after christ his mass , a fruit which will not be in season before michaelmas . i have an eager longing to be made partaker histo●icae controversiae predestinatianae , together with your new edition of altering the jesuits challenge . i had the sight of your adversaries book , but obiter ; at what time i alight on a palpable falsification of his ; but ea est infelicitas memoriae , that i have forgot it ; else , according to my duty , i should have acquainted your grace with it . good , my lord , that which our outward man denieth , let our inward continually seek to embrace and enjoy , our mutual presence by brotherly affection , and holy prayer unto god , that we may be that which we profess , filii gratiae , & charitate fratres . our lord jesus preserve us to the glory of his saving grace . your grace's in respectful acknowledgment , tho. covent . & litchfield . eccleshall-castle , may , . letter clix. a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. ward . salutem à salutis fonte d. n. jesu christo. your letter of the th of november , lay by the way almost a quarter of a year before it came into my hands , but was the most welcome when it came of any that i did receive from you , as bringing with it the joyful news of your life , together with your godly caveat of putting us in mind of our subjection to the law of mortality , which instructi●n god did shortly after really seal unto me by his fatherly chastisement , whereby he brought me even to the pits brink , and when i had received in my self the sentence of death , was graciously pleased to renew the lease of my life again ; that i might learn not to trust in my self , but in him which raised the dead ; our comfort is , that life as well as death , and death as well as life are equally ours ; for whether we live , we live unto the lord ; and whether we die , we die unto the lord : whether we live therefore , or die , we are the lords . i heartily thank you for your large relation of the state of your differences there : let me intreat you to take present care that a fair copy be taken as well of your lectures touching grace and free-will , as of your others touching the euchari●t , which i much desire you should finish ; that it may not be said of you , as it hath been noted of dr. whita●er , 〈◊〉 , and chamier , that god took them all away in the midst of their handling of that argument , making an end of them before they made in end of that controversie : it is great pity your lectures should be hazarded i● 〈◊〉 exemplari ; two at least i would have , and preserved in two divers places , lest that befal to them which happened to dr. raynold's answer to sanders touching the king's supremacy , ( a copy whereof i have by god's good providence recovered ) and his writing of christ's descent into hell ( which i fear is utterly abolished ) . mr. v●ssius having some notice that i intended to publish marianus scotus , ( the printed fragment of his chronicle being scarce worthy to be accounted his ) sent me word that he likewise had a like intention to print the same out of a manuscript copy , which he received from andr. scotus ; and desired that either i would receive his notes for the setting forward of that edition , or else send unto him what i had in that kind . i purpose to send unto him my transcript , both of marianus himself , and of his abbridger , robertus lotharingus bishop of hereford ; as also the history of gotteschalcus , and the predestination-controversy moved by him , which i am now a making up ; whereunto i insert two confessions of gotteschalcus himself , never yet printed , which i had from jacobus sirmondus . i touch there also that commentitious heresy of the predestinatians , which was but a nick-name that the semi-pelagians put upon the followers of st. augustine , who is made the author thereof , in the chronicle of tiro prosper ; whose words in the manuscript are , praedestinatorum haeresis , quae ab augustino accepisse dicitur initium ; not as in the printed books , ab augustini libris male intellectis ; for which i desire you should look your manuscript prosper , which is joined with eusebius his chronicle in bennet-colledg library . i could wish also that when you came thither , you would transcribe for me gulielmus malmesburiensis his short preface before his abbreviation of amalarius ( which is there in vol. . ) ; and scotus de perfectione statuum ( which is there in vol. . ) cum tragedi●● seneca , if it be but a short discourse . i have written a large censure of the epistle of ignatius , which i forbear to publish , before i have received a transcript of the latin ignatius , which you have in caius colledg , ( vol. . of dr. james catalogue ) ; if i could certainly have learned that mr. th● . whaley had been in cambridg , i should have written to him for procuring it unto me ; but if he fail , i must make you my last refuge ; whatever charges be requisite for the transcription , mr. burnet will see def●ayed . you have done me a great pleasure , in communicating unto me , my lord of salisbury's and your own determination , touching the efficacy of baptism in infants ; for it is an obscure point , and such as i desire to be taught in by such as you are , rather than deliver mine own opinion thereof . my lord of derry hath a book ready for the press , wherein , he handleth at full the controversy of perseverance , and the certainty of salvation : he there determineth that point of the efficacy of baptism , far otherwise than you do , accommodating himself to the opinion more vulgarly received among us ; to which he applieth sundry sentences out of st. augustine ; and among others , that , de baptism● ; sacramenta in solis electi● hoc verè effici●nt , qu●d figurant . i have finished the history of gotteschalcus , and the predestination controversy , stirred up in his time ; whereunto you have given a good furtherance in your learned observations sent unto me , touching the original of the nick-name of the predestinatiani , imposed by the semi-pel●gians upon the followers of st. augustine . i have had out of corbey abbey in france , two consessions written by gotteschalcus himself , which as yet have not been printed . if we could but obtain r●thran●s his treatise of the some argument , written unto the e●peror charles the same time . i doubt not but it would give us as great contentment as his other work doth , de 〈◊〉 ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for he held constantly st. augustine's doctrine against the semi-pelagians . i have now in hand , institutionum chronologicarum , lib. . wherein i labour , by clearness of method , and the easy manner of handling , to make that perplexed study familia● to the capacity of the meanest understanding . therein i handle only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making up , as it were , the body of an act. after which i intend ( if god spare my life and health ) to fall upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the sacred chronology , and there to handle all the controversies of that kind ; which may bring light to the sacred history , and the connexion of it with the exotical . i have review'd also my answer to the jesuit's challenge , and enlarged it with many additions , which by this time i suppose are newly printed ●n london . forget not in your prayers , ja. armachan●t . your most assured friend and brother , drogheda , dec. . . letter clx . a letter from dr. ward , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , and my very good lord ; i received your lordship's letter , sent by mr. stubbin ; by which i understood of your lordship's late recovery , even from the jaws of death ; but more fully by mr. stubbin himself , who related unto me the great hazard you lordship was in , by so excessive bleeding so many days together , as is almost ineredible . so that as it is said of abraham , that he received his son from the dead , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so we all , even god's church , have received your lordship in like manner , à ●aucibus oxci : praise be to the lord of life , who killeth and reviveth again ; who bringeth down to hell , and bringeth back again : to him be given all glory for ever . amen . amen . since the receipt of your lordship's letters , there hath hapned the most doleful dissolving of our university , and the most suddain dispersion of our students that ever i knew , occasioned by the infection brought hither by a souldier or two , dismissed not long since from the king of sweden's army , in february last . so as , whereas this time was our chief time of the year for acts and disputations , now our school-gates are shut up , and our colledges left desolate and empty almost . there have died of this infection , from the last of february , till the th of april , persons ; and since then till may , more , and more . the magistrates are careful . but the charge groweth great , both in maintaining the infected , and the poor amongst us , which want both means and work. i pray god we may be sensible of our sins , and his heavy hand , and may by serious repentance meet him , that so he may forgive our sins , and heal our town and land. i received in your lordship's letter , the copy of sir john breerton's will inclosed , signed with your grace's hand : for which , in the name of our whole society , i humbly thank your lordship . it seemeth the inventory is not yet put in . i received also by mr. stubbin , a letter from mr. randal-breerton , sole executor to sir john his brother ; who at his coming into england from you , promiseth me to acquaint the colledg with the particularity of his brothers bequest . i have heard mr. randal very well reported of ; and i hope verily he will faithfully discharge the trust reposed in him by his deceased brother . i will still intreat your lordship , when the inventory is exhibited , for a copy to be sent us . if my leasure permit , i will hearken ( god willing ) to your lordship's motion , of revising my lectures of grace and free-will . in my proceedings in my readings , i acquainted your lordship formerly , with some opposition i had from some in our university , under pretence of violating his majesty's declaration ; which , i say , i do not . and so as yet i have continued in reading on that argument , though not in naming the authors [ remonstrants ] whom i impugn . if god give opportunity , and health , i will do the like in my readings upon the eucharist . my lord of sarum hath transcribed his readings , de praedest . & reprobatione , & morte christi . i am instant with him to transcribe other readings of his . i suppose your lordship hath heard of my lord of sarum , how he was questioned for his sermon before his majesty , in the beginning of lent last ; the particulars whereof you shall more fully understand by the enclosed parcel of a letter he wrote to me . i am right sorry , the delivery of the established doctrine of our church should thus be questioned . i have vindicated my reasons . i sent one in our university touching the th article , from such answers as he had returned me ; as also sundry testimonies of st. augustine , from the like opposition ; which i sent the same party , tending to shew , that according to st. augustine , the non-elect never come to be justified by a true and lively faith , nor ever are by that bond mystically united to christ as their head , nor ever attain unto true repentance , &c. it is worthily done of your lordship , to set forth marianus scotus emendatê , and his abridger ; who as it seemeth , abridged his work in marianus's life-time ; for marianus died but a little before rob. lotharingus . as touching the history of gotteschalcus , i wish it may be cleared out of the ancient monuments . it seemeth your lordship hath taken pains therein . it may occasion mr. vossius to revise his story touching him . i make no doubt but that the semi-pelagians & massilienses , were the first insertors of the pradestinatiani into the catalogue of hereticks : and it may seem that arnobius jun who writ upon the psalms , was one of the first , that imposed the name of heresy upon the doctrine of predestination and reprobation , as it was delivered by st. augustine , vid. in psal. . and was the first that stiled the holding of st. austin's doctrine , praedestinatus , in psal. . for i conceive he was in time before tyro prosper , faustus , or gennadius . for the conjecture of s. senenses seemeth to me probable , that this arnobius lived in st. austin's time , for that his commentary upon the psalms , is ascribed to two african bishops , laurentio & rustico episcopis . now s. senensis saith , he findeth in a council of carthage , in which st. austin was present , there were also present laurentius icositanus , and rusticus . though i find not this in any one council of carthage , yet i easily believe it was so , for i find that rusticus an african bishop , was one of them bishops , which in a synodical epistle to innocentius . condemned pelagins and caelestius ; the epistle is the th epistle amongst st. austin's epistles ; where two of that name [ rusticus ] are mentioned ; this epistle was written anno . now shortly after , viz. anno , in that council of carthage , wherein the book of canons , which is codex africanus , was confirmed , there were present bishops , as the code saith , of which only are named ; in which number are st. austin and laurentius jositanus : and it is very credible , that rusticus living a little before , was among the the rest which were not named . again it is observed , both by erasmus in his preface prefixed before arnobius , and by s. senensis also , that in these commentaries are found , sundry unusual latin words , which in st. austin's time were very usual amongst the africans ; which though laurentius de la barre doth hold to be no sufficient reason , yet it carrieth with it no little probability . tyro prosp. may seem to be the next , who ( as it seemeth ) was not that prosp. aquitanus , who was episcopus rhegiensis in italy , though they both continued st. hierome , ad eadem usque tempora . according to your lordship's directions , i looked into the prosper which is in bennet-colledg library , and i find , ad arcadii & honorii , an. xxiv . thus , praedestinatorum haeresis quae ab augustino accepisse initium dicitur , hiis temporibus serpere exorsa ; just as it is in the manuscript which is in his majesty's library at st. james's ( as i remember your lordship told me ) . the four divines of leyden , in the censure of the remonstrants confession , relate the words of tyro prosp. thus ; praedestinatorum haeresis , quae ex augustini libris malè intellectis accepisse dicitur initium , hiis temporibus serpere exorsa , sine specie tamen erroris , pag. . the last words are not in my tyro prosp. which is amongst the works of p. pithaeus , nor in the manuscript of bennet-colledg . after these faustus and gennadius continued this nick-name ; the latter expresly , in the continuation of the index haeresium hieronymi , where he perstringeth a sentence of augustine contra julianum , lib. . c. . as i conceive . now howsoever sigebert relateth the opinion of the predestinati , as having grown out of the misunderstanding of st. augustine , and not as any just sequel of st. austin's doctrine . yet it may seem that both the massilienses , and some africans in st. augustine's time , did conceive the opinion , as is related by sigebert , to be a just sequel of st. austin's doctrine , as it may appear by prosp. in epistola ad augustinum . haec sententia & lapsis curam resurgendi adimit , es sanctis occasionem teporis , eo quo in utramque partem superfluus labor sit , si neque rejectus illa industria possit intrare , neque electus ulla negligentia possit excidere , &c. et hilarius in epistola ad augustin . nam si sic praedestinati sunt ( inquiunt ) in utramque partem & de aliis ad alios nullus possit accedere , quo pertinet tanta extrinsecus correctionis instantia and the like inferences doth faustus make in his two books , even as do the remonstrants , their successors , at this day , though most falsly , these predesinitions not prejudging liberty . i send you here inclosed also gulielmus malmesburiensis his short preface before his abbreviation of amularius . as for scotus de perfectione statuum , it is folio and page . the argument , or conclusion , which he goeth about to demonstrate , is this , quod status praelatorum & pastorum ecclesiae praesupponit statum alium perfectiorem quam sit omnis status praelationis pastoralis . if your lordship desire a copy , i will see , when god shall bring together our dispersed students , if i can get a sit amanuensis . as for dr. walsall's manuscript of rathrammus , i know where it is . i think it were not amiss to print both those treatises of rathram's , with that de corpore & sanguine domini , which is already extant . if i do not print them , your lordship shall have a copy . as for the latin copy of ignatius's epistles , in caius-colledg library , i was in good hope it had been the same with an old printed translation which i have ; but comparing them together , i find them differ much . i acquainted mr. thomas whalley , now dr. whalley , with that you wrote in your letter . he seemed to me not unwilling to undertake ; but now in this contagious time he is gone into the country . i spoke also with mr. foster of emanuel colledg , who it seemeth hath taken some pains already in it , but then he was to go into the country . i am informed by some fellows in that colledg , that being shortly to depart from the colledg , by his time there allotted , finding in himself some impediment in his utterance , he could wish to be imployed by your lordship in such-like business . he is a good scholar , and an honest man. the worst is , the book cannot be lent out of the colledg . i will see ( by god's grace ) at the return of our students , what can be done if god send life . as touching those papers which i sent , touching the efficacy of baptism in infants ; i do acknowledg it a point in which the scriptures are sparing . the occasion of my determination , was ( as i think i signified in my former letters ) for that the question was given with a purpose to impugn the doctrine of perseverance , as they conceived , by an undeniable argument . i was very loth the question should be brought upon the commencement-stage , and therefore signified to the then vice-chancellor , that it would intrench upon the question of perseverance , which is one of those questions ( i said ) his majesty would not have discussed , which he signifieth by his declaration . yet he replied , the affirmative part of the question was the authorized doctrine of our church , as appeared in the rubrick , of deferring confirmation : and the answerer was importunate to have that question ; and so accordingly it was over-ruled by the major part of the doctors . i had heretofore thought upon the point somewhat . and my lord of sarum , and my self , at dort , had speech of it , when we signified in our judgment , that the case of infants was not appertaining to the question of perseverance . i considered also , that howsoever the scripture sparingly speak of the effect of baptism in infants , yet there are general grounds , from the nature of sacraments , which may serve to inform and direct our judgments herein . again , i considered the perpetual tradition of the church is no way to be slighted , where it doth not cross the scripture , but is consonant to general grounds contained in them . my lord of derry is a worthy man , and whom i do much reverence ; yet i would wish his lordship to be well advised . i doubt not but the doctrine of perseverance may sufficiently be cleared , though we grant that all infants baptized , be free from original guilt . the speech in lombard alleadged , as out of st. augustine , sacramenta in solis electis efficiunt quod figurant , is no where to be found in st. augustine . and if it were , yet it is to be understood as lombard doth gloss it , otherwise augustine should contradict himself , as is evident by the testimonies he there produceth out of austin ; and many more which might be brought for remission of original sin in all baptized infants , out of him . i know most of our divines do make the principal end and effect of all sacraments to be obsignation , and all sacraments to be meerly obsignatory signs ; and consequently that ablution of infants from original sin , is only conditional and expectative , of which they have no benefit , till they believe and repent ; i cannot easily assent hereunto . for so , . infants baptized , dying in infancy , have no benefit by baptism . and all non-elect infants have no benefit at all , so that to both of these they are nuda & inefficacia signa . and , . what necessity of baptizing of infants , if it produce no effect till years of discretion . though our divines do most-what run upon obsignation , yet often they do expresly hold , that sacraments do offer and exhibit that grace which they signify , and as i conceive must needs offer and exhibit the grace which they signify , before they assure and confirm . for god doth offer and exhibit grace promised in the sacrament , then we exercise our faith in relying upon god , promising , offering , and exhibiting on his part ; and so according to the tenure of the covenant , receive the grace promised , and then sacraments in the second place do assure us of the grace received . and thus much is signified in the definition of a sacrament in our short catechism , as i conceive , when it is said , it is an outward visible sign , of an inward spiritual grace given unto us , ordained by christ himself , as a means whereby we receive the same , and a pledg to assure us thereof . so that first it is a means whereby god doth offer and exhibit on his part the grace it signifieth ; which we receiving by faith , it then also becometh a pledg , to assure us of the receipt thereof . so the eucharist doth first offer and exhibit , augmentum gratiae & auctiorem , auctiorem & perfectiorem communionem cum christi corpore & sanguine , & participationem in beneficiis inde fluentibus ; and then it is a pledg to assure us thereof . and so ursinus truly saith , baptismus & coena domini sunt sacramenta , — quia sunt opus dei , qui aliquid in iis , nobis dat , & se dare testatur ; and he hath many speeches to this purpose . so calvin , institut .. * so that instrumental conveyance of the grace signified , to the due receiver , is as true an effect or end of a sacrament , when it is duly administred , as obsignation , and is praeexisting in order of nature to obsignation : for obsignation must be of that , quod prius datur & exhibetur , as mr. beza often saith . mr. hooker in mine opinion , doth truly explicate the nature of sacraments , lib. . sect. , , , , & . nay , it may seem , that obsignation is not so essential as exhibitio rei signatae , for the latter may be without the former , as in the baptism of infants , where no preparation , ex parte suscipientis , but only capacity and not-resistance is sufficient , ad rem signatam recipiendam . all these i submit to your lordship's judgment , and will not be contentious , if any can bring that which is more demonstrative out of scriptures , mr. hooker saith as we say , touching the efficacy of baptism in infants , and yet holdeth the doctrine de perseverantia fidelium , as well as we do . thus fearing too much prolixity may argue me to be unmannerly , i hold my hand — i know not how my lord of kilmore doth sort with the irish. i perswade my self he hath godly and pious intentions : he is discreet and wise , industrious and diligent , and of great sufficiency many ways . i do perswade my self , the more your lordship doth know him , the more your lordship will love him : and this i dare say , he truly honoureth and sincerely loveth your lordship . and thus with my affectionate and earnest prayers to the god of heaven , for the continuance of your lordship , and him , and my reverend good lord of derry , for the good of his church ; and to multiply his graces upon you , and to give you all , health here , and happiness hereafter : with tender of my best service to your lordship , i commend you to the most gracious protection of the highest majesty . your grace's in all observance for ever , samuel ward . sidn . coll. may . . the arminians ( as dr. meddus writeth to dr. chadderton ) are very factions in amsterdam , and demand justice for barnevelt's death . i fear me they will much disturb that state. god keep us also . letter clxi . part of a letter of the right reverend william bedell bishop of kilmore , to dr. ward master of sidney - colledg , cambridg , anno , out of bishop bedell 's papers . a passage in my former letters to mr. doctor ward . i thank you for the two treatises , that of my lord of salisbury , and your own , which you were pleased to communicate to me . concerning which , to give you mine opinion shortly , for the present . this i do yield to my lord of sarum most willingly , that the justification , sanctification , and adoption which children have in baptism , is not univocè , the same with that which adulti have . and this i likewise do yeild to you , that it is vera solutio reatus , & veracitèr , & in rei veritate performed , and all the like emphatical forms , &c. but all these sacramentalitèr , and that is obsiguativè ex formulâ & conditione foederis . where you make circumcision and baptism to be the remedy of original sin. i think it be too specially said , which is true of all sin. and so much the text acts . . with the rest do shew . i do think also that reprobates coming to years of discretion , after baptism , shall be condemned for original sin. for their absolution and washing in baptism was but conditional and expectative , which doth truly interest them in all the promises of god , but under the condition of repenting , believing , and obeying , which they never perform , and therefore never attain the promise . consider well what you will say of women before christ , which had no circumcision , and of all mankind before circumcision was instituted ; and you will perceive , i think , the nature of sacraments to be not as medicines , but as seals , to confirm the covenant , not to confer the promise immediately . these things i write now in exceeding post-haste , in respect that this bearer goes away so presently . i only give sapienti occasionem . i think the emphatical speeches of augustin against the pelagians , and of prosper are not so much to be regarded , ( who say the like of the eucharist also ) touching the necessity and efficacy in the case of infants , and they are very like the speeches of lanfranck and guitmund of christ's presence in the sacrament , opposing ●er acitèr & verè to sacramentalitèr ; which is a false and absurd contraposition . sed man●● de tabulâ . the right definition of a sacrament in general will decide this question . letter clxii . part of letter from dr. ward , to the right reverend william bedell bishop of kilmore . a passage out of his last letters to me , may . as touching the papers which i sent you , and had before sent to my lord primate , touching the efficacy of baptism in infants ; i would desire your censure at your best leisure . you seem in your letter to make the principal end and effect of all sacraments to be obsignation , and all sacraments to be meerly obsignatory signs , and that all ablution of sin in infants is only conditional and expectative , of which they have no benefit till they believe and repent . i cannot easily assent hereunto . for so , . infants baptized dying in infancy , have no benefit by baptism . . non-elect infants living , have no benefit at all : so that to both these they are made 〈◊〉 & prorsus inefficacia signa . and , . what necessity can there be of baptizing infants , if it produce no effect till they come to years of discretion . our divines do generally hold , that the sacraments do offer and exhibit that grace which they signify ; and in order of nature , do first offer and exhibit , before they assure and confirm . for god doth offer and exhibit grace promised in the sacrament . then we exercise our faith in relying upon god promising , offering , and exhibiting , on his part , and so receive the grace promised ; and then the sacrament assureth us of the grace received . so it is in the definition of a sacrament in our short catechism ; when it is said : it is an outward visible sign of an inward spiritual grace , given unto us , ordained by christ himself , as a means whereby we receive the same , and a pledg to assure us thereof . so that , first , it is a means whereby god doth offer and exhibit the grace it signifieth , which we receiving by faith , it then also becometh a pledg to assure us of the receipt thereof . so the eucharist doth first offer and exhibit growth and increase of grace , and a nearer and faster communion with christ's body and blood , and all the benefits flowing thence ; and then it i● a pledg to assure us hereof . for as mr. beza saith in col. mompel , obsignari non potest quod non habetur , pag. , , & . ursin. cat. edit . cant. p. . sacramentum & opus dei erga nos , in quo dat aliquid scilicet signa & res signalas , & in quo testatur & se nobis offerre ac dare sua beneficio — & mox baptismus ac coena domini sunt sacramenta , quia sunt opus dei qui aliquid in its nobis dat & se dare testatur . vid. etiam calvin . instit. lib. . c. . § . , . and in cor. . so that instrumental conveyance of the grace signified to the due receiver , is as true an effect of a sacrament when it is administred , as obsignation , and is pre-existing in order of nature to obsignation . see more at large mr. hooker , l. . § . , , , , & . who , in my opinion , doth truly explicate the efficacy of sacraments . the opinion of the franciscans out of soctus , bonaeventure , and st. bernard , mentioned in the history of the council of trent , pag. , is a true opinion , tho they leave out the other use of the sacraments , which is obsignation . tho catherinus and eisingren●us hold that also . since then infants are capable of baptism , why not of spiritual ablution of original guilt , which is the thing signified , tho not of actual obsignation of this , since they cannot interpose any impediment to hinder the operation of the sacrament . it seemeth you conceive that i make circumsion and baptism to be the remedy of original sin only : i neither so say , nor think . it is true , your lordship saith , the true definition of a sacrament in general will decide this question , and so say i ; and think the definition in our ordinary catechism formerly mentioned , is a good and sound definition . letter clxiii . part of a letter from the right reverend william bedell bishop of kilmore , to dr. samuel ward . first , you say , if sacraments be meerly obsignatory , and the ablution of sons in baptism only conditional and expectative , of which the baptized have no benefit till they believe and repent . then infants baptized , dying in infancy , have no benefit by baptism . this consequence me-thinks is not good : for they are by baptism received into the visible church , which is a noble priviledg of comfort to parents , and honour and profit to themselves . again , there is presently granted them an entrance into covenant with god , as was anciently by circumcision with the god of abraham , wherein god promises pardon of sin , and life eternal , upon their faith and repentance ; and in this they have a present right , tho the accomplishment be deferred . yet if god take them out of this world while the condition is in expectation , most pious it is to believe that he takes the condition for performed : like to him that solemnizeth a marriage with her to whom he was betrothed sub conditione . and here , if the souls of christians be indued with any actual knowledg at all , so soon as they leave the body ; it seems the mystery of redemption by christ is revealed unto them , and faith is given them , whereby they cleave to god by him , the author of their blessedness , although they have no need now of the obsignation of the promise whereof they are in present possession . the second reason . non-elect infants living , shall thus have no benefit at all by baptism . i answer . where there be divers ends of one and the same thing , the denial of one is not the denial of the rest . these non-elect infants have offered by god the same with the other , viz. the obsignation of the covenant , and aggregation to the church . the same that he hath also , quifictus accedit ut ponit obicem , gratiae , as to the present possession of it . all that come to the sacrament , elect , or non-elect , receive the pardon of sin original and actual sacramentally ; and whosoever performs the condition of the covenant , hath the fruition of that , whereof before he had the grant under seal . so as the sacraments are not nuda & inefficacia signa on god's part , to the one or other . thirdly , ( you say ) what necessity of baptizing infants , if their baptism produce no effect till they come to years of discretion though the most principal effect be not attained presently , the less principal are not to be refused . so children were circumcised , which could not understand the reason of it ; and the same also did eat the passover . and so did also children baptized in the primitive church communicate in the lord's supper . which i know not why it should not be so still , de quo alias . fourthly , our divines , you say , generally hold that the sacraments do offer and exhibit the grace which they signify , and in order of nature , do first offer and exhibit before they assure and confirm . for god doth , . offer and exhibit grace promised in the sacraments . . we exercise our faith , resting upon god promising and exhibiting . . so we receive the grace promised . . then the sacraments assure us of the grace received . and this order you endeavour to confirm out of the definition of a sament in our catechism : you declare it in the eucharist , and bring divers testimonies of our writers to prove it . i answer . the grace which the sacraments confer , is of three sorts . the first is , the spiritual things which are proportionable to the outward . the second , the effects of these . the third , the certification of the party in the lawful use of the outward , of the enjoying the two former . as in baptism , . the blood and spirit of christ. . the washing of sin , and new birth . . the obsignation to the party baptized , that by christ's blood his sins are cleansed . the first of these is signified in that common sentence , that sacraments consist of two parts , an outward visible sign , and an inward invisible grace . the second is the most usual and common notion of the word grace ; meaning some spiritual favour , in order to salvation promised in the new covenant . the last is most properly the grace of the sacrament it self . for the two former ( which our catechism seems to reduce to one ) are properly the grace of the covenant , which god doth confirm and seal by the sacraments . as when the king's majesty grants lands and tenements with certain immunities and priviledges thereunto appertaining , as in his letters patents at large appeareth , and sets to the great seal ; all the grants and articles in the patent are confirmed thereby materialiter & subjective , but the ratification of the patent is properly and formally that which the seal works : which also according to the form of the patent may be simple or conditional , present , or ad diem , according as his majesty is pleased . as touching the terms also of offering and exhibiting , they may be taken two ways : either of the offering and propounding ; so doth calvin take the word [ exhibet ] in the covenant , and institution of the sacraments ; or , . confirming in the use of them . these things thus premised , it seems to me that the order is this : god doth , . offer his covenant ( under the condition of faith and repentance ) and therein christ and his benefits . . we accept of the covenant according to the tenor of it . . god offers to confirm it with sacraments proportional . . we receive them , and so are certified of the performance of the covenant , and have the promises thereof conveyed by covenant , and by seal also unto us . where you say , in the eucharist god doth first offer and exhibit growth , and increase of grdce , and a nearer and faster communion of christ's body and blood , and all the benefits flowing from thence ; and then it is a pledg to assure us thereof . it seems to me that god having in the new testament ( confirmed with christ's blood ) offered unto us life under the condition of our receiving him ; would confirm to as many as receive him that they have life . therefore he hath instituted bread and wine , the means of natural life , in a certain use , to be seals of spiritual life . we now receiving them , they are pledges unto us , and do certifie us of that spiritual life which we have by receiving christ. where then you say , that the instrumental conveyance of the grace signified , is as true an effect of a sacrament as obsignation ; and is then existent in order of nature unto it . i do conceive that the setting of christ and his benefits before us in the gospel , ( as the bread that came down from heaven ) and in the institution of the holy supper , in the proportional creatures of bread and wine , with condition that these , worthily received , shall confer those , must needs go before any obsignation . but then our partaking of these creatures duly , giveth unto us the possession of the former by way of obsignation ; which in our purpose is the sole and only instrumental conveyance which the sacraments have . you will ask , what is the due participation that which god requires . there can be required no more of infants but the receiving of the outward washing in baptism ; they cannot prove themselves , nor repent and believe . very true . have they then that obsignation yes doubtless , according to the form of the covenant . how is that that repenting and believing , their sins are washed away . then , because they do not yet repent and believe , nothing passes : yes , this passes , the confirmation that this sacrament gives upon repentance and belief of all god's promises of the new testament . the same thing which passes to him qui fictus accedit ; who when afterward he doth indeed repent of his fiction , and receives christ by faith , hath also the actual enjoying of the thing so confirmed to him . the opinion of the franciscans out of scotus and bernard , mentioned in the council of trent , seems to be the true opinion ; for they make the sacraments to be effectual , because god gives them , effectus regulariter concomitantes ; and to contain grace no otherwise then as an effectual sign ; and that grace is received by them as an investiture by a ring or staff , which is obsignando . which agrees also with catharines opinion , de intenione ministri : and eisingrens saith , that god only can give to sensible signs vertue to confer grace . confess . c. . yet i believe they understand the matter otherwise then i have before expressed . their authority is of little moment either way . beza , ursine and calvin have no other meaning then i have expressed . mr. hooker i have not . since infants ( say you ) are capable of baptism , why not of spiritual ablution of original guilt which is the thing signified , tho not of actual obsignation of this , since they cannot interpose any impediment to hinder the operation of the sacraments . questionless they are partakers of the actual obsignation of ablution from original and actual guilt ( say i. ) suppose they understand not this obsignation , nor receive this ablution otherwise then sacramentally as i said before the counterfeit convert also doth ; tho he put a bar to his present ablution of his sins , and consequently his own certification thereof . where i said , the true definition of a sacrament in general will decide this question , which you grant , and commend that of our catechism . i do not disallow it , being well interpreted ; but do think incomparably better that of the apostle ; that they be seals of the righteousness of faith. or if we will include the sacraments of the state of grace before the fall : they be seals of god's covenant concerning everlasting happiness . if yet more generally we will include the rain-bow , gen. . they be seals of god's covenants . the definition of scotus , signum sensibile gratiam dei ejus effectum gratuitum ex institutione divinâ efficacitèr signanus , ordinatum ad salutem hominis viatoris , methinks is a good definition , especially declaring efficaciter as he doth , & in hoc efficacitèr ( saith he ) includitur tam certitudinalitèr , quam prognosticè . i know that he acknowledges no sacrament pro statu innocentiae , but without all reason , and the definition will serve well enough for both states ; where he and the other schoolmen require since the fall some remedy for original sin ; and i perceived the same form in your determination , certum esse christum sacramentum baptismi instituisse in remedium originalis peccati & ad reatus ejusdem veram solutionem . i conceived you meant to make that the proper effect of baptism : which seemed also to be implied in the explication of the question in the first sentence , and after , cumque baptismus potissimum institutus sit ad solutionem originalis peccati , &c. you know what it is to demonstrate specially of one sort of triangles that which is true in all ; which made me a little touch upon that point . but verily , i think this conceit of sacraments to make them medicines , is the root of all error in this matter ; and that it is good to take light from the tree of life , and that of the knowledg of good and evil , that they are seals only to god's promises . in my last to you , as i remember , i gave you occasion a little to consider the case of women under the law , and of all mankind before circumcision . methinks it is very inconvenient to say , that the males should have a remedy against sin , and the females none . and the schoolmen when they will first lay down their own conceit , that such a remedy there must be , and then divine what it must be ; they make bellarmine ridiculous , who from the silence of holy scripture herein , labours to shew the scriptures are insufficient , and yet he cannot help us here by any traditions . this inconvenience is well avoided by making the sacraments to confer grace only by obsignation of god's promises , and the end of them to be certioration . for so long as god would have men rest upon his meer word and promise without a seal , his word alone was to suffice : when he gave a seal , that was to have validity as far as he extended it . now he extended circumcision to all abraham's seed , males and females , yea to the males and females of all that were adjoyned to abraham , tho but bought with his mony : and the circumcision of the males was an obsignation of god's covenant to the females also . lastly ; in the new testament , willing to make more ample demonstration of his love , and more abundantly to confirm the truth of his promises , he hath appointed the obsignation of them even to both sexes , and to every several person : whereby he hath not made their condition worse , who without contempt do want it , but their 's better which are partakers of it . which i speak in regard of the imagined necessity of baptism to infants to salvation , as if it were indeed a medicine to save life , whereas it is only an assuring that christ gives life . consider how baptism was given to them who had remission of sins and the gifts of the holy ghost also before , who therefore could have no other intention therein but certification only , and adjoyning to the church , acts . . consider how it hath force about sin , not only going before it , but following also ; yea even to them that at the time of the outward receiving it do ponere obicem , else such ought to be re-baptized . consider that if the faith of the parents , or the church , were effectual before circumcision was instituted for the taking away of original sin from infants , or under the law from female children ; it is no less effectual at the present under the gospel . and this presupposing that some mean must come between to make them partakers of christ. wherefore the same mean yet standing , the effect of baptism needs not to be assigned justification , or ablution from sin , but testification to the receiver , when he repents and believes that he is washed from sin. consider that if you will aver that baptism washes away otherwise then sacramentally , that is , obsignatorily original sin ; yet you must allow that manner of washing for future actual sins . and you must make two sons of justification , one for children , another for adulti and ( which passes all the rest ) you must find some promise in god's covenant , wherein he binds himself to wash away sin without faith or repentance ( for that children have these i think you will not say ) . you seem also to break the chain of the apostle , rom. . . whom he hath justified , he hath glorified , lastly ; by this doctrine you must also maintain that children do spiritually eat the flesh of christ and drink his blood , if they receive the encharist ( as for divers ages they did , and by the analogy of the passover they may , ( perhaps ought ) : since they do not ponere obicem contraria cogitationis aut pravae operationis . and sith the use of his sacrament topics quoties must needs confer grace ; it seems it were necessary to let them communicate , and the oftner the better , to the intent they might be stronger in grace . which opinion , tho st. austine and many more of the ancients do maintain , i believe you will not easily condescend unto , or that children dying without baptism are damn'd : which if baptism be the remedy that takes away original sin , i see not how you can avoid . touching the propositions of molina opposed by the dominicans , and the letters of hippolytus de alonte-peloso , i am glad you have met with them : for i sent you the originals which p. paulo gave me upon occasion of speech with him touching that controversy , reserving no copy to my self . the occasion was the contention of the jesuits and dominicans before pope clement the th . and those letters were week by sent from rome to padre paule , of the carriage of the business . when you find a trusty messenger , i desire you to send me them . for the quodlibetical question , there is no haste . i would join with it another tractate about the valtelin● , set forth by sir rob. cotton in english , ( as it is said at least ) but i cannot get the italian copy . i am sorry that arminianism finds such favour in the low-countries , and amongst our selves ; and glad that my lord of sarum , whom i truly love and honour , came off so well in the business touching his sermon . letter clxiv . a letter from his majesty , k. charles the first , to the king's council in ireland . cha. rex . right trusty , and right well-beloved cousins and counsellors , we greet you well . whereas it hath pleased god , of his infinite grace and goodness , to vouchsafe unto us a son , born at our palace of st. james's , the th day of this present month of may ; to the great comfort , not only of our selves in particular , but to the general joy and contentment of all our good and loving subjects , as being a principal mean for the establishment of the prosperous estate and peace of all our kingdoms ; whose welfare we do and will ever prefer before any other earthly blessing that can befal us in this life . we therefore , according to the laudable custom of our royal progenitors , in like case heretofort used , have thought fit to make known unto you the joyful tidings , as well in regard of the high place ye hold under us in the government of that our kingdom , as also that by timely order from you , the same may be communicated unto the nobility , and principal cities and towns thereof ; as to those ( who we know ) with all dutiful and loving affections , will embrace whatsoever may ma●● for the prosperous advancement of the publick good , in which both you and they have so great interest ( and to this purpose we have sent these out letters unto you , by our trusty and well beloved servant , thomas prist●● , 〈◊〉 , one of our officers of arms , being an officer of honour specially by us honour to appointed , for the more honourable expression of our good affection to that our kingdom . given under our signet , at our palace of westminister , the fifth day of june , in the sixth year of our reign . to our right 〈◊〉 , and right well-beloved 〈◊〉 and counsellors , adam , viscount loftus of ely 〈◊〉 chancellor of our kingdom of ireland and richard earl of cork , our justices of that our realm . letter clxv . a letter from the right honourable the earl of cork , &c. to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . after our hearty commendations to your lordship ; we have lately ( to our exceeding great comfort ) received the glad advertisement of the queen 's safe delivery , in the birth of a young prince ; which did surprize us with such extraordinary joy , as is justly due from us upon so happy an occasion . and because it is our duties to join in sit expressions of thankfulness to god for so great a blessing , we have resolved to set a day apart for performance of those duties , so soon as one of his majesty's servants shall arrive here , who is an officer of honour , especially appointed by his majesty to convey unto us those glad tidings , for the more honourable expression of his highness's good affection to this his kingdom . the particular respect we bear to your person , and to the eminence of your place in the church , have moved us to make choice of your lordship to preach here before this state , on the day whereon we purpose to perform those ceremonies of thankfulness due from us ; which we have thought fit to make known unto you , purposing shortly to let you know the day when we desire your presence : yet if you shall find , by your late sickness , any indisposition in your body , or danger to your health to perform this charge , ( which we know would otherwise be very acceptable to you ) we do not in such case so strictly require your presence with us , but that we do freely leave it to your own choice to come or stay , as you shall find the disposition of your body to enable you . only we desire to understand from you , whether we shall then expect you , or not , to the end we may make choice of another if you may not come . and so we bid your lordship very heartily farewel . from his majesty's castle of dublin , junii . . your lordship 's very loving friends , r. cork . ad. loftus , canc. in imitation of the like sent us out of england , we have caused the inclosed to be imprinted here . letter clxvi . a letter from the right reverend william laud bishop of london , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in christo. my very good lord ; i hope your grace will pardon me , that in all this time i have not written unto you : for though i thank god i have recovered my health in a measure , beyond expectation , yet i have been so overlaid with business , that i have not been able to give you any account , or at least not such as i desired . your lordship's first letters ( for i owe you an answer to two ) bear date april the th , and your later june the th , . the main of both letters is concerning sir john bathe . and though in your last letters you be confident that sir john's grant is not past the seals , as he hath avouched it is : yet i must acquaint your grace that you are mistaken therein ; for it appeared , at the last sitting of the committee , that the seal was put to his grant at the beginning of april last . of which doctrine you may make this use ; what close conveyance and carriage there may be , when the church is to be spoiled . i understand by mr. hamilton , that the lord chancellor of ireland is in holy orders ; and that being deacon , he holds an arch-deaconry yet of good value . surely , my lord , if this be so , there is somewhat in it that i will not express by letter ; but were i his superior in ordinary , i know what i would do , and that i have plainly expressed , both to his majesty , and the lords committees . but , my lord , for the business ; i have stuck so close unto it , both with his majesty , and with the lords , especially the lord treasurer , who hath been , and is very noble to the church , that i hope sir john bathe will see his error , and pitch upon some other reward for his services , and surrender this patent , though seal'd , that we may go on with the king 's royal and pious grant to the church . things being thus far onward once more ; there are two things which stick with the lords . . one is , they like not the placing of these impropriations upon any incorporations , dublin , or other . to this i answered , that neither did i like it ; and that it must be alter'd , because it is against law. so it is resolved , that we shall hereafter take , not only that , but all other material passages of the grant into consideration ; and therefore , i think , neither your old , nor your new letter will stand . some thought it fittest , that these impropriations should be left to the king to give . to this i replied , that that course would , by the suit of the clergy , and their journeys over , take off a great part of the benefit intended them . and to leave them in the power of the lord deputy , that might be but to enrich his secretaries , and expose the church to that which i will not speak . . the other difficulty is , that this grant to the church , is too much against the king's profit in these difficult times , because in the lay-way , the king's rent may be improved ; which according to this grant cannot be . this blow i looked not for ; but answered upon the sudden , that i thought the church of ireland would be glad to take the king's grant , though it were with some improvement upon such impropriations as might well bear it . this i did , partly to bear off the shock for the time , and partly to gain opportunity to write to you , who understand that business better . and i pray you , by your next letters , give me all the help you can towards this business . one thing more , and then i have done with sir john bathe . upon occasion of his speech , that the clergy had a third part of that kingdom ; i represented to the lords the paper which you sent me concerning the state of the county of louth . it was a miserable spectacle to them all : yet at the last , some doubt arose whether those values there expressed , were the rate in the king's books , or the uttermost value to the incumbent . to this i was not able to make a resolute answer , yet i feared they were rates to the utmost value . hereupon the lords required of me to write unto you , to desire you to send me word with all the speed you can , what value that note of yours contain'd , of which i pray fail not . your grace is pleased , in another passage , to desire me not to be too strict to my rule , in chusing deans only to be bishops . my lord , it is true , deans are , or should be the likeliest men to be fitted for bishopricks ; but they , and no other , was never any rule of mine to my remembrance . my rule was , and is , and to that i shall ever be strict , not to suffer any bishop to hold any deanery in commendam , if it lie in my power to hinder it . for that which concerns the bishop of clonfert , and killmacduagh , i have read the inclosed papers you sent , and see cause more than enough to pity ; but the way for remedy will be full of difficulty . and for kill●anora , there will be time enough to think upon annexation . for the colledg and their chauntry-lands , &c. when they come for their patent , they shall not need to doubt all the lawful assistance that i can give them . and now , my lord , ( for as my business stands , 't is time to make an end ) i must needs thank you that you make it a matter of joy to hear of my late honour , in being chosen chancellor of oxford . my lord , i speak really , it was beyond my deserts , and contrary to my desires ; but since it hath pleased god , by their love , to lay it upon me , i must undergo the burden as i may . my honourable predecessor enriched his name by the greek manuscripts he gave ; and it gives me much content that i was the means of it . and now for the bargain which you mention of ancient coins , to the number of , i cannot upon the sudden say any things , for my own purse is too shallow , and my lords , the duke of buckingham , and the earl of pembrook , are dead . you say , they are a great bargain at l. i pray therefore , if you have so much interest in the seller , send me word , as soon as you can , how many ounces the gold coin comes unto , and how many the silver , and then i shall be able to judg of the copper ; and then , upon my return to those your letters , i will give you answer , where i can find any noble spirit that will deal for them or no. you may judg by these letters , i am not in haste , but indeed i am ; and yet in the fulness of my business , more troubled a great deal , that i cannot remedy what i see amiss , than at any disproportion between the weakness of my shoulder , and the weight of my load . let me have your prayers , and in them , and god's grace , i shall rest , your grace's very loving friend , and brother , guil. london . fulham-house , july . . letter clxvii . a letter from the king's council in ireland , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . after our very hearty commendations to your lordship ; his majesty , by his letters of the th of june last , hath been graciously pleased to signify unto us , that it hath pleased god , of his infinite grace and goodness , to vouchsafe his majesty a son , and us a prince , born at the palace of st. james's , the th day of may last : a copy of which letters , together with some of the prayers framed in england upon this occasion , and lately imprinted here , we have thought fit to send you here inclosed ; that by timely order from you , the same may be communicated unto your clergy , as to those , who with all duty and loving affection , will embrace whatsoever may make for the prosperous advancement of the publick good , wherein all of us have interest . the joy and gladness we apprehend in this great blessing , hath justly moved as to set apart one day , to be jointly and unanimously celebrated as a festival throughout the whole kingdom , in expression of the thankfulness due from us all upon this happy occasion ; which day we have resolved shall be the th day of this instant : whereof we give your lordship notice , to the end you may cause the same to be notified to your clergy ; and that on that day there be publick prayers , thanksgivings , and sermons in the several churches of your diocess ; and that the said prayers be then publickly read in the time of divine service ; and that afterwards ringing of bells , making of bone-fires , and all other expressions of joy may be made , to testify the general joy and gladness of that day . and we pray and require you , to be with us here at that time , to the end all of us , who are partakers of this benefit , may join in the solemnities of this intended festival . and so we bid your lordship very heartily farewel . from his majesty's castle of dublin , july . . your lordship 's very loving friends , a. loftus canc. r. corke . grandison . hen. valentia . w. caulfeild . hen. docwra . fra. mountnorris . w. shurley . w. parsons . j. erskyne . cha. coote . thory duttoy . ad. loftus . letter clxviii . a letter from the right reverend william bedell bishop of kilmore , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , at his house at termonfeckin . most reverend father , my honourable good lord ; i cannot easily express what contentment i received at my late being with your grace at termonfeckin . there had nothing hapned to me , i will not say , since i came into ireland , but as far as i can call to remembrance in my whole life , which did so much affect me in this kind , as the hazard of your good opinion . for loving and honouring you in truth , ( for the truth 's sake , which is in us , and shall abide with us for ever ) without any private interest ; and receiving so unlooked for a blow from your own hand , ( which i expected should have tenderly applied some remedy to me , being smitten by others ) i had not present the defences of reason and grace . and although i knew it to be a fault in my self , since in the performance of our duties , the judgment of our master even alone ought to suffice us ; yet i could not be so much master of mine affections , as to cast out this weakness . but , blessed be god , which ( as i began to say ) at my being with you , refreshed my spirit , by your kind renewing and confirming your love to me . and all humble thanks to you , that gave me place to make my defence , and took upon you the cognizance of mine innocency . and as for mine accuser ( whose hatred i have incurred ) only by not giving way to his covetous desire , of heaping living upon living , to the evident damage , not only of other souls committed to me , but of his own : truly i am glad , and do give god thanks that his malignicy , which a while masked it self in the pretence of friendship , hath at last discovered it self by publick opposition . it hath not , and i hope it shall not be in his power to hurt me at all , he hath rather shamed himself ; and although his high heart cannot give his tongue leave to acknowledg his folly , his understanding is not so weak and blind as not to see it : whom i could be very well content to leave to taste the fruit of it also , without being further trouble some to your grace ; save that i do not despair , but your grace's authority will pull him out of the snare of satan , whose instrument he hath been to cross the work of god , and give me more occasion of joy by his amendment , than i had grief by his perversion and opposition . your grace's letters of august . were not delivered to me till the ● th . in the mean space , what effect those that accompanied them had with mr. dean , you shall perceive by the inclosed , which were sent me the th , the evening before our communion i answered them the next morning , as is here annexed . as i was at the lord's table , beginning the service of the communion before the sermon , he came in ; and after the sermon was done , those that communicated not being departed , he stood forth and spoke to his purpose . that where as the book of common prayer requires , that before the lord's supper if there be any 〈…〉 there should be to conciliation ; this was 〈…〉 because they all knew , that there was been 〈…〉 he did profess that he 〈…〉 no 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 me in any thing , he was ●orry . i answered , that he had good reason to be sorry , considering how he had behaved himself : for my part , i bare him no malice ; and if it were in my power , would not make so much as his finger ake . grieved i had been , that he in whom i knew there were many good parts , would become an instrument to oppose the work of god , which i was assured he had called me to , &c. this was all that passed . he offered himself to the lord's board , and i gave him the communion . after dinner , he preached out of joh. . ult . and this commandment have we from him , that he that loveth god , &c. when we came out of the church , dr. shiriden delivered me your grace's letters . and thus mr. dean thinks he hath healed all ; as you may perceive by his next letters of august . only he labours about kildromfarten : whereabouts i purposed to have spoken with your grace at my being with you , but i know not how it came not to my mind . whether it be , that the soul as well as the body , after-some travel , easily falleth to rest ; or else god would have it reserved perhaps to a more seasonable time . it is now above a twelve-month ( the day , in many respects , i may well wish that it may not be reckoned with the days of the year ) that your grace , as it were , delivered to me with your own hands , mr. crian a converted friar . to whom i offered my self as largely as my ability would extend unto ; though i had already , at your grace's commendation , received mr. dunsterville to be in my house , with the allowance of l. per annum . the next day before my departing , mr. hilton made a motion to me , that where he had in his hands sufficient to make the benefice of kildromfarten void , if i would bestow it upon mr. dean , he would do so , otherwise it should remain in statu . i answered , with profession of my love and good opinion of mr. dean , whereof i shewed the reasons , i added , i did not know the place , nor the people ; but if they were meer irish , i did not see how mr. dean should discharge the duty of a minister to them : this motion was seconded by your grace : but so , as i easily conceived , that being solicited by your old servant , could do no less than you did , and notwithstanding * the lecture he promised your grace should read to me in the matter of collations , would not be displeased if i did as became me , according to my conscience , and in conformity to your former motion for mr. crian . dr. dean after pressed me , that if without my concurrence your grace would confer that living upon him , i would not be against it . which i promised , but heard no more of it till about april last . in the mean while , the benefice next unto that which mr. dunsterville was already possessed of falling void , mr. crian not coming to me , nor purposing to do so till after christmass ; and whensoever he should come , my house , as i found , not affording room for him and mr. dunsterville both ; whose former benefice was unable ( he said ) to maintain him ; chiefly he promising residence , and taking of me for that purpose an oath absolutely , without any exception of dispensation ; i united it to his former , and dismissed him to go to his cure. wherein how carelesly he hath behaved himself , i forbear to relate . to return to mr. dean ; about mid - april he brought me a presentation to kildromfarten , under the broad seal . i could do no less but signify to the incumbent , who came to me , and maintained his title , requiring me not to admi● . whereupon i returned the presentation , indorsing the reason of my refusal . and being then occasioned to write to the lords justices , i signified what i thought of these pluralities , in a time when we are so far overmatched in number by the adverse party . this passed on till the visitation , wherein mr. dean shewed himself in his colours . when the vicar of kildromfarten was called , he said , he was vicar , but would exhibit no title . after the curat , mr. smith signified to me , that his stipend was unpaid , and he feared it would still be in the contention of two incumbents . upon these and other reasons , i sequestred the profits ; which i have heard by a simoniacal compact betwixt them should be for this year the former incumbents . neither did mr. dean write or speak a word to me hereabout till the day before the communion in the inclosed . that very morning i was certified , that he purposed to appeal to your grace ; which made me , in answer to his next , to add , quod facis fac citius . here i beseech your grace give me leave to speak freely touching this matter ; so much the rather , because it is the only root of all mr. dean's despite against me . plainly i do thus think , that of all the diseases of the church in these times , next to that of the corruption of our courts , this of pluralities is the most deadly and pestilent , especially when those are instituted into charges ecclesiastical , who were they never so willing , yet for want of the language of the people , are unable to discharge them . concerning which very point , i know your grace remembers the propositions of the learned and zealous bishop of lincoln before pope innocent . i will not add the confession of our adversaries themselves , in the council of trent ; nor the judgment of that good father , the author of the history thereof , touching non-residence . let the thing it self speak , whence flow the ignorance of the people , the neglect of god's worship , the defrauding of the poor of the remains of dedicate things , the ruin of the mansion-houses of the ministers , the desolation of churches , the swallowing up of parishes by the farmers of them , but from this fountain there may be cause , no doubt , why sometimes in some place , and to some man , many churches may be committed . but now , that , as appears by the late certificates , there are besides the titulary primat and bishop , of priests , in the diocesses of kilmore and ardagh , ; of ministers and curats but ; of which also three whose wives come not to church : in this so great odds , as the adversaries have of us in number , ( to omit the advantage of the language , the possession of the peoples hearts , the countenancing of the nobility and gentry ) is it a time to commit many churches to one man whom i will not disable ; and he saith he hath a very able interpreter : and i think no less , which made me once to say , that i would sooner confer the benefice of kildromfarten upon him , than upon himself ; which resolution i do still hold , in how ill part soever he takes it . but what hath he done in the parishes already committed to him , for the instruction of the irish that we should commit another unto him he that cannot perform his duty to one , without a helper ; or to that little part of it whose tongue he hath , is he sufficient to do it to three no , it is the wages is sought , not the work. and yet with the means he hath already , the good man his predecessor maintained a wife and a family ; and cannot he in his solitary ( he had once written monkish ) life defray himself well , if there can be none found fit to discharge the duty , let him have the wages to better his maintenance : but when your grace assureth us , we shall lack no men , when there is besides mr. crien , ( whom d. sheriden hath heard preach as a frier in that very place ; which i account would be the more to god's glory , if there now he should plant the truth , which before he endeavoured to root out ) ; besides him we have mr. nugent , who offereth himself in an honest and discreet letter lately written to me . we have sundry in the colledg , and namely two trained up at the irish lecture ; one whereof hath translated your grace's catechism into irish ; besides mr. duncan and others : with what colour can we pass by these , and suffer him to fat himself with the blood of god's people pardon me , i beseech your grace , when i say we , i mean not to prescribe any thing to you : my self i hope shall never do it , or consent to it . and so long as this is the cause of mr. d's wrath against me , whether i suffer by his pen or his tongue , i shall rejoice , as suffering for righteousness sake . and sith himself in his last letter excuses my intent , i do submit my actions after god to your grace's censure , ready to make him satisfaction , if in any thing in word or deed i have wronged him . for conclusion of this business ( wherein i am sorry to be so troublesome to your grace ) let him surcease this his greedy and impudent pretence to this benefice , let mr. nugent be admitted to it , or mr. crien if he be not yet provided for ; to whom i will hope ere long to add mr. nugent for a neighbour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if these second ( questionless better ) thoughts , have any place in him , as in his last letters he gives some hope , let my complaints against him be cast into the fire . god make him an humble and modest man. but if mr. dean will needs persist , i beseech your grace to view my reply , to the which i will add no more . as touching his traducing me in the pulpit at cavan , i have sent your grace the testimonies of mr. robins and mr. teate , altho he had been with them before and denied what they formerly conceived . and if your grace will be pleased to enquire of mr. cape by a line or two ( with whom i never spake word about the matter ) or compare the heads of his sermon ( which he saith were general ) with his former reports made of me , i doubt not but you will soon find the truth . i have sent also his protestation against my visitations : wherein i desire your grace to observe the blindness of malice . he pretends that i may not visit but at or after michaelmas every year . as if the month of july wherein i visited were not after michaelmas ; for before the last michaelmas i visited not . i omit that he calls himself the head of the chapter . the canon law calls the bishop so : he will have the bishop visit the whole diocess together , directly contrary to that form which the canons prescribe . but this protestation having neither latin , nor law , nor common sence , doth declare the skill of him that drew it , and the wit of him that uses it . which if your grace enjoyn him not to revoke , i shall be enforced to put a remedy to it otherwise , in respect of the evil example and prejudice it might bring to posterity . and now to leave this unpleasing subject : since my being with you , here was with me mr. brady , bringing with him the resignation of the benefice of mullagh which i had conferred upon mr. dunsterville , and united to his former of moybolk ; he brought with him letters from my l. of corke , and sir w. parsons , to whom he is allied . but examining him , i found him ( besides a very raw divine ) unable to read the irish , and therefore excused my self to the lords for admitting him . a few days after , viz. the th of this month , here was with me mr. dunsterville himself , and signified unto me that he had revoked his former resignation . thus he plays fast and loose , and most unconscionably neglects his duty . omnes quae sua sunt quaerunt . indeed i doubted his resignation was not good , in as much as he retained still the former benefice , whereto this was united . now i see clearly there was a compact between him and mr. brady , that if he could not be admitted , he should resume his benefice again . i have received letters from mr. dr. ward of the date of may , in which he mentions again the point of the justification of infants by baptism . to whom i have written an answer , but not yet sent it . i send herewith a copy thereof to your grace , humbly requiring your advice and censure ( if it be not too much to your graces trouble ) before i send it . i have also written an answer to dr. richardson in the question touching the root of efficacy , or efficiency of grace , but it is long , and consists of five or six sheets of paper , so as i cannot now send it . i shall hereafter submit it as all other my endeavours to your grace's censure and correction . i have received also a large answer from my lord of derry , touching justifying faith , whereto i have not yet had time to reply . nor do i know if it be worth the labour , the difference being but in the manner of teaching : as whether justifying faith be an assent working assiance ; or else an assiance following assent . i wrote presently upon my return from your grace to my lords justices , desiring to be excused from going in person to take possession of the mass-houses , and a certificate that my suit with mr. cook is depending before them . i have not as yet received answer , by reason ( as sir will. usher signified to my son ) the lord chancellor's indisposition did not permit his hand to be gotten . i do scarce hope to receive any certificate from them , for the respect they will have not to seem to infringe your grace's jurisdiction . whereupon i shall be inforced to entertain a proctor for me at your graces court when i am next to appear , it being the very time when my courts in the county of leatrym were set , before i was with you . asham'd i am to be thus tedious ; but i hope you will pardon me , sith you required and i promised to write often : and having had opportunity to convey my letters , this must serve instead of many . concluding with my humble service to your grace , and thanks for my kind entertainment , i desire the blessing of your prayers , and remain always , your graces humble servant , will. kilmore and ardaghen . kilmore , sept. . . letter clxix . a letter sent from dr. forbes , professor of divinity at aberdeen , with his irenicum , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . reverendissimo in christo patri jacobo usserio dei miseratione archiepiscopo armacano totius hiberniae primati meritissimo , domino suo colendissimo . salutem in domino . reverendissime & sanctissime pater , tanta mihi ex doctissimis & tam longè latèque laudatissimis paternitatis tuae lucubrationibus , famosissimaque in omnes , praesertim piae eruditionis appetentes humanitate , incessit venerandi tui nominis reverentia , isque ardor me tenet limatissimum tuum judicium de rebus nostris consulendi , ut hoc qualecunque , licet tumultuarium , procurandae pacis conamen ad tuam sanctitatem destinare non dubitaverim , animos collegi ex reverendi decani tui hortamento , pollicentis rem me haud ingratam pietati tuae hoc officio praestiturum . praepropera , fateor , scriptio : id quod adjectus omissorum index non inficiatur . sed quid facias inopinata mala saepe non morantur ex praeparato suppetias . hoc saltem submissae erga tuam eminentiam observantiae meae sit testimonium . vale , pater in christo colendissime , & diu foelix deo ejusque ecclesiae vive , nostri in sanctissimis tuis precibus memor . beatitudini tuae submissè addictissimus joannes forbesius s. s. theol. d. & professor in academia aberdoniensi in scotia . aberdoni die aug. anno dom. . letter clxx . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. forbes . d. johanni forbesio ss . theologiae d. & professori in academiâ aberdoniensi in scotiâ . vir eximie ! summâ in voluptate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tuum perlegi : eamque patriae tuae felicitatem sum gratulatus , quòd novum tandem produxit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui eam ipsi praestitit diligentiam & virtutem , quam olim exteris ecclesiis ( quum non admodum dissimiles de adiaphoris obortae lites earum pacem perturbarent ) exhibuit ille vetus ; qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nulla salus bello ; ipsique bello salus si qualis sit , non alio quàm pacis nomine ea continetur . nam & de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pace bello uriam , opinor , à davide aliquando interrogatum meministi . jam vero pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , scriptum remitto tibi ego 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed quod jucundum praebeat spectaculum midianiticorum satellitum inter se manu conserentium , & mutuo isto bello ecclesiolae nostrae pacem promoventium . tu quicquid hoc est munusculi , ut ab homine optimè erga te affecto transmissum , suscipe & me ( ut facis ) ama . pontanae in hiberniâ iii eid . decembr . anno reparatae salutis , . tuus in christi ministerio confertus , ja. ar. letter clxxi. reverendissimo in christo patri ac domino , domino jacobo , archiepiscopo armacensi , & totius hibernia primati domino nostro benignissimo . gratia & pax à deo patre , per dominum nostrum jesum christum . amen . reverendissime in christo pater , domine & benefactor , verâ animi observantiâ nobis colende , quod propheta regius psalmo inter alia multa dei beneficia , tum in universum genus humanum , tum specialiter in ecclesiam suam collata , versu commemorat : dominus in humiliatione nostrâ memor fuit nostri : quia in seculum est benignitas ejus , &c. id nos in exilio nostro septennali saepius efficaciter experti sumus , & adhuc experimur : ac proinde etiam merito commemorare & celebrare debemus . dum enim propter evangelium christi functionibus nostris dejecti , patriâ expulsi , in terrâ alienâ inter hospites parum propitios , miseri vitam extrema per omnia ducimus : benignissimus pater coelestis subinde nostri memorem sese praestat : pios nobis nutricios etiam è longinquo excitat : qui visoera miserationum suarum nobis aperiant : afflictiones nostras , per sanctorum communionem suas esse ducant : & liberalitate suâ inopiam nostram solentur ac sublevent . quorum in numero tu , reverendissime domine , tanquam novus quidam sol ex ultimo occidente nobis exortus es : qui lucem fidei , quam habes in dominum jesum , & charitatis in omnes sanctos , quâ totam hiberniam collustras , per tanta locorum intervalla , per tot interjecta maria , usque ad nidulos & latibula exilii nostri , in ipso germaniae meditullio clarissimè effulgere fecisti . dum simulatque literae nostrae supplices , miseriaeque nostrae indices , anno praeterito ad reverendiss . dom. tuam perlatae sunt , summâ cum prothymiâ & prolubio totus in eam cogitationem atque curam incubuisti : ut fidelium animi per universum hiberniae regnum quà religionis purioris exercitium viget , sanctis cohortationibus ad hilarem & liberalem eleemosynarum pro nobis collationem permoverentur . nimirum hoc est verè primatem hiberniae esse ; non titulo tantùm & dignitate , verùm etiam pietate , humanitate , sympathiâ , charitate , atque omni genere virtutis . nec fuisse inanem laborem tuum in domino , eventus oftendit . etenim tam luculentum subsidium à fidelibus in irlandiâ vestrâ pro nobis collatum , atque ad nos tribus vicibus transmissum est : videlieet , quadringentarum octoginta octo librarum sterlingar . unius solidi , & decem nummor . quale nos ne optare quidem , nedum sperare unquam ex illis locis , ausi fuissemus . quippe qui non ignoraremus , vix tertiam regni partem religioni nostrae orthodoxae , reliquam antem multitudmem omnem pontificiae addictam esse . quamobrem reverendissimae dominationi tuae pro tanto favore studioque opere ipso plus satis comprobato , gratias quàm maximas agimus , tum nostro tum omnium fratrum coexulum nomine . habemus etiam majores , nam relaturos nos esse , affirmare non possumus ; praesertim hoc afflictissimo rerum nostrarum statu . sed deum oramus , ut quae in nos contulisti , ille qui potest solus , multo cum foenore in te refundat . sicut viduae sareptanae , domuique ejus largissimè refudit : quicquid alimoniae in eliam prophetam tempore persecutionis & famis impenderat . reg. . sicut etiam optimo & benefico episcopo spiridioni , de quo fit mentio in historiâ ecclesiasticâ , cumulatim reposuit : quicquid ille in pauperes famelicos erogârat . cum enim horreum suum omnibus egenis aperuisset : ut inde quisque prout indigeret , frumentum acciperet : cumulus non decrevit , sed tantus perduravit ad finem usque caritatis , quantus fuerat initio . sicut denique tiberio secundo imperatori , erga pauperes liberalissimo & opes mirabiliter auxit , & victorias egregias donavit . nec dubitare debet reverendiss . dom , tua , ad te quoque pertinere : quod angelus ad cornelium centurionem dicit , actor . . preces & eleemosynae tuae ascenderunt in memoriam in dei conspectu . et quod ipse filius dei ad antistitem thyatirensis ecclesiae dicit , apoc. . . novi opera tua & charitatem , & subministrationem & fidem , &c. quodque haec suo tempore tibi latura sint fructus suos . porrò sicut confidimus , catalogum seu tabulas rationum , quas pro primis duabus quotis ad r. d. tuam , unà cum eucharisticis missimus rectè redditas esse : ita nunc etiam pro novissimis duabus quotis , quae libras sterl . solidos continuerunt , & hic nostrae monetae florenos confecerunt , catalogum hisce adjunctum mittimus : ut hanc distributionem non minùs , quàm priores duas , fideliter à nobis factas esse , inde constare possit . in quem finem etiam apocham pro acceptis pecuniis non tantùm à nobis collectae administratoribus , sed etiam ab aliis primariis viris subscriptam , ad opt . & humaniss . virum , dom. christianum bor. mercatorem dublinensem , missimus . habemus praeterea hîc ad manus , & diligenter asservamus singulorum participantium chirographa ; quibus , se portiones in catalogo assignatas accepisse , attestantur . si fortè ad probandam accepticum expenso congruentiam , iis aliquando opus sit . quod restat , quod unum gratitudinis argumentum edere nunc possumus ; nos non tantùm pro salute & incolumitate tuâ seduli ad deum precatores verùm etiam tuorum in nos meritorum laudumque tuarum grati buccinatores apud homines futuri sumus : ita , ut quocunque terrarum nostra nos fata deferent , fidelem tui memoriam nobiscum simus ablaturi . bene vale , pater eximie & venerande . dominus jesus opus manuum tuarum confirmet , ad nominis sui gloriam , & ecclesiae suae incrementum . amen . norinburgae die xiii septembris , anno dei hominis facti m. dc . xxxi . reverendiss . dom. tuam subjectissimo studio colentes sacrae collectae pro exulib . archipalatinatus superioris administratores , fratrum omnium nomine , ambrosius tolner quondam pastor ecclesiae tursehennentensis , & dioceseos waldsassensis inspector , unde nunc exul in agro norico , suo & ln. georgii summeri nomine jam absentis gebhardus agricola ecclesiae aurbacensis quondam pastor & inspector , nunc in marchionatum exulans , &c. jonas libingus judex quondam archipalatinus caenobii weisseno , nunc in exilio ad facrae collectae negotia deputatus norimbergae . letter clxxii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the most reverend william laud arch-bishop of canterbury . my most gracious lord ; when i took pen to write , the first thing that presented it self to my thoughts , was that saying in the scripture ; why are you the last to bring the king back to his house for methought i could not but be much blamed for coming thus late to congratulate both his majesty's safe return , and your own advancement ( joined therewith ) unto the highest place of church-preferment , that is within his highnesses dominions . wherein i may truly say thus much for my self , ( to begin withal ) ; that since the time i received the letter you wrote unto me the day before you began your journey for scotland , no day hath passed hitherto , wherein i have not made particular mention of you in my prayers unto almighty god ; who hath graciously heard my request , and granted [ therein ] as much as my heart could desire . but thus in the mean time did the case stand with me : upon the arrival of the lord deputy , i found him very honourably affected toward me , and very ready to further me , as in other things that concerned the church , so particularly in that which did concern the settlement of the lands belonging to the arch-bishoprick of armagh . wherefore not being willing to let slip so fair an opportunity , i presently obtained a commission for making an inquiry of all the lands that remained in my quiet possession : and took my journey ( though in an unseasonable time of the year ) into the northern parts of the kingdom . where beside the speeding of the offices that were taken in the three several counties of armagh , tirone , and london-derry ; there was offered the opportunity of solemnizing the translation of the bishop of raphae , and a consecration of the bishop of ardagh , in the cathedral church of armagh ; where no such act had been before performed within the memory of any man living . and much about this time had we the news of your grace's election into that high dignity which his majesty hath called you unto : for which , as this poor church in general , so none more than my self in particular , have great cause to rejoice . god having ( no doubt ) given you such high favour in our master's eyes , that you might be enabled thereby to do the more good unto his church ; and especially to put a happy end to that great work ( which hitherto hath received so many impediments ) of setling the reversion of the impropriations of this kingdom upon the several incumbents . whereunto i assure my self your grace will easily work my lord deputy ; who every day sheweth himself so zealous for the recovering of the dissipated patrimony of the church , that mine eyes never yet beheld his match in that kind . by the death of your predecessor , our university of dublin was left to seek a new chancellor ; whom i advised to pitch upon no other but your self : which they did with all readiness and alacrity . if your grace will design to receive that poor society under the shadow of your wings , you shall put a further tie of observance , not upon that only , but upon me also , who had my whole breeding there , and obtained the honour of being the first proctor that ever was there . i am further intreated by our lord treasurer , the earl of corke , to certify my knowledg touching the placing of his monument in the cathedral church of st. patrick's , in the suburbs of dublin . the place wherein it is erected , was an ancient passage into a chappel within that church ; which hath , time out of mind , been stopped up with a partition made of boards and lime . i remember i was present when the earl concluded with the dean to allow thirty pounds for the raising of another partition , betwixt this new monument and the quire , wherein the ten commandments might be fairly written : which if it were put up , i see not what offence could be taken at the monument ; which otherwise cannot be denied to be a very great ornament to the church . i have nothing at hand to present your grace withal , but this small treatise written unto pope calixtus the d , by one of your predecessors , touching the ancient dignity of the see of canterbury : which i beseech you to accept at the hands of your grace's most devoted servant , j. a. . letter clxxiii . another letter to the same . may it please your grace ; upon my return from my northern journey , i wrote unto you by sir francis cook ; declaring the cause of my long silence , together with the extraordinary zeal of our noble lord deputy ; i may justly term him a new zerubbabel raised by god , for the making up of the ruins of this decayed church ; who upon an occasion , openly declared himself an opposite to the greatest of those that have devoured our holy things , and made the patrimony of the church the inheritance of their sons and daughers . i likewise made bold to intreat your lordship ( in the same letter ) to accept our poor university of dublin into your gracious protection . i caused the draught of two other letters to be made , in the name of the society , unto your grace ; the one penned by the provost , the other by dr. hoyle the divinity-professor there . but the fellows of the house were so factious , that nothing could please them which came from their superiors ; and so idle , that they would not take pains to do the like themselves . so that now i have the more cause to implore your grace's aid afresh , and to present you with a new supplication of miserere domus labentis . wherein that i may conceal nothing from your grace , the very truth is this ; the provost , albeit he be a very honest man , and one that mindeth the good of the house , yet is of too soft and gentle a disposition to rule so heady a company . the lord bishop of kilmore , while he was provost there , composed statutes for the good of the house , conformable to those of emmanuel-colledg in cambridg , where he himself in former time lived . but there is so little power given to the provost for redressing of things that are amiss , without the consent of the greater part of the senior fellows , that they , finding thereby their own strength , perpetually join together in crossing whatsoever the provost attempteth for reformation , either of themselves , or of the scholars ; being sure never to give their consent , that any punishment shall be inflicted upon themselves , either for absenting themselves from the church , or lying out of the house , or frequenting of taverns , or other such enormities . so that the provost , by their perverse dealing , being now made weary of his place , it were to be wished , that some other preferment might be found for him ; and one of a more rigid temper , and stouter disposition placed in his room ; for such a wedg , for the breaking of so evil a knot , must necessarily be used . the earl fearing that my former letter might not have come unto your hands , hath earnestly entreated me to write thus much again ; which as i could not well deny unto him , being but the bearing of a testimony to the very truth , so do i wholly submit the same unto your graver judgment . your grace's most devoted servant , j. a. . letter clxxiv . doctissimo & ornatissimo viro d. ludovico de dieu , ecclesiae lugduno-batavae pastori , fratri plurimùm honorando . leydam . salutem , à salutis fonte d. n. iesu christo. libros , quos ad te & clariss . vossium miseram acceptos fuisse , laetus ab utroque vestrûm audio : sed literas , alteri cuidam è belgio vestro ( in hispaniam , ut audivi , postea profecto ) commissas , interiisse video . quae jactura effecit , ut nulli facile nuncio fidem deferendarum literarum adhibuerim hactenus . discedente vero hinc ad vos nobilissimo juvene dunharvainae vicecomite ; oblatam tam opportunè occasionem praetermittere nolens , perspectae nobis fidei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ipsius vicecomitis ephoro , tradendas curo quas jam scribo literas . atque ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod aiunt , ab eo in quo postremas tuas terminaveras , ego nunc incipiam : monachum illum , de quo ad d. rivetum scripsit marinus marsenius , non alium quàm johannem morinum fuisse suspicor , qui tum in prolixâ illâ praefatione editioni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( quae lutetiae an. . graeco-latina prodiit ) praefixa , tum in exercitationibus ecclesiasticis ( quas in samaritanum pentateuchum ibidem anno . evulgavit ) ex graecorum & samariticorum codicum fide , hebraeum nostrum textum corruptum & depravatum esse , stultissimâ operâ astruere conatus est . stultissimam enim quid ni dixerim cum eâdem ipse operâ sua sibi caedat vineta , & ( quod probè est à te annimadversum ) vulgatae editionis latinae authoritatem pariter enervet : tridentinorum suorum decreti parùm memor , qui ut haec ipsa editio pro authenticâ habeatur statuerunt , & ut eam nemo rejicere quovis praetextu audeat vel praesumat ; atque adeò eodem cum illo afflatus spiritu , cui immanis iste versus olim excidit . pereant amici , dum unà inimici intercidant . tui & eruditissimi constantini tui erit , hominis nimio sibi placentis audaciam atque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comprimere , & sacrorum fontium integritatem sartam tectam ab omni detrimento conservare . quâ in re praestandâ , maximo vobis erit subsidjo veteris testamenti editio syriaca , quam ab apostolorum temporibus hucusque magno omnium orientis populorum , qui chaldaicâ sive syriacâ utuntur linguâ , consensu retentam , & semper summâ in veneratione & auctoritate esse habitam ; & demum publice in omnibus eorum ecclesijs antiquissimis constitutis in syriâ , mesopotamiâ , chaldaeâ , aegypto , & denique in universi orientis partibus dispersis ac disseminatis , lectam esse ac legi , in diatribâ de chaldaicae lingua utilitate confirmat georgius amira syrus . cum enim haec in ecclesiâ antiochenâ ( à quà christianum nobis processit nomen ) à primis usque temporibus recepta , & a veteribus patribus ( melitone sardens . basilio caesareens . apollinario laodiceno , eusebio emeseno , diodoro tarsensi , theodoreto cyrensi , procopio gazaeo , hesychio , polychronio , & authore questionum & respons . ad orthodoxos quae justino martyri tribuuntur ) subinde citata fuerit : argumentum nobis praebet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , loca textus hebraici cum ea consentientia à posterioribus , masorethis & judaeorum rabbinis ( quod isti nugatores clamitant ) haudquaquam interpolari potuisse . quare , sicut anteà samaritanum , ita nunc syriacum pentateuchum per d. freyum nostrum tibi mittendum duxi : ut ad mosaicos quamprimùm libros ab ardelionis istius nefariâ criticâ vindicandos aggredereris . habeo & totius veteris instrumenti librorum ( quam mihi emptam in syriâ vidit d. jacobus golius ) versionem similem , nec canonicorum tantum sed apocryphorum quoque adjuncto etiam fl. josephi de macchabaeis . hanc , & quicquid penès me est samariticorum fragmentorum , tecum communicaturus sum libens : si quando animum induxeris parisiensem ( quam expectamus ) samaritani & syriaci contextus editionem cum mss. nostris exemplaribus comparare . id enim tantum relinquitur peragendum ; primae editionis gloriâ , quam academiae vestrae optabam , aliorum festinatione jam praereptâ . neque alium in finem quaternio ille arabico-samaritanus , elegantissimo charactere exaratus , à me missus fuerat , quam ut formulae archetypae , quas matrices vocant , inde exprimerentur si , quod sperabam , editio ista apud vos procederet . integrum verò samaritanum pentateuchum in arabicam & cuthaeis vernaculum linguam translatum extat : licet ea solum pars , quae genesin & deuteronomion complectitur , ad meas manus pervenerit . sunt etiam apud me nummi fex aenei vetustissimi , partim phoeniciis partim arabicis literarum notis ( longe ante tempora mahummedica ) insigniti : quorum usus fortasse aliquis in dissertatione de samaritanorum characterum origine esse poterit . arabici psalterii tria habui exemplaria , satis antiqua : quorum unum d. londinensi episcopo , academiae oxoniensis dignissimo cancellario , cum aliquam multis aliis codicibus mss. nuper à me donatum est : alterum quod d. gulielmo bedwello commodaveram , eo jam vitâ functo , vix est ut recuperari a me posse sperem : bibliotheca mea tertium adhuc conservat . habeo & genefim arabicè ex graeco versam , & amplo commentario explicatam : arabicas quoque homilias in sacrae historiae partem , à josepho incipientes . eâdem linguâ chrysostomi conciones quadragesimales habeo , quae in nostris desiderantur libris , & graecis & latinis . arabicum quoque nomocanomen possideo ; in quo veterum synodorum canones ad certos titulos reducti continentur . e. syriacis ephraemi , praeter tractatum quem habes de amore sapientiae , hymni apud me sunt de humilitate , rescipiscentiâ , fine seculi , gog & magog , monachis & eremitis ; nocturnae meditatio contra ebrietatem & crapulam : & praecationum liber . item hymni varii alphabetici . habeo & syriacum in quatuor evangelia commentarium : & in universa ferè biblia alterum thesauri secretorum titulo praenotatum : cui & quatuor tabulae chronologieae sunt insertae . . patriarcharum , ab adamo ad mosem . . judicum , à josuâ ad samuelem . . regum à saule ad sedechiam . . imperatorum exterorum à nebuchadnetsare ad vespatianum usque librum sermonum in dies festos his addas licet : & syriacam grammaticam absolutissimam . samaritica verò scripta , praeter pentateuchum , quae nactus sum omnia ad communem amicum nostrum d. johannem seldenum transmisi : à quo , quod contineant poteris rescisere : & de nostris quidem hactenùs . accepi , simul cum canonicarum epistolarum editione syrà , eruditissimas tuas in quatuor evangelia animadversiones : in quibus quod culpem nihil est , si prosusam mei ( nihil tale promeriti ) laudationem exceperis . omnino luculentum opus est , & reconditâ multiplicique doctrinâ refertum : nec , si me audias , prius conquiesces quam pari diligentiâ & simili commentationis genere quod novi testamenti est reliquum illustraveris . nihil enim certe in morte olarissimi amanae amisisse nos video , quod non academia vestra lugdunensis in te , in imperatore , in golio , abunde compenset . reliquit vero filium post se doctissimus buxtorffius , qui parentis vestigiis & loco insistens , magnam de se apud omnes spem eoncitat , inprimis sacrarum literarum studiosos : dum , quod audio , rabbinicum studium sacris aliquando meditationibus concionando temperat . vidi & ego specimen concordantiarum patris , quas pro merito magni facio ; majori tamen desiderio expecto lexicon , de quo filius ad clariss . heinssum : quandoquidem ( quod à buxtorssio p. verissime est notatum ) id quod dederunt nobis parisienses , bono publico parum consulat . loco tuorum remitto munera 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plane 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : praedestinatianae ( quae ecclesias vestras tantopere perturbat ) controversiae historiam , & veterum epistolarum hibernicarum sarraginem : utramque manu meâ correctam , ut si deinceps fortè edantur , ex isto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 paulo prodire possint emendatiores . tu donum ipsum non spectabis , quod est profecto leviculum , sed animum summè erga te affectum donantis , qui est totus tuus , jacobus usserus armacanus . dublinii , v. idus junias , . s● d. casauboni apud vos edendae sint epistolae ; habeo illius aliquot , quas typographo impertiam . letter clxxv . admodum reverendo in christo fratri . d. ludovico de dieu , ecclesiae lugduno-batavae pastori dignissimo . leydam . salutem in christo jesu . consilium tuum de syriacis ephraemi in lucem proferendis valdè mihi probatur . ad editionem illam adornandam tres codices per hubnerum nostrum ad te deferendas curo , manu satis eleganti descriptos . in ipso primi vestibulo occurrunt , qui in publicâ vestrâ bibliothecâ asservantur , de humilitate & de resipiscentiâ tractatus : in ejusdem quoque libri fine repetiti : adjecto initio sermonis in festum palmarum quem vos habetis integrum . in eodem volumine hymnus de monachis & eremitis extat , qui in publica ; nec non de gog & magog , atque alter de amore doctrinae tractatus , qui in privata d. golii habetur bibliothecâ . illa verò de amore doctrinae paraenesis ordine conscripta est alphabetico : ( quod in goliano apographo non videtur à librario fuisse animadversum , qui à voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eam est exorsus ) ac jam pridem habetur edita , non latinè solùm , in ephraemò gerardi vossii ; sed syriacè etiam , in isaaci sciadrenfis rudimento syriaco , quod romae anno . ex maronitarum collegio prodiit , in quo & hoc , & aliud ephraemi canticum legitur , cujus initium ; lux quae orta est justis . tabulae chronologicae thesauro secretorum inserta graecorum supputationem & ipsae sequuntur : sed annotata simul hebraeorum diversa numerandi ratione . aliae autem sunt à canone illo chronographico , qui syriaco pentateucho subnexus est : in quo notatio illa , quae authoritatem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hebraicae praefert veritati , à graecae potius quàm latinae ecclesiae addicto monacho profecta fuisse videatur . verùm de hâc annorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patriarcharum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in chronologicis nostris ( deo favente ) plenius differendi aliquando dabitur occasio . ad gotteschalchum verò nostrum quod attinet : novam illius editionem tantisper differendam censeo , dum subsidia ad eam locupletandam ex gallia mihi promissa accepero . doctissimum salmasium sedem inter vos fixisse gaudeo . scripsisse eum adversus joh. morini exercitationes , literis superiore februario lutetia ad me datis significatum est . sed neque illius ( si qua edita ) neque ipsius simeonis de muys responsionum adhuc videre contigit : quanquam desiderii nostri impatientiam aliquantum hîc linierint eruditissimae tuae in aliquot samaritani pentateuchi loca observationes ; atque illa in genes . x. . inprimis . ubi dositheum haeresiarcham ( hebraicae lectionis apud samaritas corruptorem ) non id solùm fefellit , quòd angustam cananaeorum acceptionem à latiore , sed etiam quòd terrae israëliticae ( à cananaeis olim insessae ) terminos ab imperii israëlitici finibus nesciverit distinguere . propria enim israëlitarum patria erat canaaena illa * latior , in qua tribus quaeque sedem suam sortitò obtinuit , pulsis inde septem cananaeorum nationibus ( act. . . ) universi verò populi israëlitici imperium , suorum armis deinceps propagandum , hinc usque ad ingressum aegypti , inde usque ad euphratem protendebatur , quos amplissimos imperii hujus limites . reg. . . invenimus designatos : ubi in omnia regna , à fluvio usque ad limitem aegypti , imperium salomon habuisse dicitur , fluvio nimirùm euphrate , syriae zobaeae limite , quem pater illius david subjugaverat ( sam. . . x. . ) admodum placuit quoque tua vocabuli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex ephraemo interpretatio ; non minus placitura & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illa altera , si firma aliqua ratione ostendi posset , ante syro-macedonum tempora hebraeos vel interluniorum , vel noviluniorum , vel pleniluniorum ullam omninò in mensibus suis rationem habuisse . gratissima mihi suit à te missa de janne & jambre dissertatio ; ut & praeclari illius lexici , unde ea excerpta est , specimen apud vos impressum , charactere & ordine tali operi convenientissimo . deus opt. max. egregiis tuis conatibus adsit , & laboribus benedicat , ja. u. ar. dublinii , idibus juniis , ann. mdcxxxiii . letter clxxvi . a letter from the learned john buxtorff , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . viro reverendissimo & amplissimo d. jacobo usserio archiepiscopo armachano dignissimo , &c. domino meo plurimùm colendo & observando . vir reverendissime ; quòd ego tenuissimae , & infimae conditionis homuncio , ex ultimis germaniae oris . te in florentissimo hiberniae regno , virum primarium , in summa ecclesiasticae dignitatis sede constitutum , literis meis compellare ; ac in tanta talique negotiorum mole interturbare audeo , id ne meae vel temeritati vel ambitioni à rev. t. d. attribuatur , ut decet , observanter peto ; quamvis enim jam ante aliquos annos insignis tuae pietatis & eruditionis , maximae etiam in linguis orientalibus peritiae fama apud nos percrebuerit , & ad aures meas pervenerit , ita ut vel hinc stimulus mihi ad ambitiunculam aliquam favoris tui quaerendi , dari potuerit : tamen , quia meo me novi metiri modulo , facilè agnovi , longè & aetate , & eruditione & conditione inferiorem me esse , quàm ut tantorum heroum limina salutare , vel amicitiam sollicitare debeam . quadriennium est , ex quo d. matthias pasor , oxoniae tùm literas syriacas & arabicas docens , in suis ad me literis t. d. amplissimam mentionem fecit & de loco quodam in bibliis hebraicis à patre meo editis , à r. t. in libro quodam anglicano censoria virgula notato monuit , petens ut ad id responsi aliquid sibi subministrem operam se daturum , ut d. t. id innotescat . respondi equidem d. pasori sed nescio an aliquid de eo ad t. d. perlatum fuerit . bibliothecae tuae instructissimae , & libris orientalibus quoque refertissimae publicum encomium legi in commentario iv evangg . ludovici de dieu , amici mei singularis , quod & ipsum in admirationem & amorem tui me abripuit . nihil tamen horum eò me impellere potuisset , quò nunc progressus sum , nisi à doctissimo & praestantissimo populari meo d. jacobo frey , proregis vestri filii illustrissimi , ephoro & moderatore cùm per literas tum ore tenùs nunc ad id faciendum instigatus fuissem . is enim de t. d. erga parentem meum defunctum , & erga me superstitem amico affectu , candidoque de laboribus nostris publicis judicio , tàm prolixè retulit , ut firmiter tandem mihi persuaserim , non ingratum tibi fore , si ipsemet per literas studiorum partim praeteritorum partim praesentium rationem reddam , & de quibus r. t. certior nostro nomine fieri cup it ex me ipso intelligat . intellexi ex d. passore & d. frey r. t. in bibliis parentis p. m. id desiderare quod castrata & à censoribus romanis expurgata exemplaria , posteriores sc. editiones venetas , sit secutus , atque id monere in libro suo anglicano , ex occasione loci ex aben esra , gen. . . hoc quod attinet , sciat velim t. r. exemplar illud , ex quo in nostris bibliis basileensibus expressa sunt commentaria rabbinorum , fuisse tertiam editionem venetam , non quòd illud prae caeteris eligeretur , sed quia ita se fortè obtulit & prioribus editionibus emendatius esse credebatur . deinde quòd illa quae contra christianos faciunt non fuerint , restituta , factum esse , partim mandato & voluntate magistratus nostri qui eâ lege permisit editionem illam , ut ne quid vel in christum blasphemi , vel in christianos & christianam religionem maledici & contumeliosi in iis relinqueretur . et qui novit persecutiones & odia gravissima quae occasione bibliorum istorum in hac ipsa urbe , contra se excitavit pater meus non mirabitur , ipsum sibi ab istius modi judaeorum cavillis exprimendis cavisse . ad haec , collegerat illa loca omnia pater meus , & in praefatione , quam illis praefigere volebat proponere voluit . quia autem post absolutam editionem aliud consilium ceperat , de triplici commentario addendo , masorethico sc. chaldaico , & hebraeo , in commentarium hebraicum ista reservabat , vel in peculiarem tractatum quam parabat de blasphemiis judaeorum contra christianos . masorethicum commentarium edidit . commentarium chaldaicum , qui notas continet criticas in universum targum , confectum penes me habeo edendum , quam primùm meliora his studiis affulserint tempora . commentarium hebraicum , in quo de lingua hebraica , & hebraeorum codicum puritate agere volebat inchoavit , & jam aliquo usque perduxit , sed non absolvit . in hoc quoque cogitabat prolixe & speciatim agere , de keri uketif , tikkun sopherim , de punctorum vocatium origine , aliisque rebus , ad hanc materiam spectantibus . cogitabat etiam his subnectere tractarum de lectione rabbinorum . sed partim alii labores , partim parcae iniquae ea nobis inviderunt . locum autem aben ezra gen. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ita quoque expressum invenio in nostra editione . sed in tertia editione veneta vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est omissa . similis locus est gen. . ab initio in eodem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 errantes spiritu dicunt , h. e. christiani . pro quo in bib. bas. ex tertia editione veneta substitutum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 numb . . . r. sal. ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in veneta secunda editione est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 zach. . . ad verba 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 percute pastorem , r. sal. glossa , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 videri potest etiam in kimchio obad. . ab initio . jes. . . & jes. . . r. sal. jer. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invitis haereticis . jes. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in edit . veneta , pro quo in bas. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 talia loca & alibi reperiuntur , quae majore ex parte in lexico rabbinico sparsim reperies . talia etiam sunt in paraphrase chaldaica . thren . . . priores editiones venetae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 posteriores & bas. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 numb . . . in libris antiquis legitur , ut & elias add●cit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jesa . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bas. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 videri potest etiam mich. . . & ibid. r. solomon . sic & v. . psal. . . thren . . . sam. . . jesa . , &c. haec & alia loca in commentario chaldaico parentis diligenter sunt annotata , & ex antiquis exemplaribus restituta . de punctorum apud hebraeos origine pater meus constanter in ea sententia permansit , antiquius inventum esse masorethis , & eo semper collimavit , ut illorum antiquitatem ad esram referret , sicque tanto certius divinam quoque authoritatem illis assereret . nam si ita est , ut lutherus alicubi grammaticos monet , ut lectionem , ubi grammatica id patitur , audaciter contra judaeos corrigamus & emendemus , & quod mercerus vir doctiss . vult , non adstricti esse debeamus ad lectionem vocalium audactos judices & emendatores passim reperiemus . ad librum illum qui sub erpenii nomine prodiit consultò noluit respondere pater meus . existimabat adhuc ad plenariam quaestionis illius tractationem authores quosdam esse — à judaeis ex quibus uti ipse ad capellum scripsit , antiquiora quaedam speravit . in tiberiade non ex professo illam quaestionem tractavit tantùm masorethas illos tiberienses elianos indagare voluit , & num qui tum super vocales scripserint iidem fuerint & vocalium inventores . quod non obscurè se demonstrasse autumavit . sane à nonnullis pontificiis ipsis id eo usque obtinuit , ut in ejus concesserint sententiam , prout literae ex ipsa urbe româ ad eum scriptae ( quas abservo ) id testantur . plurima habuit , quae ad — illam tractandam summo studio à longis annis collegerat quae , si per vitam longiorem saepius optavit , licuisset ei digerere & publice proponere , capello & aliis viris doctis novos scrupulos injecissent & forte eos in aliam sententiam per traxissent . author ipse erat capello , ut diutius suum tractatum premeret , neque adhuc juris publici faceret . nam habuimus & legimus eum antequam imprimeretur . sed aliter visum est ei & d. erpenio p. m. sine tamen ulla ejus offensione . magis enim sollicitus erat pater meus ingravescente praesertim aetate de lexico suo absolvendo , in quo tot annos tam improbos labores jam exantlarat . et divinâ assistente gratiâ omnes literas absolvit , sed confusè admodum ita ut necesse fuerit omnia de novo digerere , & describere , qui meus fuit labor hoc biennio , à quo concordantias hebraeas absolutas dedi , ut nunc nihil aliud restat , nisi typographus promptus & mecaenates , quorum favore & auxilio in lucem edatur . viginti quatuor nunc sunt anni ex quo prima fundamenta jecit , sed spero in plures annos victurum & duraturum . editionem jam remorantur calamitosa haec tempora , quibus & typographi ne gratis quidem libros imprimendos suscipiant , tantum abest ut aequo pro laboribus pretio illos velint redimere , & patroni viris doctis desunt , qui alacritatem ipsorum excitent & foveant . providebit autem deus . ego sanè nihil non agam ut quamprimum fieri potest , lucem aspiciat . volebam ad has nundinas titulum ejus imprimi curare , sed certo consilio id distuli . ut interim r. t. d. gustum aliquem totius operis accipiat , delineationem quandam tituli hic adjungo . quantitate , ni fallor , superabit lexicon schindleri : sed longè alià ratione est conscriptum . porrò monuit me etiam d. freyus in suis ad me literis d. t. judicare me operam non perditurum , si pari ratione , quâ in transferendo more nevochim incepi , authores etiam nonnullos historicos transferendos susceperem , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod ab eo tempore nil simile tentari causa fuit quòd hactenus in parentis laboribus edendis & absolvendis detentus fuerim , & adhuc detinear . videbo autem , ut inposterum ostendam me t. r. judicium magni-fecisse . haud difficile illud erit , si otium ad ea suppet & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habeo ; sed alterum non . invenio in adversariis meis , me anteà in academiâ archipalatinâ eum vidisse , sed ubi nunc sit , novit deus , ubi impressus sit , ignoro . inquiram autem , saepè citatur in juchasin . quod si tranquilliora essent tempora varia haberem , quae juris publici facerem . communicavi nuper cum d. constant. l'empereur sepher hizzachon manuscriptum , quem in fallor tranferendum & refutandum suscipiet . sed excedo modum epistolae . haec visum est ad ea quae r. t. d. nomine mihi proposita fuerunt respondere . ea ut aequi bonique consulat , meque illustri suo favore & patrocinio dignetur , humillime rogo , deum opt. max. animitùs orans ut r. t. d. quam diutissimè ecclesiae suae bono sospitare velit . dab . basil. anno . d. . aug. reverendiss . dignit t. addictissimus johannes buxtorfius , linguae sanctae in academiâ basileensi professor . letter clxxvii . a letter from constantinus l'empereur ab oppych , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . illustrissimo praesuli d jacobo usserio archiepiscopo armachano , hyberniae primati . su. s. v. s. p. à d. jesu . illustrissime praesul ! non sum is qui rem nihili censeat , viros magnos morari in seriis negotiis quibus assidue distinentur : novi quanti sit ecclesiae vel uni praeesse , nedum tot ac tantis , quae tempus vacuum praeterfluere non sinunt ut alias lucubrationes praeteream quibus & absentes ac posteritatem doces . nihilo secius , opportunitatem commodissimam ab iis nactus , qui singularem illustris dignitatis tuae benignitatem & comitatem mihi depraedicarunt , in ipsa fiduciam concepi , non ingratum fore , si cujus compellandi causa vel longum iter susciperem , eundem epistolari alloquio in tanta literas deferentium commoditate affarer . adjungerem etiam quaedam opuscula mea , nisi jam satis diu edita essent , adeoque nullus dubitarem quin in instructissimum penu illata sint . sed olim ( de quo mihi admodum gratulor ) manuscriptum codicem accepi satis carie attritum , quò à judaeo quodam congestum est , quicquid adversus religionem christianam afferre atque objicere judaei possunt , quod quidem alicujus sit momenti . hunc rabbinicum codicem ubi in latinum sermonem convertero ( id enim ago ) & objectionibus respondero : faciam deo dante ut illustrissima tua dignitas exemplar quamprimum habeat . et quandoquidem intellexi , ex antiquis & raris manuscriptis illustrissimam tuam dignitatem percipere magnam venustatem , reticere nequeo , quin & de alio manuscripto ( cujus me compotem fecit d. buxtorfius ) mentionem injiciam : nomen est nizahon . virulentum scriptum contra christianos . vertere etiam coepi , ut eodem modo edam , atque transmittam . porrò cum in d. tuâ instructissimá bibliothecâ syriacum in biblia commentarium esse intellexerim sive thesaurum secretarium ; atque ab iis qui vetus testamentum transferunt in linguam belgicam rogatus sim , ut observationes ad loca difficiliora porrò suppeditem : si optare liceret , istius syriaci in hagiographa & prophetas posteriores commentarii usum ad tempus concedi exoptarem . nam pentateuchum & reliquos historicos quod concernit , istos jam examinarunt revisores ( ut vocant ) atque ad hagiographa pergunt . in locis dubiis abrabanielem meum ( omnium commentatorum coryphaeum ) consulere soleo : sed ne is quidem per omnia satisfacit . attamen ne vel minimum quidem hac mea petitione d. tuae commodis obesse velim : neque committendum censeo ut liber adeo rarus cum discrimine & amittendi periculo in incertum mittatur ; verum suo loco relinquendum , si tuta mittendi ratio desit , existimo . de chronico samaritanorum arabico , cum collega d. golio egi : quod d. tuae votum esse cognoscerem ut ex arabico in latinum verteretur . sed tot jam negotiis se implicitum quaeritur , ut hoc tempore id praestare nequeat : ita enim praeter stata negotia undique sollicitari , ut suus non sit . cyclium denique paschalem v. m. ( de quo d. t. ad dominum frey perscripserat ) in nostra bibliotheca nondum invenire potui . hactenus curas tuas interpellari ; boni quaeso consulas : tua facilitate fretus , id feci , qui mea officia offero . illustrissimae dignitati tuae , cujus cliens audire gestio constantinus l'empereur ab oppych . ludg-bat . kal. dec. an. . partae salutis . letter clxxviii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. ward . good doctor ; i received with your last letter , the penitential canons of maimonides , for which i heartily thank you : in lieu whereof , i hereby send you the history of gottheschalcus , ( the first latin book , i suppose , that ever was printed in ireland ) ; i have directed it ( as you see ) to mr. vossius ; but upon your advertisement , forbore to commit the publication of it unto him . for the arminian questions , i desire never to read any more than my lord of salisbury's lectures touching predestination and christ's death ; and yours concerning grace and free-will ; together with the determination of the question of perseverance , which you shewed unto me , the book of scotus in benet-colledg , i guess to be the same with a manuscript which i have my self , without the author's name , beginning thus ; quod status praelatorum , viz. pastorum ecclesiae presupponit statum alium , probatur sic . i had thought the other had been written by johannes erigena , or else i had not much desired it : but now i discern it came from johannes duns , i do not much esteem it . if i be not deceived , being once in talk of scaliger at your table , mr. mead made mention of some mistake of his , in the fragments of abydenus , or berosus , which he hath published at the end of his book de emendatione temporum , but what it was , i cannot call to remembrance : if you have a better memory , i pray you help mine ; or else enquire of mr. mead himself when you shall next see him . i received a very kind letter from mr. vossius , for my history of gottheschalcus . a copy of your writings , touching the efficacy of baptism , and the questions , with the remonstrants , i much desire . dr. twisse i see ( as you feared ) hath followed the rigid part . i have gotten a good large fragment of the beginning of clement's genuine epistle to the corinthians . your own most assured , ja. armachanus . dublin , april . . letter clxxix . a letter from dr. ward , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , and my very good lord ; i received your grace's letter of the th of april , for which i humbly thank your lordship , and crave pardon withal of my long silence . i am right sorry to hear of the late decease of the worthy bishop of derry ; boni deficiunt , mali proficiunt . i heard , before the receipt of your lordship's letter , of it at london . i heard also there , that dr. bramhall of our colledg was likely to succeed him : i pray god he may succed him , as in place , so in all his vertues and vertuous actions . i pray god to be assistant to the parliament of state with you , and to bless all the proceedings therein , and to give an happy success to that honourable meeting , in all their important affairs . for my lectures of the eucharist , i have as yet no leisure to transcribe them , nor others touching the remonstrants . as for my lord of sarum his readings , i will see if i can get mr. burnet to procure them to be transcribed . as for an answer to the animadversions you mention , i will ( god willing ) e're long send your lordship a copy of them . the author of the animadversions is now with us . we have had some doings here of late about one of pembrook-hall , who preaching in st. mary's , about the beginning of lent , upon that text , james . . seemed to avouch the insufficiency of faith to justification , and to impugn the doctrine of our th article of justification by faith only ; for which he was convented by the vice-chancellor , who was willing to accept of an easy acknowledgment : but the same party preaching his latin sermon , pro gradu , the last week , upon rom. . . he said , he came not , palinodiam canere , sed eandem cantilenam canere ; which moved our vice-chancellor , dr. love , to call for his sermon ; which he refused to deliver . whereupon , upon wednesday last , being barnaby day , the day appointed for the admission of the batchelors of divinity , and the choice of the batchelors of divinity , which must answer die comitiorum ; he was stayed by the major part of the suffrages of the doctors of the faculty . and though sundry doctors did favour him , and would have had him to be the man that should answer die comitiorum , yet he is put by , and one mr. flatkers of our colledg chosen to answer . whos 's first question is , sola sides justificat . . realis praesentia christi in eucharistia non ponit transubstantiationem . the truth is , there are some heads among us , that are great abettors of mr. tourney , the party above mentioned , who no doubt are backed by others . i pray god we may persist in the doctrine of our church , contained in our articles and homilies . innovators are too much favoured now a-days . our vice-chancellor hath carried business for matter of religion , both stoutly and discreetly . dr. lane died on sunday last , and was buried in the night upon tuesday , in st. john's colledg . it may be you are willing to hear of our university affairs . i may truly say , i never knew them in worse condition since i was a member thereof , which is almost years . not but that i hope the greater part is orthodox ; but that new heads are brought in , and they are backed in maintaining novelties , and them which broach new opinions , ( as i doubt not but you hear ) others are disgraced and checked when they come above , as my self was by my lord of york the last lent , for favouring puritans in consistory ; and all from false informations from hence , which are believed without any examination . at that time also i intreated my lord of canterbury to speak to the dean of wells that now is ( who had sundry times excepted against me for not residing three months per annum , as i should by charter ) which i nothing doubt but it was by his instigation , he promised me then he would ; but not having done it yet , i repaired again to my lord's grace about it in november . but now he cannot , for that his majesty hath given him in charge to take account of the bishops in his province , how residence is kept . i told him my case was not every man's case ; and that i had a benefice , at which i desired to be in the vacation-time ; but nothing would prevail . and yet , as i told him , i am every year at wells , sometimes a month or six weeks . i think they would have me out of my professor's place , and i could wish the same , if i could have one to succeed according to my mind , for then i should have leasure to transcribe things . well , howsoever , god's will be done , and he teach us humility and patience . i heard also of some doings with you . the lord of heaven direct you and us , and teach us to submit to him in all things . i have not yet sent my answer to mr. ch. but intend e're long . i have not finished yet one point , to shew the arminian opinions were condemned in the synods which condemned the pelagian heresy . at mr. burnet's importunity , who could not get a good scrivener to transcribe my lord of sarum's readings , de praedestinatione , & morte christi ; i gave way that he should send it to you ; which i intreat your lordship , if you have received it , to return it me , as soon and as safely as you conveniently can . the tractate de praedestinatianis , in defence of your lordship ( i know not your adversary , nor his name ) is dr. twisses ; it may be he hath sent your lordship a copy of it . he is a deserving man. we have a vice-chancellor that favoureth novelties , both in rites and doctrines . i could write more , sed manum de tabula : the greatest part of this was inclosed in the letter your lordship had sent jan. . i made now a few additions . and so i rest , your grace's in all observance , samuel ward . sidn . coll. jun. . . dr. baden , a dean with you in ireland , answereth the act , in vesperiis comitiórum . his questions are . justificatio non suscipit magis & minus . . non dantur consilia perfectionis supra legem . letter clxxx . a letter from constantinus l'empereur ab oppych , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . illustrissimo primati d. jacobo usserio archiepiscopo armachano , hyberniae primati . i. v. s. p. vir reverende ; est quod mihi admodum gratuler , qui , cum antea viro illustri nonnisi de nomine innotuissem , & tamen quod in votis habebam audacter petiissem , tantam evestigio nactus sim benevolentiam , ut illustris tua dignitas expetitum commentariorum in sacras literas volumen syriacum transmittere gravata non fuerit . dabitur , deo favente , opera ut fideliter in hyberniam transmittatur , ubi usus fuero . in veteri testamento spei meae non respondet : licet subinde notatur digna animad vertam . ad textum syriacum commentaria accommodata sunt ; non verò ( quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suadebat ) consultus fuit ebraicus . imo quantum adhuc videre possum , syriacus , quo usus fuit , contextus è graeco expressus fuit : ideoque saepe aliter legit author quam in ebraeo extat . aliquando etiam verba de industria secus collocat , quam invenit . graecae linguae peritiam prae se fert : & in syriaca nimis anxiè , quae ad vocales spectant , persequitur . occidentalem syrum fuisse , id est , viciniorem mari mediterraneo , ostendit quod sect . . usa . annotat . tandem hoc observo , ( ut omnia conglomerem , quae è lectione in mentem veniunt ) non satis ad messam applicare , quae ad ipsum passim directa fuere . nihilominus pro usu istius libri gratias habeo maximas : inprimis cum praeclara annotentur in testamentum novum . quae in c. . matt. observata sunt evolvi ; placent admodum . caeterum , est in illustris d. t. bibliotheca , uti intelligo , versio syriaca duplex v. t. patruus autem meus d. antonius thysius paratum habet commentarium in duo priora cap. genes . ubi historiam creationis illustrat . cui praemittere statuit versiones primarias : ideoque summa diligentia è variis autoribus , symmachi , theodotionis , aquilae , &c. interpretamenta ita collegit , ut continuum contextum reddant . itaque valdè sibi gratum fore dicit , si versionem syriacam ab amanuensi aliquo descriptam obtinere in . cap. gen. posset . hoc vix à me impetro , ut subjungam : verum fortassis post libri editionem , istius consilii se non factum certiorem , d. tua aegre ferret : ut cui hoc unum cordi sit , prodesse publico . hic subsisto , & patri d. nostri i. christi commendo , illustrem tuam dignitatem , cujus permanere gestio cliens humillimus constantinus l'empereur ab oppych . lug. bat. . kal. jul. ā partae salutis , . letter clxxxi . a letter from dr. ward , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , and my very good lord ; our commencement is now over , where dean baden , now dr. baden , did well perform his part , who answered the act vesperiis comitiorum . and so did the batchelor of divinity , die comitiorum , being one of the fellows of our colledg . the vice-chancellor , dr. love , did well perform his part , especially in encountring with one franciscus de s. chara , [ but his true name is davenport ] who in a book set forth at doway , would reconcile ( si diis placet ) our articles of religion , with the definitions of the council of trent . but we have dismissed the auditors this year , with much more content than they were the year before . our stirs we had a little before the commencement , are prettily well over . there is a little book intituled brevis disquisitio , which i suppose your lordship hath seen : it containeth in it sundry , both socinian and pelagian points ; as also that the body which shall be raised in the resurrection , is not idem numero ; also souls do not live till the resurrection ; besides sundry other points : it is printed eleutheropoli : it is said it cometh out of eaton-colledg , and that alesius should be the author , who was at dort with us . i am sorry such a book should come thence . in my last letters from my lord of kilmore , he was inquisitive of the ancient codes of canons , as being desirous to inquire into the ancient discipline of the church . your lordship could direct him for books . if he would undertake it , he would do it to some purpose . and there are not many books necessary to know the substance of it ; as codex canonum universalis ecclesiae , & codex aphricanus ; with zonarus and balsamon upon them , and the trullan canons , and codex romanus reprinted , which obtained in the western church . at better leisure i will write to him more at large . in the mean time , i told him your lordship could show them all the fore-named . thus in some haste . i beseech god to bless you , and your parliament in all their weighty affairs ; and so intreat your prayers for us . and so with my salutations to you , my much honoured lord , i commend you to the gracious protection of the highest majesty , resting , your lordship 's in all affectionate observance , samuel ward . cambridg , july . . letter clxxxii . a letter from constantinus l'empereur ab oppych , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . d. i. v. s. p. praesul venerande ; tu denuò eum qui humanitatem tuam , ipsa fretus , literis fagitare non erubescit : quas fideliter datas sperare non desino , donec secus intelligam . postremis meis scripta quaedam à me publici juris facta transmisi : ubi inter caetera , quae de septuaginta septimanis prophetae danielis mea sit sententia vel conjectura plenè exposui : quemadmodum in transmissis ad danielem notis videre licet . memini etiam quum de gregorio syro , cujus sunt istae syriacae notae manuscriptae in v. & n. t. quum inquam de ipso agerem , me in hac fuisse sententia , eum usum fuisse syra versione è concinnata : quod in isaia eam alicubi cum ebraeo , quam cum graeco contextu magis convenire deprehendissem . verum postea in isto scriptore amplius evolvendo sententiam mutavi : commentatur enim ad versionem ex ebraeo confectam ; licet non usquequaque cum eo concordantem , sed aliquando ad graecos interpretes deflectentem . ipse tamen initio commentariorum in genesin , ubi se usum illa versione profitetur , cum originali textum ( quem tamen non intellexit ) exactissimè facere arbitratur . caeterum , reverendissime domine , est apud nos vir nobilis & doctissimus , qui omnium reformatarum ecclesiarum confessiones editurus , aliquoties me sollicitavit , ne dignitatem tuam percunctari gravarer , num extet propria hybernicarum ecclesiarum confessio . existimat vir doctus & pius , non exiguam se reportaturum gratiam , si consensu communissimo orthodoxiam confirmatum iret . denique hic unà mitto clavem talmudicam nuper à me editam : quorsum & cui bono , docebit dissertatio ad lectorem . hoc levidense munusculum aequi bonique facias quaeso : utpote ab eo profectum , qui tua merita deosculans , animum gratum si posset , aliquo signo ostendere anniteretur . vale antistes venerande , deum veneror ut tuos conatus & labores prosperet . dignitatis tuae cultor humillimus constantinus l'empereur ab oppych . dabam lugd. bat. dec. an . partae salutis , . letter clxxxiii . a letter from mr. francis taylor , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . reverendissimo in christo patri & domino jacobo providentia divina armachano apud hibernos archiepiscopo , totius hiberniae primati , & metropolitano longè dignissimo . dominationi tuae ( reverendissime in christo pater ) in veteribus ab ipsis cunabulis exercitatissimae , bibliorum hebraicorum adversus morini samaritanismum defensionem hanc pro mea parte inscribere visum est . cui enim potiùs quam tibi episcopo catholico & orthodoxo morini pseudocatholici , qui nos oves christi è pascuis virentibus arcere conatus est , technas retectas dedicarem gratulor sane & ex animo gratulor hiberniae tuae , cui tantum praesulem tam insigniter eruditum , piumque deus & rex concessere : & gratulationis testimonium solenne inscriptionem hanc extare volui . peculiarem insuper dominationi vestrae gratiam debet hoc opus , cujus sumptibus & cura exemplar samaritanum nobis in anglia primo communicatum suit ; & in bibliotheca cottoniana , in doctorum seculis etiam futuris commodum , reconditum . ex illo enim codice habuimus discrepantes samaritani textus ab hebraica veritate lectiones , quarum quanta fuerit utilitas , ac propemodum necessitas ad rabiem morini plene retundendam ; non opus est hic dicere , siquidem suis id locis manifesto apparebit . ad cardinalem gallum aspirat morinus : cur non ego ad archiepiscopum hibernum dedicationem hanc praeterea à me flagitat foelix ille calamus tuus , quo pontificiae superstitionis fibras faeliciore quàm multi alii successu in utroque idiomate dissecuisti . quoties polemica tua vere aurea revolvo , nescio quo modo in ima cordis penetralia ingens autoris admiratio , ingens erga autorem affectus , nunquam nisi me moriente , moriturus irrepit . urgent praeterea sacrae manus illae mihi sacrum munus adeunti inter alias impositae . cogit denique quae mihi tecum intercessit , si de tanto viro tali verbo tam pusillo uti licuerit , per multos annos continuata necessitudo . de operis necessitate non opus est longa praefatione . biblia hebraica recepit synagoga judaica oraculorum divinorum custos , rom. . . ad nos eadem ista transmisit . patres ad unum omnes pro authenticis habuere , in linguas alias transtulere , translationem discrepantiam ex his correxere . in ecclesia romana viri doctissimi plurimi sacram eorum autoritatem scriptis suis communivere . ecclesiae orientales omnes approbavere . protestantes pleno ore pro fonte sacro illa venerantur . morinus samaritanorum aduocatus interim in hoc judaeis , quos oppugnat tamen , similis , nec deo placet , & hominibus omnibus contrarius est . thess. . . cum inprimis observatum esset dogmatibus pontificiis parum propitios esse codices hebraeos , reperti sunt , qui corruptos esse clamarent rivulos iis anteferrent . sed fontem novum qui aperiret , ante morinum inventus est nemo . gratuletur patrono suo ecclesia pontificia . nos interim libros sacros antiquos colimus , quibus usus est christus ipse , & apostoli , cum tamen characterum mutationem longe antea factam somniet morinus . cloaca quo magis agitatur , eo mephitin exhalat magis . morinus samaritanis antiquis samaritanior etiam evasit . illi enim , teste eulogio , jesum filium nave prophetam praedictum , mosi similem futurum , profitebantur . librum ejus pro canonico certò habuere , qui hanc illi gloriam tribuebant . at hunc librum nobis eripuit cùm aliis prophetiis dositheus morini antecessor . det nobis morinus charactere samaritano scriptos prophetarum libros , aut fateatur se plures scripturae sacrae codices quam dederit abstulisse . sed nec ferendum est hominem christianum samaritanos dei hostes judaeis dei populo in libris sacris tuendis anteferre . praecipuè cum constet prophetas fuisse post commentitiam characterum mutationem in populo judaico ; in samaritano nullos . cur non ergo samaritana biblia nobis reliquere prophetae cur de tanta mutatione silent cur apud haereticos sepulta biblia in lucem spiritu divino eos illustrante non producunt ut taceam morini in sacris literis tractandis magistralitatem , qui eodem jure in his quo sorbona in aliis censurâ afficiendis utitur . hoc placet , illud displicet , quandoque samaritanus codex , quandoque latinus , graecus semper , nunquam illi hebraicus approbatur . si prout meritus est , verbis asperioribus nonnunquam castigetur morinus , nemo nobis vitio vertat neque enim cum haeretico aliquo res est , qui articulum fidei unum aut alterum negat , aut textum peculiarem aliter quàm veritas posuit interpretatur , sed cum eo qui fontes sacros in universum abripit , & pro deo israelis falsi messiae adulteria nobis obtrudit . nec ignorantiam nobis objiciat quis , quòd jesuitam eum appellemus . indignaretur , sat scio , morinus , si congregationis oratoriae iesu christi presbyterum titulo isto non dignaremur . liber certè totus jesuiticum spiritum , frontem perfrictam societati illi familiarem nimis , prodit . si quid sit , quod ulteriorem disquisitionem requirat , totum illud , si respondere morino visum fuerit , in replicatione fusiùs tractabitur . prelo aliàs impraesentiarum vacante oblata vulgandi opportunitas festinationem operis urgebat . haec interim habui , quae tibi , dummodo id placeat ( quod pro singulari tua tum pietate tum candore nullus ambigo ) in perpetuum erga dominationem tuam studii & observantiae meae monumentum dedicarem . deus verbi sui majestatem contra omnes impiorum latratus potenter ipse tueatur , & per totum orbem indiès ampliùs diffundat ; te verò hibernae gentis ornamentum in christianae religionis emolumentum diutissimè in terris florentem conservare , tandemque ( sero tamen ) in gloriam sempiternam recipere dignetur . claphamae . calend. april . . reverendissimae dominationi tuae addictissimus franciscus tailerus . letter clxxxiv . a letter from the most reverend william laud arch-bishop of canterbury , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in christo. my very good lord ; i thank you heartily for your letters , and am as heartily glad that your parliament and convocation are so happily ended , especially for the church ; and that both for the particular of your letting leases , which is for maintenance , and for the quiet , and well-ordering and ending of your book of canons . i hope now the church of ireland will begin to flourish again , and that both with inward sufficiency , and outward means to support it . and for your canons , to speak truth , and with wonted liberty and freedom ; though i cannot but think the english canons entire , ( especially with some few amendments ) would have done betterly yet since you , and that church , have thought otherwise , i do very easily submit to it , and you shall have my prayers that god would bless it . as for the particular about subscription , i think you have couched that well , since as it seems , there was some necessity to carry that article closely . and god forbid you should , upon any occasion , have rouled back upon your former controversy about the articles . for if you should have risen from this convocation in heat , god knows when or how that church would have cooled again , had the cause of difference been never so slight . by which means the romanist , which is too strong a party already , would both have strengthned , and made a scorn of you . and therefore ye are much bound to god , that in this nice and picked age , you have ended all things canonically , and yet in peace . and i hope you will be all careful to continue and maintain that which god hath thus mercifully bestowed upon you . your grace's very loving friend , and brother , w. cant. lambeth , may . . letter clxxxv . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. ward . good doctor ; i have been almost tired with continual attendance on out long continued parliament and convocation ; which being done , they would needs impose upon me also the moderating of the divinity act ; and the creating of the doctors at our last commencement . i am now at last retired from dublin to my old : place , where i begin at length , redire in gratiam cum veteribus amicis . i send you herewith harrys his book against the friars , and our new canons . the articles of religion agreed upon in our former synod , anno , we let stand as they did before . but for the manifesting of our agreement with the church of england , we have received and approved your articles also , concluded in the year , as you may see in the first of our canons . but while we strive here to maintain the purity of our ancient truth , how cometh it to pass that you in cambridg do cast such stumbling-blocks in our way by publishing unto the world such rotten stuff as shelford hath vented in his five discourses ; wherein he hath so carried himself , ut famosi perni amanuensem possis agnoscere . the jesuits of england sent over the book hither to confirm our papists in their obstinacy , and to assure them that we are now coming home unto them as fast as we can ; i pray god this sin be not deeply laid to their charge , who give an occasion to our blind thus to stumble . i thank you most heartily for communicating my lord of salisbury's lectures unto me , they are excellent , learnedly , foundly , and perspicuously performed , and i hope will do much good here for the establishing of our young divines in the present truth ; will you not make us as much beholden unto you for your own lectures upon the other questions you may not think that the same accurateness is expected in the writings which you privately communicate unto your friends , as in that which you are to commit unto the press , after you have added supremam manum thereunto . neither were it amiss that you should make a collection of all your determinations , as you see the bishop of salisbury hath done ; and cause your lectures of the eucharist to be transcribed , and left in a safe hand , that it may not ( as i have heretofore warned you ) periclitari in unico exemplari . of these particulars i desire to hear your resolutions in your next letters ; and in the mean time recommend you and your godly labours unto god's good blessing ; evermore resting , your most assured loving brother , ja. armachanus . drogheda , sept. . . letter clxxxvi . a letter from the learned ludovicus de dieu , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . amplissime , celsissim● , doctrina juxta ac pietate excultissime vir ; paulo minus est biennio , quod literis meis amplissimam tuam dignitatem salutavi , additis etiam meis in acta apostolorum observatiunculis , quas amplissimo tuo nomini , etsi tanto honore non dignas , inscripseram . nihil exinde literarum ab amplissima tua dignitate videre contigit . interceptas itaque in itinere , aut meas , aut tuas , aut utrasque fortasse , suspi cor . interim saeva nos hic exercuit pestis , quae una semel hebdomade , ad mille quingentos , anno integro ad viginti hominum millia prostravit . deserta erat academia , abrupta commercia , urbs horrori omnibus , tanquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fulgiebant , quibus fugere dabatur : nos quibus non tantum fugere per munus licebat , sed & trepidantibus animum addere , & cum morte luctantes solari ac corroborare oportebat , & sanis & aegris operam navavimus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nec defuit nobis benigna eius clementia , qui nos in mediis quotidie ver santes ignibus , ita est tutatus , ut cum universa familia incolumis hactenus evaserim . et ut ut nondum penitus extinctum sit contagium , ita tamen deferbuit , ut jam per septimanas aliquot defunctorum unius septimanae numerus tricenarium vix excedat . viget rursus academia , vigent commercia , refulgescit pristinus urbis splendor , nec quicquam restat , nisi ut revirescat quoque vera pietas , & conemur omnes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod ut largiatur nobis qui vitam hactenus produxit , 〈◊〉 votis contendimus . ne autem , vir maxime , labores nostros literarios apud dignitatem tuam dissimulemus , inciderat , quum jam pestis grassari coepisset , in manus nostras historia quaedam evangelica , ex quatour evangelistis persico idiomate ab hieronvmo xaverio jesnita , ad mogolense regnum , propagandae rel. christ gratia anno , ablegato , isthis contexta , & regi acabaro , anno hujus seculi secundo dicata atque oblata . in qua quum mala fide actum suspicarer ( quid enim ab istiusmodi antichristi mancipiis exspectari possit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) opera , dedi , ut lecta , primum ex pentateucho persico constantinopoli olim impresso , genesi , xaverii librum aggrederer . nec efficere potuit saeva lues , quin & legerim & in latinum sermonem converterim , confectòque dictionariolo , bis jam versiones meas reviderim & emendaverim , prolixaque praefatione peregrinas historias , fabulas , ineptias , audacias , quibus scatet , excerpserim & perstrinxerim . librum arabico titulo inscripsit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est , speculum sanctitatis . ac in praefatione ad regem alium etiam librum promittit , jam tum fere ad umbilicum perductum , cui nomen sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est , speculum monstrans veritatem , in quo quae in christ. rel. difficilia sunt & credenda nos videntur , sit enodaturus , & propagatione evangelii per apostolos fusè enarraturus . quem librum jam innotuisse , didicimus ex gallo quodam pierre bergeron dicto , qui libri sui relacion des voyages en tartarie indigetati , lutetiae ante biennium editum tractatu de saracenis , pag. . narrat , persam quendam ahmed ben sin dictum adversus librum cujusdam jesuitae , cui titulus est speculum veritatem monstrans , scripsisse librum , cui titulus sit politor speculi , in quo mahometismum adversus christianam religionem tuetur . hunc autem refutasse franciscanum , patrem gadagnol libro romae impresso an. . quos omnes ut nobis comparemus , operam damus . incitavit ad haec , quem ab aliquot annis familiarem habui , joh. eligmannus silesius , chymicus incomparabilis , medicus eximius , & de nostra urbe durante hac lue optimè meritus , plurimarum linguarum , & inter eas arabicae ac persicae bene peritus , quem magno mihi in hoc opere adjumento fuisse fateor . et vide hîc singularem quandam dei providentiam . dum enim haec scribo , idem ille amstelodamo , quò ante quatriduum concesserat , jam jam redux , novum xaverii librum persicum se mihi adferre ait , à se jam dum amstelodami fuit lectum , quo vita apostoli petri , tum ex sacris tum aliunude desumta comprehendatur . prurit jam mihi animus , ut & hunc priori addam , & utrumque simul persicè ac latinè edam , additurus etiam suo tempore speculum veritatem momstrans , & speculi politorem , si haberi unquam à nobis possint , deusque vitam & otium largiatur . ut autem ad praefatum amicum meum d. eligmannum redeam , nos minus sibi quàm mihi opportune nunc advênit , qui enim laetum , quod dixi , nuncius mihi attulit , idem laetus accepit , esse me in exarandis ad amplissimam tuam dignitatem literis . postquam enim & singulari tua pietate & universali eruditione inaudivit ( & quomodo non inaudiisset , qui familiarissimus nobis est & vere intimus ) non potuit , utpote doctorum omnium amantissimus , & antiquitatum praesertim curiosissimus , humillima sua officia dignitatis tuae per me nos offerre , simùlque inquirere , deturne ulla lexici irlandico-latini , aut latino-irlandici habendi copia . quum enim praeter cebetis tabulam , quam ex arabico longè locupletiore nobis brevi est daturus atque habuimus hactenus , praeter etiam persicam chronologiam , quam ex praeclaro authore persa , cum annotationibus suis paret , coeperit paulatim linguam germanicam per omnes ejus dialectos , latinam item & graecam cum persica conferre , quippe quae cum istis , praesertim cum germanica nostrâque belgica ingentem ( quod experti loquimur ) affinitatem habeat , irlandicae quoque genium explorare cupit , si haec fortassis propius caeteris ad eam accedat . non gravabitur , spero , dignitatem tuam verbulo monere , num quid irlandicè exstet , quod in usum ejus facere possit , & qua via comparari queat . impensae ut per amplissimum dominum boswellium restituantur , curabimus . perlegit jamdudum epistolas tuas hybernicas , quaeque ibi recurrunt nomina propria spem faciunt , deprehensum & istic iri , quod in germanica deprehendit . juvat certe experiri , quid nobis europaeis cum remotis illis asiaticis affine sit . publica jam hîc gaudia faciunt campanarum tinnitus , facturi & sub vesperam laeti ignes , per omnes provincias unitas , post actas deo solennes gratias , accendendi , ob recuperatum singulari dei beneficio schenkianum munimentum , praecedenti anno turpissima nostrorum incuria deperditum . nunquam magis quam tum triumphavit hostis , nunquam nos luximus magis , tanto magis triumphamus nunc , quod dissipatis magnis quae agitabat consiliis ipsi ignominia , nobis securitas data sit . faxit deus , ut tantum grata mente beneficium semper recolentes , datori ejus dignas gratias rependamus , ab eo uno pendeamus , eum revereamur & colamus . ejusdem favori ac clementiae amplissimam tuam dignitatem commendat , utque ea sospes diù sit atque incolumis maximopere optat , qui est & erit amplissimae tuae dign . devotissimus servus , ludovicus de dieu . datum lugd. bat. maii , . letter clxxxvii . a letter from the learned lodovicus de dieu , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . reverendissime praesul ! quas per cl. ac nobilissimum d. boswellum o maii ad ampl. tuam dedi literas , quin acceperis nullus dubito . monitus iterum per eundem d. boswellum , qui est ejus singularis in me favor , de nave dublinium cogitante , non potuit non rever . tuam submissè vel verbulo salutare . scripseram de historia christi à jesuita hieronymo xaverio persicè contexta , à me vero translata , & brevi censura notata . addideram , tradi mihi , dum scriberem , apostoli petri historiam , eodem autore . transtuli exinde & hanc , atque utriusque textum persicum descripsi , ingenti sane & taedioso cum labore , necessario tamen , quia orientalium scriptura legi à typothetis non poterat . omnia jam sunt prelo adaptata , eique proxima , volente deo , septimana subjicientur . imprimitur jam tractatus talmudicus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum translatione cl. lempereur , ejusque notis sequentur & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 specimen quoque nuper vidimus sacraram observationum cl. heynsii in universum n. testamentum : in procinctu est ut editio ejus procedat . opus certe luculentum , & multifaria eruditione refertum . haec sunt vir amplissime , quae hîc nunc potissimum in re literaria aguntur . quae nos tam tua scire interest , quam hîc omnes docti valetudinem tuam resciscere avent , anni enim sunt , ex quo nihil de rerum tuarum statu cognovimus . incolumen tamen & salvum speramus , utque idem diu sis , ardentissimis votis precamur . plurimum se favori tuo cl. lempereur commendat , utque nos deinceps amore tuo digneris , obnixè ambo rogamus . datum lugd. batav . . augusti , . reverendae amplit . tuae devotissimus , ludovicus de dieu . letter clxxxviii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the learned lodovicus de dieu . admodùm reverendo in christo fratri d. ludovico de dieu , ecclesiae lugduno-batavae pastori vigilantissimo . leydam . reverende vir , ac charissime in christo frater ; eliteris tuis o augusti gregoriani datis ( quae ante paucos dies ad me fuerant perlatae ) intelligo te & alteras non ita pridem ad me dedisse , quae nondum mihi visae sunt ; & intercidisse illas , quas ipse ad te scripseram eucharisticas , post allatas mihi eruditissimas tuas in acta apostolorum animadversiones : in cujus luculenti operis praefatione quòd quaedam haud admodùm magna beneficia tibi à me exhibita depraedicas , in eo majorem propriae tuae humanitatis quàm rei ipsius rationem habuisti . ad duos verò illos tractatus persicos , à te in latinum sermonem conversos , quod attinet : diffiteri nemo potest , quin omnes persicae linguae studiosi magnam inde haurire queant utilitatem . sed ut ingenuè animi mei sensum tibi aperiam , indignos puto jesuitas qui afficiantur illo honore , ut hujusmodi ipsorum scriptis ullus transferendi labor impendatur , praesertim à viris ad majora natis . itaque posthac ( si me uti monitore volueris ) potius aut in syriacis ephraemi illustrandis , aut in pertexendis tuis in novum testamentum observationibus , perges : quâ ratione multo majus addes gloriae tuae incrementum , quàm collocando operam tuam ibi , unde neque ad nos insignis utilitas , nepe ad te quicquam nisi cognitionis peregrini idiomatis fama redire queat . ephraemi opusculorum si quid adhuc in syriâ lateat , eruendum curabimus : quâ in re ne operam ludamus ac impensam — emendo illa quae jam possidemus ; omnium ejus tractatuum , quos istic leidae habetis titulos atque exordia proprio sermone ac charactere descripta , ad me transmittas velim . et quia scire valdè aveo , quos secum ex oriente libros attulerit cl. golius ; si catalogum ipsorum impressum addideris , quem hactenus nancisci non potui , rem mihi facturus es gratissimam . eruditissimi heinsii praeclaras illas in novum testamentum observationes avidissime expectamus : cujus generis & alias clarissimum grotium moliri jampridem intelleximus . doctissimum verò salmasium tamdiu cessare miramur , neque tot jam annis quicquam novi procudere : quum praesertim tot circum urgeatur exemplis , quae vel ignarum quenquam excitare queant ad praeclaros conatus , nedum tantum ac talem virum . breviarium quoddam , linguâ ( ut putabatur ) aegyptiacā conscriptum , illi transmittendum , arnoldo bootio nostro tradidi , sed & illud intercidisse audio . plurimum velim meo nomine & illi , & heinsio , & si quos alios illic amicos habemus , salutem dicas . vale clarissime vir , ac me porrò amare perge . ja. u. arm. ex aedibus nostris termino-fechinianis : septembris juliani die . anno salutis mdcxxxvi . letter clxxxix . a letter from the most reverend william laud arch-bishop of canterbury , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in christo. my very good lord ; i have been put to no small pains , considering my other occasions , to read over , and in a manner to study the several letters and other papers , which have been sent and come to my hands , some from your grace , some from the provost and fellows that join with him ; some from pheasant and the other party ; and some from the lords justices , and council there to the lord deputy , and from his lordship to me ; and all of them about the late unhappy difference fallen between the visitors of the colledg near dublin , and the provost . the more carefully i have read over these papers , the more ( i clearly confess to your grace ) i am troubled at the business , and could heartily wish some friendly way were thought on there , to prevent a formal and legal decision by me . of which yet seeing so little hope as i do , i have taken all the pains which i can , preparatory to a final sentence : for i have very carefully , and with all indifferency , drawn a brief history of the fact , and the whole proceedings , with relation in the margent to every several paper that hath come to my hands . a copy of this brief , together with all the several papers to which it relates , i have sent to my lord deputy , and desired him to shew it to your grace , and all the other parties whom it concerns : to this end , that if your lordship and they agree upon the fact , i may have it returned unto me , and go on to my decision . but if you agree not upon the fact , as i have set it down , that then you may there settle any difference , and agree upon it , that no one whom it concerns , may say i had not a right state of the question before me . when this is done , i shall go on to do my duty with justice to all parties , as far as i can apprehend the cause , and as far as my learned counsel here shall be able to advise me . but i cannot but still wish , and that very heartily , that my decision may be prevented by the care and wisdom of my lord deputy , and the moderate and prudent respects of the parties interessed , which i presume your grace will further : for it appears very ill to his majesty , ( who was of necessity to be made acquainted with the business , because the censure of the provost , if he deserve it , is referr'd to himself ) and must needs appear so to all wise men , both here and there , that such a difference concerning young men newly started up from boys , should cause so great a disturbance among grave and wise men , as this hath done . and 't is somewhat too that the romanists which swarm in those parts , have such an occasion as this difference , to please themselves withal . my hopes are great in your grace's moderation ; but if all fail , i shall make a binding decision so soon as ever the state of the business is sent me back . so wishing your grace all health and happiness , i leave you to god's blessed protection , and rest , your grace's very loving friend , and brother , w. cant. croidon , oct. . . letter cxc . ornatissimo clarissimoque viro d. gerardo vossio , historiae & civilis doctrinae apud amstelodamenses professori . accepi , vir eximie , literas tuas quibus dum amorem quo te prosequor ex breviore saltem muneris indicio rectè quidem colligis , nobilissimum tuum pectus instar fertilioris alicujus agri aperis qui plus multo adferat quàm acceperit . adeo munusculum nuper tibi à me oblatum extollis , ut quo te merito me absolvere studebas , eo me tuo totum implices , & beneficium longè majus reddere videaris , cùm te debere aliquid mihi profiteris . utcunque vero aliqua inter nos in gotteschalci historiâ oboriatur differentia ; gaudeo tamen , & tibi ex animo gratulor , nos ( quod ait ) in eo , quod rei caput est , consentire , uterque dum b. augustini sententiam amplectimur . quam sive gotteschalcus per omnia fuerit secutus , sive aliquando excesserit , nolim ego multùm contendere : modo ( quod libenter audio ) nobis ipsis cum augustino conveniat , cujus sententiam in causâ gotteschalci tuendam susceperat remigius . qui verò duriores sunt , vel fuerunt , augustini interpretes nunquam mihi placuerunt , minimeque omnium inertes illi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui faciunt agendo ut nihil agamus , & homines sponte suâ ignaros ipsis quoque truncis reddunt stupidiores , quum divinus ille gratiae praeco , ex eo ipso quòd deus is sit qui efficiat in nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , contrarium plane deducat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : studendum idcirco ut cum timore & tremore salutem nostram operemur . quippe quod verendum sit , si ab religione officii hîc declinaverimus & vel nihil agendo vel male agendo , eum a cuius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illa quam habemus volendi & faciendi potestas tota pendet irritaverimus ; ne deus ita a nobis lacessitus iure suo nobiscum agat atque nos desertos deserat , & novas ad volendum & agendum vires ( absque quibus ipsi nos lassos erigere nequeamus ) ultra non impertiat . de mariano nostro , quî factum ut mutus omnino ad vos venerit , amantissimo utriusque nostrum d. ludovico de dieu rationem reddidi . mens verò quae nunc est mihi , tum erat eadem : nempe ut , sicut tuâ operâ , ita etiam sub tuo nomine , integer prodiret marianus . integrum vero in unico cottonianae bibliothecae exemplari reperi : si tamen integrum . postrema enim pars chronic à dionysianae aerae anno usque ad finem ( quam inde descriptam totam seorsim ad te miseram ) integrior in sichardi editione legitur ; cui siquid desit ex tuo supplendum erit exemplari ; quod illud gemblacense esse suspicor , ex quo novam mariani editionem promisit nobis miraeus quam non praestitit . nactus sum & alia tria exemplaria , in quibus anglicanum florentii chronicon cum universali mariani hoc wigorniensis quidam monachus . regis stephani temporibus commiscuerat . ex eorum uno florentium ( vel potius marianum ) suum edidit nobilissimus d. gu●ielmus howardus de naworth , thomae norfolciensis dueis filius . duo alia apud oxonienfes vidi 〈…〉 unum , in collegii corporis christi bibliotheca alterum : quorum utrumque praeter proaemia integrum librum secundum habuit , qui à primo aberat . initio cottoniani codicis verba ista praefixa inveni . meum nomen ut dignum , chronica chronicarum ; cum prae illis servo verba evangelistarum ; nulla enim cronica conservat diem mensis solaris resurrectionis christi iuxta historiam evangelii nisi ista sola . sequebantur deinde , tanquam ipsius mariani , tabellae illae chronologicae quas in apographi mei principio descriptas vides : quae commodius , ni fallor , ad calcem operis essent rejiciendae . earum aliquot in bodleiano quoque habentur codice ( qui à consulum indiculo incipit ) & in altero collegii corporis christi plures ; romanorum episcoporum catalogo usque ad eugenium iii perducto , cui aliâ adscripti erant manu ann . , mens . , di . , quod argumento est eugenii tempore exemplar illud fuisse exaratum . ut autem intelligas quibus in locis cottonianum libri primi & tertii chronicon à vulgato differat : florentium wigorniensem nunc ad te mitto , quem francisci quarlesii operâ , qui mihi tum erat ab epistolis ( vir ob sacratiorem poësin apud anglos suos non incelebris ) cum illo conferendum curavi ad annum usque dom. dcccc . dionysianum , à quo quaternio prius missus initium duxit . ubi quae lineis subtùs ductis sunt notata , à cottoniano exemplari absunt , & ex florentii annalibus à wigorniensi de quo dixi monacho sunt hîc intexta . mitto simul & epitomen à roberto lotharingo , herefordensi episcopo , eodem quo marianus mortem obiit anno concinnatam ; cujus in quarto de pontificibus libro gulielmus malmesburiensis ita meminit . erat tunc temporis monachus marianus apud magontiam inclusus , qui longo solitudinis otio chronographos scrutatus , dissonantiam cyclorum dionysii exigui contra evangelicam veritatem vel primus vel solus animadvertit . itaque ab initio saeculi annos singulos recensens , annos , qui circulo deerant , superaddit , magnam & diffusissimam chronicam facere adorsus . eum librum robertus miratus unicè , aemulatus mirifice , angliae invehendum curavit . denique captus mariani ingenio , quicquid ille largius dixerat , in arctum contrahens defloravit ; adeo splendidè , ut magis valere defloratio videatur , quàm ingentis illius voluminis diffusio . ad calcem hujus epitomes in cottoniano codice appendix adjecta , ab altero bodleianae bibliothecae aberat : quam vel eo nomine negligendam non putabam , quod magnae illius periodi julianae , cujus usum magno scaligero acceptum referrimus , prima vestigia in ea deprehenderim . de magnis cyclis appendicem non dissimilem ad finem libri primi ipsius mariani in collegii corporis christi ms. appositam inveni : quam hic inclusam mitto ; alia quoque de mariani patriâ & variis editionibus collectanea missurus similiter si ad editionis tuae ornatum aliquid inde accessurum à te intellexero . deus laboribus tuis benedicat : & omnia tua studia in honorem gratiae suae , ecclesiae bonum atque reipublicae christianae vertat emolumentum . vale , vir clarissime , & siquae sunt alia , ex latore harum literarum d. freyo fusiùs intellige . dublini anno. mdcxxxii . quarto idus junias . tui studiosissimus , ja. armath . letter cxci. admodùm reverendo in christo fratri d. friderico spanhemio pastori & professori theologo , atque academiae genevensis rectori digniffimo . genevam . reverende vir , ac charissime in christo frater ; dubiorum evangelicorum librum , ante biennium a te editum , magnâ cum voluptate perlegi : atque accuratam tuam in controversiis illis pertractandis diligentiam admiratus sum , & singulare in definlendis judicium . itaque nihil potuit accidere optabilius quam amantissimae illae tuae literae , quibus ad contrahendam ac deinceps colendam inter nos amicitiam ultrò me provocas . qualis sit tuus erga me animus abundè ipsae mihi indicârunt : quin verò par sit meus in te affectus , nolim te dubitare . munus literis tuis adjunctum mirificè me tenuit , quod totam reformationis in illustrissimâ vestrâ urbe olim institutae historiam à primis ipsius initiis ( quae antea penitus ignoraveram ) accuratissime deductam , spectandam mihi exhibuit . nam de stilo ac orationis nitore & elegantiâ superfluum est dicere ; quum haec , licet per se magna , aliis majoribus in te dotibus obumbrentur . pro dono igitur tum quod jam misisti , tum quod brevi missurum te polliceris ( quod sanè non possum non avidè expectare ) magnas tibi merito gratias ago ; & siqua in posterum mihi se offerat occasio , in quâ vicissim tibi gratificari possim , lubentissimo animo id sum facturus . deum oro ut quàm diutissimè te servet incolumem , ac tua optima coepta ad summum ecclesiae bonum spectantia , propitius secundet . tuus in christi ministerio conservus . ja. armachanus . ex aedibus nostris terminofechinianis xi kalend. septemb . anno mdcxxxvi . letter cxcii . doctissimo & ornatissimo viro d. constantino l'empereur hebraicarum literarum apud lugduno-batavos celeberrimo professori , amico plurimùm colendo . leydam . clarissime vir ; et literas unas atque alteras à te accepi , & duos quoque libros à te editos : pro quibus , & egregiâ tuâ in me humanitate , ( cujus haec non levia fuerunt indicia ) gratias tibi ago singulares . id verò de scriptis tuis universè non possum non profiteri , me semper ab iis multo discedere doctiorem , & non rerum tantùm absconditarum varietatem , sed & exactum atque limatum judicium in iis deprehendere . nam quod ad felicitatem hebraica vertendi attinet ; nondum novi quem tecum conferre possim , non modo eorum qui nunc sunt , sed & qui prius fuerunt . atque hujus rei insigne prae caeteris specimen dedisti in clave talmudicâ , cujus auctor , cùm tam distorto , conciso , ac intricato sermonis genere utatur , ut deditâ operâ affectasse obscuritatem videatur : adeo tamen in omnes ejus sensus penetrâsti , & nitido ac plano sermone explicâsti , ut qui liber multis in locis ipso talmudae ( cui facem se velle accendere profitetur ) difficilior judicari mereatur , adhibitâ tuâ interpretatione cunctis hebraici sermonis vel mediocriter gnaris factus sit facillimus . sed & librum quem ad te miseram syriacum ( thesauri secretorum inani titulo venditatum ) ita fecisti tuum , ut ex eo me docueris , quae ego priùs nullus observaveram . quod si ille vobis non amplius sit futurus necessarius , velim primâ eum opportunitate mihi remittas . nôram enim vestram bibliorum versionein ( cui illam inservire voluisti ) jamdudum absolutam , & typis excusam esse audio : quod haud dubiè in maximam populi vestri cedet utilitatem , quum à talibus viris , qui isti operi & primitùs invigilârunt & secundas curas adhibuerunt ( inter quos te facilè principem locum tenere censemus ) nihil nisi egregium queat proficisci . ex nuperis domini de dieu literis intelligimus te tractatum talmudicum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 recenter dedisse , ac duas quoque alias babas breviter secuturas : quorum operum non mediocris expectatio me tenet ; quum certissimò mihi persuadeam , ut excaeteris tuis , ita ex his quoque maximos me fructus percepturum . deum oro ut diu te nobis incolumem conservet , ac studiis tuis benedicat . tui studiosissimus . ja. armachanus . ex aedibus nostris termino-fechinianis sept. xv . ann. mdcxxxvi . letter cxciii . admodum reverendo in christo fratri . d. ludovico de dieu , ecclesiae lugduno-batavae pastori dignissimo . leydam . salutem à salutis fonte d. n. jesu christo. literae iii. maii datae , quas intercidisse existimaveram tandem ad manus meas pervenerunt : quum alteras tuas xxii augusti scriptas diu ante accepissem ; ad quas & responsum dedi tunc , quod tibi perlatum esse confido . labor iste , in quo nunc versaris , libros persicè à xaverio scriptos in latinum sermonem convertendi , atque simul cum persico archetypo divulgandi , quin hujus linguae studiosis perutilis futurus sit , nemini potest esse dubium . quod si tantundem quoque solidae gloriae inde tibi accessurum est , minùs dolebimus intermissum à te egregium opus animadversionum in novum testamentum , quarum ea pars , quam jam nunc dedisti , quum summopere nobis placuerit , permagnum ejus quod restabat desiderium nobis commoverat , cujus frustratio sicut dolori nobis est , ita vehementer optamus ut quàm velocissimè absoluto hoc penso quod nunc subiisti , eo reverti velis , tuasque illas notas eo quo caepisti modo praetexere ; unde & ad te plus veri decoris , & ad sacrarum literarum studiosos plus verae utilitatis redundabit . chronologiam illam persicam ( modo alicujus sit antiquitatis & fidei ) omnino dignam putamus quae latino sermone donetur : atque d. eligmanno quem ejus versionem suscipisse scribis , auctores sumus , ut in instituto pergat , idque ad finem perducere contendat . porro ipsi indices velim , quod & multas ipsi pro officiosâ salutatione gratias agimus & optime ipsi cupimus ; cùm ob id , quod tibi viro optimo tantopere carus est , tum ob insignes illas virtutes quibus illum ornatum esse attestaris . quo minùs autem ipsius desiderio de dictionario hibernico satisfacere possim hoc in causâ est , quod nullum adhuc habeamus hujus linguae lexicon sive per se factum , sive cum aliâ linguâ comparatum , saltem non typis editum . alphabetum tamen hibernicum atque integrum novum testamentum unà cum hisce transmitto : siquid inde adjumenti capere possit amicus ille tuus , aut veriùs noster . est quidem lingua haec & elegans cum primis , & opulenta : sed ad eam isto modo excolendam ( sicuti reliquas ferè europae linguas vernaculas intra hoc seculum excultas videmus ) nondum extitit hactenùs qui animum adjiceret . pestem denuo apud vos grassatam esse , cum non parvâ animi aegritudine intelleximus ; deum optimum maximum , qui prius te tuosque tam clementer tutatus est oramus ut nunc itidem ex mediis istius luis flammis vos eripiat , fidelemque pro temporaneâ atque aeternâ salute vestrâ curam gerat . id ex imo vovet pectore . amicus tibi addictus , deditus , obstrictus ja. usserius armachanus . dat. dublinii iiii. januarii juliani natali die meo . rem mihi facturus est gratissimam d. eligmannus , si nuda persioorum dynastarum nomina cum imperii annis ( interea dum opus integram apparatur ) communicare dignatus fuerit . letter cxciv . amplissimo pietate juxta ac eruditione conspicuo praesuli d. jacobo usserio archiepiscopo armachano & hiberniae primati ; domino suo plurimum suspiciendo . dublinium . amplissime vir , venerande in christo pater ; suspicor amico meo johanni eligmanno quem in peregrinarum linguarum collatione versari ex literis meis accepisti , juvandorum studiorum ejus gratia missum . dignus vir est , cujus studiis omnes docti faveant . sub prelo habet aurea carmina pythagorae arabica una cum sua versione , additis variis ejusdem philosophi fragmentis ex arabibus excerptis , quae libri graeci , qui exstant ignorant . sequetur deinde tabula cebetis arabica , amplior & accuratior , quam libri graeci quos europa habuit eam exhibent . habet quoque fere paratum , ex authore persico compendium chronologicum ab orbe condito , quod ab ipso versum & notis ejus illustratum , seculo mythologico magnam lucem addet , & multas fabulas graecorum in orientis historias vertet . ille mecum una ingentes amplit . tuae ob missum librum irlandicum gratias agit , amboque mentem tuam ex proximis literis plenius expectamus . vive diu vir amplissime , & vale ecclesiae reipublicaeque literariae sospes atque incolumis , nosque ut deinceps a more tuo ac favore digneris , obnixe rogamus . datum lugd. batav . aprilis . amplitudini tuae devotissimus , ludovicus de dieu . letter cxcv. admodum reverendo in christo fratri , d. ludovico de dieu ecclesiae lugduno-batavae pastori fidelissimo . literas tuas cum adjuncto librorum academiae vestrae catalogo diu est quod accepi , uti & alteras posteà quibus argumenta ephraemi opusculorum incluseras ; pro quibus maximas tibi gratias & ago & habeo . admodum vero indolui casum tuum qui filium primogenitum , & quidem talem amiseris : cui tamen levando solatia praebere non est visum , non modo quod propriâ sapientiâ abunde instructus sis ad haec & similia , quibus omnes obnoxii sumus , fortiter toleranda ; sed etiam quòd tantum temporis intercesserit , ut sit intempestivum nunc adhibendo remedia obductam jam vulneris cicatricem refricare possem videri . hoc tantam dicam , non tuam tantùm vicem , sed & publicam me doluisse in hâc calamitate : quum ecclesia simul & res literaria non potuerint à tanto ingenio & taliter exculto non maximos suo tempore fructus percipere ; ac proinde in hâc jacturâ non parum & ipsae amisserint , ac tecum in partem detrimenti , & eam quidem permagnam , venerint . sed quum deus hoc ità esse voluerit ac ipsius decreta impatienter ferre non minùs irreligiosum sit quàm irritum , omnino in ipsius voluntate est acquiescendum . latorem istorum istuc transmisimus ad coemendos illic characteres vel syriacos vel hebraicos , quibus hîc imprimamus vetus testamentum syriacum ; quod facere statuimus simul atque ipse ad nos reversus fuerit , ac proinde rogatum te velim ut per ipsum nobis remittas pentateuchum syriacum & psalterium , quae olim tibi commodavimus . quippe iis notis opus fuerit ad tollenda errata alterius nostri exemplaris , in quibus , etiam ubi sunt admodum manifesta , nihil mutare volumus , nisi aliorum codicum auctoritate . quod si & vobis vel in publica bibliothecâ , vel in privatis , quippiam hujusmodi librorum est , ulla videlicet pars veteris testamenti syriaci , quaeso ut collatis operis cum d. l'empereur ( ad quem itidem super hâc re scripsi ) id nobis procuretis : pro quo officio permagnas vobis gratias habebimus , ac codices vestros simul ac opus nostrum fuerit absolutum ( quod parvo temporis spatio speramus fore ) fideliter restituemus . pluribus non agam tecum , ut hanc rem tibi commendatam faciam , quum non dubitem quin per se tibi magnopere cordi futura sit , utpote cum bono publico ecclesiae ac literarum conjuncta , ac proinde omnibus istarum studiosis pro virili promovenda . deus te , charissime frater , quàm diutissimè incolumem nobis conservet , tuisque optimis studiis benedicat . vale. tuus in christi ministerio conservus , ja. usserius armachanus . dublinii , julii vii . anno . letter cxcvi. a letter from mr. battiere , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend father in god , my most honoured lord ; i have received a letter from your grace by mr. cullen , with much joy , as well to hear of your grace's good health ( which i pray to god may continue long so for the good of christendom ) as to see me favoured with some employment again for your grace , than whom i know no body living i desire to serve with more affection : i will with one word , set down here what hath been done in your lordship's business since mr. cullen's arrival . i brought him first to my lord the earl of leicester , who for your grace's sake , and his own worth , shewed him all kindness , and to mr. joanes . i carried him to mr. duluy , where he made acquaintance , bestowing a complement upon them from your grace . pere sirmond and mr. rigault , we could not find at home yet , nor gabriel the sionita , whose great bible i shewed him also , and conferred the syrian characters together , of which there be three or four here ; but of this mr. cullen will give a better account a while hence ; for i have written also to geneva , where such a character is to be sold , to have the sight of it in print , and at what rate they mean to sell it , to compare the prices and characters together with these here . in the mean while mr. cullen is advised to sequester himself from english and irish , to profit the more in the french tongue , for conversing afterwards with those that he hath business withal , and to that end i hope he will not be denied a prorogation of his licence of travelling and absenting himself from the colledg for some few months longer , with the continuation of his stipend ( he being imployed in work so good for the common wealth ) especially upon your grace's commendation . i have set one to work for the transcribing of concil . lemovicense , and theodori poenitentiale , and will go on with the rest one by one , as i can get them ; for to demand so much at once , would seem strange to them , although they be very courteous and officious . of printed books , i bought vita leonis & caroli of sirmondus ; but the rest marked to me , are not his . hincmari opusc. are of cordesius , and i think you grace hath them . ivo carnotensis of juret . damianus of caetan a benedictine . bellarm. de script . eccl. of sirmond , but scarce any thing altered in it . browerus de treverensis ecclesiae antiquit , i cannot get yet . there is nothing added to the councils of binius , nor any thing printed of st. chrysostom but what your grace hath . du chesnes's third and fourth volume are a printing , but not yet finished . this kingdom being now in wars on all sides , doth not afford any great design for the advancement of learning . of late , one mr. gallant a counsellor of state , and a protestant , set forth a book de franco allodio in french , in which he gives a touch unto the waldenses history , and simon de montfort : i wrote of this man heretofore to your grace , as one best versed in that history , and best stored with their writings ; this book i will send with the rest . i wonder your grace hath not received my former , with one from mr. buxtorf ; if i am not deceived , i sent them away with those of the city and university of basil to my lord deputy ; to whom i made bold to add one of mine , to thank his greatness for the favour of my naturalization in ireland , and for his nobleness to my kinsman frey . i am not so out with ireland , ( where i have heretofore received so good entertainment ) but i hope to see it again ; which i desire the more for your grace's sake , to tender my best respects in person to so much worth ; and should think me happy if i could deserve a mean prebend in your cathedral , to wait more close upon your grace . i humbly crave your grace's blessing , and remain with my hearty prayers for your health and prosperity , your grace's most humbly obedient and devoted servant , j. battiere . paris ● / ● august . my lord the earl of leicester remembers his love and service to your grace . letter cxcvii . illustrissimo viro domino jacobo usserio armachano totius hyberniae archiepiscopo . dublin . d. i. v. s. p. antistes reverende ; quas ad me septembris dedisti literas ubi perlegissem , non mediocriter incensus fui , ut in eruenda antiquitate judaica , & iis quae ad gentem illam ex propriis ipsorum scriptis convincendam faciunt , evulgandis , majori quam antea animi alacritate progredi animo meo constituerem . benignum enim istud de scriptis meis judicium non potui non facere maximi : ut pote ab eo profectum quem belgium hoc confoederatum ( ut alias linquam nationes ) ob acerrimum judicium & latissimam eruditionem suspicit ac miratur summè . hoc tempore si quis abstrusiora tractet , vel invidia , vel pravo imperitorum judicio saepe laborat : utriusque securum jure optimo reddunt tanti viri ( qui mihi & belgio nostro est instar omnium ) favor ac judicium . hoc nomine ingentes ago gratias uti etiam pro thesauro secretorum , quem uti singulari promovendae cognitionis studio miseras , ita etiam diuturniorem in reddendo à me necti moram passus . sed jam per d. legatum boswellum remitto navi , quae rotterodamo rectà in hiberniam solvit . animum etiam in omnes literatos pronum in eo agnosco , quod articulos fidei in hiberniae synodo stabilitos ad primas literas obtinuerim . quos viris doctis & orthodoxiae amantibus communico ; postea isti missurus qui ( ut antea scripsi ) confessionum orthodoxarum editionem molitur . vicissim vobis catalogum librorum , quos d. golius ex oriente attulit , quemque d. botius petierat , transmitterem : verum d. de dieu , utsibi id officii relinquerem voluit ; ut qui ea de re literas à d. tua accepisset . accepi hisce diebus à d. gomaro t. d. & professore in academia groeningana poesin abraam , sive veteram illam carminum rationem ac formam , qua poemata sacri contextus in jobo , psalmis , proverbiis , diversisque canticis , concinnata & confecta fuere . eamque poesin cum illa pindari & sophoclis perpetuò confert . hujus editionem mihi mandavit : atque alia mea opera nonnihil remoratus est . etenim cum liber perpetuis exemplis refertus sit eqque sine versione latina apposuerit , super eo monitus non responsurum fructum nisi ea vetantur ; hanc operam mihi offerenti imposuit , ne forte liber si remitteretur in itinere periret . de ista veteri poesi scripsere etiam antehac docti libri cosroes author , abrabaniel , & rabbi azarias : quem postremum vertere incaepi . sed isti aliam sequuntur rationem , ut qui magis in membrorum inter se convenientia , quam in syllabarum quantitate & numero , metrum investigent . atque haec hactenus . caeterum d. o. m. veneror ut curis ac laboribus d. tuae benedicat , eamque ecclesiae suae quam diutissimè superesse concedat . interim permanere gestio , amplitudinis tuae cliens humillimus , constantinus l'empereur . lug. bat. kal. jan. an. . letter cxcviii. a letter from mr. arnoldus botius , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . reverendissime domine ; dum tuam in evangelia catenam syriacam percurro obiter , deprehendi , quod praeter ineptas illas allegorias , de quibus jam tum ex prima inspectione r. d. t. locutus fueram , multa etiam seria , ac lectu omnino digna , contineat , ac plerorumque locorum difficiliorum interpretationes afferat minime poenitendas . sed & non pauca ibi reperi , ad controversias hodie inter nos ac pontificios agitari solitas spectantia , & quidem ejusmodi partim , ut ipsis potius quam nobis favere videantur . sane de sacra communione ita loquitur , acsi panis & vini transubstantiationem ( ut nunc loquimur ) planissime agnosceret ; adeo quidem , ut siquis papistarum velit veterum quempiam pro sua causa loquentem introducere , ac pro arbitrio suo ipsius verba efformare , non videam quid ultra desiderare possit . sed fortasse me judicium fallit . tu , domine , judicabis ; in quem finem totum locum non quidem hic inserendum duxi ( quum prolixior esset ) sed per se descriptum , huic epistolae inclusi . rursus sunt ibi , quae pro nobis potius facere videantur , cujusmodi est enarratio matt. . . ad verba illa , confitentes peccata sua , ubi quum movisset quaestionem , quomodo veriti non fuerint judaei , peccata sua palam profiteri , quum ex lege mosis ( quae minuta duntaxat peccata , tamque quae per ignorantiam commissa essent , expiabat ) confitentes reos certe mors , & quidem lapidationis , maneret [ ego adhuc quaero , unde hoc hauserit ] ac respondisset , his verbis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 johannes major ipsis habetur , dederatque ipsi deus baptisare in poenitentiam , ut ostenderet , abolitam esse legem , & sacrificiorum tempus praeteriisse , ac advenisse foedus novum , quod peccatores poenitentes suscipit : deinde hanc apponit observationem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hinc animo collige tres ordines sacerdotum ; unus est eorum sub lege , qui offerebant sacrificia pro peccatis per ignorantiam commissis : iis vero peccatis , quae scienter patrata erant , mortem lapidationis infligebant . . johannis , qui baptisando , peccata scienter commissa , palam faciebat . . sacerdotes novi foederis , dum baptisant , non faciunt peccata palam , sed expiant peccata tam scienter quam ignoranter commissa , & remissionem eorum exhibeat . hic quum novi foederis sacerdotibus non aliam remissionis peccatorum administrationem attribuat quam baptismum , omnino mihi inde sequi videtur , confessionem auricularem , & quae ipsi annectitur remissionem peccatorum , ipsi ignotam fuisse , quum alioquin ejus mentionem hic facere debuerit , loco ipso id prorsus efflagitante . pluribus r. d. t. nunc non distinebo ; quare hic finiens , divinae protectioni ipsam supplianter commendo . r. d. tuae devotissimus cliens , arnoldus botius . dublin , octob. . letter cxcix . a letter from dr. william gilbert , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my very good lord ; all my expectancies for observation of this lunar eclipse last tuesday morning , were lost in the cloudy disposition of the heavens for that time ; which offered matter of more consequence to my meditation , in that idle interim of expecting a fairer season : that hysteron proteron of opinions in translating the sun into the center , and making it stationary ; in advancing the earth up into an orb , and making it ambulatory : howsoever it hath suffered by popular prejudice in some , and the resty disposition of others in their own errors , yet doth it excellently accommodate many irregular motions to account , and open a large field for the search and invention of high things : for thus , by the apparent semidiameter of the sun in his apoge , and the angle of half the conick shadow of the earth , is most artificially and easily determined the true parallax of the sun ; and by the parallax his distance from the earth ; and by these , the semidiamiter of the fixt stars and planets , together with the several parallaxes they make upon the orb of the earth , and their distances . upon this account the semidiameter of the orb of the earrh in his middle-distance from the sun , is semidiameters of the earth , the cube of is , , , : and so many times is the orb of the earth or sun , bigger than the earth it self ; yet all this whole orb , in respect of the orb of saturn , ( which makes not one minute of parallax upon it ) is but a point : and the orb of saturn again , in respect of the firmament , is but a point ; for the fix'd stars make but a parallax of five minutes at the orb of saturn , ( as by the difference of the semidiameters of their orbs may appear ) ; so that i wonder at many of the ancients , that have shrunk and shrivelled up these two heavens of the planets , and of the fix'd stars into one , whereas they are not only almost infinitely and disproportionably distant , but are also distinguish'd by their different heat and light ; this planetary heaven having its heat and light from its heart and centre , the sun , which from thence communicates his heat and light to all the planets , more or less , as they are nearer or farther from him : and therefore we see how languishing a light he lends to saturn , as being twice farther from him than some of the rest , and the last of those bodies receive light from him . what the world ( now come to spectacles ) hath by her optick eyes of glass lately discovered , is obvious to every man ; namely , that saturn ( a body times bigger than this earth that bears us ) hath , besides the same sun common to us with it , to serve it by day , a certain number of moons also appropriate to it to serve it by night : and that jupiter ( a body times bigger than this earth ) hath , besides the same sun common to us with it , to serve it by day , three moons also appropriate to it to serve it by night : and whereof ( if need were ) we could give the places , and the several vicissitudes of their changes , wains , and fulls . our earth also ( proportionable to her bigness ) hath one moon assigned her for her service by night ; which , howsoever great by its very nearness it appears to us on earth , yet undoubtedly is as undiscoverable from the orb of jupiter , as are his moons from hence , which are not seen without spectacles : what all these things may import , i spare to speak , that this earth may enjoy her own opinion , to have been the only work of god in his creation in this kind ; yet of saturn , jupiter , and others of that kind , with that rich and fair furniture about them , i only say , as upon the discovery of some sumptuous richly hung house , and all shining with lights and torches , surely that house was not so made and furnish'd for rats and mice to dwell in . upon the suburbs of saturn , begin the confines of the second and starry heaven , whose almost infinite extension , is such , as that the whole planetary heaven ( whose bounds is the orb of saturn ) bears but the proportion of a point unto it , and gives but a parallax of five minutes at the fix'd stars ; the light of this starry heaven , as far transcending the light of the sun , as doth the sun that of a candle . and here to measure out these starry bodies , we take not the short scantling of the earth , or sun's semidiameter , but the whole orb of the earth , or sun it self ; and they come out so vast , that had i not the warrant of a demonstration to do it , i should think they did exceed all belief , though not the truth . a star of the first magnitude , comes out twenty thousand and three and fifty times bigger than the whole orb of the earth or sun. a star of the second magnitude , times bigger than the orb of the earth ; and so proportionably the rest . and therefore is the extent of this starry heaven such , and so vast , that the light and heat of these huge and many suns , might not confound the light , and fire the frame of this lower heaven . if then the light of one petty sun here below be such as no eye can endure it , what inaccessible light must that of this second and starry heaven be , where are such inexhaustible suns , and so many of them , that though ptolomy from alexandria could count but ; and tycho from his uraniburgh but , yet appear they by the perspective , as infinite for number , as they are almost incomprehensible for their vastness . all these vast lights , and that vaster heaven that holds them , are but the portal to that third and supream heaven which he inhabits , whom st. james calls pater luminum , the father of these vast lights , which yet are but torches to him that made them . this is a building well befitting him that framed it , as near infinity as may be , yet not infinite ; yet compared to him that made it , it is all as a point , as nothing . from this height have we a full survey of the true poorness of man ; for from this starry height , look but down towards the earth , and how many thousand degrees beneath , ( nothing to be seen ) is it vanish'd away where then are the pompous parts of it , asia , africa , and the new-found america what is become of europe , the least and last part of it what of ireland , and the several subdivisions into which it is shted ; and those petty parcels of it to which we so ambitiously intitle our names and vanities what great share enjoy we of those fathomless fountains of heat and light , those many glorious suns send out yet we must be ( by our own account ) the only creatures of excellency , for whom all these things were made so might the spider , nested in the roof of the grand seignior's seraglio , say of her self , all that magnificent and stately structure , set out with gold and silver , and embellish'd with all antiquity and mosaick work , was only built for her to hang up her webs and toyls to take flies . we the glorious ants of this earth , magnify our selves upon this mole-hill here , to be the great and sole end of the world's workmanship ; whilst we consider not how little and nothing we are of it . from hence i sometimes take down mine own towring thoughts , when they prompt me forward to the pursuit of these petty preferments here below ; for but looking up to this starry heaven , they are lost , and come out , upon account from thence , no more considerable than the cast dust under my feet . from hence also i learn temper , and am put into a large possession of my self ; for take but the opinion of man 's own excellency from him , he will then be becalm'd into temper , and receive his sufferings without risings and rebellion of heart , and as no indignities done him ; whilst comparing himself with himself , and things below him , he dwarfs his understanding , and swells into a conceit of being some-body ; whom when his turn of trouble and afflictions overtake him , he knows not what he hath done may deserve them , or why he alone , amongst all men , should be singled out for such a suffering , and hath secret risings of heart against god , that sends it sometimes belch'd out in blasphemies , or other symptoms of a proud and ignorant spirit , who with his low-built knowledg , never soaring higher than the pitch of himself , and men about him , takes himself to be the complement of the whole creation , and all things tied to his service ; and therefore takes all afflictions as affronts and indignities done him ; whereas he that from this height beholds himself in the infinite lustre of all these lights and suns that never set about him , shall see himself comparatively such a thing as comes out many degrees beneath nothing ; and is taken up in admiration , how a god served by hosts of creatures of such excellent glory , should vouchsafe such honour to his despicable dust and ashes , as to seek his own glory in his sufferings , which makes him strangely ambitious of offering up his body to the rack , the flame , and other instruments of torture , and that with such a setledness of suffering in them , as if he suffered in a borrowed body , or one of air. i have chawed many times upon those husks and chaffy terms of infinitum , aeternum , and the like , which the schools give us to apprehend god in ; but i confess i could never get them down , or swallow them any way , to enlarge my conceit of god by them ; whereas he that orderly ascends the rounds of these two visible heavens ; first , by the chaste observations of his own , and undeceived sense ; secondly , by inductions , fresh and unadulteratly drawn from those observations ; and lastly , by undeniable demonstrations built upon those inductions ; shall find his understanding so exalted , and his heart enlarged in the apprehension of god's omneity , and his own nothing ( and that not petitory , but commanding his assent ) that i dare say , no means ( not divine ) can make a man walk more humbly with his god , more honestly with his neighbour , or more soberly with himself , than the almost infinity of these creatures so made sensible . if by your grace's leave i may but borrow these hypotheses for such purposes as these , you shall not further need to fear that i will find out new worlds where god hath made none . your grace his most obedient servant , will. gilberte . dublin , decemb. . cic : ic : c : xxxviii . letter cc. a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the reverend dr. ward . reverend sir ; the manuscript latin copy of ignatius in caius colledg library , hath this singular in it , that in the genuine epistles , ( for the other i heed not ) those passages are wanting , which are excepted against as insititious and supposititious by our writers ; and that the place touching the eucharist cited by theodoret , out of the epistle to the smyrnians , which is wanting in all other books , is to be found in this . but i intend , e're long , to publish ignatius my self , as considering it to be a matter of very great consequence , to have a writer of his standing to be freed ( as much as may be ) from these interpolations of later times . your observation , that the canons of the apostles are of a later date , is very right ; as also of the time of the laodicen councils , wherein baronius is undoubtedly deceived . sir henry spelman sent me a part of his collections of our british councils , printed in a large folio , as much as reacheth from pag. , to , which i am now a revising , and supplying with some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which may be added by way of appendix . both that work of his , and mine also of the antiquities of the british churches ( with the pelagian history inserted thereunto ) will come abroad , i hope , this next term. i sent to paris to get a new transcript of rathramus de corpore & sanguine domini , out of thuanus his library ; but instead of the text which i desired , they sent me only an appendix subjoined thereunto out of ambrose augustine , &c. touching the same argument . i had a copy also from thence of rathramus his collections against the grecians , which is a large tractate . those other two treatises of his , i suppose you have compared with the manuscript belonging to the late master of benet-colledg ; and another manuscript of the same , you may find in the library of the cathedral church of salisbury . the infirmities of old age ( which i am sorry do come so fast upon you ) being so many messengers to give us warning of our dissolution , should put you in mind of putting your writings in good order , that in them you may live and speak unto the church when you are dead . so with the remembrance of my best wishes , i recommend you , and all your godly endeavours , to the blessing of almighty god ; evermore resting , your very loving brother , and fellow labourer , ja. armachanus . dublin , sept. . . letter cci. reverendissimo in christo patri , antistiti erudissimo jacobo usserio armachano dubliniae vel alibi in hiberniae . cum pridiano p. r. lectissima tua filia masculinam illam multis mihi charam nominibus heroinam baringtonam stowhallae praedio in agro suffolciensi nostro comitata sit pomeridiano ; quinàm fieri potuit , quin cognitâ natâ , in vera parentis optimi praeconia me totum effunderem . nisi te verecundari cogerem aliquam duntaxat eorum , quae tum mihi animitùs exciderunt partem sub incude revocarem . ego enim pietati primas , eruditioni secundas vices tribuo ; literatos valdè veneror , sanctitate morum insignes pluris sacio : ubi autem summam eruditionem ( ut proh dolor in te pene unico ) cum intimâ pietate conjunctam reperio vix fando , exprimi possit , quanta mihi exinde admiratio , delectatio , dilectio exorta sint . novum de antiquitatibus à p. v. ecclesiasticis excusum esse opus , eadem mihi domina retulit baringtona , quo cùm laeticiam , tum maerorem mihi excussit . laeticiam ob tantum à summo indultum ecclesiae suae numine beneficium : maerorem , quod paucula illa quae fortassis solus tibi adjutoria ministrare potis eram , propter ignotam mihi hanc festinationem ad te mittere omiserim . annos enim totos tredecim magnae britanniae veram molitus sim historiam , ex ipsis majorem partem arduuis vindicandam . ex vetustissimis schedis & exaesis non rarò membranis propriâ nostrâ integros manu tomos excerpsimus . bibliothecam post cottonis in fallor ( quem vixisse doleo ) inter privatas anglicanas locupletissimam numismatis aureis , argenteis , aeneis , autographis & mss. codicibus exornatam instauravimus . cum enim tot in vetustis nugas , tot in neotericis ex plebis faece magnam partem ortis commenta videram , opus hoc ingens & cui me omnino imparem non diffiteor aggressus sim. quid enim de caeteris sperandum , cum vix aut ne vix una in ipsius camdeni decantatâ toties britanniâ suis caret erroribus pagina . dum regum molimina , res bello ac pace gestas , foedera , jura , praelia & id genus alia britannicam spectantia politeiam regero ; non me effugiunt ecclesiae sub britannis puritas , morgani eorum gentilis ambitio , apostasia , haeresis , nominis à graeco idiomate in pelagium detorsio ( mor enim britannieè mare gan. cum sonat ) ipsius in vendis heiè turbis symmistarum doli ; vortigerni gennisiorum id est , occiduorum saxonum ducis proditiones ; regni pelagianis quibus munia irrogaverat ecclesiastica innixus invasio , stupra , incestus & alia scelera : quae ipsius tandem in synodo clericorum & laicorum ( ut inquit nennius mss. suis chronicis sect. . fol. . a. britannicâ ) excommunicatio & vivicomburium exceperunt . integram istius haereseωs etsi brevissimè contexui historiam : eamque redivivam inter pontificios ( uti incomparabilis , fatetur jacobus thuanus in claromontani sodalitii sociis ) in execrandis evangelicos penes anabaptistis ( novante & larvato vanissimi arminii insignitis nomine ) & pseudo-lutheranis reperio . cum se isti igitur seductores pestilentissimi , à bernardi rotmanni , thomae munceri , michaelis serveti tarraconensis , bernardini ochini senensis , laelii socini itali , sebastiani castellionis allobrogis ( qui sua etiam ; sub ementito martini bellii nomine venena christianis digerenda propinavit ) temporibus se totos pene octoginta annos elapsos anabaptistas indigetarunt ( unde verè fatetur johannes barnefeldius se istis dogmatis nomen dedisse priusquam arminium noverat ) malè sibi sanè consuluerunt orthodoxi , qui oscitantia sive incuriâ , novae isti postliminio irrepenti appellationi non temporiùs se opposuerunt . hinc enim in tantam provecti sunt isti veteratorii audaciam ; ut se lutheri vestigiis impudenter insistere mentiuntur ; cum tamen ipse augustinus contra servum arbitrium pro dei gratiâ vix luthero fortiùs calamum suum strinxit . imò modestiores ethnici , teste xenophonte , daemonibus suis praescientiam rerum omnium attribuerunt ; quo impietatum affatim imbibisse christiani illi revincuntur , qui nihilo amplius vero deo adscribi patiantur . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( mquit ille in libro de convivio excuso parisiis . pag. . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . spem mihi de p. v. in angliam vere ineunti non minimam adventu oculissima tua secit filia : faxit deus ut tanto veritatis & evangelii sui assertori itum reditumque indulgeat tutum . liberali tum moliminum nostrorum communicatione te inter manuum tuarum deosculationes defatigamus . magnam spelmannus noster suâ dedicatione & ante concilia nuper excusa praesatione piis omnibus offensam cievit . ego amicè quid in illis desiderarem , quid inducerem liberè exposui ; quibus enumerandis impraesentiarum supersedeo : ingenuè aliqua fassus se volente nolente expuncta , addita , interpolata ; alia reprehendi aegerrimè tulit , nec postremò illud in me , te omnia adprobasse , vibravit jaculum . de his aliisque nonnullis si copiam tui nobis indulgeat deus opt. max. mutuo transigamus alloquio . interim p. v. sit exorata , ut mihi hanc libertatem , quod incognitus te impolitis hisce compellare sim ausus codicillis , ignoscat . p. v. deditissimus , simonds d'ewes . stowhallae in agro suffolciensi septem . . . calculo juliano . letter ccii. a letter from — dudley loftus , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . reverendissime pater ; tam memor sum tuorum erga me benesiciorum , ut pro illis gratias non magnas ; sed ut dicunt ingentes , hoc tibi egissem tempore , nisi satis mihi compertum comprehensumque fuisset , quam vehementer à tritâ illa & populari gratiarum actione animus tuus abhorreat , verum si quanta mihi adreferendas gratias est voluntas , tanta ad easdem aliquando praestandas suppeteret facultas , animum certe meum non beneficii immemorem aut ingratum argueres , sed singulari erga te studio affectum persentisceres . tibi comparavi librorum graecorum m. s. catalogum ; quem una cum his literis accipies , & si aliquid restat quod mearum virium erit perficere , rem mihi gratissimam facies , si in illo perficiendo me uti servo velis , quod per totum hoc tempus non catalogum neque literas accepisti , obsecro ne mei erga te officii debiti , vel tuorum erga me beneficiorum oblivione factum esse existimes , nam nihil à vero dicere , hic tantum est secundus dies post quem mihi videre catalogum licebat cujus ad exemplar his conscriptus fuit , in bibliotheca bodl. librum quendam aethiopicum m. s. inveni , cui titulus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quem in linguam latinam transferre incepi ulteriusque progredi mihimet proposui , si non tibi displicuisse intellexero : & tu ulterius progrediendi approbator esse velis , sin minus facile manum referam ; hic liber etiam si quamplurimis ad mariam virginem preculis abundans , haud omnino esse indignum interpretis labore ex his verbis , quae tibi transcripsi patet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : horum verborum interpretatio est ut sequitur [ beatus ego propter fiduciam meam : & non propter justitiam meam , beatus ego propter fidem meam , & non propter puritatem meam ] . vale totius europae splendor , totius terrarum orbis eximium decus , & te persuasum habeas , quod ego ad omnia officia vestrae gratiae praestanda , quavis oportunitate oblatâ memet paratissimum ostendam , tuorum servorum humillimus in perpetuum erit , dudleius loftus . oxon , novemb. . an. d. . letter cciii . a letter from mr. arnold boate , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . reverendissime domine ; artabani illud testimonium , à brissonio citatum est ex plutarcho , uti videre poteris ex inclusa charta , in qua totam illam brissonii periocham descripsi , utpote continentem varia aliorum autorum dicta eodem spectantia , quae proposito tuo utilia ( ut credo ) nesciebam an tibi in promptu essent , aut nunc succurrerent . proxime post illa , à me exscripta , subjungit briss. de cultu venerationis seu adorationis , regibus suis exhiberià persis solito , varia è diversis autoribus documenta : qui cultus , divinus potius quam humanus , à sacrilega vel regum arrogantia vel subditorum adulatione profectus , jure graecis summopere semper displicuit , foedusque ac detestabilis visus est , impium nimis credentibus , honorem deo debitum mortali exhibere : qua de re prolixe ibidem agit brissonius , indeque mihi in mentem venit , honorifica illa persarum de regibus suis praeconia parum aut nihil ponderis habere , quum palam sit , eos omnem hac in parte modum excessisse , ac reges suos non tanquam dei ministros & vicarios coluisse , sed tanquam ipsos deos , eodem sacrilegio , quo postea romani caesaribus templa arasque ponebant , & sacrificia adolebant , non modò defunctis , atque in divorum numerum relatis , sed adhuc in terra degentibus : & qua hodieque nonnullas nationes , infra omnem servilitatem abjectae , principi suo omnipotentiam quandam & omniscientiam attribuunt . locus in platonis politico , de quo quaeris , hic est , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ democratia scilicet ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ monarchia seu regia ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quae verba ut recte intelligantur , nonnulla altius repetenda sunt . quippe plato in isto tractatu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( quae duo toto passim libro iudifferenter usurpat ) in duo summa genera dividit : quorum unum in tria genera secetur , prout imperium ac rerum summa vel penes unum est , vel apud plures vel in toto populo : quae genera usitatis nominibus monarchia , oligarchia , & democratia dicta , rursus bifariam singula secentur , prout vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , verbi gratia monarchia in regiam ac tyrannicam , & sic de caeteris : ut in universum sex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 species hoc genus sub se comprehendat : has autem omnes , ac tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , excludit ab appellatione verae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cujus duntaxat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sint , meliora vel deteriora , prout ex legum praescripto gubernantur , vel secus . alterum autem genus , quum in verbis supra allegatis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat , statuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : hoc inter utrumque genus ponens discrimen , quod in secundaria , seu imitatrice , legum ac consuetudinum praescripto obstricti teneantur , qui imperant , quique promde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; in altera verò , proprio arbitrio ac liberrimo judicio omnia disponant , nullis legum vinculis obligati , utpote artem , bene ac conducibiliter gubernandi homines , exactissime callentes : proptereaque non magis ullis scriptis regulis , vel propriis vel alienis , adstringendi , quàm vel medicus vel gubernator in exercenda sua arte ex scripto agere solent . verborum igitur supra allegatorum hic est sensus , quod de sex illis civilis regiminis speciebus praestantissima sit justum ac legitimum regnum , & reliquis quinque longe antecellat ; & ipsum tamen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( imaginariae scilicet , & qualis nulla unquam fuit , nisi in primo seu aureo seculo , quando hominibus praeerant dii , sicuti mutis animalibus homines ; quam fabulam prolixe tractat in eodem libro plato ) non magis conferendum sit , quam homines diis . quanquam enim utrique , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unum idemque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nomen sit commune , ac ambo reges appellentur ; latissimum tamen inter ipsos esse intervallum . ex illo igitur loco non potest platoni attribui , acsi dixisset , regem esse velut deum inter homines ; quum illud dixerit non de regibus , quales sunt fueruntque in mundo , sed qualem inter reliquas ideas sibimet ipse consinxit : quod quia videre non poteras , si nuda tantum verba illa , de quibus r. d. t. quaerebat , ascripsissem ; ideo me in tantam prolixitatem necessario diffudi . i do not in any part of my studies take so much delight , as i do in what may be serviceable to your grace : whom praying to rest fully assured of that , and accordingly to employ me , as often as occasion shall be offered , i humbly take leave , ever remaining , your grace's most affectionate servant , arnold boate. dublin , nov. . . letter cciv. a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the learned lewis de dieu . reverendissimo in christo fratri d. lodovico de dieu , ecclesiae lugduno-batavae pastori fidelissimo . leydam . postremae tuae literae ( dilectissime frater ) londini mihi sunt redditae unà cum catalogo , & librorum quos mihi comparaveras pretio , quod ut illic persolveretur , probi cujusdam bibliopolae londinensis fidei commendavi . interim gratissima mihi fuit tua cura de locupletandâ bibliothecâ meâ novo hoc auctario , cui & xx . illa volumina graecorum aristotelis interpretum accessisse , mihi jam gratulor ; ea cum reliquis libris londinum ad bibliopolam illum de quo dixi ( post pretium enumeratum ) transmitti velim . quas britannicarum turbarum futurus sit exitus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hiberniae enim nostrae status adhuc est pacatissimus , de cujus motibus inanes apud vos sparsi fuerant rumores sed de nostris rebus omnibus certiores vos reddet d. boswellus noster , qui confestim ad vos iter ingressurus est . deus te custodiat , & piis tuis laboribus benedicat . scripsit haec raptim , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ja. usserius armacanus . londini , jun. . m. dc . xl. letter ccv . a learned letter of the late arch-bishop of armagh , concerning the sabbath , and observation of the lord's day . worthy sir ; your letter of the first of february came unto my hands the seventh of april ; but my journy to dublin following thereupon , and my long stay in the city , ( where the multiplicity of my publick and private employments would scarce afford me a breathing time ) was such , that i was forced to defer my answer thereunto , untill this short time of my retiring into the country : where , being now absent also from my library , i can rather signify unto you , how fully i concur in judgment with those grounds , which you have so judiciously laid in that question of the sabbath , than afford any great help unto you in the building , which you intend to raise thereupon ( for when i gave my self unto the reading of the fathers , i took no heed unto any thing that concerned this argument , as little dreaming that any such controversy would have arisen among us ) ; yet generally i do remember that the word sabbatum in their writngs doth denote our saturday : although by analogy from the manner of speech used by the jews , the term be sometimes transferred to denote our christian festivities also , as sirmondus the jesuite observeth , out of sidonius apollinaris , ( lib. . epist. . ) where , describing the moderation of the table of theodorick , king of the goths , upon the eves , and the excesse on the holy-day following ; he writeth of the one , that his convivium diebus profestis simile privato est ; but of the other , de luxu autem illo sabbatario narrationi meae super sedendum est , qui nec latentes potest latere personas . and because the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the fourth commandment pointeth at the sabbath , as it was in the first institution , the seventh day from the creation : therefore they held that christians were not tied to the observance thereof . whereupon you may observe , that s. augustine in his speculum ( in operum tomo o. ) purposely selecting those things which appertained unto us christians ; doth wholly pretermit that precept , in the recital of the commandments of the decalogue ; not because the substance of the precept was absolutely abolished : but because it was in some parts held to be * ceremonial , and the time afterwards was changed in the state of the new testament , from the th to the first day of the week : as appeareth by the author of the sermon , de tempore ( in o tomo operum augustini : ) and that place of athanasius in homil . de semente , where he most plainly saith touching the sabbath , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whereupon caesarius arelatensis in his twelfth homily , doubted not to preach unto the people ; verè dico , fratres , satis durum & prope nimis impium est , ut christiani non habeant reverentiam diei dominico , quam judaei observare videntur in sabbato , &c. charles the great in his laws , taketh it for granted , that our observation of the lord's day is founded upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the fourth commandment . statuimus ( saith he , * libro o. capitularium , cap. . ) secundum quod & in lege dominus praecepit , ut opera servilia diebus dominicis non agantur ; sicut & bonae memoriae genitor meus in suis synodalibus edictis mandavit . and lotharius likewise , in legibus alemannorum , titulo . † die dominico nemo opera servilia praesumat sacere : quia hoc lex prohibuit , & sacra scriptura in omnibus contradicit . accommodating the law of god touching the sabbath unto our observation of the lord's day , by the self-same analogy ; that the church of england now doth in her publick prayer : lord have mercy upon us , and incline our hearts to keep this law. the jewes commonly hold two things touching their sabbath ; as manasses ben-israel sheweth in his eighth probleme , de creatione ; which he published at amsterdam the last year . first , that the observation thereof was commanded only unto the * israelites , ( where he speaketh also of the seven precepts of the sons of noah ; which have need to be taken in a large extent , if we will have all the duties that the heathen were tyed unto to be comprised therein . ) secondly , that it was observed by the patriarchs , before the coming out of egypt . for that then the observation began ; or that the israelites were brought out of egypt , or the egyptians drowned upon the sabbath ; i suppose our good friend mr. mead will not be able to evince , either out of † deut. . . or out of any other scripture whatsoever . and the text , gen. . . ( as you well note ) is so clear for the ancient institution of the sabbath , and so fully vindicated by dr. rivet , from the exceptions of gomarus , that i see no reason in the earth why any man should make doubt thereof ; especially considering withal , that the very gentiles , both civil and barbarous , both ancient and of later days , as it were by an universal kind of tradition , retained the distinction of the seven days of the week ; which if dr. heylin had read , so well proved as it is by rivetus and salmasius , he would not have made such a conclusion as he doth : that because the heathen ( of the four great monarchies at least ) had no distinction of weeks , therefore they could observe no sabbath ; whereas he might have found , that the distinction of the days of the week did reach etiam ad ipsos usque sauromatas ; for even of the slavonians themselves ( while they yet continued in their ancient paganism ) thus writeth helmoldus , chronic. slavor . lib. . cap. . illic secundâ feriâ papulus terrae , cum flamine & regulo , convenire solebant propter judicia : the same order of the days of the week being retained by them , which theophilus the old bishop of antioch noteth to have been observed by all mankind . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith he , lib. . ad antolycum ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) confounding as it seemeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as also doth lactantius , lib. . cap. . ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherewith we may joyn that other place of johannes philoponus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. . cap. ult . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who , with shewing the cause thereof , thus shuts up the whole work ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we see it * almost generally observed in all nations , though never so far distant , and strangers one to another , that in their reckoning of numbers , when they come to , they return to their addition of , , and , again . if it should be demanded , how they did all come to agree upon this kind of arithmetick , and not some place their period at , some at , some at i suppose this could not be better resolved , than by saying , they had this by tradition from the first fathers that lived before the dispersion ; and that this is not an improbable evidence of that truth propounded by the apostle unto the philosophers of athens , acts . . that god made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on all the face of the earth . how much more when we find a far greater agreement among the nations , in the computation of the seven days of the week ( the self-same day , which is accounted the first by one , being in like manner reckoned so by all , notwithstanding that great variety of differences which is betwixt them in the ordering of their years and months ) : how much more strongly , i say , may we conclude from hence , that the tradition of the seventh-day was not of moses , but of the fathers , and did not begin with the common-wealth of israel , but was derived unto all nations by lineal descent from the sons of noah add hereunto that those heathens , who were strangers from the common-wealth of israel , though they made not the seventh day a festival as the jews did ; yet did they attribute some holiness to it , and gave it a peculiar honour above the other days of the week ; wherein they retained some relicks , and preserved still some clear foot-steps of the first institution . quinetiam populi jam * olim , saith josephus , ( sub fin . lib. . contra apion . ) multùm nostram pietatem aemulantur : neque est civitas graecorum ulla usquàm aut barbarorum , nec ulla gens , ad quam septimanae , in qua vacamus , consuetudo minimè pervenerit ; jejuniaque & candelabra accensa , &c. of which rite of lighting of candles , or lamps rather , mention also is made by seneca , in his th epistle ; accendere aliquam lucernam sabbathis prohibeamus ; quoniam nec lumine dii egent , & ne homines quidem delectantur fuligine . and by tertullian , lib. . ad nation . cap. . where he noteth also those to be the sabbaths observed by the nations , saying thus unto them ; qui solem & diem ejus nobis exprobratis , agnoscite vicinitatem : non longè à saturno & sabbatis vestris sumus ; wherein though their devotion were somewhat like unto that of the jews , ( which is all that those words of josephus do import , multum nostram pietatem aemulantur ) ; yet that it was not done by any late imitation of them , or with any relation at all to their observance , that other place of tertullian doth seem to evince , in the th chapter of his apologeticum ; aequè si diem solis laetitiae indulgemus aliâ longè ratione quàm religione solis ; secundo loco ab eis sumus qui diem saturni otio & victui decernunt , exorbitantes & ipsi à judaico more , † quem ignorant . and that they did not celebrate their saturdays , with that solemnity wherewith themselves did their annual festivities , or the jews their weekly sabbaths , may appear by the words of this same author , in the th chapter of his book de idololatriâ , thus speaking unto-the christians , ( who observed lord's days every year , whereas all the annual festivities of the pagans put together , did come short of fifty ) ; ethnicis semel annuus dies quisque festus est ; tibi octavo quoque die . excerpe singulas solemnitates nationum , & in ordinem texe ; pentecosten implere non potuerunt . and yet , as i said , that they accounted saturday more holy , and requiring more respect from them than the other ordinaray days of the week , may be seen by that of tibullus , eleg. . lib. . aut ego sum causatus aves , aut omnia dira . saturni sacra me tenuisse die . and that of lucian , * in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of boys getting leave to play , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and that of aelius lampridius , touching alexander severus , using to go unto the capitols and other temples , upon the seventh day . whereunto we may add those verse of the ancient greek poets , alleadged by clemens alexandrinus , lib. . stromat . and eusebius , lib. . praeparat . evangelic . which plainly shew that they were not ignorant , that the works of creation were finished on the seventh day ; for so much doth that verse of linus intimate ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and that of homer ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and that of callimachus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the israelites , by the law of moses , were not only to observe their weekly sabbath every seventh day , but also their feast of weeks once in the year : which although by the vulgar use of the jewish nation , it may now fall upon any day of the week , yet do the samaritans until this day constantly observe it on the first day of the week , which is our sunday : for which they produce the letter of the law , levit. . , . where the feast of the first fruits ( otherwise called pentecost , or the feast of weeks ) is prescribed to be kept the morrow after the seventh sabbath : which not they only , but also amongst our christian interpreters , isychins and rupertus do interpret to be the first day of the week . planius , saith isychius , legislator intentionem suam demonstrare volens , ab altero die sabbati memorari praecepit quinquaginta dies : dominicum diem proculdubiò volens intelligi . hic enim est altera dies sabbati , ( in hâc enim resurrectio facta est ) qua hebdomadae numerantur septem , usque ad alterum diem expletionis hebdomadae . dominicâ rursus die pentecostes celebramus festivitatem , in quâ sancti spiritus adventum mernimus . * where you may observe by the way , that although this author made a little bold to strain the signification of altera dies sabbati , ( which in moses denoteth no more than the morrow after the sabbath ) yet he maketh no scruple to call the day of christ's resurrection another sabbath day ; as in the council of friuli also ( if i greatly mistake not the matter ) you shall find saturday called by the name of sabbatum ultimum , and the lord's day of sabbatum primum ; ( with some allusion perhaps to that of st. ambrose , in psal. . ubi dominica dies caepit praecellere , quâ dominus resurrexit ; sabbatum , quod primum erat secundum haberi caepit à primo ) ; not much unlike unto that which dr. † heylin himself noteth out of scaliger of the ethiopian christians , that they call both of them by the name of sabbaths ; the one the first , the other the latter sabbath ; or in their own language , the one sanbath sachristos , i. e. christ's sabbath ; the other sanbath judi , or the jews sabbath . but touching the old pentecost , it is very considerable , that it is no where in moses affixed unto any one certain day of the month , as all the rest of the feasts are : which is a very great presumption that it was a moveable feast , and so * varied , that it might always fall upon the day immediately following the ordinary sabbath . and if god so order the matter , that in the celebration of the feast of weeks , the seventh should purposely be passed over , and that solemnity should be kept upon the first : what other thing may we imagine could be presignified thereby , but that under the state of the gospel , the solemnity of the weekly service should be celebrated upon that day that on that day the famous pentecost in the d of the acts was observed , is in a manner generally acknowledged by all : wherein the truth of all those that went before being accomplished , we may observe the type and the verity , concurring together in a wonderful manner . at the time of the passeover , christ our passeover was slain for us ; the whole sabbath following he rested in the grave . the next day after that sabbath , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or sheaf of the first fruits of the first ( or barly ) harvest , was offered unto god ; and christ rose from the dead , and became the first fruits of them that slept ; many bodies of the saints that slept , arising likewise after him . from thence was the account taken of the seven sabbaths ; and upon the morrow after the seventh sabbath ( which was our lord's day ) was celebrated the feast of weeks , the day of the first fruits of the second ( or wheat ) harvest ; upon which day the apostles having themselves received the first fruits of the spirit , begat three thousand souls with the word of truth , and presented them as the first fruits of the christian church unto god , and unto the lamb. and from that time forward doth waldensis note that the lord's day was observed in the christian church in the place of the sabbath ; quia inter legalia ( saith he ) tunc sublata sabbati custodia fuit unum , planum est tunc intrâsse dominicam loco ejus : sicut baptisma statim loco circumcisionis . adhuc enim superstes erat sanctus johannes , qui diceret : et fui in spiritu die dominicâ , apoc. . cùm de dominicâ die ante christi resurrectionem nulla prorsùs mentio haberetur . sed statim post missionem spiritus sancti , lege novâ fulgente , in humano cultu sublatum est sabbatum ; & dies dominicae resurrectionis clarescebat dominicâ . the revelation exhibited unto st. john upon the lord's day , is , by irenaeus ( in his fifth book ) referred unto the empire of domitian ; or , as s. hierome in his catalogue more particularly doth express it , to the fourth year of his reign : which answereth partly to the forty-ninth , and partly to the ninty-fifth year of our lord , according to our vulgar computation ; and was but eleven or twelve years before the time , when ignatius did write his epistles . of whom then should we more certainly learn , what the apostle meant by the lord's day , than from ignatius who was by the apostles themselves ordained bishop of that church , wherein the disciples were first called christians : and in his epistle to the magnesians , clearly maketh the lord's day to be a weekly holy-day observed by christians , in the room of the abrogated sabbath of the jews ; than which can we desire more but here you are to know , beside the common edition , wherein the genuine epistles of ignatius are fouly depraved , by a number of beggarly patches added unto his purple by later hands : there is an ancient latin translation to be found in the library of caius colledg in cambridg ; which , although it be very rude , and corrupt , both in many other , and in this very same place also of the epistle to the magnesians , yet is it free from these additaments , and in many respects to be preferred before the common greek copy , as well because it agreeth with the citations of eusebius , athanasius , and theodoret ; and hath the sentences vouched by them out of ignatius , ( and particularly that of the eucharist , in the epistle to the smyrnians ) which are not at all to be found in our greek ; and hath in a manner none of all those places in the true epistles of ignatius , against which exception hath been taken by our divines ; which addeth great strength to those exceptions of theirs , and sheweth that they were not made without good cause . now in this translation , there is nothing to be found touching the sabbath , and the lord's day , in the epistle to the magnesians , but these words only ; non ampliûs sabbitazantes , sed secundùm dominicam viventes , in quâ , & vita nostra orta est : whereunto these of our common greek may be made answerable ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * all those other words alleadged by dr. heylin , ( part. . pag. . ) to prove that ignatius would have both the sabbath and the lord's day observed , being afterwards added by some later grecian , who was afraid that the custom of keeping both days observed in his time , should appear otherwise to be directly opposite to the sentence of ignatius , whereas his main intention was to oppose the ebionites of his own time : who , as eusebius witnesseth in the third book of his ecclesiastical history , did both keep the sabbath with the jews , and also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by whose imitation of the church herein , the antiquity of the observation of the lord's day may be further confirmed : ebion being known to have been st. paul's antagonist , and to have given out of himself , that he was one of those that brought the prices of their goods , and laid them down at the apostles feet ; as the universality of the observance may be gathered , by the argument drawn from thence by eusebius , towards the end of his oration of the praises of constantine , to prove the preeminency of our saviour christ , above all the gods of the heathen ; because this prescript of his , touching the celebration of this day , was admitted and submitted unto ; not within the dominions of constantine only , but also throughout the compass of the whole world : * quis enim ( saith he ) cunctis totins orbis terrarum incolis , seu terra seu mari illi sint , praescripserit ut singulis septimanis in unum convenientes diem dominicum festum celebrarent ; instituentque ut sicut corpora pascerent cibariis , sic animos divinis disciplinis reficerent we see then that the doctrine , which the true ignatius received immediately from the hands of the apostles , was the very same with that was delivered by the father of the council of laodicea , about years after , ( for the proofs produced by the authors , to whom my † lord of ely , pag. . referreth us , for having it to be held before the first nicene , are nothing worth ) ; non oportet christianos judaizare & in sabbatho otiari ; sed ipsos eo die operari , diem autem dominicum praeferentes otiari ( si modo possint ) ut christianos . the contrary whereunto , pope gregory the first , in registr . lib. . epist. . esteemeth to be the doctrine of the preachers of antichrist : qui veniens , diem dominicum & sabbatum ab omni opere faciet custodiri : which my lord of ely ( pag. ) rendreth , upon the old sabbath-day , or upon the sunday ; by a strange kind of mistake turning the copulative into a disjunctive . ja. armachanus . letter ccvi. a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the worshipful sir simon dewes . d. simonidi dewesio , equiti aurato & suffolciensi vice-comiti . vir eximie ; secundae tuae literae ix kalend. datae , hic londini mihi demum sunt redditae ; sicut & tertiae prid . non. junii insequentis perscriptae , ex quibus postremis tristem de unici tui filii immaturâ morte nuncium dolens accepi , sed cum deus hoc ità voluerit , ac ipsius decreta impatientèr ferre non minus irreligiosum sit quàm irritum , omninò in ipsius voluntate est acquiescendum . et quanquam propriâ sapientiâ ad haec & similia , quibus omnes obnoxii sumus , fortitèr toleranda abundè instructus sis ; optâssem tamen ut parti alicui tanti doloris leniendae , aliquod solatium praesens adhibere possem : illo enniano subinde mihi in mentem recurrente ; — fi quid ego adjuto , curamve levasso quae nunc te coquit , & versat sub pectore fixa . verùm quo minùs voto hìc meo satisfacere valeam , comitiorum utriusque academiae facit vicinitas , quae cantabrigiae haerere me nòn patitur , sed ad oxoniensium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 porrò visendam confestìm inde me avocat , spes tamèn adhuc superest post finitam agri suthfolciensis tibi commissam custodiam , simul nos conventuros ; & cùm de aliis ad remp. literariam pertinentibus tùm de spelmanni nostri instituto , tuisque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( quas avidissime percurri ) aliquanto liberius , quàm ista scribendi ratiò permittit , collocuturos . quo tempore & ninium , ( ità enim appello , & vetustissimi codicis authoritatem , & nominis ejusdem in ninia , & niniano expressa vestigia , secutus ) cum variis mss. à me nòn indiligentèr comparatum , tecum sum communicaturus ; ut exemplaria cottoniana ( quibus in hac ipsâ collatione ego sum usus ) denuò consulete necesse nòn habeas . nàm ad diplomata anglo-saxonica quod attinet : non in uno aliquo volumine simul collecta , sed per varios illius bibliothecae libros dispersa ea fuisse animadverti , de quibus in unum corpus compingendis , dabitur ( ut spero ) opportunus tecum coram consultandi locus ; interim ut egregiis tuis conatibus deus adsit & benedicat , summis votis exoptat qui ex animo tuus est , ja. armachanus . londini , xii kal. jul. an. m. dc . xl. letter ccvii. a letter from the learned johannes priceus , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . joannes priceus reverendissimo in christo patri ac domino d. jacobo , archiepiscopo armachano s. d. collectanea ( antistes eruditissime ) de britannicarum ecclesiarum primordiis accepi dudum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ac humanitatis pariter insigne specimen . at dum indies ( quem cassus rumor vulgaverat ) praestolor adventui tuo , alieno jam satis tempore adimplevi officium meum . nae tu nimis ( doctissime praesul ) facilis es & communis , qui in tantâ illustrium literis aut honoribus abundantiâ , homunculum nullius ordinis cohonestare sustines . contrectabitur sanè eximium manus istud assiduis ac religiosis manibus , librorumque atque adeò cogitationum mearum locum principem occupabit . joannes priceus . dabam ex rure suburbano honoratissimi domini georgii radcliffe . iiii kalend. sept. . letter ccviii . reverendo & illustri praesuli domino jacobo usserio archiepiscopo armachano , totius hyberniae primati , &c. amico nostro honorando . reverende & illustris domine praesul , amice honorande ; ea , quae scholarchae de illustris nostri gymnasii hanovici restauratione , ex mandato nostro non ità pridem ad tepleniùs perscripsêre atque efflagitâre , multis verbis repetere supersedemus , non dubitantes , quin animo tuo adhuc infixa haereant . notum est , ità res esse humanas , ut alias copiâ abundent , aliàs penuriâ laborent , & subindè aliter atque aliter sese habeant , notum & illud , quando res humanae semel loco moveri inclinarivè sede sua , captae , quò majores sunt , eò aegriùs seriusque vestigio sisti atque reponi . quid mirum igitur , quod scholarchae nostri aliena quaerant subsidia , utpotè propriis destituti . eo , enim res rediit , ut propter penuriam redituum totum fere gymnasium suo quoque splendore inclinari coeperit , nec multùm abfuit , quin vix ac ne vix quidem restitueretur , nisi rebus nostris ex bona parte restitutis , nihil antiquiùs duxissemus , quàm ut animum quoque ad restaurationem dicti gymnasii converteremus , & quod ab initio tanta authoris pietate fundatum , tantis quoque successoris sumptibus & laboribus reparatum in pristinam formam restitueremus . quapropter desiderium scholarcharum , uti pium , honestum & utile reipublicae & ecclesiae tibi reverende pater majorem in modum recommendatum volumus , obnixè rogantes , ut ea qua polles authoritate , totum negotium pro impetrando aliquo liberali subsidio promovere nos non dedigneris offerimus è contrà & nostro & omnium reipublicae partium nomine gratam animi recognitionem & officia paratissima . vale. dabamus hanoviae octobris , ann. . sibylla christina , nata ex illustrissima domo anhaltina , &c. comitista ac domina in hanau & rhinec domina in muntzenberg , &c. vidua & tutrix . sibylla christina comitissa in hanau . letter ccix. a letter from the learned d. blondell , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . reverendissimo in christo patri , domino honoratissimo , domino jacobo armachano ecclesiae archiepiscopo , hibernorum primati . londinum . reverendissime in christô pater , domine honoratissime ; quandoquidem te intolerandô 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cruciatu propè enectum , ex ipsis quodammodò sepulchri faucibus , potenti dextrâ , ecclesiae suae misertus , dominus eripuit , qui in communi piorum luctu privato dolori indulsissem , coeleste beneficium totô mentis affectu praedicare necesse habeo , teque velut redivivum novis obsequii mei officiis prosequi . benedictus miserationum pater , totius consolationis deus , qui te propitius ex altô respexit , adjectis super sanctae vitae tuae dies diebus , in bonis desiderium tuum repleat , ut aquilae juventam tuam renovet , tibi ex sion benedicere pergat , ut deinceps bonum jerusalem , pacemque super israël & videas , nè quid inauspicatum ignatii veris suis natalibus restituendi editioni obsistat , votisque honoratissime pater paternae tuae reverentiae observantissimi d. blondelli . udanci carnutum . idis octob. an. . letter ccx . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to claudius salmasius . nobillissimo & doctissimo viro d. claudio salmasio . vir clarissime ; nostram de ignatii epistolis dissertationem censendam tibi mitto ; ipsum quoque ignatium simul missurus , si bellicae turbae , quibus musarum antiquum hoc domicilium jam premitur , non obstitissent . sicubi à te dissentio , id eâ temperatum videbis modestiâ , quam tibi spero nòn displicituram . quicquid sit : id tibi persuadeas velim ; eorum qui adhuc tibi ignoti sunt reperturum te neminem , qui & te & tua in rempub. literariam merita pluris aestimet , quàm tuum ( si eo dignari velis me honore ) jacobum usserium armachanum . oxonii prid. kalend. jun. ( julianas ) an. . letter ccxi. a letter from mr. john greaves to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . i should be glad to hear that your grace had received , either from the vaticane library , or that of the escurial in spain , a transcript of ptolemy , or rather hipparchus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so much the rather because in perusing of some of my arabian and persian mss. i have found some observations , which may much conduce to the clearing of that argument . i have not now leisure to send your grace those which were made by the indians at kôbah , and kandahar , or those others , which were made by the persians before yezdegerd's time , and by yezdegerd , and long after him in almamon's time , as i find them mentioned by alhashamy an arabian author . those of the chatéans , and of nassir eddin , and of aly kôsgy , as later than the former , so exacter , i could not but send them to your grace . the true solary year , according to the chateans in days / parts of a day . according to nassir eddin days ′ ″ ▪ . according to aly kôsgy , who observed in the year of the hegira , almost years after nassir eddin , days ′ ″ ▪ , whereas ptolemy is much more , days ′ ″ . i have finished those lemmata of archimedes , which the arabians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and if i be not deceived , such as wish well to the mathematicks will think my pains well bestowed : as indeed it was no small labour to correct the diagrammes , and the letters ( which were too often perverted in the ms. ) and sometimes to supply what was defective in the demonstration it self . according to your grace's advice , i have made a persian lexicon out of such words as i met with in the evangelists , and in the psalms , and in two or three arabian and persian nomenclators . so that i have now a stock of above words in that language , i think as many as raphelengius hath in his arabick dictionary . wherefore i have a greater mind than ever to go to leyden , and peruse their oriental manuscripts , which were procured by the expence of the states , a thing which long since your grace would have had me to have done . but yet considering my lecture in oxford ( though as yet it cannot be read ) it will not be fit for me to go without special leave from our honourable chancellor , and two or three more of the lords of his majesties privy council . i shall therefore desire your grace to procure this favour for me in writing , with this caution , that my absence for a while may be no prejudice to me at home ; especially since my journey is for the improvement of learning , and for the publishing of some of those books , which i long since have finished . there i shall have an opportunity of printing your grace's map , and of perfecting and publishing that discourse of dr. bainbrigg concerning the periodus sothiaca : and i hope your grace will think of something else , in which i may be serviceable to you , and useful to the commonwealth of letters . your grace cannot sufficiently command him , whom by your many favours you have ever made , your grace's most obliged servant , john greaves . septemb. . . if i may serve dr. harvy , i shall be most ready either here , or at leyden , to do it . letter ccxii. a letter from dr. langbaine to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord , in august last i did cursorily survey that edition of ignatius out of the florentine copy by isaac vossius , and found with content , what i look'd after with greediness , your lordship's judgment in discerning and distinguishing the genuine from the spurious , confirmed by a new testimony of that antiquity and authority , as few will hereafter dare to question , tho your lordship's reasons before were to me ( and i doubt not to many others ) of that moment , and the conjecture built upon so good grounds , that ( as pliny says of eratosthenes ) puduit non credere . that your lordship goes on in the same course , notwithstanding all the opposition and discouragements of the times , as we cannot doubt but there remains a blessing for your self , so it may ( i am sure it ought ) have an influence upon us here below . the publication of the martyrdoms of ignatius and polycarpus , sure cannot be unseasonable ; we are born to those times , quibus sirmare animum expedit constantibus exemplis . for my self , i cannot tell what account to make of my present employment , i have many irons in the fire , but of no great consequence : i do not know how soon i shall be called to give up , and am therefore putting my house in order ; digesting the confused notes and papers left me by several predecessors , both in the university and colledg ; which i purpose to leave in a better method than i found them . at mr. patr. young's request i have undertaken the collation of constantines geoponicks , with two mss. in our publick library , upon which i am forced to bestow some vac●nt hours . in our colledg i am ex officio , to moderate divinity-disputations once a week . my honoured friend dr. duck , has given me occasion to make some enquiry after the law. and the opportunity of an ingenious young man ( come lately from paris ) who has put up a private course of anatomy , has prevailed with me to engage my self for his auditor and spectator upon three days a week , four hours each time . but this i do , ut explorator non ut transfuga . for tho i am not sollicitous to engage my self in that great and weighty calling of the ministery after this new way , yet i would be loth to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as to divinity : tho i am very insufficient to make a master-buider , yet i could help to bring in materials from that publick store in our library , to which i could willingly consecrate the remainder of my days , and count it no loss to be deprived of all other accommodations , so i might be permitted to enjoy the liberty of my conscience and study in that place . but if there be such a price set upon the latter , as i cannot reach without pawning the former , i am resolved , the lord's will be done . i shall in all conditions , be most desirous of the continuance of your grace's affection , and at this time more especially of your prayers for him , who is your lordship's most engaged servant , ger. langbaine . queens coll. feb. . / . letter ccxiii. viro reverendissimo , honoratissimo , jacobo usserio , patrono meo summo , venerande , christianus ravius s. p. d. non possum omittere , patrone , pater , domine , quin subinde ad te scribam , ut solâ meâ voluntate animoque interim gratitudinem meritorum ergà me ingentium tuorum ostendam quando reapse nihil dum possum . rogo saltem hoc , ut cùm nuper intellexerim , rev. dominum rutilium habuisse commissum à tuâ honoratissimâ reverendissimaque dign . ut aliquos pro te libros inquireret , & procuraret , meâ potiùs eâ te operâ uti velis , tanquam clientis tui obsequentissimi . iste enim meus amicus eam fortè nequeat praestare operam ita laboriosam , quam tali in re requiri scio . jam fere annus est elapsus , elabeturque ad calendas majas , à quibus lectiones meas amstelodamenses tractavi ; absolvique interim praeter grammaticam mehlfureri ebraicam & a. buxtorfii chaldeam , joelem prophetam , itemque tria priora capita danielis , privatisque collegiis , & binis de septimanâ publicis lectionibus , diebus martis & veneris , hora tertiâ pomeridianâ , frequentiori certè auditorio , quàm leidae l'empereurius , franekerae coccejus , & groningae altingius , altingii theologi germani filius . cl. pasor , qui olim arabica oxoniae docuit publicè , jam ab aliquot benè multis annis , quibus groningae professor vivit , nihil omnino praestat in orientalibus , & eorum amorem penitus rejecit . p. l' empereurius est professor theologiae , isque locus vacat , & si cl. buxtorfium basileâ nancisci potuissent , vocatum magno gaudio suscepissent , cum desistat , locum illum pariter supplere perget l' empereurius . ego amstelodamensem conditionem multo praeferam leidensi , & proximo maio res experientur , an magistratus noster amplissimus orientalium professionem constituerere ordinariam possit , velitque . hoc interim fatentur curatores ipsi , rem ultrà suam & omnium spem felicius procedere . aliquot mss. misi tigurum , à quo loco & omnium tigurinarum ecclesiarum antistitis & professoris literas t. d. committo , ut videas , me non — amstel . aprilis , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 letter ccxiv. a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. langbaine . salutem in christo jesu . yesterday i received your letter , sent by mr. patrick young ; and thank you very much for your readiness in contributing your pains to the furtherance of my little treatise , de fidei symbolis , which is now in the press : i hold therein against vossius , and the vulgar opinion , that the nicene creed , in our common-prayer book , is indeed the nicene , and not the constantinopolitan : i mean the nicene , as it is recited by epiphanius in his anchoratus , ( p. . edit . graec. basiliens . ) a book written seven years before the council of constantinople was held , and yet therein both the article of the holy ghost , and the others following , are recited 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which have been hitherto thought to have been added to the symbol first by that council . if the synodicon , which you think to have been written anno christi , have any thing touching the distinction of nicene and constantinopolitan creed ; i would willingly understand , and with what number your synodicon is noted in the former disposition of the baroccian library , according to which my catalogue is framed . in the first tome of the graeco-latin . edition of gregory nazianzen , about the page , there is a kind of symbol : the first part whereof i find at the end of the acts of the council of chalcedon , in crabbes edition , intituled , fides romanorum , that is , as i conceive it , constantinopolitanorum . it is to be found also ( if i remember aright ) among the manuscript tractates of nazianzen , translated by ruffinus , in magdalen colledg library , in the first edition of s. ambrose his works , and in georgius wicelius his euchologium . by comparing of all which together , if i might get a right copy thereof , it would do me some pleasure . it is also by some attributed to athanasius ; and happily may be that symbol of his , differing from ours , which cazanorius ( or czecanorius ) in his epistle to calvin , saith to be so common in the moscovitical and russian churches , of whose ecclesiastical offices you have in the publick library some copies ; by which we might understand the truth hereof . i will trouble you no further at this time , but rest , your most assured loving friend , ja. armachanus . london , april . . i send you back , with much thanks , your catalogue of the arch-bishops of constantinople . in epistolis photii epistola prima ms. quae ad michaelem bulgariae regem est ( cujus partem aliquiam interprete turriano , latine dedit hen. canisius antiquarum lectionum tom. . pag. . ) post septem synodos plus satis laudatas ; subjungit symbolum fidei , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ut in versione turriani , nisi ( quod recte conjectavit canisius ) quod spiritum sanctumrà patre procedere dicit . nulla uti turrianus adjecerat , filii mentone factà . inde narrationem de septem synodis instituit ; quam turrianus misit . sed latine dedit binius concil . tom. . p. . demum monita plura politica subjicit . quae in latinis turriani enim comparent . vid. cod. african . ad finem . crabbe f. , & . letter ccxv . a letter from dr. langbaine , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; i received yours of the d , upon the th of april , and have bestowed the most part of the last week in the search of those particulars there mention'd . i am sorry the event has not answered my desires and endeavours . i do not doubt but your lordship will make good that assertion of the nicene creed , though i profess i yet look upon it with some prejudice , as being prepossessed with an anticipated notion to the contrary . something in these papers which i have collected in haste , do in the general look that way ; upon perusal ( if it be not too much trouble to your lordship , and the time not overpast already ) your lordship will make the consequence . in that synodicon of basilius jalimbanensis , i met with nothing directly to the purpose ; only in the beginning of the book , this enclosed of germanus de sex synodis . what he says of the two first , as only to the purpose , i have transcribed . in each of them is mention of a symbol , but not of the difference . i have in the same argument sent to — and confronted two pieces of photius , the one out of his epistles , the other i met with in a copy of his nomocanon , with balsamon's scholia , much larger than the printed . i have looked upon that in gregory nazianzen , and compared it with that in crab , which he calls fides romanorum , and do readily subscribe , that by romanorum must be meant the eastern church ; but then he that made that title , must be supposed to have writ since the division of the empire . in magd. coll. library , i spent two days in search after nazianzen's translation by ruffin , but in vain , i do not find they have any such book : what seem'd next like it , was some pieces of basil of ruffin's translation ; at the end whereof there is indeed a part of his exposition on the creed . while i was there tumbling amongst their books , i light upon an old english comment upon the psalms , the hymns of the church , and athanasius's creed , which i presently conjectured ( though there be no name to it ) to be wickliffs ; and comparing the beginning with bale , found that i had not erred in the conjecture , and therefore writ this piece out , in which he calls the nicene creed , the creed of the church . i remember , two years ago , when i had an opportunity to read some saxon books that had formerly ( as i suppose ) belonged to the church of worcester ; i met twice with the nicene creed in saxon ; but i do not remember any difference from that we use . i have sought in the ancientest editions of ambrose , but return with a non est inventus . wicelius we have not ; and for the russian offices , if i can find any thing , you shall have it by the next . i presume you have already a copy of that old latin creed , at the end of the ancient copy of the acts , given by my lord of canterbury , and therefore i forbore to send it . gulasius , in the acts of the nicene council , brings in the philosopher disputing against the holy ghost , as well as against the son ; and that may be ( as far as the authority of the author will bear ) somewhat to the purpose . i received my copy of the arch-bishops of constantinople , and do return unto your grace with thanks , that oration of himerius which i had from your lordship . the papers which i send , are somewhat confused , and some not right writ i fear ; some my boy has left in the publick library , and the carrier will be gone before the library be open . i have in the margent thus * marked what i conceive your grace may possibly make use of . i am very much straitned in time , and therefore desire your lordship's favour for thus scribling . i am , your lordship 's to command , gerard langbaine . q. c. oxon. may . . letter ccxvi . a letter from dr. langbaine , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; since my last ( this day seven-night ) i have enquired ( and i do here send you what i met with ) concerning the use of the nicene creed among the russians , which i conceive full to your purpose . i perceive my haste made me then omit at sealing , that oration of himerius , which i now return with thanks to your lordship ; and perhaps , by mistake , i might send some other papers no way pertinent . i have thought sometimes , and have not yet found any sufficient reason to remove me from that opinion , that notwithstanding what vossius hath said , the church was never without some form of confession , which they required before they admitted any to baptism . i know not otherwise how to expound that of heb. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for though vossius affirm no more to have been required , but barely , in nomina patris , filii , & spiritus sancti ; yet methinks that of repentance from dead works , of the resurrection of the dead , and everlasting judgment , are made parts of those fundamental doctrines ; and faith in god seems to comprehend the rest . to this purpose i conceive justin martyr , apolog. . pag. . speaks for the requisites to baptism , in the practice of the church in his time ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . then follows the mention of the three persons of the trinity , not simply , but with equipollent attributes to those in the creed ; of the father , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — the son , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — the holy ghost , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which what is it else , but what we read both in cyrill of jerusalem , and epiphanius , and the latter part of the nicene creed in like manner clemens alex. paedagog . lib. . cap. . p. , , . gives this attribute to christ ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and speaking then of baptism , under the various names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quotes , joh. . for everlasting life , mentions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — and the resurrection of the dead ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where he produceth again a testimony out of john . that every one that believes , hath life everlasting ; and i will raise him up again at the last day . where considering the proper importance of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the matter there treated of , baptism ; and the points there spoken of , resurrection , life eternal . — i suppose it may not absurdly be collected , that he implies these doctrines were , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , confessed before baptism . i forbear to say any thing of that regula fidei in irenaeus ; and the like in tertullian , for substance the same , and containing expresly those points which make up the close in the nicene creed ; and which vossius supposeth to have been added by the constantinopolitan fathers . what varieties are for matter of expression in the citations observed out of ruffin , &c. i think does not conclude without hard measure against the antiquity of some publick form . wherein ( if it were not written , we may suppose it capable of more ) we may be content to bear with some in words , so long as they bear up to the same sense , considering that the quotations of those most ancient writers out of scripture it self , are made with so much liberty ; and yet no man doubts but they had a much more certain rule to go by . i am again overtaken by the time , and with the desire of your lordship's prayers , and the continuance of your love and encouragement , take leave , and rest , your lordship 's in all duty , gerard langbaine . queens coll. may . . letter ccxvii . a letter from — to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; understanding that dr. price is going for london , i could not omit to recommend him to your grace ; if you should meet with any means to encourage his studies , ( that i can scarce expect ) or at least to keep him from those precipices , which the straitness of his fortune , and manifold occasions of discontents may drive him unto . i know that it is needless for me to write thus much , knowing your good inclinations to him , if things were as in times past , when there were means and opportunities to help one another . but when i think of the loss of hugh cressey , and some others , whose melancholy thoughts have blinded their judgments , and disposed them to be easily wrought upon by the other party , to the dishonour of our ( sometimes ) most glorious church ; when i see how they brag of these conquests , methinks we should leave nothing unattempted , that may by any possibility prevent mens stumblings at those rocks of offence , which these sad times cast them upon . i find here our lawyers differ much from the ecclesiasticks about the councels of constance and basil : these go far higher for the popes authority than those will give way to . the king of france hath as much authority in church-businesses , as the king of england claims , so far as i can perceive . among the doctors of the faculty of divinity of paris ( whereof the sorbon is but a little part ) here be divers that are not for the infallibility of the church ; but such a certainty of an inferior degree , as yet for the authority of the church and her pastors , we are all bound to submit unto ; a point i think very well gained , and of good consequence . david blundell's last book about episcopacy , is much cried up by those of the reformed religion : who are generally very sharp against our english hierarchy , upon the credit of mr. pryn and bastwick's papers and such like testimonies . i hope your grace will vindicate your order in general , and in particular the credit of ignatius his epistles , against his exceptions ; as i hear young vossius in part hath done ; but i have not yet seen the book . that which is my great comfort , my young master is his fathers son , and peremptorily constant to the principles wherein he was bred , which makes me hope that our posterity may yet see the sun shine again . i humbly beg your prayers , for , my lord , your grace's most humble servant , t. rouen , may , . letter ccxviii . a letter from the right reverend joseph hall bp of norwich to the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh . gratulor vero ex animo , te , antistitum decus , sancto ignatio tuo : gratulor tibi imò , universo orbi christiano , ignatium , meritissimò tuum ; sed quidem & tuo benificio nostrum gratiorem profecto operam navare dei ecclesiae nullus unquam potuisset quam tantum , tam antiquum sanctumque apostolicae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patronum , ac tam egregium primaevae pietatis exemplar ab injuria temporis vindicando . inciderat nempe bonus iste viator hierosolymitanus in latrones quosdam hierochuntinos , qui illum non spoliârant modò , sed misere etiam penèque ad mortem vulnerârant ; praeterierant saucium ac fere moribundum , nescio quot parkeri , coci , salmasii , aliique nuperae sectae coryphaei ; vestra vero ( molliora uti sunt ) viscera tam durâ hominis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sorte miserecorditer commota sunt ; vestra unius pietatis ( optimi instar samaritae ) vinum oleumque infudit tam patentibus vulneribus , abstersit saniem , foedèque hiulca plagarum ora , manu tenerâ fasciavit ; ferèque exanimem vestro typorum jumento imposuit ; ac communi denique ecclesiae hospitio , non sine maximis impensis , commendavit . profecto hoc uno nomine assurgent amplitudini tuae boni ( quotquot sunt ) omnes ; manusque tam salutares piis labiis exosculabuntur . intelligent jam novitiae paritatis assertores quid illud sit quod tanto molimine usque machinantur , sentientque quam probe illis cum sanctissimo martyre , ac celeberrimo apostolorum discipulo conveniat . illud vero , inter doctissimas annotationes vestras saliente & corde & oculo legisse me fateor , quo egregium illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 salmasianum de tempore suppositicii ignatii , leni illa quidem , sed castigatrice manu corripueris : fieri ne potuit ut tantus author in re tanti momenti chronologicâ , tam foede laberetur , aut num forte , hoc pacto , ( quandoquidem haec causae disciplinariae arx merito habeatur ) dominis suis palpum obtrudere maluit quicquid sit , bis martyrium passus ignatius noster ; tuâ demum operâ , praesul honoratissime , reviviscit ; causamque iniquissime jam abdicatae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ecclesiae totius foro tam cate agit , ut non pudere non possit hesternae disciplinae astipulatores , tam malè-suscepti , litis injustae patrocinii . quod si nullum aliud foret nostrae sententiae propugnaculum , nobis quidem abundè sufficeret habuisse ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) nostrae veritatis patronos te , & ignatium . vale primatum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & ecclesiae laboranti , & precibus , & operis ( quod facis ) subvenire perge , & fave . cultori tuo , ac maloru tuorum socio , & praeconi meritorum , jos. norvicensi . e tuguriolo nostro highamensi , maii o . letter ccxix. a letter from mr. patrick young , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend , and my very good lord ; hitherto , being disappointed by the carrier who brought my trunck hither so late , i have been hindred to satisfie your lordship touching the passage psal. . . which i find in my roman edition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without any variety in the margin , and consequently so in the ancient manuscript copy . i long to see your treatise de tribus symbolis , as any thing else which cometh from your learned pen : be pleased i pray you , so soon as it is printed , to send it unto my son-in-law mr. john attwood , counsellor at law in grays-inn , who will speedily hasten it unto me ; unto whom likewise i intreat your lordship to deliver the key of my study , lest when i come to town i should miss of it , if your lordship go into the country . thus with remembrance of my ever bounden respects , i take my leave , remaining , as ever your lordships truly devoted friend and servant . pat. young. broomefield the th of june , . letter ccxx . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to d. fredericus spanhemius . admodum reverendo in christo fratri d. frederico spanhemio academiae lugduno-batavae , pro tempore , rectori dignissimo . leydam . et tuam de gratiâ disputationem uberrimam , & funebrem aransicani principis laudationem accepi , spanhemi charissime ! atque in utraque tum ingenii acumen , tum facundiam singularem , & perspexi & admiratus sum : quas tamen dotes in priore argumento adversus communes gratiae adversarios , intendendas multò magis optavissem , quàm adversus amicos , idem bellum adversus pelagianos & semipelagianos nobiscum professos ; licet in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & circumstantiis quibusdam nonnihil dissidentes ; de quâ controversiâ quaenam moderatiorum apud nos theologorum fuerat sententia , ex inclusâ doctissimi davenantii ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) schedulâ poteris cognoscere . pro amplioribus vero donariis illis tuis de symbolis dissertatiunculam meam tibi remitto , munus sanè levidense , sed quod tu ex mittentis affectu aestimabis , & ( si tanti videbitur ) d. salmasio , d. heinsio , jo. latio , ( ac d. riveto quoque si commode poteris ) communicabis , & plurimam illis salutem verbis meis nunciabis . tuus in christo frater & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , j. u. a. scripsi lundini xiv . kal. sextilis juliani , anno m. dc . xlvii . letter ccxxi . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the learned johannes gerardus vossius . viro clarissimo johanni gerardo vossio , historiarum apud amstelodamenses professori celeberrimo . vir eximie ; quod post acceptos eruditissimos tuos de diis gentium commentarios ( qui in mythici temporis chronico , quod ante multos annos congesseram , recognoscendo mihi magno fuerant usui ) nihil hactenus ad te rescripserim ; etsi culpâ liberare me nequeam , excusationem tamen asserere possum aliquam ; non justam illam quidem sed quam humanitati tuae aliquantulùm probari posse non diffidam . subitò incendio tempore illo correpta est nostra hibernia , quod nedum deflagravit , sed serpit quotidiè & potiùs adaugescit . in eo praeter calamitatem publicam & religionis reformatae professorum lanienam post homines natos immanissimam & crudelissimam ; externis istis bonis ( quae appellantur ) exutus sum omnibus : solâ bibliothecâ è flammis illis ereptâ , à quâ ipsâ tamen ad hunc usque diem etiam exulo : exceperunt enim me deinde novi in angliâ furores , qui me oxonio in cambriam depulerunt : ubi per integrum xviii septimanarum spatium gravissimo afflictus morbo , aegerrimè tandem ex ipsis quodammodo sepulchri faucibus summâ dei misericordiâ sum revocatus . quomodò londini posteà acceptus fuerim , commemorare non libet : neque priorum illorum malorum omnino meminissem , nisi ut inde intelligeretur , quae animum meum necessitas à literarum & literatorum omnium consortio hucusque penè alienaverit . ubi vero primum colligere me caepi , ut illam neglecti in te colendo officii culpam aliquo pacto expiarem , brevem hanc de symbolis ( notissimâ tibi materiâ ) dissertationem tuo nomini inscribere visum fuit : in quâ quia deinceps te alloquor , hic finio , & totus tuus maneo . de mariano scoto edendo nùm omnem cogitationem abjeceris , admodum scire aveo . j. u. a. londini xiii kalend. augusti , anno m. dc . xlvii . letter ccxxii . a letter from the reverend dr. barlow ( now bishop of lincoln ) to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord , i did receive ( by the hands of mr. tozer ) your grace's tract de symbolis ; for which great honour done unto me , this piece of paper comes to return my most humble and hearty thanks . i confess i have ever been inquisitive after your grace's writings , and thought my self happy when i had found them ; for i was never deceived in my expectation , but ever found old orthodox truth maintained upon just and carrying grounds , which elsewhere i have often sought , but seldom found . i wish vossius in putting out and composing his tract de tribus symbolis , had used the same judgment and diligence your grace hath done in this : for tho your grace be pleased to give that tract of his a civil commendation , yet 't is undeniably the most indigested thing that ever vossius put out . and here ( well knowing your lordship's unparallell'd skill in antiquity , and your candor and willingness to communicate your knowledg to the benfit of others ) i shall take the boldness humbly to desire your grace's opinion concerning the can. of the council of ancyra , the words are these — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i find no various reading in any greek copies , balsamon , zonaras , tilius , justellus , &c. all agreeing ; only salmasius , ( apparatu ad lib. de primatu , pag. . ) for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] will have it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and ( it seems ) dionysius exiguus reads it so too . the latin translations make it quite another thing than the greek imports , as your lordship may see by those two translations in grabb ( followed by the rest ) and that of justellus , in his codex can. ecclesiae universae , pag. . which runs thus — chorepiscopis non licere presbyteros , vel diaconos ordinare : sed nec presbyteris civitatis , sine literis episcopi , in alienâ parochià aliquid agere : where justellus adds these two last words [ aliquid agere ] as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or some such thing were in the greek , which i find not . i confess fulg. ferrandus in breviat . cano. can. . reads it as justellus — ut presbyteri givitatis sine jussu episcopi nihil jubeant , nec in unaquaque parochiâ aliquid agant ; tho the greek is otherwise , and the old latin translation ( vid. cod. can. veterem ecclesiae romanae mogunt . . & postea par. . ) agrees exactly with the greek . so then the sense of the can. seems to be this — that the chorepiscopi , and presbyteri civitatis , may not ordain priests or deacons without commission from the bishop , but with it they may . here first , i shall make no question but the chorepiscopi might ordain with licence first had from the bishop ; for tho it hath been the general opinion of the world that the chorepiscopi were only simplices presbyteri ( as the counterfeit damasus tells us , epist. . and the rest have followed him , as gratian , ant. augustinus , salmasius , blondellus , donfield , spalatensis , forbes , the capit. of charles the great , &c. ) yet i conceive that 't is demonstrable undeniably from the carrying principles in antiquity that they were bishops . and therefore my question is , how the presbyteri civitatis might ordain ( if that be the meaning of the canon ) with licence from the bishop , it never appearing in antiquity that any presbyters ordination of a presbyter was canonical , either by himself ; for we find ischyras censured , and deposed , because ordained by coluthus , who was but a presbyter . secondly , nor do we find that ever any bishop gave commission to a presbyter to ordain ; it being expresly against the canons of the apostles , can. . i know that claud. salmasius ( wal. messalin . cap. . pag. . & fusè à pag. , ad pag. . & in apparat. ad lib. de primat . pag. . & lib. de primat . cap. . pag. , . ) and dav. blondellus ( apolog. pro sententiâ hieron . sect. . pag. . & sequentibus ) from this canon infers that ordination anciently was not peculiar to the bishop , but any presbyter had commune jus , and might ( as well as the bishop ) ordain . if your grace would be pleased to honour me so far , and help me in this doubt , you should do a great favour to truth , and to my lord , your grace's most humble , and very much obliged servant . thomas barlow . q. coll. oxon. sept. cic. icc. xlvii . letter ccxxiii. a letter from the learned claudius sarravius , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . illustrissime ac reverendissime antistes . dudum tibi obstrictum , pro honorifica in ignatio nominis mei mentione , novo rursum beneficio devincire voluisti . dono enim tuo accepi eximiam tuam diatribam de symbolis veteris ecclesiae . pro tuis iftis erga me meritis , debitam rependo gratiarum actionem . magna cum voluptate nec sine fructu legi postrema haec tua opuscula ; in quibus igneum ingenii vigorem , & eruditionem reconditam abstrusissima quaeque rimantem & bono publico eruentem , ex animi sententia dico , sum admiratus . omnino , cum optimum sit quod antiquissimum , in originibus indagandis merito opera collocatur . te vero ista praesertim aetate & tot inter turbas , haec tuae curae ducere , summam laudem meretur . aderit deus , se suaque quaerentibus . ita precor & voveo ; eumque veneror ut regi regnoque vestro , ea suggerat consilia , quae suae gloriae , vestrisque commodis , tibi vero imprimis vir bone & magne conveniant . interea perge nos hujusmodi muneribus beare-sed ante omnia , qua istic polles auctoritate , effice , ut biblia illa theoclae typis vestris cum orbe christiano communicentur . nullo illustriori monumento , aeternitati , fama tua post tot exantlatos labores , conservabitur . hoc te rogant omnes qui sacra amant , ego vero 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . si quid hic vicissim ego tua caussa potuero , beatum me existimavero . virum amicissimum & eruditissimum jo. pricaeum , cujus familiaritate & consiliis plurimum profecisse me profiteor , ne grave est meo nomine saluta : & urge ut suas chartulas componat & sacras literas ornare non desinat . vale vir summe , meque tui observantissimum ut tuorum in numero habere velis etiam atque etiam rogo . illustrissimae ac reverendissimae tuae dignitati addictissimus , claudius sarravius . lutetiae parisiorum , octob. . . letter ccxxiv. a letter from the learned fr. spanhemius , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . s. reverendissime praesul , domine honoratissime . et amicas literas tuas , & eximium de symbolis adjectum munus probè accepi , & utroque nomino prolixas tibi gratias habeo . distribui quin etiam exemplaria adjecta eruditis viris , quibus ea destinasti , quibus omnius gratissima fuere . gaudeo ex animo non tantam firmam tibi valetudinem constare , verùm etiam animum in mediis turbis vestris à turbis liberum , & totum utilissimis studiis desixum : addo & quietis . id mihi non licere impensè doleo , qui non genio meo , nec instituto , sed alienâ intemperie in theatrum litigiosum pertractus fui . juxta tecum optarem toto animo , ut cum apertis adversariis ista mihi pugna depugnata foret . nec tamen desunt gravissimi viri complures , & ex mediâ quidem galliâ , qui theologiam salmuriensem periculosisfimam judicant , & illi omnibus modis obviam eundum censent . et sanè pro certo mihi persuadeo , non visa tibi esse praecipua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 istorum scripta , nec à me impetrare possum , ut credam subactissimo judicio tuo , & orthodoxiae tenacissimo probari posse vel synopsin testardi de naturâ & gratiâ , vel amyraldi librum de praedestinatione vernaculâ linguâ scriptum , nec alia id genus quibus plerasque remonstrantium nostrorum hypotheses ingerunt , & probant , & ipsis cum illis argumentis . adde , imputationem peccati adae ab ipsis negari , & novum communionis nostri cum christo modum doceri praeter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & innumera alia . parisienses theologi in cum ipsis eunt , sed cum paucis aliis , & quidem ob easdem hypotheses antehâc à se defensis . plerique hodiè alieni sunt ab augustini ingenio , & retractationum opere . rev. davenantii judicium & eruditionem maximi semper feci , fateor tamen me in quibusdam illi subscribere non posse hoc argumento , nec videre quî cohaereant vel inter se , vel cum aliis quibusdam doctissimis commentationibus academicis , quas mihi videre contigit . id unum etiam video nostros quosdam compendifacere , hypotheseωn quarundam , quae lutheranis & remonstrantibus sunt familiares , concessione , ut magis ferociant & glorientur , nos in his cogi ad sententiam tuam accidere , item sequuturum in aliis , modò pergant strenuè nobis contradicere . da veniam , reverendissime praesul , si liberiùs ista apud te effundo , cujus pietatem , eruditionem , addo & affectum erga me ex animo veneror . si tantae essent meae exercitationes , ut bonas aliquot horas tuas iis legendis impendere dignaveris , non dubito quin theologia ista , quae ecclesiis nostris obtruditur , tibi displicitura esset . ecclesiae sanè & academiae nostrae , & gallicae omnes , una salmuriensi exceptâ , ut & helveticae ab eâ quàm longissimè recedunt . amplissima ejus rei testimonia penes me habeo . vale , praesul venerande , & me tuae pietatis , & eruditionis , utriusque summae , cultorem amare perge . deus te melioribus servet temporibus ! scripsi prid . kal. dec. anni . lugd. batav . rev. t. dign . observantissimus , fridericus spanhemius . letter ccxxv. a letter from d. langbaine , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; two particulars i remember , whereof your lordship required an account from me ; one concerning marianus scotus , whether william of malmsbury ( as i then affirmed ) made any mention of him and if so , in what manner . first , lib. . de regib . in willielmo primo , pag. . sub isto imperatore [ henrico ] regnante floruit * maurinianus scotus , qui primò fuldensis monachus , mox apud mogontiacum inclusus , contemptu praesentis vitae , gratiam futurae demerebatur : is longo vitae otio chronographos scrutatus , dissonantiam cyclorum dionysii exigui ab evangelica veritate deprehendit . itaque ab initio seculi annos singulos recensens , viginti duos qui circulis praedictis deerant superaddidit , sed paucos aut nullos suae sententiae sectatores habuit . quare saepe mirari soleo cur nostri temporis doctos hoc respergat infortunium , ut in tanto numero discentium , in tam tristi pallore lucabrantium , vix aliquis plenam scientiae laudem referat . adeo inveteratus usus placet . adeo ferè nullus novis licèt probabiliter inventis , serenitatem assensus pro merito indulget . totis conatibus in sententiam veterum reptatur : omne recens sordet . ita quia solus favor alit ingenia , cessante favore obtorpuerunt omnia . again , lib. . de pontificib . ( pag. . ) cap. de episcopis herefordensibus . non multò post accepit sedem illam robertus lotharingus — omnium liberalium artium peritissimus ; abacum praecipuè & lunarem computum , & coelestium astrorum cursum rimatus . erat tunc temporis monachus † marianus apud mogontiam inclusus , qui longo solitudinis otio chronographos scrutatus dissonantiam cyclorum dionysii exigui contra evangelicam veritatem , vel primus vel solus animadvertit . itaque ab initio seculi annos singulos recensens viginti duos qui circulo deerant superaddidit ; magnam & diffusissimam chronicam facere adorsus . eum librum miratus unicè , aemulatus mirificè , angliae invehendum curavit . denique captus mariani ingenio quicquid ille largius dixerat , in arctum conferens defloravit . adeo splendidè ut magis valere videatur defloratio , quàm ingentis illius voluminis diffusio . i am partly of opinion , that this defloration of marianus , was the plain song ; and what was added by florence of worcester , and other monks in their several cloysters , ( in relation most an end to their particular foundations , and the memorable passages of their several monasteries ) were but so many several descants upon that ground . we have in our bodlean , as the printed catalogue more than once informs , a manuscript with this title ; excerpta ex chronico mariani ; the author ( in litera h. ) rog. herefordensis . and again ( in k. ) rodgerius hereford . episc. excerpt . de chronico mariani . but in the manuscript it self , both the name of the author , and title of the book , runs otherwise , viz. exceptio rodberti herefordensis episcopi de chronicis mariniani . the tract is but short , consisting of chapters , and the argument of them answerable to the ten first chapters in marianus's manuscript , de computo ecclesiastico . where in the th chapter he gives us this chronological character of the time and place he writ in . in anno praesenti , qui secundum dionysium pronunciatur millesimus octogesimus quintus incarnationis , contra evangelistas caeterosque doctores . hic est annus vigesimus willielmi regis anglorum ; quo judente hoc anno totius angliae facta est descriptio , in agris singularum provinciarum , possessionibus singulorum procerum , in agris eorum , in mansonibus , in hominibus tam sevis quàm liberis , tam in tugurio tantum habentibus quàm domos & agros possidentibus , in carrucis , in equis & caeteris animalibus , in servitio & censu totius terrae * omnium . alii inquisitores post alios , & ignoti ad ignotos mittebantur provincias , ut alii aliorum + discretionem reprehenderent , & rego eos [ reos ] constituerent . et vexata est terra multis cladibus ex congregatione regalis pecuniae proce dentibus . upon which i should not doubt to build , that this is the same robert , the deflorator of marianus mentioned by malmesbury ( though the historical part be here wanting ) the name , the time , the place , the subject , all concurring to strengthen this conjecture . this , and somewhat more concerning marianus , either in my letters , or papers , i have formerly transmitted to my good friend dr. duck ; from whom , if your lordship think it may be tanti , you may at any time recieve those indigested notes , which being bur ordinary , will add nothing to your lordship , in a point which you have already so thoroughly canvassed . the second enquiry which your lordship was pleased to employ me in , was ( as i remember ) about a greek piece concerning lacedemonian months , in the catalogue of the king of france his library ; but upon search not found by the puteani fratres . i conceived then , the best direction for the search , would be to note what other tract were next neighbours , in the catalogue , which might be a means to help me with that volumn , in which surely this concerning the months makes the least part : which i have accordingly done hereunder . and becuase , upon perusal of the catalogue , i found it very corrupt , and that the writer is guilty of many obvious mistakes , i conceived this of ours to be only a transcript of some other , which possibly may be there in the library ; and therefore i took the pains to page our catalogue , as hoping that might expedite the search , if the enquirer make use of any other catalogue of the same kind with this , by considering the proportion of pages , whereof this contains in all , and is regularly writ . i find several pieces of that subject , how diverse in themselves i know not ; but i chose rather to set down all , than to run the hazard of omitting what possibly you might most desire . in catalogo manuscriptorum in bibliotheca regis galliae repertorum , anno . pag. . nili gnomae . de synodis usque ad vii oecumenicam . de aedificii constantinop . de epiphania domini , ex constitutionibus apostolicis . de nominibus mensium secundum judaeos , macedones . graecos , aegyptios . de sacris bibliis , prophetis & prophetissis . jo. damascen de lumine , igne , sole , & stellis . pag. pythagorae paraeneses . septem sapientum dicta . de mensibus atheniensium & lacedaemoniorum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de musis . de mensib . athen. roman . maced . hebr. aegypt . & graec. de vita aristotelis . proverbia . numerorum notae . pag. . de figura & situ italiae ex polybio . de mensib . graecorum & alexandrinorum . nomina urbium mutata . de inventoribus artium . de scriptis rhetorum . musarum nomina & inventa . nomina mensium . excerpta ex rhet. zenophontis . pag. . propositiones arithmeticae . de syllogismis . de mensibus . de septem sacramentis . pag. . nili praecepta . de mensibus . meletii versus in crucem domini . pag. . astrologia . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de mensib . romanis , atticis , alexandrinis . de agricultura . apotelesmata lunaria . pag. . de xii prophetis . jo. damascen . de mensib . macedonum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. . dialecti specierum & herbarum . de mensibus eclipse . pag. . posidippus & metrodorus de eligendo vitae genere . de mensibus atheniensium , romanorum , alexandrinorum . de aetatibus hominis ex hippocrate . pag. . de climatibus . de ventis . de mensibus . de mansionibus signorum solaribus . pag. . ex menandro in mulieres . ignatii versus iambici de adamo . hippocratis epistola ad ptolomaeum . this last i add for the names sake of ignatius , though it be nothing to the purpose , de mensib . some other particular i think there was , which i might have dispatched eadem operâ , but i could not call to mind the name of the authors . so soon as your lordship shall give me any further directions , i shall most readily apply my self to the execution ; in the mean time , and ever , desiring the continuance of your love to , and prayers for this place , and therein for your lordship's most obliged servant , gerard langbaine . queens colledg , jan. . / . letter ccxxvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to christoph. justellus . insignis eruditionis viro , christophoro justello . lutesiam parisiorum . vir clarissime ; quod carthaginensem synodum nomocanoni johannis epiphaniensis scholastici intextum fuisse affirmavi ; in eo francisci turriani fidem simpliciter sum secutus : sed quum in opus ipsum ( à barocianâ in italiâ ad bodleianam in angliâ bibliothecam translatum ) postea incidissem : ut in authore ( à turriano pro canonib . apost . cap. , & . ) constantini pro joanne ( quod & aliunde intellexi ) ità in synodorum recensione carthaginensis nomen , pro sardicensis à jesuitâ positum fuisse comperi . quae verò in usum meum indè describenda curaveram , quia ità te velle ex d. basirii nostri literis cognovi , simùl cum hisce ad te transmisi : idque eo libentiùs quòd photii quoque simul adjuncta habebat hactenùs inedita in suum nomocanonem prolegomena , anno mundi , . conscripta . qui idem numerus cùm ad ( pag. . ) calcem notitiae ecclesiasticae , ex regiâ bibliothecâ à carolo sanctopaulino editae , itidem appositus cernatur ; eademque ipsa notitia inter prolegomena ista & nomocanonii corpus in oxoniensi manuscripto collocetur : quin ea photio tribuenda sit , mihi vix relinquitur dubium . ad exscriptorem enim antiquiorem refero , quod ad lapithum cypri urbem posteriorem , ibidem invenio annotatum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sicut ad posteriorem quod ad clima sohenes in quarta armeniâ subjicitur . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ignatiana mea , cum aliis aliquot opusculis , simul etiam mitto ; de variis asiae acceptionibus libellum , ante aliquot annos linguâ vernaculâ semel atque iterùm publicatum , deinde missurus , quamprimum latinâ veste donatus prodieret , qui de proconsulari asià , & asianâ diocesi quaedam continet , ad institutum tuum non nihil facientia . tui studiosissimus & studiorum tuorum fautor maximus , j. u. a. scripsi londini februarii die / anno / . letter ccxxvii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to d. claudius sarravius . amplissimo clarissimoque viro d. claudio sarravio supernae parisiensis curiae senatori dignissimo . lutetiam parisiorum . vir eximie ; ad humanissimas tuas literas responsum hucusque distuli : ut ignatianam appendicem atque macedonici & asiani anni explicationem , nùnc primum à praelo prodeuntes , comites illi liceret adjungere . earum utramque limatissimo tuo submitto judicio . sed ab illo animi affectu erga me libero , quem largè effuseque in literis illis tuis ostendere tibi libuit . vanissimum enim omnium mortalium me esse oporteret , si praeconia illa , quibus me ornasti ne dicam onerasti , ullâ ex parte vellem agnoscere . alexandrini verò — exemplaris ( quod post basilii m. tempora descriptum fuisse , praefatio illius quae tibi habetur in psalmos satis indicat ) editionem ( quae à te tantopere postulatur vel flagitatur potius ) urgere non cesso . id oneris in se suscepit vir doctissimus patricius junius , cujus primum specimen simul cum hisce mitto . mihi enim praeter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 officium , aliud nihil hic incumbit ; nisi ut de ipsa lxx interpretibus adscriptâ versione quid sit sentiendum , quaedam adnectam prolegomena . interim à vobis nòn minùs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nostri expetunt graecam ex codice cardinalis rupefocaldii prophetarum editionem : cujus esaias à curterio , & hoseae pars à phillippeio in apertum prolata , ut integro frueremur opere , salivam jamdudum nobis movit . quousque etiàm in graecâ , quam promiserat , bibliorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adornandâ , fronto ducaeus fuerit progressus , scire avemus : et si quid aliud sit , quod ad junii nostri conatus aliquid afferre possit adjumenti . quod tuae curae commendat , apud quem ( tuo merito ) summo in honore es & praetio . jacobus usserius armachanus . londini februarii die / , anno / ● . letter ccxxviii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to d. isaac vossius . viro amicissimo isaaco vossio . amstelodamum . mitto ad te ignatianam meam appendicem , ex penu tuâ ( ut vides ) insigni accessione locupletatam . cui adjungere visum est de macedonum & asianorum anno solari , dissertationem alteram : cum utriusque exemplari , meo nomine , clarissimo parenti tuo tradendo . miseram ad eum septem abhinc mensibus literas , unà cum meâ de fidei symbolis diatribâ : quae , an ad manus ejus pervenerint nescio . si interpolatae epistolae barnabae apographum romano illo codice ( cujus sub finem notarum in eam epistolam meministi ) descriptum ; et rariorum quae ex galliâ & italiâ tecum detulisti monumentorum indiculum , mecum communicarem nòn graveris , rem mihi progratam feceris . vale , tui studiosissimus j. v. a. londini , februarii die / , anno / . letter ccxxix . a letter from the right reverend joseph hall bishop of norwich , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in christo. gratâ admodum & manu & mente accepi heri , primatum reverendissime , a manibus honorandi plurimùm episcopi dunelmenis , literas tuas , sed & donaria longè pretiosissima , libros tuos : deus bone ! quam elaboratos quàm reconditiore literaturâ refertos quos stupebunt exteri , gratulabunturque authori faelicitatem hanc & otii & eruditionis : nostri vero quô tandem non possunt non erubescere , tantum virum neglectui habuisse at , ô te omni & invidiâ & tyrannide superiorem : quem divinior mens supra terrena quaeque ita longè extulit , ut ingratissimi aevi sive incuriam sive contemptum nihil quicquam ad te pertinere sentias : illud tibi unum curae est ut bene merearis : ilicet hoc animo resides in obscuro lincolniensis hospitii angulo , qui totius occidentis patriarchatu dignissimum te praestitisti . mihi vero homini pauperculo quid tandem suppetit quod munificentiae tuae retribuam exciderat mihi pridem opella quaedam , ita quidem minutula , ut me plane puduerit eiusmodi strenulam tanto praesuli obtulisse ; tandem tamen eo prorupi audaciae , ut id facerem ; tu pro singulari candore tuo ignosces erroribus quibusque sive scriptiunculae , sive authoris ; qui se reverendissimae paternitatis vestrae clientem profitetur devotissimum jos. norvic . e tugurio meo highamensi , febr. . / . letter ccxxx . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the right reverend joseph hall bishop of norwich . admodum reverendo in christo patri , fratrique charissimo d. josepho hallo norwicensi episcopo . quem tui in me amoris & judicii ( antistes optime ) fructum ceperim ; ignatiana appendix ista declarabit : ad quam perficiendam , & in lucem proferendam majorem mihi animum quàm unquam habuissem , elegantissimas & suavissimas tuas ad me literas dedisse , non possum non agnoscere . cum eâ mitto & de fidei symbolis diatribam , & de macedonum atque asianorum anno dissertatiunculam ; non alio à te aestimandas pretio , quàm quod profectae sunt à fratre tuo amantissimo & cultore summo jacobo usserio armachano . lond. vii o kalend. martias , an. m. dc . xlvii . letter ccxxxi . a letter from the learned ger. jo. vossius , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . reverendissimo in christi patri , jacobo usserio , archiepiscopo armachano , hiberniae primati , degenti hoc tempore . cum opere de re poeticâ londini . reverendissime , & illustrissime praesul ; accepi dissertationem tuam de vetere romanae ecclesiae symbolo , sanè eruditam ; quam cum iis , quae summo bono publico adtexuisti , vocare possumus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quod verò illa nomini meo inscripseris , nimium quantum obstrinxisti . nam quantillus ego sum , qui tanto à viro eximium hoc beneficium accipio equidem gaudeo , gratiasque ago immortales , & opera dabitur , ne videaris unquam in segete ingrata hoc benefieium obsevisse . haec rescripsisse oportuit , simulac aureolos labores tuos conspexi . sed initio moram injecit adversa mihi , & uxori valetudo . postea contigit , ut me compellaret vir nobilis , & eruditissimus petrus grotius , qui à consiliis est serenissimos principi bohemico philippo . rogabat autem me , ut siquid nunc literarum in britanniam mittere luberet ad summos viros , suâ operâ uti vellem : jucundissimum sibi fore , si occasione istâ frueretur conspectu , & alloquio magnorum virorum , quos habet britannia . nec mirabitur quisquam sic esse animatum , qui sciat hoc paternum habere . est enim filius ingentis hugonis grotii , serenissimae reginae suecicae ad regem christianissimum , dum vita erat , legati . equidem occasionem illam me amplexurum ajebam , eo lubentiùs , ut fidei illius eâdem committerem codices paucos operis nostri de re poetica . fortasse enim alioqui futurum , ut quod semel iterumque mihi evênit , harpyiae in illos involarent , praetextu illo , quòd vetitum sit legibus anglicanis , ne libri compacti in insulam deportentur : quasi hoc etiam pertineat ad libros non venales , sed eruditis hominibus dono transmissos . sed dum is , nunc his , nunc illis intervenientibus negotiis , iter sum differre cogitur , ecce toti menses abierunt . ita factum , ut tardè adeo responderem : quod , pro humanitate tua , facilè condonabis , praesertim meliora posthac promittenti . verum nimis de isto multa . alia sunt , de quibus magis averet animus per literas colloqui : sed ulterius procudere sermonem non licet . usque adeo exhorruit animus tristi nuncio , qui nunc mihi apportatur , dum totus sum in literis ad varios conscribendis : est is de subito excessu clarissimi viri casparis barlaei , philosophi , & poetae egregii , meique , per nunc quasi duos & viginti , conjunctissimi collegae . avocor igitur ad solatia , prout potero , praestanda numerosis liberis defuncti . propediem , ut confido , exsequar , quae nunc scribere in animo habebam . amstelodami . postr . januarias styl . jul. anni clclccxlviii . qui annus ut vegetae adeò senectae tuae felix sit ac prosper , deum rogo immortalem . rev. & illust. nomini tuo aeternum obstrictus , ger. jo. vossius . letter ccxxxii . reverendissimo in christo patri , ac d. d. jacobo usserio archiepiscopo armachano , atque totius hiberniae primati , isaacus basirius s. d. da veniam interpellanti , reverendissime in christo pater ; siquidem id ago impulsu cl. christoph. justelli . is inpraesentiarum apparat codicem preciosum , qui inscribetur geographia , sacro-politica , &c. in quo suburbicariae priscae , adeòque dioeceseon veterum singularum origines delineantur , atque justi termini figuntur . in eo opere stipulatus ego sum ab eo unum integrum caput in honorem dioeceseos britannicae , & libertatis ibidem ecclesiasticae vindicias ; captâ scilicet ab viii o canone concilii oecumenici ephesini . occasione splendidâ . annuit huic meae stipulationi vir doctissimus , & antiquitatis ( praecipuè ecclesiasticae ) secundum tuam paternitatem callentissimus . quinetiam , meo rogatu , episcopatum ipsum asserere spospondit , & ni mutet sententiam , re ipsa implevit : nam episcopatus natales arcessit ab ipsâ apostolicâ aetate . ( aetate , inquam ; nam de authoritate inter nos nondum convenit . ) ad haec , ( sub spe restitutionis in integrum , quam tandem implere dignetur d. o. m. ) eum exoravi , suum uti opus praeclarum inscribat regi nostro sereniss . magnae brit. monarchae . quid multa ipsa est in parato epistola dedicatoria : cui succedit praefatio in qua tuae reverendissimae paternitatis mentionem inseruit planè honorificam , uti par est . istud totum tantum non sub praelo . interea temporis rogavit me vir cl. te uti suo nomine atque cum debitâ veneratione salutarem , simùlque unicum scrupulum à te eximi sibi efflagitarem : scilicet , dum versabat ille tuum de antiqu. eccl. britannic . datum tractatum , ( quem à temet sibi transmissum gratus recordatur ) incidit inibi in mentionem johan . scholasticl epiphaniensis cognominati ; cui tu videris attribuere quandam canonum collectionem ms. in qua asseris fuisse insertos canones concilii carthaginensis contra pelagium . ait vir doctus visos equidem à se duas canonum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 johan . presbytero antiocheno scholastico attributas ; in quibus isti canones carthag . neutiquam comparent . huic suae dubitationi tuum responsum humillimè postulat cl. justellus ; ac insuper tui istius codicis ms. ( si is fortè tibi praesto est & eundem communicare non gravaberis . ) usuram petit tantisper , atque eundem ad te remittere incolumen in sese recipit . ego autem , si apud te forem tanti , memet tibi supplicem adjungerem , illum uti tu digneris tuo velut celeusmate accendere ad bonum opus , tuisque eundem hypomnematibus in rem praesertim britannicam , ditare . vale , reverendissime in c. p. ac d. & ignosce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed & ecclesiae vestratis filio observantissimo , atque propter eandem exulanti hîc etiamnum in patriâ . datum raptissime lutetiae parisiorum vi o eid . feb. anno ultimi temporis clclccxlviii . letter ccxxxiii . a letter from — to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . reverendissime ; paternitatis vestrae literas o januarii ad me datas in tempore accepi , quibus si expectato serius respondeo , attribuito id quaeso ancipiti rerum & temporum conditioni , non enim omni nunc tabellario , aequè fido . jam vero qualem vellem latorem nactus , gratias quas multiplices tibi ex illis deberi sentio , non ultra differendas censui : illas praesertim quas ob doctissimum illum de anno macedonico & afratico à te compositum & ad me dono missum libellum accepi , cui utinam legendo par essem , sed ut ingenuè fatear , ingenioli mei captum superat , discipulum enim magistro , & lectorem scriptori parem requirit : deus enim bone quam tu longè temporum & locorum inter se comparationem repetis & ex intimis varii plane & daedalaei operis ambagibus lectorem , me paulo in hoc doctrinae genere eruditiorem , tanquam ariadnaeo aliquo filo se sibi reducem ostendis . sed humc tamen apicem non tam scaligerum & petavium , quam tho. lydiatum concollegiatum olim meum ( quique de variis annorum formis , librum elegantissimum , uti scis , scripsit ) effugisse miror ; praesertim quum aera macedonica à pugna ad sinum issicum in cilicia , vel paulo post ad arbelam qua cecidit darius , inchoata , ut est in ipsa machbaeorum fronte , eum latere non potuit ; inde enim aeram illam non in asia modo , verum etiam in phoenicia , totoque oriente , & aegypto , quarum terrarum res gestae in illis libris perscribuntur , observatam fulsse , ut ego quidem opinor patet . quanquam vide quaeso ne quum caetera omnia praeclare ipso tamen librum hunc edendi tempore peccâris . de paschate enim & theophaniis , & timothei & polycarpi , aliorumque sanctorum exitibus & memoriis in eo agis ; tempore scilicet , quo uti scis , id maxime apud nos agitur , ne qua harum & his similium ineptiarum memoria aut sensus in mundo amplius conservetur . sed bene est quod exquisitissimus hic tuus labor latinè scriptus , omnes europae populos pervagabitur , & apud illos famam inveniet , ad quos mali hujus nostri contagio non pertinget . ad quaesitum vero meum ita , reverendissime pater , respondisti ; ut non solum dubitationi meae satisfeceris , verum etiam multa insuper eruditione de ipsa codicis justinianaei editione , animum cumulaveris . itaque non solum quod antea de legibus illis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in codice positis conjectabar , id ex antonii augustini & contii authoritate planè ut scire mihi videar , effecisti , verum etiam quantum lumen ex tua illa ejus emendatione , universae jurisperitorum scholae si quando in lucem prodierit allaturus sis , penitus declarasti . quod vero de ribera mones , ut quinque ejus de templo & iis , quae ad templum pertinent libros cum meis de tabernaculo & cultu ejus ante compararem , quam meos in lucem ederem , gratias quidem plurimas ob tam prudens & paternum consilium ago . sed nec ego meos unquam in lucem edere , ut res sunt forsitan , institui , nec ruri positus unde doctissimi illius jesuitae librorum copiam nanciscar , existimare possum : si qua tamen fortuna me in eos aliquando conjecerit legam , à te praesertim monitus , & quidem cupidissimè , & inde pannum unum aut alterum purpura conspicuum , gossapinae meae assuendum , quam possim tectè suffurabor . sed redeo in macedoniam . equidem libri tui frontem subtristis & paene flens aspexi . jacobi usserii armachani vidi , & quid , inquam ego apud me , de archiepiscopo & totius hiberniae primate fit hui : tantane tam patientèr nullo certamine tolli dona sines tantaque doctrinae virtutis & honoris insignia , humeris illis pendentia detrahi vel diripi potius patieris sed video quid sit ; libris enim tuis tot tantisque plurimis & optimis anglicè latinèque olim conscriptis effectum esse putas , ut nulla regio tam remota sit , quae non intelligat , nulla aetas tam sera , quae non recognoscat armachani titulum huic operi praefixum non inquilinatus sed honoris & dignitatis tuae esse & rectè quidem putas itaque — — parere necesse est . nam quid agas quum te furiosus , & idem fortior — ne multa ideo detractus tibi titulus tolerabilior ut opinor , est , & esse certè debet quod qui se major est , suum sibi non nisi per ludibrium relictum esse sentiat . vale reverendissime , & benedictionem tuam mihi impertias quaeso . paternitatis tuae omni amore filius , obsequio verò servus , t. r. april . anno . letter ccxxxiv . a letter from mr. arnold boate , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . may it please your grace ; i have not yet received your last packet , because that the messenger by whom such things use to be sent , was gone a few hours before it came to my brother's hands , as he writes to me , so as he was fain to keep it lying by him until his return : when it cometh , i shall not fail to distribute your treatises according to your order , and to give you an account of it . i have recovered , out of the king's library , by the humanity of the fratres puteani , all the pieces desired by you ; but the title of the first is mistaken in the oxford catalogue , not being de mensibus atheniensium & lacedamoniorum , but athen. & romanorum . whereof your grace may not doubt , because those same treatises , which in that catalogue do immediately precede and follow , do also precede and follow that de mensibus ath. & rom. all being bound up in one and the same volume ; as likewise the second indiculus mensium desired by you , and a great many other treatises to boot . and to make this appear the more clearly to you , i will set you down several of those treatises preceding that first indiculus mensium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . then follow the two named by you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and immediately after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . januarius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * februarius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . martius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . aprilis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . maius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . junius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b. augustus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a. julius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e. november . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. september . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d. october . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f. december . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . next unto this follow the two treatises mentioned by you ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and after them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after this indiculus , followeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the other two treatises mentioned by you . as for the next three treatises desired by you , i have written them apart , being too big to be inserted in a letter . nihil unquam in vita foedius scriptum vidi , neque pluribus aut majoribus erroribus scatens , praesertim in vocalibus ac diphthongis , quare vix ullae sunt , quas non inter se permutet , non modo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eaque — omnia non semel aut iterum , sed innumeris in locis , ac quidem persaepe bis ter-ve in unica voce . praeterea abbreviaturis quamplurimis ac difficillimis adeo iste scriptor refertus est , ut non nisi post multam ac diutinam considerationem quicquam in iis dispicere potuerim . tandem tamen sic satis foeliciter me extricavi , ac sublatis erroribus , qui per se evidentes erant , eos tantum reliqui , de quibus aliqua poterat esse dubitatio , ibi quoque appositis semper verioris scripturae conjecturis : quod ipsum in abbreviaturis quoque ( exceptis nonnullis facilioribus , quas compendii gratia retinui ) à me praestitum est ; quarum quotcunque assequi non potui , ita prorsus eas adumbravi , quomodo se habeat in principali scripto , servatis omnibus iisdem ductibus & lineamentis , quo res divinatu facilior tibi esset . quantum ad ignatii jambos , charactere scripti sunt adeo minuto ac deformi , ac tot praeterea cum abbreviaturis , ut postquam eos multum ac diu acerrima cum attentione versaveram , plurimae adhuc voces superessent , de quarum lectione penitus desperabam . d ns autem blondellus , à quo hic auxilium speraveram , pauciora meipso in istis se discernere fatebatur ; neque quenquam mihi indicare poterat , à quo adjuvari possem . in hisce difficultatibus versanti commodè supervenit d. justellus , qui re intellecta , duxit me ad quendam coquaeum , graecae linguae magistrum , transcribendis regiae bibliothecae manuscriptis saepius ab ipso justello aliisque adhibitum , qui negotium id in se suscepit , ac feliciter perfecit ; pro qua opera coronatum ipsi dependi . praeivit autem mihi suo isto labore ad extricandam pseudo-hippocratis epistolam , eodem prorsus characteris genere eademque manu descriptam , in cujus vera lectione assequenda sic quoque non parum desudandum fuit . georgius is not so much as begun to be printed , nor they will not begin to print him this half year yet , because that the latin translation , which is to be printed with him , per columnas , will be ready no sooner . and mr. gramoisii the printer , being intreated by me to let me see the copy , for to compare that catalogue of the high priests , refused it : but mr. du puis hath promised me to get it done by the means of fabrottes . he hath also borrowed for me , out of the library of monsieur de thou his nephew , the manuscript of bertramus , which i have given yesterday to one to transcribe ( i for to compare the manuscript with it ) after i had employed two or three days in vain , for to get a printed copy , to buy or to borrow . i never saw sirmond yet ( having caused your treatise de symbolis to be given him by a third person ) and therefore i thought it best , for the borrowing of the fasti idatiani , to imploy some body that hath some interest in him ; and having found that monsieur heraldes hath so , i have prayed him to do the business , which he hath undertaken , and to give me an account within a few days . — monsieur justel having understood of me , that you have some of ephrems works in syriack , hath given me the inclosed note , praying you to let him know , which of them they be you have . he is going to reprint his codex canonum , with many other collections of the same nature ; several whereof were never printed before . thus humbly kissing your grace's hands , i rest , your most humble and most affectionate servant , arnold boate. paris / aprilis . d. s. ephraem syro ex hebed iesu sobensi episcopo de catalogo syrorum scriptorum . ephraem magnus , qui syrorum propheta cognominatus est , commentaria confecit in libros geneseos , exodi , & sacerdotum ; item in librum josue filii nun , judicum , samuelis , & regum , davidis , isaiae ac duodecim prophetarum minorum , ieremiae , ezechielis , atque beati danielis . extant praeterea ejusdem opera de ecclesiae fide , nec non sermones , carmina , elegia , hymni ; ac totum defunctorum officium , theses de literis alphabeti , disputationes contra judaeos , manichaeum , bardesanem , marcionem , & philetum , & hypetum , demumque dissolutio impietatis juliani . letter ccxxxv . a letter from dr. langbaine , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; i have lately read mr. cressy , the late dean of laghlin , his exomologesis , who in his th chapter , pag. . informs , that in his hearing one of the most learned protestant prelats in the king of england 's dominions ( quoting your grace in the margent ) professed , that whereas he had had , of many years before , a design to publish the new testament in greek , with various sections and annotations ; and for that purpose had used great diligence , and spent much mony to furnish himself with manuscripts and memoires , &c. i humbly desire to be informed from your lordship how much of truth there is in that report ; and whether you collated the manuscripts in our publick library i have in some part made enquiries upon some suspected or doubtful places , and it was in my thoughts to have gone through the whole ; which if by your lordship's pains , or means , it hath been done already , i should be loth , actum agere . together with the greek , i would have compared that venerable latin manuscript of the four gospels in the bodlean , which is writ in fair large letters , ( partly saxon ) in a continued order , without distinction of words ; which seems to promise some considerable variety : for i find in matth. . after the words , sicut filius hominis non venit ministrari sed ministrate , & dare animam suam redemptionem pro multis ; these added , ( i know not whether , according to any other greek or latin copy ) vos autem quaetitis de modico crescere , & de minimo minui . i would likewise willingly know whether your lordship be not of opinion ( as i profess i am ) that the additional passage ( which robert stephens says he found in two of the most ancient manuscripts , and beza in one of those which he used ) concerning the man whom our saviour is said to have seen working upon the sabbath , & c. luke . have not been infarsed ( dolo malo ) ; whether by the marcionites , as grotius , or some others ; and in general , what we may think of those many various lections , of which we know the books of the new testament afford more store than most other writings . i do not expect your lordship should undergo so much trouble , as to give me any account in writing ; but i have taken this occasion , to mention so much of my own desires , hoping when i shall wait upon your lordship in person , to receive that satisfaction in these , as i have done in others of this kind . for whose health and happiness i shall , according to my bounden duty , ever pray ; and humbly beg the like from your lordship in behalf of your grace's most humble servant , to be commanded , gerard langbaine . queens coll. apr. . . letter ccxxxvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to d. alexander more . admodum reverendo in christo fratri , d. alexandro moro genevensis ecclesiae pastori dignissimo . rectè omninò judicâsti ( vir eximie ) à doctissimo simul & prudentissimo exoniensi episcopo primum scriptae fuerint istae literae , quibus deinde , multum rogatus , nomen quoque meum non illibentèr apposui ; etsi enim per leges regni nostri matrimonium ità illegitimè initum & consummatum ( quicquid de eo apud vos demum statueretur ) rescindi non potuisse minimè ignorarem : exempli tamen interfuturum existimabam , ut ab ecclesiâ & republicâ vestra severioris disciplinae observantissimâ legi dei tam adversum crimen non planè dimitteretur impunitum . quod quidem tam candidè à reverendo caetu vestro fulsse acceptum , magnoperè sum gavisus . summum illum amorem literis etiám contestantibus , quem inter eos esse decebat , qui sunt & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 atque earundem pretiosissimarum promissionum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neque in nullâ felicitatis meae parte ponendum duco , quòd hac occasione ad amicitiam tuam mihi factus sit aditus , cui aliquantum firmandae ignatiana à me edita hoc tempore misissem , nisi libri moles obstitisset , ne tamen prorsus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad te accederem , leviculam hanc de symbolis diatribam literis hisce comitem visum fuit adjungere . quam tu ex mittentis affectu aestimabis qui est ex animo frater tui amantissimus , & in christi ministerio conservus devinctissimus , ja. usserius armachanus . scripsi raptim londini xvi kalend. julii , anno m. dg . xlviii . letter ccxxxvii . a letter from — to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . vir illustrissime ac reverendissime ; non indignaberis , quod hac epistola tuas interrumpam curas quibus immortalitatem emis . me ad scribendum inducit summa tua humanitas , quae inter caeteras tuas virtutes & egregias dotes familiam ducit . tanto enim favore non dedignatus es , me , dum degerem in angliâ , isto bonarum artium emporio celebetrimo , & ingeniorum felicissima altrice , complecti , ut in aeternum non desint hujus rei monumenta ; me non solum in tui consortium & colloquium , ( quo nihil gratius ) benigne admisisti , sed etiam de variis rebus movisti sermones , mea studia comprobasti , & quod nimium est , consiliis & reipsa meos conatus promovere . hac fretus fiduciâ , non erubesco tuum de itinere meo constantinopolitano exposcere consilium , quod mihi instar oraculi erit , & norma mearum rerum gerendarum . non me latet , quantâ peritiâ rerum orientalium & cognitione librorum mss. praesertim graecorum ( quorum praecipuos & summa cura inquirendos nominasti , mihique sponte obtulisti eorundem catalogum ) fretus , melius tum publicae , tum privatae utilitati visâ occasione prospiciam ; fateor ingenue me nullum alium ob finem iter suscipere , quam ob bonum reip. literariae , quantum in me est , cujus haud minimam partem promittit notitia harum linguarum , ignorantia nos in multis titubare facit . nec deerit veritatis aliquod lumen in vetustioribus hujusmodi ms. si nostram sententiam contra adversantium imposturas illustrare possumus ; & tanti majori studio nobis erit incumbendum hisce laboribus , quanto majus & firmius praesidium inde pro fulciendis suis opinionibus quaerunt adversarii ; quod jam romae manifestarunt , publicando illud ms. arabicum , vetustissimum , ut ferunt , ex quo sua dogmata infallibiter stabiliri & demonstrari , nostraque perspicue & solide confutari stolide credunt . operam perdo haec exaggerando , cum dudum tibi satis superque cognitae fuerint hae linguae ut & commoda inde promanantia ; quocirca nullus dubito quin me pro more tuo tibi devincias , tuumque consilium mihi benigne communices , praesertim cum hac occasione me aliquando idoneum reddas inserviendo reip. literariae , & haec aliaque tua mihi collata benefacta publicis & privatis tabulis consecrando . catalogum librorum celeberrimi d. scioppii praestantiss . d. hachio misi , qui tibi , si ita placuerit , eundem conspiciendum praebebit . doleo ipsius sortem , qui jam in extrema senectute squalide degit , aliorum addictus gratiae . graviter laborat febri continuâ & fere nulla spes recuperandae pristinae saluti relicta est . opera ipsius non parum noxae adferent parti adversae , ita ut divina fere providentiâ id fieri cernamus , quomodo tanti viri nolentes volentes coguntur assentiri sanae doctrinae , suamque ac falsam respuere . latitant hinc & inde in italiâ summi viri , quorum opera posthuma aliquando monstrabunt , quantum potior pars catholicae ecclesiae abhorreat à suo capite , & à plurimis canonibus sibi pro articulis fidei obtrudi solitis . summâ cum admiratione audiri r. p. fulgentium venetiis degentem , olim socium r. p. pauli , qui historiam concilii tridentini sub nomine petri soavez poloni conscripsit ; mirum dico , quam apertè & solidè loquutus est de vitiis & falsis opinionibus in romanam ecclesiam introductis . nec minus ab eâ dissentit jul. clem. scotus ex illustri comitum scotorum familiâ oriundus dudum jesuita , jam vero infensissimus istius ordinis inimicus , quorum scripta maximum ponderis habebunt in adversariis . nimium hac epistolâ excurro , vir magne , veniam audaciae in scribendo , & , quod superest , deum immortalem precor , velit t. rev. dign . diu incolumen in sui nominis gloriam totiusque reip. literariae emolumentum conservare ; mihi meisque rebus fave . patavii antenoris octob. st . n. . letter ccxxxviii . reverendissimo doctissimoque viro jacobo usserio archiepiscopo armachano s. p. d. isaacus gruterus . vix egressus eram adolescentiae spatia quae sub ferula eruditur , cum inter ea te nomina excepi , ad quorum venerationem se componebat jam tum aetatis impetus , solâ virorum ingentium veneratione commendari solitus , juventâ maturior , etsi turbatô saepius ob domestica ex fortunae variantis arbitrio impedimenta profectu , tenui tamen & velut caliganti in graviores literas prospectu accessi ad tui admirationem propius ; in magnam felicitatis partem deputaturus occasionem , quae epistolicae compellationi viam panderet . et videtur ex inopino oblatum , in quo fatigata vane exquirentis anxie consilia . invado igitur quà desideriis meis operam spondet nobilissimi boswelli expeditum literas amantibus obsequium . neque praemunio ulterius hanc scriptionis licentiam , ne aut modestiae tuae inimica , aut fronti meae insueta meditari iis dicar , quibus aliunde haud innotui , longe dissidens à molestâ ambitionis pompâ , simplicitatis perditurâ pretium apud virtutis istius aequos aestimatores . praeter illud , quo apud eruditos hujus seculi clarus jamdiu emeruisti tacitam & nunc calamo mandatam ex me reverentiam , savilii impulit recordatio , ex paucis in lucem editis , quae videre & legere mihi contigit , hausta . putabam enim animadvertisse familiariter te cum nobilissimo viro & nunc ad beatos translato consuevisse . ejus in tacitum notas , nunquam latine lectas , nupere vertere romano sermone caepi . praelo destinatis sua designavi prolegomena cum eo , quod tantas virtutes decet , elogio . sed quia homini lectionis angustae quaedam ex libris innotuerunt , pauca ex amicorum sermonibus , multa fugiunt , cumque nancisci haud licuerit , unde plenioris adjumenti spes erat facta , optem tuâ opera scire quid scripserit , otii , in fallor , religiosus dispensator , editum ineditumve . an spes sit vindicandi a bibliothecae situ , quae plurima in omni scientiarum genere elucubrata vidisse testatur quisquis autor est praefationis in germania praefixae libello de militia romana , latinitate donato ; sed cujus diu est cum nulla prostant exemplaria . audio vivere filiam ejus , unicam amplissimarum fortunarum haeredem in provinciâ cantium dictâ . vereor an falso rumor id auribus meis insinuaverit , aditusne ad eam per consimiles literas ( latine enim scire narrant ) detur , quaeso effice ne me lateat , si opis fuerit tuae , meditantem ea , quibus vir apud belgarum & alibi eruditos plerumque ignotus celebretur ; si modo praestare id queat praeconii nostri exilitas . depuduisse fo rs videbor multis alios ex se aestimantibus , non tibi , qui literarum nomine & defuncti illud quicquid est molestiae exhaurire non defugies & perscribere ex vero cognita . diriges autem quae mihi destinaveris ad nobiliss. boswellum , cujus beneficio hae londinum transmittuntur . vale vir reverendissime & aequus esto negotium facessenti ; qui quodvis obsequium libentissime tibi debiturus sum ea — facilitate tantique officii nomine . hagae-consitis in batavia . postridie idus julias . m. d. c. xlix . parats hasce & jamjam per nobiliss. boswellum curandas amicus meus ecclesiae anglicanae apud batavos minister in britanniam transfretaturus secum sumpsit . cum eo brevi edituro tulissime habere potero responsum , si meruisse illud licuerit . letter ccxxxix . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the learned john gerard vossius . viro clarissimo mihique amicissimo johanni gerardo vossio . amstelodamum . vivo adhuc , mi vossi ! si vivere dicendus est qui ad calamitosissima & flagitiosissima reservatus tempora , ea quotidie spectare cogitur , quorum animus meminisse horret , luctuque refugit . inter quas continuas aerumnas & illo animi angore me subinde confici dissimulare non possum ; quod ità ego te neglexerim , ut pro eximio illo artis tuae poëticae thesauro nulla à me relata , ac ne habita quidèm aut acta fuerit gratia . ante annum , & quod excurrit appendicem meam ignatianam ac de macedonum ac asianorum anno solari dissertationem mittere ad te memini ; sed quid tantilla illa ad justos hosce poëticae tuae , tanta diligentia & industriâ elucubratos , commentarios majoris fortasse operis , & pretii , usus certè aliquandò uberioris , futuri sunt annales nostri sacri : cum asiatico , & aegyptiaco , & olympiadum exordio usque ad vespasiani imperium , ex scriptoribus exteris , deducto chronico . quamprimum opus absolutum fuerit ( quod ante finem proximae aestatis futurum spero ) consendum ad te sum missurus : si lucis hujus usuram saevitia temporum tantisper mihi permiserit . intereò literarum harum latorem d. johannem priceum , insignis eruditionis , & probitatis virum ( quem ex scriptis notum tibi esse non dubito ) & sui praecipuè , & mei etiàm ( cui amicissimus est ) causâ , finu complexuque tuo recipe ; & me , licet id parum commerentem , amare non cessa . tui cupidissimus ja. usserius armachanus . londini , xvii kalend. april . anno / . letter ccxl . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the learned johan . hevelius . viro clarissimo d. johanni hevelio dantiscano . gedanum . vir praestantissime ; selenographiam tuam admirandam ostendit mihi hartlibius noster , splendidissimum munus , dubliniensi nostrae bibliothecae benignissime à te donatum . cui inter tumultus bellicos jam animam penè agenti academiae , inter primos in illam admissos ego jam unicus superstes relictus filius , officii mei esse duxi , gratias quantum possum maximas , dulcissimae matris nomine , tibi persolvere : atque privati mei insuper in te affectus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , asiaticum & aegyptiacum nostrum chronicon à mundi primâ origine ad antiochi epiphanis & maccabaica tempora deductum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qualiscunque vicem suppleturum , ad te transmittere : quod ut boni consulas oro , ut profectum ab homine , tui amantissimo j. u. armachanus . londini pridie kalend. novemb. julian . anno aerae christianae mdcl . letter ccxli. a letter from the reverend dr. hammond , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; some few dissertations i have put together , with some purpose to adventure them to the press ; but first desire to offer them to your grace's view , to receive your judgment of the fitness of so doing . if the whole do bring too great a trouble to your grace , you may then read over the lemmata , and thereby be directed to read where you think there will be most hazard of my running any error . and if upon survey your grace shall find cause to send back the book again for my further thoughts , it will be welcome , if accompanied with your directions . but if there be no more dangerous 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than what your pen may without much trouble correct , i desire it may then be returned to mr. royston this bearer , with a word of notice to him that he may proceed . but i must desire from your grace the favour of perfect secrecy till the book be printed , and then it shall visit your grace again . from your graces most humble servant , h. hammond . dec. . letter ccxlii. a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the reverend dr. hammond . good doctor ; i received heretofore , by your direction , from mr. allestree , the greek passage of irenaeus , and yesterday your most accurate descanting upon the same , for which i return unto you very hearty thanks , being very glad also to understand by your letter of the th of august , therewith received , that you have a thought of making an entire dissertation for the vindicating of ignatius his epistles : which together with your treatise of episcopacy in latin , enlarged with such additions as you mention of act. . and the ancyran canon , i hold would be to exceeding good purpose . the new title wherewith you were dubbed , of sir knave , is in the railing book writ expresly against desiderius heraldus ; which having but look'd on , i sent to young heraldus , the other 's son , who hath not hitherto restor'd the same to me . i pray god to bless you in all your godly endeavours ; in whom i ever more rest , your very loving brother , ja. armachanus . rigate in surry , apr. . . letter ccxliii . a letter from the reverend dr. hammond , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; i must not omit to render my most humble acknowledgments for the favour of your last book of chronology , added to the many former obligations laid on me by your grace . i could not but smile when i was of late required by the london-minsters to answer the objections which you had made to the epistles of ignatius . the printer will shortly give you an account of the return i have made to it . i find now in another caviller against those epistles , a testimony out of st. jerom , dial. . cont . pelag. [ jgnatius vir apostolicus & martyr scribit audacter , elegit dominus apostolos qui super omnes homines peccatores erant ] which i find not in his epistles . doth your grace remember any thing of it if it be not troublesome , i beseech you impart one word concerning it to your most humble servant h. hammond . may . letter ccxliv . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the reverend dr. hammond . good doctor ; i have read , with great delight and content , your accurate answer to the objections made against the credit of ignatius his epistles ; for which , as i do most heartily thank you , so am i moved thereby further to entreat you to publish to the world , in latin , what you have already written in english , against this objector , and that other , who for your pains hath rudely requited you with the bare appellation of nebulo for the assertion of episcopacy , to the end it may no longer be credited abroad , that these two have so beaten down this calling , that the defence thereof is now deserted by all men , as by lud. capellus is intimated in his theses of church-government at sedan lately published . which i leave to your serious consideration ; and all your godly labours to the blessing of our god , in whom i evermore rest , your very loving friend and brother , ja. armachanus . july . letter ccxlv . a letter from the reverend dr. hammond , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; to the trouble that i lately offered your grace , i beseech your pardon if i present this addition , in desiring a view of your variae lectiones of the new testament , which i conceive fit to be look'd on , to prepare those notes for the press which i have now in good part done . if this favour be uncivil for me to ask , or inconvenient for your grace to grant , i shall by your least word be kept from farther importuning it ; but if you see fit to communicate them , this bearer , mr. royston , will safely convey them to me ; and at what time your grace shall appoint , return them to you ; from your grace's most obliged servant , h. hammond . decemb. . . letter ccxlvi . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the reverend dr. hammond . reverend sir ; i read over your book with no small admiration , both of the infiniteness of the pains which you have taken , and the exactness of the judgment which you have shewed therein . the only thing i could wish is , that the accurate tractate of the gnostic heresy , should come out apart in a dissertation by its self , without any reference to the argument of your other main discourse ; for howsoever the occasion of bringing it in be not unapt , yet the application of st. paul's prophecy thereunto , is not like to find such acceptance in the reformed churches beyond the sea , that i should desire the principal argument in hand might be adventured in the same bottom with the other . the varieties of the readings of the new testament , out of the cambridg copies , i have sent unto you ; but those out of the oxford ones ( wherein your self had a chief hand ) i can by no means find , and do much fear that they were plundred , among my other books and papers , by the rude welch in glamorganshire . yet instead thereof i have sent unto you , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excerpted out of the volumns wherein the ancient edition of the septuagint is contain'd , in the library of st. james's : which if it may stand you in any stead , i shall be very glad . your own , j. a. lond. jan. . . letter ccxlvii. a letter from dr. edward davenant , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend ; it is an extraordinary comfort to me , in the midst of my troubles , to hear , not only of your grace's health , which i am bound daily to pray for , but that you should be so affected with the hearing of mine . i never shall forget the favours which you were pleased to shew me in bristol ; and though these silly things of mine are far unworthy of your judicious perusal , yet i choose rather to lay open mine own weakness , than disobey the least of your desires . for the resolution of spherical triangles , i take the sextant of any circle ; this i divide into equal parts , and suppose each part a degree ; by this means i keep always ( in circulis maximis ) the same radius that i began with ; and the length of that radius is always the measure of a right angle . this course i find to be the most speedy for practice , though for the measuring of other arches and angles , the scale is not to be trusted , but use is to be made of the common rules of trigonometrical calculation . touching my treatise of eclipses , i know how far it is from perfection ; for want of better authors , my grounds are for the most part taken out of calvisius , whose rules ( of any that i have seen ) i find to be the most compendious : but the exemplification of his rules is extreamly misprinted in many places . in his first table , upon which many of the following depend , there is an overfight committed by himself ; for whereas dividing a circle , or i. d. i. ii . iii. iiii . v. vi . vii . . . . . . . . . . by   d. i. ii . iii. iv . v. vi . vii . . . . . . . . .   he makes the quotient to be d. i. ii . iii. iiii . v. vi .     . . . . . . .     or , d. h. i. ii . iii. iiii . v. vi .   ( . . . . . . . . )   it should be d. i. ii . iii. iiii . v. vi . *   . . . . . . .   or , d. h. i. ii . iii. iiii . v. *   ( . . . . . . . )   so that comparing the first column of his th page , with the first column of the th page , you may see . v. omitted , and . vi . put into the place thereof . which oversight , though small , yet being in fundamento , it has an influence throughout his first five tables , and causeth mine to differ from them . i doubt not but your grace is furnished with far more ready and exact tables , and therefore easily may spare these ; which i desire , after you have perused them , that they may be safely returned ; for whatsoever they are , they have cost me no little labour , and i have never another copy of them if these should happen to miscarry . if i forget not , you made mention of one mullerus , ( whose works i never had a sight of ) ; i would fain know whether it be not the same mollerus , whose tabulae phrisicae i find thrice reprehended ( how justly i cannot say ) in calvisius , a mundi , , , and . there is nothing in mathematicks which i more long to hear of , than the new edition of vieta's works , if it be yet come forth . but i trespass too far upon your patience , to trouble you so long about these trifles . to make some recompence , i have sent up with them that elaborate work of the bishop of salisbury ; which being committed to my charge , your grace has done me unspeakable favour to undertake the publishing of it . i send the book it self , which my lord left with me to be printed , rather than that i shewed you at bristol , which was but a transcript out of this . the weakness of my body , and other troubles which now lie heavy on me , will not permit me to attend upon the printing ; my hope is , you will find some divine there at hand , that will look to preserve it from the errors of the press . the short answer of his unto the french divines , ( which i found scattered amongst his papers ) is sent up in the book ; i refer to your grace's judgment , whether it be fit to be added or omitted in the impression . if dr. ward 's works , touching the same subject , may come forth together in one volume , i believe it will be no less agreeable to the mind of the deceased authors , than grateful to the sight of surviving posterity . i cease to be more troublesome , and with my heartiest prayers for your long health here , and eternal happiness hereafter , remain , your grace's in all humble service , to be commanded , edward davenant . gillingham , jan. . . letter ccxlviii . a letter from mr. wheelocke professor of arabick in cambridg , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , at lincolns-inn . may it please your grace to give me leave , since in these times i come not to london , to tender my most humble duty to you in this paper-fashion . i most humbly thank your grace for mentioning me to mr. cudworth : who , as his name also promiseth , is a young man of good worth ; and so , had he liv'd ( when the church of ireland lately flourished under your grace's primacy ) furnished with such abilities , no wonder if you had called him into that then flourishing kingdom , as were many more of his parts and merits . your grace was pleased to ask him what i was doing . my lord , i cannot spend my time better , than after the holy scriptures , in gathering your lordship's observations upon many obscure texts of the bible ; but by my constant attending on my lectures , i am prevented of doing what i otherwise might . sir henry spelman's saxon lecture , honoured by your lordship's first motion to the heads of houses , ( and have i not cause to admire god's providence , as my lord of exeter told me , that the work should be countenanced by so transcendent patronage ) hath made me your grace's scholar ; as in truth the ecclesiae ipsae britannicae universae at this time are . but , my lord , pardon my boldness , and give me leave to chalenge the stile , if not of scholar , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , since i never counted my self worthy to wait on your person , yet a true admirer of all your lordship's most rich treasures , now , in your most learned writings bequeathed to the church ; but my saxon imploiment will bind me much to be acquainted with your primordia eccles. britannicarum ; tho your grace will pity my condition , as being not able to compass the use of those rare manuscripts cited in that most rich magazine ; yet i am glad that we have many excellent and rare antiquities there at large cited to us . i presumed , two years since , to send mr. hartlib a specimen of my intentions , and beginnings of a confutation of the alcoran : it was according to my poor skill , a discovery of mahomet's , and his chaplains devilish policy , to raze out of the faith of the eastern people , the memory of the three persons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by substituing in the stead thereof three words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so in the same manner , as by fair and goodly language , he blotted out of the christian church , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — so doth he the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — gloria patri — by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 glory be to god , the lord of the world , &c. for this intent , to square out a platform of faith easy for all the world to believe , that so he and his succeeding chalifs , may gain such a false believing and seduced world to the infernal see of meccha ; and that was his meaning in binding all to pray towards meccha . had i skill , and means , and encouragement from your grace , i would endeavour to make some progress in the same work : not but that i know many in this kingdom far more able than my self , but that i fear none of them will attempt it , but rather smile at the design . the language of the alchoran , to write in that stile , may be attained ; the matter of confutation may be easy to any that will attend to the wicked plots of apostates , then , and ever , practised in the world. but mr. hartlib returned my papers , and told me they were not , or else my intention , was not approved . i purposedly was desirous to be ignorant who should give this severe censure , lest they should think i should grieve thereat . mr. hartlib , i thank him , did me the pleasure as to conceal it from me . i could scarce keep my self from some such imployment about the alchoran ; but these times call us now to other thoughts : the fear of losing the univers . as well as regnum , & sacerdotium , doth not a little amaze us . when a messenger comes hither from your grace , i shall be glad to be informed by him , wherein i may best , in this lambeth library , be serviceable , and express my bounden duty to your lordship . the lord still add to the number of your days , to the comfort of the afflicted britain churches , which , next to god , cast their eyes upon you in these sad extremities which they have already suffered . your grace's most humble servant , abraham wheelocke . we expect every day , the setting up of the lambeth books in the schools ; where your grace , above years since , heard mr. andrew downs read the greek lecture ; as yet they remain in fat 's , or great chests , and cannot be of any use . letter ccxlix . a letter from the learned isaacus gruterus , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . viro maximo jacobo usserio archiepiscopo armachano , hiberniae primati s. p. d. isaacus gruterus . non passus sum me abripi affectu , virtutes tuas si non aestimare saltem venerari nescio , cum mihi nuper apud te calamum feci pararium . neque ex alto nunc causas arcesso , quae necdum consumptae , fiduciam sustinent fore ut & secundae allocutioni sua venia sit , interiorem tantae eruditionis , in perspectâ multis humanitate , cultum meditanti . eorum quae tunc scripsi , alia tempus mutavit intermedium , alia integram officii gratiam habent , si vel partem desiderii nostri expletam imputare liceat tuae benevolentiae . savilii enim filiam , sidleijo cuidam olim nuptam , obiisse narravit mihi nobiliss. boswellus ; vir non aliis magis virtutibus , quas plures benignior indulsit natura , quam literarum patrocinio illustris . quid vero savilianae industriae ineditum servent alicubi scrinia chartacea , non alîunde quam ex te melius constare mihi posse videtur , cum doceant scripta tua propriori vos familiaritate coaluisse . illud ergo repetere ausus sum hoc epistolae compendio , explicatum forte olim uberius , ut in concilianda istius rei notitia gratificari velis homini extero , in magna felicitatis parte habituro per istud obsequium posse tibi commendare quamcunque affectus sui operam , testem positi non apud ingratum beneficii . vale. isaacus gruterus . hagae-comitis . . febr. iv . calendas martii . ciciccl . letter ccl . a letter from p. scavenius , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . vir illustrissime & reverendissime . nihil gratius mihi accidere potuit , quàm tuas literas , iisque inclusa mandata accipere . totus fui in ea exequendo , ut tuae petitioni , & meo voto rectè satissecisse viderer , sed nescio quo fato res hic aguntur , ut semper objiciantur tantae remorae , & praetextus , quibus suas res ornare allaborant , quibus alienae parum curae sunt , & qui potius nomine , quam reipsa , aliis inservire cupiunt ; divites , ut aiunt , promissis , & tardi vel seri in fide datâ servandâ clariss . dominus holsteinius infinitis destrictus negotiis , ( nam censor est librorum qui hic typis mandantur ) merito fugit hunc laborem , quippe immensum , quem requirit vel descriptio vel collatio hujus ms. cum excusis codicibus . codex enim est antiquissimus , hinc & inde mutilus , ut interdum oedippo opus sit sensum indagare . promisit tamen se missurum parvulas aliquot varias lectiones , quas successive sparsim in unum vel alterum prophetam notavit , & excusavit se non posse ipsum codicem mittere , eumque periculis tanti itineris exponere , cum hoc modo sibi odium eminentissimi domini cardinalis facillime conciliaret . magna pars vitae christianae fastidii episcopi britanni excusa est , & spes est eum tractatum adhuc lucem visurum , cum inter d. augustini opera non integre reperiatur , sed ejusdem saltem sparsim fiat mentio . sub praelo sunt edente hostenio fragmenta quaedam conciliorum , & fasciculus quarundam epistolarum antiquarum , in quarum numero legi responsum imperatoris ad leonem magnum , quod nullibi , impressum reperitur . in biblioth . vaticana maximus certè est thesaurus librorum ms. nec ubivis obviorum , quos saltem per transennam inspicere nobis licet . pessime nostris rebus consuluere ii , qui antehac quaedam descripsere , ac postea romanis invitis & innominatis publicarunt . nec desunt , qui inde tela quaesivere , quibus ipsos confodere , ac ita proprio ense ipsos necare studuerunt . hoc modo itali malè remunerati , cautiores ac difficiliores in communicando exteris sua mysteria evasere . doleo mihi vix tantum temporis superesse , quo obiter possum lustrare omnes bibliothecas hujus urbis . chronicon georgii hamartholi nondum lucem vidit , typis tamen paratum servatur à domino leone allatio . an exstant plura in mss o codice de sibyllimis oraculis , quam in excusis , ob angustiam temporis jam non licet inquirere . sequenti septimanâ cum domino leone allatio diligentissimè perscrutabor , & primâ occasione de singulis perscribam . nova quae in re literaria hic occurrunt à praestantiss . domino hachio intelliges . quod superest deum supplex rogo , velit tuam reverendissimam dignitatem diu incolumen servare in emolumentum totius reip. literariae . tu vir magne , vale , meisque rebus fave . tuus humillimus , petrus scavenius . romae . mart. st . vet . . letter ccli . venerando praesuli , domino jacobo usserio archiepiscopo armachano , totius hiberniae primati illustrissimo . paulus testardus ecclesiae reformatae blaesensis pastor . s. p. d. venerande praesul ; nomen tuum suavissimae in ecclesiâ christi fragrantiae , integerrimam tuam virtutem , quam nulli iniquissimo etsi saeculo non revereatur , atque eximia scripta , quibus orbem ditasti , quorum quâ potui diligentiâ quaesitorum partem magno cum gaudio obtinui , jampridem impensissimo studio , summaque veneratione colo : dignitatis tuae sententiam , quae possit esse , de opusculo quod , sollicitante etiàm ante annos septemdecim domino johanne brookes , qui tibi , video , non est ignotus , ex disciplinâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cameronis edidi , turbarum ob arminii remonstrantiam excitatarum occasione , ut quâ ratione virus quantum in eâ est vir iste celebris ab ecclesiis nostratibus propulerat , omnibus communicarem , eademque operâ aliquam evangelicos omnes conciliandi rationem saltèm pro modulo insinuarem , cui opusculo & lis mihi mota à reverendis viris d. d. molinaeo , riveto & spanhemio , sed jàm , deo gratias , uti spero pacata coegit addere elucidarium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apologeticum , adeoque s. de hoc additamento , noscendi flagranti desiderio teneor , amicos rogavi eam ut exquirere velent , ipse & dignitatis tuae sores pulsassem exquirendae gratiâ , nisi manum injecisset tenuitatis meae conscientia . at jam , venerande praesul , accipio ab eximio viro domino colladonio & exhibitas tibi scriptiunculas meas , quas ad dominum leche eâ mente misi , & sperandam à te earum censuram , et me etsi valdè ignobilem tuae dignitati non prorsùs ignotum , imo nec prorsùs benevolentiae tuae expertem . non haerebo sanè diutius sic monitus , quin ipse venerationem meam dignitati tuae exhibeam , vota pro ipsius in praesentibus procellis solatio significem & ardentissima & constantissima , sententiam tuam de meâ , quae de gratiae dei in christo cum particularitate , tum universalitate distinctius ex utroque jàm memorato scripto agnoscenda est , de animo , deque facto pro occasione rogem , quià fortè ea res in synodo nostrâ nationali poterit novae considerationi subjici , importunae rogationis poenam deprecor , gratias quantas possum humanitati tuae & caritati agam , meque totum tuae dignitati devinctum & addictum summa cum humilitate profiteor . vale , venerande praesul , teque per multos annos ecclesiae suae , quantum restaurandae ! incolumem praestet deus optimus maximus . dat. blaesis iv . non. april . an. mdcl . venit in mentem & addere consulturam & ecclesiae anglicanae & nostratibus tuam dignitatem , si quid probaret scribere , quod nonnullos anglis multis apud nos agentibus circà vocationem nostram , & celebrandam nobiscum sacram eucharistiam scrupulos eximeret , imò & quo sunt statu utendam totam ecclesiae apud nos consuetudinem , à quo pietatem tuam non abhorrere sum persuasus , qui & anglicanae parte magna vidisti consuetudine uti in angliâ non trepidavissem . letter cclii . viro reverendissimo celeberrimo , illustrissimoque jacobo usserio armachano , &c. patrono suo aetatèm colendo christianus ravius berlinas , s. p. d. quamdiu incertum iter meum erat , tacere , quàm epistolio meo molestus esse volo praesul eminentissime . statim atque amstelodamum veni , secundo februarii stylo veteri serenissimae reginae indicabam adventum : illa statim jubet mihi numerari m. joachimicos , & plus etiam , si opus habeam . secundo martii cambium holmiae signatur . tricesimo martii mercator acceptat hic collybum , & obstringit se ad praescriptum solutionis terminum quatuordecim dierum . sic decimo tertio aprilis stylo novo accepi mille joachimicos ; & paulo post ducentos amplius : summam trecentarum librarum sterling . redemi totam r. man — typographiam unà cum matricibus & quos vocant ponzonis omnibus . habeo jam duodecim genera typorum ebraicorum : habeo & graecos & latinos ferè totidem . curo fieri & alia : sed caetera rejicio in id tempus , quo me sistere gratiosissimae meae dominae possim . res meas jam omnes deposui in navem , quae cras , bono cum deo , solvet , nauta & ego secuturi ad diem-martis proximum , ita enim nauta promittit . rediit heinsius junior à regina . cl. salmasius incertum an hâc aestate abeat . reginam incipere convalescere , scripsit cl. vossius , expectabatur idem hac aestate redux , sed morbo reginae praepeditus non veniet . interim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vossii de scientiis opus apud blauium prodire potest . amicus & — civis meus georgius gentzius ex oriente tandem redux multa affert spolia , & evasit doctissimus . abscondit se & sua , aitque sibi velle & suis musis patriae praedia repetere — plus requiei verae , quàm ex ullo splendore officii , & plus reditus , quàm ex luculenta p — blondellus huc vocatus in locum vossii nondum venit , proximè tamen expectatur . schurman & ipsa dicitur â reginâ vocata , renuere tamen . multae fuere in suecia turbae . cartesii sepulturam , quae cum non esset pro voluntate reginae splendida , non secuta est . — quod alias cohonestatura fuerat praesens . hâc aestate nondum coronabitur regina . meum desiderare adventum affert jansonius jansonii bibliopolae nostri filius , ibi uti reginae typographus regius . opus tuum , eminentissime praesul , quaeso & oro , dedices reginae nostrae & nihil timere habes ob eam dedicationem ; non mirabuntur vestri senatores , eruditissimum praesulem eruditissimae reginae & alteri elizabethae anglicae aut angelicae dedicare opus summae eruditionis , qua illa delectetur , cum vestri martis alumni sint . — & si deus me salvum in sueclam deduxerit , inde laetiora quaeque expectando me , quod facis , amare perge . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . amstelodami / maii , . communes nostros amicos , patrone venerande , cum te salutatum , ut solent , venerint , seldenum , patr. junium , des euwes , leigh , studiorum meorum fautores , meo quaeso nomine & devotissimè salvere jube & ipse , ut valescas , cura diligenter . mitto serenissimae reginae effigiem . letter ccliii . a letter from dr. langbaine , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . to the most reverend , and his much honoured lord and patron , james lord arch-bishop of armagh , at the countess of peterborough 's house by charing-cross . my most honoured lord ; i have at last return'd , what i intended to have brought to your lordship , those two pieces of british antiquities which your lordship was pleased to impart to me , and whereof i have taken copies , and may possibly hereafter give some better account than as yet i can ; i mean , as to that of vale crucis . as for the other , unless the characters can be more exactly taken from the original , i give for desperate . what character the ancient britains used , whether that which the saxons after , as your lordship ( if i remember well ) is of opinion , or the same with your ancient irish ( which i conceive to be not much different from the saxon , and to which this monument of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. both as to the form of some letters , and the ligatures of them , seem to come nearer than to the saxon ) . i dare not take upon me to determine , but shall here subjoin what i met with in a very old manuscript , sometimes st. dunstan's ; in which , besides ars euticis grammatici , de discernendis conjugationibus in the beginning , and ovid de arte amandi at the end , are contain'd several other pieces , some in saxon , some in greek , but in saxon characters . some in latin — & inter alia , after this rubrick . * nemninus istas reperit literas uituperante † quidam scolastico saxonici generis quia brittones non haberent rudimentum . at ipse subito ex machinatione , mentis suae formavit eas ut vituperationem et hebitudinem ‖ deiceret gentis suae : de figuris et de nominib ; ductis . follows an alphabet , ( as in the next page , saving that i add ( de proprio ) the words , nomen , figura , potestas . ) nomen . alar . braut . curi . dexu . egui . fich . guidir . huil . iechuit . kam . louber . figura . potestas . a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. k. l. nomen . muin nihn . or . parth . quith . rat . sung . traus . uir . ●eil . ofr . figura . potestas . m. n. o. p. q. r. s. t. u. x. . nomen . zeirc . aiun . estiaul egun . aur . emc. hinc . henc . elau . utl . orn . figura . potestas . z. ae . et . eu . au . el. hinc . ego . ecce . vult . ae . but the characters are in the manuscript much more elegant and neat than i could express . what i said of an irish saxon character , i am bold to call it so , because i find it used in our old irish chronicle , and some other latin pieces of good note and antiquity , writ , if not in ireland , yet by an irish hand : in which kind i have met with chalcidius his translation of plato's timaeus ; and , i think , a dialogue of his own about the state of the soul after death , both for the matter and stile somewhat remarkable , but imperfect . we have two copies of the acts of sylvester in manuscript latin , in our publick library ; one in a good old book , which was sometime the passional of the monastery of ramesey ; in which those acts are divided into two books . the other copy is one continued story ; the book in which it is found , is of a good fair hand , well bound , gilt leaves , and has been perused by john leland , whose notes occur sparsim in the margin , besides his tetrastich at the beginning of the book , which containing the lives of divers saints , and in the first of st. martin , by sulpitius severus , occasioned these verses from him . plutarchus vitas scripsit , vitasque severus , et pulchre officio functus uterque suo est . quanto plutarchus linguâ praestantior , alter materia tanto clarior atque fide . amongst other lives , there is that of sylvester , translated ( as the preface pretends ) out of eusebius ; the words to that purpose are — historiographus noster eusebius caesariensis — cum historiam ecclesiasticam scriberet pretermisit ea quae sunt in aliis opusculis vel quae se meminit retulisse . nam viginti libros omnium penè provinciarum passiones martyrum-continere fecit . deinde secutus ab apostolo petro omnium apostolorum nomina & gesta conscripsit , & earum urbium quae auctoritatem pontificatus per apostolicas sedes tenere noscuntur ; urbes roma , antiochia , jerosolyma , ephesus , alexandria : harum igitur urbium episcoporum omnium preteritorum usque ad tempus suum graeco sermone conscripsit . ex quorum numero * unus episcoporum urbis romae s. sylvestri me de graeco in latino transferre praecepisti . the beginning in both copies is the same , viz. sylvester igitur urbis romae episcopus , cum esset infantulus . but in the process of the story they somewhat differ , both one from the other , and from the printed acts by surius . in both i meet with the story of the bull , &c. if your lordship think it worth the while , i shall willingly bestow some further pains in collating both these , and another copy which ( i think ) i saw some years since in baliol-colledg library . if the time and this paper would admit , i should give you an account of my self and this place : but at present i must respit that trouble . i am , your lordship 's in all observance , gerard langbaine . q. coll. june . . letter ccxliv . a letter from the right reverend godfrey goodman bishop of gloucester , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , at the countess of peterborough 's at lovewick in northamptonshire . most reverend ; i have here made bold to send you my sufferings on the back-side of the prayer ; and i desire that your return to london may be hastned , if it may stand with your own conveniency ; for if you had not been so wholly taken up with printing and preaching , truly , my lord , i would have been bold to have taken your advice in some points of learning . and now you are in the country , i suppose you are at best leasure , but you want your library ; yet i doubt not the good lady with whom you are ( god reward and bless her for being such a nursing-mother ) hath many good english books ; and i suppose , amongst others , you may find bishop andrews's sermons ; i pray peruse that sermon at easter , upon this text , if any one will be contentious , we have no such custom ; and then let me know whether any man did ever speak more for traditions , than he doth there for customs , both which words are the same in effect . then how many things there are in the old law , whereof we have no scripture but only tradition . then , i pray , let me have your opinion of torniellus , i have read him over ; though i have forgotten much , yet i remember he shows some defects . and , i pray , let me know when the kingdoms of judah and israel were divided , upon the death of solomon , whether the power of the high priest were acknowledged in both kingdoms alike , until israel fell to idolatry . i will trouble your grace no further at this time ; if you please to return any answer , i pray let it be left at the house where you were , and once within a fortnight my servant shall call there . so desiring that we may remember each other in our prayers , i commit you to god's protection , and rest , your most humble servant , godfrey goodman . chelsy , july . . letter cclv. a letter from the right reverend jos. hall bishop of norwich , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . accepi à te pridem , honorandissime praesul , munus egregium , teque uno dignum , annales sacros veteris testamenti accuratissimè digestos . non enim mihi traditum est volumen , quàm oculi mei in tam gratum , diuque expetitum opus irruerint illico , neque se exinde avelli patiuntur . obstupui sanè indefessos labores , industriam incredibilem , reconditissimae eruditionis monumenta , quae se istic passim vel supino lectori ultrò objiciunt ; praecipuè vero subit animum mirari faelicitatem otii tui , quò inter tam continuam concionum doctissimarum seriem studiis hisce paulò asperioribus , & abstrusissimarum quarumcunque ( utpote ex imae antiquitatis caligine erutarum ) historiarum indagini vacare potueris : hoc fieri non potuisset ilicet sine numine mirum in modum & tibi propitio , & ecclesiae ; in cujus unius gratiam haec tibi singularia & artium & linguarum charismata tam ubertim collata fuisse , facilè persentisces . perge porro , decus praesulum , ita & nos beare , & adornare tibi coronam gloriae sempiternae : & faxis mirentur posteri tale lumen tam infaelici seculo indultum . expectare nos jubes chronologicum opus toti christiano orbi exoptatissimum , sed & annales , insuper alios : quid non à tanto authore speremus deus modo protrahat tibi dies , ut aevi maturus hinc tandem demigres , seroque in coelum redeas . misit mihi librum nuper à se editum christophorus elderfeldius noster , non , uti fatetur , injussu tuo ; sanè doctum , ae probè elaboratum , & nisi in deploratum incidissimus aevum , non inutilem : quantum debeo & authori & patrono habeat suas à me uterque gratias . ego quod superest paternitatae vestrae reverendissimae preces meas animitus voveo quin & meipsum . jos. norvicens . e. tuguriolo nostro highamensi . in festo sancti jacobi , anno mdcl . letter cclvi. a letter from dr. meric casaubon , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , at lincolns-inn . may it please your grace ; i was with mr. selden , after i had been with your grace ; whom upon some intimation of my present condition and necessities , i found so noble , as that he did not only presently furnish me with a very considerable sum , but was so free and forward in his expressions , as that i could not find in my heart to tell him much ( somewhat i did ) of my purpose of selling , lest it might sound as a further pressing upon him , of whom i had already received so much . neither indeed will i now sell so much as i intended ; for i did not think ( besides what i have in the country ) to keep any at all that would yield any mony. now i shall , and among them , those manuscripts i spoke of to your grace , and jerom's epistles particularly ; the rather , because i make use of it in my de cultu dei , ( the first part whereof your grace hath seen ) which i think will shortly be printed . as for my father's papers , i do seriously desire to dispose of them some way , if i can , to my best advantage , but with a respect to their preservation and safety . which i think would be , if some library , either here , or beyond the seas , had them . i pray , good my lord , help me in it if you can : and when you have an opportunity , conser with mr. selden about it . i will shortly ( within these few weeks , god willing ) send a note to your grace of what i have that is considerable , and will part with . not but that i had much rather keep them , had i any hopes at all , ever to be accommodated with books , and leasure to fit them for publick use my self . but that i have no hopes of ; and certainly so disposed of as i would have them in my life time , they will be safer than in my keeping , in that condition i am . it would be a great ease to my mind , to see that well done , for i have always reckoned of them as of my life ; and if any mischance should come to them whilst they are in my keeping , ( and indeed they have been in danger more than once , since this my tumbling condition ) i should never have any comfort of my life . i have sent your grace the jerome , that you may see it ; and if you desire to keep it by you , i shall humbly crave a note of it under your grace's hand . so i humbly take my leave , your grace's in all humble duty , mer. casaubon . lond. oct. . . letter cclvii . a letter from dr. isaac vossius , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . illustrissimo & reverendissimo viro ja. usserio armachano , s. p. si non plane ignores eruditionem et magnitudiem christinae , dubitare non possis , vir reverendissime , opus tuum chronologicum longe ei fuisse gratissimum . bidui tantum effluxit spatium quod id ad manus ejus pervenerit , plurimum vero praeteriit temporis , ut existimo , ex quo nullum ei tam carum contigit munus . placuit ei supramodum , cum ipsius operis ordo & oeconomia , tum etiam illud quod res aegyptiacas & asiaticas à nemine hactenus in unum redactas , diligenter adeò & copiose tradideris . vidit & ex parte jam pervolvit alia nonnulla scripta quae jam olim in lucem protrusisti ; vel ex iis solis ingenium & doctrinam tuam satis perspicere potuisset , etiamsi nemo alius nominis tui praedicator accessisset : nunc vero cum & literis et munere tuum erga se animum fueris testatus , mirum quoque in modum auctus est ejus erga te affectus & benevolentia . voluit itaque ut tibi suo nomine gratias agerem quam maximas , hortarerque praeterea hoc te argumentum persequi & ad nostra usque tempora , si otium & occasio permitteret , perducere . sed tamen cum norit esse hoc opus maximi & temporis & laboris , non minus forsan gratum feceris , si ea antiquorum scripta , quae ad illustrationem historiae ecclesiasticae pertinent , & qualia te multa habere intellexît serenissima regina prius in lucem emiseris . legit illa non sine maxima voluptate acta illa de polycarpo quae ignatianis tuis adfixisti : nunc vero quod alia ejus generis plura à te exspectet , facit bibliotheca tua recepta , quam flammis esse absumtam constans jam olim ad nos detulerat rumor . multum itaque & tibi & literis gratulatur , quod tam insignis thesaurus salvus ad te sit reversus , postulatque , ut si quae in ea rarioris generis scripta exstent , id efficias , perire posthac ne possint ; id quod nonerit metuendum , si ea publici feceris juris . jussit me praeterea petere à te catalogum meliorum codicum manu exaratorum , qui in tua adservantur bibliotheca , praesertim si graeci sint aut latini : quem ego perlibenter te missurum esse existimo . gratissimum quoque erit serenissimae reginae si una transmiseris indicem manuscriptorum qui in cotoniana & regia exstant bibliothecis . diu est quod de seldeno & patricio junio nulli omnino huc perlati sunt nuntii : eorum virorum studi ▪ ex animo favet regina . in patricium vero si quid reginae nostrae esset juris , non tamdiu textus ille bibliorum graecus in tenebris delitesceret . sed non cuique contingit doctis parere dominis . peto autem ut si fieri possit quamprimum transmittas indices eos quos te postulari . amabit te regina plurimum ubi cognoverit te non minus promtum esse in praestandis quam offerendis officiis . de me vero ita habeas velim ita me erga te animatum , uti debet esse is , quem tu tot tantisque obstrinxeris beneficiis . vale vir reverendissime et salve à tuo toto & ex animo , v. oct. mdcl . holmiae . isaaco vossio . gratias tibi ago maximas pro libro mihi misso ; sequenti hebdomade uberiores tibi referam , simulque transmittam nonnulla quae ignatium nostrum adtinent , de quibus judicium tuum scire aveo . serenissima regina valde capitur operibus veterum platonicorum , procli , olympiodori , hermiae , &c. vellem scire quaenam ejus generis scripta in anglia reperiantur , valde enim talium lectione adficitur domina mea . iterum vale . letter cclviii. a letter from mr. arnold boate , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , at lincolns-inn . may it please your lordship ; by mr : hartlib's letter of novemb. . i understand , that he had received the copy of my treatise against capellus ; which by the opportunity of a friend i had sent him for your lordship ; and that you had been pleased to take the pains , to send him an extract of that part of my letter which concerned him ; for which i heartily thank your grace . by his last letter before , he sent me a note from you , whereby you desired me to consult the original of georgius syncellus his chronicle , for to know whether to simon the son of onias , nine years are given , or nineteen . i have done so , and to my great wonderment find , neither the one nor the other , but twenty years assigned to that high priest ; the author 's own words being such as follow . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and presently after he speaks thus of his successor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . decimiquarti & pontificis nulla sit in syncello mentio , quanquam nulla in manuscripto appareat lacuna , ita ut iste defectus videatur profectus ab ipso autore , qui ibi sic meminit : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sicuti de simonis decessore ita scribit : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have indeed not seen the original manuscript ; but i dare assure your lordship , that the copy out of which i have transcribed these parcels , is as authentical as it self ; as having been transcribed by peter goartus , a dominican friar , famously known by his edition of codinus curopalata , and his most learned notes upon him . this man , at the request of some eminent persons there , ( wearied with the endless delays of altinus , and despairing of ever getting this copy for the press , but upon such terms as they liked not of ) hath with his own hands transcribed the whole work of syncellus and theophanes , and added thereunto , interpretationem latinam per columnas , cum annotationibus fusissimis ac pereruditis in omnes locos difficiliores . and he assureth me upon his honour , that as all along he hath had a singular care not to commit any the least error in transcribing , so in the passage in question he hath used an extraordinary attention , because of several remarkable defects in it . for besides the omission of the two high priests , and the giving of jesus filius sirach for a high priest , ( who never was so , as is well enough known ) there is a fault in the anni mundi of the said jesus sirach , where are given in lieu of : for to , the year of the world wherein simon begun his priesthood , being added , the years that simon served his place , it cometh to , and not to . how these faults may have been occasioned , and how in probability they are to be corrected , goartus sheweth at large in his annotations : of which part of them , and of any other , as of any thing in the text of syncellus and theophanes , he is very willing to let your grace have a copy if you shall desire it ; he being indeed one of the most kind affable and serviceable men that ever i have had to do withal in that kind . so as it is a thousand pities that here is not a copy of your annales , for to bestow it upon him : of which i judg him so worthy , that rather than he should go without it , i would bestow mine own copy upon him , if i had it still . but a few days before i went to goartus about your commission ( that being the first time that ever i saw him ) friar cressy got that from me ; who having seen it with me , and borrowed it of me , was so exceedingly in love with it , as i could not be quiet till i bestowed it upon him . i have sent your syriack treatise of ephrem , as likewise your kimchii radices hebraicae ; of which book , although i have as much use as ever , and shall have as long as god giveth me life and opportunity in my studies ( in which the illustrating the hebrew text holdeth the chief place with me ) yet i thought it unreasonable to detain it any longer from you , having had it so many years already . that breach in popery about grace , groweth wider and wider every day ; and whereas hitherto jansenism hath contained it self within france ( where most part of the prelats and sorbonists are addicted to it ) and the low-countries ; now it hath found entrance into spain , and among the very jesuits , those eager opposers of it ; one of whom having written a book in defence of it , the university of salamanca gave their approbation to it , after the amplest and most solemn manner ; and at the same time caused publickly to be burnt a treatise written by the jesuits , against a little jansenical book , published here at paris , with the title of catechisme de la grace : and having sent the jesuit to rome , with their letters to the pope , in recommendation of his person and his book , he hath there very boldly asserted his writing before the pope and the cardinals ; and in the manner , as they ( although hitherto professed and bitter enemies of that doctrine ) could find no exceptions against him . which hath made those of his order such bitter enemies to him , as they have secretly made him away ; out of which fact great troubles are like to follow : for the pope and the king of spain both , upon complaint made to them , have injoined the jesuits to produce that colleague of theirs , alive or dead , upon pain of their highest displeasure : which news having been first told me by others , was confirmed to me by mr. cressey for a certain truth . thus humbly taking leave of your grace , and praying god to add many and happy years to your life , in the preservation whereof the church of god hath so great an interest , i rest , your grace's most humble and most affectionate servant , arnold boate. paris , nov. . . stilo novo . letter cclix . a letter from the learned ludovicus capellus , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . miraberis fortè , nec sine causâ , virlonge clarissime , me primo quasi impetu publico scripto dignitatem tuam compellare , nulla prius ad te data privatâ epistolâ . id sane longè praeoptassem , ac pridem certe in votis habui aliquod literarum cum dignitate tua commercium habere ; quod multa audiveram de singulari tuâ humanitate cum summâ doctrinâ & eruditione conjunctâ ; quodque ab amicis per epistolas cognoveram & arcanum meum punctationis , & si forte etiam spicilegium meum non esse tibi ignota aut improbata , unde mihi nascebatur desiderium resciscendi à te quid de hisce lucubrationibus meis sentires , sed inhibuit me hactenùs tum subrusticus quidam mihi à naturâ insitus pudor , tum tui reverentia , ne importunis meis literis dignitatem tuam interpellarem , teque a melioribus occupationibus avocarem , molestiamve tibi literarum mearum lectione facesserem . vicit tamen me adversus bootium defendendi necessitas quae quia urgebat , & eam amici flagitabant , spatium mihi non concessit te priùs per literas compellandi ; quod pro tua humanitate mihi condonabis , è grato , uti spero , animo accipies hanc ad te mei adversus illum hominem justam defensionem , quâ & meam quam ille impetit , existimationem , & veritatem quam impugnat , adversus illius offutias tueor . dabis hoc hominis illius importunitati & iniquitati , ac de me , uti confido , aliter , senties quam ille suis accusationibus conatus est dignitati tuae persuadere . hoc à candore & aequitate tua exspecto atque ut dignitatem tuam in longos annos ecclesiae , suae bono servet incolumem , deum ardentissimis votis comprecor . tui cum omni obsequio diligentissimus cultor , lud. capellus . salmurii , jan. . letter cclx . a letter from the learned arnold boate , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . may it please your grace ; i have received your letters of / ● january , and of jan. stilo vet . in the first whereof came inclosed , your answer upon a question concerning the late king ; and the second was accompanied with a gift ( for which i humbly thank your grace ) of a copy of your annales for me , and of gatakerus de stilo n. testamenti . as for the other copy of your annales , that for friar goart ; i delivered it him within two days after , and he expressed a great deal of sence of the savour which you have done him in it . he gave me also an extract about the priesthood of simon onia , and told me , that syncellus with his notes is begun now to be printed , and will be done by the end of this year . he told me also of the latin translation of an arabian chronologer ( who lived above years ago , and hath writ the chronology ab initio mundi ad suam aetatem , with an extraordinary exactness of supputation ) newly printed here ; of which i intend , god willing , to send you a copy , together with those books formerly desired by you , at ellis his next return thither , which he maketh me believe will be within these two or three weeks . the disputes and animosities between the jansenists and the molinists , do grow hotter and hotter every day ; and lately some irish-men here having been busy to get subscriptions of their country-men , in prejudice of janseniana dogmata ; they have been sharply censured for it by a decree of the university , a printed copy whereof you will receive by ellis . capell hath written an apologetical epistle to you , in answer to mine epistle against him , and somewhat about the same bulk ; the which being not only fraught with most injurious language against me , but taxing your grace of rashness and injustice , for having condemned his opinion upon my relation : i have writ an additional sheet to my former treatise , in vindication of your grace , and of my self ; the writing and printing thereof having been dispatched in the space of three days , ne impune velitaret caninum illud scriptum : i am now going to write , justum volumen , sub titulo vindiciarum sacri textus hebraici , contra morinum & capellum junctim , in quo scripto omnes criticae errores , ut & scriptorum morini , ad vivum persequar . for these here , who vaunted of their intention of writing against capel , have all given over ; and buxtorf too will make no full answer to his critica ; as you may see by the following extract of his letter to me , dated januarii . vindiciae meae directe opponentur ejus defensioni , sed methodicae erunt & planae , atque in capita distinctae . sub finem specimina aliquot ex critica exerpam , & ostendam quam necessaria , quam utilis , quam solida ista sit crisis , & quam faeliciter cedat . nolo enim totam ejus criticam examinare & refutare : neque è republica id esset , quia in immensam molem liber excresceret . i have printed just as many copies of the said sheet , as of the epistola it self , for to send an equal number of it , as of the epistle , to all the places where i have sent the other ; so as a great many of them shall go into england by ellis . in the mean while , that you may not stay too long for it , i send you a copy of it here inclosed , and shall be very glad to have your grace's judgment about it . thus with my humble respects , i rest , your grace's most humble servant , arnold boate. paris / march , . extract out of goart's syncellus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . syncellus his copy , as appeareth by this extract , is defective , ( quanquam nulla in membranis lacuna apparet ) clrca annos simonis , non exprimendo annos ipsius proprios , uti in aliis summis pontificibus facere solet , sed tantum annos mundi ; è quibus tamen clarum est , non annos novem cum scaligero , sed annos novendecim simoni isti à syncello tributos . letter cclxi . a letter from mr. robert vaughan , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . reverend father , &c. in performance of your request , and my promise , i have at last sent you the annales of wales , as out of the ancient copy which you saw with me ; i did faithfully translate them into the english tongue , as near as i could , word by word ; wherein ( knowing my weakness ) i laboured not so much to render a sweet harmony of speech , as the plain and simple phrase of that age wherein it was written ; which i thought would best please you , tho happily with others it will not so well relish ; be pleased to receive it as a token from him that honours your worth : as you read it , i pray you correct it , for i know it hath need . there was a leaf wanting in my book , which defect ( viz. from an. , to an. . ) and some passages besides , i was fain to make up out of other ancient copies ; whereof though we have many in wales , yet but few that agree verbatim one with another . and i believe some mistakings will be found in the times of some transactions in this book , if they be narrowly examined , as in the very frontispiece of this author we find , in most copies , that cadwalader went to rome an. , or the year after , as it is in my copy . nevertheless it is confessed and granted by all of them , that the great mortality hapned in that year that he went to rome ; but i find no mention of any extraordinary mortality of people that happened about anno , and therefore i think it is not very likely that cadwalader's going to rome was deferred to that year . morever , venerable bede , and other ancient writers , do affirm , that the great mortality fell anno , about the d year of king oswis reign over northumberland , in whose time cadwalader lived and reigned ; as is manifest in the tract which is added to some copies of nennius ( if i may give credit to that corrupt copy of it which i have ) in the words following : osguid filius edelfrid regnavit . an. & sex mensibus , dum ipse regnabat , venit mortalitas hominum , catqualater regnante apud brittones post patrem suum , & in ea periit . this evidence doth perswade with me , that cadwalader went to rome far before anno . but if in ea periit be meant of cadwalader , for king oswi ruled five or six years after , unless we grant that the plague endured twelve years , as our welch historians do aver , it maketh such a breach in the history , that i ( for my own part ) know not how to repair it : for if it be true that cadwalader died of that plague , then went he not to rome ; and to deny his going to rome , is no less than to deny the authority of all our british and welch antiquities in general : therefore i desire you will vouchsafe , not only to give me your sense of cadwalader's going to rome , and the time , ( whereby i may rest better satisfied then at present ) but also the loan of your best copy of nennius , with that tract before cited , which is added to some copies thereof . and if i be not overtroublesome to your patience already , i have another request unto you , which is , that you will select all the notes and histories you have , that treat of the affairs of wales , and princes thereof ; and that you will candidly impart them unto me by degrees ; as i shall have done with one piece , so be pleased to lend another , and you may command any thing that i have , or can come by ; for it is not labour , pains , or expence of mony ( to my power ) shall retard me in your service . my love and zeal to my poor country , and desire to know the truth and certainty of things past , moves me sometimes to a passion , when i call to mind the idle and slothful life of my country-men , who in the revolution of years almost , afford but only caradoc llancarvan , and the continuance thereof , to register any thing to the purpose of the acts of the princes of wales , that i could come by , or hear of , ( some few piecemeals excepted ) . dr. powel in his latin history of the princes of wales , citeth tho. maclorius , de regibus gwynethiae ; but i could not hitherto meet with that book , and i am perswaded he lived not much before henry the th's time , peradventure you have seen it : and i do not remember that he citeth any other author of our country-men ; it may be there are some extant yet , though i had not the felicity hitherto to see them . i hope , by your good means hereafter , i shall attain to some hidden knowledg of antiquity : but i am too tedious , pardon me i pray you . reverend father , think of my request , and put me not off with excuses any longer , and my prayer shall be for your health , peace , and prosperity in this world , and everlasting felicity in the world to come . your friend and servant , robert vaughan . henewrt near dolgelly , in the county of merionith , april . . letter cclxii . a letter from the learned ludovicus capellus , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . scripfi , vir reverendissime , ad amplissimam tuam dignitatem , ante menses quinque , atque unà misi epistolam meam adversus bootium apologeticam , quam nomini tuo clarissimo inscripseram , sperans aliquod ab amplitudine tua ad me responsum , quo significares quid de lite hac tota sentires . nihil dum tamen quidquam à te accepi . ac quia amicus cui negotium literas ad te meas mittendi commiseram paulo post ad plures obiit , scire non possum an literae meae tibi redditae sint , aut verò an ad eas responderis necne , ita ut fato aliquo vel tuae , vel meae perierint . itaque dabis , quaeso , veniam si hac iterata compellatione mea gravis & molestus tibi sum ; expetendo à te tuam de controversia illa , de qua tota critica sententiam . quae etsi fortè ( quod certè nolim ) adversa mihi sit , gratum tamen erit ( si scriptum non est ) dissensus tui rationes audire , utsi erro in viam à te admonitus redeam , quod erit mihi longè acceptissimum . hac spe subnixus , & humanitate tua fretus , pluribus non ero tibi molestus , sed omnia tibi fausta , pristinamque dignitatem , & annos nestorees à deo o. m. opto & voveo . amplitudini tuae omni officiorum genere devinctissimus , lud. cappellus . salmurii & idus sextileis . a. d. mdcli . letter cclxiii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the learned franciscus junius . viro cl. francisco junio , francisci filio , jacobus armachanus salutem . a bonaventurâ vulcanio editi habentur viri cujusdam docti anonymi commentarioli duo , in literas gothicas ex vetustissimo quodam codice argenteo , ( ut eum vocat ) sumptas , unus ; in alphabetum gothicum , ( quod tamen gothicum omnino non est ) & notas lombardicas , in alio quodam vetustissimo codice repertas , alter . argenteus ille codex membranaceus , qui quatuor evangelia aureis & argenteis literis gothicè descripta continebat , ad werdeni sive werdinensis monasterii bibliothecam pertinuit , in regione bergensi quatuor fere à coloniâ germanicis miliaribus distantis . inde ex vi o matthaei , & i o marci capitulo ab arnoldo mercatore nonnulla descripta , inscriptionum suarum corpori ( pag. & . ) inseruit gruterus . indidemque orationem dominicam cum aliis quibusdam particulis , ab antonio morillono transcriptam , in gotodonica sua joh. goropius becanus ( originum antuerpian . lib. . pag. , , & ) retulit : quorum cum iis , quae à vulcanio sunt edita , collatione factâ , oborta mihi aliquando est suspicio , non alium eruditi illius in literas gothicas commentarioli authorem fuisse , quàm antonium ipsum morillonum , qui antonio perrenoto cardinali granvellano à bibliothecâ fuit & latinis epistolis . neque vero ad alium quam ad cardinalem illum ea verba spectasse sum opinatus , quae in secundi commentarioli principio leguntur : quamadmodum dominatio vestra movet , ita est . omnino enim praesens opusculum interpres est alterius operis , nempe vocabularii , &c. quanquam authorem simul cum domino suo plurimum à vero hic aberravisse , nullum sit dubium : quum codicem illum à notarum sive romanae scripturae compendiorum collectaneis , quae tironis ac senecae nominibus insignita gruterus postea in lucem edidit , nihil differre deprehenderimus . ut frustra author hic sibi persuaserit , ad aliud aliquod opus referenda ista fuisse ; cujus usus fuerit , aulicus legatus , qui gothi erant , docere lombardicè , ut intra italiam cum principibus italicis possent perorare . codicem alium gothicum aureis argenteisque characteribus , papyro exaratum , & non evangelia tantum sed universum etiam novum testamentum , complectentem , in bibliothecâ hermanni comitis nervenarii extitisse , philippus marnixius dominus sanct-aldeguntius ( apud sibrandum lubberti de princip . christianorum dogmatum , lib. . cap. . ) confirmat . in quo orationis dominicae idem quod in libro werdinensi habebatur initium ; atta unsur thu in himina de . cujusmodi novum testamentum ad suas etiam manus pervenisse matulius metellus sequanus ( apud suffridum petrum , praefat . in scriptor . frisiae decad. ) est testatus . ubi & illud notandum , orationem dominicam gothicam doxologiâ illa concludi , quae in vetere latinâ bibliorum editione desideratur : ut ex graeco fonte gothicam istam novi testamenti versionem derivatam esse appareat , & ex ipsius wulfilae primaevâ traductione descriptam . hunc enim primum literas apud gothos invenisse , & scripturas sacras in eorum linguam convertisse , socrates , sozomenus , isidorus hispalensis ( in gothorum chronico ) & martyrii nicaetae scriptor ( apud simeonem metaphrastem die o septembris ) vos docent , quorum possumus ( cum sixto senense libro iv o bibliothecae sanctae ) ex graeco translationem illam fuisse factam , expresse indicare . quo referendus est & ille walafridi strabilocus , de rebus ecclesiasticis , cap. . et , ut historiae testantur , postmodum studiosi illius [ gothorum ] gentis divinos libros in suae locutionis proprietatem transtulerunt : quorum adhuc monumenta apud nonnullus habentur . et sidelium fratrum relatione didicimus , apud quasdam scytharum gentes , maximè tomitanos , eadem locutione divina hactenus celebrari officia . et quod à josepho scaligero est additum ( canon isagog . libro . pag. . ) gothos etiamnum in iisdem regionibus degere sub praecopensi tartarorum dynastiâ , & utrumque testamentum , iisdem literis , quas excogitavit wulfila , conscriptum , & eadem linguâ , quâ tempore ovidii utebantur interpretatum legere . quae eò à me adducta sunt omnia , ut quâ ratione gothicam ex graeca scriptionem wulfilas efformaverit , iu priore illo commentariolo declarari subindicarem . de quo integrum tamen tibi judicium relinquo . vale . jacobus armachanus . londini v. nonas julias , anno aerae christianae mdcli . letter cclxiv . a letter from arnold boate , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . may it please your grace ; on saturday last there went away from hence , for galais and london , the lady bannatire , in whose house i live here ; by whom i sent you a pugio fidei , and a chronicon orientale ( the first whereof costeth ten franks , and the other six ) ; as likewise an extract of the obelisci and asterisci membranarum sardoianarum ; the which being a work of much more time and pains , than i was able in my present condition to bestow upon it ; i was fain to hire mr. coque , your professor of the greek tongue , for to do it ; who would have done it for five franks ( and not under ) if i would have been content with the bare transcription of the obelisks and asterisks out of the membranes . but to compare them all along with the roman edition , and out of the same to add every where the chapters and the verses , quorum nec vola nec vestigium in membranis exstat ( ubi omnia uno tenore scripta extant , nullo ne inter voces quidem spatio aut discrimine relicto , quod immensum auget transcribendi molestiam ) ; and without the marking whereof , i could not see how the transcript would have been of any use to mr. junius ; that he would not do for a penny less than twenty franks , protesting , when he had done , that if it were to do again , he would not do it for double the monies , as having been a whole sevennight busied with it , and found it incomparably more toilsome than he had imagined it . and although he be a very able grecian , and wonderful diligent and faithful in what-ever he undertakes , yet i would not rely solely upon him , but compared every obelisk and asterisk of his transcription , ( in which he hath made use of notae paratheseon for the obelisks , and of sublineation in lieu of asterisks ) with the membranae , for to be sure that all was right , and that he had no where exchanged one for the other . and i can give your lordship an entire assurance , that his transcript agreeth most exactly with the original , not only in marking the obel and aster ; but in every word and syllable , ne vitiis quidem orthographicis , quae hic illic occurrunt , exceptis . the only error committed by him , is , that he hath misplaced some chapters of deuter. the which nevertheless cannot be of any other prejudice to mr. young , than that of the transposing of a quaternio by a bookbinder useth to be . he hath also in most places added , as i have desired him , quomodo editio romana se haberet quantum ad verba obelis & asteriscis conclusa , & utrum ea ibi adsint vel absint : about the verifying whereof , i have not taken the same pains , as about that of the main matter ; because that the errors here , if any be , are not of any dangerous consequence , and may easily be mended by mr. junius himself ; who , if he have not some skill in the hebrew , will have much ado to comprehend the sense and the reason of some of the asterisks , there being divers of them very perverse or frivolous . i had lately a letter from mr. croy , dated . idus augusti , . who writes to me , that being at a synod at mompelier , when he received the copy of the anticritica which i had sent him ; and having made report to the synod of the contents of the same , ea omnium animos ita perculerunt , ut si eam rem urgere voluissem , decreto publico criticam illam damnaturi fuerint . he tells me further , to have also read afterwards , ipsam gapelli criticam à capite ad calcem ; adding . tecum jam sentio , vir nobilissime , & profiteor , criticam illam non esse sacram appellandam , sed potius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , profanam , & impiam . interpretum graecorum & latinorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hallucinationes , inscitiam , & errores nobis pro totidem variis lectionibus obtrudit . puerilibus , levibus , ridiculis , & falsis scatet observationibus . tot asserit esse varia scripturae exemplaria , quot fuerunt illius interpretes . textus sacri incorruptam veritatem , authentiam , atque autoritatem audaci conatu labefactat . impurissimi atque impudentissimi morini , aliorumque sacrae scripturae hostium , quos roma peperit & alit , partes agit ; & in academia salmuriensi verbi divini minister , & theologiae professor ( quod hactenus inauditum suit , nec unquam visum ) monstra & prodigia adversus dei verbum , & contra firmissima verae theologiae fundamenta , & piam fidem , gignit atque educat . multa jam annotavi , quae illius inscitiam , audaciam , fraudes , & errores demonstrent , & in oculis conspectuque omnium exponant , &c. laetor & glorior , quod doctissimo & piissimo praesuli armachano nomen meum notum sit . si ad eum scribas , ipsum quaeso meo nomine saluta , & certiorem fac , se in inferiori occitania sui nominis admiratorem , & laudum praeconem habere . me beatum praedicari , si mihi cum illo literarum commercium esse posset . hectenus croiius . habeo etiam literas à voetio , in eandem plane sententiam de capelli critica scriptas . as for buxtorf , he in his last letter to me , dated the second of june , hath these words : quum occasionem habebis , reverendissimo d. armachano mea studia , officia , obsequia , cum humili salute , deferes , & nuntiabis meo nomine ; de ejus constantia in bonae causae semel suscepto patrocinio si dubitarem , flagitium summum in tanti viri judicium committerem . and there besides he maketh , in the same letter , this following proposition . quum capellus armachanum , quem indigne & procaciter excipit , judicem tamen & arbitrum hujus causae constituat , quid si ille breviter , & pro tanti judicis gravitate & authoritate nervose , sub epistola ad utrunque vestrum data suum , post auditam utramque partem , judicium , suamque sententiam , ferat ac pronuntiet : cum uterque ad ejus tribunal provocaveritis nisi itineris & viarum longinquitas obstarent , ipsemet fortassis ad eum hoc nomine scriberem . this proposition is so fully agreeable to mine own thoughts ; and , if i be not much deceived , to truth and equity , as i do most humbly beseech your lordship to accomplish it ; which as you are able to do now to the full , after the perusal of all capellus his own writings , so methinks it may be done in few words ; viz. first , to state the question about capellus his innovation , as it appeareth to you by the perusal of his works ; and then to give your own * subject , with a brief touch of the principal arguments which move you , either to concur with , or dissent from him or me in any of the most material particulars . i am told , by them that had it from your grace's own mouth , that capel , for fear of some such thing , and for to prevent it , hath written fawning letters to your grace . but that , i am confident , will not hinder you from appearing freely and fully in a cause , wherein god's truth and sacred word is so deeply concerned ; and as i have great cause to think , that a full and free declaring of your mind , will be a condemning of capellus in all the main points in controversy between me and him ; so if it be otherwise , and that in any of them you find him in the right , and me in the wrong † , i seek no favour , but an absolute impartiality . and as i dare prescribe your grace nothing concerning the form of your delivering of your self , so i hope that you will approve of that pointed at by buxtorfius , of setting down your mind in the form of an epistle , to be writ , iisdem verbis , unto capellus , and unto me , mutatis tantum mutandis . but however , and whether you be resolved to fulfil this request of buxtorf , and of mine ; or whether that you have no mind to meddle in it , ( the which nevertheless is no way credible to me ) i do pray your grace most earnestly , to let me hear from you about it at your first commodity : and if it were not too troublesome to you , i should be glad at the same time to hear , in a few words , your opinion about the septimanae danielis , and where you fix the beginning of them ; as likewise your judgment upon marshami diatriba , and his great innovation touching that weighty subject ; and what distance of time you find , upon your most exact enquiries , à primo anno cyri ad tempus nativitatis christi ; & quantum ex illo tempore sibi vindicet duratio monarchiae persicae . i humbly thank your grace for the offer of mr. eyre his notes on the psalms ; but if he be so wholly of capellus his mind in the controversy i have with him , as his epistles to capellus do seem to speak him , i would not at all be beholden to him for any of his labours . if it be known to your grace , whether dean bernard be alive yet , and where he is , and how he doth , you will oblige me greatly to impart the same unto me . thus with my humblest and most affectionate respects to your grace , i rest , your grace's most obedient servant , a. boate. paris , sept. . . letter cclxv. a letter from the right reverend henry king bishop of chichester , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend father ; though of late i wanted direction to find your grace's aboad ( not being at rigate this last summer ) my devotion of service which needs no guide but your own transcendent worth , most habitually falls towards you wheresoever you are . as a testimony of this service , i did in august last , present by one , who undertook the delivery at harrow-hill , a small book ( and least that should fail , my brother sent another by your chaplain : ) which may render your grace some account of my exercise & employment in this retirement . the truth is , one sunday at church , hearing a psalm sung , whose wretched expression quite marred the pen-man's matter , & my devotion , i did at my return that evening , try , whether from the version of our bible i could not easily , and with plainness , suiting the lowest understandings , deliver it from that garb , which indeed made it ridiculous . from one to another i passed on until the whole book was ran through . which done , i could not resist the advice & importunity of better judgments than mine own to put it to the press . i was ( i confess ) discouraged , knowing that mr. george sandys : and lately one of our praetended reformers , had failed in two different extreams : the first too elegant for the vulgar use , changing both the meter and tunes wherewith they had been long acquainted : the other as flat and poor , as lamely worded , and unhandsomly rhimed as the old ; which with much confidence he undertook to amend . my lord , i now come forth an adventurer in a middle-way , whose aim was without affectation of words , to leave them not disfigured in the sense . that this was needful , your grace well knowes ; but whether my self fit for the attempt , my modesty suspects . thus whilst your grace , and other champions of the church ( the chariots and horsemen of israel ) engage against the publick adversaries of truth , i come behind with the carriages , and humbly in the temples porch fit the songs of sion to celebrate the triumph of your pens . though it be too sad a truth , cythara nostra conversa in luctum , yet some of these psalms may serve as threnes and dirges to lament the present miseries ; whose change , as i find not much reason to hope , so i have more religion than to despair . that god may long preserve your grace amongst us , to see a revolution of better times ; or if not so , to comfort by your presence many who languish under these , is the daily and most earnest prayer of , my lord , your grace's most faithfully devoted servant , hen. chichester . langley-place , near colbrook , oct. . . letter cclxvi. admodum reverendo & longè clarissimo viro d. jacobo usserio armachano in hibernia archiepiscopo . londinum . vir admodum reverende & clarissime . importunus fortè , si non etiam inverecundus , parumque pudens ac modestus videbor tibi responsi ad literas meas paulo frequentiores efflagitator . sed dabis , spero , veniam huic meae sive sollicitudini , sive , si sic eam vocare libet , importunitati , quae non aliunde est quàm ab honesto communicandi per literas , cum dignitate tua clarissima , de argumento quodam literario ( quod semper inter bonos licuit ) dequo tu sententiam ferre potes simul & pro tua singulari doctrina , & eximia eruditione , accuratissimam , & pro tua pietate & christiana charitate , aequissimam . visum est bootio , viro olim ( quantum per ejus ad me literas , videbatur ) mihi aequissimo , sed mox averso sine ulla justa causa in me animo , pro suo genio & ingenio , & me immerentem , & criticam meam innoxiam , stylo invadere atroci & cruento , quasi sacra omnia ego irem funditus perditum , idque dicatâ dignitati tuae publicâ epistolâ . coegit me hac sua importunitate & inhumanitate , par pari referre , & calamum in eum , hortantibus amicis , aculeatum stringere ad mei tum defensionem , tum veritatis , quam in hoc argumente à me stare arbitror , propugnationem , cujus rei aequum existimavi te sacere judicem atque arbitrum , dicatâ pariter tibi epistolâ apologeticâ . eam ante menses octo curavi per amicos ad te mitti , bisque ab eo tempore ad reverentiam tuam dignissimam ea de re scripsi , atque ad meas hasce literas responsum à dignitate tua adhuc expecto , necdum habeo , incertus an fato & easu aliquo literae meae perierint , nec sint tibi redditae , aut tuae ad me in via pariter interciderint , an verò certum & decretum tibi sit omnino nihil respondere , quod postremum vix mihi possum persuadere de tanta tua erga omnes humanitate , & animi verè christiani generositate . itaque datâ & oblatâ mihi per virum istum juvenem doctissimum , qui ad vos commigrat , percommoda opportunitate , volui iterum experiri quid tandem mihi vel sperandum & expectandum , vel etiam desperandum deinceps sit de dignitatis tuae erga me vel favore & benevolentia , vel rigore & severitate . age ergo , vir longè clarissime , noli quaeso , silentio tuo animum diutius tenere suspensum , sed quid de me & critica mea sentias candidus imperti , vel , si illa displicet , ede ; quicquid rescripseris gratum erit , sed gratius multò si te non longè à sententia mea abire videro . interim velim te de me sentire omnia aequa & justa , utpote qui dignitati tuae omnia à deo o. m. ex animo precor fausta & felicia . dignitati tuae clarissimae , in omnibus obsequentissimus , lud. capellus . dabam salmurii ipsis nonis novembribus , . letter cclxvii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the learned ludovicus capellus . eruditissimo viro. d. ludovico capello , jacobus usserius armachanus s. vir clarissime ; cumtuam detextus hebraici veteris testamenti variantibus lectionibus ad me datam epistolam cum alterâ d. bootii ad me itidem scriptâ conferrem ; in ipso statim limine deprehendi , de eo quod inprimis constituendum inter vos fuerat , id est de cardine & statu principalis controversiae , immane inter vos esse dissidium . affirmas tu , * necesse esse ut bootius & ipsi similes vel renuncient effato suo , scilicet non licere nobis vel in minimo apiculo discedere ab hodierni codicis hebraici lectione ; vel dicant , scribas omnes quorum operâ hodiernus codex ad nos pervenit , per plus quàm duo annorum millia , à reditu ex captivitate babylonicâ ( quum edsras dicitur totum vetus testamentum ipse descripsisse ) ad hunc usque diem fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . at effatum illud bootius ut suum & sui similium esse planè pernegat : & in hisce studiis exercitatissimi * buxtorfii de hebraicis codicibus assertionem hanc , suis rationibus munitam , contrà opponit : neque enim existimo tales esse , ut in nullo planè punctulo , apiculo , aut literulâ , à primis mosis & prophetarum autographis apographa unquam discesserint , aut nullum omnino vitium vel levissimum in eos irrepserit . nam ne ipsi quidem judaei hoc asserunt : qui & antiquitus jam exemplaria corrupta , sed ab esrâ iterùm correcta & restituta fuisse ; & posterioribus temporibus , cùm inter celebres authores , tum inter exemplaria varia , dissensiones & discrepantes quasdam lectiones notant . tales sunt praeter notas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dissensiones de quarundam vocum lectione inter judaeos orientales , & occidentales , & inter ben ascher & ben naphtali . sic memorant aliquando , nec dissimulant , varietates nonnullas ex libris quibusdam manuscriptis celeberrimis & magnae authoritatis ; ut , exempli gratiâ librorum hierosolymitanorum , babylonicorum , hispaniensium , exemplaris hilleliani , pentateuchi cujusdam hierichuntini , sinaitici , &c. meminerunt etiam librorum correctorum , & per consequens tacitè etiam minùs correctorum . redarguunt etiam saepè exemplaria quaedam disertè erroris . indèque paulo commotior hîc d. bootius , ita de te conqueritur . * quae est haec dictatoria potestas , imò quae inaudita tyrannis , praescribere nobis quid sentire debeamus ac necessitatem nobis imponere , ut eam tueamur sententiam quam pro absurdissimâ damnamus ; & quae sententiae verè nostrae adeò non cohaeret , aut ex eâ sequitur , ut hâc positâ illam inevitabiliter concidere necesse sit quasi verò non liceat nobis rem istam , prout melius nobis videtur , concipere atque explicare ; & inter duo extrema tum innumerae ac commentitiae variarum lectionum multitudinis , tum omnimodae illarum absentiae media ( via in qua ut plurimum veritas inveniri solet ) incedere : & quasi nobis id necessariò faciendum esset , quod non nisi stulti facere solent , ut dum vitium aliquod devitant , in contrarium vitium currant . quid hîc tu verò ais te * dictatorem non agere nec tyrannidem exercere , nec illis quidquam praescribere ; sed quid ex eorum sententia & positione atque effato sequatur ostendere : nullam vero bootium invenisse viam qua se explicet & extricet isto nexu quo eum & sui similes constrinxeras . si nobis non licet vel in minimo apiculo ab hodierni codicis lectione deflectere ; sequi hodiernum codicem ad minimum usque apiculum nobis repraesentare ipsissima mosis & prophetarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : hoc autem si verum est , sequi scribas omnes inter describendum fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . et hîc bootio rhodum esse asseris hic illi esse saltandum . atqui ostendendum tibi priùs fuerat , hanc fuisse bootii sententiam ; non licere nobis vel in minimo apiculo ab hodierni hebraici codicis lectione deflectere : à qua tam procul illum abfuisse videmus , ut * duos casus ipse expresserit , in quibus nobis liceat à vulgata lectione recedere . i. ubi discrepant inter se codices hebraici ; ( non quidem quivis promiscuè , sed lectiores ac melioris notae : ) tunc enim de variantibus lectionibus artificiosè dijudicandum esse , quaenam alteri praeferenda sit ; eàmque eligendam , quae loco aptiùs quadret . ii. quando invictis argumentis probari potest ; aliquod textui vitium subesse . negat quidem ille , & jure negat , veteres scripturae translationes quascumquae pro totidem hebraicae veritatis exemplaribus esse habendas ; ita ut ex iis hebraici textus variationes non minùs certò colligi possint , quàm ex ipsis codicibus hebraicis . nam , ut rectissimè à te est observatum , * non omnis variatio interpretis à textu originario nititur aut fundata est in diversitate codicum originariorum : multa potest esse ab interpretis ipsius hallucinatione & deliberatò factâ mutatione , additione , & detractione . ex incuria quoque & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interpretis praeteriri non rarò in versione videmus , quod in eo quem transferendum sibi proposuit codice legebatur , atque aliud etiam pro eo quod ibi habebatur in translatione substitui . quemadmodum ( verbi gratia ) ex ii maccab . xiii . . tum in francisci junii versione , tum in doctissimi fratris tui * historia , bis mille viri à juda maccabaeo intersecti feruntur : non quòd id ita in textu originario utervis invenerit , sed quòd frater latinum hîc interpretem simpliciter secutus fuerit ; interpres verò graecum quem vertebat textum minùs diligenter attendens , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perperam acceperit . cujusmodi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ob characterum aut sonorum in vocabulis praecipuè hebraicis similitudinem vel levem aliquam à minùs attento inspectore conceptam literarum transpositionem , multo etiam faciliùs possunt obrepere . et ut in multis hujus generis locis , hebraicum quo interpres usus est exemplar eandem quam ille reddidit lectionem exhibuerit : de eorum tamen plurimis nullo nobis constare potest modo , utrum ipsi interpreti an codici quem prae manibus ille habuit hebraico ista accepta referenda fuerit differentia ; praesertim si interpres ille ex judaizantium furit numero . ex libris enim talmudicis & commentariis quae medrashim vocant , manifestum est , judaeis hanc esse consuetudinem , non ex negligentia aliqua , sed ex nimia potius diligentia , & certo consilio profectam ; ut paronomasticis hujusmodi vocum immutationibus in sacrarum literarum explicatione saepiùs utantur : non quod in exemplari ullo ita scriptas voces illas deprehenderint , sed quod ad varios exponendae scripturae modos amplificandos pertinere illud existimaverint . unde & tu , * quum talmudici dicunt , psalm . lxviii . . non esse legendum ( uti nos legimus ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in exod xxxii . . non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in isai. xxvi . . non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & in cantic . vii . . non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse legendum ; non id eos voluisse ( cum * buxtorfio patre , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) agnoscis , ut quod ipsi legendum dixerunt pro vera textus lectione esset recipiendum , sed ut acumen ingenii in his ostentarent , & haberentur pro iis qui legem variis modis explicare possent . neque tamen ex ullis omnino interpretum locis variantes hebraicorum codicum lectiones peti posse inficiatur bootius , * ex eâ tantùm versione quae lxx nomen praefert colligendas eas esse negat ; ex reliquis omnibus interpretibus desumi eas posse , libenter concedit . nullo enim modo admitti posse judicat , quae de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ō editione contra buxtorfium à te prolata sunt . * manifestum esse ex collatione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lxx cum textu hodernio hebraeo , codicem eorum ab isto enormiter variâsse . reddi enim in infinitis locis discrepantiae rationem certam & indubitatam , variam lcincèt lectionem , quod aliter legerunt in suo codice , quàm hodie legitur in judaico . codicem hebraeum quo usi sunt lxx in versione suâ concinnandâ , immensum quantum ab hodierno judaico diversum abire . ex translationis ipsius cum hodierno judaico contextu contentione , sole ipso clariùs liquere , lxx interpretes longè aliter in codice suo hebraico legisse , quam nos hodiè legimus in hodierno judaico . nec ita solus sensit bootius : hoc ipsum jamdudum illum docuerat b. hieronymus . qui passim notat & monet quàm diversè lxx interpretes ab hodiernâ lectione discesserint ; neque tamen diversitatem seu variationem illam rejicit in codicis ipsorum discrepantiam ab eo quo utebatur : sed totam diversitatis causam & culpam ipsis interpretibus adscribit ; qui aliter legerunt decepti literarum similitudine & affinitate , vel omittendo & subtrahendo , vel addendo etiam aliquid de suo , prout illis videbatur consultius . quod multis ex hieronymi scriptis & commentariis productis locis & exemptis probat * bootius ; & esse verum , † tu ipse agnoscis . et rectè quidem hîc tu putas , ‖ ipsum bootium non existimare necessariò sibi credendum , sequendum & amplectendum esse , quicquid uspiam ab hieronymo dictum aut scriptum est . at nihil hoc impedit , quo minùs ille inquirat , quî fieri potuerit , ut homo in aliis minime hebes , & in hebraicâ literaturâ satis perspicax , id videre non potuerit , quod tu non modo certum esse atque indubitatum , sed etiam sole ipso clariùs liquere asseris . causa , verò , * inquis , cur res illa hieronymo in mentem non venerit , non fuit defectus aliquis ingenii aut judicii , vel doctrinae in ipso , sed praejudicata opinio quam à praeceptoribus suis hebraicis hauserat ; codicem hebraicum repraesentare ad amussim ipsa prophetarum autographa , proindeque non esse ab illo vel latum pilum discedendum . itaque quicquid videbat ab illo codice vel tantillum discrepare , statim illud rejiciebat tanquam spurium , corruptum & adulterinum ; ejusque causam in interpretum hallucinationes , vel scribarum , qui translationes ipsorum descripserunt , audaciam , temeritatem , vel inscitram rejiciebat . quod fortasse non dixisses , si ex commentariis ipsius in . caput epistolae ad galatas * in memoriam revocavisses , quam facile suspicionem hanc ille admiserit ; à judaeis detracta textui hebraico fuisse vocabula 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in deuteron . xxvii . . & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adjectum in deuteron . xxi . . atque ex † commentariis in micheae cap. v. . in josuae xv capite , post versum . duos versiculos potuisse de veteribus libris ●radi malitiâ judaeorum , ne jesus christus de tribu judâ ortus videretur . lxx illorum tuorum animadvertisse te agnoscis * frequentes pueriles & pudendos saepe lapsus atque aberrationes a genuinâ vocum & phraseon significatione , & sacrorum scriptorum mente atque scopo , etiam in iis locis , in quibus illi , non secus quàm nos hodie , legerunt . an vero ex ignorantiâ aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in tam frequentes , tam pueriles & pudendos lapsos homines hebraicae linguae satis peritos incidere potuisse putabimus : an accuratiorem potius eos omnem transferendi rationem consulto hîc neglexisse quod certè alibi passim ab eis fuisse factum videmus , ubi nulla literarum similitudo vel vocum affinitas variantis lectionis aut erroris à librariis commissi aliquod exhibet vestigium . quo referenda celeberrima illa de annis primorum patrum , in cap. v. & xi . geneseos , differentia : de quâ , in lib. . de civitate dei cap. . b. augustinus : in his in quibus continuatur ipsius mendositatis similitudo , ita ut ante genitum filrum qui ordini inseritur alibi ( in graeco sc. ) supersint centum anni , alibi ( in hebraeo ) desint ; post genitum autem ubi deerant supersint , ubi supererant desint : videtur habere quandam , si dici potest , error ipse constantiam ; nec casum redolet , sed industriam . hac addita conclusione , ipso digna . recte fieri nullo modo dubitaverim , ut cùm diversum aliquid in utrifque codicibus invenitur , quandoquidem ad fidem rerum gestarum utrumque esse non potest verum , ei linguae potiùs credatur , unde est in aliam per intepretes facta translatio . agnoscis deinde ipse ; * si conferatur graeca ista versio cum hebraeo textu , inveniri infinita loca in quibus aliquid deficit eorum quae in hebraeo habentur . et quaeris , † quî potuerit tanta esse in interpretibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & praecipitatio , ut periodos etiam integras omiserint , easque multas & frequentes : quin & capita integra , & capitum partes longè maximas omiserint penitus quum ab interpretibus illud simul quaerere debuisses ; qui etiam potuerit tanta esse in librariis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & praecipitatio , ut toties & tam foedè hic erraverint tecumque considerare , creditu longe fuisse facilius , interpretes ista in suo codice inventa pro libitu in versione suâ praeteriisse ; quam à masorethis vel primis hebraicorum nostrorum codicum descriptoribus conficta magnâ ex parte & textui sacro addita fuisse . id enim dicere oportet , si in hodiernae lectionis correctione tot editionis graecae defectuum aliqua habenda fuerit ratio . et hi quidem defectus in libro job maxime sunt conspicui : in quo à graecis codicibus abfuisse notavit * origines , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saepe quidem quatuor aut tres sententias , nonnunquam autem quatuor decim , sexdecim & novemdecim . quos omnes defectus ex graeca origenis editione supplens hieronymus , in latinam suam versionem ( quam obelis & asteriscis distinctam in lucem aliquando proferre nobis est animus ) ita ad paulam & eustochium est praefatus . beatum job , qui adhuc apud latinos jacebat in stercore , & vermibus scatebat errorum , integrum immaculatumque gaudete . quomodo enim post probationem atque victoriam ipsius * dupliciter universa reddita sunt : ita ego in linguâ nostrâ ( audacter loquor ) feci eum habere , quae amiserat . indeque praefatione in eundem librum ex hebraico postea à se conversum , eos qui priorem illam suam translationem probaverant ( in quorum número & augustinus fuit ; qui ad eam suas in jobum annotationes adaptandas censuit ) simul etiam à lxx . erratum fuisse fateri oportere colligit . neque enim fieri potest , inquit ille , ut quos plura intermisisse susceperint , non eosdem etiam in quibusdam errâsse fateantur , praecipue in job ; cui si ea quae sub asteriscis addita sunt subtraxeris , pars maxima detruncabitur . et hoc duntaxat apud graecos . caeterum apud latinos , ante eam translationem quam sub asteriscis & obelis nuper edidimus , septingenti ferme aut octingenti versus desunt : ut decurtatus & laceratus corrosusque liber foeditatem sui publice legentibus praebeat . tibi verò ( qui lxx tuis tantopere detrahi illibenter audis ) hoc * videtur ab eo dictum esse hyperbolice : quod in eo libro hodie versus sint duntaxat , sic enim in veteribus illis editionibus latinis fuissent tantum , versus in eo libro , ( vel , ut debebas etiam adjicere ) . ubi nostros versus sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hebraeorum , qui in libro jobi numerantur , minùs accurate distinguere videris à veterum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : cujusmodi in libris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; suae extitisse , ad eorum finem annotat josephus ; & , in libro jobi fuisse , ad calcem chronographiae suae refert nicephorus constantinopolitanus patriarcha . hesychius , vel quicunque ineditatarum in libros sacros graecarum hypothesium author fuit , dictione hîc adhibitâ , librum job sine asteriscis quidem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habuisse notat ; cum asteriscis verò . varia enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud varios erat longitudo : & ab hesychio magis praecisè asterisco notatorum quantitas ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quam ab hieronymo ( dimidiatam libri partem propius assequi affectante ) ad vel versuum numerum reducitur ; quae ipsa minor tamen ratio satis evincit , tot in uno libro defectuum graecam vulgatam editionem ream esse repertam , ut quid in reliquis ab illâ omissum sit , operae pretium non fuerit attendere . sed nihil editionis illius authoritatem magis minuit , quàm multiplex illa tot assumentorum ad sacram hebraicae veritatis purpuram audacissimè facta additio : quae aliquando non versiculorum tantum aliquot , sed integrorum etiam est capitum . harum additionum , ab origene in epistolâ ad julium africanum , ex jobi & estherae libris producta habentur exempla . et de libro estherae agnoscis ipse , * multa fuisse addita & omissa ad libitum interpretis ; qui non fuit accuratus in vertendo , sed studuit tantum utcumque sensum reddere . sed ut sensum utcumque ille redderet ; tam multa à textu demere , tam multa aliena in eum intrudere , quid attinebat et quî minùs accuratus ille fuit in hoc quàm in propheticis libris in quibus vel ille vel illi interpretes , ut tu quoque fateris , * passim vocum genus , numerum , statum , tèmpus , modum , conjugationem , & personam immutärunt , pene pro arbitrio ; ut sensum aliquem , uti ipsis videbatur , commodum exculperent iis in licis in quibus alioqui sensus non videbatur ipsis elici posse aptus & accommodatus . qui vero in uno libro ad libitum multa addunt & omittunt , in aliis ita commutant omnia pene pro arbitrio , non aequi sane habendi sunt hebraicae lectionis arbitri . praesertim quum in daniele complura illi capitula hebraeo textui addiderint , quae ob hanc ipsam causam eusebius & apollinarius , porphyrii calumniis respondentes , ut legitimam scripturae partem defendere recusabant ; sed etiam reliquae prophetiae faciem universam ita immutaverunt , ut christianae ecclesiae , in aliis libris eorum versionem secutae , hîc eam repudiare atque in ejus locum theodotionis editionem coactae fuerint substituere . de quibus , in suorum ad danielem commentariorum prooemio sic scripsit hieronymus . ante annos plurimos quum verteremus danielem , has visiones ( à lxx superadditas ) obelo praenotavimus , significantes eas in hebraico non haberi . et miror quosdam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indignari mihi , quasi ego decurtaverim librum : quum & origenes , & eusebius , & apollinarius , aliique ecclesiastici viri & doctores graeciae , has visiones non haberi apud hebraeos fateantur ; nec se debere respondere porphyrio pro his , quae nullam scripturae sanctae authoritatem praebeant . illud quoque lectorem admoneo , danielem non juxta septuaginta interpretes , sed iuxta theodotionem ecclesias legere , qui utique post adventum christi incredulus fuit ; licèt eum quidam dicant ebionitam , qui altero genere judaeus est . et initio prologi in danielem , ex hebraico à se conversum danielem prophetam juxta septuaginta interpretes domini salvatoris ecclesiae non legunt , utentes theodotionis editione : & hoc cur acciderit , nescio . sive enim quia sermo chaldaicus est , & quibusdam proprietatibus à nostro eloquio discrepat , noluerunt septuaginta interpretes easdem linguae in lineas in translatione servare ; sive sub nomine eorum ab alio nescio quo , non satis chaldaeam linguam sciente , editus est liber ; sive aliud quid causae extiterit ignorans : hoc unum affirmate possum , quod multum à veritate discrepet , & recto judicio repudiatus sit . quod igitur à bootio quaeris ; * cur de lxx interpretibus non idem dicere liceat , quod de aliis ipse concedit ubi nimirum constat eorum interpretationem fundatam esse in variâ lectione quae fuit in eorum codice , quaeque demonstrari potest ex ipsâ translatione . responderem ego quidem , idem ipsum de omnibus dicendum fuisse , fi de fundamento illo constaret : sed illud adhuc nobis dubium manere ; an ex ipsa translatione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ō demonstrari possit , aliter eos in suo hebraeo codice iegisse , quam nos in nostro . nam etsi in aliis interpretibus , vel paraphrastis etiam , qui sententiam textus originarii exprimendam sibi proposuerunt , ubi eorum codex à nostro variaverit , dignosci aliquando possit : in iis tamen idem praestari posse non est expectandum , quibus tam multa scripturae , quam transferendi susceperant , ad libitum & addere & subducere ludus est . et eos quibus vocum genus , numerum , statum , tempus , modum , conjugationem & personam immutare , pene pro arbitrio , mos est ; à literularum vel permutatione vel transpositione vel additione etiam atque detractione ( quae tibi variantium lectionum ex translatione sumptarum demonstrationes sunt ) adeò religiose se continuisse , non facilè quis crediderit . tu verò longè alium rerum speciem animo depinxisti tuo . * ipsum codicem hebraeum , quo usi sunt lxx in versione suâ concinnandâ , immensum quantum ab hodierno judaico diversum abiisse . † christi & jonathanis chaldaei paraphrastae tempore , & seculis sequentibus , obtinuisse solum hodiernum hebraeum codicem , ab illo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lxx multum discrepantem . et si quae fuerunt ante tempus antiochi epiphanis paria & gemina illi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lxx exemplaria vetusta , videri vel persecutione immanis illius tyranni abolita , vel pharisaeorum & scribarum , versioni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lxx infensorum hostium , post illam persecutionem zelo , invidiâ , & laevâ mente in contemptum adducta , neglecta , ac tandem penitus exoleta , ut eorum factam non esse mentionem ab ullo judaicorum scriptorum post christi & jonathanis tempus , causa non sit cur quis miretur . denique , * codices omnes hodiernos judaicos pro unico duntaxat exemplari textus hebraici habendos & censendos esse ; codicem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lxx , pro uno altero . judaicos enim omnes posteriores esse recensione illa librorum sacrorum quae censetur facta à masorethis post , à christo nato annum ; omnesque exscriptos aut correctos videri ex uno exemplari de quo * maimonides ait , ben aschar per plures annos in ea laborâsse , & fuisse ierofolymis constitutum ut ex eo codices corrigerentur & emendarentur . ubi primum tu quidem , cum aliis plurimis , accuratam illam pentateuchi versionem , à lxx interpretibus ptolemaeo philadelpho procurante perfectam , cum laxiore totius veteris testamenti translatione alterâ confundis ; quae , utut eorundem lxx titulo venditetur , post * quartum tamen annum regni ptolemaei philometoris & cleopatrae est confecta † sub quibus dosithei judaei celebre in aegypto nomen fuit . quem philometorem cùm tempore graviffimae illius persecutionis regnavisse in aegypto , ipsique tyranno antiocho superstitem fuisse constet : cui erit credibile , interpretem illum , quicumque demum fuerit , in suâ versione concinnandâ ejusmodi hebraico codice uti potuisse , cujusmodi omnes epiphanis persecutione aboliti fuerint aut alio ullo uti voluisse , quam à judaeis assamonaeorum saeculo viventibus communiter recepto , id est , nostro quandoquidem , te ipso fatente , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & zelus pharisaeorum judaeorumque posteriorum erga legis corticem , & masoretharum diligentia effecit , ut non ita multùm variaverint codices hebraici ad assamonaeorum saeculo ad haec usque nostra tempora . deinde , ubi recensionem librorum sacrorum , quae à junioribus masorethis post à christo nato annum & perfectam gemaram babylonicam facta censetur , commemoras ( nam * ut minimum sexcentis , atque adeo amplius , post christum natum annis vixisse illos statuis ) : de priscorum quoque consimili studio , luculentum illum locum ex eâdem babylonicâ gemarâ in memoriam tibi revocandum judicavi . * primi vel antiqui illi ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ideò appellati sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quòd literas legis omnes numeraverint ; dicentes . litera vau vocis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( levit. xi . . ) est media litera libri legis : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( levit. x. . ) medietas vocum ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( levit. xiii . . ) versuum . in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( psalm . lxxx . . ) litera 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est media litera psalmorum : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( psalm . lxxviii . . ) medius versus . primorum verò vel antiquorum horum nomine intelliguntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viri synagogae magnae ob hoc ita dicti , quòd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coronam ( ut * alibi in hac ipsa gemarâ legitur ) vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 magnificentiam ( ut in † gemarâ hierosolymitanâ , alterâ longè antiquiore , habetur ) in pristinum statum restituerint . eos postremis prophetis proximè successisse , & ut sepimentum legi fieret monuisse , in ipso initio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( quae pars mischnae est , circa annum christi èditae ) traditum invenimus , unde & celebre illud * rabbinorum effatum est petitum : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 masorah est sepimentum legis . cumque à primis hisce masorae authoribus , qui cum postremis prophetis sunt versati , observatum fuerit , literam vau in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mediam esse literam legis : ( quod etiam apud r. jehudam levitam , in parte . libri cozri , legitur : ) notandum est , ad hujus rei conservandam memoriam , in hodiernis etiam bibliis vau illud majusculo signatum esse charactere , levit. xi . . apponique ad illud notulam istam masorethicam . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vau vocis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est medietas legis in literis . unde non solùm primorum & postremorum masoretharum hac in re consensio , sed etiam hodiernorum hebraicorum codicum cum primorum illis , qui tempore philadelphi & lxx interpretum antiquiores fuerunt , conformitas adstruitur . masorae hujus antiquitatem josephi quoque adversus apionem grammaticum auctoritate comprobari , * arias montanus asserit . non quòd expressam ejus mentionem ille fecerit ; sed quòd absque masorae subsidio non tam confidenter scribi ab eo potuisse is existimaverit , quod in priore contra apionem libro apud ipsum legitur . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . palam est ipsis operibus , quantam nos scripturis nostris habeamus fidem . tanto enim saeculi spatio jam praeterito , neque adjicere quicquam aliquis , neque auferre , neque mutare est ausus . omnibus enim insertum est mox ex prima generatione judaeis , haec divina dogmata nominare , & in his utique permanere ; & propter ea , si oporteat , libenter mortem oppetere . cui geminum est & illud , quod à * philone est traditum ; judaeos , per spatium amplius quàm bis mille annorum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ne verbum quidem eorum quae à mose scripta sunt movisse , sed millies potius morituros , quam quicquam legibus & institutis ejus contrarium suscepturos . nam quòd philonem & josephum * asseris in lingua hebraicâ infantes planè fuisse , si modò quid omnino hebraicè scivisse dicendi sunt : ut de philone hellenista alexandrino libenter id dem , de josepho sacerdote hierosolymitano concedere non possum ; qui † suis lingua patria judaici belli scripsit historiam , & in originum libris ¶ hebraicas scripturas in linguam graecam transtulit . quum hebraicam igitur ille veritatem per tot secula intergram & illibatam fuisse conservatam profiteatur : quaenam de vulgata grecâ testamenti veteris editione ( à lxx quidem seniorum sub secundo ptolemaeo facta , quam non totius scripturae sed librorum tantùm mosaicorum fuisse * ipse agnoscit , diversa ; licèt à philone , hebraicae linguae imperito , sola adhibita & explicata ) à codice hebraeo qui eo tempore obtinebat tam longè latèque discedente , ipsius fuerit sententia , non difficile fuerit cuivis colligere . qui enim codex hebraeus eo tempore obtinebat , non alius ab eo profectò fuit , quem in chaldaica sua paraphrasi ionathan & onkelosius expresserunt : quos usos esse codice hebraeo longè à codice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lxx diverso , & eodem penè cum hoderno quem à masorethis habemus , † tute concedis . de ipso quoque josepho non est illud praetereundum , quod ex sacris hebraeorum literis origines suas translaturum se est * pollicitus , neque subtrahendo quicquam neque addendo , id eum pari fide non praestitisse . eodem enim consilio quo persis nuper hieronymus xaverius jesuita interpolatam à se evangelicam dedit historiam , etiam graecis ille rerum in vetere testamento gestarum transmisit memoriam : nonnulla quae erant in canone supprimens , alia ( ut quum salomoni , verbi gratia , pro regni annis tribuit ; & in numero talentorum argenti ad templi usum à davide relicto i chronic. xxii . centum millia pro mille millibus substituit ) immutans , atque ex scriptis apocryphis non pauca adjiciens ; uti in ejus de mose trienni , de eodem juvene cum aethiopibus bellum gerente , de tharbi regis aethiopum filia connubium ejus expetente , & aliis ejusdem farinae narrationibus licet perspicere . eodem quoque consilio , sed majore licentiâ , editionis graecae lxx seniorum titulo evulgatae author , quum totius veteris instrumenti arcana ( id flagitante fortasse aliquo , cui hoc denegare ille non poterat ) hominibus alienis à republica israëlis essent communicanda , & margaritae ea ratione coram porcis ( ita enim à judaeis habebantur gentes ) projiciendae ; quod proximum erat , quanta potuit negligentia opus perfecit : & in * ezechiele ostendens quid in vertendo posset , in reliquis libris quid vellet facere ; detractionibus , mutationibus , & additionibus suis ita eos invertit , ut cum * aristotele dicere potuerit , fuisse eos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sed quocunque animo id ille fecerit : ab hebraicis qui manibus omnium tum ferebantur codicibus certo consilio & destinata opera recessisse eum constat . in qua tamen tam longa & lata à textu orginario discessione , divinam * tecum providentiam & agnoscimus & suspicimus : quod nulla extiterit tam damnosa inter utrosque textus differentia , ut rectam fidem , quae ad salutem est necessaria , labefactaret aut laederet . qua ratione saluti prospectum est , tum hellenistarum , sive graeciensium judaeorum , qui quum hebraicos libros nullo modo intelligerent , & praeter hanc nulla jam alia totius veteris scripturae extaret interpretatio , mosis & prophetarum lectionem inde petitam in synagogas suas introduxerunt : tum christianorum è gentibus , qui eos secuti eandem , quoque versionem in usum ecclesiasticum receperunt . atque de hac editione ista dicta sufficiant . ad samaritanam pentateuchi editionem jam accedo : quam vel primus , vel certè inter primos , nostris temporibus in occidentem ipse intuli . cùm enim christianae pietatis homines paulò hâc in re negligentiores hactenus fuisse , ex * scaligero didicissem : non priùs destiti , quàm ex syria & palaestina quinque vel sex illius exemplaria ( una cum arabicae versionis textus illius parte magna , & arabici in eundem commentarii fragmento ) mihi comparavissem cùmque ab eusebio caesariensi , diodoro tarsensi , hieronymo stridonensi , cyrillo alexandrino , procopio gazaeo & aliis , citatum invenissem : apud photium , in bibliotheca [ cod . . ] decreti synodici eulogii patriarchae alexandrini in samaritanos editi argumentum exponentem , tandem reperi , librorum mosaicorum à samaritis receptorum depravatorem fuisse dositheum illum , cujus in libro . contra celsum origenes ita meminit . post jesu tempora dositheus samarita persuadere samaritis voluit se esse christum illum à mose praenunciatum : & visus est nonnullos doctrinâ suâ cepisse . & in matthaeum , tractat . . sicut manifestat historia lectionum , non multi fuerunt homines in tempore apostolorum , qui christos se esse dixerunt : nisi fortè dositheus samareus , unde & dositheani dicuntur , & simon de quo referunt actus apostolorum . synodum verò illam ab eulogio coactam docet photius , occasione controversiae inter samaritas alexandrinos de loco illo mosis ortae , deuteronom . xviii . . prophetam tibi suscitabit dominus deus tuus ex fratribus tuis , sicut me , quem eorum alii jesum nave , sive josuam filium nunis , proximum mosis successorem , fuisse contendebant ; alii dosthen sive dositheum , genere samaritanum & simoni mago aequalem , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) â cujus nomine dostheni cognominati sunt . de quo & postea hoc habetur additum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( ea enim vox , pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in photio est reponenda ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . infinitis diversique generis corruptelis mosaciam pentateuchum adulteravit : aliosque libros stultitiâ & portentis plenos , divinisque legibus contrarios consarcinavit , suisque asseelis reliquit : quibus illi fascinati , perinde quasi ille non perierit sed alieubi in hâc vitâ degeret , eum suspiciebant : ut in euangel . johannis tomo . habet origenes . ex hebraica igitur à palaestinis & babyloniis , atque graeca ab hellenistis judaeis recepta , hebraeam novam impostor iste conflavit editionem ; novis quoque detractionibus , mutationibus & adjectionibus , prout libitum erat , à se contaminatam . hinc in annis patrum post diluvium , geneseos xi . praetermisso cum hebraeis cainane , ante 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quidem , eosdem , illis tribuit quos graeca habet editio ; post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verò ( solo ebero excepto , cui cum graecis tribuit , non cum hebraeis ) planè diversos . et annos patrum ante diluvium , geneseos v. ita digerit ; ut quum ab adamo ad diluvium , hebraei annos dinumerent , greci vel . ille tantùm constituat : in eundemque diluvii annum non solùm mathusalae ( cum hebraeis ) sed etiam jaredi & lamechi mortem conjiciat ; neque mathusalam ( ut alii omnes ) sed noachum omnium patrum longissimè vitam produxisse adstruat . quae non ex negligentiâ , aut hebraici quo ille usus fuerat codicis à nostro variatione , sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & merâ libidine à nefando impostore admissa fuisse , res ipsa clamitat . quod neque teipsum inficiaturum confido : qui à christi saltem tempore ( post quem in coelos receptum sacrilegas manus libris mosaicis illud hominis monstrum intulit ) * obtinuisse solum hodiernum hebraeorum codicem ; in eòque conservando † judaeorum scribas diligentissimos atque accuratissimos , imô scrupulosissimos & morosissimos in minutiis omnibus minutissimis consectandis , fuisse confiteris . post decalogum , exodi xx. . & deuteronom . v. . in samariticâ hâc editione adjecti cernuntur versus isti . cum autem introduxerit te dominus deus tuus in terram chananaeorum ad quam vadis possidendam , eriges tibi duos lapides magnos , & oblines eos calce ; scribèsque super lapides istos omnia verba legis hujus . postquam etiam transieris jordanem , statues etiam lapides istos quos ego praecipio vobis hodie in monte garizim . et aedificabis ibi altare domino deo tuo , altare lapidum : non elevabis super eos ferrum . ex lapidibus informibus aedificabis altare istud deo tuo : & offeres super illud holocausta domino deo tuo . et sacrificabis pacifica , & comedes ibi , & laetaberis coram domino deo tuo ; in monte isto ultra jordanem post viam occasus solis in terrâ chananaei habitantis in planitie è regione galgal , juxta quercum moreh versus sichem . desumpta sunt autem ista ex deuteronomii cap. xi . , . & initio capitis xxvii . in cujus o versiculo , impius dositheus , verbis mosis immutatis , pro monte ebal montem garizim substituere est ausus . quae omnia quorsum tendant ignorare nemo potest , qui locum evangelii johann . iv. . legerit ; ab * origene ita explicatum . agnoscenda est samaritanorum cum judaeis differentia de loco , quem illi rebantur sanctum . nam samaritani montem sanctum existimantes eum qui vocatur garizim , deum ibi adorabant : cujus meminit moses in deuteronomio . judaei autem sion montem divinum esse rati , propriumque dei illum rentur esse locum , electum à patre universorum : & hanc ob causam dicunt in ipso aedificatum fuisse templum à salomone , omnemque leviticum sacerodotalemque cultum illic perfici . quas suspiciones utraque gens sequens , existimavit patres in hoc vel illo monte adorâsse deum . de utrâque verò hâc tantùm , graecâ & samaritanâ , editione in epistolio meo ad d. bootium mentem meam egò significaveram : quod facere mihi liberum erat , etiamsi criticam tuam nunquam vidissem . sed si in eâ tu docuisses ( quod scripserat ad me d. bootius , & in totâ apologiâ tua negare te nusquam ego invenio ) ex samariticis & graecis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lxx codicibus varias hebraiei textus lectiones non minùs veras & certas posse colligi , quam quae hodie in nostris hebraicis legantur bibliis : non potui non dicere , ad pervertendum spiritus sancti in mille scripturae locis germanum sensum ( de regula enim fidei hîc non loquor ; secundùm cujus analogiam christi ecclesia , quantumvis alias corruptissima bibliorum translatione usa , salutarem dei cognitionem & conservavit integram , & in aeternum est conservatura ) viam ea ratione aperiri longè periculosissimam ; quam qui primus obstruere conaretur , à non ingrata posteritate magnam initurus fuisset gratiam . quid ego olim de sacra critica scribere proposuerim , communi nostro amico guilielmo eyrio vel perspectum satis non fuit , vel minùs apertè explicatum : quid verò ipse hac de re tota commentari instituerit , ex epistola ipsius ante annos xlv . ad me data , quam ob argumenti cognationem subjiciendam hîc putavi , * poteris intelligere . qua perlecta , quam longè alius eyrius ille fuerit qui ad te ab eo qui ad me scripsit , facilè animadvertes . ad me quod attinet : sententia mea haec perpetua fuit . hebraeum veteris testamenti codicem scribarum erroribus non minus esse obnoxium , quàm novi codicem & libros omnes alios : sed ad errores illos dignoscendos & corrigendos peculiare hîc nobis suppeditavisse subsidium tantopere ab omnibus praedicatam masoretharum industriam . ex quibusdam veterum interpretationibus excerpi aliquas posse variantes textus hebraici lectiones : ex vulgata graeca versione , & editione samaritana , nullas . in variantibus lectionibus magnam antiquitatis exemplarium unde eae sunt desumptae rationem esse habendam : & ubi ea quibus antiquiores interpretes sunt usi cum hodie recepta hebraici textus lectione consentiunt , non esse eam eo nomine sollicitandam , quòd posteriorum vel interpretum vel aliorum etiam , hebraicorum exemplarium lectio ab ea discrepet . denique ubi caetera omnia reperiuntur paria , ad illum tuum recurrendum esse canonem : ut ex variantibus lectionibus ea praeferatur , quae sensum parit commodiorem , atque cònsequentibus & antecedentibus magis cohaerentem . ita in genes . xi . . ubi syra paraphrasis tharae ante 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 annos tribuit : quum ea antiquiores editiones , graeca & samaritana , cum hodierna hebraicâ tantum habeant ; recentiore exemplari syrum interpretem usum fuisse colligo , ex quo antiquiori textus nostri hebraici lectioni nullum fieri possit praejudicium . etsi enim codices illi graeci & samaritani ab hebraicis nostris dissentientes , dubiam lectionem non reddant ; quia graeco illi judaeo ex gentium contemptu ( ut dictum est ) samaritano alteri ex judaeorum odio , quod hebraici habebant codices repraesentare non libuit : ubi consentiunt tamen , & eodem quo nos modo etiam ipsos legisse constat , de receptae lectionis antiquitate non contemnendum ferunt illi testimonium . et ubi in ipsis hebraicis exemplaribus diversae occurrunt lectiones ; ad earum antiquitatem discernendam plurimùm conducit & cum hisce editionibus & cum aliis veterum sive translationibus sive paraphrasibus consimilis facta collatio . sed de criteriis illis jam non agitur , quibus vatiantium textus hebraici lectionum discriminari possit vel praestantia vel antiquitas : unde petendae illae sint , quantùmque vel augendae vel minuendae , tota inter nos vertitur quaestio . in qua tractanda , si occurrent aliqua quae minus tibi arrideant ; da ( quaeso ) libertati huic meae veniam , & ab homine nominis & honoris tui ( ut ex animo anteà ad te scripsi ) studiosissimo profecta ea omnia esse cogita . vale. ja. usserius armachanus . letter cclxviii . a letter from the right reverend brain duppa bishop of salisbury , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; i humbly thank you for that excellent piece of origen against celsus ; which though in my younger days i had met withall in latin , yet i never saw it in his own language till now . and indeed the book hath been a double feast to me ; for besides my first course , which is origen himself , i find in the same volume that piece of gregory his scholar , which was wrote by way of panegyrick of him , and hath served me instead of a banquet . but besides that which the ancients have done , ( of whom many have been liberal in this argument , either by way of praise , or of apology ) i find in some notes that i have taken , the mention of two more modern apologists for him ; the one jo. picus of mirandula , the other more obscure to me ( for i have not otherwise met him cited ) jacobus merlinus . if the latter of these be in your lordship's judgment worth the reading , and in your power to communicate and impart to me , i beseech you to afford it me for a time ; for origen hath had so many enemies , that i cannot in charity pass by his friends , without seeing what they can say in his defence . i have something else to be a suitor for , and that is , your lordship 's own book ; i dare not beg it of you , ( for this is no time for you to be a giver ) i shall only desire the loan of it , that i may have a fuller view than i had from that which i borrowed from sir edward leech . i beseech you , my lord , pardon this boldness of mine , which your own goodness hath made me guilty of . i have no more to trouble your lordship withal , but only to remain , your lordship 's most humble servant , br. sarum . richm. octob. . letter cclxix . viro admodum venerando , doctrina & pietate insigniter eminenti , domino jacobo usserio archiepiscopo armachano meritissimo , &c. plurimam in christo salutem precat gothofredus hotton . quòd ego homo peregrinus id fiduciae sumo , ut hoc quicquid sit literarum , ad tuam venerandam dignitatem exarare mittereque ausim , illud ipsum est , praesul excellentissime , quod principio humillimè deprecor . nec certè eò prorupissem , ni nobilissimus juxta atque longè eruditissimus vir , dominus junius , tuarum virtutum cultor , animum addidisset mihi dubitanti , promissâ nimirum à bonitate tuâ , culpae meae , si qua subsit , pronâ & promptâ veniâ . at quâ de re , te , vir reverendissime , primum epistolâ hac meâ appellem , utique evangelicus praeco , dei gratiâ , cum sim , de rebus , quae studia theologiae mea concernunt si tecum paucis agam , id forsan tuâ meaque cura non videbitur indignum . vidit , nec prorsus , ut spero , improbavit tua excellentia , ea quae ante paucisimos annos de tolerantia inter europaeos evangelicos in charitate stabilienda libello consignavi evulgavique . in iis pacis cogitationibus me adhuc totum esse & in ardes scere , sciant volo quotquot sunt pacis filii ubi ubi reperiantur . qua ratione vero illuc consilii venerim , non in consultum fortassis erit , si reverendae tuae dignitati brevibus aperiam . monasterii westphalorum , ubi eo tempore congregabant europae plurimi proceres de pace consulturi atque acturi , consilia agitari inter malè affectos mihi secreto tunc temporis relatum est , de reformatis à pace imperii excludendis , èo quòd , ut illi opinabantur , non essent augustanae confessionis socii . nec relatum est duntaxat à nostratium qui ibidem erant primariis , sed significatum insuper summè necessarium esse , ut quam ejus fieri posset citissimè aliquid remedii huic malo adhiberetur . qua monitione ego animosior mea sorte factus , haec qualia-qualia mea in chartam festinanter conjeci , et ter descripsi festinantiùs : et descripta illa tria exemplaria misi , unum ad ipsam sueciae reginam , alterum ad plenipotentiarios quos jam vocant principum lutheranorum dicto loco coactos , ad reformatorum tertium , suppresso obscuri & ignoti authoris nomine . quid factum & eam his conatibus dedit deus pacis benedictionem , ut melioribus mollioribusque consiliis à primatibus monasterii operantibus locus datus sit , articulusque instrumento pacis insertus fuerit , quo cautum est ex aequo libertati & securitati reformatorum in imperio atque lutheranorum , quod nunquam antea ita solemniter fuerat factum . factum praeterea , ut aliquis , qui solus authorem norat inter primores , authoris nomen contra ejus mèntem revelaverit , unde ipsi aliqua necessitas imposita fuit tractatum suum typis edendi : editus ergo est , sed prima vice sine nomine , postea cum nomine , mandante id nostrarum gallobelgicarum ecclesiarum in his provinciis synodo dordrechti eo temporis articulo coacta , ut apparet ex approbatione synodali , quae libello gallica lingua concepta praefigitur . ex illo tempore , quamplurimae in nostra reformatione societates , & in iis societatibus magni viri calculo suo ista mea moderationis conamina approbare voluerunt , & reipsa , missis ad eam rem suis literis concorditer approbavêre . ea porro publica approbatoria & hortatoria testimonia sequenti anno cum bono deo juris publici facere mihi decretum est , idque de communi consilio facturus sum , nempe , ut ex una parte malè feriatis quibusdam os obthuretur , & ansa praeripiatur cavillandi & calumniandi ; ex altera verò , ut via apud bonos & per bonos muniatur strictioris inter partes vinculi , de quo successu spes mihi non mediocris surgit , ut ex praesentium exhibitore amicissimo , tua excellentia intelligere poterit . me beares , virorum optime , & rem faceres fortassis te dignam , & reipublicae christianae non inutilem , si his ecclesiarum nostrarum suffragiis , tuum maximi in iis ponderis testimonium addere dignaveris , quod à tua bonitate etiam atque etiam efflagitare audeo . deus ter optimus maximus , venerandae & dignissimae amplitudini tuae , tuisque in ecclesiâ suâ magnis laboribus abunde benedicere pergat . vale. tuae excellentiae observantissimus cultor ! gothofredus hotton . propria manu . dabam xxviii januarii , . amstelodami . letter cclxx. a letter from — r. vaughan , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . reverend father ; my duty most humbly remembred unto you , with thanks for your opinion of king cadwalader ; which hereafter shall be unto me a tract to follow , as best agreeing with reason and truth . i hope you have received your books in november last ; and if they are any way impaired in the carriage , if you please to send them me , i will have them fairly written again for you . what i omitted in my last letter , by reason of the bearers haste , is , that in your giraldus his first book laudabilium , and . cap. i observe that my countrymen in his time used to yoke their oxen for the plow and cart , four in a breast , in these words ; boves ad aratra vel plaustra non binos jungunt sed quaternos , &c. ( which i find not in the printed book ) . this may happily give some light and help to understand a clause in our ancient british laws , treating of measures , made , as is there alleged , by dyfrewal moel-mud king of britain , where it is said that the britains in his time used four kinds of yokes for oxen ; the first was four foot long , the second eight foot , the third twelve , and the fourth was sixteen foot long . the first was such as we use now a-days for a couple of oxen : the second was that mentioned by giraldus , serving for four oxen ; the third ( as i suppose ) suitable with those two , for six oxen : and the fourth consequently for eight oxen. the two last are clean forgotten with us , and not as much as a word heard of them , saving what is in that old law : but of the second , mentioned by giraldus , we have a tradition that such was in use with us about sixscore years ago ; and i heard ( how true i know not ) that in ireland the people in some places do yet , or very lately did use the same : i pray you call to your mind whether that be true , or whether you have heard or read any thing of the use of the other two in any country , and be pleased to let me know thereof . the copy of ninnius ( you sent me ) hath holpen me well to correct mine ; but finding such difference between the three manuscript books , which the scribe confesseth to have made use of , i presume your transcript comprehends much more , in regard you have had the benefit of eleven copies ( as you confess ) to help you ; which differences are very requisite to be known of such as love antiquity . and also where those several copies ( that you have seen ) are extant , and to be found at present ; and how many of those copies bear the name of gildas before them , and how many the name of ninnius : and what those of gildas do comprehend more or less in them , than those of ninnius ; and whether the notes of samuel beulan , are found in any of those of gildas , or yet in every one of the copies of ninnius ; and whether the name of samuel be added to those notes in any of those copies , and to which of them : all which ( with the antiquity of the character of those several copies ) are very necessary to be known , and may easily be discovered by you , and very hardly by any other ever after you . moreover , about three years ago , i sent a copy of the tract concerning the saxon genealogies ( extant , if i mistake not , in gildas and ninnius ) unto you to be corrected by your book ; and sir simon d'ewes undertaking that charge for you ( as mr. dr. ellis told me ) returned me only this answer upon the back of my own papers , viz. the eldest copy of this anonymon chron. doth in some places agree with the notes sent up , but in others differs so much , as there can be no collation made of it , &c. but those my notes do agree very well with the book you sent me , and differs not in twenty words in all the tract ; whereof either many are only letters wanting or abounding ; and therefore i marvel what he meant in saying so , unless he had seen a larger copy of the same than that i had ; but your last letter unto me tells , that it is only extant in sir thomas cotton's two books , and wanting in all the other books that bear the name , either of gildas or ninnius ; and that book you sent me , was copied out of one of sir thomas cotton's books , and examined by the other . he further addeth , that the author of that tract ( being , as he saith , an english-saxon . ) lived in the year of our lord : upon what ground i know not . yet i cannot think otherwise , but that sir simon d'ewes had some grounds for the same ; and it may be the very same that leland the famous antiquary had to say , that ninnius lived , tempore inclinationis britannici imperii ; and jo. bale , who more plainly saith , that he lived in the year , just as sir simon d'ewes hath . and ( for that sir simon is dead ) i desire to know of you whether the said tract be not more copious in one of sir thomas cottom's books , than it is in the other : or whether sir simon d'ewes might not find a larger copy of the same elsewhere ; for if it be not the work of ninnius , nor samuel beulan , it may as well be in other books as in those , especially if an english-saxon was author of it : but if it be not found elsewhere , i pray you tell me upon what grounds is the author of it said by sir simon to live anno , and ninnius by leland , and bale likewise , said to live in the same time ; when by the first chapter of some copies of ninnius his book , it seemeth he wrote not two hundred years after moreover , in regard you prefer that small tract ( so much spoken of by me ) before all the rest of the book , it were a deed of charity for you to paraphrase a little upon it ; whereby such as are but meanly skilled in antiquity , may reap some profit by it : truly some remarhable passages from the reign of ida to the death of oswi , kings of northumberland , are contained in it ; which being well understood , would add a greater luster to the british history . lastly , most reverend father , i pray you be pleased to lend me your copy of that fragment of the welch annals sent by the bishop of st. david's rich. davies , to matthew parker arch-bishop of canterbury ; who bestowed a copy thereof upon the library in bennet-colledg in cambridg ; or your copy of the book of landaff , and i shall rest most heartily thankful unto you ; and i do hereby faithfully promise to return whatsoever you shall send me , as soon as i shall have done writing of it . i have already taken order to provide a little trunk or box for the safe carrying of it to and fro : and my loving friend doctor ellis ( who in these dangerous times hath suffered many assaults and storms at the hands of his adversaries , with patience and constancy ) will , i know be very careful of the safety of your things . i have troubled your patience too long , therefore ( craving pardon for my boldness ) i rest , and commit you to the protection of god almighty . your humble servant , robert vaughan . hengwrt near dolgelly , in merionith-shire , may . . letter cclxxi. a letter from mr. arnold boate , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . may it please your grace ; by your letter of june , i do find , that my last to you having staid so long by the way , hath made me lose the benefit promised by you of printing an apologetical epistle jointly with yours to capellus ; whereat , as i have cause to be not a little grieved , so i am glad to find on the other side , by that part of your epistle already printed , which you have sent me , that you do overthrow the principal grounds of gritica capelli , and so confirm the main part of mine assertions against the same . but whereas you say , pag. . variantes hebraicorum codicum lectiones bootius ex reliquis omnibus interpretibus , praeter . desumi posse libenter concedit . you will be pleased to give me leave to tell you , that that neither is , nor ever was my meaning ; that i say no such thing in the place quoted by you , [ epist. § . . ] ( ubi sermo non est de colligendis variis lectionibus ex veteribus interpretibus , sed de authoritate codicum hebraeorum , quibus usi sunt , supponendo cum capello , sed nequaquam concedendo , eos versionibus inde factis fuisse per omnia conformes ) ; and that my whole epistle , from the beginning to the end , is full of passages , wherein i most plainly say the contrary . t is true , that i confess , probabiliter posse defendi , in aliquibus aut compluribus eorum locorum , ubi interpretes illi à textu nostro haebraico discrepant , eos ita in codicibus suis scriptum invenisse , quomodo versio eorum prae se fert . sed istud idem de ipsis quoque . fateor , uti liquet ex § . . ubi ex professo de hac re ago , ac monstro , quare hoc non obstante nulla tamen veteris interpretis cujuscunque variatio à codicibus hebraicis possit pro eorum varia lectione haberi cum ulla certitudine . quod enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . saepissime accidisse affirmat hieron uti bene scripta male legerint ; hoc quia aliis quoque interpretibus interdum contigerit , causa nulla dici potest ; vel hallucinando interlegendum , vel aliter legendum putando , prout à te ipso indicatur , pag. . § . , & . & pag. . in imo . et concedendo reliquos interpretes interdum , ut . passim , alterutro istorum modorum perperam haebraica legisse ; nullo modo constare nobis potest in locis illis , ubi interpretes à textu nostro hebraico discrepant , utrum ipsi interpreti , an codici quem prae manibus habuit hebraico ista accepta referenda fuerit differentia , uti ipsemet ais dictâ , pag. . ubi exactissime idem mecum sentis ac dicis , nisi quod pro tuo de eorum plurimis , mihi dicendum videtur de ullis omnino . namque illud de plurimis tacite supponere videtur , de aliquibus saltem constare posse . ast ego non video , quomodo de ullis , imò vel de unica tantum constare possit ; aut quomodo quiscunque mortalium illo humano ingenio dignoscere aut decidere possit , prolatâ quacunque veteris interpretis cujuscunque à textu hebraico discrepantiâ , an illo in loco revera ita scriptum fuerit in codice interpretis hebraico , quomodo versio prae se fert , an verò locum ibi bene scriptum sequius legerit alterutro modorum istorum jam nunc dictorum . ego quidem ne animo quidem fingere possum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quo verum à falso hic internoscatur . quod si t●oi de eo constat , omnino te obsecro , ut illud mihi impertiri ne graveris : quod donec fiat , non possum vel lato pilo à pristina sententia decedere — . quod neque ex septuagint . neque ex ullo alio veterum interpretum quocunque , possunt ullae hebraici textus variae lectiones colligi , nisi conjecturales ad summum , omni prorsus certitudine destitutae . thus having nothing else wherewith to trouble your grace at this time , i humbly take leave , and ever rest , your grace's most devoted , and most obedient servant , arnold boate. paris / july . letter cclxxii . a letter from the learned johannes buxtorfius , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . viro reverendissimo , d. jacobo usserio archiepiscopo armachano , theologo summo , &c. domino observando . londini apud comitissam de peterboro , in long-acre . sp. veniam me à te impetraturum , vir reverendissime , si in gravissimis tuis occupationibus , quibus ad publicum bonum & ecclesiae aedificationem omni tempore distraheris , importunius te interpello . fiduciam capio ex tua humanitate & benevolentia , quam ante plures annos tuis ad me literis es testatus , cui hactenus per silentium , temporum injuriâ nobis indictum , nihil decessisse persuasissimum habeo . causam scribendi praebet , quod causae seu controversiae illi , quae mihi cum capello intercedit , te quoque immixtum , atque praeter meritum iniquissime ab illo exceptum , viderim ex epistola ejus apologetica , quam impudenter tuo nomini maximo inscribere non est veritus . post quam publicatam ab aliis amicis intellexi , illum etiam privatis literis tecompellare ; et in partes suas trahere conari non erubuisse . adeo illi omnis pudoris sensus periit . sed relatum mihi quoque est , tuam reveren . jam ante plures menses eidem epistolâ publicâ & typis editâ respondisse , suamque hac in re sententiam exposuisse , quam tamen mihi hactenus videre non contigit , videre autem mea & causae magni interest . a sesquianno nullas accepi literas à d. bootiò , ut planè nesciam , num ille adhuc parisiis degat necne : scribo tamen nunc ad eum epistolam , quam unà cum hac per amicum quendam , illuc euntem , lutetias mitto , si forte illic reperiri possit . sin minus , tuam reverentiam obnixe rogo , ut quâ brevissimâ potest viâ & certissimâ , exemplar illius ad me deferri curet . quod puto compendiosissime fieri posse , si parisios mittat ad d. bootium , si illic sit , vel ad d. flavignium doctorem ss . th. sorbonicum , & ss . literarum professorem , qui & viam novit , si quid ad me spectat , mittendi , & certo id faciet . favet enim ille causae nostrae impensissime . mea anticritica , quam criticae illi vere sacrae oppono , est sub praelo , & deo vitam ac valetudinem largiente , ad proximas nundinas francofortenses lucem videbit . in duas illa dividitur partes . in prima defendo meas rationes , quas ille in defensione criticae non minus impudenter , quam inepte , suis cavillis et calumniis suggillavit , ita ut totam illam defensionem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 examinem & refutem . hanc proponere visum est , quia illis fundamenta generalia , huic criticae substrata , discutiuntur & refelluntur . in secunda , ad criticae ipsius examen progredior ; sed quia illa prolixior , & ineptiae ejus infinitae , nec mei otii , nec e re lectoris fuisset , si omnia & singula ad censuram vocare voluissem . in immensam enim molem liber excruvisset , & quis tum putidam sentinam minutissime exhaurire sustineret hanc itaque observavi methodum , ut●●istincte omnes variarum lectionum classes & species , quas illic proponit , perstringam , tum in genere , si quae illis fundamenta substernat , tum in specie , quaedam ex singulis exempla excerpendo , & tum variae lectionis vanitatem , tum nostrae lectionis bonitatem & veritatem , ostendendo , non , ut ille , nudis censuris , & dictatoria quadam virgula , sed rationibus , fontes etîam & causas vaniantium interpretationum aperiendo . opus totum centum triginta circiter chartis , seu foliis , in q — ut vocant , complicatis constabit . loca vindicata aliquot centena . et sic ordine sex — a libri perstringuntur . ubi prodierit , curabo ut ad tuam rever . quamprimum exemplar deferatur . si tuam epistolam videre liceret , multum authoritatis à tuo magno nomine , & accuratissimo judicio , meae causae accederet , si illud adjungere possem ; quia non dubito , quin in ea , quam semel concepisti & approbasti sententia , constanter perseveres . video plerosque nostros theologos , & doctiones atque cordatiores ex pontificiis etiam , ab ejus sententiâ abhorrere , & ad nostram inclinare . unum superest , in bonam causam malè agendo perdam . quod ne faciam , deus spero sua gratia impediet . tantum praestiti , quantum ei suffultus licuit : magnam certe partem perfeci valetudine nutante & imbecilla , atque adeo corpo●e & animo saepe languido & prostrato . praeteritis nundinis vernalibus dedi dissertationem de sponsalibus & divortiis , ex hebraeorum potissimum scriptis collectam . eius exemplar lubens mitterem , si de viâ ac ratione constaret . tuum nomen hîc apud nostros theologos est venerabile , eruditio tua admirationi . habemus pastorem gallicum , sed basileensem nativitate , qui & anglicae linguae peritus est . is aliquot tua scripta ex anglica in latinam linguam convertit , suo tempore edenda . ex eorum uno , de reali praesentia christi in s. caena , & aliis quibusdam controversis , integram dissertationem excerptam inseruit noster d. theodorus zwingerus , theatro suo sapientiae coelestis , nuper edito , ( quod continet analysin institutionum calvini , cum vindiciis ejusdem adversus varios censores , & calumniatores ) non sine praefatione debitae laudis & honoris . haec hac occasione ad tuam rever . perscribere visum est , quae ut ab ea in bonam accipiantur partem , humiliter rogo . deum simul rogans , ut eam , quam diutissimo ad suam gloriam , & ecclesiae utilitatem , valentem , florentem conservare velit . reverendiss . t. dignit . omni observantiae cultu addictiss . johannes buxtorfius . dab . basil. nov. . . letter cclxxiii . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the learned john buxtorf . clarissimo viro d. johanni buxtorfio , s. theologiae doctori , & linguae hebraeae professori . basileae . accepi ( vir clarissime ) literas tuas datas o novemb. gratissima sanè omnis à te ad nos venit epistola ; haec verò eo nomine gratior , quia rationem aliquam scriptorum tuorum , & nuper editorum , & mox brevi edendorum communicat . dissertationem tuam de sponsalibus & divortiis , superioribus nundinis vernalibus publicatam , nondum mihi videre contigit ; cupio autem , quamprimùm id commodè fieri possit , oculis usurpare ; nam cum abundè nobis in caeteris tuis operibus & diatribis satisfeceris , non dubito , quin eandem , quam ex aliis voluptatem cepimus , ex isthoc quoque scripto capiamus . et voti me mox fore compotem bibliopolae pollicentur , quod significo tibi , nè molestiâ mihi transmittendi , quod intendis , exemplar , onerares . miratus sum ubi tam diù haeserit exemplar epistolae nostrae de textûs hebraici veteris testamenti variantibus lectionibus ad capellum scriptae ; curavi enim inter alia exemplaria ad bootium nostrum missa ( qui etiamnum parisiis degit ) ut unum ad te , quâ fieri posset festinatione , mitteretur . sed , ex quo tuas accepimus , aliae nobis à d. bootio literae missae sunt , quibus promittit te non diù ( quantum per ipsum steterit ) epistolâ illâ nostrâ cariturum . theatrum sapientiae caelestis nuper à d. theodoro zuingero publicatum spero eadem nave unà cum dissertatione tua intrà hos paucos dies ad nos iri delatum . peramicè facit , quod unum ex scriptis nostris anglicanis , opera pastoris gallici jam latinè loquentibus , lucubrationibus suis inseruerit . salutem , quaeso te , meis verbis illi impertias , ut pote homini non solum hac gratia primum mihi noto , sed olim per commercium literarum , dum freius noster in vivis versaretur , familiari . anticriticam tuam secundo numine ad coronidem tandem perducas . quicquid ex ingenio tuo prodierit , non dubito quin fuerit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . methodum operis quam indigitasti , probo ; etiamsi solus , aut in paucis es , qui argumentum hoc faeliciter tractare noverint , vereor ut capellum ab admitatione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ō dimovens ; quorum tamen ( quae dicitur ) translationem tam ab eo abesse in epistola mea scribo , ut cum hebraei codicis autoritate certet , ut asseram potius nullius esse interpretum eorum , quicunque illi fuerint , autoritatem , qui pro libitu suo , addere , detrahere , mutare , quod volupe est facere , insuper habent . vale , vir doctissime ; & tam corporis validi , quàm ingenli vegeti ( quorum infirmitate , praesertim inter scribendum , te nuper laborasse doleo ) beneficio fruere , ad illius gloriam , qui utrumque nobis solus indulget , & publicum ecclesiae emolumentum . ja. armachamis . londini . letter cclxxiv . a letter from the learned ludovicus capellus , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . spero , vir reverende , fore ut perlecta hac mea ad epistolam tuam responsione , intelligas mihi necesse non esse demutare sententiam , cum te videam ad meam potius quam me ad tuam inclinare & propendere opinionem . nam quod de lxx int. & samaritico codice adhuc disputas , tanti non est ut propterea invicem multum contendere debeamus ( si non & haec responsio mea posthac non te adducit ut idem mecum sentias ) quin magis auguror te in posterum , ne hac quidem in parte diu & longè à me discessurum . quare age ; vir praestantis●in eo saltem ad quod jam pervenimus pergamus idem sentire , meamque a qua parum aut nihil distare videris , sententiam fovere ac tueri ne detracta , cum ea non ad sacri textus eversionem , uti malè & imperitè mihi impingunt bootius & buxt . sed ad quamplurimorum s. scripturae locorum illustrationem , adeoque ad non paucorum correctionem atque emendationem facere illa videatur ; id quod tu pro tua prudentia & ingenio poteris facile deprehendere si libeat tibi loca illa scriptorum illustrata & emendata accuratè expendere quorum index ad criticae meae calcem additus est . quin & ex altetero indice , qui illi subjectus est , locorum scripturae in quibus occurrit varia aliqua lectio , facile etiam perspicere poteris quam proclive suerit ex una lectione in aliam scribis ex ignorantia vel incogitantia prolabi ; ut planum inde sit , quam non temere sed justa de causa à me urgeatur dari tem multas ac multiplices in v. test. textu originario varias lectiones , neque adeo ab earum numero excipiendas esse illas quae ex graeca 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lxx . translatione & samaritico codice colligi possunt . de quibus non secus ac de aliis quibuscunque dispicere & licet , & oportet , utrum melior & convenientior sit , ex canone antecedentium , consequentium , &c. qua perspecta & deprehensa , eam amplecti & sequi aequum & justum esse omnes & pios & cordatos hornines una mecum sensuros esse & arbitror & spero , quid enim hîne aut iniqui aut impli esse demonstrari potest noli itaque , vir spectatiss . pati te à tam aequa & justa , adeoque & utili fententia , hominum indoctorum vel malignorum stisurris , suspicionibus & calumniis refugere aut divelli , sed eam pro tua & pietate & doctrina , proque tuo erga veritatem , & ipsum 〈◊〉 textum amore , fortiter una mecum & constanter amplectere , ●uere & propugna . utpote q●ae plurimum faciat ad majorem s. textus illustrationem & confirmationem , deique inde emergentem , ex veritatis ipsius clariore & certiore agnitione , gloriam magnam . proculdubio hinc inibis apud omnes bonos , pios , doctos & eruditos gratiam & favorem ; aliorum tuto & secure sunt , in tam bona causa , contemnendae calumina & suspiciones , quae apud imperitos & vitiligatores duntaxat valent . hoc a te vir eruditiss . spero ac expecto , si me mens mea non fallit . caeterum quod tu obiter in privata tua ad me epistola notas meum quoddam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in eo quod dixi evangelistam legisse in psalmo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pace tua , vir reverende , puto te in eo ipso hallucinatum esse , quum illud mihi imputas , satis enim plana est eo loci mea sententia , nimirum , evangelistam eo loco vel legisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non verò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quomodo hodie legitur , vel eum secutum esse lxx int. quos sic legisse planum est , quando rediderunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non vero 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod ab illis redditum fuisset , si legissent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non enim ignorabant voeem istam id significare . quare & hic agnoscere te aequum est tuum illud , in ejùsmodi humanae infirmitatis lapsibus , nos veniam petimus damusque vicissim . vale , vir rev. nosque pro tuo christiano pectore ama , qui te pro tuo merito colimus . dignitatis tuae , & eximiae doctrinae atque eruditionis observantissimus cultor & fautor . lud. capellus . salmurii xiii januarii , . letter cclxxv . an extract of dr. boates letter , paris of may , anno , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . besides the forementioned letter , he gave me also one from you , wherein was inclosed a specimen of the biblia polyglotta . i am of opinion that that design is not of so high a concernment for the advancement of true religion , as the authors thereof do perswade themselves : and yet i think very well of it , and hold it to be of great use , pro omnibus literarum studiosis , if it be done as it should be ; which i fear it will not be , and that many ways . for whereas the main care of the undertkers should be to give us a most correct edition , as that of the biblia regia , i find abundance of faults in all the text of this first sheet , quod si caetera siut ad eundem modum , the whole book will be good for nothing else , but to be thrown into the fire and burnt . secondly , i think it very superfluous , to give us the persian pentateuch , as being translated not out of the original , but out of the chalde and the hebrew samaritan ; whereof it were sufficient to give the discrepancies from our hebrew pentateuch , which are not the hundreth part of it , all the rest being word for word the same . thirdly , the syriack and arabick being that which chiefly must make that edition to be considerable , ( for every body hath the hebrew , and the vulgar latin , and most men the greek , and the chaldee ) they ought to give us those two texts as authentical as may be : whereas if they take them only out of the paris-bible , they will not be worth a rush , gabriel sionita having interpolated them in innumerable places , and so utterly spoyled the authenticalness of them ; there besides , the hebrew character is a very scurvy one , and such as will greatly disgrace the work : i would that these things were represented to the contrivers of that , in it self , most laudable work , before it be too late ; for pitty it were but they should be put in the right way . in summa they must very much out-do the paris edition , or else they were as good , and much better to do nothing at all ; and in my opinion they would do infinitely better , both for the publick , and for themselves , too ( in regard of the readier venting of the impression ) if letting alone all the rest , they gave us only the syriack and the arabick ( not taken ex bibliis iuiianis , where they are worth nothing , ob rationes modo dictas sed ex bonis mss. ) cum sionitae translatione latina ; and the chaldee , taken , ex bibliis regiis ( sed cum omnibus variis lectionibus , deprehendendis ex collatione cum editionibus venetis ) cum sua itidem translatione latina . another , paris / may , . in the same letter i gave you likewise my judgment about the biblia polyglotta , that they are going to print at london ; having nothing to add unto what i told you then , but that i am amazed at several expressions in the printed papers , concerning that design , which you sent me by these last packets , viz. at that honourable and most notoriously false character they give to that adulterine samaritan pentateuch , the morinian and capellian , calling of the true hebrew text by the name of modern ; and at their making so great an account of critica capelli ; and of the variae lectiones to be collected out of the same ; whereas of verae variae lectiones , there is not one to be found there but what he hath borrowed from others , being vulgarly known . and as for those chimerical ones , wherewith the critica is stuffed , from one end to the other , if they pretend to take them into the number of the true ones , they are altogether inexcusable , after that the folly of the same hath so evidently been laid open , not only by me and buxtorfius , but by my lord primat too . — letter cclxxvi . a letter from dr. brian walton ( afterward bishop of chester ) to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . may it please your grace ; i made account to have waited upon your grace before you went out of town , but was prevented by your early departure from lincolns-inn , where i was about an hour after you were gone . i have been with my lord of ardah , and have left with him the copy of the lxx , which he is to follow . i perceive he will be engaged in work of his own for this half year ; yet i hope he will not neglect this , but take some care of it himself , because we cannot rely upon mr. huish . i would gladly know whether mr. young's executor will let us have his notes , or upon what terms ; they will be of very great use , if they may be had : if your grace please to give me order to write , or call to mr. atwood about them , and to make use of your name , i will see what may be done . if your syriack copy be come out of france , mr. thornedike would gladly have it to collate , both with the paris , and your other manuscript , for all may be done with the same labour . if yours cannot be had as yet , i will borrow some part of mr. pocock's till the other come over . mr. whelock hath sent me a specimen of what he hath done about the samaritane version ; where it differs from the heb. samaritane , i have sent your grace a copy of it . dr. lightfoot , as i hear from a friend , is willing , if it be desired , to undertake the same task , or part of it : and because of mr. wheelock's infirm body , i would gladly have some subsidiary help . he accounts it a thing easy , ( the samar . being a dialect of the chaldee ) and i would gladly have something done in it , both to satisfy the desires and expectations of many that write about it ; as also that we may have something more than is in the paris bibles , if your grace thinks fit . mr. whelock propounds another thing concerning the whole work , which i look upon as a thing hardly practicable , or which will at least require a great deal of time , viz. to have all the homogeneal languages together , and one latin translation of them all , as the heb. chald. samar . and our latin translation for all . so the roman . lxx , with the complutense , and that of tecla's , and our latin translation , &c. this i look upon as a fancy , yet i promised to acquaint your grace , and others , with it , and to desire your opinions . i hope we shall shortly begin the work , yet i doubt the founders will make us stay a week longer than we expected : as soon as the first sheet is printed , i shall make bold to send one to your grace . in the mean time , with my prayers for your grace's health and happiness , i take leave , and rest , your grace's most humble servant , brian walton . from dr. fuller's , in st. giles-cripplegate church-yard , july . . we have resolved to have better paper than that of s. a ream , viz. of s. a ream . letter cclxxvii . a letter from the learned mr. selden , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; it is true , that lipsius , in annal. taciti . lib. . num . . ( as it is in my edition , paris . ) upon that of principes juventutis in suetonius and tacitus , cites the ancyran stone , thus ; verba sunt , ut ad me missa beneficio viri illustris augerii busbequii , equites autem romani universi principem — hastis argenteiis donatum appellaverunt . quam lacunam ritè expleveris , principem juvent . caium . so he there , and in his auctarium , pag. . the inscription is so cited , his words upon it being , explerem ivv. c. id est , principem juventutis caium . so is. casaubon , on suetonius , lib. . cites the whole stone , and so this piece , but without the supplement ; of which he makes no doubt , adding , mirum ita augustum loqui , quasi alter tantùm filiorum eo honore fuerit affectus . nam certum est ambos principes juventutis esse appellatos . etiam de hastis argenteis dissentit dio qui aureas vult fuisse lib. lv. the periocha wherein this is , in lipsius , casaubon , gruter , ( fol. . ) is thus , line for line . * honoris . mei. causa . senatus . populusque . romanus . annum . quintum . et . decimum . agentis . consulis . designavit . ut . cum . * magistratvm . inirent . post . quin quennium . ex . eo . die. duo . deducti . in. eorumve . interessent . consiliis . publicis . decrevi . senatvs . eqvites . avtem . romani . universi . principem . — hastis . argenteis . donatvm . appellavervnt . if ph. l'abbe had let me know of his edition of the assises of jerusalem , i could have furnished him from another and far ampler copy than that of the vatican , out of my own store . your lordships moct humble and devoted servant , j. selden . white-friers , aug. . . my lord ; in answer to your further instruction concerning gruteri inscription . of caius caesar , mr. selden hath wrote this letter . mr. pearson hath received the copy of hosea and joel from rome , and expects the rest shortly . your humble servant , jo. crooke . lond. aug. . . letter cclxxviii . a letter from the learned mr. selden , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; it is true , that * quem populus cos. &c. ex marmore romae , is cited there by lipsius , & notâ . in the later editions . to the same purpose casaubon in moniment . ancyran . caium xiv . natum annos creatum fuisse consulem ex historia dionis & vetere lapide qui hoc disertè continet , notum est . but where that inscription is to be found described , non liquet , i have searched as diligently as i can , but in vain . neither in smetius , lipsius his auctarium , or gruter , can i find it , no nor in boissardus , who puts together all at rome by their places , not in method of their quality , as the rest do . sigonius a. ab v. c. dccliii , hath caius and paulus for coss. on his fasti ; and onuphrius , lib. . com. in fast. the same dccliv , neither of them mention this stone . but onuphrius cites indeed another , c. caesar augusti f. cos. vias omnes arimini sterni — as divers other stones remember him by that dignity . but for that mentioned by lipsius and casaubon , i see no sign of it , after a careful search again through the places also which your lordship mentions , or the auctarium of gruter , of magistrates . your lorship 's most humble servant , j. selden . white-friers , aug. . . letter cclxxix . a letter from the learned mr. john selden , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; stephan . pighius in u. c. dccliii , hath no other inscription than that in gruter , pag. . . c. caesare . aug . fil. & l. paullo . cos. lares . augustos , &c. nor any thing that further concerns the matter more than every body there have . touching his mention of junius gallio , i neither find him , or that province , in the time of nero , which he runs through . * who that gallio in the acts was , indeed appears not clearly , whether the adopting father , or adopted son. gallio the father , you know , was banished by tiberius . that m. seneca had three sons , whereof l. was the second , appears in epist. . sic mihi sic frater majorque minorque superstes . as likewise in the titles of the controversies and declamations . novatus ; seneca , mela , so reckoned ; whence novatus is taken for the eldest . that l. seneca had a brother called gallio , appears by himself in his inscription of his de vita beata ; and also in that of statius , in genethliaco lucani , hoc plus quàm senecam dedisse mundo , aut dulcem generasse gallionem . and in that of tacitus , annal. . under nero ; junium gallionem senecae fratris morte pavidum & pro incolumitate supplicem increpnit salienus clemens ; besides the mention of him by the name of junius gallio frater senecae in eusebius , num . mmlxxx , ( where that ridiculous mistake is of propria se manu interfecit , mortem ejus nerone in suam praesentiam differente , in editione scaligerana aliisque , for olymp. . non est acta , nerone in suam praesentiam differente ) . and afterward mmlxxxiv . l. anneus melas senecae frater & gallionis bona lucani poetae filii sui à nerone promeretur . and tacitus also , lib. . mela quibus gallio & seneca parentibus natus , &c. which of these three were eldest , is not altogether clear . but it is a good argument taken from the enumeration by their father , that their births were agreeable to that order : and then novatus or gallio must be eldest . and tacitus proves gallio's priority in the place now cited . hence lipsius in de vita seneca , cap. . and divers times , on his works , makes novatus the eldest . but in his elect. . cap. . he makes him the second , and l. the first . so doth pontacus on eusebius , pag. . and grotius , ad act. . . erat hic frater magni senecae dictus cum junior esset novatus , sed adoptatus postea à junio gallione . but , i confess the father's enumeration sways most with me . touching the adoption , i can find no unlikelyhood that m. seneca should give away any of his sons by adoption , which was usually made for advantage . and junius gallio the father might well deserve it . and that of seneca ad mareium , rather confirms the reasonableness of it , and the like use . now for that gallio in the acts , ( whom the arab calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as dio , galonus , the father gallio ) it sorts very well with all circumstances , that he should have been seneca's brother , as baronius , anno . § . . pontacus in eusebium , grotius , &c. doubt not . seneca's power in court will warrant it , and his comfort to his mother of her two sons , ( cap. . ) alter honores industriâ consecutus est , alter contemsit ; plainly meaning novatus or gallio , and mela. and of gallio's greatness , ( in praefat . ad nat. quaest. . ) solebam tibi dicere gallionem fratrem meum ( quem nemo non parum amat , etiam qui amare plus non potest ) alia vitia non nosce , hoc etiam ( adulationem ) odisse . and it doth not well appear what became of gallio the father ; likely enough , before , lost upon his banishment . but neither doth it clearly appear that either father or son was proconsul in achaia , there being no necessity that the mention of gallio and achaia together only , with relation to his sickness contracted there , ( epist. . ) should prove him proconsul of it . and it may be as much wondred at , and more , that seneca , after his way , had not mentioned or touched his dignity , when there was an unavoidable mention to be had of achaia ( whence he speaks of his coming as of an ordinary traveller ) more , i say , than that he calls him dominus meus gallio . whether he were his elder brother , or not , he might , by reason of his dignities , which he so had and affected ( as seneca expresly takes notice of in that to his mother ) complementally call him dominus meus , though lipsius refers it every where , after he grew of the mind that novatus was eldest , to the eldership . pardon my thus troubling your lordship , and especially my ill writing and blotting , which i could not mend by transcribing , because i was to dispatch it away as soon as i had done . your lordship 's most humble and most affectionate friend and servant , j. selden . whitefreirs , octob. . . golius his lexion is come . my second de synedriis is done , only it wants the dressings previous to it : and the third is begun in several sheets , and will , i hope , be soon dispatched . that salmasius is dead , is by every body undoubtedly believed , and i am afraid it is too true . * for the name of dominus , you best know the frequent use of it in compellations and appellations out of martial , lib. . epig. . ad olum , and enough of seneca's time , quod te nomine jam non saluto , quem regem & dominum priùs vocabam ne me dixeras esse contumacem , &c. and lib. . ep. . in priscum . cum te non nossem dominum regemque vocabam , cum bene te novi , jam mihi priscus eris . and lib. . epig. . in naevolum , sollicitus donas , dominum regemque salutas . this was frequent in salutations and mutual expressions , though the emperors sometimes avoided it as too much earnest , or seeming so ; to the rest , it being in jest or complement . truly seneca used not a less expression of that kind to him , when he began his books de ira , with exegisti à me novati , ut scriberem quemadmodum ira possit leniri , &c. exigere is actus dominii , as exigere tributum , vectigal , &c. in most familiar language . i have thus poured out my fancies to you , which i know you will in your excellent goodness and judgment look upon with gentle pardon . so that if gallio in the acts , were either of them that had such relation to the seneca's , i suppose it to be most probable it was this novatus . letter cclxxx . a letter from dr. price , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , my good lord ; the last week , and no sooner , fix of your books were delivered to me ; one of them i presented , in your name , to the prince elector ; three others i am sending into france , two of them , in your name , to bignonius and sarravius ; and a third , as from my self , to monsieur militerius ; the fifth i will give , as from you , to the fr. and the sixth i will keep by me , to be disposed of as shall be ordered . i lately received letters from bignonius and sarravius : in the former o● which there is ( my lord ) this passage concerning you ; particuliement j● vous ay grande obligation de m' avoir concilié la bienuiellance d'un prelat tres eminenten doctrine , dont je cognois des long temps le merites par la reputation publique , qui le publie non seulement pour son rare scauoir mais aussy pour sa grande sagesse & singuliere moderation . in the other there is this passage , et particulierement je vous prie d' asseuner monsieur l' archevesque d' armach des mes tres-humbles respects . lors que i'auray receu son liure que vous me promettez , je prendray la liberté de l'en remercier moy mesme par vostre entremise ; which i suppose i shall not need to english. i likewise received letters from sir g. radcliffe , which do thus conclude ; i long to hear what my lord primate does with his chronological observations . it were pitty that a work about which he hath bestowed so much time , should perish , or prove imperfect , for want of his last hand . and so much for these matters . we are here still , as far as i see , in a doubtful and dangerous estate . in the houses there are great divisions , and since the return of those members which the general himself guarded and conducted , the presbyterians ( a pretty ridiculous business ) out-vote the independents . the scots likewise , by a constant report , are coming in again . in this condition we are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nothing can comfort us , but the coming again of our titus . a few days , 't is thought , will produce somewhat very extraordinary . the rest of this letter is nothing else , but what is verbatim to be found in pricaeus's notes upon tim. . , , . as is also what is inserted in letter , upon tim. . . your grace's most humble and faithful servant , john price . london , aug. . the sixth copy , i have thought upon it , would not be unfitly sent to monsieur naudeus . there will want one likewise for the puteani fratres , whom , i presume , my lord , it is your mind should have one , i will therefore send them mine , but as from you , my lord. letter cclxxxi . a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the learned ludovicus capellus . viro clarissimo ludovico capello . s. t. & literarum hebraicarum in academiâ salmuriensi professore eximio . vir clarissime ; literas tuas salmurii die septembris xxvi datas , octobris nostri ( juliani ) die xxiii o londini accepi , quibus tamèn respondere ( ut vellem ) caligantes oculi non sinunt , qui me à toto hoc scribendi studio jampridem avocant . conabor tamen ( deo volente ) post absolutam annalium partem , alteram , quae jam effecta proditur in lucem , quae de lxx interpretum versione animo concepi , in brevem diatribam conficere ; & licet ut hic versione graecâ ità in historiae apostolicae dispositione in annalibus non semel à te dissentiam ; semper tamen apud me valiturum illud dubitare noli . non eadem sentire bonis de rebus iisdem , incolumi licet semper amicitia . codicem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alexandria à cyrillo patriarchâ in angliam transmissum ( quem theclae vocant ) edere caepit eruditissimus patricius junius . sed eo ad meliorem vitam translato , nulla illius editionis spes nobis est relicta . cuduntur tamèn apud nos biblia polyglotta , in quibus veteres sacri contentus editionis uno conspectu representatae exhibentur . in his alexandrini illius codicis cum editione graecâ vaticana collatio instituitur , & textus quem desideras samariticus simùl adjungitur : quemadmodum inprimis hisce magni operis paginis ( quas ad te mittere libuit ) videre licet . tu ista quaeso boni consule & me amare pergas . tuus in christo frater amantissimus ja. usserius armachanus . londini octobris . anni mdcliii . letter cclxxxii . a letter from dr. price , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , my good lord ; i have been somewhat the longer in answering your letter , conveyed to me by mr. thorndike , as desiring to satisfy you about the tractate of chrysostom against apollinarius . much search hath been made in this library , but as yet it appears not ; and no great wonder , here being almost thirty volumes of that father , some of them without beginning , others without end ; and some , like eternity , without beginning and end : if the pluteus and number had been specified by your lordship , it would have facilitated the enterprize . and perhaps there is no such thing here , for neither hath your lordship specified from whom you learned it : canisius ( whom to that end i looked into ) citing only in latin two passages out of it , but not telling us in the margin where the greek manuscript is . of gregory nyssen , contra apollinarium , we have the greek here , but that we know is printed . i will not yet count your business desperate , perhaps that piece of chrysostom may be lighted upon in some other volume of promiscuous tractates ; and what we could not by industry , we may obtain by good fortune . i understand , with much both satisfaction and consolation , of the perfecting of your lordship 's chronology , but despair ( for the present at least ) in this interruption of traffique , by the war between england and holland , to get sight of it : as likewise of mr. young's septuagint , and dr. hammond's version and notes on the new testament . some notes of mine , upon a part of paul's epistles ( which i would not have mentioned , but that your lordship is pleased to enquire of my low studies ) lie ready by me , and had been printed above a year since , if in venice at least ( for here in florence is not so much as a greek stamp ) there could have been found ( ô tempore , ô moribus ! as says sir philip sidney's rhombus ) a fit corrector . in those notes , on the passage of tim. . . there is somewhat concerning ignatius , which coming yesterday under mine eye , while i was thinking of writing to your lordship occasionally , ( and , i hope , without your dislike ) i will insert verbatim , desiring your lordship to confirm me , or ( which perhaps there will be more cause for ) to reform me . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imo * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , per me nempe indignum ministrum ejus , cui deus non spiritum timoris , sed virtutis dedit , tim. . . chrysostomus homil. . ad antiochenos . doctor vinctus erat & verbum volabat : ille in carcere latitabat , & doctrina alata passim currebat . tertullianus ad martyres . habet ( carcer ) vincula , sed vos soluti deo estis . ignatius causam afferens cur trallensibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non scriberet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( inquit ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . addit deinde , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ubi legitur in omnibus editis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sententiâ implicatâ , vel potius nulla . nos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exigua mutatione , pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 substituendo , eruimus sensum similem paulino . scribere ( inquit ) potuimus vobis altiora , at nos retuimus respectus imbecillitatis vestrae ; neque enim , quia in carcere detinemur , eo minus caelestia , angelorum ordines , &c , cognoscere potis sum & contemplari . seneca . . de beneficiis . corpora obnoxia sunt , &c. mens quidem sui juris . quae adeo libera & vaga est ut ne ab hoc quidem carcere cui inclusa est , teneri queat , quo minus impetu suo utatur , & ingentia agat , & in infinitum comes coelestibus exeat . cicero de vere invicto , lib. . de finibus . cujus etiamsi corpus constringatur , animo tamen vincula nulla injici possunt . i have had letters from sir g. r. at paris , which call upon me for a. gellius , upon whom i have more matter congested , than i have published upon apuleius ; but the digesting ( which is the more troublesome ) part , remains . which when i shall have leisure or appetite for , i yet see not . i heard long since ( and i doubt by too true a reporter ) of the death of my intimate friend sarravius , in that city . mr. selden , i hear , as he flourishes in estate , so declines in strength ; it will be your lordship's favour , when you see him , to mention my humble service to him . i live here , god be praised , in no want , but in little health , and much solitude , which hath cast me into the passio hypocondriaca , that afflicts me sore , and ( which is worse ) into some fits of acedia , 'gainst which i arm my self , as i can , by prayer and otherwise . the air of this place in the winter is ( as to many others ) most pernicious to me ; the conversation of this place , both in winter and summer , is most contrary to me , but the great duke's civilities , rather than ought else , have made me thus long abide here . much comfort and favour i should esteem it , sometimes to hear from your lordship , there being no man in the world , near whose person ( and indeed at whose feet ) i would die so willingly , as at your lordship's , and at those of bignonius , whose infinite learning , and transcendent christian humility , have made me a perpetual servant and slave to him . mr. jeremy bonnel merchant , in the old jewry , ( who perhaps will present this letter ) hath the ready and weekly means of conveyance hither . your graces most humble and faithful servant , john price . florence , decemb. / . . letter cclxxxiv . a letter from the right reverend thomas morton bishop of duresm , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in christo jesu . most reverend father in god ; too long silence among friends useth to be the moth and canker of friendship , and therefore i must write unto your grace , although i have nothing to write but this nothing : and yet i have as much as tully had to his friends , si vales bene est , &c. notwithstanding , in earnest , i grieve at the heart to hear of your grace's declination of sight , though it be my own disease , yet so ( i thank god ) that it is not more , considering mine age. something i should add of o tempora , o mores , albeit an exclamation , which i reprove in the authors , because of hysteron proteron , for that it ought to be rather , o mores , o tempora , but it is god that moves the wheels , and blessed be his holy name ; and let it be our comfort , my lord , that in his good time , he would remove us from those vexatious mutabilities . if there were any thing in my power which i might contribute as grateful unto your grace , i would not be wanting . however ( according to the mutual obligation between us ) i shall still commend your grace to the protection of the almighty , to the glory of saving grace in christ jesus . i am your grace's in all dutiful acknowledgment , th. duresm . jan. . . my lord , since the conclusion of this letter , i have been moved , by this bearer , that your grace would be pleased to favour him in his reasonable request unto you . th. d. letter cclxxxiv . a letter from mr. thomas whalley , to the most reverend james usher late arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend ; your last letter to me , dated april . i received not till easter-even , april . your messenger bringing it too late to my nephew , ( as he saith ) . the holy-days being past , i have since wholly attended to satisfy your demands touching the autumn . aequin . and mr. lin. computation ▪ is ecl. ad a m. i m. olymp. ae . which i have here sent you inclosed , with my whole proceedings therein , that you may the better judg thereof ; where if you espy any error , ( as well may be among such variety , and wanting the help of any other man , albeit , i have been very careful to examine my whole working over and over again ) let me intreat so much , that you would be pleased to certify me thereof . indeed at last i found out garsilias ( whom you call garsills ) his other copy , which also transcribed by my scholar ( for lack of leasure in my self ) because i have not my own copy at home to compare the difference only , i have sent you examined , though by my self and him together . d. ward saith , he remembreth your business , and will be with you ( as he sent me word ) within this week . though i have calculated the autum . aequ . as precisely as i could by the prutenicks , yet you know , by tycho's observations , the prut . fail of the true ingress into the aequinoctial , hours sometimes , and sometimes more , which years backward , will perhaps make a greater difference than in of tycho's . you may read in peucer whereabout the aequin . vernal was at the first olymp. &c. amandus polanus , in syntagm . theolog. and origan in his ephem . have argued contrarily touching the world's original time ; which , methinks , in regard of correspondence of the second adam with the first adam , as in other things , so in this , should be in the spring ( as polanus holdeth ) when our saviour suffered for the recreation ( as i may so speak ) of the world. notwithstanding i am of opinion , the stay of adam in paradise was much longer than most men hold , and reasons i could yield for it , perhaps so long as christ lived upon earth after his baptism ; but in such a nice point i list not to be curious . mr. lively seems to render a reason why whitsunday was deferred from may d. to d. because the easter before fell upon the jewish pascha ; which reason i leave to your better judgment than mine , if it be not good ; but by mistaking the eclipse , that year of christ current , i think this calculation i have sent will sufficiently demonstrate . hoping you will accept these endeavours for this time , i cease to trouble you further , commending your welfare to the grace of god. yours in the lord , tho. whalley . letter cclxxxv . a letter from mr. thomas whalley , to the most reverend james usher late arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend ; since the late receipt of your letter , i have had very little time and leasure to make answer thereto , and am inforced at this present to abbreviate the same . your acceptance of my small pains , i am rather to thank you for , than you to account them any trouble to me , who would be right glad if in any matter my service may stand you in stead . if i thought you had not taken a copy of my garsilias whilst you had it , i would send you the difference so soon as i can . the precise time of the autum . aequin . complet . retrò , i remember was set down ; and if porrho and current not also expressed , was through my haste ; but it may be gathered to be upon the st current of octob. h. m. post med . noct . i wrought ( as you see ) according to the alphonsine way , because those tables , of equal motions , are more truly printed than those which are secundùm vulgarem rationem * . mulerius have i read cursorily , but never practised by his tables ; yet methinks it strange there should be such difference , that by your calculation the middle motion of sol should fall upon the th or th day , without there be some error in our operations . it 's no wonder if firmicus strayed , guessing by supposition rather what might be , than out of judgment examining the truth , himself , as an heathen , holding the world's eternity . capell , no question ( as you write ) was deceived . about adam's continuance in paradise , as i affirm nothing , so think it cannot be evicted , his stay might not be many days , or some years . . to dress and keep the garden , ( a compendium of all kinds of plants and animals ) . . to take notice of , and contemplate their several natures . . to have beasts of all kinds presented in order before him . . and then to give names to such a multitude of species . . to visit and search the properties also of so many sorts of herbs and plants , in likelihood , that he might see and know what great things god had done for him , and whereof he was made sovereign , ( that so after his fall he might have the greater compunction and remorse for his trespass , remembring the glory he lost ) . . in probability also to keep a sabbath . . lie in an heavy sleep till the woman was built ; . and then to take knowledg thereof , and give her a name : . and for her to enter a long conference ( by conjecture ) with the serpent , then eat , and give of the forbidden fruit to the man ; . and both of them to sew for themselves garments of leaves . all these ( with other circumstances that might be added ) seem to imply a respit of more than one or two days . and if there was no necessity of knowing his wife in three or four days , why in three or four years , considering it is not unlike but that god would first limit some time for him to behold and contemplate the creatures , and acknowledg his bounty therein . considering also man was made ; . animal . perfectissimum , and so ( as the more noble among beasts and fowls do also ) not exercise generation but at set times . . atque immortale , ( quatenus potuit non mori ) and therefore need not be too sollicitous to preserve the species of humane nature , without delay , by generation , when the individuals might remain incorruptible . . et originaliter justum , and therefore freed from inordinate concupiscense , rather delighting himself in the fellowship , than knowledg of women ; and in divine speculation , and worship of his creator , and inquisition of the creatures conditions , than in sensual ( though lawful ) appetites . . and being a type of christ , the second adam , perhaps as the one , some three or four , * or more years upon earth , preached righteousness at his inauguration in baptism , so the other might remain as long time in injoying the benefit of his innocence in his first estate . . lastly , the blessing of fruitfulness he might well expect in due time to come , sufficient to replenish the world ; whenas even in those years of his life , after the fall , if but every years his seed were doubled , ( an easy supposition ) the total would amount to many hundred millions of persons . years . persons . sic deinceps . your correspondence of the feast of expiations on the th of tisri , in memory of the first sin , i hold very ingenious , howsoever other expositors deem that time appointed as fit for humiliation at the end of the ecclesiastical year , when all their fruits were reaped . but granting that good , the consequence of his creation in autumn is not necessary , unless we suppose he fell within few days . the forbidden fruit , . in the midst of the garden ; and , . but some individual ; and , . pleasing to the eye , seemeth to be different from the pomegranat ; and so i suppose you will not deny . for mr. livlys mistaking of whitsunday , i have not to say , till leasure suffer me to examine whether fourteen years after the vernal aequinox fell that year upon the lord's day . but i thank you heartily for imparting so much as you have to me , whereby to make further search hereafter . and so having been both tedious and troublesome to you , i cannot but crave pardon , in regard of your important occasions , and commit your welfare to the grace of god ; resting ever , yours , to use , in the lord , tho. whalley . may . i would fain know where it is that eras. rheinholt failed in his tables , that mulerius noteth them of error in computing the eclipses in gordianus the emperor's time , and the birth of romulus mentioned by tarrutius , &c. letter cclxxxvi . a letter from mr. thomas whalley , to the most reverend james usher late arch-bishop of armagh . salutem in christo. right reverend ; if in omitting a day of the bissextile year , i committed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i hope you will bear with elder years , and long discontinuance from these kind of supputations ; i suppose the default may easily be amended in the total , without any great change in the particulars . dr. bainbridg in his hypotheses , what certainty they are of , may be doubted . erasmus his tables have obtained authority ( sufficient for chronology ) hitherto by the consent with the heavenly motions . which mulerius taxing in romulus and gordianus eclipses , might have done well to have noted also the place in which the errata ( and those but typographica perhaps ) were committed . your noting their defects , in tab. med. syz. ab aera christianâ , fol. . b. edit . witenberg . . ( which edition , with the other also of tubinge i have ) more studied me . who having examined the whole numbers of fol. . b. sub columna temporis , found no such errors as you mention ; but in fol. . a. i found as you said * ; but the best is , i have not used to calculate heretofore by that table . yesterday was a sevenight , i lent dr. ward ( out of our library ) an imperfect manuscript , fair written , concerning the endowments , &c. of glassenbury-abby ; i suppose he acquainted you therewith , if happily it may serve your turn ; for i should be right glad if in ought i were able any ways to further your godly proceedings , wherein you shall always command me . i acknowledg your kindness , in acquainting me with these discourses ; of which , . the tree of life ( by consent of many good divines and schoolmen ) was not only a sacrament , but as a medicine to defend man's nature in his integrity , from injury of age and mortality . . i never imagined adam once to eat thereof ; your text , gen. . . evinceth . . but i doubt whether it therefore follows , he fell the next sabbath after his creation , or next year either . there might be just cause of forbearance to eat of that fruit ( notwithstanding his continuance in paradise ) known to him , unknown to us . . cedrenus in compend . histor. pag. , & . relates how some held his aboad there years , others . mercator in prolegom . atlantis geogr. seems to approve thereof . my self only think it not improbable , but that he might live there some years ; the rather , for that at the birth of his third son seth , he was years old ; whereby it seemeth that either other descents are omitted in holy writ , besides those three of cain , abel , and seth , or else the distance of time betwixt them very long , or his abode in paradise not so short as is imagined . . in levit. . . i read of linnen garments which the priest put on , but nothing of the sacred robes on which the pomegranats were wrought : and tostatus is of my opinion , that he wore not then these robes , upon that place of levit. who seemeth also to approve mr. livly his opinions touching the difference betwixt the jewish and christian easter-day , in lev. . , . and chap. . , . though , methinks , mr. lively himself handleth that point in olymp. . . best : yet can i not but highly esteem your judicious censures therein . . pomegranats might be fair , yet are nothing so pleasing to the eye as other fruits ; they remain to this day , the forbidden fruit , being extinct ; my meaning heretofore was not the mere fruit in it self considered , to be one individual , but the tree with all the fruit thereon . it was but my haste that bred the ambiguity of phrase . though unreasonable beasts ingender once in a year , ( whereof some authors doubt in the lion and elephant ) yet reasonable man ( for the causes often alleadged ) might abstain in his innocence a longer season . thus thanking you for all your kindness , and craving pardon of my tediousness , i commend you to the grace of god. yours to command in what i may , thom. whalley . june . letter cclxxxvii . a letter from mr. thomas whalley , to the most reverend james usher late arch-bishop of armagh . right reverend ; i know not how to requite your kindness for the treatise of suchten , but remain your debtor most thankfully for the same ; would god there were any thing wherein my service might stand you in stead , you shall command me ever . as touching your demand about the disagreement of rheinold , with himself and copernicus : i find , upon due examination , that a mean synodick month is , ( as you affitm ) in exact measure by division of g. into the just diurnal * supputation , or longitude of the moon from the sun , mentioned in tab. fol. . a. precisely d. i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix . . . . . . . . . . and that is , in scrup. hor. p. h. i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix . . . . . . . . . . . &c. and that in praecepto , it should be only .d. . i . ii . iii feré , and not fully iii. according to the diurn . supputation there largely taken , viz. .g. . i . ii . iii . iv ferè , and consequently in scru. hor. .d. .h. . i . ii . iii ferè , not iii. ferè , for those . fully make up in hourly scruples , iii fully , not iii ferè . but it seems that rheinold , in delivering his precept , held it not material to be curious in the precise number of his example , but contented himself with one more gross , though sufficient to illustrate his precept . but in his tables , as was requisite , he was more exact ; albeit there , in fol. . b. the — or straitness of the columes , may seem to enforce him to set down . d. . i . ii . iii . iv h. e. . d. . h. . i . ii . iii . iv ( as nighest to the truth ) instead of . iii . iv . v and so correspondently in hor. scrup . . iii . iv . v therefore i think rheinold thus may well be freed from crossing himself , howsoever i find among some notes of mr. lively , upon that th precept , that he also had observed the like error in him ( as you do ) of . iii for . iii ferè . for copernicus , i dare not undertake to clear him altogether of differing from himself , considering his numbers are so often false printed , and his calculations also not so accurate , and so i can easily yield to you therein ; but that rheinold should differ . iii from him , it is no marvel : for where you write he professeth to follow copernicus ; therein , sir , you may please to conceive it is but in part , or secundum quid , namely , in his copern . observations and demonstrations , not in his calculations , wherein he professeth to dissent quite from him , as indeed he doth usually almost every where : read , if you please , his epistle , ad albertum marchionem , dedicatory , straight after the midst ; and his preface also to the prutenick canons , in the very front or beginning thereof . i might , i confess , have been more copious in this answer , and with better order , but i hope you will pardon , both slackness heretofore , and haste at this present , in regard of my urgent occasions : but if this do not satisfy , or be not to your contentment , i shall indeavour to amend the same upon your advertisement sent at any time . and for your other conjectures of adam's continuance in paradise , shall be thankful if you will vouchsafe to impart your learned meditations , either therein , or in ought else , unto me : whom i beseech the lord to bless with his spirit , to his glory , your comfort , and the churches good ; desiring always to be accounted , yours to command , thomas whalley . aug. . letter ccxxxviii . a letter from mr. arnold boate to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . may it please your grace ; having written to you , this day fortnight , a fourth letter , since i had the honour to hear last from you ; i got three or four days after an answer upon the three first , dated the / th of april , and give you humble thanks , for having been pleased to satisfy therein those several questions , which i had made bold to propound unto you . the second part of your annales is here extreamly longed for by all of them that have seen the first ; but i find , by what you tell me of at this time , that it goeth therewith , as it hath done with my work against morinus and capellus , quòd crescat sub manu : whereby it hath come to pass , that instead of a prodromus of fourteen or fifteen sheets , which at first i thought to have had , it is now come to be a compleat vindiciae veritatis hebraicae , of full thirty sheets . i have made an end a sennight since , and the printer promiseth me to do as much for his part before the end of the next week ; and i hope i shall suddenly find an occasion of sending to london the copies for mr. pullen ; wherewith i intend to send likewise the chronological work of labbaeus , the which i bought the next day after i had received your letter . in my last i told you how i had enquired of friar goare about the addenda ad eusebii chronicon graecum , and what answer i had of him : and by this letter of his which he hath brought me since , you will find a much more ample account concerning the same . monsieur sionita being gone out of paris into burgundy , a few months before his decease , and having carried all his papers and books with him thither , they are fallen into the hands of some persons , who will never let them appear : insomuch as monsieur auvergne flavignii his colleague , in professione linguae hebraicae , who died the matter of half a year ago , could never hear any news of them , although he used all possible diligence for that end . but as for his syriack and arabick bible , by which those in le-jayes edition have been printed , they were two excellent copies , and of a venerable antiquity , as he assured me , and i partly discovered my self when i saw them with him , at my first coming to this town . but i believe it is not unknown to you , how that in printing the syrrack , he hath interpolated it in very many places , and so utterly spoiled the authenticalness of it , according to what i have informed you very amply some years since ; so as the editores of the biblia polyglotta there , must in no wise take his syriack edition for their pattern , or else they will spoil all . i am no ways taken with their designs of putting in so much . for besides that , it is a very superfluous thing to add the samaritan pentateuch ( of which nothing should be printed but the discrepancies from ours , which is not an hundredth part , all the rest being , word for word , the same ) ; i cannot see to what purpose it is to — the like editions with the hebrew and greek texts , with their latin translations , and with the vulgar latin , these being so easy to be had apart , and no body being without them : and i would think it much more commendable , and of much more utility for the publick , and for themselves too , ( in regard of the ready venting of the impression ) to print nothing else but the syriack , chaldee , arabick , ethiopick , and the pentateuch in the samaritan language , with the latin translations . and that edition too will not be worth a rush , if it be not done with the self-same exactness as the biblia regia were ; whereas those of le jay are basely defaced with innumerable faults , and therefore fit for nothing but to be burnt . when i shall send you any books hereafter , i will observe your directions , of addressing them to mr. booth at calais ; being most heartily sorry that theophanes has been so unreasonably long before he came to your hands . thus humbly kissing your hands , and praying god to bless his church , and us your servants , with the prolonging of your days in perfect health and strength , i remain ever , your grace's most humble and most devoted servant , arnold boate. if it be not too troublesome for your grace , i would very gladly know , in your next letter , what edition or manuscript-copy hath been followed in the 〈…〉 bible lately printed at london , whether it hath 〈…〉 done , and what the bulk and price of it is . i delivered unto mr. balthazar your letter to him , and to mr. buxtorf , and a copy of your epistle . letter cclxxxix . illustrissimo & amplissimo domino , d. jacobo usserio , episcopo armacano . jacobus goar ordinis praedicatorum . s. p. segnius est , fateor , in acceptum beneficium , acceptum olim , dico , tuâ eruditione plenum codicem animi non ingrati testimonium , & mutuâ aestimatione nondum merita rependendâ ad tuas , vir illustrissime , proficisci tardiores . proficiscuntur inquam , à beneficio extortae , verum ex officio spontaneo qua excidere dignae fuerant , obsequio levissimo tentant mercari benevolentiam tuam . clar. bootio , quid de collectaneis cunctis eusebianis dicam , an scaligerianis , cujus authoris , & ex quibus codicibus prodierint , quaesivisti . is ad me , qui codicem regium syncelli , in quo laboravit scaliger , contrectaverim , quique ad syncelli laborem , passusque pedemque ex parte fuerim insequutus , quaesitum retulit , & me resolvere impulit . ut comperi enuncio . apud batavos collectanea sua congessit scaliger , neque ex regiis parisiensibus in unum cuncta comportavit , addidit quandoque propria , regia etiamnum collegit , & ex singulis 〈…〉 . chronici pars prior ex regio eodem , quo usus sum , & syncelli 〈…〉 simis , quae ad pag. , . annotavi , demptis , tota prodiit 〈…〉 nomine & quasi stylo exaratam cum syncelli textu comparavi & 〈…〉 pag. . & seqq . quae sequitur , eusebii rursus nomen , & ejus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fert , quae non nisi ex methodo & ordine eusebii est . audens dico & sincerus ; ad eusebii chronici & latina hieronymi verba ex syncelli verbis & propria minervâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plasmavit scaliger . quo motus eusebium reparare voluit . quo ordine latinae interpretationis ; cui tamen nonnulla velut è cerebro palladem novam , coss. nimirum numerum & alia adjungere , quia sic scripsisse somniavit eusebium , non est ver 〈…〉 . subduntur ad eusebium , ut putat , addenda , quae thesauri illius pag. . quae ex regiis , ut mihi suadetur , suppeditavit , & quae eadem in notis ad eadem addenda à casaubono accepisse testatur thesauri temporum pag. . quo numero notentur illa in regiis , mihi nondum compertum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hinc in — nicephori breviarium ex regio . aegyptiacae africani dynastiae ex syncello — prout mihi observatur pag. . pars alia non minima ex fastis siculis sive chronico alexandrino ( quod foede , madero teste , mutilavit ) transcripta , quae ad notarum pag. notandus ipse reus fatetur ante prolata de eusebio veterum testimonia . haec de scalligeri eusebio & collectaneis . regius porrò codex unde syncellus meus & scaligeri eusebius graecus , continet nicephori 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : syncelli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : theophanis , publici juris propediem faciendi , post diocletiani , in quo syncellus desiit , tempora , parem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 historiam : leonis armenii vitam imperfectam brevemque , authore anonymo : leonis grammatici ca 〈…〉 edendi , non illepidam ad leone praefato ad leonem philosophum narrationem ab eodem scripta : ac denique incerti authoris & mutili , alio charactere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 de scaligeri eusebio haec visa . his utinam accepto beneficio & humanitate 〈…〉 vel quem colo virum illustrissimum in aliquo mihi devineiam . vale. letter ccxc. a letter from the learned nicolaus mercator to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . viro reverendissimo domino jacobo usserio armachano ; domino suo quâ par est observantiâ colendo . londinum . reverendissime atque illustrissime domine ; duo sunt spectanda in cycli cujusque inventione , primum congruentia cum motibus coelestibus , & alterum commoditas ; quae quidem ambo eâ industriâ temperanda venrunt , ut neutrum alteri deroget ; sed periodus euadat utroque commendabilis . secundum haec facilè pronunciatur de praestantia cujusque periodi . nam julianus quidem annus gregoriano multō commodior , sed minus accuratus est ; unde certamen etiamnum hodie viget , uter utri praeferendus sit , cum uterque suum commodum habeat adverso incommodo junctum . apparet autem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habitâ ratione potius quàm facilitatis , gregorianam periodum tetraeteridi julianae a multis praelatam fuisse quamvis centuplo majorem . quod si igitur hebdomecontaeteris inveniatur triacontatrieteride non paulò accuratior ; propter hoc ipsum praeferetur , quamvis duplo & octavâ propemodum parte major : praesertim cùm longè infra tetracosieterida subsistat , cujus partem sextam non multum excedit , ●tatis humanae modulo contenta , quam solon apud herodotum annis circumscribit . sed accuratiorem esse hebdomecontaeterida , probo ex tabulis , quotquot post exquisitas tychonis observationes prodierunt in lucem . nam solstitium hybernum verum currente periodi julianae anno incidit secundum parisinas , lansbergianas , philolaicas die januarii : deinde anno post christum currente bruma secundum easdem , nec non rudolphinas atque danicas , congruit novembris . anni tropici interjecti sunt novies mille , dies autem . atqui totidem dies colligunt aetates & anni , hoc est anni ixm civiles nostro modo in hebdomecontaëteridas tributi . verùm triacontatrieterides & anni , constituentes & ipsae annos ixm , continent dies solum . ergo ixm annorum spatio triacontatrieteris quatriduo solido deficit a coelestis anni quantitate exactâ . tetracosieterides autem ½ numerant dies ½ . unde patet meum cyclum & gregoriano & isto annorum perfectiorem esse . nam & aequinoctium vernum verum anno post christum contingit juxta rudolphinas , parisinas , philolaicas die martii ; & rursus anno post christum juxta easdem die januarii . anni intercedunt tropici , dies autem : totidem verò dies constituunt nobis centum aetates praecisè . sola igitur periodus lxx annorum inventa est , quae inde à condito mundo , & ab hoc tempore porrò referret solem quotannis eodem die ad initium capricorni ; sola , quae aequinoctium vernum verum diei stato affixum retineret in posterum per tot annorum millia . nam gregorianae rationes , quemadmodum & triacontatrieteridis , viim annorum decursu à coelo aberrant integro ferè triduo ; quod in gregoriana periodo eò minus ferendum videtur , quo ipsa est prolixior , quippe quae vix ter vel quater replicari possit , quin errorem continuò sensibilem incurrat . ut taceam , quod ipsâ intercalandi tarditate minus promtè subveniat necessitati restitutionis . causa verò istius aberrationis manifesta est motus apogaei solaris ; nam vestrae rationes quantitatem anni mediam exprimunt , meae veram . illa semper manet eadem , undecunque annum ordiamur : haec alia est , si initium repetamus à bruma ; alia , si ab autumno . nos romanorum consuetudinem probantes auspicamur annum civilem à bruma ; quam calendis januarii , & aequinoctium vernum , tanquam anni lunaris & ecclesiastici metam , calendis aprilis affigimus . his igitur duobus cardinibus rationes anni adstringendae fuerunt , ut congruerent ipsi brumae quidem inde à primordio rerum , propter insignem utilitatem , quam haec anni forma chronologiae praessae ; aequinoctio vero non nisi in futurum , ut celebritati paschali consuleretur . quid enim annon concilii nicaeni temporibus aequinoctium à patribus in xxi martii die defixum fuit , ita ut propter juhaei quadrantis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 xx & xxi diem occuparet quemadmodum loquitur petavius libr. v de doctr . temp . cap. . deinde cum ad nicaenam stationem aequinoctium medium ( cur medium dicat potius qùam verum , nihil video ) revocari placuisset , decem dies praetereundi ac dissimusandi fuerunt . verine aequinoctii est nicaena illa statio an medii vel potius , quaenam est nicaena statio● annon xx ac xxi dies martii atqui huic stationi non medium aequinoctium congruebat nicaeni concilii tempore ; sed verum . cumque emendatio gregoriana ad xx ac xxi diem martii revocârit aequinoctium verum , non medium ; cur obsecro adscitâ quantitate anni mediâ potius quàm verâ , dilabi rursus patitur aequinoctium verum ab illa statione , quam affectârat tantoperè nam ad retinendum in statione aequinoctium verum , opus est quantitate anni verâ quae à mediâ si fixus esset apogaeus , nullâ re differret ; at nunc viim annorum spatio divertit propemodum triduo : quandoquidem apogaeum moveri evincunt inter alia antiquissimae tres eclipses babylone observatae , archonte athenis phanostrato , & anno proximo post eum evandro , quarum intervalla nisi quatuor vel quinque horis abludunt à vero , quod non puto quenquam existimare velle , necesse est , ut apogaeus moveatur : sin rectè assignata fuerunt , ut haeserit istis temporibus circa priores partes geminorum perspicuum est jgitur , quâ ratione quaestio de solaris apogaei motu huc pertineat & quòd cydo meo lxx annorum nullus det●r 〈◊〉 : superest ut co●●odior quoque ostendatur isto annorum . nam per 〈…〉 tempora per quam oportunum est , nec infrequens divinis oraculi● quae non solum exitum israëlitarum aetatibus ; sed aetatem hominis lxx annis ; & lxx annis sabbathum terrae sanctae : & totidem annorum hebdomadibus unctionem messiae praesiniuint . proinde quemadmodum hebraeorum jubilaei septies septenis annis distinguebantur : ita nostra aetas spetuagenis , & cyclus seriarum septies septuagenis annis absolvitur . imò si matthaeus evangelista praecipuas mundi aetates generationibus distinguit , atque in eo septenarium numerum affectat ; licebit & nobis mundana tempora aetatibus metiri , & septenarium sacrum sponte oblatum amplecti , qui naturae humanae familiaris est adeò , ut non solùm integram nostram aetatem coronet ; sed in partes digestam insuper climactericis insigniat . deinde promtum & facile est cuilibet in arithmeticis leviter versato progressionem septuagenarii numeri memoriter continuare , quo in annorum periodo vix procedat : quemadmodum & distributio cujus bet annorum summae multò facilior est in hebdomecontaëteridas , quàm in triacontatrieteridas : nam aequè facile est multiplicare vel dividere per , atque per , nec minus facile per atque per ; quare operandi facilitate cyelus orius vix cedit ipsi quatuor annorum periodo . ac licet ex & annorum cyclis componatur meus lxx annorum ; hujus tamen , utpote rotundi observatio commodior accidit imaginationi , quae naturaliter non acquiescit prius , quàm imparem numerum multiplicando ad rotunditatem perduxerit . postremò quanquam periodus feriarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sequitur ultrò cyclum lxx annorum , etiamsi nemo illud curet , adeòque nullam prolixitudine suâ difficultatem parit ; tamen absque hoc foret , periodus septem aetatum non tantùm aequè facilè , sed commodius etiam sive per literas conservatur , sive traditione propogatur , atque ista annorum , quâ videlicet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , atque ideo corruptioni vel abolitioni minus oportuna est . hisee , o decus ingens anglae , velificari in praesens debui sublimi tuo favori , quo ut porro adspirare meis studiis digneris supplex oro . reverendissimi atque illustrissimi domini mei devotus cultor , nicolaus mercater . hasniae , martii / . / . letter ccxci. a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the learned henricus valesius . viro doctissimo d. henrico valesio . lutetiam parisiorum . vir clarissimo ; mitto ad te non eufebium solum sed caeteros quoque ecclesiastieae historiae scriptores à d. henrico savilio cum manuscripto suo codice ( quem in bombycinâ papyro descriptum publicae oxoniensis academiae bibliothecae donavit ) diligenter collatos : ubi & lacunas in libris de vita constanti suppletas invenies . plura ad te scribere volentem caligantes oculi prohibent : hoc tamen supprimere non valentem , seldenum nostrum , jam septuagenarium , pridie kalendas decembris ( julianas ) magno nostro cum luctu ex hac vitâ decessisse . te vero ad reipublicae literariae bonum , diu velit deus esse superstitem quod ex animo exoptat studiorum tuorum fautor summus ja. usserius armachanus . lond. xiii kalend. januar. anno christi . ( stylo vetere . ) letter ccxcii . a letter from the right reverend jos. hall bishop of norwich , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend , and honourable ; with never enow thanks for this precious gift which i receive from your grace's hand . i have , with no small eagerness and delight , turned over these your learned and accurate annals , wondring not a little at that your indefatigable labour , which you have bestowed upon a work fetch'd together out of such a world of monuments of antiquity ; whereby your grace hath better merited the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , than those on whom it was formerly imposed ; but in looking over this admirable pile of history , my curiosity cast me upon the search of two over-famous persons , simon magus , and apòllonius tyanaeus ; the particularities of whose story seems so much to be concerned , in the disquisition of that antichrist , lately set on foot by grotius , and dr. hammond . i had hoped to have found a just account , both of their times , and their actions , and events , in this your compleat collection : which missing of , i have taken the boldness to give this touch of it to your grace , as being desirous to know , whether you thought good to omit it , upon the opinion of the invalidity of those records , which mention the acts and issue of those two great juglers ; or whether you have pleased to reserve them for some further opportunity of relation . howsoever , certainly ( my lord ) it would give great satisfaction to many , and amongst them , to my self , if by your accurate search , i might understand whether the chronology of simon magus his prodigies and affectation of deity , may well stand with st. paul's prediction of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as following it in time , after the writing of that second epistle to the thessalonians . i must confess , if the times may accord , there may seem to be some probability in casting antichrist upon an age not so far remote from the apostolick . as hath been commonly reputed ; since the apostle speaks of it as a thing so near hand , that the ordinary christians of thessalonica were well acquainted with the bar of his revelation . i beseech your grace to pardon this bold importunity of him , who , out of the consciousness of his deep devotion to you , and his dependence upon your oracular sentence in doubts of this nature , have presumed thus to interrupt your higher thoughts : in the desire and hope whereof , i humbly take leave , and profess my self , your grace's in all christian observance , and fervent devotion , jos. norvic . higham , may . letter ccxciii . a letter from the right reverend j. bramhall bishop of derry , ( afterward primate of ireland ) to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . most reverend ; i thank god i do take my pilgrimage patiently , yet i cannot but condole the change of the church and state of england . and more in my pilgrimage than ever , because i dare not witness and declare to that straying flock of our brethren in england , who have misled them , and who they are that feed them . but that your lordship may be more sensible of the churches calamities , and of the dangers she is in of being ruin'd , if god be not mercifull unto her , i have sent you a part of my discoveries , and it from credible hands , at this present having so sure a messenger , and so fit an opportunity . it plainly appears , that in the year , by order from rome , above , of the romish clergy were sent into england , consisting of english , scotch , and irish , who had been educated in france , italy , germany , and spain ; part of these within the several schools there appointed for their instructions . in each of these romish nurseries , these scholars were taught several handicraft trades and callings , as their ingenuities were most bending , besides their orders , or functions of that church . they have many yet at paris a fitting up to be sent over , who twice in the week oppose one the other ; one pretending presbytery , the other independency ; some anabaptism , and other contrary tenents , dangerous and prejudicial to the church of england , and to all the reformed churches here abroad . but they are wisely preparing to prevent these designs , which i heartily wish were considered in england among the wise there . when the romish orders do thus argue pro and con , there is appointed one of the learned of those convents to take notes and to judg : and as he finds their fancies , whether for presbytery , independency , anabaptism , atheism , or for any new tenents , so accordingly they be to act , and to exercise their wits . upon their permission when they be sent abroad , they enter their names in the convent registry , also their licences : if a franciscan , if a dominican , or jesuit , or any other order , having several names there entered in their licence ; in case of a discovery in one place , then to fly to another , and there to change their names or habit. for an assurance of their constancy to their several orders , they are to give monthly intelligence to their fraternities , of all affairs where-ever they be dispers'd : so that the english abroad , know news better than ye at home . when they return into england , they are taught their lesson , to say ( if any enquire from whence they come ) that they were poor christians formerly that fled beyond-sea for their religion-sake , and are now returned , with glad news , to enjoy their liberty of conscience . the men that went over , were most of them soldiers in the parliament's army , and were daily to correspond with those romanists in our late king's army , that were lately at oxford , and pretended to fight for his sacred majesty : for at that time , there were some roman-catholicks who did not know the design a contriving against our church and state of england . but the year following , , many of those romish orders , who came over the year before , were in consultation together , knowing each other . and those of the king's party asking some why they took with the parliament's side , and asking others whether they were bewitched to turn puritans , not knowing the design : but at last , secret bulls , and licences being produced by those of the parliament's side , it was declared between them , there was no better design to confound the church of england , than by pretending liberty of conscience . it was argued then , that england would be a second holland , a common-wealth ; and if so , what would become of the king it was answered , would to god it were come to that point . it was again reply'd , your selves have preached so much against rome , and his holiness , that rome and her romanists will be little the better for that change : but it was answered , you shall have mass sufficient for in a short space , and the governors never the wiser . then some of the mercifullest of the romanists said , this cannot be done unless the king die : upon which argument , the romish orders thus licensed , and in the parliament army , wrote unto their several convents , but especially to the sorbonists whether it may be scrupled to make away our late godly king , and his majesty his son , our king and master ; who , blessed be god , hath escaped their romish snares laid for him it was returned from the sorbonists , that it was lawful for roman catholicks to work changes in governments for the mother-churches advancement , and chiefly in an heretical kingdom ; and so lawfully make away the king. thus much , to my knowledg , have i seen and heard since my leaving your lordship , which i thought very requisite to inform your grace ; for my self would hardly have credited these things , had not mine eyes seen sure evidence of the same . let these things sleep within your gracious lordship's brest , and not awake but upon sure grounds , for this age can trust no man , there being so great fallacy amongst men. so the lord preserve your lordship in health for the nations good , and the benefit of your friends ; which shall be the prayers of your humble servant , j. derensis . july . . letter ccxciv. viro clarissimo & doctissimo jacobo usserio armachano henricus valesius s. in aere tuo me esse semper existimavi , vir clarissime , ex quo annales veteris testam . abs te editos ad me misisti . qui liber si mihi coràm traditus fuisset ab eo cui id officium mandaveras , jamdudùm tibi gratias egissem per literas . sed quoniam eum virum postea convenire non potui , officium quod tamdiu à me dilatum est , nunc tandem oblatâ scribendi opportunitate , tibi persolvo . ac primùm ago gratias , quantas possum maximas , ob illud literarium munus , quo me honorandum esse censuisti . sunt quidem omnes libri tui eruditissimi & accuratissimi : sed hic prae caeteris abundè testatur , quantus sis in omni genere doctrinae . atque ut ejus lectione multùm me profecisse ingenue fateor , ita etiam ex secundâ parte ejusdem operis quam à te editam esse nuper accepi , spero non mediocrem fructum me esse coepturum . alterum deinde beneficium abs te peto , quod pro tuâ singulari humanitate praestiturum te esse non diffido . eusebii historiam ecclesiasticam , & libros de vita imperatoris constantini cum novâ interpretatione mea , & annotationibus propediem typographis commissurus sum ; ad hanc novam editionem , trium duntaxat scriptorum codicum auxilio sum usus . nam itali , quorum subsidium postulaveram , nihil mihi praeter verba inania contulerunt . cum igitur ex notis tuis in polycarpi martyrium compererim , esse apud vos savilianum exemplar , quod quidem optimum esse conjicio , abs te etiam atque etiam peto , ut de eo exemplari certiorem me facias , primùm sitnè in membranis : deindè an quatuor libri de vita constantini in eo legantur integri . postremo , utrum varias lectiones ex eo codice per te nancisci possim , saltem librorum devita constantini . hi enim inquinatissimi ad nos pervenerunt , & multis in locis mutili . multùm tibi debebit eusebius noster , si id mihi praestare volueris , nec italicorum codicum auxilium posthac magnoperè desiderabo , si anglicani hujus praesidium nactus fuero . equidem nolim te vir clarissime laborem conferendi codicis sustinere . absit à me , ut te , tantum virum , & gravissimis studiis occupatum , tam molesto labore mei causâ defungi velim . sed si quis fortè apud vos studiosus eum librum tuâ causâ conferre voluerit , cum vulgatis editionibus , aut si quis fortasse jam contulit , rogo ut varias lectiones mecum communices . ego vicissim tibi spondeo , honorificam mentionem , et tui , & ejus qui hanc operam subierit , in meis annotationibus me esse facturum . vale vir clarissime , & omnium anglorum doctissime . tibi addictissimus , henr. valesius . lutetiae parisiorum , iii nonas decemb. an. christi . letter ccxcv. a letter from the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh , to the learned henricus valesius . viro doctissimo d. henrico valesio . vir clarissime ; eusebium nostrum tandèm salvum ad te pervenisse gaudeo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illas , longè antequàm genevensis editio lucem aspexit , à d. henrico savilio in eo fuisse annotatas , tibi confirmare possum . quem & ex proprio manuscripto suo eas se desumpsisse nòn semel dixisse mihi memini . et alio hic quàm christophorsoni codice eum fuisse usum ; tam ex lacunis in libris de vitâ constantini suppletis , quam ex appendice ad finem theodoreti historiae adjectâ , tutè poteris cognoscere . pervolutaverat diligenter , per aliquot annos magnus ille vir , tùm pontificiam vaticanam , tùm viennensem imperatoriam , tùm vincentii pinelli , & aliorum tunc temporis clarorum italorum privatas bibliothecas , ex quibus rariora quaeque suâ manu descripta , in patriam secum detulit ; quorum nonnulla ipse quoque in libello , de anno solari veterum macedonum commemoro . quanto verò studio omnia omnium locorum scrinia libraria , ad perficiendum suum chrysostomum , rimatus ille fuerit , quis ignorat cujus editionem ad rempub. augustanam missam , quùm marcus velserus primum usurpasset oculis sublatis exclamâsse fertur ; nil ●riturum alias , nil ortum tale fatemur . ne quis ad humile quid & vulgare demittere illum se potuisse existimet ; sed qualiscumque demum codex noster fuerit , arbitratu tuo uti eo tibi licebit , donèc eusebii tui tantopere desideratam editionem absolveris . interea nostrum ad te mitto , de lxx interpretum versione syntagma : ex quo patricium junium jamdudum vitâ esse functum , intelliges . te autèm diu adhuc superstitem conservet summus ille deus , in quo vivi●us & movemur & sumus : quod secundis votis ab eo expetit tui amantissimus . j. u. a. junii die / , anno . letter ccxcvi. a letter from dr. barlow ( now bishop of lincoln ) to the most reverend james usher late arch-bishop of armagh . my good lord ; in obedience to your grace's command , i have made search for those books ( in the passages in them ) which you enquired after : and in answer to your queries , i do hereby make this return . q. . for the first query , whether in chron. . cainan be in both places in the moscovitical translation sol. be pleased to know , that chron. . . the biblia moscovitica , have not kainan between arphaxad and sala , as the septuagint have . for whereas in the lxx 't is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the moscovitical translation hath only thus ( leaving kainan out ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arphaxad begot sala , and sala begot eber. but , ver . . of the same chapter , the lxx translators and the moscovite agree , and both have kainan . for as it is in the septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so in the other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the sons of sem , arphaxad , kainan , sala . q. . for the second query , concerning the passage in genebrard ; be pleased to know , that genebrard , in epistolâ ad lectorem psalmis praefixâ , justifying the septuagint against the hebrew , ( as the masorites have made it , with points and distinctions ) he hath these words ; masoretas versus confudisse , ac mis●uisse , ut proinde metrica veterum carminum ratio periret , quae tempore septuaginta integra erat . quod sane extra poëtas aliquando accidit . ut. . paral. . versu . qui clauditur per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pro. ut proinde kimchi eum in sequentem extendat , pro omni qui cor suum praeparat , &c. q. . for the third query , whether in ptolomy's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the manuscript copies be pleased to know that i have consulted two excellent manuscripts , and 't is in both , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q. . for the fourth query , whether it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i have consulted two manuscripts now in my custody , and they very fair ones ; in the first , and more ancient manuscript , in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we read thus : . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so it is writ in the manuscript , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is manifestly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , . so he writes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the manuscript ] pag. . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the manuscript ] pag. . . and in the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pag. . of the kings of egypt , having named one ptolomy evergetes , then ptolomi's more 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) do immediatly follow , and next after them another ptolomy evergetes , thus — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so. pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is writ thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . and in the other manuscripts , which is later , t is distinctly writ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so that i conceive that 't is beyond all question , that it must be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q. . for the last question , whether the doxology be in the lord's prayer in the moscovitical translation , i can return no answer satisfactory : for though i know the character , and can read the language , and so may know the proper names which are contained in all languages ; yet not understanding the language , i cannot assure you that the doxology is there . in our ancient saxon manuscript of gospels , the doxology is wanting , both in matth. . . and luke . . in matthew the lord's prayer ends thus — ne gelaede þu us on costnunge , ac alys us of yfle soðlice , ( i. e. ) and lead thou us not into temptation , but free us truly from evil . 't is the same in luke , only the word soðlice is not there . so it is also in fox's printed copy of the saxon. the doxology is wanting also in an old latin manuscript of the gospels in saxon letters , both in matthew and luke . my duty , and humble service remembred ; i beg your grace's benenediction , and pardon , for the rude scrible , of ( my lord ) your grace's most humble servant , thomas barlow . q. coll. oxon. sept. . . letter ccxcvii. a letter from mr. herbert thorndike , to the most reverend james usher arch-bishop of armagh . my lord ; i have perused bar nachman upon gen. . . but do not find that he begins the years from the birth of isaac . he recites the exposition of jarchi , that the years begin from the birth of isaac , because it is said , thy seed shall be a pilgrim , but the from the decree between the cloven creatures . which , though he confesses to be the opinion of their doctors , he easily refutes , because abraham was years old when he came out of haran , much more then . this , he says , seder olam salves , by saying , that abraham was but years old when god made that covenant with him , and that he returned afterwards into mesopotamia , and left it finally when he was but years old . but this being in his eye but a midrash , he says , according to the letter , that when it is said , thy seed shall be a pilgrim years , the intent is , only to express the time in gross , not to determine precisely the time of it , which he reserves a latitude for , by mentioning the fourth generation , and the wickedness of the amorite to be compleated , which occasioned also years stay in the wilderness . and so the construction of the words he makes to be this , and the pilgrimage of the children of israel in egypt , was till years that they dwelt there , until that were fulfilled to them which was said , in a land not their own . which is the same phrase , saith he , with that of deut. . . and the days that we travelled from kadesh barnea , till we passed the brook zered , were years . for this time was not spent in travelling from kadesh barnea , for there they staid many years , and passed the brook zered , where years were accomplished . and so dan. . . happy is he that expects and attains to days . which is not , to those days , but to the end of them . here , i confess , having jarchi his reason to begin the years at isaac , and this to add , i thought he might have taken that course . but then the children of israel must have dwelt years in egypt , which is with him an inconvenience , because the text 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by gemara , signifies , that they were to stay in egypt but . but another consideration he hath , of good account to my thinking ; that the revelation of years , tending to limit the time when god would give his seed the land which presently he promised him , it is to be understood from the time of the promise . and because then they must have dwelt in egypt years , or thereabouts , he says , if the years be a tradition in israel , it may be salved , by imputing it to the sons of jacob only , not reckoning the years that he lived in it to be of the number . for thus , in egypt , from the birth of isaac unto jacob's going down , and from the promise to the birth of isaac , make , so i understand him . he saith further , that the years must be understood to be added for the sins of the israelites in egypt , idolatry , neglect of circumcision , and the like , upon this rule , that all promises that are not with oath , imply a tacit condition : and that , upon the same account , their pilgrimage is prolonged years in the wilderness , a land not theirs , but belonging to the serpents and scorpions . this is the effect of his commentary upon that place , which being close couched , i would not undertake to abridg further , if perhaps any thing in it may prove novelty to your grace . as for abarbniel , i can easily assure , that he understands the calling of abraham , gen. . . to have been out of charan , for he calls the opinion of abenezra expounding that text of his calling out of ur , which we follow , as agreeing with s. stephen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a plain lye : for , he doth not believe at all that terah or abraham came out of ur of the chaldees upon any call of god , but observes all the text of gen. . — to intimate the misfortunes of terah in ur ; that whereas the posterity of sem had children at years , he had none till . that , whereas they begat sons and daughters , he had but three sons ; that of these three , one died young , another having married , had no children , and the like : and infers , that these were the occasion to resolve him to leave ur , and to come into canaan , whether as more healthy , or whether as more fortunate , according to his astrology . something nevertheless he delivers , which seems to justify s. stephen's words , in that he holds both ur and charan to have been in mesopotamia beyond euphrates , according to the words of joshua . . for , though chaldea he supposes to be on this side the river , yet he supposes that a place beyond the river may well be called ur of the chaldees . as , for the purpose , if we suppose that the chaldees under nimrod should conquer beyond the river , this place , as well as those we read of gen. . , . which he thus understandeth , that nimrod went forth from those parts , when he said afore , that the beginning of his kingdom was , to inlarge it in those parts which he mentions afterwards . in this then he seems to comply with s. stephen's words . but for the coming of abraham out of ur , he acknowledges no call of god , though he maintains the truth of the tradition , that abraham was to have been cast into the furnace of fire , because he disputed against nimrod's gods ; and that being cast into prison in the mean time , he was let go , to avoid further inconvenience ; which concurring with terah in his former deliberations , resolved them to go from thence into charan , a place of the country of syria , out of the dominion of the chaldeans . and this is that which i find abarbniel acknowledg that they have by tradition . now i cannot say that i have found any thing in bereshith rabba , that he came out of charan after the death of terah ; but i conceive i have found something that might move a man to think so . for there it is said , that one r. isaac , observing that there wants years to the death of terah , by the time of abraham's travelling , excuses it by the mystical sense , that the wicked are said to be dead when they are alive . abraham , he says , was afraid that they would blaspheme god's name , if his servant should forsake his father in his old age. whereupon god said , i will dispense with the honour of father and mother in thee , though in no body else : and besides , he shall die before thou shalt go forth . which , in regard of the promises , i should take to signify , that it shall be said in the scripture , terah died , &c. to wit , in the mystical sense . it followeth there immediatly , that r. judah , and r. nehemiah both said , that there was a twofold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r. judah said , one out of aram naharaim , and another out of aram nachor . r. nehemiah said , one out of aram naharaim , and aram nachor , and another when he blew him from between the cloven sacrifices to haran back again : to wit , according to seder olam , as i conceive it . which i would not omit to put down , because it evidences a calling out of ur , according to the old rabbies , a m as abenezra . to which purpose there is another midrash afore upon jerem. l i. . in the name of rabbi azariah . we have cured babylon ; to wit , in the days of enoch ; prusthel was not healed , in the days of the flood : let her alone at the division of languages : and let us go every man to his own land , in the days of abraham . for here abraham's going forth is from babel , that is , from among the chaldeans . this is all that i have found , for zoar is not to be found in our colledg library , and therefore i purpose to write to mr. pocock to look into it at oxford to the same purpose . my lord , i have dealt with dr. walton , as in a business that i am affected with . he shewed the difficulty to be doubled by the arabick , following the roman copy . i proposed to change the order of the roman copy , retaining the text. to which he answered , upon consideration , that the inconvenience was incurred already , because many transpositions are passed in the kings and proverbs , so that it is too late to avoid it in jeremy . i proposed to print a twofold greek , one to answer the hebrew out of the antwerp copy , another to answer the arabick in a space below . but he stood so hard upon the foresaid reasons , that i am afraid i shall not prevail . as for manasse ben israel , i had agreed with dr. walton , upon a day and hour to go to him . but meeting him occasionally the day before , he proposed to him , but could not learn from any thing that he knew , concerning any received number of marginal readings . and for the saying of elias , he utterly slighted it , not acknowledging , or not discovering any thing he knew of it . hereupon i thought it not fit for me , equally a stranger to him , to meet him in the same thing , till i have got some introduction to him , ( for i hear he is like to stay here a time ) and then i shall remember your question of r. judah , which i count desperate , unless broughton had told us what he hath written , or that he is one of them that are recorded in the talmud . this is that which i have at present for answer to your grace's letter . and if there be any thing which you please to command me further , i shall be very glad to be imploy'd in it . in the mean time , with my humble service , commending my self to your grace's prayers , i pray god to keep your grace in good health , and take leave to rest , my lord , your graces humble servant in christ , h. thorndike . novemb. . . letter ccxcviii . a letter from the learned j. dallaeus , to the most reverend james usher late arch-bishop of armagh . a monsieur monsieur usserius archevesqued ' armach . quam ante aliquot menses accepi eruditissimam de septuaginta interpretibus disputationem tuam , reverendissime usseri , postquam ex calandrino nostro intellexi eam à te mihi destinatam ac dono missam fuisse ; primum fateor , vehementer in domino sum laetatus me apud eum virum , quem ob summam doctrinam & in omni literarum genere eruditionem cum eximia pietate atque probitate , & singulari candore conjunctam plurimum semper suspexi , in aliquo esse numero ac pretio . nunc vero quod superest , quantas possum gratias pro tua illa bonitate ago , qui hominem peregrinum & ignotum tuo munere dignum esse existimaveris . ac libellum aureum ego quidem & avidissime legi , & legam ut spero postea non semel , & servabo quo ad vivam , habeboque inter literaria mea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 carissimum . sed & gaudeo mihi hanc occasionem fuisse datam tui per epistolam affandi atque salutandi ; à quo me hactenus pudor ut opinor justus ex mea tenuitatis conscientia scilicet ortus , deterruerat . ac nisi hic me a limine tuo submovisset , erat profecto causa our te adirem & grati animi sensum apud te profiteret . noli enim putare , vir maxime , me nunc primum bonitati tuae novissimo hoc dono fuisse obligatum . jampridem sum in aere tuo sed alia ob nomina . nam jam inde a primis adolescentiae meae annis fateor me plurimum in iis libris profecisse , quos tu velet ex inexhausto quodam eruditionis ac 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , omnigenae fonte multos & immortali quidem laude dignos in publicum bonum effudisti ; ac etiamnum in hac senecta effundis . tua quaecumque nancisci potui , studiosissime collegi , eaque in manu & oculis fero . ac id quidem ipsum jam neque uno loco loquuntur illae nostrae qualescumque de — lucubratiunculae , quas amicorum favore provocati edere ausi sumus : sed , & testabuntur in posterum , siqua ejusdem generis à nobis prodierint . habeo enim quaedam parata : quae amici quidem protrudunt , sed nasutiores typographi fastidiunt . ea si quando eruperint , nomen tuum & venerationem in te meam pluribus pagitis praeferent . nunc hoc unum te rogo , senex reverendissime , ut tibi persuadeas neminem vivere , qui eximias tuas virtutes vel admiretur sanctius vel veneretur & diligat impensius ; qui ve dominum iesum ardentius precetur , ut tibi facilem & longam senectam largiatur , omnemque consolatoris spiritus copiam affatim affundat . vale. tuus ex animo , j. dillaeus . dab . lutetiae paris . a. d. . d. jan. . letter ccxcix . a letter from the most r. ja. usher archb. of armagh to dr. arn. boate. good doctor , since i sent unto you the approbation of monsieur de muys his works , which were to be printed by mr. vlack ( which i do not know whether they be yet published ) i received but one from you . in that which is miscarried , i suppose you wrote unto me therein , what is like to become of justellus his geographia ecclesiastica so long expected , and such other of his works as he left behind him . the papers which i lent him , and his own collection of the greek canons , i received at several times . but the collection of the canons i am forc'd to send back unto you again , because i can by no means procure any of our printers here to intermeddle with it . and indeed the work is as yet imperfect : the latin interpretation , as well of the first collection of johannes antiochenus , as of that other simeonis magistri ac logothetae ( whom i make to be the very same with simeon metaphrastes ) being altogether wanting . i send you also herewith six of my annales newly come forth , one for your self , the other for monsieur sarrarius , puteani fratres , sirmondus , petavius and bignonius ( the king's advocate ) into whose acquaintance i had the honour to be brought by dr. price his means . i would not have forgotten dr. blondel , but that i perswade my self he is gone from you to amsterdam , there to succeed vossius in his historical profession . i desire to know what is done for the publishing of georgius syncellus . ja. armachanus . lond. july / , . letter ccc . a letter from the most r. ja. usher archb. of armagh , to dr. arn. boate. i am sorry sirmondus is proved so unkind . the best is , we have no need at all of any of fronto's variae lectiones ; we have as good books here , as any he did use . only we desired that out of our own book ( the very original whereof sir rob. cotton so lovingly sent unto him ) we might have those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , transcribed for us , that are betwixt the th and th chapt. of the book of gen. which was so equal and easy a request , that we thought none could be so envious as to deny unto us . but the main thing we want , is a transcript of cardinal rupitfucaldius his copy of the prophets , which i see they labour by all means to hide from us . but if sir k. digby be in paris , and you go to him in my name , and tell him how much it will make for the honour of his country , that we may have the benefit of it ; i assure my self , his credit will reach to the borrowing of it for himself , and then it may be easily transcribed and collated ( esay the longest book being omitted , as already printed . ) i have oft made use in mine annales of the excerpta ex polybio , diodoro , appiano , &c. set out by henr. valesius , a very learned man , who hath also written upon ammianus marcellinus . if you can learn from the puteani fratres where he resideth , i should be glad that the copy of the annales remaining should be sent unto him . to the same . the catalogue of the high-priests which altinus sent unto me out of his syncellus , was this , onias filius jaddi , annis . anno m. . simon , annis . eleazar , annis . manasses , annis . onias f. simonis , annis . simon , annis . jesus filius sirach . annis . onias , annis . jason , annis . simon , annis . mattathias , anno m. . the years of simon , which you sent unto me out of goartus his copy , belong to the second simon . but the years which i desired to know , were of the first simon , whether they were or ; whereof i would willingly hear again from you , and receive any thing out of goartus his notes , which may make for the clearing of the dimness of this dark succession . i thank you very much for your large narrative of the proceedings in the controversy touching grace and free-will : by occasion whereof , if any ancient treatise or epistles shall be hereafter published by sirmondus , or any other of his society , i should be glad to have it sent unto me by the first opportunity . ja. armachanus . letter . ccci. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. arnold boate. mr. young having now done with those variantes lectiones , i send them back again unto you , with much thanks . he was wonderfully taken with the perusing of them , as finding them very exactly to agree with the alexandrian copy ( in the library of st. james ) which he intendeth shortly to make publick ; mr. selden and my self every day pressing him to the work : neither will he be unmindful to make honourable mention of mons. sarau , as he well deserveth , unto whom he acknowledgeth himself much bound for vouchsafeing to communicate unto him so great a rarity . and i for my self must entreat herein a further favour at your hands ; that you will be pleased to spend one day in the transcribing of the places noted with obelisks in the fragments of gen. lv. and numb . i thank you for the great pains you have taken in writing out the passages of georgius syncellus , concerning the succession of the high priests after the times of jaddus . wherein finding my self deceived by the trust i gave to scaliger , i shall be forced in the next edition of mine annals , to alter the whole course of the times of that succession . i should be much also to blame , if i did forget to return you thanks , for your defending of me against capellus . i did not condemn his book before i saw it , ( as he chargeth me ) but declared hypothetically , that if there were such a proposition therein as you told me there was , and he himself denieth not , it was both very unreasonable and very dangerous . i see by your reply , that you intend to set out a full refutation both of his , and of morinus his particular objections against the integrity of the hebrew text : but how you can spare so much time from your practices , i know not . yet if you shall continue still in that mind , the psalter being the only book , wherein the papists generally stand for the greek reading ( out of which their vulgar latin is rendred ) against the verity of the hebrew text , i will send you mr. william eyre his censure upon all the particular places excepted against therein , which forasmuch as concerneth that book will ease you of much labour . i pray send me raimundi pugio , and the latin translation of the arabick chronology , assoon as it shall be suffered to be publick . ja. armachanus . june , . letter cccii . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to dr. arnold boate. good doctor , i received both your last letter , and your entire dispute against capellus ; in the publication whereof i see you do still bewray your old error of loading me with those encomiums , the least measure whereof i dare not own , but pray only unto god , that by his grace , i may hereafter endeavour to be that , which the abundance of your affection maketh me to be already . the books are much desired here . i am sorry i have put you to so much pains , in seeking out for your valesius , and am not altogether out of hope of obtaining rochefoculd's copy , by your industrious negotiation with the puteani fratres and s. k. digby . but i was out of measure pleased with your good news you brought me of mons. sarau's pieces of the septuagint , and his willingness to impart the transcript of the variae lectiones thereof unto mr. patrick young. he most earnestly desireth you to see those variations transcribed for his use : wherein he entreateth you to have a special care of the places noted with obelisks , and asterisks , and carefully to set down the marks of the ending of every one of them . i pray send me the volume of anastasius bibliothecarius his works , and the other of fulgentius . as likewise amolonis lugdunensis epistolae , lately set out by syrmondus , and raimundus his pugio contra judaeos , when it shall come out . i send you mr. taylor 's pirke aboth , the author whereof he maketh to be r. nathan babylonius . but i am much mistaken if be not two different works . if aboth r. nathan be to be had at paris , i pray send it unto me . i have made known to the queen of france , that there can be no possible expectation of my removing to those quarters . for which and for all your other manifold , courtesies i shall evermore rest your most faithful friend , ja. armachanus . linc. -inn , nov. . . letter ccciii. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to nicolaus mercator . viro eruditissimo d. nicolao mercatori . vir eruditissime , etsi de solaris apogaei motu nihil causae esse videam , cur quisquam dubitet ; tamen si fixum illud statueretur , quid inde incommodi ad novi tui anni rationes accederet perspicere me nondum posse profiteor . de ipsa tuâ lxx annorum periodo movenda potius fuerit quaestio . annon ille . annor . cyclus sit praeferendus , in quo à penultimo anno diei bissextilis intercalatio transferenda sit in ultimum . nam quo brevior & simplicior est periodus , & ad justam anni tropici magnitudinem accedit propiùs , eo proculdubio est praestantior . haec vero tua plusquam dimidia parte brevior est , & unico lustro extraordinario contenta , quum duo tua habeat , atque exactius coelestis anni quantitatem exprimit quam tua , quae ipso gregoriano majorem nobis annum exhibet . ut de periodo feriarum hebdomadicarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nihil dicam , quae hîc , . tantum est annor . non . ut est tua , totis . annis gregorianâ productior . de quo monendum te censuit mathematicorum tuorum studiorum summus fautor . jacobus usserius armachanus . londini , febr. / . / . letter ccciv. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. samuel hartlib . salutem , à salutis fonte , d. n. jesu christo. i received your packet , containing your second edition of some comenian treatises ( which i wish may perform as much as in shew they promise ) and mr. dury's letters unto my lord mandevill , for which i most heartily thank you ; and do wish withal , that my ordinary application of that scripture to the lutherans prove not in the end to be too true : the way of peace they have not known . i received also your last letter of the th . of september , accompanied with an other from mr. ravius ; unto which i send an answer , here enclosed . withal , i pray you in my name to go unto mr. downs , and desire him to deliver unto you twelve pounds , to be transmitted by bill of exchange unto mr. ravius in constantinople . for i have promised him four and twenty pounds yearly , during his travels in the east : and do intend to make over that summ unto him , by two equal portions , twice every year . i recommend this business to your care , assuring my self , that you will not lose the first opportunity both of returning those monies unto him to constantinople , and of sending my letter unto him . so beseeching god to bless all your godly endeavours , to his direction and benediction i leave you , and evermore rest your assured loving friend , ja. armachanus . drogheda , novemb. . . letter cccv . a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to christianus ravius . ornato ac erudito juveni , domino christiano ravio constantinopoli . erudite vir , literas tuas , mense julio , constantinopoli datas , accepi ; atque propositum tuum in suscipiendâ tam longinquâ peregrinatione collaudans , ad aliquam sumptuum partem sublevandam , viginti quatu or libras anglicanas annuas , quamdiu in oriente versaberis , tibi subministrare statui : quarum dimidium nunc , reliquum post sex menses accipies , atque tunc porrò ordinem observabo , ut singulis semestribus dimidium istius summae , aequalibus portionibus , tibi numerandum curem , dummodo operam des ut de tempore in tempus meliteris , in quo versaris , certiorem reddas , neque enim to constantinopoli haesurum , sed ad ulteriora velle penetrare existimo . libri quos pro me requiri velim , hi sunt : vetus testamentum syriacum , non ex hebraeo factum ( illud enim jam habeo ) sed ex graeco versum , atque obelis et asteriscis distinctum . polycarpi & ignatii epistolae syriace conversae . eusebii ( non historia ecclesiastica quae passim prostat ) chronicum graecum , vel etiam syriace versum . si quid etiam versionum symmachi , aquilae & theodotionis reperiri possit . julii africani chronicon . hegesippi historia ecclesiastica . clementis alexandrini hypotyposeôn libri , & de paschate libellus anatolii . aniani & panodori computi paschales . georgii syncelli graecum chronicon . apollodori graecum chronicon . phlegon de olympiadibus . diodori siculi , polybii , dionysii halicarnassei , dionis cocceiani libri illi , qui apud nos desiderantur . hipparchi astronomica , graecè . hos libros omnes sollicitè vestiges velim quaquâ transibis , & si quos reperias , diligenter in adversariis notes locos ubi extant , & nomina eorum in quorum manibus sunt , itidemque pretium quo eos divendere velint , ut & nomina nostratium mercatorum inn iisdem locis commorantium , ut sic postea , quando ad nos reversus fueris , accersere eos , si pretium placuerit , possimus . quod si & alii probi authores graeci aut syriaci , praeter supradictos , in manus tuas inciderint , qui apud nos desiderantur , poteris & circa illos eâdem uti diligentiâ . deum oro , ut ab omnibus te periculis custodiens , incolumem tandem ad nos reducat ; qui libentissime te , peractà istâ peregrinatione , hic visuri sumus . amicus tibi faventissimus , jacobus usserius armachanus . pontana , in hiberniâ novemb. . . in literis ad me deinceps scribendis una cum nostris dieb . & mensib . etiam turcicos mahummedanorum ibi usurpatos , conjungas velim . letter lx. a letter from the most reverend james usher , arch-bishop of armagh , to mr. samuel hartlib . salutem in christo jesu . the printer followeth me here so hard , in my publishing the epistles and martyrdoms of polycarpus and ignatius : that i have no manner of leasure to make answer either to your letters , or those which i received from mr. gentius . you rightly observed in one of yours , that the relation you had from mr. ravius might a little retardate the eagerness of his desire to adventure so suddenly upon an eastern journey . if he could have but the patience to stay until the return of the other , i should willingly continue that allowance unto him , which i have now assigned unto the other . but the troubles of these times are such , that my rents cannot be received in ireland ; and the event so uncertain , that i know not whether so much will be left me , as may in any competent sort maintain my self and my family . yet if things do prove otherwise : i shall be content to allow him ten pounds per annum ; the first payment beginning , from the first notice you shall receive of his arriving at constantinople . i gave order unto mr. ravius , to procure me a copy of ignatius his epistles in the syriack language , to which he hath returned me no full answer . i am sure there is a syriack copy of them in rome ; and therefore not improbable it is , that a like to that may be found among the maronites in the east . if i might get either a syriack , or an arabick , or an armenian , or a persian translation of them , it would serve me to exceeding good purpose . but i must here break off . your assured loving friend , ja. armachanus . oxford , septem . ult . an . . letter i. a letter from mr. william camden to sir edward stradling . quod rebus omnibus praeoptavi , ut britannia mea , qualiscunque illa sit , bonis & doctis non displiceret , id mihi jampridem à plurimis accidisse non mediocriter laetabar ; majoremque in modum nunc laetor , & mihi ipsi quasi congratulor , quod te etiam ( ornatissime stradlinge ) & fautorem , & defensorem invenerit . ut enim ex nomine te illustri , & vetusta familia prognatum cognosco ; ita etiam ex epistola , te cum animo candido , tum judicio pererudito planissime perspicio . singulis etenim lineis imò verbis gravitas tanta familia digna , doctrina liberalis , judicum limatulum , animusque officii plenissimus elucet ; utinam illum diem mihi optatissimum videam cum tibi parem gratiam pro his maximis tuis officiis referre possim : verum quia hoc facultatis non est meae , gratias habeo immortales , & debedo , ut magnus ille jubet philosophus , semper , palam , & libenter . quod me errati in pag. . admones , amicissime facis : admonere enim & admoneri verae est amicitiae , facile adducor tua fide & authoritate , ut amplissimum illum equitem dominum edwardum stradlingum libelli authorem fuisse eredam . exemplar tamen illud in quod ante annos plures incidi , edwardi manuselli nomen in titulo prae se tulit , & mihi credulo eò faciliùs imposuit , quod nobilem illum virum in genealogiis contexendis & re antiquaria plurimum desudasse acceperim : plagiarium autem illum quicunque fuit , qui gloriam alieno labore partam in se transmovit , & librarium qui mihi fucum fecit , tacito cogitationis convitio subinde verbero . de asterisco quod scribis , mihi planè novum est , nec à me est , nec à typographo ; quum liber iterum aedetur dom. edw. stradlingi suo loco , ut sua cuique constet gloria , deo favente reponetur . interim ut optimis ille eques mihi ignoscat , tua quaeso intercedat humanitas ; si prius hoc erratum rescissem , jam emendassem , nam superiori mense alteram britanniae meae editionem plurimis locis sparsim adauctam typographi praecipitarunt . vale ( ornatissime stradlinge ) & à camdeno tuo salve , qui te ex animo amat & aestimat . tuus tuo merito gulielmus camdenus . westmonasterii xvi . februarii , . letter ii. another letter of mr. camden's to sir edward stradling . ignosce ( clarissime stradlinge ) si longis & amantissimis tuis literis pauculis respondero ; ut plura scribam , tua humanitas , tua benevolentia & muneris magnitudo suo quasi jure exigunt : sed tribunitia authoritate intercedunt jam negotia : amorem tuum amo , etsi in judicio de me plane caeoutiat . benevolentiam exosculor , & antiqua illa romanorum numismata beneficium tuum gratissimo animo prosequor , plurimi enim suo pretio , sed longe pluris tuo munere & voluntate aestimo , utinam aliquando remunerandi facultas concedatur : te in rebus tam obscuris tam lynceum , & perspicacem esse non possum non admirari , praesertim cum optimorum historicorum libris destitutus , & in his studiis jam primum versatus videaris , foelicissime sane veritatem in plerisque omnibus eruisti , conjecturisque tuis ipsa veritas ubique fere ancillatur ; liceat tamen pro nostro inter nos amore haec liberius admonere , in valeriani nummo legendum est imperator casar publius licinius valerianus pius foelix augustus ; c. post imp. denotat imperator caesar , p. f. ante aug. pius foelix augustus . qui titulus honorarius coepit sub gordianis . m. aur. est m. aurelius . publ. pinesus tetricus fuit pater . caius pinesus tetricus , filius . marii jam primum numisma vidi . hunc ex fabro ferrario ad imperium evectum , statimque à milite quondam operario suo interfectum , triduo tantum regnasse scribit trebellius pollio in triginta tyrannis . miror nummos signasse cum triduum tantum imperaret , cum nulla ejus numismata in gallia & italia eruuntur . imperium in hac insula usurpasse conjectarim , & eundem ipsum esse in cujus memoriam lapis olim visebatur carleoli in cumberlandia marii victoriae inscriptus . de quo in mea britannia , quod in aversa ejus nummi legitur , militum substituenda est concordia ; ejusmodi enim inscriptionem vidi cum dextris conjunctis in nummo severi . sevelina augusta quaenam fuit , plane me latet , severinam aureliani conjugem fuisse alicubi legi . de inscriptionibus illis quas à bathonia accepisti , gratias habeo , sed in postrema editione britanniae meae ante tres annos fuerunt insertae , & jam quarta apparatur editio . vale ( vir optime ) & mihi tumultuariae hujus epistolae veniam deprecetur tua humanitas . clariss . & eruditissimum virum d. johannem david mihi officiosissime saluta , qui vere tuus , & totus tuus , guilielmus camdenus . westmonasterii . februarii . letter iii. a letter from padre paulo , ( author of the history of the council of trent ) to the abbot of st. medard . the advertisements , which yours of the th of june doth give me , concerning the means whereby the most christian king doth recover his demains , were most acceptable to me . i have also a great desire to understand when there happeneth any singular and remarkable sentence in the court of parliament , in ecclesiastical matters . it seemeth to me an endeavour worthy of your self , to imploy your leisure in the study of divinity , and of the ecclesiastical history : for which i do hold you so well prepared , that you have no need to be directed by any whoever , much less by me ; yet i will not omit to obey you in writing my opinion , what is the course that a man of sincere affections should hold therein . and to begin with the schoolmen , wherein you do particularly require me ; i will tell you , that one had need to beware of those writers that do give their resolutions too like magistrates , with a respondeo dicendum , as if they were arbitrators ; and rather to read them , which deliver their opinion with reservation , and in matters not decided , do not play the pedants over others . the university of paris hath much used to apply themselves to the best judgments that did spring up amongst them ; and the last that offered himself was william occam , whom , if you lay his barbarism aside , you shall find a judicious writer . i have still esteemed him above all the school-men . his work upon the sentences doth render the conceit of him that reads him quick and fit to judg . his dialogues , which pass from the speculative matters to the more practical and in use , are much esteemed where they are permitted to be read . gerson teacheth well of that which he toucheth ; but he did not propound to himself to treat of the whole subject : st. thomas is currant among the jesuits and prelates as a writer very easy , and who doth not intangle the mind of the reader with doubts , but resolves him indeed too much . if you resolve to read him , it will be good very punctually to examine his sorites , for so are almost all his proofs ; and he is in the number of those that i named first . if you will read the controversies that do at this present exercise the world , you shall do well to bear in mind that the writers do all of them exceed in affection to their own side , and do accommodate matters to their own taste , and in the ancient writers do see not that which is there , but that which they desire . and therefore it is necessary to use with them the caution that a good judg should use ; not to pronounce till both the parties be heard . as for the means to get the understanding of the ecclesiastical history , it will be necessary to put in your head a chronology of all the princes and famous men that have been in the world ; all of them distinguished in their times and countries . in the reading of the historiographers to be very wary , because for the most part , they are interested on the one side or the other , when they treat of any controversies . the most sincere authors are the english , paris , hoveden , walsingham . the most sincere and faithful history is to be drawn out of the epistles of the fathers and other writers of every time . above all , it is necessary in reading to bear a neutral affection , and not to suffer that which you find in one author , to take so deep root in you , that it may not give place to the truth or greater probability which you may find afterwards . but according to my judgment , to give a general and infallible rule for all the difficulties that may occur in the process of your studies ; i take it to be , to consult with the jesuits , and to resolve the clean contrary to that which they say . there remaineth ( you say ) the parliament for a bank to keep them from overflowing , but still i see the water to encrease , and the earth of the bank to diminish , which puts me in great doubt : we indeed are free from their persons , but not from their vexations and ambushes . i know not whether mischief to be the greater ; that which they do being absent , or that which they do being present . i begin to believe , for that which now i see , that they have been re-accepted in france to free that kingdom from greater mischief , which they did in their absence , and peradventure i am not deceived . your worship doth esteem me more than is fitting , in thinking that the jesuits have any thought of me . assure your self that i am not high enough to be stricken with such a lightning ; ( unless they were ( whereof i doubt ) in the number of those curious men that do not overslip , no not the least matters ) : however it be , every one is subject unto danger , only it rests to rely our selves on god in those things whereunto no humane caution can arrive . i beseech your lordship to make me partaker sometimes of your letters , whom you shall oblige thereby . you shall not be obliged to write italian , because however i answer you in this my language , yet it is to me indifferent to read yours in this , or in french. our lord god give your lordship all happiness , whose hands i do reverently kiss . from venice this d of july , . letter iv. a letter from h. grotius to dr. overal , dean of st. pauls . admodum reverendo , eruditissimoque d. doctori johanni [ overal ] decano sancti pauli londini . reverende d. crimen mihi ingratitudinis mea febricula & secutus statim abitus imposuit ; sed quas agere coràm gratias non potui , eas habeo tibi maximas , tum pro perscripta tua de praedestinatione sententia , tum pro doctissimo thomsonis libello . non possim verbis explicare quam mihi utrumque placuerit , quamque me confirmaverit in sobria veterum , & vere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 faciente sententia . miserum me quod pro istis muneribus reponere nihil possum . ostendi utrumque scriptum viris hic piis atque eruditis qui delectati iis maxime fuerunt : quibusque in primis voluptas fuit intelligere non esse eam totius anglicanae ecclesiae sententiam , quam confidenter admodum jactant illi , qui praeter calvinum & ursinum vix quicquam legerunt . non cesso urgere latinam interpretationem colloquii hagiensis istis de controversiis ; item libelli quem vir praestantissimus johannes utenbogardus scripsit de jure magistratuum in regenda ecclesia , & legum ecclesiasticarum , quae trajecti nuper promulgatae fuerunt . apparebit ex eorum librorum lectione quam non ex fide quidam statum nostrarum controversiarum descripserint . nunc in hollandia laboratur de statuendis legibus quibusdam super ecclesiastico regimine . ubi constitutum quid fuerit , faciam te certiorem : si qui sunt auctores qui tibi commode videantur istud argumentum tractasse , eos mihi judices velim , ut eorum lectione instructior ad istam deliberationem accedam . utinam mihi occasio esset ea sermones tecum serendi quae nuper in britannia fuit : nullius consiliis libentius uterer ; nunc rogo per literas id me facere patiaris , quod praesens ipse facturus essem , meque in gravissimis rebus dubitantem praeceptis tuis rege , imo potius dubitationes meas ipse praeveni . non debet tantum licere locorum spatiis , ut coeptae tam foeliciter amicitiae usum interrumpant . unum opto ut tibi tam sit jucundum me docere , quam mihi doceri erit utile . vale , mi domine ac pater , & in precibus tuis grotii memento . tui observantissimus h. grotius . letter v. a letter from h. grotius to dr. overal dean of st. pauls . admodum reverendo , eruditissimoque d. doctori johanni decano s. pauli londini . reverendissime d. ac pater , jamdudum est quod ad r. d. t. nullas dedi literas , veritus ne molesta esset mea interpellatio , his praesertim temporibus tam iniquis atque infestis ut ipsa haec amicitiae commercia in calumniam pateant . dubito quoque an quas postremas per legatum caronium dedi , in manus venerint : tunc enim annuntiabaris ab urbe abesse ; neque ex eo quid factum sit literis rescivi . nunc tamen cum ad vos iret , studiosus multarum literarum , praesertim orientalium , juvenis fidus drusii nuper cum magno bonorum luctu mortui discipulus , non potui non obsequi honesto ejus desiderio . non quod eum meo nomine cuiquam commendari posse arbitrarer , ( neque enim ea est mea auctoritas ) sed ut occasionem ipsi additus hac epistola largirer . apud nos ecclesiae status paulatim ad quietem redit , perveniente ad paucos turbatores poena , exemplo ad caeteros . molliores sententiae de praedestinatione divina plures indies in assensum trahunt : certe non esse ob tales controversias scindendam ecclesiam ferme inter omnes convenit . datur nunc typis , brevique adeo proditurus est thomsoni libellus . spero visis ejus argumentis aliquos absteritum iri ab eo dogmate quod eosdem homines eodem tempore constituit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & clavium ecclesiae vim omnem enervat . de tuendo summarum potestatum jure eo magis solliciti sumus , quod ni id obtineat , videmus latam schismaticis secessionibus a periri viam , praesertim in ecclesia non optime constituta . et videmus catholica nos judicia ecclesiae nunc nulla habere nisi in antiquitate quae mire contemnitur . judicia autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ita saepe abripiuntur affectibus , praeconceptis opinionibus , & zelo quodam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut non tuto illis affigi possit conscientia potestatum pro bono ecclesiae vigilantium . vincit enim nimium saepe pars major meliorem . sed nolo diutius insidiari tuis temporibus quae ecclesiae & usibus melioribus consecrasti . deus det vobis nobisque suam pacem cum salutaris veri cognitione : idemque d. t. reverendissime d. ac pater diu bono publico praestet incolumem . xxvi junii & cal. non anni ci●iccxvi . rotterdami . tuae pietatis observantissimus cultor h. grotius . a letter from h. grotius to dr. overal , bishop of coventry and litchfield . reverendissimo domino d. joanni episcopo coventrensi & litchfeldensi . reverendissime domine , ex literis quas xxvii septembris ad me dare r. t. d. placuit , video nondum in manus tuas id temporis venisse quae contra socinum disputavimus , quare proximis literis judicium super iis tuum expectabimus , emendaturi editione quae nunc paratur quicquid ex te non satis recte positum didicero . ad rev. episcopum eliensem scribo ; rogo ut librum de jure imperii legat & emendet conscio rege . sane multae sunt causae cur id argumentum tractari debeat , tum ne sententia mea sequius quam te habet accipiatur , tum ut seditiosis hominibus occurratur , quorum magna apud nos est seges , qui tumultui ac violentiae religionis nomen imponunt . commendavi & spalatensi & eliensi statum ecclesiae ac reipublicae nostrae , cui ad caetera mala accessit quod oratione nuper habita à regio legato , atque ita ipsius etiam regis auctoritate premitur hic melior de gratia ac libero arbitrio sententia , simulque promovetur schisma exempli pessimi . obsecro vos omnes quantum fieri potest , veritati tuendae & unitati sarciendae detis operam ; quam ad rem usui vobis esse poterit qui has fert literas vir clarissimus petrus hoofdius , optimo natus genere , literis supra modum excultus , testis oculatus eorum quae apud nos sub pietatis titulo prave atque pernitiose geruntur . quod de utenbogardo quaeris , nihil ille latine unquam edidit : belgice nonnulla in quibus esset liber haud magnus ejusdem quod à me tractatum est argumenti . ejus libri interpretationem latinam rev. episcopo eliensi transmissam memini . caeterum remonstrantium sententiae siquis argumenta ac rationes propius nosse desideret & legenda sunt examen perkinsianum arminii , ejusdem collatio cum francisco junio ; johannis arnoldi corvini responsio ad libellum tileni : item adnotata bogermanni ; deinde nicolai grevinchonii dissertatio adversus amesium . si qua horum ad manus tuas non pervenerint , ut habeas curabo . ad eas partes libri nostri de summarum potestatum jure quod attinet in quibus haesitaturum existimas rev. eliensem aliosque in anglia viros eruditos , paratus sum audire eorum sententias & meliora docentibus cedere . caeterum judicia synodica , aut etiam quae extra synodos à viris piis atque eruditis petuntur in libro nostro ostenduntur maximi facienda . neque certiorem esse viam ullam discendi dogmatum veritatem . sed sicut post judicium ecclesiae singuli de fide sua judicant ( ut enim rex ait , unusquisque super propria scientia fidei fundamentum debet collocare ) ita & reges ad ea agenda quae non possunt agere nisi reges . hoc judicium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non incommode in scripto quodam vocavit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 casaubonus . optime episcopus eliensis non debere regem ita ab alieno ore pendere ut ipse à se nihil dijudicet : et bilsonus non minus recte requirit ut judicium praecedat usum gladii . similia apud paraeum aliosque leguntur plurima . at apud nos qui maxime jactant , nomen ecclesiae hi sunt qui veteris ecclesiae consensum ferocissime repudiant . presbyteros remittere peccata , id est remissa declarare cum magistro sententiarum exposui , cum quo consentire video protestantium plerosque . neque tamen negem alio etiam modo ministerialiter remittere , quatenus actione sacerdotali ac pastorali aut deum movent ad remittendum , aut hominem ad accipiendam remissionem disponunt . recte etiam à lombardo adjectum remitti insuper à pastore peccata quoad poenas satisfactorias & quoad excommunicationem . siquid his superadditum sit in honorem presbyteralis muneris , de eo monitus libenter supplebo quod deerit : ita tamen ut si fieri potest libenter mansurus sim intra ea de quibus protestantes consentiunt . jurisdictionis vocem usurpavi ex juris civilis consuetudine ita ut includat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quam ob rationem etiam eam notionem quae episcopis jure positivo attributa est maluerunt imperatores audientiam quam jurisdictionem appellare . neque tamen inficias eo in potestate excommunicandi esse aliquid jurisdictioni analogum quod eadem etiam voce latius paulo & extra usum veteris romani sermonis sumpta recte judicetur : episcopatus vocem sumpsi eo significatu ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indicet non temporariam sed perpetuam : hanc defendo juris esse divini approbantis & suadentis ; non tamen universaliter imperantis . caeterum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sumptam abstracte citra considerationem durationis esse juris divini etiam imperantis ostendi ab ipso beza agnosci . haec si recte expendantur , spero haud multum fore controversiae : & siquid est tale , parebo meliora monstrantibus . domino jesu summo pastori r. t. d. unice commendo ; idem nostras tempestates serenet . t. r. d. addictissimus h. grotius . m d cxvii . letter vii . a letter from hugo grotius to dr. overal bishop of coventry and litchfield . reverendissimo domino d. johanni episcopo coventrensi & litchfeldensi . reverendissime domine , in tantis procellis ecclesiae simul & reipublicae versanti nullum obtingere potest solatium tuis literis dulcius . quare pro iis quas per hoofdium misisti summas habeo gratias . multumque gaudeo te episcopali libertate anniti ne per injuriam damnentur sententiae quas vetus ecclefia damnare non sustinuit ; plurimi in illa etiam probarunt . quam modestiam si incitarentur theologi nostri , minus sudaremus in tuendis dogmatibus quae nobis tum à pontificiis tum à lutheranis acerrimè objectantur : synodus nationalis adhuc urgetur ab iis qui certam sibi ex suffragiorum numero spondent victoriam : nos praetentari provincialem tutius magisque ex ordine arbitramur ; ea si non successerit , de majoribus remediis consultaturi . sunt qui à generali synodo plusquam à nationali sperant aequitatis . oro rev. tuam dom. ut d. eliensem quantum honeste fieri potest urgeat ad legendum librum de imperio summarum potestatum ; puto , si diligenter legerit , reperturum à me occursum praecipuis difficultatibus . utut est judicium ejus avide expecto , cui quantum ex animi sententia potero , me aptabo . germani theologi scriptum , scriptique sententiam laudant . insurrexit nuper in me ravenspergerus groningensis theologus ferox juventa , vitio mihi vortens & quasi haeresin impingens quod christi defendens satisfactionem non asseruerim nullo modo potuisse deum aliter peccata condonare ; item passum esse christum poenas gehennales , atque id genus alia . quid dicam miseret me saeculi . vir quidam pius & doctus ravenspergero respondet . idem doctissime tractat pelagianorum , semi-pelagianorum & praedestinatorum historiam . utrumque librum simulatque prodierint , ad r. t. d. transmittam . deus te interim , reverendissime pater , diu ecclesiae catholicae servet incolumem . t. r. d. studiosissimus h. grotius . xvi april . m d cixviii . ex cal. nano . letter viii . reverendo admodum & clarissimo viro , d. christiano raevio , berlinati , linguarum orientalium apud amstelodamenses cultori & professori celeberrimo , amico honorando . salutem à domino . vir clarissime , quod tamdiu ab officio scribendi abstinuerim , nullâ meâ factum est culpâ . dubius haerebam ubi degeres , aliis aliud referentibus . jam vero ultimis tuis ante paucos dies mihi redditis edoctus , tuo te merito amstelodamensi gymnasio operam tuam navare praeclaram , non potui non , quamvis ob corporis imbecillitatem à biduo ad scribendum ineptus , pauca ad mellitissimas tuas literas reponere . manuscripta igitur orientalia cum caeteris speciminibus arabicis tandem hic post longam moram appulisse scito . animi certè in tigurinos nostros benevolentissimi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 luculentum . vix credas quàm utriusque ordinis bibliothecarii hanc tuam in se liberalitatem exosculentur . cognosces , spero , propediem ex publicis literis , quas hactenus negotia urgentia , turbae , vicinique tumultus sufflaminarunt . sed & cl. d. antistiti nostro gratum tuum fuisse alloquium epistolicum ex adjecto colliges responso . me cum primis in aere tuo esse lubens fateor , fateborque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod ignotum me tam impensè ames , meaque causa nihil non cupias . quàm solicitè ubique & instantèr helvetias cum belgis in typographia orientali adornanda certare cupis vota certè heroica ; sed , hoc quidem tempore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quid serus vehat vesper expectabimus . spero ex hac literarum orientalium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 multa apud nos coctum iri , concilia , quae adhuc diu alta mente sunt repôsta . interim in sparta mihi commissa , quantum serent humeri , officium facere pergam . specimina arabica in publico & solenni , magno tuo cum honore , actu studiosis post pascha distributum iri puto . fac modo , ut quae tua est humanitas , compendium tuum grammaticum , ubi ad umbilicum fuerit deductum , habeam . quid nos ab aliquo tempore simus imaginati , per mercatores francosordenses cognosces , quibus fasciculum tibi tradendum committam . dissertatio tua amica , prolixa & docta de lexicis & concordantiis à defectibus desaecandis placet , & jam nunc exactiùs quàm ante tuam assequor mentem . anxius & summo cum desiderio specimen vel unius radicis abs te expectabo , video enim aliquid praeclari te parturire . neque dubito , quin , quod incredibilia tua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eruditio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , docendi fervor meretur , amstelodamenses deus excitaturus sit patronos , vestrarum regionum mecaenates . vix locus fortè ullus commodior obtingere potuisset . sed quid de professione hebraicâ leidense si commode illuc commigrares , majori fortè illud cum publico emolumento esset conjunctum . d. buxtorfius omnem spem basilea discedendi abjecit . nova enim ei demandata functio professio theologica , novam etiam accessit stipendium . tibi igitur succedendi locus opportunus pateret , modo amstelodamenses , sua si bona in te nôrint , à se te demittant . miror belgium professores accersere aliundè , viris incomparabilibus abundans . si mihi tam foelicem esse contigisset , ut vel aliquot menses tuum examinare licuisset penu literarum , albae gallinae filium me aestimâssem . verum avellit nos locorum distantia , quae ex literis tuis me jubet esse contentum . plura ad vos valetudinis status scribere nunc non sinet , quamvis summatim ad geminam tuam me respondisse epistolam . vale igitur vir clarissime , meque tui amantissimum amare perge . avide lexici & concordiantiarum tuarum expectabo primitias , ad quas lexicon meum adornare constitui . raptim tiguri d. . martii . a. t. addictissimus . joh. henricus hottingerus . letter ix . a letter from jac. irmingerus , superintendent at zurich , to christ. ravius . s. p. vir excellentissime atque clarissime , literae tuae aliquot abhinc menses ad me exaratae , maximo sanè me affecerunt gaudio , tum quia singularem tuum erga me spirant favorem ; tum quia insignem tuum erga praestantissimum atque clarissimum nostrum hottingerum redolent amorem . quod vero ad suavissimas tuas literas aequo seriùs respondeo , id non tam meae negligentiae , quàm variis iisque gravissimis velim tribuas occupationibus , ex quibus etiamnum vix tantillum suffurari licet otii , quo scribendis literis vacare possim . hottingerus ille noster , quem graphicè tuo descripsisti calamo , vir profectò est omni liberali eruditione non leviter tinctus , sed penitus imbutus , adamantions atque concatenatos , nisu herculeo , exantlat labores ; unde ad studiosam juventutem fructus redundant longè uberrimi . tametsi igitur clarissimus ille noster hottingerus seipsum excellentissimorum suorum donorum & splendore , & utilitate satis superque commendet : postquam tamen gravissimae tuae commendationis pondus atque auctoritas accessit , vel hoc ipso nomine , nobis est eritque deinceps , vir ille quàm acceptissimus atque commendatissimus . amplissimus noster magistratus tigurinus rarissimas viri illius dotes exosculatur , summo eum amore prosequitur , atque animi sui in hunc virum propensissimi , honorario non ita pridem , ob libri cujusdam theologici cedro sane digni dedicationem , oblato , signum edidit luculentissimum . tibi verò vir excellentissime gratias ago immortales cum pro egregio alcoranicae versionis specimine , quod mihi dono misisti ; tum pro eleganti in manuale concordantiarum ebraeo-chaldaearum praefatione , ut & pro doctissimis tuis manuscriptis , ecclesiae scholaeque tigurinae communicatis . quae ut certissima benevoli tui in ecclesiam scholamque tigurinam affectus sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ita vicissim omnia , quae à nobis proficisci possunt humanitatis officia , tibi sanctè pollicemur . gaudemus sanè , effoeta hac mundi aetate , ea excitari ingenia , quae accenso linguarum orientalium lumine , judaicarum juxta atque muhamedicarum superstitionum tenebras discutere satagunt . hujusmodi studium , praeludium sive parasceve conversionis judaeorum esse videtur , de qua illustria pandectarum sacrarum extant oracula hoseae cap. . v. & . rom. . v. & . apoc. . v. , , &c. pergas macte animo , clarissime ravi , eo quo coepisti pede , per angusta ad augusta . dominus jesus sanctissimos tuos labores coelesti benedictione affatim mactare dignetur . amen . t. cl. addictissimus , joh. jacobus irmingerus , ecclesiae tigurinae p. t. pastor . dabam tiguri , martii , anno . letter x. nobili & praestanti viro simoni de dewes jacobus sirmondus s. gratias imprimis debeo humanitati tuae , vir amplissime ! quod me ignotum nihilque apud te promeritum , non modo litteris tuis ornaris , sed bonorum quoque tuorum participem esse volueris . in partem enim quodammodo venire mihi visus sum numismatum tuorum cum horum notitiam accepi , & cum egregii operis quod prae manibus habes , consilium , ordinem , partesque singulas descripsisti , hoc sum consecutus , ut fructus illos jam animo delibem , quos ex eo maximos philologis omnibus exituros confido . ut autem ad singula epistolae tuae capita , quoniam id te velle intelligo , breviter respondeam , atque ab illâ observatione tuâ exordiar , quam primo loco posuisti : occonem meritò notari haud dubium est , si victorini aug. nummos in quibus pi. piav . aut piavonii nomen integrum adscriptum est , ad patrem nullus pertinere sentiat , cum ad patrem prorsus spectent tres ii , quos in epistolâ tuâ delineasti ; duoque item alii quos johannes tristanus sanctamantius tomo iii. commentariorum suorum exhibuit pag. . in quibus pater idem m. piavonius victorinus inscribitque adderem , & de nobis , si opus esset , quatuor aut quinque patris ejusdem , in quibus piav . victorinus appellatur ; sed in re satis comprobatâ nihil opus est . quaerendum fortasse potius fuerit , quod quidem doceri abs te velim , an de victorino quoque filio constet piavonium fuisse nuncupatum video & occonem & tristanum hoc insinuasse , sed certiora numismatum documenta desidero . duorum enim junioris hujus nummorum qui apud me sunt , simplicior unius tantum nominis est inscriptio imp. c. victorinus p. f. aug . in parte autem aversâ utriusque si hoc quoque addendum est salus , aug . cum solitâ salutis effigie . ii. de fastis idatianis eam partem edendam curavi quam unam judicabam prodire in lucem tutò posse , lectoribusque probari ob rerum historicarum varietatem & copiam , caetera ut ederem adduci hactenus nòn potui , tùm quod historicis observationibus illis careant , aut si quas interdum habeant , levioris sunt momenti ac vulgò notae , tùm quod in consulum dinumeratione plurimis in locis adeò corrupta & depravata sunt omnia , ut sine alterius codicis ope restitui aegrè possunt , sed quoniam perspicaci qui sunt ingenio gemmas saepe agnoscunt , quas alii non vident : fuerant qui horumcè fastorum particulas nùnc has nùnc illas à me nòn invito expresserint , suosque in usus converterint . quocirca tibi nùnc etiàm eorundem fragmentum hoc mitto , quod ab exordio principatus neronis ad aurelianum usque , unde nostra coepit editio , porrigitur . in eo animadvertes quod dixi , rarissimas interseri observationes ; sed consulum tamen hic minùs confusa sunt nomina quàm in antecedentibus ; hoc sitim tuam si nòn explebit , & plura requires , nòn deero , ut spero , desiderio tuo . iii. hanniballiani regis aereum nummum nostrum , quem valesius ad marcellinum edidit , certae atque indubiae antiquitatis esse mihi planè compertum est . effossus enim est romae , cum ibi essem , ad meque allatus cum aliis quamplurimis recens erutis , inter quos repertus & alter , est delmatii fratris ejus , hac epigraphe fl. jul. delmatius nob. c. uterque perexiguâ mole , quantà scilicet quinarii est argentei ; valesius itaque nummi nostri mensuram excessit , at tristanus valesiano rursus majorem affinxit , pag. . tomo iiio. quo loco nostrum cum suo comparans primas literas duas quae in nostro extritae fuerunt , supplevit hoc modo , fl. cl. hanniballiano reg. sed & alia quaedam in ejus ectypo cernuntur , quae nostro non conveniunt . ubi parisios redierit , nunc enim abest , discrimen , si per ipsum licebit , attentius considerabimus , ut exactam si discrepent utriusque accipias imaginem . in orthographiâ certi nominis non variant , hanniballianum enim ambo vocant . iv. quod vero hunc ipsum hanniballianum , una cum delmatio fratre , simulque etiam patruum utriusque constantium , caesares à constantino magno creatos fuisse contendis , variisque consecturis astruere conaris , ignosce si assentiri me posse negem ; nam arduum est profectò & supra fidem ut tot saeculis ignorata dignitas , nunc demùm illis nullo reclamante vindicetur . nec vero assertorem habes sententiae hujus zosimum , quem laudas , sed apertè repugnantem , quippe qui libro . pag. , & . cum unà cum tribus constantini filiis , regnasse quodammodo tres alios diceret , delmatium videlicet caesarem , constantium ejus patruum , qui frater fuit . constantini , & anniballianum , trium horum dignitates apertè distinxit , docens delmatium quidem à constantino caesarem fuisse constitutum , reliquos vero duos non caesares sed nobilissimos , quae dignitas inferior erat caesareâ & ad illum gradus , unde liquet ausonium , cum de delmatio & anniballiano loquens , caesareum illos nomen indeptos dixit quasi caesares ambo fuissent , impropriè & poeticè locutum esse . nihil enim ad asserendum constantio patruo hunc titulum facere nummos arbitror , quas profers , in quibus caput reflexâ in verticem caesarie oblonga visitur hac inscriptione dn . constantius nob. caes. & parte in alterâ pedes equitem jaculo confodiens , cum epigraphe fel . tene . reiaratio . quatuor enim hujus generis nummos habemus , totâ parte aversâ planè consimiles , atque in adversam item totâ capitum comarumque formam conspirantes , hoc uno dispares , quod in duobus dn . constantius nob. caes. legitur sicut in tuis , in reliquis verò duobus , dn . fl. cl. constantius nob. caes. quam posteriorem epigraphem , eam ad gallum caesarem pertinere dubium non sit , ad eundem referendam quoque priorem esse manifestum est , galli porrò nomen suo mutasse constantium , quando caesarem illum instituit , ita ut pro gallo constantius vocaretur , auctor est aurelius victor & sciunt omnes ; at occonem trium constantiorum , id est , chlori , augusti , & galli nummos confudisse , videor dudum observasse , idque ipsum tibi etiam , si animum adjecisti , visum esse , mihi persuadeo . v. de excerptis temporum constantinianorum à valesio editis recte mones , mendosè , ubi de hanniballiani conjuge sermo est , constantini sororem dictam esse , cum fuerit filia , verùm in hoc errore valesius esse nòn potuit , qui conjugem eandem in notis suis constantini , nòn sororem appellavit sed filiam . fuit igitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 librariorum seu typographorum , cum & in archetypo excerptorum eorundem , quod penes nos est , & ni à typographo quo usus est valesius , filia disertè scriptum sit non sorore : valesium hic ergo facile absolvimus . sed apertus error est , quod bassianum , quem constantinus in animo habuerat caesarem creare , caesarem reverâ fuisse affirmat , quod falsum est , & tamen erroris aemulum habuit tristanum , qui de bassiano caesare peculiarem observationem condidit , pag. . tom. iii. sed vereor ne jam taedio sim , abutique videar his imprimis literis patientiâ tuâ . vale. parisiis kalendis octobribus , m. dc . xlviii . letter xi . nobili praestantique doctrinâ viro d. simoni de dewes , &c. jacobus sirmondus s. p. d. habes tandem vir ornatissime , integros fastos idatii , quâ parte typis vulgati non sunt , holographa manu nostra exaratos , hoc est minus culto , minusque eleganti charactere quàm aut merita tua aut vota mea postulant . in caeteris enim voluntati tuae obsequi conatus sum , nam vetus exemplar in quo praepostera & depravata sunt plurima , sic expressi , ut vitiosas quoque lectiones ( paucis exceptis ) retinuerim , & singulos versus singulis versibus representarim , & quoniam in codice illo nostro singulae paginae binas in columnas distinguebantur , quod imitari nobis non licuit , dedimus operam ut quibus in verbis columellae singulae inciperent in apographo nostro adnotaremus , ut ad has , si qua erit occasio , facilis sit recursus ; expectabo itaque deinceps ecquid in his etiam , quae nunc mittuntur , observaturus sis , quod cum autographo conferri & corrigi jubeas quemadmodum in fragmento necomiano foelicitèr tibi sentias evertisse victorinorum numismata , etsi non adeo inter se discrepant ac quod alter fit imberbis & facie puerili , victorinus uterque barbatus : habent tamen & illa suum quoque nec obscurum discrimen , quod filii non tantum hilarior & blandior sit vultus quàm patris , sed barba etiam parcior & tenerior , juvenilem & nondum plenam aetatem ostendens , qualem videre est in aureo nummo apud sanctamantium tom. iii. pag. cujus pars anterior victorinum patrem refert , altera filium , & qualem prorsus , exhibet aereus noster , cujus ectypum cum literis nostris accipies , nec vero in victorinorum mentione quaerendum gentisnè an familiae vocabulum fuerit piavonius , quod illorum utrique vel alteri adjungi solet , cum exploratum sit romae post eversam rempublicam exolevisse penitus veterem illam propriorum nominum disciplinam , quod vel ex ipsis imperatorum nomenclaturis quae obviae sunt , intelligi licet , teque omnium minime latet ac nos ipsos , si hac addi fas est , in notis ad sidonium multis confirmasse meminimus . de constantio fratre constantini magni quando haec iterum reciprocanda serra est , utar potestate quam facis , ut maneam in sententia , illum nec caesarem esse vel augustum , nec referri ad eum nummos posse , in quibus eques à pedite prostratus effingitur , sed quotquot hujus generis adscriptum habent nomen constantii , eos vel ad constantium ipsum augustum pertinere , vel ad gallum caesarem qui constantius itidem , patruelis augusti beneficio , vocabatur ; ad constantium nempe si augusti appositus est titulus ; ad gallum , si caesaris . cumque prostrati equitis hoc lemma quod in constantii augusti & in galli julianique caesarum numismatis passim cernitur in anteriorum principum constantii magnentii aliorumque nummis nusquam appareat , argumento videri , posterioribus demúm constantii annis ( ob bellicum aliquod facinus contra persas quod inflexus equitis pileus designet ) usurpari coepisse , constantio proinde patruo , si qui ejus nummi fuerint , tribui non posse , qui ab ipso constantini principatus exordio vivere desierat . mirum tibi non abs re visum censeo , adduci potuisse baronium ut constantio magni constantini filio nummum adscriberet quem ex laelii musaeo profert in iii o sub finem anni . cujus in adversâ parte inscriptio est dn . constantius jun. nob. c. in alterâ , princeps idem paludatus stans inter duo signa militaria cum his verbis concordia militum & nota loci asis ; nàm ad gallum caesarem haud dubie referendus est , qui cum itidem constantius vocaretur , junior hic dicitur ad discrimen constantii augusti senioris . extat quippe inter nostras alter sane perelegans , eodem opinor tempore cujus constantii aug. nomine ut docet inscriptio , dn . constantius . pf . aug. cujus pars altera eadem prorsus cum superiore , nisi quod pro asis sculptum habet asirm . ut sirmii nòn frisciae cusum significet , de illo item qui val. constantius nob. c. inscribitur ubi laevam in partem se facies explicat , & in parte alterâ aedificium cum epigraphe cui subditae literae r. q. cum serto intermedio , rectè in eâ sententiâ judicasti , ad constantium caesarem constantini magni filium , qui augustus postea fuit , pertinere ; perinde atque alterum cujus inscriptio est fl. jul. constantius , nob. c. cum eadem aedificii structura , tituli utriusque habeo singulos nisi quod in posteriore pro literis illis duabus hae insunt idem quippe constantius nunc julii nomen adscribit , nunc valerii , quemadmodum crispus quoque caesar , qui julius crispus in nummis plerumque nuncupatur , in antiquis inscriptionibus valerius crispus appellatur , & commodum imperatorem constat primum lucii , postea marci praenomen fraequentasse . caeterum horum omnium , & aliorum quae insinuas , particeps fiet sanctamantius cum ad nos redibit , nondum enim prolixae rusticationis suae finem fecit . magna interim cum voluptate vidi cerae impressa numismata duo quae feltonus ad se missa , nobiscum , te volente , communicavit , honoriani utrumque saeculi , unum scilicet constantini tyranni , alterum constantii augusti , ejus qui pater fuit placidi valentiniani , ad hunc ( quandoquidem julii quoque nomen gessit ) transferri forsan poterunt nonnulla eorum , quae antehac de julio constantio patruo suspicabatur , constantini vero tyranni est apud nos argenteus nummus , cujus ectypon ad te mitto ut conferas cum tuo . restat ad extremum , ut gratias agam , quas maximas debeo , humanitati & munificientiae tuae quod inopiam , tuâ ex abundantiâ , nostram sublevare mediteris . equidem deesse mihi ex rarioribus nummis , quoniam hoc scire aves , plusculos non ignoro . sed ex iis qui apud te singulares atque unici non sint , duos observavi , quibus careo pertinacem & carausium , de carausio quin aliunde consequi possim non diffido , aereum pertinacem ex sex illis quem possides unum largiri si licebit qui certae sit antiquitatis , singulari beneficio me devinctum habebis . cave tamen pro eximiâ tuâ prudentiâ nè me hoc nomine officiosiorem erga te futurum arbitreris , sic enim animo & voluntate mihi videor affectus ut difficile sit quicquam addi . vale. lutetiae parisiorum xv kalendas januarias , ci● i●cxl viii . letter xii . johannis deodati , s. s. theologiae apud genevenses professoris & pastoris ibidem , responsum ad conventum ecclesiasticum londini congregatum , . plurimum reverendi , potentissimi , & praestantissimi viri , domini , & fratres in opere christi conjunctissimi . siquantum moeroris cepimus ex literis vestris , quibus tristissimum rerum vestrarum faciem expressistis , tantundem nobis suppeteret copia , ad leniendos dolores vestros , solatiis , vel ad labores sublevandos , consiliis , vel ad necessitatibus vestris qualicunque opella nostra opitulandum , praeclare nobis videremur honorificae vestrae , & amantissimae appellationi respondere , & paria nobiscum facere officio non penitus inani , neque poenitendo . verum ( proh dolor ! ) & mensurae nostrae brevitas , & causarum penitiorum unde tot clades fluxere ignoratio , & imprimis perplexa , & lubrica rerum quae inter vos agitantur indoles nos infra officia illa jubent consistere in muto quodam stupente ex horrente silentio , ad digitum dei inter vos exertum , suspiciendum & adorandum . quod si rumpendum tandem est silentium nobis adeo benevolè à vobis provocatis , quid prius , quid posterius , quidve nobis omnino dicendum superfit , animis suspensis , & calamo titubante ambigimus . ac tandem post longam deliberationem , ne quà ad exemplum jobi amicorum praecipiti & importuno sermone peccemus , in merae commiserationis sensum , & verba resolvimur , & vestros luctus , nostris lachrymis , alteque ductis suspiriis , prosequimur . testis nobis est deus , vos precum nostrarum privatarum , & supplicationum atque jejuniorum publicorum maximam partem occupare , statque sententia patri miserationum , neque requiem , neque ceffationem dare , donec pace vestra in coelis apud se constituta , tandem nobis in terris restituat , cum plentitudine benedictionis , qua fluat illa perennis , tanquam fluvius . res nostrae imo adeo omnium ecclesiarum reformatarum , cum vestris tam arctè sunt connexae , & in vestris vertuntur , ut salute vestra adeo impetrata nostrae omnium tutelae cavisse habeamus persuasissimum ; hac po●istimum gravi tempestate , quae magnae tribulationis tempus referre videtur , cogitque trepidos in aures benignissimi patris coelestis non amplius sese ad agendum per ignem accingentis , ut amoso prophetae in visionibus ostendit , sed jamdudum agentis inclamare , parce domine , desine domine ; qualis tandem resurget jacobo jam nunc adeo & undique judiciorum tuorum , domum tuam obeuntium favilla amburis . ex hac nostra hactenus divino miraculo intacta specula conflagrationem illam grassantem vidimus : ecclesias rheticas , italicas deletas , evangelium in bohemia antiqua ejus sede extirpatum , devoratum palatinatum , ecclesias gallicanas omni praesidio humano denudatas , tanquam implumes aviculas vitam precariam trakentes , germanicas ferè undique quassatus , & semirutas , hiberniam vestram latronum eluvione improvisa absorptam . hoc unum nempe ad cumulum tantarum calamitatum deerat ut florentissima anglia occellus ille ecclesiarum , peculium christi singulare , perfugium afflictorum , imbellium armamentarium , inopum promptuarium , spei melioris vexillum , tam inopinato casu , nullo hoste , nec ab exteris impressione suis ipsius manibus conficeretur , & pedibus protereretur , & illae splendidae domini caulae , non à feris discerperentur , neque à praedonibus diriperentur , sed ipsis ovibus invicem asperatis & efferatis devastarentur ; exemplo planè dico , & inter ecclesias reformatas inaudito : nempe dei timore , & fide compari mansuefactae & hostium communium metu constrictae charitatem mutuam sanctè & coluerant , & exercuerant , & inter se quietae & concordes à luporum rabie sese morum simplicitate , vitae innocentia , religionis sanctimonia , & fidei robore tuebantur . horrore toti concutimur adversam hanc pulcherrimam inter vos ecclesiae faciem , dum concursus bellicos & ferales populi cum rege suo , fratrum cum fratribus , parentum cum filiis , ovium christi cum aliis ovibus , imo & cum pastoribus audimus referri ; cum in eodem praelii campo , eundem patrem in nomine unius mediatoris christi invocari in auxilium ad fundendum eorum sanguinem , qui majori ex parte veros & fidos fratres pari in deum pietate , & in patriam fide & charitate , se plurimis argumentis , & aequabili vitae tenore hactenus probavere ; vi omni bellicâ in propria viscera conversa , quam in vicinorum perduellium poenam destinare vel fratrum conjunctissimorum jamdudum sub servitutis pondere fatiscentium , & ad opem anhelantium liberationi impendere satius omnino fuisset . acres istas animorum inter vos distractiones nihil mirum est varia judicia & affectus in orbe christiano excitasse . neque nos ipsi diffitemur agitatos aliquantulum eadem fluctuatione : non equidem praejudiciis occupatos , neque à quoquam in partes vel publicè vel privatim vocatos , quam nobis sub natam curam nequaquam in postrema parte honoris nobis à vobis delati ponimus quasi sententiae nostrae tantum esset pondus , ut momentum alteri ex tantis partibus vel addere vel detrahere valeret . continuimus nos in judicando religiosè inter aequales , & incorruptae inter fratres charitatis cancellos , & mediocritatis nostrae modulum ; de illis gaudentes quae bonorum omnium plausu excepta undique audivimus , de illis dolentes quae sequiorem speciem prae se ferebant . exultavimus negotio scotico , quod videbatur non dispar vestro incendium portendere , dei opere , mirabili regis vestri serenissimi nunquam satis praedicanda aequitate , & gentis cordatissimae concordia , antequam sumo jam elato flamma materiem corriperet . ad primum nuncium motuum vestrorum erecti fuerant animi nostri in spem certam , eadem promptitudine , & facilitate , omnes offensiones praeteritas sedatum & sequius facta , & consulta , regis optimi benignitate emendatum , & rempublicam & ecclesiam ordinatum iri sine strepitu & sanguine ; admirati pariter foelicissima & splendida parliamenti initia , & serenissimi regis plusquam paternum animum , quo eas leges rogatas sancivit , quibus aequissimum & ab omni labe immune in posterum regimen sperare licebat ; exemplo hac nostra violentorum dominiorum feracissima aetate non tam raro quam singulari . corrupit spes nostras turbo ille coitionum apud vos popularium , quae regis serenissimi descessioni à suo parliamento & magnae parliamenti partis secessioni causam praebuere . exinde multos conatus , & molimina , multa consilia instituta , nihil tamen perfectum , & rite constitutum audivimus . negotium ecclesiastici ordinis potissimum nos anxios habuit . tractatum temporibus , atque animis tranquillis , & collatis pacatè sententiis potuerat & regno pacem perpetuam praestare , & ecclesiae vestrae omni reddere exoptatissimam illam , & primigeniam temporum apostolorum faciem ; contra vero animis aversis , & invicem obnitentibus , fixit lapidem offendiculi , & exacerbavit vulnus & animos jam partium studiis aegros , in diversa longissimè deduxit , & si vera nobis referuntur , aperuit latè patens ostium spiritibus privatis , & turbidis , quos audimus nomen teterrimum assumpsisse independentium ; qua calamitate nulla infestior ecclesiae fundum potuit concutere . aegerrime etiam tulimus sevisse spiritum divisionis , suspicionis , & diffidentiae , pessima zizania , quae adeo fructificarunt , & proserpserunt ut sponsionum regiarum dejerationibus gravissimis firmatarum , fidem elevaverint & omnem exinde spem reconcilationis extinxerint . doloris vero nostri fastigium hoc fuit , quod aggesta ista materies tandem exa●sit in bellum atrox , jamdudum odiis internecinis exercitum , quo flagrante utut verba , & frequentes protestationes sonent , non potest non evilescere regia dignitas , & potestas , convalescere audaciam , & maleferiatorum licentia , pietas obsolescere , charitas mutua aboleri , & ferina quaedam rabies animos invadere , non amplius primas causas belli spectantes , sed injurias in ipso belli progressu illatas vel acceptas , discrimine potius nominum infamium tanquam stigmatum quorundam quam causae invicem divisos . facilius omnino nobis & omnibus bonis esset judicia nostra expedire , si major numerus adversae utriusque partis ab altera in religionis capitibus essentialibus , vel in reipublicae juribus dissentiret , vel si aperta persequutione altera premeretur , vel si tyrannis publica adversus leges , alterius partis vecordia , & ignavia inveheretur ; verùm prolixè habetis , quo vos solemini dum ea quae in aliis regnis inevitabilia videntur , vestris legibus justissimis , & potentissimis , & magno omnium indiscriminatim consensu levi negotio propulsare in manu habetis . haec omnia diu nos adegerunt ad animo agitandum , quis tandem pacis sanctissimae ineundae modus superesset . grave nobis fuit , tentatus interpellationes regnorum & provinciarum amicissimarum frustra fuisse ; in mentem venit num tandem hoc à serenissimo rege & à parliamento impetrari possit , ut delectis ab utraque parte viris ecclesiasticis fidei integrae , & famae citra omnem suspicionem , negotium daretur , ut collatis capitibus primam veluti delineationem sanctae pacis instituerent , & spiritu dei ab omni factione expurgati , utrinque agerent sequestres , publicae gratiae & salutis internuncios animosque ferro & marte induratos , alloquiis , hortatibus , & obtestationibus delinirent , & sacrum thuribilum inter medias flammas inferrent . quis scit num dei gloria ad preces & suspiria , procumbentum sacrorum ministrorum sese manifestatura sit in cordibus utriusque partis , ad cedendum odiis , & utrumque ad saniora consilia & pacem communem promerendum , praesidiis omnibus terrestribus cessantibus , divina sunt aggredienda , quae nunquam in cassum cessere . haec ratio efficere posset quod à bello civili utcunque res cadat , neutiquam sperari possit , ut voluntaria animorum flexione plene sarciatur vulnus , & redintegretur amor . haec vobis viris sapientissimis suggerere permittit egregia quam de nobis fovetis opinio . modestiae equidem nostrae non est , vel praescribere vel monere ; at vero movere , rogare , deum ipsum appellare , nulla verecundiae lex unquam interdixit . satagite ut quantocius pax restituatur bene sarta & fida , qualiscunque tandem illa sit , omni bello civili praeferenda videtur , cavete ne arridente aliqua belli alea res vestras committatis ancipiti victoriae sorti qua nihil funestius & reipublicae exitialius accidere potest . tollite hoc ingens scandalum toti orbi christiano objectum . eluite illam maculam professioni purioris evangelii aspersam , adversari illam arcano quodam odio regnis & potestatibus . demite exulceratum regis vestri animum , neque ad praecipitia & abrupta compellite ; veniam date plurimis naevis & corruptelis quibus nullum imperium statu etiam florentissimo nunquam caruit , emendationes illas utiliores judicate quae non agglomerantur , sed per partes & momenta digeruntur , & paulatim sanciuntur . et denique per viscera miserationum christi permittite vos exorari , ut quas opes , quam potentiam , & quas vires vobis deus cumulatè largitus est , eas non videamus amplius in perniciem vestram consumi , verum in tot afflictissimorum fratrum vestrorum , pacem vestram suspirantium , liberationem & levamentum , explicari . haec purissima nostra vota exaudiat , rataque esse jubeat deus pacis ; ille diaboli & antichristi machinamenta omnia demoliatur , regnumque atque ecclesias vestras in alto illo sanctae gloriae reponat , quae hactenus in terris , & ecclesiae theatro emicuere . nostra vero sensa fraterna fiducia exprompta , aequi bonique consulite , atque cunctationem in respondendo nostram causis quas habuimus graves condonate . rumor percrebuerat pacis tractationem apud nos fervere : quare expectandum nobis judicavimus , quid dies pareret ut omnia verba nostra , omnesque animorum motus , in meram gratulationem , & effusam laetitiae testificationem liquescerent . dolemus nos inani ope luctatos ; sed prope diem fore illius compotes , & optamus & vovemus , eo affectu quo vos fratres conjunctissimos nobis esse & à vobis haberi gloriamur vobisque amplissimam dei benedictionem , & ipsius sapientiae & roboris copiam exoptamus . valete in domino foelicissime , johannis deodati s. s. theologiae apud genevenses professoris & pastoris ibidem , responsum ad conventum ecclesiasticum londini congregatum . . letter xiii . a letter from sir thomas bodleigh , to sir francis bacon . my good cousin , according to your request in your letter ( dated the th of october at orleans , i received here the th of december ) i have sent you by your merchant l. sterling for your present supply , and had sent you a greater sum , but that my extraordinary charge this year hath utterly unfurnished me . and now , cousin , though i will be no fevere exacter of account , either of your mony or time , yet for the love i bear you , i am very desirous , both to satisfy my self , and your friends , how you prosper in your travels , and how you find your self bettered thereby , either in knowledg of god , or of the world ; the rather , because the days you have already spent abroad , are now both sufficient to give you light , how to fix your self and end with counsel , and accordingly to shape your course constantly unto it . besides , it is a vulgar scandal to travellers , that few return more religious than they went forth ; wherein both my hope and request is to you , that your principal care be to hold your foundation , and to make no other use of informing your self in the corruptions and superstitions of other nations , than only thereby to engage your own heart more firmly to the truth . you live indeed in a country of two several professions , and you shall return a novice , if you be not able to give an account of the ordinances , strength , and progress of each , in reputation , and party , and how both are supported , ballanced , and managed by the state , as being the contrary humours , in the temper of predominancy , whereof the health or disease of that body doth consist . these things you will observe , not only as an english-man , whom it may concern , to what interest his country may expect in the consciences of their neighbours , but also , as a christian , to consider both the beauties and blemishes , the hopes and dangers of the church in all places . now for the world , i know it too well , to perswade you to dive into the practices thereof ; rather stand upon your own guard , against all that attempt you thereunto , or may practise upon you in your conscience , reputation , or your purse . resolve , no man is wise or safe , but he that is honest : and let this perswasion turn your studies and observations from the complement and impostures of the debased age , to more real grounds of wisdom , gathered out of the story of times past ; and out of the government of the present state. your guide to this , is the knowledg of the country and the people among whom you live : for the country , though you cannot see all places , yet if , as you pass along , you enquire carefully , and further help your self with books that are written of the cosmography of those parts , you shall sufficiently gather the strength , riches , traffick , havens , shipping , commodities , vent , and the wants and disadvantages of all places . wherein also , for your own good hereafter , and for your friends , it will be fit to note their buildings , furnitures , their entertainments ; all their husbandry , and ingenious inventions , in whatsoever concerneth either pleasure or profit . for the people , your traffick among them , while you learn their language , will sufficiently instruct you in their habilities , dispositions , and humours , if you a little enlarge the privacy of your own nature , to seek acquaintance with the best sort of strangers , and restrain your affections and participation for your own country-men of whatsoever condition . in the story of france , you have a large and pleasant field in three lines of their kings , to observe their alliances and successions , their conquests , their wars , especially with us ; their councils , their treaties ; and all rules and examples of experiences and wisdom , which may be lights and remembrances to you hereafter , to judg of all occurrents both at home and abroad . lastly , for the government , your end must not be like an intelligencer , to spend all your time in fishing after the present news , humours , graces , or disgraces of court , which happily may change before you come home ; but your better and more constant ground will be , to know the consanguinities , alliances , and estates of their princes ; the proportion between the nobility and magistracy ; the constitutions of their courts of justice ; the state of their laws , as well for the making , as the execution thereof : how the soveraignty of the king infuseth it self into all acts and ordinances ; how many ways they lay impositions , and taxations , and gather revenues to the crown . what be the liberties and servitudes of all degrees ; what discipline and preparations for wars ; what inventions for increase of traffick at home , for multiplying their commodities , encouraging arts and manufactures , or of worth in any kind . also what good establishment , to prevent the necessities and discontentment of people , to cut off suits at law , and duels ; to suppress thieves , and all disorders . to be short , because my purpose is not to bring all your observations to heads , but only by these few to let you know what manner of return your friends expect from you ; let me , for all these and all the rest , give you this one note , which i desire you to observe as the counsel of a friend , not to spend your spirits , and the precious time of your travel , in a captious prejudice and censuring of all things , nor in an infectious collection of base vices and fashions of men and women , or general corruption of these times , which will be of use only among humorists , for jests and table-talk ; but rather strain your wits and industry soundly to instruct your self in all things between heaven and earth , which may tend to vertue , wisdom , and honour , and which may make your life more profitable to your country , and you self more comfortable to your friends , and acceptable to god. and to conclude , let all these riches be treasured up , not only in your memory , where time may lessen your stock ; but rather in good writings , and books of account , which will keep them safe for your use hereafter . and if in this time of your liberal traffick , you will give me any advertisement of your commodities in these kinds , i will make you as liberal a return from my self and your friends here , as i shall be able . and so commending all your good endeavours to him that must either wither or prosper them , i very kindly bid you farewel . your's to be commanded , thomas bodleigh . letter xiv . a letter from sir thomas bodleigh , to sir francis bacon . sir ; as soon as term was ended , supposing your leisure to be more than before , i was coming to thank you two or three times , rather chusing to do it by word than letter , but was still disappointed of my purpose , as i am this present upon an urgent occasion , which doth tie me fast to fulham , and hath made me now determine to impart my mind by writing . i think you know i have read your cogitata & visa ; which i have done with great desire , reputing it to be a token of your singular love , that you joined me with those of your chiefest friends , to whom you would commend the first perusal of your draught : for which i pray you give me leave to say this , first , that if the depth of my affection to your person and spirit , and to your work and words , and to all your abilities , were as highly to be valued , as your affection is to me , it might walk with yours arm in arm , and claim your love by just desert : but there can be no comparison , where our states are so uneven , and our means to demonstrate our affections so different ; in so much as for my own , i must leave it to be prised in the nature that it is , and you shall ever-more find it most addicted to your worth . as touching the subject of your book , you have set on foot so many rare and noble speculations , as i cannot chuse but wonder ( and shall wonder at it ever ) that your expence of time , considered in your publick profession , which hath in a manner no acquaintance with any scholarship or learning , you should have culled out the quintessence , and sucked up the sap of the chiefest kinds of learning : for howsoever in some points you vary altogether from that which is , and hath been ever the received doctrine of our schools ; and was always by the wisest ( as still they are deemed ) of all nations and ages adjudged the truest ; yet it is apparent , that in those very points , and in all your proposals and plots in that book , you show your self a master-workman . for my self , i must confess , and do speak it ingenuè , that for matter of learning , i am not worthy to be reckoned among smatterers . howbeit , sith it may seem , that being willing to communicate this treatise to your friends , you are likewise willing to listen to whatsoever they can except against it . i must deliver unto you that for my private opinion , i am one of that crew that say there is , and we possess a far greater hold-fast of certainty in the sciences , than you by your discourse will seem to acknowledg : for , where at first you do object the ill success and errors of practitioners of physick ; you know as well they proceed of the patient's unruliness , ( for not one in an hundred do obey his physician , in observing his counsels ) or by misinformation of their own indisposition , ( for few are able in that kind to explicate themselves ; ) or by reason their diseases are by nature incurable , which is incident , you know , to many maladies ; or for some other hidden cause , cannot be discovered by course of conjecture . howbeit , i am full of this belief , that as physick is ministred now-a-days by physicians , it is much to be ascribed to their negligence or ignorance , or other touch of imperfection , that they speed not better in their practice ; for few are found of that profession so well instructed in their art , as they might be by the precepts which their art affordeth ; which if it be defective in regard of full perfection , yet certainly it doth flourish with admirable remedies , such as tract of time hath taught by experimental events , and are the open high-way to that principal knowledg which you recommend . as for alchimy and magick , some conclusions they have worth the preserving , but all their skill is so accompanied with subtilties and guiles , as both the crafts and crafts-masters are not only despised , but named with derision : whereupon to make good your principal assertion , methinks you should have drawn the most of your examples from that which is taught in the liberal sciences , not by picking out cases that happen very seldom , and may by all confession be subject to reproof ; but by controuling the generals and grounds , and invent positions and aphorisms , which the greatest artists and philosophers have from time to time defended : for it goeth currant amongst all men of learning , that those kinds of arts which clarks , in time past , termed the quadruvialls , confirm their propositions by infallible demonstrations ; and likewise in the trivials , such lessons and directions are delivered unto us , as will effect very near , or as much altogether as every faculty doth promise . now in case we should concur to do as you advise , which is , to renounce our common notions , and cancel all our theorems , axioms , rules , and tenents , and to come as babes , ad regnum naturae , as we are willed by scripture to come ad regnum goelorum ; there is nothing more certain to my understanding , than that it would instantly bring us to barbarism , and after many thousand years , leave us more unprovided of theorical furniture than we are at this present , for it were indeed to become very babes , tabula rasa , when we shall keep no impression of any former principles , but be driven to begin the world again , and to travel by trial of actions and sense ( which are your proofs by particulars ) what to place in intellectu , for our general conceptions , it being a maxim of all mens approving in intellectu , nihil enim quod non prius fuit in sensu : and so in appearance it would befal us that till plato's years become about , our insight in learning would be in less esteem than now it is accounted . as for that which you inculcate of a knowledg more excellent than now it is among us , which experience might produce , if we would assay to retract it out of nature by particular probations , it is no more upon the matter , but to cite us to that which , without instigation by natural instinct , men would practise of themselves ; for it cannot in reason be otherwise thought , but that there are infinite numbers in all parts of the world ( for we may not in this case confine our cogitations within the bounds of europe ) which imbrace the course you propose with all diligence and care that any ability can perform ; for every man is born with an appetite of knowledg , wherewith he cannot be so glutted , but still as in dropsies , they will thirst after more : but yet why they should hearken to any such perswasion , as wholly to abolish those setled opinions , and general theories to which they have attained , and by their own and their ancestors former experience , i see nothing yet alleadged to induce me to think it . moreover , i may speak with good probability , that if we shall make a mental survey , what is like to be effected all the world over , those five or six inventions which you have selected , and imagine to be but of modern standing , will make but a slender show , among more than many hundreds of all kinds of notions , which are daily brought to light by the inforcement of wit or casual event , and may be compared , and partly preferred above those that you have named : but were it so here , that all were admitted that you can require , the augmentation of our knowledg , and that all our theorems , and general positions were utterly extinguished with a new substitution of others in their places , what hope may we have of any benefit to learning by this alteration : assuredly as soon as the new are brought ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the inventors and their followers , by an interchangable course of natural things , they will fall by degrees to be buried in oblivion , and so in continuance perish out-right , and that perchance upon the like to your present pretences , by proposal of some means to advance our knowledg to a higher pitch of perfection ; for still the same defects antiquity found , will reside in mankind , and therefore other uses of their actions , devices , and studies , are not to be expected than is apparently by record in former time observ'd . i remember here a note which paterculus made of the incomparable wits of the grecians and romans , in their flourishing states , that there might be this reason of the notable downfal in their issue which came after , because by nature , quod summo studio petitum est , ascendit in summum , difficilisque in perfecto mora est ; insomuch that men perceiving that they could not go further , being come to the top , they turned back on their own accord , forsaking those studies that were most in request , and betaking themselves to new endeavours , as if the thing that they fought had been by prevention fore-priz'd by others : so it fared in particular with the eloquence of that age , that when their successors found they could hardly equal , but by no means excel their predecessors , they began to neglect the study thereof , and both to write and speak , for many hundred years , in a rustical manner , till this latter revolution brought the wheel about again , by inflaming gallant spirits to give a fresh onset , with straining and striving to clime unto the height and top of perfection , not in that gift alone , but in every other skill in any part of learning : for i hold it not an erroneous conceit to think of every science , that as now they are professed , so they have been before in all precedent ages , though not the like in all places , nor at all times alike in ours , and the same , but according to the changes and turnings of times , with a more exact or plain , or with a more rude and obscure kind of teaching . if the question should be asked , what proof i have of it i can produce the doctrine of aristotle , and the deepest learned clarks of whom we have any means to take notice of , that , as there is of other things , so there is of sciences ; ortus & interitus , which is also the meaning , if i should expound it , of nihil novum sub sole , and is as well to be applied , ad facta , as dicta , ut nihil neque factum neque dictum quod non dictum & factum prius . i have further for my warrant , that famous complaint of solomon to his son , against the infinite making of books in his time : of which in all congruity it must be understood , that a very great part were observations and instructions in all kinds of literature , of which there is not now so much as one petty pamphlet ( only some parcel of the bible excepted ) remaining to posterity , as there was not then any bound of millions of authors that were long before solomon ; yet we must give credit to what he affirmed , that whatsoever was then , or had been before , it could never be averred , behold , this is new . whereupon i must for final conclusion infer , seeing all indeavours , studies , and knowledg of mankind in whatsoever arts or science have ever been the same as at this present , though full of mutabilities , according to the changes and accidental occasions of ages , and countrys , and clarks dispositions , which can never be but subject to intention and remission , both in their desires , and in the practices of their knowledg ; if now we should accord in opinion with you , first to condemn our present knowledg of doubts and incertitude ; but you confirm , but by averment , without other force of argument , than to disclaim all our axioms , maxims , and general assertions that are left by tradition from our elders unto us , which have passed ( as it is to be intended ) all probations of the sharpest wits that ever were . and , lastly ; to devise ( being now become a , b , c , darii ) by the frequent spelling of particulars , to come to the notice of new generals , and so afresh to create new principles of sciences ; the end of all would be , that when we shall be dispossessed of the learning we have , all our consequent travail , will but help in a circle to conduct us to the place from whence we set forward , and bring us to the happiness to be restored in integrum , which will require as many ages as have marched before us to be perfectly atchieved . all which i write with no dislike of increasing our knowldg with new devices , which is undoubtedly a practice of high commendation , in regard of the benefit they will yeild for the present . and the world hath ever been , and will assuredly continue full of such devisers , whose industry , that way , hath been eminent , and produced strange effects , above the reach and hope of mens common capacities ; yet our notions and theorems have always kept in grace , both with them , and with the rarest that ever were nominated among the learned . by this you see to what boldness i am brought by your kindness , that if i seem too sawcy in this contradiction , it is the opinion i hold of your noble disposition , and of the freedom in these cases that you will afford your special friends , which hath induced me to do it . now , though i my self , like a carriers horse , cannot blauch the beaten way in which i was trained , yet such is my censure of your cogitata , that i must tell you ( to be plain ) you have much wronged your self and the world , to smother such a treasure so long in your coffer ; for though i stand well assured ( touching the tenour and subject of your main discourse ) you are not able to impannel a substantiall jury in any university that will give up a verdict to acquit you of error ; yet it cannot be gain-said , that all your treatise over doth abound which choice conceits of the present state of learning , and with so worthy contemplations of the means to procure it , as may perswade , with any student , to look more narrowly to his business , not only by aspiring to the greatest persection of that which is now-adays divulged in the sciences , but by diving yet deeper , as it were , into the bowels and secrets of nature , and by inforcing the power of his judgment and wit , to learn of st. paul , consectari meliora dona : which course would to god ( to whisper so much in your ears ) you had followed at first , when you fell to the study of such a study as was not worthy such a student : nevertheless , being as it is , that your were therein setled , and your country soundly served , i can but wish , with al my heart , as i do very often , that you may gain a fit reward to the full of your deserts , which i hope will come with heaps of happiness and honour . yours to be used and commanded , thomas bodleigh . fullham , feb. . . post-script . sir , one kind of boldness doth draw on another , insomuch , that me-thinks i should offend , not to signify , that before the transcript of your book be fitted for the press , it will be requisite for you to cast a censors eye upon the stile and elocution , which in the frame of your periods , and in divers words and phrases , will hardly go for currant , if the copy brought to me be just the same that you would publish . novum organum . letter xv. a letter from sir henry sydney to his son sir philip sydney . son philip ; i have received two letters from you , the one written in latin , the other in french , which i take in good part ; and will you to exercise that practise of learning often , for it will stand you in stead in that profession of life , which you are born to live in . and now , since that this is my first letter that ever i did write to you , i will not that it be all empty of some advices , which my natural care of you provoketh me to wish you to follow , as documents to you in this your tender age. . let your first action be , the lifting up of your hands and mind to almighty god by hearty prayer ; and feelingly digest the words you speak in prayer , with continual meditation and thinking of him to whom you pray , and use this at an ordinary hour ; whereby the time it self will put you in remembrance , to do that thing which you are accustomed in that time . . apply your study such hours as your discreet master doth assign you earnestly ; and the time i know , he will so limit , as shall be both sufficient for your learning , and safe for your health : and mark the sence and matter of that you read , as well as the words ; so shall you both enrich your tongue with words , and your wit with matter : and judgment will grow as years grow on you . . be humble and obedient to your master : for unless you frame your self to obey ; yea , and to feel in your self what obedience is , you shall never be able to teach others how to obey you hereafter . . be courteous of gesture , and affable to all men with universality of reverence , according to the dignity of the person ; there is nothing that winneth so much with so little cost . . use moderate diet ; so as after your meat you may find your wit fresher , and not duller , and your body more lively , and not more heavy . . seldom drink wine , and yet sometime do , lest being enforced to drink upon the sudden , you should find your self enflamed . . use exercise of body , but such as is without peril of your bones or joints ; it will much encrease your force , and inlarge your breath . . delight to be cleanly , as well in all parts of your body , as in your garments ; it shall make you grateful in each company , and otherwise loathsom . . give your self to be merry : for you degenerate from your father , if you find not your self most able in wit and body to do any thing when you be most merry : but let your mirth be ever void of all scurrility and biting words to any man ; for a wound given by a word is harder to be cured , than that which is given by a sword. . be you rather a hearer , and bearer away of other mens talk , than a beginner or procurer of speech ; otherwise you shall be accounted to delight to hear your self speak . . be modest in each assembly ; and rather be rebuked of light fellows for a maiden-like shame-facedness , than of your sober friends for pert boldness . . think upon every word you will speak before you utter it , and remember how nature hath ( as it were ) rampir'd up the tongue with teeth , lips , yea and hair without the lips , and all betoken reins and bridles to the restraining the use of that member . . above all things tell no untruth , no not in trifles ; the custom of it is naught : and let it not satisfy you , that the hearers for a time take it for a truth ; for afterwards it will be known as it is , to your shame : and there cannot be a greater reproach to a gentleman , than to be accounted a liar . . study and endeavour your self to be vertuously occupied ; so shall you make such a habit of well-doing , as you shall not know how to do evil tho you would . . remember ( my son ) the noble blood you are descended of by your mothers side ; and think that only by a vertuous life and good actions , you may be an ornament to your illustrious family ; and otherwise through vice and sloth you may be esteemed , labes generis , one of the greatest curses that can happen to a man. well ( my little philip ) this is enough for me , and i fear too much for you at this time : but yet if i find that this light meat of digestion do nourish any thing the weak stomach of your young capacity ; i will , as i find the same grow stronger , feed it with tougher food : farewel . your mother and i send you our blessing ; and almighty god grant you his , nourish you with his fear , guide you with his grace , and make you a good servant to your prince and country . your loving father , henry sydney . letter xvi . a letter from sir henry sydney to his son sir philip sydney . my son , the vertuous inclination of thy matchless mother , by whose tender and godly care thy infancy was governed , together with education under so zealous a tutor , puts me rather in assurance than hope , that thou art not ignorant of that summary bond , which only is able to make thee happy , ( as well in thy death as life ) i mean the knowledg and worship of thy creator and redeemer , without which all other things are vain and miserable ; so that thy youth being guided by so sufficient a teacher , i make no doubt but he will furnish thy life with divine and moral documents . yet that i may not cast off the care that beseemeth a parent towards his child ; or that thou shouldest have cause to derive thy whole felicity and welfare rather from whom thou receivest thy birth and being , than from those unto whom the charge of well-living is allotted ; i think it fit and agreeable to help thee with such advertisments for the squaring of thy life , as are rather gained by long experience than much reading , to the end that thou entring into this exorbitant age , mayest be the better prepared to shun those courses , whereunto this world , and the want of experience , may easily draw thee : and because i would not confound thy memory , i have reduced them into ten precepts ; and next unto moses's tables ( if thou imprint them in thy memory ) thou shalt reapt the benefit , and i the contentment ; and here they follow . . when it pleases god to bring thee to man's estate , use great providence and circumspection in the choice of thy wife , for from thence will spring all future good or evil ; and it is an action , like a stratagem of war , wherein a man can err but once : if thy estate be good , match near home , and at leasure ; if weak , far off , and quickly : enquire diligently of her education , and how her parents have been inclined in their youth : let her not be poor , how generous soever , for a man can buy nothing in the market for gentility : nor chuse a base or uncomely creature , although wealthy , for it will cause contempt in others , and loathing in thy self : neither make choice of a dwarf , or a fool , for by the one thou shalt beget a race of pigmies , and the other will be thy daily disgrace , and it will irk thee to hear her talk ; for thou shalt find to thy great grief , that there is nothing more irksom than a she-fool . and touching the government of thy house , let thy hospitality be moderate , and according to the measure of thy estate , rather plentiful than sparing , but not costly ; for i never knew any grow poor by keeping of an ordinary table : but some consume themselves through secret vices , and then hospitality beareth the blame . but banish swinish drunkards out of thy house ; that is a vice that impaireth health , consumes much , and makes no shew : and i never heard praise ascribed to a drunkard , but the well-bearing of drink , which is a commendation fitter for a brewer's horse or dray-man , than for a gentleman or a serving-man . see that thou spend not above three of the four parts of thy revenues , nor above a third part of that in thy house , for the other two parts will do no more than defray thy extraordinarie , which will always surmount the ordinary by so much , otherwise thou shalt live like a rich beggar in continual want ; and the needy man can never live happily , nor content : for every one left in an unfortunate estate , makes him ready to sell lands ; and that gentleman that sells one acre of lands , sells one ounce of credit ; for gentility is nothing but ancient riches : so that if the foundation shrinks , the building must needs follow after . . bring thy children up in learning and obedience , yet without austerity ; praise them openly , reprehend them secretly , give them good countenance , and convenient maintenance , according to thine ability ; otherwise thy life will seem their bondage : and what portion thou shalt leave them at thy death , they will thank death for it , and not thee . i am perswaded that the foolish cockering of some , and the over-stern carriage of others , causeth more men and women to take ill courses , than their own vicious inclinations . marry thy daughters , lest they marry themselves : and suffer not thy sons to pass the alps , for they shall bring home nothing but pride , blasphemy , and atheism : and if by travel they get few broken languages , it will profit them no more , than to have one sort of meat serv'd in divers dishes . neither by my advice trained up to wars ; for that he that sets his rest to live in that , can hardly be an honest or good christian ; for that every war is of it self unjust , except the cause make it just . besides it is a science no longer in request than use ; for souldiers at peace are like chimnies in summer . . live not in the country without corn and cattel about thee ; for he that presents his hands to his purse for every expence , is like him that thinketh to keep water in fire ; and what provision thou shalt want , prepare to buy it at the first hand ; for there is a penny in four saved , between buying at they need , and when the season and market serveth fittest for it . . be not served with kinsmen , friends , or men intreated to serve ( for they will expect much , and do little ) ; nor with such as are amorous ( for their brains are ever intosticated ) ; and rather be served by two too few , than one too many : feed them well , and pay them with the most , and thou mayst boldly require duty and service at their hands . . let thy kindred and alliance be welcome to thy table ; grace them with thy countenance , and further them in all honest actions , for by these means thou shalt find advocates to plead an apology for thee behind thy back ; but shake off those glow-worms , ( i mean , parasites and hypocrites ) who will feed and fawn upon thee in prosperity , but in adversity will shelter thee no more than an harbour in winter . . beware of suretyship for thy best friends ; he that payeth another man's debt , seeketh his own overthrow ; but if thou canst not chuse , rather lend thy mony thy self upon good bonds though thou borrow , for so shalt thou both please thy friend , and secure thy self . neither borrow mony of a neighbour , or friend , but of a stranger , where paying for it , thou shalt hear no more of it , otherwise thou shalt eclipse thy credit , lose thy freedom , and yet pay as dear as to another : but in borrowing , be precious of thy word , for he that hath a care to keep his days of payment , is a lord over another man's goods . . undertake no suit against any poor man , without much wrong , for thou makest him thy competitor ; and it is a base request to triumph where there is small resistance ; neither attempt law with any man , before thou be throughly resolved that thou have right on thy side ; then neither spare for mony , nor pains ; for a cause or two so followed , will free thee from suits a great part of thy life after . . be sure to keep some gentleman thy friend , but trouble him not with every trifling complaint ; often present him with many , yet small gifts : and if thou have cause to bestow any great gratuity , let it be such as may be daily in his sight ; otherwise , in this ambitious age , thou shalt remain like a hop without a pole , live in obscurity , and be made a footstool for every insulting companion to spur at . . towards thy superiors , be humbly generous ; with thy equals , familiar ; yet respective towards thy inferiors ; shew much humility , and some familiarity , as to bow thy body , stretch forth thy hand , and to uncover thy head , with such be popular complements ; the first prepares the way to advancement ; the second makes thee known for a man as well bred ; the third gains a man good report , which once being gotten , is easily kept ; for high . humilitudes take such deep root in the minds of the multitude ( who are more easily won by unprofitable courtesies , than curious benefits ) that i advise thee not to affect nor neglect popularities . trust not any man with thy estate , for it is a meer folly for a man to enthral himself to his friends , as though , if occasion be offered , he should not dare become his enemy . . be not scurrilous in thy conversation , nor stoical in thy jests ; the one will make thee unwelcome to all companies , the other will breed quarrels , and get thee hatred of thy best friends ; for jests , when they savour too much of truth , leave bitterness in the minds of those that are touched . although i have pointed at all these inclusive , yet i think it fit and necessary to leave it thee as a special caution , because i have seen many so prone to quip and gird , that they will rather lose their friend than their scoff , then they will travel to be delivered of it as a woman with child : these nimble apprehensions are but the froth of wit. your loving father , henry sydney . letter xvii . a letter from sir william boswell , to the most reverend william laud late arch-bishop of canterbury , remaining with sir robert cotton 's choice papers . most reverend ; as i am here employ'd by our soveraign lord the king , your grace can testify that i have left no stone unturn'd for his majesty's advancement ; neither can i omit ( whenever i meet with treacheries or conspiracies against the church and state of england ) the sending your grace an accompt in general . i fear matters will not answer your expectations , if your grace do but seriously weigh them with deliberation . for be you assur'd , the romish clergy have gull'd the misled party of our english nation , and that under a puritanical dress ; for which the several fraternities of that church , have lately received indulgences from the see of rome , and council of cardinals , for to educate several of the young fry of the church of rome , who be natives of his majesty's realms and dominions , and instruct them in all manner of principles and tenents contrary to the episcopacy of the church of england . there be in the town of hague , to my certain knowledg , two dangerous impostors , of whom i have given notice to the prince of orange , who have large indulgences granted them , and known to be of the church of rome , altho they seem puritans , and do converse with several of our english factors . the one , james murray , a scotchman , and the other john napper , a yorkshire blade . the main drift of these intentions is , to pull down the english episcopacy , as being the chief support of the imperial crown of our nation : for which purpose above sixty romish clergy-men are gone within these two years out of the monasteries of the french king's dominions , to preach up the scotch covenant , and mr. knox his descriptions and rules within that kirk , and to spread the same about the northern coasts of england . let therefore his majesty have an inkling of these crotchets , that he might be persuaded , whenever matters of the church come before you , to refer them to your grace , and the episcopal party of the realm : for there be great preparations making ready against the liturgy and ceremonies of the church of england : and all evil contrivances here and in france , and in other protestant holdings to make your grace and the episcopacy odious to all reformed protestants abroad . it has wrought so much on divers of the forreign ministers of the protestants , that they esteem our clergy little better than papists . the main things that they hit in our teeth are , our bishops to be called lords ; the service of the church ; the cross in baptism ; confirmation ; bowing at the name of jesus ; the communion tables placed altar-ways ; our manner of consecrations : and several other matters which be of late buzz'd into the heads of the forreign clergy , to make your grievances the less regarded in case of a change , which is aimed at , if not speedily prevented . your grace's letter is carefully delivered by my gentleman 's own hands unto the prince . thus craving your graces hearty prayers for my undertakings abroad , as also for my safe arrival , that i may have the freedom to kiss your grace's hands , and to tell you more at large of these things ; i rest , your grace's most humble servant , w. b. hague , june . . finis . errata . in the preface , line , after the word be , add thought . in the life , page . l. . after since , read been . p. . l. . for mastres , r. masters . p. . l. . f. two , r. ten . p. . l. . f. erigene , r. erigena . l. . et per tot . p. . l. . f. tenements , r. tenants . p. . l. penult . dele most . in the appendix : page . l. . after the word his , read lat. determinations . quaest. xlii . p. , . p. . l. antepenult . f. would , r. would not . p. . l. . after sence add alone . l. . over against these words , sermon upon john , add in the margin . vid. collection of sermons printed at the end of the last edition of the lord primates body of divinity , p. . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pro 〈…〉 . p. . l. . f. to , r. do . the author since he wrote this , has thought fit to add the passages following toward the illustration of the life . page . l. . after the word doctrine , add , nay it is evident that our church maintains the contrary doctrine ; that the fourth commandment ( as to the substance of it ) is moral , and binds christians to observe it , as well since christ , as it did the jews before . for in our liturgy ( which is confirmed by supream authority , sacred and civil , by convocation and parliament ) in the communion-offices , after the repeating of the fourth commandment , concerning the observation of the sabbath , it follows ; lord have mercy upon us , and incline our hearts to keep this law : whence it is evident , that in the judgment of our church , not only the jews , but we christians , are under the obligation of that law. page . l. . after the word sufferings , add ; but when that doctor argues thus : this proposition , christ is a sacrifice for men , is indefinitely set down without limitation , therefore it must mean for all men ; he forgets his logick , for all know , that propositio indefinita in materia contingenti aequevalet particulari . hómines sunt docti , signifies not that all men are learned , but that some are , because it is in materia contingenti : so this , christ died for men , can signify no more than this , he died for some men ; seeing it is in inateria contingenti . for it was not of necessity , but of his own goodness and free-will that he died for any . page . letter . line . read occident . page . leter . line . . read obliterare . p. . l. ult . r. seles . p. . app. l. . metis pro meis . l. ult . job . . p. . l. . pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & sic deinceps . p. . l. . after brother place ( , ) p. . marg. l. . f. fifth , r. first . p. . l. ult . r. prope finem . p. . l. . observantissimum . l. . mr. b. p. . l. . r. arias . p. . l. . r. for his . p. . l. . r. begin . l. ult . after es place ( , ) p. . let. . l. . aventine . p. . l. . r. was . p. . l. . r. bochels . p. . l. . r. , if gesta . p. . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . r. juvari . l. . r. retract . p. . l. , & . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. , , . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . marg . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . dele 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . n. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . n. . l. . r. epithete . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . f. type of , r. type , as . n. . l. . r. amos. n. . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. antep . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let. . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . let. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 marg. l. . is transposed . p. . marg. l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. . let. . l. . r. munus . p. . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. mense . p. . l. . r. proscribed . p. . l. . before it a place ( : ) p. . l. ult . r. may be . p. . l. . r. scotus . p. . let. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . r. orci . p. . l. . del . [ . ] p. . l. . r. sanctis praebet . p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . let. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 - l. ult . conservus . p. . l. penult . r. nem . p. . l. . r. nocturna . p. . l. . r. insertae . l. . r. disserendi . l. . responsionem . l. . r. lenierint . marg. l. . peraea . l. . f. exit . r. exod. p. . let. . l. . del . [ . ] p. . l. . r. ven. &c. l . r. vocalium . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 med . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. adservo . l. antepen . r. niz . & ni fallor . p. . l. . r. cyclum . p. . l. . f. messam , r. messiam . l. . r. illustrs . p. . l. . a word omitted . id . r. fatigare . p. . let. . l. . r. fugiebant . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . let. . l. . r. potui . p. . l. . imperfect . p. . l. . r. exhibeant . p. . let. . l. . r. hiberniâ . p. . l. . r. ni faller . l. . vendis . p. . let. . l. . after velis place [ . ] quod. l. . r. hic . ibid. after fuit [ . ] in. p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. . p. . marg. l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . r. munus . p. . l. . gulasius . let. . l. . r. nomine . p. . l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . arausicani . p. . let. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . r. nomine . l . r. suam . p. . l. . lucubrantium . p. . let. . r. intextam . p. . l. . r. communicare . p. . let. . l. . r. serenissimo . p. . l. . r. audivi . p. . l. . r. redituro tutissimè . p. . l. . r. censendum . p. . l. penuit . r. anglicanâ . p. . l. ult . r. nos . p. . l. . strabi locus . l. . r. nonnullos . let. . l. . r. our . p. . l. . via ( p. . l. . r. inardescere . p. . l. . r. excrevisset . p. . l. . r. diutissime . p. . l. . r. calumniae . appendix at the end of the letters . p. . l. . r. judicium l. . wants nomen after stradlingi . l. . optimus . p. . l. . r. incredibilis . l. . novum . p. . l. . ornâris . p. . l. . after fuit del . [ . ] l. . quos . l. . forma . p. . l. . r. tristissimam . l. . f. ex r. & . l. . r. quassatas . l. . ocellus . p. . l. . r. audacia . l. . r. tentatas . advertisement . letter . was from an imperfect copy of the bishops . the marginal note p. , and . and so often after , is bishop ushers . the letters mentioned p. . l. ult . are in the appendix , p. , and . letter . should be placed after letter . and letter . should be before letter . letter . should be placed at p. . and the letters p. , &c. should be placed about an. . when u. a. b. was bishop of meath . the skilful reader will perceive that often 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are confounded , as p. , &c. and we must be forced to remit the hebrew letters to his correction ; the faults being too many to be here inserted . the book being printed at different presses , there is a mis-paging page . to which succeeds pag. . but without any defect in the book . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e william juxon bishop of london , and lord high treasurer in a letter . anno . notes for div a -e tim. . , . vide ejus praefat. ad britanno-machiam , &c. * which was the title he intended to give these collections . dr. heylin 's respondet petrus . st. augustine's confession , lib. . cap. . a pet. . , . b joh. . . c tim. . . d tit. . . e matth. . . & . . f rom. . . g ezra . . h mat. . . i chron. . . k tim. . . * as on the other side , that a spiritual or ecclesiastical government is exercised in causes civil or temporal . for is not excommunication a main part of ecclesiastical government ; and forest laws a special branch of causes temporal yet we see in sententiâ lat â super chartas , anno . r. h. . that the bishops of england pronounce a solemn sentence of excommunication against the-infringers of the liberties contained in chartâ de forestâ . l mark . . m act. . , . matth. . . mal. . . see mr. davis's letter from aleppo , where the mss. are specified . vid. marm. arundel . edit . lond. & praefat . in bibl. polyglot . * vide respondet petrus , sect. ix . ibid. sect. xii . * in the life of arch-bishop laud. blondellus . cor. . * see his majesty's message sent by capt. titus , . and whitlock's mem. p. . see his majesty's message by major cromwal . . nov. . see his message by sir peter killigrew in whitlock's mem. p. . p. . edit . magut , . ib. pag. . pag. . ro. . , . * mr. james tyrrel . † before the late edition of the body of divinity . col. . . † drawn by mr. lilly , after knighted . eccles. . . jam. . . dr. heylin 's respondet petrus . not. ad mat. . observat. in willeram , pag. . & praefat . in caed●● . pag. . notes for div a -e ib. sect. . resp. pet. sect. . the lord primat's judgment . * he adds the word real , which is not in the latin. vid. dr burnet 's hist. of the reformation , part . p. . answer to the jesuits challenge . see the places cited at large in the book . p. . p. . p. . p. lev. . p. . bellarmin . de poenitent . lib. . cap. . sect . ult . p. . p. . p. . that all the antient forms of absolution in the greek church were till of late only declarative , or optative , and always in the d , not first person . see dr. smith 's learned account of the gr. church , p. , . respon . petrus sect. . § . p. , . p. . p. . p. . p. , . p. . * vid. jobi ludolfi , lib. . c. . . hist. aethiop . notes for div a -e * qui mihi ad sedem armachanam translato , anno . in midensi episcopatu successit , & anno . mortem obiit . notes for div a -e . * of these fulgentius ferrandus seemeth to be one in dionysius his days , for he never citeth those canons . * unless in the th . canon of the fifth council of carthage , of which we may further inquire . * there are more . * also of the councils antioch . laodicen . constantinopolit . ephes. chalcedon . * in codice moguntino are . * edit . colon. an. . † edit . venet. an. . notes for div a -e but so in notitia episc. galliae propeti●●m . * hec praesatio extat in edit . per crab. p. . * from turrian . vid. epist. pontif . arabic . nomo-canonum . * another collector . canon . caroli m. temporib . in tom. rerum alamannicarum goldasti . xii . vid. summam , & gratian , cod. . qu. . c. . . ex codice can●num . notes for div a -e bernardinus de bi●sto in marcul . part . . ser. . de coronatione mariae lit. v. notes for div a -e aera dhilkarnain est x apud albategnium , viz. potiùs . quod caput est arae dhilk. quod caput est hegirae . * i. e. aequabiles . † complito . ‖ . crus . pag. . * anni die . in anno aequabili , ( ineunte verò an . . ) qui hic intelligitur , ut ex collatione eclipsis luminaris liquet . † vagis non fixis . ‖ for though it did well agree with the observation of the aequinoctial , yet it cannot with the first lunar eclipse , which was in the same year . † i. e. jul. esse diem ( sed alkept non diff●rt à juliano ) quod etiam prov●tur ex aerâ philippicâ in historiâ mescella . * aegyptiae . † i. e. julian . * why of the flight , rather than of the ostracism , which he principally relates in that place . † thucydides tamen in attica clàm humatum dicit : reserente attico apud cic. in brut. ‖ but that was anno . olymp. . according to diodorus . * but he saith that he was made admiral archonte demotione , though plutarch doth make him admiral before that . notes for div a -e pag. . notes for div a -e * upon eusebius's chronicle . notes for div a -e of the other side . notes for div a -e * he stiles him gildas sapiens also , as bishop usher noted in the margin m s s. notes for div a -e vid. abb. c. qualiter , tit . de electo & electi potestate . &c. avaritiae . in . gregor . tholosan . in syntagm . utriusque juris ; & alios passim . notes for div a -e * tom. . biblioth . patr. part . p. . ( edit . colon. ) notes for div a -e your lordship may by private instructions , and his discretion , free your self of this fear . notes for div a -e mat. . . prov. . . mat. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mark . . * m. tract . fund . . c. . §. † m. tr. fund . . c. . §. . ‖ m. tr. fund . c. . §. . * m. tr. repent . c. . §. , , , , &c. † m. tr. repent . c. . §. . &c. . §. . john . . * m. tr. repent . cap. . §. . luke . . john . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . cor. . . * m. tr. repent . cap. . §. . i would then wast hot or cold but seeing thou art lukewarm , i will spu● thee out of my mouth . jarki in cap. exodi , vers . . m. tr. rep. cap. . throughout . james . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may. tract . fund . cap. . sec. . notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. . rabbi sagnadias the eminent doctor , his exposition on dan. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sagnadias . that is , years of babel 's captivity , and zorubbabel 's temple stood , make together years , or weeks . our english cover comes of his hebrew mother 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 literis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 organi permutatis . r. sagnadias by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 means solomon 's temple , so called ( the house of perpetuity ) for that the ark rested there longer then in any other place , as i shewed in unvailng moses 's tabernacle . pag. . yet forgetting himself , he begins the of daniel from the first of cyrus . from the first year of cyrus till the second of darius the persian , are weeks , or years , of those years ; the first division of the weeks the city bither , whereof ben. cozba was king , adrianus caesar took years after the destruction of the second temple after other years . he misreckons himself years here : for , and , and make but , to which add years , and there is . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . abben ezra knows not that moses 's cermonial law , had its funerals and death in christ's death , col. . . agreeing with this of dan. . . when christ was crucified and nailed to the cross , then was the ceremonial law crucified and nailed to his cross. abben ezra confutes rabby sagnadiah , as before . i , but not by titus , but by antiochus . * wing of roman souldiers . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or february , makes the mensis embolismicus , or intercallaris being doubled . the years of the captivity , was a type , the time of man's life , a captivity of years . in the psalms , teach us so to number our dayes ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is in number , and hath reference to the years named immediatly before , the allusion is sweet . or because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if i could tell but what verse and chapter he writes of this new moon , i had translated it : i will seek more at leisure . i understand not by these two eclipses , what time is gained : i would be glad to learn of your grace . to build again . abben ezra his account of the weeks . so the whole is seven until vid. e. in dan. . . weeks are years , so long zerobabel 's temple stood , viz. to be days . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ruth . . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est communis generis , therefore may agree with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes for div a -e major . minor. concl. notes for div a -e * nicephors chronologiam excipio ubi tam in graeco libro edito quam in ms. anastasii bibolothecarii translatione habentur , licet ibi quoque contius substitu●rit . † omnes nostri libri cum antiquiss . cottoniano ms. habent . ‖ and again , p. . in chronico casauboniano verum in raderi editione restitutum est , . * the syriack lately set out at leyden , may be much amended by my manuscript copy . notes for div a -e scal. de emend . lib. . pag. . notes for div a -e sir james ware the younger made no certificate , but upon conference with sir francis cottingham , sir james told him that there was but little left in lease to the value , but impropriations . as is alledged in the lords justices letter . notes for div a -e cor. . . cor. . . rom. . . notes for div a -e heb. . . in all ▪ biblioth . sanct. lib. . in arnob. rather fol. . pag. . * lib. . c. . §. , . and in cor. . . notes for div a -e iastitut . l. . c. . §. . pag. . scot. in dist . . . . de verbo non scrip. c. . gen. . , , . notes for div a -e * in his first letter about mr. n. king. notes for div a -e euseb. l. . hist. eccles. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sam. . . notes for div a -e cic. orat. pro dejotaro . notes for div a -e [ confir . distinct . deut. . , , , . ] * [ angustior distinguitur à giliade . i. paraeà , josu . . , . ] [ jos. . , cum exit . . . & deut. . , . ] notes for div a -e * vid. augustin . praefat. in speculum . * edit . lindebrog . p. . † ibid. p. . * whether the proselyte , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were tied thereunto , is handled in the talmud of jerusalem , seder , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fol. . d. of my edition . † compare with deut. . . . part. . cap. . pag. , . pag. . * the variation of some rude american breaketh here no square , no more than it doth in the unskilful reckoning of their times . [ they being meer savages . * this word was not well left out by gomarus , in investigat . p. . the greek , s. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † upon these two words i ground the strength of the argument , which will hold , notwithstanding the correction of gottefredus , out of that in libro . ad nationes , cap. . quod quidem facitis , exorbitantes & ipsi à vestris ad altenas religiones . * oper. lucian . graeco-lat . pag. . edit . paris . anno . isych . lib. . in levit. cap . vid. lidyat de variis annorum formis , cap. . * i. consecuti sumus , ( juxta usum loquendi veterum . ) concil . foro-julien s. c. . † part. . cap. . pag. . . * against doctor heylin , part . cap. . pag. . cor. . . levit. . , . cor. . . math. . , . levit. . , , . numb . . exod. . . acts . , , , . jam . . revel . . . thom. waldens . doctrinal . tom. . tit. . c. revel . . . acts . . * it may be the three first syllables of this word were wanting in the greek copy which the translator used ; & thence eame his viventes . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † d. white . notes for div a -e apud blondel pseudo-isidori , pag. , &c. distinct. . can. , . in epit. jur. pontificii , lib. . tit. . cap. , , . wal. messal . cap. . pag. . apologiae , sect. . p. , &c. of the church , l. . c. . de republ. eccl. part . . l. . c. . §. , , . irenico . l. . cap. . prop. . p. , &c. apud fred. lindenbrog . l. . c. , , . lib. . c. . l. . cap. , . lib. . cap. . lib. . cap. . notes for div a -e * al. marianus . † al. marimannus . * f. homiuum . + f. descriptionem notes for div a -e * these latin words , sunt à recentiori manu , uti vel primo statim aspect● liquet . i know not what to make of the last figure , and therefore i have expressed the shape of it as near as i could . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed planissime scriptum est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . praeter innumera ista exscriptoris errata , permulti praeterta occurrunt crassi soloecismi & barbarismi , ab ipso , ut videtur , autore : is quibus nihil mutavi , virgulam tantum iis subduxisse contentus . notes for div a -e an. . notes for div a -e calvis . edit . . . francofurt . p. . col . . notes for div a -e * nemnius . † f. quodam . ‖ dejiceret . * unius . notes for div a -e * judgment on the same . † either in questione facti , aut juris . notes for div a -e * apologet. epist. pag. . * de punctor . antiquit . part . . cap. . * epist. §. . * apolog. p. , . * append. epist. p. . * apolog. p. * jacob. cappel . ad ann . mundi . * critic . p. . * commentar . masorethic . l. . c. . * epist. §. . * critic . defens . §. . * epist. §. , , . † apol. pag. . ‖ ibid. pag. . * ibid. pag. . * critic . p. , , . † ibid. p. . * apolog. p. . * critic . p. . † ibid. p. . * epist. ad jul. africanum . * job . . * critic . p. . * critic . p. . * ibid. p. . * apolog. p. . * critic . p. . † ibid p. . * apolog. p. . * maimoni . in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tract . . c. . § . * esth. c. . sin . in edit . graec. vatican . † joseph . lib. . contr . apion . * critic . p. . * critic . p. . * tract . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. . * trac . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. . † tra. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. . * elias , praefat. . masoreth hammasoreth . * comment . de varia hebraicor . libror. scriptions & lectione ; cum bibliis interlineatis edit . antuerp . ann . . * apud euseb. lib. . praeparat . evangelic . * critic . p. . † joseph . in lib. belli judaici prooemio . ¶ antiquit. lib. . cap. . & lib. . cap. . * ibid. lib. . ca. † critic . pa. . * antiqu. lib. . cap. . & lib. . cap. . cum lib. . cap. ult . & contr . apion . li. . * vulgata ejus editio non multum distat ab hebraico . unde non satis miror quid causae fuerit , ut si eosdem in universis libris habemus interpretes , in aliis eadem , in aliis diversa transtulerint . hieronym . prolog . in ezechiel . * a. gel. lib. . cap. . * critic . pag. * emendat . tempor . lib. . * critic . p. . † ibid. p. . * in johann . tom . . * in hoc volumine insertam . vid. p. . notes for div a -e * vide partem post . annal. usserii , pag. . per. jul. . for agentes , lips. & grut. salurt . l. & c. and casaubon , scribe agencies filios . * lips. & grut. cùm . lips. & grut. quo. sed apud casaubonum legitur ex eo die dedvcti . interessent . entiâ longe aliâ . cas. & grut. facio cum. & divido , notes for div a -e * vide partem post . annalium usserianorum , p. . jul. per. . notes for div a -e * vid. annal. usser . part poster . pag. . per jul. . * vid. annalium part . post . loco supra citato . notes for div a -e * thess. . . notes for div a -e * so mr. livly and i observed . * interpreters , you know , vary about the number of paschas after his baptism till his death . notes for div a -e * under anom . lun . notes for div a -e * videlicet , . g . i .ii . notes for div a -e eusebii . notes for div a -e septemb. . . lond. jan. / , . jani anglorum facies nova, or, several monuments of antiquity touching the great councils of the kingdom and the court of the kings immediate tenants and officers from the first of william the first, to the forty ninth of henry the third, reviv'd and clear'd : wherein the sense of the common-council of the kingdom mentioned in king john's charter, and of the laws ecclesiastical, or civil, concerning clergy-men's voting in capital cases is submitted to the judgement of the learned. atwood, william, d. ? approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) jani anglorum facies nova, or, several monuments of antiquity touching the great councils of the kingdom and the court of the kings immediate tenants and officers from the first of william the first, to the forty ninth of henry the third, reviv'd and clear'd : wherein the sense of the common-council of the kingdom mentioned in king john's charter, and of the laws ecclesiastical, or civil, concerning clergy-men's voting in capital cases is submitted to the judgement of the learned. atwood, william, d. ? [ ], [i.e. ], [ ] p. printed for thomas basset ..., london : . attributed to atwood by wing and nuc pre- imprints. errata: p. [ ] at end. advertisements: p. [ ]-[ ] at end. errors in paging: p. - omitted, p. - repeated, both in numbering only. reproduction of original in the huntington library. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -- parliament -- history. feudal law -- england. bishops -- england -- temporal power. constitutional history. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion jani anglorum facies nova : or , several monuments of antiquity touching the great councils of the kingdom , and the court of the kings immediate tenants and officers , from the first of william the first , to the forty ninth of henry the third , reviv'd and and clear'd . wherein , the sense of the common-council of the kingdom mentioned in king john's charter ; and of the laws ecclesiastical , or civil , concerning clergy-men's voting in capital cases is submitted to the judgement of the learned . decipimur specie recti — hor. london , printed for thomas basset at the george near st. dunstan's church in fleet-street . . jani anglorum facies nova . that king john's charter exhibits the full form of our english great and most general councils in those days ; if i may fay so , is the vulgar error of our learned men ; and 't is that which hath given the only prejudice to the pains of the judicious mr. petyt , who , i must fay , has laid the foundation , and sure rule of understanding the ancient records and histories , which mention the great or general councils , in his distinctions between the curia regis , and commune , or generale concilium regni , barones regis , and barones regni , and the servitia which were paid , or performed by reason of tenure : and those common prestations , which bracton mentions , sunt etiam quaedam communes praestationes quae servitia non dicuntur , nec de consuetudine veniunt , nisi cum necessitas intervenerit , vel cum rex venerit , sicut sunt hidagia , corragia , carvagia , & alia plura de necessitate & consensu communi totius regni introducta : which are not called services , nor come from custom , but are only in case of necessity , or when the king meets his people ; as hidage , corrage , and carvage , and many other things brought in by necessity , and by the common consent of the whole kingdom . this i must observe upon the differences here taken , that 't is not necessary to the maintaining a real difference , to insist upon it , that none of these words were ever used to signifie what is the natural signification of the other : for example , barones and milites , are sufficiently distinct in their sence ; and yet when but one of the words is used , either of them may , and often does take in the other : but when barones , milites , &c. are set together , the barones are a rank of men superiour to the ordinary milites ; 't is enough to prove that the differences above mentioned are rightly taken , if according to the subject matter , and circumstances , we can clearly divide the one from the other . now let us see the words of the charter , and observe whether they are meant of all general or common councils for making of laws , and voluntary gifts to the crown , or only of such as concern'd the king's immediate tenants . nullum scutagium vel auxilium ponam in regno nostro , nisi per commune consilium regni nostri , nisi ad corpus nostrum redimendum , & ad primogenitum filium nostrum militem faciendum , & ad primogenitam filiam nostram semel maritandam , & ad hoc non fiet nisi rationabile auxilium . simili modo fiat de civitate londinensi . et civitas londinensis habeat omnes antiquas libertates , & liberas consuetudines suas , tam per terras , quam per aquas : praeterea , volumus & concedimus quod omnes aliae civitates , & burgi , & villae , & barones de quinque portubus , & omnes portus , habeant omnes libertates , & liberas consuetudiues suas , & ad habendum commune consilium regni , aliter quam in tribus casibus praedictis here the london edition of matthew paris , and that at tours make a period distinct from what follows , and then the sense is , that except in those three cases , wherein the king might take aid or escuage at the common law , without the consent of a common council , for all other aids , or escuage , a common council should be held ; and the city of london , all cities , burroughs , parishes , or townships ; that is , the villani their inhabitants , the barons , or free-men of the five ports , and all ports should amongst other free customs , enjoy their right of being of , or constituting the common council of the kingdom . but so much is certain , that if these , or any besides the tenants in capite came before this charter , and were at the making of it , their right is preserved to them by it , and is confirmed by the charter of hen. . cap. . civitas lond. habeat omnes libertates antiquas , & consuetudines suas : preterea volumus & concedimus , quod omnes aliae civitates , burgi , villae , & barones de quinque portibus , & emnes alii portus habeant omnes libertates , & liberas consuetudines suas . and for an evidence of what was their custom and right , as to the great council of the kingdom : both these charters were made to , and in the presence of all the clergy , counts , barons , and free-men of the kingdom . king johns ( as mr. selden tells us he conceives ) was made by the king , and his barones & liberos homines totius regni , as other particulars were of the same time . but the record which he cites in the margent puts it out of all doubt , that the charter was made by them all . haec est conventio inter dominum johannem , regem angliae ex unâ parte , & robertum filium walteri marescallum dei & sanctae ecclesiae angliae , & ric. com. de clare , &c. & alios comites , & barones & liberos homines totius regni ex alterâ parte . and in another record it is said to be , inter nos & barones & liberos homines dominii nostri : so that the liberi homines of the kingdom were present ; and who were at the making of the great charter of hen. . which has been so many times confirmed , it acquaints us at the end . pro hac autem donatione & concessione libertatum , & aliarum libertatum in cartâ de libertatibus forestae , arch. ep. ab. pr. comites , barones , milites , liberè tenentes & omnes de regno nostro dederunt nobis quinto-decimam partem omnium mobilum suorum . the charter here mentioned of the forest had been granted in the second of hen. . as was the great charter ; the parties to the grant of a subsidy are the very same : archiepiscopi , episcopi , abbates , priores , comites , barones , milites & liberè tenentes , & omnes de regno . not to produce here the proof of such general assemblies from the conquest downwards to the h. . i may say upon what i have already shown , that this interpretation of king john's charter , whereby the tenants in capite are divided from the rest , and made a common council for escuage only , agrees better with the records and histories , than the notion , that they alone compos'd the whole council of the kingdom , which can never be proved . but i will take the words together , even as they who are fond of the conjecture of their being the full representative body of the nation would have it . et ad habendum commune consilium regni de auxiliis assidendis , aliter quam in tribus casibus praedictis , & de scutagiis assidendis submoneri faciemus arch. ep. ab. & majores barones regni singillatim per literas nostras . et praeterea faciemus submoneri in generali per vicecomites & ballivos nostros omnes alios qui in capite tenent de nobis ad certum diem , scilicet ad terminum quadragint . dierum ad minus , & ad certum locum in omnibus litteris submonitionis causam submonitionis illius exponemus , & sic factâ submonitione negotium procedat ad diem assignatum , secundum consilium eorum qui praesentes fuerint , quamvis non omnes submoniti venerint . here was i grant the form of a common council of the kingdom , to the purposes here named , which are for aid and escuage : the aid i say , and shall show , was from those tenants which held of the king in comon socage , such as held geldable , or talliable lands , the escuage concern'd the tenants by knights service , but both concern'd only the king's tenants in chief , which appears in the very confining the summons to the majores barones regni , and others which held of the king in capite . whereas ( ) there were majores barones , who held not by any feudal tenure , that were not oblig'd to attend at the kings ordinary courts , and they , with them that were under their jurisdictions , had their common councils apart , though all might meet at general councils : so that what was a common council of the kingdom to this purpose , was not so indefinitely to all . . there were others who were oblig'd , or had right to be of the common council of the kingdom , though not upon the accounts mentioned in this charter . . the norman prince , to the encouragement of those great men that adventured for his glory , made some of them as little kings , and gave them the regal government of several counties , in which they with the great men thereof , and the liberè tenentes freeholders , made laws for the benefit of their inheritances , and the maintaining the peace ; and that of chester in particular was given to hugh lupus tenendum sibi & haered . ita verè ad gladium , sicut ipse rex tenebat angliam ad coronam : so that he wanted nothing but a crown to make him king. in a charter of count hugh's , of the foundation of the monastery of st. werburg , he says : ego comes hugo , & mei barones confirmavimus . and one of his successors grants to his barons , quod unusquisque eorum curiam suam habeat liberam de omnibus placitis ad gladium meum pertinentibus . and at the coronation of h. . which was after this charter , earl john , another of william's successors , carried st. edward's sword before the king , as matthew paris tells us , for a sign , that he had of right a very extraordinary power : comite cestriae gladium sancti edwardi qui curtein dicitur ante regem bajulante , in signum quod comes est palatinus , & regem si oberret habeat de jure potestatem cohibendi , &c. though this was the chief count palatine , yet others had their separate councils , where they made laws . william fitz-osborn was made earl of hereford under william the first , of whom william of malmsbury says ; manet in hunc diem in comitatu ejus apud herefordum legunm quas statuit inconcussa firmitas , ut null●s miles pro qualicunque commisso plus septem solidis , cum in aliis provinciis ob parvam occasi inculam in transgressione praecepti herilis , viginti vel viginti quinque pendantur . of the same nature are examples in the constitutions of the old earls of cornwal , and the like . to return to the county palatine of chester , its count was not tent. in capite with the restrictions above taken , viz. subject to the feudal law , and obliged to attend once at the courts as other tenants , and yet at the general councils he was present . therefore this council mention'd in king john's charter , where none but tenants in capite ( obliged to the ordinary incidents of such tenure ) were , was no general council of the whole kingdom , as our modern authors would have , though it were for the matters of ordinary tenure , all that were concern'd being at it . in the year . king hen. . held his curia or court at winchester , at christmas , which was one of the court days , or rather times of meeting ; for it often held several days ; and therefore when that at tewksbury , in king johns reign , held but a day , it is specially taken notice of . soon after king henry's christmas court , he summons all the magnates of england ad colloquium ; when they meet , because he was greatly in debt by reason of his wars ; he demands , auxilium ab omnibus generaliter . quo audito comes cestriae ranulphus pro magnatibus regni loquens respondit , quod comites barones ac milites qui de eo tenebant in capite cum ipso erant corporaliter praesentes , & pecuniam suam ita inaniter effuderunt , quod inde pauperes omnes recesserunt , unde regi de jure auxilium non debebant , et sic petitâ licentiâ omnes recesserunt . here was the earl of chester , this being a summons to a general assembly ; but when the king asked money for his expences in the wars , he tells him in the name of all the laity , that those which held of him in capite ( which is as much as to say he was none of them ) served him in their persons , and at their own charge ; therefore they beg'd leave to be gone , if the king had no other business with them , for no aid was due : so that it seems they look'd upon auxilium to be something in lieu of the service which the kings tenant was to perform . that this concern'd the kings tenants in capite by k t s . service , and no others ( except the inferior talliable tenants ; ) & they that were then assembled , being the great council of the kingdom , took upon them to umpire between the king and his tenants , and to tell him that he had no pretence for aid from them , for they had perform'd their services due . if only tenants in chief , by knights service , are here intended by tenants in capite , they only most commonly attending the king in person , though sometimes all tenants whatever , were required to attend ; and so in king john's charter , the summons be taken , to be only of such tenants in chief , then the aid there is meant only of such as comes from them ; but that takes not in all that are within the meaning of king john's charter , it adding simili modo fiat de civit. lond. which paid a socage aid as i shall shew : but for chester , even at those times when aids were granted by more than the king's tenants , the earls , barons , and freeholders of chester gave by themselves . prince edward , afterward king edward the first , was in the th of h. . count palat. of chester , and he had his common council there , wherein he consulted for the good of his palatinate apart , from the great council of the nation : barones & milites cestrenses & quamplures alii ad sum . domini edw. coram ipso domino edw. apud shorswick , super statum terr . illius domini edw. consul . & propon . quae hab . proponenda . nay so careful were they that the kings feudal jurisdiction should not interfere with the earls or other lords there , that they insisted upon it as their prerogative , so say many records , that if one held by knights service of the king , and of any lord within the palatinate also , the heir should be in ward to the lord there , not to the king ; and so by consequence of the other incidents and attendance at the kings courts ; so that those of the county of chester , could be no part of this common council , which therefore was not general . in an inquisition taken edw. . dicunt quod a tempore quo non extat memoria , tam temporibus comitum cestr . quam temporibus regis hen. patris domini regis qui nunc est , ac tempore ipsius domini edw. regis nunc secundum consuetudinem per quandam praerogativam hactenus in com. cestr . optentam & ufitatam domini feodorum in com. praedict . post mortem tenentium suorum custodiam terrarum & tenement . quae de eis tenentur per servitium militare usque ad legit . aetat , haered . hususm . ten . licet iidem tenentes alias terr . & ten . in com. praed . vel alibi de domino rege tenuerunt in capite semper huc usque habuerunt , & habere consueverunt , &c. king edward the first , sends arch. ep. ab. pri. com. bar mil. & omnibus aliis fidelibus suis de com. cestriae , and desires them that since the prelati , comites , barones & alii de regno , which one would think took in the whole kingdom , had given him the fifteenth part of their moveables , they would do the like , and we find a record of their giving a part from the rest of the kingdom . cum probi homines & communitas comitatus cestriae sicut caeteri de regno nostro m. omnium bonorum suorum nobis concesserunt gratiosè . so that these were then no part of the commune concilium regni within this charter , and no man can shew that they were divided since the time of william the first . . there were others who were obliged , or had right to be of the common-council of the kingdom , though not upon the accounts mentioned in this charter ; which if it appear , then this was not the only common council of the kingdom , or the full form of it , because there were common councils wherein were other things treated of , and other persons present . for this it is very observable , there is nothing but aid and escuage mentioned , nothing of advice or authority given in the making of laws , which were ever enacted with great solemnity , and all the proprietors even of palatinate counties were present in person or legal representation , when ever a general or universal law was made that bound the kingdom . but to wave this at present , i shall give one instance from records , that others were to come or had right , besides they that came upon the account of tenure as here mentioned . the pope writes to king hen. . in behalf of some of his great men , who had complained to the pope that he had excluded them from his councils . the king answers that they had withdrawn themselves , and that falcatius de brent the chief of them , was by the advice of the magnates totius regni , all the great men of the kingdom , called and admonished to receive the judgment of the king's court , according to the law of the land. cum aliâs teneatur ratione possessionum magnarum , & officii maximi quod habuit in curiâ nostrâ , ad nos in consiliis nostris venire non vocatus . although besides the obligation to obey the king's summons , he was bound by reason of great possessions , and a very considerable place at court to come to the king's councils , though not called ; that is , when ever it was known that a council was to meet , which might have been done by an indiction of an assembly without sending to any body . this shews very plainly that there were others to come to the great councils , besides those that were to come to those common councils , and other occasions for meeting ; for confine it to the persons and causes here specified they were to have summons , the majores special , the minores general by the sheriffs , and days notice ; whereas the king said , and could not be ignorant of king john's charter , which was but years before , that falcatius was to come without summons . but there is a further irrefragable argument in the negative , viz. that this commune consilium regni , was not the great council of the nation : and that is the judgment of a whole parliament in the fortieth of edw. the third , above three hundred years ago , when 't is probable that they had as clear a knowledge of the laws , customs , and publick acts in king john's time , as we have of what past in the reign of henry the eighth . it appears by the history that king john had resigned his crown in such a council as this here , it was communi consilio baronum nostrorum and yet the prelats , dukes , counts , barons and commons , upon full deliberation in parliament , resolve that the resignation was void , being contrary to the king's oath , in that 't was sanz leurassent , without their assent : and the king could not bring the realm in subjection , sanz assent de eux . if it had been in the great council of the kingdom , though it was not possible for the parties then at council to have been assenting personally to king john's resignation ; yet they had assented by a natural as well as legal representative , as has been long since shewn by the judicious mr. hooker . to be commanded we do consent , when the society whereof we are part , hath at any time before consented without revoking the same afterwards by the like universal agreement : wherefore as any man's deed past is good as long as himself continueth ; so the act of a publick society of men done five hundred years past sithence standeth as theirs , who presently are of the same societies , because corporations are immortal . that king john resigned his crown , without a parliamentary consent , is to be taken for granted after this solemn determination ; the only question is , whether 't was with the consent of his curia , or such a commune consilium regni , as his charter sets forth . the king had summoned his military council to dover , in the of his reign , as in the third he had to portsmouth ; they which were summoned to the last are specified under the denominations of comites , barones & omnes qui militare servitium ei debebant , this was to have them pass the seas with him , and they that stay'd at home , gave him escuage . veniente autem die statuto , multi impetratâ licentiâ dant regi de quolibet scuto duas marcas argenti . here was a military council , and a military aid given ; they that were with him at dover are not particularly described by matthew paris , but he tells us , convenerunt rex anglorum , & pandulphus cum proceribus regni apud domum militum , templi juxta doveram . die maii , ubi idem rex juxta quod romae fierat sententiatum , resignavit coronam suam cum regnis angliae , &c. this was communi consilio baronum nostrorum , as matt. paris and knyghton render the charter . as matt. westminster ad optimum consilium baronum nostrorum , the last gives us the form of the summons which shews who were the commune consilium regni here , the proceres regni mention'd in matt. paris . omnes suae ditionis homines , viz. duces , comites & barones , milites & servientes cum equis & armis : so that here was a military summons to them that ought to come , because of services , which is explained by the summons to dover , which was to omnes qui militare servitium ei debebant , if he thought all were bound to that service , and summoned all , still the parliaments judgment satisfies us , either that the rest were not obliged , and therefore came not , or if they came as they often did in hen. . time , upon the like summons , as appears by many records of that age , that the king's tenants only assented to the resignation . either way it resolves into this , that a council of the king's tenants , was not a council that could lay any obligation upon , or pretend to a representation of the whole kingdom . indeed i meet with a ms. wrote i suppose in the time of hen. . above two hundred years past , the author of which ( being induced by all the records , or histories , which had then appeared to him , to believe that nothing could be of universal obligation , even in king john's time , but what was assented to as universally as laws were when he wrote ) gives us king john's charter of resignation in a very full and complete form , as if it had been — per consilium & assensum nostrorum procerum arch. ep. ab. prior. comitat. baronum , militum , liberorum hominum , & omnium fidelium nostrorum : whereby if his authority could stand in competition with the great councils , he would remove the objection that had been long before made , which was , that this resignation made in the ordinary curia , was not in a legal representative of the kingdom . it seems that both the parliament and this author were then satisfied that the king 's feudal peers or tenants in chief could not make a commune consilium regni , as a full parliament in king john's time . besides it is worthy of consideration , that if none but tenants in capite were of the common council of the kingdom at this time , then all the abbots , priors , and other dignified clergy , who held not of the king in chief , and yet were very numerous , together with the whole body of the inferiour clergy , were entirely excluded from , and never admitted to this common council any more than the rest of the layty , from the time of william the first , to the forty ninth of henry the third . this i conceive is enough in the negative , that the king's tenants could not within the meaning of this charter make the common or general council of the nation : if it be said that they made the common or ordinary council for matters of tenure or ordinary justice , i shall not oppose it , in which sense they might be said to be a commune consilium regni , but that sense cannot be here intended , because the words are commune consilium de auxiliis assidendis aliter quam , &c. & de scutagiis , &c. so that 't is manifestly no more than a common council for the assessing of aids and escuage ; and if i shew that the aids and escuage concern'd the king's tenants only , then the common council of the kingdom dwindles into a common council of the king's tenants for matters concerning their tenure . if no instance can be shewn from record or history of auxilia or aids raised by the kings of england without more general consent , except such as were raised of his immediate tenants ; and those cases wherein the king here reserved to himself a power of charging with aid or escuage without consent of a common council concern'd his tenants only , and more than those tenants were parties or privies to this charter , it must needs be that the other cases wherein the consent of a common council was requisite , concerned tenants only , since only their consent is required , and they only stood in need of this clause of the charter . that two of the three above mentioned ( viz. ) aid to make the eldest son a knight , and to marry the eldest daughter were incident to tenure , appears by the stat. west . . cap. . which ascertains the aid which before as that declares was not reasonable , and shews upon whom it lay ( viz. ) tenants by knights service and socage tenants , and there is no doubt , but if the king might by law have required aid , in those two cases he might have done it , in the third for the redemption of his own body , which was a service a king of england , especially after the loss of normandy , which often occasioned the exposing their sacred persons , so little stood in need of and was likely so rarely to happen , that there was no need to redress , by the statute of west . any grievance arising from thence . though the statute here spoken of be only in the affirmative , what tenants by these services shall pay : yet this has been taken to be pregnant with a negative as to all others not mentioned . so hen. . fol. . nul grand sergeanty ne nul auter tenure mes seulement ceux queux teigne , in chevalry & en socage ne paieront aid a file marrier pour ceo stat. de west . . cap. . voet que ceux deux tenures serroint charges & ne parle de auters tenures ; that is , none but tenants by knights service and socage are liable to these auxilia . but over and above these incidents , whether with consent of tenants , or advice of other council , or meerly of their arbitrary motion kings used to raise money upon their tenants , and these were called auxilia , which is the word used in this charter of king john , the leavy upon tenants by knights service was called escuage , because of their servitium scuti , service of the shield , that upon tenants of their demesns in common socage , tallage , which is a word that might be of a large extent , as it signifies a cutting off from the estate , but being it was never used as an imposition with pretence of duty but upon his tenants , and that which was raised upon tenants by knights service had its proper name , therefore this has generally been applied to the payments of socage tenants , either as ordinary services , that is , upon the ordinary occasions wherein 't was of course raised by the king , or upon extraordinary occasions and necessities , which required advice . yet as an exaction or unjust payment it has been taken in the largest sence to reach to all tenants and others ; as in william the first his emendations or charter of liberties , the . magna charta . volumus etiam ac firmiter praecipimus & concedimus , ut omnes liberi homines totius monarchiae regni nostri praedicti , habeant & teneant terras suas & possessiones suas benè & in pace liberas ab omni exactione injustâ & ab omni tallagio , ita quod nihil ab eis exigatur vel capiatur nisi servitium suum liberum quod de jure nobis facere tenentur , & prout statutum est eis & illis à nobis concessum jure haereditario in perpetuum , per commune concilium totius regni nostri praedicti . in a general council of the whole kingdom it had been setled what the king should have of his tenants by reason of tenure , and what free services he should have even of those freemen which were not his tenants . thus by the oath of fealty or allegiance and by the law of association , or the revival of the frank pledges , every freeman was tied to service for the defence of the peace and dignity of the crown and kingdom , and by the association more particularly to maintain right and justice ; for all which they were to be conjurati fratres sworn brethren . and besides this there were services belonging to the crown , which lay upon the lands of freemen ; to instance in treasure , trove and royal mines , thesauri de terris regis sunt nisi in ecclesiâ vel coemeterio inveniantur . aurum regis est & medietas argenti & medietas ubi inventum fuerit , quodcumque ipsa ecclesia fuerit dives vel pauper . and this was as properly a service as the roman servitus praediorum , which consisted in something to be suffered upon lands or houses . but he would not exact or take from them by force any kind of tallage . therefore the historian tells us , that in the year . de unaquaque hidâ per angliam vi. solidos accepit , he accepted as a voluntary guift s. of every hide of land throughout the kingdom , if 't was without consent , 't was against his own charter , and so illegal . but to proceed to shew the nature of the auxilia , which came from tenants in the reign of some of his successors , either ordinary as common incidents or extraordinary . by the common law , as the lord cook observes upon the statute of west . . cap. . to every tenure by knights service and socage , there were three aids of money called in law auxilia , incident and implied without special reservation or mention ( that is to say ) relief when the heir was of full age , aid pur fair fitx chevalier , & aid pur file marrier . when the lord cook tells us that these services were incident to socage tenures , as well as knights service it must be intended , when it is spoke of the services of the tenants of the king 's ancient demeasn only , for they that held of the king by certain rent , which was socage tenure , were not subject to the payment of the tallage , except their land were of the ancient demeasn of the crown . and therefore robert de vere earl of oxford , who held a mannor of the crown by a certain rent , which to be sure was not knights service , pleads that he held the mannor with the appurtenances , per servitium decem librarum regi , ad scaccarium annuatim reddendum pro omni servitio , & regidedit intelligi quod idem manner non antiquo dominico coronae regis angliae nec est de aliquibus temporibus retroactis in tallag . per progenitor . regis angliae in dominicis suis assessis consuevit talliari . upon search made he and his tenants are freed from tallage . so the king declares that he will not have aid , that is tallage for marrying his eldest daughter of any clergy-men that hold in frank-almaign or socage , which must be taken in the same sense with the former . and before this walterus de esseleg held a mannor , ad foedi firmam , that is at a certain rent of the gift of hen. . and was never afterwards talliated , quum praedecessores nostris reges angliae & nos talliari fecimus dominica nostra ( it seems though the land had been of ancient demeasn , yet it was severed by the purchase . ) this tallage was called auxilium in the record . de consilio nostro provisum est quod auxilium efficax assideri faciamus in omnibus burgis & dominicis nostris . yet the city of london being charged with a tallage , the common council dispute whether it were tallagium or auxilium which is there meant of a voluntary aid , not due upon the account of any of their houses being of the kings demeasne , though indeed 't is then shewn that they had several times before been talliated . this explains that part of the charter , simili modo fiat de civitate londinensi , that is , as in all cases besides those excepted , escuage or tallage should not be raised but by a common council of the kingdom , that is , of all the persons concern'd to pay : so for the city of london , unless the aid were ordered in a common council , wherein they and all other tenants in chief were assembled , none should be laid upon any citizens , but by the consent of their own common council ; and if the ordinance were only in general terms , that all the kings demeasns should be talliated , the proportions payable there should be agreed by the common council of the city , according to that record , hen. . assedimus auxilium efficax in civitati nostra london . ita quod singulos tam majores quam minores de voluntate omnium baronum nostrorum civitatis ejusdem per se talliavimus . et ideo providimus simile auxilium per omnes civitates nostras , burgos & dominica nostra assidere . this per se talliavimus was a talliating per capita , for when the common council refused to give such a sum in gross , as the king demanded , then the king was put to have it collected of every head , and is , according to the faculty of every socage tenant of his demeasn , as appears by the record of hen. . whereas by this charter the king might take escuage or tallage in three cases without the consent of the tenants , but confin'd to reasonable , that is , secundum facultates , or salvo contenemento , and in those cases wherein their consent was required , things were carried by the majority of voyces amongst them that were present upon his summons , which sometimes were very few ; as when he held his court at westminster in the fifteenth of his reign on christmass the chief time , 't was cum pauco admodum militum comitatu , there arose a very great inconvenience , and a few tenants called together at a time , when the rest could not attend , as in harvest , or the like , might ruine the rest ; therefore this seperate court of tenants is wholly taken away in the reign of edward the first , and he promises that no tallage or aid ( without any reservation ) should be leavied for the future , without the consent of a full settled parliament , not that it was incumbent upon all that came to parliament to pay either tallage or escuage ; but as they were the great council of the nation they should advise him , when , or in what proportion to talliate his demeasns , or lay escuage upon his tenants by knights service : and when the king's tenants paid escuage by authority of parliament , the tenants by knights service of inferiour lords , were obliged to pay to their lords , lit. sect. . the statute is thus , nullum tallagium vel auxilium per nos vel haeredes nostros in regno nostro ponatur seu levetur sine voluntate & assensu arch. ep. comitum , baronum , militum , burgensium & aliorum liberoum hominum de regno nostro . pursuant to this the very same year is a record of a summons for a parliament to consider of an aid to make his eldest son knight , for which before he need not have consulted his parliament , nor the council of the tenants ; de jure coronae nostrae in hujusmodi casu auxilium fieri nobis debet , says the record , and yet he had tied up his hands from raising it without consent of parliament . however king john had in some measure redressed their grievance , giving them assurance that there should always be the general consent of tenants for what was not payable of right and custom , without any consent of theirs , and for the assessing those sums to which consent was made necessary , there should be a convenient notice that none might complain of the injustice of the charge . but all these things so manifestly relate to tenure , both the cases excepted and the cases provided for , that no other sense can be tolerable , for where the king reserves three incidents to tenure , and the particulars within the provision are appendant to tenure , and none but tenants are mentioned , shall we believe that something forreign is intended by the very same words ? though we may well believe that all aids whatever were intended by the statute of edw. . because the consent of all people ; tenants , and others is required . thus far i think i am warranted by very good authorities ; i take leave to observe farther , that it should seem that before this charter the king might have charged his geldable or talliable lands , that is , those lands which were held of his demeasn in socage at his own discretion , but could not charge them that held by knights service without their consent , and so this part take it , barely to the consenting is for the advantage and relief of the socage tenants only . the charter of henry the first , which exempts the king's tenants by knights service , ab omnibus geldis , that is , tribute or forced payments beyond ordinary services , leaves the king a power of charging his other tenants by meaner services , though not those which held by serjeanty , pro omni servitio . militibus qui per loricas terras suas deserviunt terras dominicarum carucarum suarum quietas ab omnibus geldis & ab omni opere proprio dono meo concedo , ut sicut tam magno gravamine alleviati sunt , ita equis & armis se bene instruant , ut apti sint & parati ad servitium suum & ad defensionem regni . but then as the consent is qualified upon such notice and summons to a certain place ▪ herein the tenants by knights service are eased in relation to part of their service . they were obliged to attend the king's court , either in his wars , his administration of justice , or for the assessing of escuage upon those that made default in their personal services ; for the first there could not be any time of summons or place of attendance ascertained , because occasion and necessity was to determine that ; for the second , they could not claim it as a priviledge , the administration of justice being within the king 's ordinary power , and his ministers and justices were sufficient assistants . but in the last there was a grievance in which 't was proper for the king 's extraordinary justice to relieve them . et ad habendum commune consilium regni de scutagiis assidendis , for the assessing of escuage , which was part of the work of the curia , they should be summoned , as is therby provided . even before the normans coming the kings used to celebrate feast-days with great solemnity , and at those days they chose habere colloquium , to consult with their people : so king eldred summoned all the magnates of the kingdom to meet him at london on our lady-day . in festo nativitatis b. mariae universi magnates regni per regium edictum summoniti , &c. londoniis convenerunt ad tractandum de negotiis publicis totius regni ; so king edgar had a great assembly , and called it curiam suam at christmass . cum in natali dominico omnes majores totius regni mei tam ecclesiasticae personae quam seculares ad curiam meam celebrandae mecum festivitatis gratiâ convenissent coram totâ curiâ meâ corroboravi . that the curia regis then consisted not of the king's tenants only : i could shew more particularly by a discourse of the feudal law , and of what prevalence it was here before the normans time : but i think there is enough to this purpose here from one piece of antiquity , which shews what in ancient time made a churl or pesant become a theyn or noble , and that so anciently , that in a saxon ms. supposed to be wrote in the saxon time , it is spoke of as antiquated . that was five hides of his own land , a church and a kitchin , a bell-house and a burrough-gate , with a seat and any distinct office in the kings court. this churle is in an ancient ms. cited by mr. selden called villanus ; so that if a man were not free-born if he could make such an acquisition he became ipso facto , a thane , a free-man , as they were often used the one for the other , which i think is easily to be collected from several places in doomsday book , and as at that time such circumstances with a place in the king's court made a thane or free-man , so a thane or freeman had a place in the great court , as we see edgar's curia had all the majores totius regni , without any qualification from tenure . but this is to be observed that this being spoke of as antiquated , and that the people and laws were in reputation when this was the usage , there is a strong presumption from hence , that since that time a less matter than five hides of land , a church , &c. gave a place in the king's court when nobilty was cheaper , and so the people , the nobles of less reputation . the normans followed not only the lane but the decent customs and ceremonies of the former government , though not directly yet by way of resemblance . and whereas the saxon kings celebrated their courts often on great feast days before all their people upon publick notice , king william erects tenures , whereby all that he had obliged by his gifts , except such as out of special favour were to do some small thing , pro omni servitio , should make a little court or council by themselves either military ( if occasion were ) or judicial in matters belonging to their feud . and by henry the third's time , if not henry the second's , it took in all , or most matters of ordinary justice ; whereas before , its business was confined to the controversies arising between the king 's immediate tenants , other suits , especially about lands , were settled in the counties or hundreds , or in particular lords courts , as appears by the charter of henry the first , de comitatu & hundredis tenendis . henricus rex anglorum sampsoni episcopo & ursoni de abecot & omnibus baronibus francis & anglicis de wircestrescirâ , salutem : sciatis quod concedo & praecipio ut à modo comitatus mei & hundreda in illis locis & eisdem terminis sedeant sicut sederunt in tempore regis edw. & non aliter . 〈◊〉 enim quando voluero faciam ea satis summoneri propter mea dominica necessaria ad voluntatem meam . i cannot here omit the plain observation that dominica necessaria , cannot be meant otherwise than of the king 's own business ; for his necessary demeasns were nonsense , therefore the sense is , that as often as he had occasion , he would give them , that is , all the counties and hundreds , sufficient notice for attending him ; so that here is a clear description of the nature of his great councils , nay , and of st. edward's too , in that when he says , they shall sit no otherwise than they had done in st. edward's time , he adds ; for when i have a mind to it , i will cause them to be sufficiently summoned to meet upon my necessary occasions , of which , i will be judge , that is , so it was in king edward's time , and indeed so it appears in the body of his laws recited in the fourth of william the first , where 't is enacted that tythes shall be payd of bees , we are there told with what solemnity the law passed , concessa sunt à rege , baronibus , & populo ; so whereas king ethelwolf father to the illustrious king alfred had in the year or granted to the church the tythe of his own demeasns . rex decimas ecclesia concessit ex omnibus suis terris sive villis regiis , about ten years afterwards the tythes were settled all over the kingdom by a general consent , totâ regione cum consensu nobilium & totias populi . by the populus is not to be intended all people whatsoever , for they who were not freeholders were not people of the land , were no cives , and were not properly a part of any hundred or country , for they were made up of the free pledges , the freeholders , masters of the several families , answering for one another by tens , ten tens , or tythings at first making an hundred court , and more or fewer hundreds ( according to the first division or increase ) a country , and for the clear understanding the general words , as principes , thaini , barones , proceres , baronagium , barnagium regni , or the like , relating to the great councils of the kingdom before and since the norman acquisition , we find by this charter of henry the first , that the counties and hundreds , that is , the men which composed those courts were upon sufficient notice to attend upon the king's business , that is , constitute the councils , and therefore simeon of durham very properly says of the great council , concilio totius angliae adunato , the same with what eadmerus says of the council of pinnedene in the first william's time , adunatis primoribus & probis viris non solum de comitatu cantiae sed & de aliis comitatibus angliae , here were the probi homines the freeholders of the counties , they that made the county court or turn , either of which in st. edward's laws is called the folkmote , and is there described vocatio & congregatio populorum omnium , and we find by statutes made before this time , that the populus omnis , or the primores & probi homines , according to eadmerus are called peers or nobles , for that the country-court , or turn at least , was celeberrimus ex omni satrapiâ conventus . thus in king edgar's laws , centuriae comitiis quisque ut antea praescribitur interesto oppidana ter quotannis habentur comitia . celeberrimus autem ex omni satrapiâ bis quotannis conventus agitor , cui quidem illius diocesis episcopus & senator intersunto , &c. this some great men have taken for a general council or parliament , but the contrary is manifest in that only the bishop of the diocess , and one senator either the count or the sheriff are to sit there in chief and this very law being taken notice of by bromton , it is there called scyremotus ; so in canutus his laws , where this is repeated , and where canutus his laws give an appeal from the hundred to the county-court or turn ; this of the county is called conventus totius comitatus quod anglicè dicitur scyremote . but to proceed with the charter of henry the first , concerning the county and hundred court. et si amodo exurgat placitum de divisione terrarum si interest barones meos dominicos tractetur placitum in curiâ meâ : et si inter vavasores duorum dominorum tractetur in com. &c. though according to this the titles to land between all but immediate tenants , or such lords as had none over them but the king , were determinable in the county , yet sometime before the great charter of henry the third , common pleas in general , which takes in the titles of land followed the king's court , where ever he held it , and by that charter were brought to a certain place . communia placita non sequantur curiam nostram sed teneantur aliquo loco certo . the king's bench is coram rege , and used to follow the king's court , and was removeable at the king's pleasure . here common pleas as well as matters of the crown were heard , and at this doubtless all the king's tenants by knights service used to be present , of this bracton says , illarum curiarum habet unam propriam sicut aulam regiam & justiciarios capitales qui proprias causas regis terminant & aliorum omnium per querelam vel per privileginm sive libertatem ; but as the curia regis was held sometimes of the tenants and officers only sometimes of the whole kingdom , when matters having no relation to tenure or ordinary judicature were in question , hence has arose the mistake of some learned authors in taking the curia regis to be nothing but the court of the king's tenants , of others that 't was meant only of the great council of the nation . whereas we may trace their frequent distinctions from the conquest downwards very apparently , and very often their union . it is agreed on all hands that the ordinary curia was held thrice a year , at christmass , easter , and whitsontide , and in the time of william the first , the places were as certain on christmass at glocester , on easter at winchester , on whitsontide at westminster , while they were held at the accustomed places , there was no need of any summons , they that were to come ratione tenurae might well come de more ; afterwards , they removed from place to place , the king made the court where ever he was pleased to hold it , and indeed when ever ; but then it could not be the curia de more : if it were at a different time or place , then there was need of summons , if there were summoned at any time more than the ordinary members of the curia ; if this was on the day of the curia there was an union of the great council and the curia , if on a different day there was a great council by its self , yet the members of the curia were a part thereof . not to anticipate what will appear from the presidents which i shall produce to make good this my assertion ; i shall make my observations upon them in order . about the first year of the reign of william the first , as mr. selden supposes , was held the council at pinnedene , to determine the difference between odo bishop of baieux , earl of kent , and archbishop lanfranc ; if this were a curia de more , then 't is evident that more than tenants in chief ; nay , all proprietors of lands assembled then of course even at the curia , for the probi homines of several counties were there , but it appears that it was upon the king's summons to all the freeholders of kent , and of some adjacent counties . praecepit rex quatenus adunatis primoribus & probis viris non solum de comitatu cantiae , sed & de aliis comitatibus angliae querelae lanfranci in medium ducerentur , examinarentur , determinarentur . disposito itaque apud pinnedene principum conventu godfridus episcopus constantiensis vir eâ tempestate praedives in angliâ vice regis lanfranco justitiam de suis querelis strenuissime facere jussus fecit . here all the probi homines are by variation of the phrase conventus principum , a bishop was president and pronounced the judgment ; but it was , as 't is said afterwards , ex communi omnium astipulatione & judicio , this judgment was afterwards revoked in another council , which to be sure must have been as large as the other , else the lawyers who were there , could never have made any colour of an argument for the revocation . item alio tempore idem odo permittente rege placitum instituit contra saepe fatam ecclesiam & tutorem ejus patrem lanfranc & illius omnes quos peritiores legum & usuum anglici regni noverat gnarus adduxit . cum igitur ad ventilationem causarum ventum esset omnes qui tuendis ecclesiae causis quâque convenerunt in primo congressu ita convicti sunt ut in quo eas tuerentur simul amitterent . 't is observable that there was a legal tryal , and the cause went on that side , where the law seemed to be ; but indeed afterwards lanfranc coming possibly upon producing some evidences not appearing before the first judgment was affirmed . here matter of ordinary justice was determined before more than the ordinary curia . this looks very like a general council of the whole nation , to be sure 't was more than a curia of the king's tenants and officers , and is more than a county court. yet in the nature of a county court , it being several counties united , and so was adunatio conciliorum , though not of the council of the whole nation . an ancient ms. makes this chiefly a court of the county of kent . praecepit rex comitatum totum absque mora considere , & homines comitatus omnes francigenas & praecipuè angl. in antiquis legibus & consuetudinibus peritos in unum convenire . but then it adds , & alii aliorum comitatum homines , and so confirms what eadmerus says . the nature of these courts is easily to be explained by writs , which we find from william the first for such tryals as this at pinnedene . willelmus anglorum rex omnibus fidelibus suis & vicecomitibus in quorum vicecomitatibus abbatia de heli terras habet , salutem : praecipio abbatia de heli habeat omnes consuetudines suas , &c. has inquam habeat sicut habuit die qua rex edwardus fuit vivus & mortuus , & sicut meâ jussione dirationatae sunt apud keneteford per plures scyras ante meos barones , viz. gaulfridum constansiensem episcopum , & balwinum abbatem , & petrum de valonnus , & picotum vicecomitem , & tehehen de heliom , & hugonem de hosden , & gocelinum de norwicum , & plures alios teste rogero bigot . willielmus rex anglorum lanfranco archiep. & rogero comiti moritonio & gauffrido constantiensi episcopo , salutem . mando vobis & praecipio ut iterum faciatis congregari omnes scyras quae interfuerunt placito habito de terris ecclesiae de hely antequam mea conjux in normaniam novissimè veniret . cum quibus etiam sint de baronibus meis qui competenter adesse poterunt , & praedicto placito interfuerunt et qui terras ejusdem ecclesiae tenent . quibus in unum congregatis eligantur plures de illis anglis qui sciunt quomodo terrae jacebant praefatae ecclesiae die qua rex edwardus obiit , et quod inde dixerint ibidem jurando testentur . quo facto restituantur ecclesiae terrae quae in dominico suo erant die obitûs edwardi , exceptis his quas homines clamabunt me sibi dedisse ; illas vero literis signate quae sint et qui eas tenent . qui autem tenent theinlandes quae proculdubio debent teneri de ecclesiâ , faciant concordiam cum abb. quam meliorem poterint et si noluerint terrae remaneant ad ecclesiam . hoc quoque de tenentibus socam et sacam fiat . denique praecipio ut illi homines faciant pontem de heli qui meo praecepto et dispositione hucusque illum soliti sunt facere . willielmus rex anglorum goffrido episcopo et rodberto et comiti moritonio , salutem . facite simul venire omnes illos qui terras tenent de dominico victu ecclesiae de heli , et volo ut ecclesia eas habeat sicut habuit die qua edwardus rex fuit vivus et mortuus , et si aliquis dixerit quod inde de meo dono aliquid habeat mandate in magnitudinem terrae et quomodo eam reclamat , et ego secundum quod audiero aut ei inde escambitionem reddam aut aliud faciam ; facite etiam ut abbas symeon habeat omnes confuetudines quae ad abbatiam de heli pertinent , sicut eas habebat antecessor ejus tempore regis edwardi , preterea facite ut abbas seisitus sit de illis theinlandis quae ad abbatiam pertinebant die quo rex edwardus fuit mortuus , si illi qui eas habent secum concordare noluerint , et ad istud placitum summonete willielmum de guaregnna , et richardum filium gisleberti , et hugonem de monteforti , et goffridum de manna villâ , et radulfum de belfo , et herveum bituricensem , et hardewinum , de escalers et alios quos abbas vobis nominabit . upon these writs many useful things might be observed , but i will confine my self as nigh as i can to my purpose . from them as interpreted by equal authority of history it appears , that wil. the first us'd to commissionate several of his barons . i will not oppose their being his great tenants in chief , these were to preside in the tryals of matters within ordinary justice , which were to be try'd in the several counties where the question arose , sometimes in one county , sometimes in several together as the men of the several counties , that is , the several counties were united . sometimes these great men , sometimes the sheriffs were to summon the parties , and to take care that an inquest of the county or counties concern'd be impannell'd , in the counties , that is , by the choice of the freeholders . the kings commissioners were to pronounce the judgment in the kings name or stead : so the bishop of constance did right to lanfranc , 't was judicio baronum regis qui placitum tenuerunt , and yet ex communi omnium astipulatione & judicio , the inquest upon their oaths found the matter of fact , the judges stated it to the people , and delivered their judgment ; to which the primores & probi homines assented , for 't was ex communi omnium astipulatione ; this agrees with what bracton says of the laws pass'd in the great council of the nation . de concilio & consensu magnatum & reipublicae communi sponsione . but it may be objected that the kings writ is to the great men to do justice , to which the books give an answer that the kings writ does not change the nature or jurisdiction of a court , and therefore though a writ of right or a justities be directed to the sheriff , yet the suitors in the county court are judges . and what their jurisdiction was in the time of wil. the first , is to be gathered from what continued to the freeholders or suitors of the county court of chester even till the time of edward the first . upon a writ of error to remove a judgment out of the county palatine of chester into the king's bench in a plea of land ; the chief justice of chester certifies that the judicatores et sectatores the suitors at the county court , clamant habere talem libertatem quod in tali casu debent omnes barones & eorum seneschal . ac judicatores ejusdem comitatus summoniri audituri hujusmodi processum & recordum & illa antiquam sigilla sua apponant ; si fuerit infra tertium comitatum per seipsos emendare . et hujusmodi libertates a tempore quo non exstat memoria usi sunt et gavisi . and the chief justice farther certifies , quòd fecit summoniri omnes barones et judicatores , accordingly . the parties assembled at the council of pinnedene , were the primores et probi viri of the counties concern'd , which answer to the proceres et fideles regni , in the union of all the counties in parliament , as in the of henry . which in another record of the same parliament are branch'd out into hanz hommes e prodes hommes , there are the primores et probi viri , e du commun de nostre realme : that is , as the statute of the staple has it , the prelates , dukes , earles , barons , the great men of the counties , grands des county's as the french , and the commons of the cities and borroughs . the testimony of eadmerus concerning the parties to the judgment at pinnedene confirms me in my opinion , that the summons to a great council as i take it in this kings reign , mentioned by simon of durham and florentius wygorniensis , which was to all the bishops , abbots , earles , barons , sheriffs , with their knights , was not to them and those only who held of them by knights service , for more than such were judges even for matters of ordinary justice within the counties , but that it was to them and the sheriffs , knights , the freeholders of the countys who were by st. edwards laws oblig'd to find arms , and became knights milites as soon as by publick authority they took arms ; the antient form of manumission proves this sufficiently . siquis velit servum suum liberum facere tradet eum vicecomiti per manum dextram in pleno comitatu , et quietum illum clamare debet a jugo servitutis suae per manumissionem , et ostendat ei liberas portas et vivias et tradat illi libera arma , viz. lanceam et gladium et deinde liber homo efficitur . thus he becomes a freeman and the sheriffs knights at the same time . that all freeholders had the appellation of milites , is evident by many records , and even a statute , that for the choice of coroners which was but declaratory of the common law , as appears by several records , before that time ; i will instance in one . because one that had been chosen coroner , was neither a knight or freeman , as that interprets it self , nor yet discreet , therefore a new choice is directed , miles non est , et in servitio alieno , et juvenis et insufficiens et minus discretus . here in servitio alieno , a servant , is put in contradistinction to miles , that is , to a freeholder , or liber tenens . et here , has the like import with sed , unless a man might have been a knight , and yet no freeman . the freeholders of the county of cornwall fine to the king for leave to chuse their sheriff , 't is said in the record . milites de com. cornubiae finem fecerunt rot. fin . º h. . pars a. m , . and these which are here called by the general denomination of knights , are in another record of the same specified under these names . episcopus , comites , bar. milites libere tenentes , et omnes alii de com. so that all the people of the county , that is , they which were part of the county court were comprehended under the word milites . in another record , the milites et probi homines , that is , honest freeholders are used as the same . in pleno com. tuo dicas militibus probis hominibus ballivae tuae . &c. the milites or probi homines were under the sheriff , an officer of their own choice , as was the law and custom of this king's time to be sure and long after : the office of the heretochius , who had been the ductor militiae , had been discontinued no body knows how long , and 't is spoke of only as an office that had been . but the sheriff , being of the freeholders choice , not the kings , having no certain salary , nor fee upon any account taken notice of in the eye of the law ; but depending upon what the king should give out of the two thirds of the profits of the county , ( the tertium denarium , the third part , the earl o● count had ) who will imagine that the sheriffs as sheriffs , had any feud rais'd upon them by the king , that is , were to attend at his courts or in his wars , with their feudall knights the posse commitatus which was assisting to them , being of quite another nature ? indeed i find one fulcherus , homo vicecomitis , that is , tenant by knights service , to which homage was incident , and in that sense miles vicecomitis ; in another part , tenet rogerus de picoto vicecomite de foedo regis hanc terram tenuit gold. sub abbate eli potuit dare absque ejus licentiâ sine sacâ . this had been freehold within the abbots precinct , alienable without licence , subject to no suit of court , and was granted to picot then sheriff of the county to hold of the kings feud , that is , by knights service . yet he did not hold this as vicecomes , but as baro , so 't was if any man had the county in fee : but the king summoned the barones , & vicecomites , that is , the vicecomites without consideration of their capacity as barons , and their knights ; 't was long after this , that the word vicecomes was any thing more than tbe name of the office here spoken of ; an honorary viscount was not then known , such indeed might at their creation have had feuds rais'd upon the lands granted along with their honours . there is this farther proof , that this was more than a council of the kings tenants and officers or ordinary court ; in that the summons was immediately after the curia , and that to a place sufficiently capacious , salisbury plain . et in hebdomada pentecostes suum filium henricum apud west . ubi curiam suam tenuit armis militaribus honoravit ; here was the proper work of the curia , the king gave arms in his court to the great men , and immediate tenants , the common freeholders received them in the county court , either at coming to age , or upon becoming free by manumission ; which 't is not probable that a man would desire , unless he had a freehold to live upon , or that thereby those lands which were held in villenage became free . but though one were born free , yet i take it he was to recieve a formal military honour , have arms deliver'd to him when he came to age , and in the time of hen. . 't is us'd as a sign that one was not of age when he seal'd a deed , and consequently 't was not effectual because militari baltheo nondum cinctus erat . we find that when a freeman died , his heir under age ; some body was to have the custody of the arms. siquis arma haec habens obierit remaneat haeredi suo , et si haeres de tali statu non sit quod armis uti possit , si opus fuerit ille qui eum habuerit in custodia habeat similiter custodiam armorum , &c. and when he came of age , tunc ea habeat , this was in hen. . time , and then the publick delivery of arms to all freemen might have been disus'd , but antiently as mr. selden observes , the taking arms by young men from publick authority was a kind of knight-hood . but soon after will. the first had at his court knighted his son henry , he call'd this great assembly of barones , & vicecomites cum suis militibus , his curia was held at whitsontide ; nec multo post mandavit ut arch. ep abb. com. bar. vicecomites cum suis militibus die kal. aug. sibi occurrerent saresberiae , quocum venissent milites illorum sibi fidelitatem contra omnes homines jur are coegit . here i take it milites illorum refers to the knights of the sheriffs , that is , the freeholders , this was adunatio conciliorum , a joyning together of the several councils of the counties , where the swearing allegiance to the king was one of their principal works ; the kings tenants had done it of course in the curia , but methinks 't is a strange thing that it should be us'd for an argument , that this was not a great council of the kingdom , because they were evocati● ad fidei vinculum . for satisfaction i will offer a record of the same work done in parliament in the time of henry . celebrato nuper concilio apud bristol ubi convenerunt universi ang. praelati tam ep. ab. quam primores et multi tam comites quam barones qui etiam univerfaliten fidelitatem nobis publicè facientes , concessis eis libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus ab eis prius postulatis & ipsis approbatis . &c. here the king yields them those liberties and free-customs , which they desired , and they swear allegiance to him , here was the fidei vinculum . but perhaps they will say that this of w. the first was no common council or parliament , because it appears not that any laws pass'd or that they were summon'd to that end . for the first i think no man will say that the assembly is less parliamentary because nothing is agreed upon in it . indeed we find that where a parliament was dissolv'd without any act pass'd , 't is said by judge cook not to be a parliament , but the inception of a parliament , that is , no session : but whoever will consult the summons to parliament in the time of ed. . & . may satisfie himself that there were many parliaments call'd , at which there were no laws pass'd , but meerly advice given , and yet at the end thereof , the knights , citizens and burgesses had their writs of expenses , wherein the kings declared that they had been called to parliament , nobiscum de diversis negotiis nos & populum regni specialiter tangentibus tractatur . for the last , 't is no matter whether the cause of summons were express'd , 't is enough if it were de quibusdam arduis , or however else was the use of that time . besides 't is certain many laws have pass'd in publick councils antiently of which we have no intimation from those historians which mention such councils . wherever i find any publick act of recognizing a kings title of justice , or of elections of persons to any office , i shall not scruple to call such an assembly a council , and if it it be general , a great or common council of the kingdom . and lanfranc i conceive was in this kings reign chose to be metropolitan of all england in such a council ; 't was indeed in curiâ regis as gervacius , and the author of antiquitates britannicae shew , but not the ordinary curia , for 't was on our lady-day , which was not the time of such curia , and the clerus and populus angliae more than the kings tenants and officers there confirm'd the choice of the seniores ejusdem ecclesiae , that is , of canterbury . in the fourth of this king the controversie between the archbishop of york , and the bishop of worcester , was determined at petreda before the king , archbishop lanfranc , the bishops , abbots , earles , et primatibus totius angliae , this mr. selden rightly calls a parliament , which is easily to be gathered from the large and comprehensive signification of primates . that general summons the same year to have an account of the laws , looks as if it were to a parliament , to which a representation of twelve for every country was agreed on , but appears not to have been specially directed : be that as it will , there was no need of a full representative , or meeting in an entire body , because it was not to lay any new obligation upon them , but was an enquest of the several counties to present their old laws . but when he seemed inclined to make the customs of some few counties the rule to all the rest , ad preces communitatis anglorum , he left to every county its old customs . in the seventeenth of this king , convocavit rex multitudinem nobilium angliae , the multitude of the nobles of england , says gervace of dover , this was about ecclesiastical affairs , concerning the bringing regular monks into monasteries , and an old monk tells of the charter or law then agreed on . haec charta confirmata est apud westm . in concilio meo , anno regni mei xviii . praesentibus omnibus episcopis et baronibus meis , where barones mei must either be meant with relation to the whole nobility of england , which were all the king's men , though not his feudal , especially immediate tenants , before whom the test of charters used to be , as in henry the third's time , the earls only subscribed at the request of the rest , or it might be only his tenants in chief , subscribing as was usual . in the eighteenth the king impeaches his brother odo for his extortion , this was at the isle of wight ; in insulâ vectâ ei obviavit , ibi in mirum congregatis in aulâ regali primoribus regni : this was matter of ordinary justice , and though primores regni are named ; yet it might have been only such of them as attended on his wars , or in his court ; and 't is not probable that being abroad , all the primores angliae were summoned to this . in the nineteenth of his reign , i take it that he held barely his curia at glocester , for 't was a military council , except that his judges , great officers , and constant attendants were part of it . partem exercitus sui remisit , partem secum per totam hyemem retinuit et in nativitate domini glavorniae curiam suā tenuit , & at this court i find only some ecclesiastical preferments disposed of to three of his chaplains , which required no solemn consult ; but his laws passed per commune concilium totius regni , semel atque iterum ait se concessisse , &c. per commune concilium totius regni , and his leges episcopales , ecclesiastical laws were established , de communi consilio arch. episc . abb. et omnium procerum regni sui . for william the second , whereas a great antiquary will not say whether there were any solemn convention of the nature of a common or general council in his time , 't is manifest there was and we may find the marks of distinction between his ordinary curia & great council or parliament . he was crowned convocatis terrae magnatibus , says bromton , volentibus animis provincialium malms . that is , the whole kingdom agreeing or the major part ; indeed it seems the normans were for duke robert , but the english were not so wasted , as some imagine , but that they carried it , angli tamen fideliter ei juvabant , as simeon of durham shews , and hoveden out of him . in the second year of his reign he held a curia on christmass at london , but 't was more than a curia de more , for there were justiciarii ac principes totius angliae . in the third , turmas optimatum accivit & guentoniae congregavit , he called together the troops or army of nobles , barones aloquitur , inveighs against his brother robert , and perswades them to a war , & ut consilium inirent quid sit agendum jussit , bids them consider or advise what was to be done . his dictis omnes assenssum dederunt , all consented to a war. the king being very ill , omnes totius regni principes coeunt , episcopi , abbates , & quique nobiles , promittuntur omni populo bonae & sanctae leges ; here the princes and nobles reach to omnis populus . here anselm is named archbishop by the king , & concordi voce sequitur acclamatio omnium , the noyce and publick acclamation witnesses the peoples consent , and this is said to be secundum totius regni electionem , or as another author . rex anglorum consilio & rogatu principum suorum , cleri quoque & populi petition● et electione . the king being upon leaving england , to settle his affairs in normandy , ex praecepto regis omnes ferè episc . unà cum principibus angl. ad hastings convenerunt . here anselm pressed that there might be generale concilium episcoporum , but went from the curia , the great council , dissatisfied . anselm had propounded a question to be discussed in council . utrum salvâ reverentiâ et obedientiâ sedis apostolicae possit fidem terreno regi servare annon ? ex regiâ sanctione fermè totius regni nobilitas quinto id. martii pro ventilatione istius causae in unum apud rochingham coit . fit itaque conventus omnium , this is called curia , but could not be the court of tenants and officers only . anselm harangues the assembly in medio procerum et conglobatae multitudinis sedens . the other bishops are the mouth of the assembly , and the bishop of durham the prolocutor ; they tell him they will have him obey his prince , upon this he appeals to rome , miles unus , a good honest freeholder steps out of the throng , de multitudine prodiens , and with great devotion sets before his holy father the example of job's patience , upon this the prelate hugged himself in the opinion that the populus , the populacy were for him , though the princes , the heads of the assembly were against him . this controversie is adjourned to the curia , on whitsontide , which still was no ordinary one : anselm was celebrating a curia by himself , when he should have attended at the king 's , according to the adjournment , but it seems he expected special summons , which he has accordingly by word of mouth , no formal writ , but messenger . the king tenuit curiam suam in ipsâ festivitate apud windlesoram , and there were proceres , et coadunata multitudo , a very solemn convention . the authority cited by sir hen. spelman says , that the clergy was not at the council at roch. in quo fermè totius regni nobilitas praeter episcopos & clerum convenitur ; so that it would seem a president for that parliament , in the time of edward the first , taken notice of by bishop jewel , of which he says our publick monuments , that is , records have it . ha●ito rex cum suis baronibus parliamento et clero ( id est ) arch. et ep. excluso statutum est . there it seems the lords and commons , who undoubtedly came at that time , without relation to tenure , are barones sui : but whether the council at roch. had the clergy present or no , the bishops and barons tell anselm at another great council , how much soever he thought the assembly on his side , that placitum habitum est contra se , his pretences were over ruled , totius regni adunatione . yet notwithstanding their sense then delivered , they gave a farther day till whitsontide ; so that in effect 't was judgment nisi , then indeed anselm with a side wind got an advantage of the king , he cunningly waves the question , whether he might swear obedience to the king , and puts it only whether the pall were to be received from the pope , or the king , and carried that point , that it belonged to the singular authority of saint peter . this was a general council on the feast day , adquievit multitudo omnis , unde cum omnes silentio pressi conticuissent , statutum est . it seems till the multitude rested satisfied , the law could not pass . but two years after on whitsontide was held no more than the ordinary curia — cum igitur in pentecoste festivitatis gratiâ regiae curiae se presentasset : peractis igitur festivioribus diebus diversorum negotiorum causae in medium duci ex more coeperunt — that 't was usual when the height of the feasting was over , to go to the tryals of causes , or matters of ordinary judicature . in august following is held a great council , the king being , de statu regni acturus . then he sends out a general summons . in sequenti autem mense augusto cum de statu regni acturus rex , episcopos , abbates & quosque regni proceres in unum praecepti sui sanctione egisset , & dispositis his quae adunationis illius causae fuerant ; &c. anselm asks leave to go to rome , but is denied it . in october following there was a general council at winchester . wintoniae ad regem ex condicto venimus , eadmerus was there himself . the first day the tumult from the vast multitude was so great , that they could do nothing , and therefore broke up the court , and adjourned to the next day . orta est igitur ex his quaedam magna tempestas diversis diversae parti acclamantibus ; the sense of the assembly was , that anselm should observe the king's laws ; upon which he departs the realm in a pett . 't was pity eadmerus went with him , so that we loose the account of what passed in his absence . i think however we have enough to prove that there were then no less , nay greater assemblies , than what now compose our parliaments , nay the very word parliament was not unknown in that time . parliamentum dixêre croylandenses caenobitae sub tempore willielmi secundi . for farther proof 't is observable , that this king stood upon it , that malcolm king of scots , secundum judicium tantum baronum suorum in curiâ suâ rectitudinem ei faceret . that is was to do him right , or answer his demands , according to the judgment of his curia , or ordinary court of justice ; malcolm pleads that 't was to be in the confines of both kingdoms . secundum judicium primorum utriusque regni , that is , according to the judgment of a great or general council of both kingdoms united , and who were the primores that constituted the great council of scotland , even till the . of james the first , is evident by his act of alteration , or recommendation of a change , which has it , that the small barrons , and fee-tenants ( or freeholders ) need not to come to parliaments , nor general councils , without election , which shews that till then they did : and how they came here in this king's time , i leave any body to think as they please , sure i am here were more than tenants in chief . there was one council in his reign , which had no addition to it , the author says only celebravit concilium , and this , i take it , was no more than an ordinary curia , especially it being octabis epiphaniae ; and there was a legal tryal by duel , and by judgment of the court , the party conquered had his eyes pull'd out , and his stones cut off . that besides the great council , this king above mentioned , held the ordinary curia , sive de more , we have clear authority . cum gloriosè & patrio honore curiam tenuisset ad natale apud glocester , ad pascha apud winchester , ad pentecosten apud londoniam . by the foregoing instances , we may see , notwithstanding virgil's suppressing , as much as in him lay , the mss. which might take from the authority of his history , how many rise up in judgment against his assertion in the time of king h. . illud oppositè habeo dicere , reges ante haec tempora non consuevisse populi conventum consultandi causâ , nisi perrarò facere , adeò ut ab henrico id institutum jure manâsse dici possit — and it seems the great mr. lambert ( who possibly was the first that after the ages , in which the word baronagium was used and known to express the full great council or parliament received its true notion , viz. that both the nobility and commonalty of the realm were meant under these words , the barons of the realm ) this great man it seems , had not met with those mss. which since have offered their light to the world ; otherwise he would not have subscribed to the foregoing opinion of polydore virgil , however polydore himself , as far as his authority goeth , gives us to believe the frequency of such solemn councils , from this king's time downwards . this prince was so pleased with his people , and they so much at ease under his gentle reign , there was that mutual confidence in each other , that 't is a question whether he ever held a solitary curia of tenants and officers , only we find , tota nobilitas cum populi numerositate , cuncti majores adunati , and regnum angliae . all at several times at the curia de more . at other times we have commune concilium gentis anglorum , clerus & populus congregatus , the same called commune concilium baronum regni angliae . regni nobilitas sua sanctione adunatâ , concilium magnum — magnum placitum apud northamtune congregatis , omnibus principibus angliae , that is , baronibus , that is , clero & populo — though 't were a pleasure to dwell upon this king's reign , yet it is needless to insist upon further proof , that his councils consisted of more than tenants in capite and great officers . king stephen was elected king , a primoribus regni cum favore cleri & populi , clericorum & laicorum universitate , ab omnibus . viz. tam presul . quam com. & baron . stephanus his et aliis modis in regno angliae confirmatus , episcopos et proceres sui regni regali edicto in unum convenire praecipit , cum quibus hoc generale conciliam celebravit . this to be sure was more than the ordinary curia : the eighth of july two years after a council was held at oxford , which broke not up till september following , this was conventus magnatum , was not on the ordinary court day , yet perhaps was not a great general council : it was only for matter of ordinary justice ; some of the laity had complain'd of two potent bishops that fortified their castles , as if they intended to rule over them by the temporal , as well as spiritual sword , and had made a catholick interpretation of st. peter's , ecce duo gladii . it seems the bishops plea was , that this was no ecclesiastical synod , that is , in the true sense , not assembled for ecclesiastical , but for civil matters ; but in their sense , that they would be tryed by the canons , and canonical persons ; the debate is put off to be determined , in a general council appointed to be at winchester . here the clergy set up for themselves , & having the popes legat , thought themselves a body sufficiently entire , without that other part of the clerus , gods inheritance , which used to make up eventhese assemblies ; with much ado , they first let in the nobility proprietors of land , omnes barones in eorum communionem jamdudum recepti . they had not sate four days but the londoners-citizens demanded to be admitted amongst them as citizens or traders , they were no part of the nobility , 't was a disparagement for the son of a noble man a freeholder to be married to a trader . and this our constitution agreed with that of poland , where mercator and nobilis were alway contradistinct , and there is a remarkable clause in one of their statutes . nobiles appellandos censemus , qui licèt matre populari , patre tamen nobili sunt procreati , quorum tamen parentes & ipsimet vivant & vixerint ad instar aliorum nobilium in regno ut supra ; & non exercuerint vel exerceant eas artes & actiones quas communiter cives & qui in civitatibus morantur exercere solent ; per contrarium enim usum nobilitas ipsa in popularem , & plebeiam conditionem transire solet , and with them the inhabitants of cities which were sicut proceres sent deputies , whereas the possessionati the nobles came to the great councils in person . there came to the council above-named a representative in the name of the whole city of london . feriâ quartâ venerunt londinenses , & in concilium introducti causam suam eatenus egerunt , ut dicerent missos se a communione quam vocant londiniarum , but the clergy carried it with an high hand , and told them , that it became not them who were principal men in the kingdom and sicut proceres , as it were nobles , to favour them who forsook their lord , which i think was meant of the pope , and his clergy : to be sure they excommunicated the king , and those that held with him , for medling in their matters : but they had much ado to quiet the city of london for the haughty answer they gave them . they that were at this assembly came not as the king's tenants , or because of any office in his court. notwithstanding all the canonical thunder , at a great council possibly of lay-men only , habito post modum concilio coram primoribus angliae , statutum est ut omnia per angliam , oppida , castella , munitiones quaequae , in quibus secularia solent exerceri negotia regis & baronum suorum juri cedant . whereby all the strong holds which clergy-men had were subjected to the dominion of the laity , whether only the king's barons , barones curiae suae were to be judges in the disposal is needless to determine . but statutum est coram primoribus angliae , this was made a law by all the baronage of england . we have several other councils in this king's reign . in the seventh of his reign , there is an act of recognizing matilda the empress her title to the crown by all but the men of kent , and 't is not improbable that they looking upon themselves as a freer people than the rest , thought it was not fit for them to own any title but meer election . maltida imperatrix ab omni gente anglorum suscipitur in dom. exceptis kentensibus . in the ninth the proceres are summoned per edictum regium to st. albans . the same year is a great council at northampton called parliamentum . in the seventeenth , generale concilium convocavit at london , to which were called the bishops and all the proceres . in the ninteenth and last of his reign , all the principes met at oxford ad octavis epiphaniae , and soon after the colloquium at oxford they met at dunstaple . and he held another great council the same year at london on michaelmas tam pro negotio regni quam provisione eccles . ebor. cum episcopis & optimatibus terrae , this was both for ecclesiastical & civil matters . the council of clarendon with that part of its constitutions which hath been much controverted of late , will detain me and the reader too long to examine the several instances of great councils or of ordinary courts in this king's reign . by the examination of this possibly i may give some additional light to what i have already represented . the end of this convention was , to vindicate the crown and kingdom of england from the usurpations of the clergy , who insisted upon exemptions , and an uncontroulable license to do ill upon pretence of the sacredness of their persons . whereas the king would allow them no other priviledges , or exemptions , than what his laws had given them . this council was compos'd of more than tenants in chief , 't is call'd a great , and full parliament ; generale concilium ; the parties present are under divers denominations , all coming to the same : rex , arch. ep. ab. pr. com. bar. & proceres regni , as m. paris , rex & magnates regni , mat. west . anglicani regni praesules & proceres , gervasius ; episcopi , & proceres , radulphus de diceto . praelati , proceres & populus regni , as another , clerus & populus regni , hoveden . the whole kingdom as dr. stillingfleet shews us out of the quadripartite history . the body of the realm as sr. roger twisden terms it ; yet i conceive that the clause so much tost to and fro , without any right settlement , referrs to the ordinary curia regis , to which the kings tenants were bound by their tenure to come ; and where ordinary justice or jurisdiction in all , or most causes was exercised , and this gives some account why the bishops who have been from the normans acquisition downwards tenants in chief , because of their temporalties , and during vacancies the guardians of those temporalties , upon that very account have been particularly summon'd , why i say they should be allowed to vote in a legislative capacity which they have as proprietors , though no tenants of the king , when they proceed by way of bill of attainder , and yet tenure only qualifying them for judges in parliament ( as before in the kings ordinary curia , interesse judiciis curiae , or at least they succeeding to the jurisdiction of the tenants in the curia ) according to the constitution of clarend . that jurisdiction which they have as tenants , or as succedaneous to such , extends not to matters of blood . it will not be proved , that the coming to the great council , where the extraordinary power , justice , or legislature was exercis'd , was meerly because of tenure , and that no body had right to be of the great council but they that held in capite , or were members of the ordinary curia ; indeed when that was taken away , or disus'd , they that before were to do suit and service at the curia , were to perform it at the great court , the parliament ; for there was no other court where they could , and therefore in the th of ed. . the inhabitants of st. albans plead that they held in capite . and as other burroughs were to come to parliament pro omni servitio . but that the coming to the judgements of the ordinary curia was meerly because of tenure appears from the words of the constitution : arch. ep. &c. & universi personae regni qui de rege tenent in capite , habent possessiones suas de domino rege sicut baroniam , &c. & sicut barones caeteri debent interesse judiciis curiae regis cum baronibus , &c. that is , except as is there excepted , these ecclesiastical tenants or barons were to be present , or interested in the judgements together with the kings justices and officers , as the other barons , that is lay-tenants in capite . it seems both ecclesiasticks and lay-tenants in capite held per baroniam , yet i think caeteri barones ought to be confin'd to them that held of the king in chief by knights service , for many held in feodo firmâ by the payment of a certain rent , or petty serjeanty , the payment of a gilt spur or the like , pro omni servitio , of which the records are full , who were not ordinarily to give their attendance at the curia . but tenure per baroniam , was i take it in those times no more than tenure by knights service in capite . this perhaps i could prove by many records . i shall instance in one to the honour of a noble peer of this realm , now earl late baron of berkley , as his ancestors have been ever since the time of hen. . one of his ancestors had the grant of the mannor of berkley harness from hen. . tenendum in feodo & haereditate sibi & haeredibus suis per servitium quinque militum . an office is found in edw. the third's time upon the death of maurice berkley , and there 't is that he held per baroniam faciendo inde servitium trium militum pro omni servitio . two knights fees having been alien'd ; inde , upon the account of the barony , or rather the land , was the knights service , and the knights service made the barony , as appears , there being no particular words creating any honourable tenure , but what resulted from serving the king with men upon his own charges : the number i take it made nothing towards the nature of the tenure . these tenants by knights service , the kings barons , were obliged to be at the kings courts de more ; if at the great court when he should call them , the chief ground was upon their ordinary attendance amongst the rest of the tenants . that what relates to the curia regis within the const . of clarendon was meant of the ordinary justice of the kings court , and consequently the ordinary court , old _____ of glocester is express . yuf a man of holi-church hath ein lay fee , parson , otherwhat he be , he shall do therevore king's service , that there valth , that is right ne be vorlore . in plaiding , and in assize be ; and in judgement also . but this farther appears by the summons to , and proceedings at northampton the very next year . this hoveden calls curia regis , and mr. selden informs us out of an antient author , that the summons thither was only to the members of the ordinary curia , omnes qui de rege tenebant in capite , mandari fecit : upon the bishops withdrawing from the judging of becket , ( the ground of which i shall soon examin . ) quidam vicecomites & barones secundae dignitatis were added , 't was quidam vicecomites some sheriffs , it could not be all because several were majores barones , having the countys in fee , but this restraint seems not to reach to the barones secundae dignitatis ; suppose that it does , and so comes only to the uppermost of them , the vavasores perhaps , that is inferior or mesne lords holding mannors of others , not the king ; still here were more than tenants in chief , and to be sure , these being said to be added , were more than the members of the ordinary curia , and this court to which they were added was only the ordinary court of justice . if we can shew when this ordinary court of justice determin'd , and who succeeded into the places of the ordinary members of it , we may go farther to clear the matter in question than perhaps has yet been done . if the lords the great men , succeeded the court of tenants , and were let into that jurisdiction which they exercised , and there is no colour of proof that clergy-men in the curia regis ever voted in capital causes , but if on the other side , ( the prohibitions running against judicia sanguinis , and the constitution of clarendon referring to the curia regis , where the ordinary judicia sanguinis were agitated and pronounced ) justly , they took themselves to be excluded the curia , quando de illis materiis agitur ; it will i think be evident that the bishops , as a part of the house of lords , answering to the court of the kings tenants , never had any right to vote in capital cases . but it lyes upon me here to shew when and how the curia regis went off . i have before observed that the duty of tenants was either to attend the king in his wars , in his administration of ordinary justice , or as a council to give him aid in lieu of , or by way of advance upon their personal services in the wars . as they attended in the wars they could not be a court or council , and so no curia regis . as a court of justice , their attendance was superseded by magna charta , , or of hen. . communia placita non sequantur curiam nostram sed teneantur in aliquo loco certo . hereby the administration of justice was taken from the ordinary curia , and fix'd at the courts in westminster-hall . yet after this they continued a court , or council for aids till the th of edw. the first , and by that they were wholly gone as a separate court , or council ; being from that time no tax nor aid could be raised without full consent of the great council , or parliament . when this court was gone , as before i observed , we find tenants in chief pleading that their coming to the great court or parliament was pro omni servitio , which shews manifestly , that the great court not only took in the less , as it did in the nature of the thing , being that and more ; but that it preserved the image of it ; and indeed what was a duty in them that came to , or were members of the ordinary curia , turn'd to a priviledge or right in them who succeeded to the dignity , though not the services of tenants . as the tenants were obliged by their tenure interesse judiciis curiae regis , they that succeeded to their dignity had right to be judges in parliament . and whereas the curia regis , as a court of justice was taken away or defeated in the time of hen. . we find by britton , suppos'd to have wrote in the fifth of his immediate successor , that the barons were judges in parliament , as the tenants and officers had been in the curia regis . et en case ou nous somes partie volons que nostre court soit judge sicome counts & barons en temps de parliament . now let us return to the constitution of clarendon . the tenants whose duty it exacts ( the lay tenants disputed not ) were tenants by barony ; that is , by knights service of the person , or crown of the king , and except as there is excepted , were of duty to be present at all tryals or judgements , or to exercise jurisdiction in all causes : but judicium vitae vel membrorum they were not to meddle with ; when they came in judicio , in jurisdiction , or the tryal of causes , ad judicium vitae vel membrorum , that is to such a cause , or the exercise of such a jurisdiction , or such a tryal , they were to withdraw ; and this is the plain sense of judicium vitae vel membrorum , given us by that great judge learned both in the common and civil laws , bracton , who wrote in the reign of hen. . grandson to this king , who enforc'd the leges avitas , in this particular , and others contain'd in the constitution of clarendon . this great lawyer , having enumerated several priviledges , or jurisdictions , granted from kings of england to their subjects , amongst other things has these words . item si cui concedatur talis libertas quod habeat soke , & sake , toll , & them , infangthef ; & utfangthef , judicium vitae & membrorum , & furcas , & alia quae pertinent ad executionem judicii , &c. here this judicium vitae & membrorum must be meant of the whole tryal , or jurisdiction , otherwise it is supposed , that he tells us , the king granted those men liberty to pronounce , or depute those that should pronounce , the final judgment , who yet neither by themselves , nor deputies , had any thing to do with the praeliminaries , the questions arising between , and leading to the justice of the judgement , which is an absurd supposal . the having judicium , or power in judicio , does not , as i conceive , any way suppose a tryal already begun , and the bishops present so far in it ; but when it comes to the point of mutilation or death , then they have leave to withdraw ; that is , they are a court , or of the court , for such a cause , and yet they are not a court for such a cause ; for the cognizance of causes takes in the judicium , the tryal , in the agitation , agitare judicium , and in the final or solemn pronouncing of the judgement . it is indeed possible , though not rational , that the law should give the jurisdiction over part of a cause , and not the whole , yet 't is not to be imagined that such was the meaning of the law-makers , especially , when we find the words of the law , according to the sense put upon those words , by the most learn'd , in the age nighest to them that transmit the law to us , are not to be brought to such a dividing sense without a great deal of force : and to this the several other copies of this constitution give weight . but we are told that the sense is best understood by the practice of that age . if the sense be plain , a contrary practice is not to determine the sense another way , as , as great an author , the learned doctor stillingfleet , proves at large in his answer to mr. cressy's epistle apologetical , where he shews the number of statutes made against provisors , in express terms : and yet when the king of england comes to settle the points in difference , between him and pope martin the . there is no manner of regard had to the statutes of provisors , although so often repeated ; nor did common practice agree with the positive and plain law . but the testimony of petrus blesensis brought to prove the practice in the time of hen. . i could set aside with better colour , than the author of the grand question does the true sense of judicium and in judicio . for petrus blesensis joins together the principes sacerdotum and seniores populi , the last of which , in common acceptation , relates to the laity ; and for their withdrawing just at the final judgement , surely there could be no pretence from the practice of that age . but let 's take his authority , and make the best of it . principes sacerdotum & seniores populi licet non dictent judicia sanguinis , eadem tamen tractant disputando & disceptando de illis : ideo seque immunes à culpâ reputant , quod mortis aut truncationis membrorum judicium decernentes , à pronunciatione duntaxat , & executione poenalis sententiaese absentent . here he expressly confirms the sense , which i shall enforce , and makes the votings in the preliminaries , mortis aut truncationis membrorum judicium decernere . some clergy-men it seems did thus decernere judicium sanguinis , and he blames them for it , but can their practice of any thing against law be an argument that there was no law against such practice ? and besides this being brought to shew the meaning of the constitution of clarendon , which speaks only of the curia regis ; this has no colour of a proof , because they might have handled such matters in their own courts , where the king gave them judicium vitae & membrorum , as bracton has shewn us ; but that they did not in the curia regis , we are to believe , till express authority be brought to shew that they did . one of the editions of blesensis has but quidam , some of them only could dispense with the obligation ; of what nature the obligation was , i shall soon shew , and will usher it in with the judgement of mr. selden , who was best acquainted with the several copies of this constitution , and with those laws which were the ground of it , perhaps of any man since the making the constitution . the meaning of it is , says he , that all bishops , abbots , priors , and the like , that held in chief of the king had their possessions as baronies , and were accordingly to do all services , and to sit in judgement with the rest of the barons in all cases , saving cases of blood . the exceptions of cases of blood proceeded from the canon laws which prohibited clergy-men to assent to such judgements . but we are told , that hen. . in the parliament at northampton declar'd , that bishops were bound by virtue of the constitution of clarendon to be present , and to give their votes in cases of treason . that this was only a curia regis , no parliament , i have shewn . that it should be affirmed that the king then press'd the bishops to give their votes in a capital case , ( as the author supposes every crimen laesae majestatis then to have been ) i wonder , because 't is apparent from the circumstances that the king prest for a final judgement , and therefore could not urge that as the duty of their tenure , when even according to this learned man , the canons prohibited their pronouncing final sentence , and the king at clarendon , out of regard and reverence to the canons of the church , requir'd only that they should act in such causes , till the cause was ripe for sentence , not that they should stay at the sentence : that point he was content to yield them ; and he himself shews us out of fitz-stephen , that the bishops look'd not on the matter as capital , for they did not urge the canons in the case ; but they excus'd themselves upon the account of the arch-bishops prohibition . and the king reply'd , that ( viz. that prohibition ) had no force against the constitution of clarendon , which was in effect to say , you have no manner of pretence , no canon forbidding you to pass judgement upon becket , and therefore according to the constitution of clarendon , you ought interesse judiciis curiae regis at this time . notwithstanding the plain sense of all this , we find a very artificial management of fitz-stephens , and other authorities . . as if becket were accus'd of a capital matter , it being call'd crimen laesae majestatis . . as if the crime he was accus'd of was appealing to rome , and that such appeal was treason by the ancient common law before any statutes made . . i will readily grant that in the language of that age becket was accus'd or impeach'd of crimen laesae majestatis , but that all crimina laesae majestatis were then capital , glanvile , who was chief justice in that kings reign , denies . crimen quod in legibus dicitur crimen laesae majestatis , ut de nece , vel seditione personae domini regis vel regni vel exercitus , occultatio inventi thesauri fraudulosa , placita de pace domini regis infracta , &c. hereby every breach of the kings peace , was crimen laesae majestatis ; every breach of the laws by acts of injustice is a breach of his peace , contra pacem & coronam ; therefore becket having denied justice to john the marshal , and refusing to answer the king who charg'd him in account , especially standing in contempt of the kings court , was guilty of this crime . indeed glanvile when he has named homicide , malicious firings , and other crimes , adds et siquae sunt similia ; quae scilicet crimina ultimo puniuntur supplicio , aut membrorum truncatione . as if no crimes were within this name , but those which drew after them capital punishment , but that is certainly to be meant of such as are not there specified : that is , all such like crimes , provided they are capital in the punishment annext by law , are crimina laesae majestatis , though neither homicide , nor firing , &c. nor any direct and open breach of the peace . 't is evident that he confines not placita de pace infractâ to homicide and those that follow ; for he takes in assaults and batteries de verberibus , de plagis etiam . which he says are tryable by the sheriff in default of mesn lords , unless the indictment be in the kings name . nisi accusator adjiciat , de pace domini regis infractâ . but it appears from fitz-stephen , that becket was not impeach'd for appealing to rome , even upon his second impeachment , but pro ratiocinio cancellariae reddendo ; to which he pleads , that the king remitted him when he was made arch-bishop , that he then was quietus & solutus ab omni regis querelâ . but further , that he was called only to answer in the cause of john the marshal , in which he complained that he had had hard measure , but for the last neque in causâ sum ratiocinii ; neque aliquam habui ad eam citationem : still the king urges the proceres to proceed to judgement against him , he finding them ready to comply with the king , appeals to rome , and strictly enjoyns all his suffragan bishops and others not to meddle in the matter . upon this , redeunt ad regem episcopi & in pace à judicando archiepiscopo excusati à baronibus seorsim sedent , nec minus à comitibus & baronibus suum exigit rex judicium : evocantur quidam vicecomites & barones secundae dignitatis , &c. what is here like the pretence of his being accused in a capital matter , and the kings urging the bishops to judge him notwithstanding a capital accusation ? nay further , admit that he had been impeach'd of appealing to rome ( which 't is evident both from fitz-stephen and gervase that he was not ) i question whether it had been capital then , or whether the lord cook says that such an owning of the popes power was treason , by the ancient common law , before any statutes were made ; which i conceive he do's not : the most which i find in him towards this point , is of a judgement in the th of edw. the first , where 't is resolv'd that a subjects bringing in a bull of excommunication against another subject , and publishing it to the lord treasurer of england , was by the ancient common law of england treason . now this publishing a bull of excommunication , and thereby assuming the exercise of justice without the kings authority , is certainly a much greater offence against the kings crown and dignity , than barely the appeal : however either might have been crimina laesae majestatis , against the crown and royal dignity , and yet not capital , as glanvile shews . but this is further observable that the king himself appeal'd to the pope in this very controversie between him and becket . hâc igitur celebri celebratâ & acceleratâ appellatione misit rex , misit & archiepiscopus nuntios ad dominum papam . and according to grev. the bishops appeal'd to the pope against becket , with the great approbation of the king. wherefore the article in the constitution of clarendon touching appeals , the first declaration that i find of the law in this point , comes not up to beckets appeal . de appellationibus si emerserint ab archidiacono , debent procedere ad episcopum , ab episcopo ad archiepiscopum , et si archiepiscopus defuerit in justitiâ exhibendâ , ad dominum regem est perveniendum postremò , ut praecepto ipsius in curiâ archiepiscopi controversia terminetur ; ita quod non debet ulterius procedere absque assensu domini regis . this is of causes begun in ecclesiastical courts , these were not to go further than the archbishops court , that is , not to the pope without the kings licence ; now admit an appeal had been before the pope with the kings licence , yet it might have been crimen laesae majestatis , to put the popes sentence in execution without new licence had : but where a matter lay not in these inferiour courts , as becket's did not , whether the appealing in such a case had been against the law then , i make a doubt , i am sure it is not prov'd at least , that 't was capital . i know not of any greater penalty than a premunire ever annext to it , till the reformation . but if it were capital from the beginning , 't would not be any thing to the purpose here , because becket was not impeacht for appealing . i cannot but charge this author with a great deal of artifice in this place , and of much labour to reconcile things , as i should think , very disagreeing : he tells us that according to fitz-stephen , becket was accus'd of treason , and the bishops sate together with other barons , and because it did not come to a sentence of death , after a great debate between the other lords and bishops about pronouncing the sentence , the bishop of winchester did it : here he jumbles together , what in another place he rightly divides , he takes it right that there were two causes , the one that of john the marshal , the other that which he would make capital ; in the first , the bishops did certainly sit in judgement , there the bishop of winch. pronounc'd the sentence ; as mr. selden ( who this author confesses has printed the proceedings of this judgement very exactly ) shews out of stephanides : for this our author do's not pretend that becket was accus'd of treason , and yet he says that the bishop of winch. gave sentence , where he was accus'd of treason ; nay , though his own author stephanides is express , that upon the second charge , which contain'd the suppos'd capital matter , the bishops withdrew , & quidam vicecomites & barones secundae dignitatis were taken into the court. thus i think i have shewn that the king did not declare at northampton , that the bishops were bound by virtue of the constitution of clarendon to be present and to give their votes in cases of treason , ( as such were capital ) but rather it not being a capital case upon which the king demanded judgement , that therefore the bishops were by that constitution oblig'd to be there . admitting that this constitution is no law prohibiting clergy-men to vote in capitals , only obliging them to the duty of their tenure ; and leaving them to act in matters of blood , according as they thought themselves bound by the canons : yet i think herein it appears that those canons were received by the temporalty , and so became laws . but not to insist upon this , the question here is , . first , what the canon law prohibited . . what force that prohibition has at this day . . the author of the grand question has i conceive misrepresented the sense of lanfranc's canon concerning this matter , which he has render'd thus : that no bishop or clergy-man should condemn a man to death , or give vote in the sentence of condemnation . here he confines the prohibition to the final judgement only ; and yet says , lanfranc had brought the canon of the eleventh council of toledo into england : so that lanfranc's and that of toledo he yields must speak the same thing ; that of toledo , is this : his à quibus domini sacramenta tractanda sunt , judicium sanguinis agitare non licet ; & ideo magnopere talium excessibus prohibendum est , nequi praesumptionis motibus agitati aut quod morte plectandum est sententiâ propriâ judicari praesumant , aut truncationes quaslibet membrorum quibuslibet personis aut per se inferant aut inferendas praecipiant . his à quibus domini sacramenta tractanda sunt , undeniably reaches to bishops , as well as inferior clergy , and so removes the cavil which many make upon some canons , or laws , mentioning clerk , or clerus only . here 't is laid down for a principle , non debent agitare judicia , they must not to debate upon such judgements , or try such causes , that is as petrus blesensis expresses it , eadem tractare disputando & disceptando de 〈◊〉 . now can we think the wise council of toledo understood sense so little to declare , that clergy-men ought not to debate about , or try such causes , and therefore should prohibit only the final judgement ? nay 't is very clear that they , agreeably to the maxim they receive , forbid them quod morte plectendumest sententiâ propriâ judicare , to judge of , or try the matter , or cause in their own persons ; not but that where the king gave them judicium vitae & membrorum , as we find in linwood , they might delegate authority to others to judge , without breach at least of after canons . but this of toledo i conceive wholly shuts them out from the cause , or tryal of it . and according to this very author , this canon of toledo is to be taken as explanatory of lanfranc's , which is much shorter , and less express ; yet comes to the same , in the signification of the words , as well as in the intention of the council , which received the above-cited canon of toledo . lanfranc's we have in these words , iterum ut nullus episcopus vel abbas , seu quilibet ex clero hominem occidendum , vel membris truncandis judicet , vel judicantibus suae autoritatis favorem accommodet . this speaks of the man guilty of a crime worthy of death , or loss of member , the other of the cause , or matter ; which are tantamount : but by this they were not to judge themselves ; nor sit by , while others judge , or any way contribute to the judgement . but of this the great council at westminster in the year . is the best interpreter . and if the clergy-men neither before the constitution of clarendon , nor by it , were excluded from medling in these causes ; they are by the last in full parliament , the testimony of which is transmitted by us by no less an author than gervase of dover , who liv'd in the very time , and whose credit this learned person supports by following him rather than matthew paris . in hoc concilio , he tells us , ad emendationem anglicanae ecclesiae assensu domini regis & primorum omnium regni haec subscripta promulgata sunt capitula : amongst which the third is this , hiis qui in sacris ordinibus constituti sunt , judicium sanguinis agitare non licet , unde prohibemus ne aut per se membrorum truncationes faciant aut inferendas judicent , &c. this is almost the same in words with that of toledo , and by the concession of the learned author of the gr. question that of toledo was then produced by richard arch-bishop of canterbury : the same we find in hoveden , said in the margent to be ex concilio toletano . judicium sanguinis agitare non licet , surely comes up to the preliminaries , and i cannot understand the coherence of saying to this effect . it is a received maxime that clergy-men ought not so much as to vote in preliminarys , relating to capital cases ; and therefore to give the final judgement is only unlawful by the canon , which declares that to vote , even in preliminarys , is unlawful . in richard the second 's time , the bishops understood not this nice reasoning , and therefore they enter their formal protestation on record . agitur de nonnullis materiis , that is capital causes , in quibus non licet nobis aut alicui eorum juxta sacrorum canonum instituta quomodolibet personaliter interesse . 't was not so much because 't was in parliament , as because matter of blood was in question . and indeed the canons mentioning judicia sanguinis , that is ordinary judgements , such as were agitated in the kings ordinary court of justice , and the constitution of clarendon referring only to that court , it appears that these constitutions were received in parliament in the reign of edw. the first . when the king ty'd up his hands from giving clergy-men power , even so much as by his special commissions , to sit upon the tryals of such causes . we for the utility of our realm and for the more assured conservation of our peace have provided and ordained that justices assigned to take assizes in every county , where they do take as they be appointed assizes , incontinent after the assizes taken in the shires , shall remain both together if they be lay. and if one of them be a clerk , then one of the most discreet knights of the shire being associate to him that is a lay-man , by our writ shall deliver the gaoles of the shires . hereby it appears that if one of the judges were a clergy-man , he was not so much as to sit with the other upon the delivery of the gaol ; that is the tryal of capital causes ; but another lay-man should be commission'd for that purpose . and agreeable to this we find in the records of the tower , that when two have been commissioned as judges for the same circuit , whereof one has been a clergy-man the other lay , the clergy-man has had only common-pleas in his commission , the other both common-pleas and pleas of the crown : nor is it material that some rolls may be found out purporting as if pleas had been held before two whereof one hapned to be a clerk ; for it is to be taken reddendo singula singulis . ( . ) this were enough to settle the d point , viz. of what force such prohibition , as i have shewn , is at this day ; but i take leave to offer farther , what as i conceive may give yet clearer satisfaction ; which is , that the difference of an ecclesiastical synod from a temporal great council , was not taken from the persons present in either , but the matters of which they treated , and the parties which managed there according to the different matters ; if ecclesiastical affairs , 't was a synod , if temporal , it had some other name , as commune concilium regni angliae , or the like to distinguish it by . the great jewel hath long since given authority to this assertion about ecclesiastical synods , which he calls concilia episcopalia : ab episcopis nomen concilia invenisse fateor , eoque dicta fuisse episcopalia : quod episcoporum judicio & prudentiâ omnia constituerentur . sed tune idcirco concilia haec nihil ad principem attinuisse colliges . as the ecclesiastical laws were supposed to lay a more immediate obligation upon the conscience , and were for the most part enforc't by ecclesiastical censures , they were call'd canons or rules , not having that outward coertion and penalties annext which others had , but yet they were no less laws . the statute of henry the th . which provides that no canons , constitutions or ordinance shall be made or put in execution within this realme , by authority of the convocation of the clergy , does not in the least abrogate , or condemn those which were made by the authority of the king , the clergy , and the laity : as i will not say all ecclesiastical constitutions were , from the time of william . to the above-mentioned synod at westminster , it is enough if that alone were so . and then if that be not repugnant to some law since made , i conceive it is still in force , having had full legal sanction . for the clearing this 't will be necessary to shew something of the nature of the ecclesiastical councils according to the modus establisht anciently in engl. i must confess that several historians , when they mention concilium totius angliae , speaking of an ecclesiastical council , add frequently , episcoporum , viz. & abbatum , nec non & multarum religiosi ordinis personarum , or to that effect . but bishop jewel has well interpreted such expressions , and therefore we need not wonder , when we find another say , lanfrancus cant. arch. & totius angliae primas diversa in diversis locis angliae celebravit concilia . though to be sure the king were sometimes jubens & praesens , as at the council at winchester . but it appears even by their own modus tenendi synodos in angliâ primaevis temporibus , which i take it was the same that was agreed on in lanfranc's time , of whom malmsbury sayes , quaesivit à senioribus episcopis qui esset ordo sedendi in concilio antiquo more statutus , &c. by their antient modus , i say , it appears that the laity were to be present in their ecclesiastical councils ; for when it mentions the clergy in order it adds , exinde introducantur laici bonae conversationis , that is probi homines , vel qui electione conjugali interesse meruerint , every lay-man of good conversation , probus homo , or free-holder in his own person , or ex electione conjugali by joint-election of the clergy and laity . it would be superfluous to produce the many authorities , which shew that the laity used to be of council in ecclesiastical affairs , as well as the clergy in temporal , and to give their assent in making canons or laws . i will instance in some very remarkable ones out of many ; one eadmerus recommends with a solemn protestation , en ordinem gestae rei teste conscientiae meae veritate , sicut eam praesens audivi & vidi , in nullam partem declinando descripsi . matilda daughter of malcolm king of scots marryed to henry the first , being reputed a nun , offers her self to be tryed by the ecclesiastical law , offert se judicio totius anglorum ecclesiae probaturam . in another place , obtulit se vel sacramento vel alia quam magis eligerint ecclesiasticâ lege probaturam , &c. at the day appointed there assembled episcopi , abbates , nobiles quique ac religiosi ordinis viri : the case appeared to be that she had taken upon her a nuns habit , but had never been profest ; whereupon anselm having stated her case to the tota regni nobilitas populusque minor , the nobility and commonalty , and in the name of god required them , quatenus siquis aliter de negotio illo sentiret ac sententia tulerat ( unde scilicet ipsam copulam secundum legem christianam fieri non debere posset ostendi ) nihil haesitans salvâ pace omnium coram proferret . here any man there had free leave to offer wherein he thought that marriage void by the christian law , or law of holy church : but cunctis unà clamantibus rem justè definitam , legitimè conjuncti sunt . had not this been to vindicate anselme , who it seems lay under the imputation of marrying the king contrary to the laws of holy church , possibly eadmerus had never given us so full an account ; but he shews very particularly how those great councils acted , that 't was in an intire body ; the assent was , cunctis unà clamantibus . if any thing was offered , or pronounced in a definitive way , which was generally dislik't , fremitu aspernabatur , as we are elsewhere told of such assemblies . if the council was divided , diversis diversae parti acclamantibus , they were forc't to adjourn or break up . thus , as 't was amongst the lacedemonians , what was propounded was determined , clamore non calculis . we have the like account of an ecclesiastical synod in the th of the same king. gulielmus dorobernensis congregavit generale concilium omnium ep. & abb. & quarumcunque religiosarum personarum , cui praesedit ipse . this we see was an episcopal council , and the bishop was president , but then confluxerant quoque illuc magnae multitudines clericorum laicorum tam divitum quam mediocrium , & factus est conventus grandis & inaestimabilis , here was a confluence of the inferiour clergy , and the lay-lords and commons , and the number was beyond account . acta sunt ibi de negotiis saecularibus nonnulla ; being all met together , though upon ecclesiastical affairs chiefly , yet they had colloquium about secular too ; and coming all in their own persons , ( not by way of representation , when they that were chose to come instead of the rest , might receive certain instructions according to the matter propounded for treaty , beyond which they had no power , ) it was not needful that they should know before-hand what they were to treat of , but might fall upon any thing pro re natâ . quaedam quidem determinata , quaedam dilata , quaedam verò propter nimium aestuantis turbae tumultum ab audientiâ judicantium , profligata . it seems they had appointed some judges of the pole , or rather of the noise , and the crowd was so vast , the noise so confused , that of many things they could not make any certain judgement ; some things were determined by a general acclamation , and others were prorogued to a further day . quae autem communi episcoporum consensu in ipso concilio decreta sunt & statuta , sicut illic publicè recitata sunt & suscepta , in hoc opere placuit annotare , &c. here ecclesiastical matters were first debated , and settled amongst the bishops , then they were publickly rehearsed , and either rejected , or suscepta receiv'd by the whole assembly of clergy and laity ; but this was not enough to give them the force of a law , they must have the stamp of royal authority to be currant . rex igitur cum inter haec londoniae moraretur , auditis concilii gestis consensum praebuit & confirmavit statuta concilii à guilielm . cant. arch. & rom. eccles . legati apud westm . celebrati . at this time it seems the king was not in the council , but the canons , though drawn up by the bishops , promulgated before and assented to by the body of the realm , yet had no force till authenticated by the head of the church and state. gervase of dover is little less particular in the account of the ecclesiastical synod in his time , wherein the canons or constitution declaring it unlawful for clergy-men , agitare judicia sanguinis , was embodyed into the laws of the land. ricardus vero cant. arch. totius angliae primas & apostolicae sedis legatus convocato clero angliae celebravit concilium in ecclesiâ beati petri ad westm . . kal. junii dominicâ ante ascensionem dom. afficerunt in hoc concilio omnes suffraganei cantuar. eccles . praeter vigorniens . qui diem clauserat extremum . in hoc concilio ad emendationem anglicanae ecclesiae assensu domini regis & primorum omnium regni haec subscripta promulgata sunt capitula . ad dextram primatis sedit episcopus londinensis quia inter episcopos cantuar. ecclesiae sussraganeos decanatus praeminet dignitate ; ad sinistram sedit episcopus winton . quia cantoris officio praecellit : caeteri tam episcopi quam abbates secundum primogenit . consecrationis suae consederunt . ipse vero archiepiscop . primas , & legatus residens in sublimi post sermonem quem tam facundè quam disertè fecit in communi de scripto legi fecit statuta concilii sui sub hac forma , &c. here it appears that their councils were held by the arch-bishops of cant. that the statutes or canons were drawn up in some private consults of bishops , but they took their force from the assents of the king and all the primores regni , the clergy and laity of the land ; and that the third canon by me cited , was a statute . this to be sure and the other ecclesiastical councils abovementioned , were more than the curia de more . i cannot , as the author of the grand question does , summ up the arguments on both sides ; for i know not one that hath yet been offered , against what i have gone upon , which may be thus represented in short , . that the canons prohibit the judging in capital causes , and all preliminary votes too . . that these canons were received by the great council of the nation , and so became incorporated into , and part of the laws of england . . and that they , running in the terms of judicia agitare , which in the common intendment is of ordinary justice , and the constitution of clarendon particularly referring to the ordinary court of justice , except it can be shewn that clergy-men voted in the ordinary curia ; the court of tenants and officers whilst that court continued , there is not one president against this sense of the law. if it be said they have voted in bills of attainders which in effect are judicia sanguinis : still these are not within the ordinary justice ; however if they are judicia sanguinis , in a strict sense , let them who are concerned , answer the evading the sense of the law. i shall give one plain instance of a great council , and another of an ordinary court in this kings reign , and hasten to the next . circa festum sancti pauli venit dominus rex usque northampton & magnum ibi celebravit concilium de statutis regni sui coram episcopis , comitibus & baronibus terrae , & coram eis per concilium comitum & baronum , militum & hominum suorum hanc subscriptam assisam fecit , &c. this was more than an ordinary curia , and there being the barones terrae ; the milites and homines sui are not to be taken for his feudal tenents , but his liege people . for his ordinary curia we find a clear president in the glossary of that great antiquary sir henry spelman , who if he had lived to finish the second part would certainly have given a compleat body of antiquity . we find in him the form of a fine levy'd in the ordinary curia . haec est finalis conventio facta in curia domini regis apud clarendum anno . regni regis henrici secundi coram domino rege & joh. filio ejus , &c. & aliis baronibus & fidelibus qui tunc ibi praesentes erant , &c. richard the first was spirited to jerusalem , and therefore we must not expect many instances from him of the one sort or t'other , but i am sure the ecclesiastical council at pipewell in northamptonshire , could not be the curia de more . sir hen. spelman calls it concilium pambritanicum , and bromton tells us in general who were at it , amongst others there were all the abbots and priors of the kingdome , but it is very manifest that they were not all tenants in chief , many holding in purâ & perpetuâ eleemosynâ , and others of temporal lords , as appears by the statute of carlisle , ed. . and therefore this was not a court of the kings tenants and officers only . but then in november following he assembled a full parliament at london . rex congregatis episcopis , comitibus , & baronibus regni sui parliamentum habuit & tractatum . this was manifestly more than the curia regis . a great court was held the next year at bury in normandy , ricardus rex angliae festum nativitatis domini quod secunda feria illo anno evenit in normanniâ apud burium cum primatibus terrae illius celebravit . it seems he had held another court in england , for this was the second court , but the great council at london was not of either of the feast days . but let us see whether this distinction is observable in the reign of that prince upon whose charter our dispute is . he was crowned in the presence of a larger representative than the interpreters of his charter have put upon us , a populo terrae susceptus est . king john in one of his charters says , he came to the crown jure hereditario & mediante tam cleri quam populi unanimi consensu & favore . congregatis arch. ep. comitibus & baronibus atque aliis omnibus . this explains who are meant by the magnates regni , which assembled at london in the second of his reign , which , the historian not having mentioned any feast day , or saying barely that the king held his court , is to be taken for the great council : but the records give further light , they shew us that there the queen was crown'd de communi assensu & concordi voluntate arch. episcoporum , comitum , baronum , cleri & populi totius regni : nor is it a wonder that the queen being a foreigner had such a formal consent of the people to confirm her queen , for there had been at least the pretence of a law against any king of england's marrying a foreigner without the consent of the people , and therefore harold pleaded against william the first , when he urg'd his oath for placing the crown upon william's head , and marrying william's daughter , that he could not do either inconsultis principibus , or absque generali senatus & populi conventu & edicto : as another author explains the council , the consent of which harold pleaded to be necessary . from london king john issues out his summons to william king of scots to attend him at lincoln , which summons he was obliged to obey as one of his tenants in chief , but thither came more than tenants in chief , nor was it the place or time for the curia de more , and therefore the curia and general council was united , the king of scots coming as attendant upon the curia , convenerunt interea ad colloquium apud lincolniam , rex anglorum johannes & rex scotorum willielmus cum universà nobilitate tam cleri quam populi utriusque regni vndecimo kalendas decembris . as under the nobility , the senators of scotland , were comprehended all the free-holders at that time beyond dispute , 't is probable at least that our nobility was of the same extent . and for the probability of the assembling of so great a body as the proprietors of both kingdoms must have made even then , 't is observable that the meeting was without the walls , for the city was not able to hold them . the king of scots did homage upon a mountain in conspectu omnis populi , before all the people , the united body of free-holders of both kingdomes . in the third of his reign this king held his curia on christmass at guildford , and this was no more than his military council . multa militibus suis festiva distribuit indumenta , ( that is , ) in festival bounty he gave many coats to his souldiers . and that this was no more , is very evident in that the arch-bishop of canterbury to shew himself a prince in the ecclesiastical empire set up the like court of his tenants and dependants . hubertus verò cantuariensis arch. quasi cum rege à pari contendens eodem modo fecit apud cantuariam . at easter the king held his court at canterbury , where the arch-bishop by sumptuous entertainment of the king hop'd to atone for his former vain-glory. on ascension-day the king issues out his summons from theokesbery , for the holding his ordinary court at whitsontide following at portsmouth , generale proposuit edictum ut comites & barones & omnes qui militare servitium ei debebant , parati essent ad portesmue cum equis & armis ad transfretandum cum eo ad partes transmarinas in die pentecostes iam instante . those that would not pass the seas with him consented to the payment of escuage two marks of silver upon every knights fee , dantes regi de quolibet scuto duas marcas argenti . the next year he held his curia on christmass in normandy . and the year following this , he held his christmass court in normandy likewise . in the year . his curia was held on christmass at canterbury , from thence he went to oxford , where were present more than the members of the ordinary curia ; convenerunt ad colloquium apud oxoniam rex & magnates angliae . indeed what is then given the king is only from his feudal tenants , but that is no argument that therefore no more were there , because the council advis'd him to charge his tenants ; nay , 't is very observable that the historian does not say that they which were there assembled gave , but ubi concessa sunt regi auxilia militaria de quolibet scuto scilicet duae marcae , that is , there escuage was given by or upon them , who held by knights service , or it might be an aid given generally by every one according to the number of acres , or value of his estate in proportion to the valuation of a knights fee. as was usually done in that and succeeding times . and then i take it provision was made for the defence of the kingdome , ( viz. ) that every nine knights throughout the kingdome should find a tenth arm'd at all points to be ready in servitio nostro ad defensionem regni quantum opus fuerit : this to be sure reacht further than to the knights by military tenure ; because every one that held a knights fee was by his tenure to find a man , and consequently this would have been a weak'ning of the kingdome to abate of their services , but it must needs have extended to all that held to the value of a knights fee , though not by knights service . this was provided communi assensu arch. ep. com. baronum & omnium fidelium nostrorum angliae . and so a general land tax . and at the same parliament the king per commune concilium regni made an assise of money . in the year . he held his court at theokesbery which broke up the first day . soon after he call'd together his army , that is , those who were oblig'd by their tenure to attend him ; for though the curia de more was confin'd to certain days , yet the king made the court where-ever he pleas'd to appoint it , and the obligation to attendance at the court was indefinite ; his military council when met , refus'd to go with him beyond sea as he required , whereupon with a few of them he sets out to sea , and after he had coasted about a little , he exacted a great summ of money from those whose tenure could furnish him with a pretence for it , because they discharg'd not the duty of their tenure , occasiones praetendens quod noluerunt ipsum sequi . the next year he held his court on christmass at oxford . the historians give no mark of any thing more than an ordinary curia , but the records do . there was a grant of subsidy upon every mans personal estate per commune concilium & assensum concilii nostri apud oxoniam . this in another record is said to be by the arch. ep. abbates & magnates regni nostri , rot. par. jo. m. . on whitsontide he held his court at portsmouth . in hebdom . pentecostes exercitum grand . apud portesmouth congregavit . but then the christmass following at winchester he held a general council , and that was on the court day . celebravit natale domini apud wintoniam praesentibus magnatibus regni . deinde in purificatione beatae mariae cepit per totam angliam tertiam decimam partem ex omnibus mobilibus & aliis rebus tam de laicis quam de viris ecclesiasticis & praelatis cunctis , murmurantibus sed contradicere non audentibus . here was a grant of what no way belong'd to tenure , and therefore all the magnates regni were privy to it , though 't was done grudgingly . in the year . he held his court on christmass at windsor , where he distributed coats to his souldiers . he held his christmass court at bristol . he held a great council on the feast day at windsor praesentibus omnibus angliae magnatibus . so the year following at york praesentibus comitibus & baronibus regni . . 't was but an ordinary court held at windsor , fuit ad natale apud windsor . . he held his court at westminster with very few tenants ad natale domini tenuit curiam suam apud westmonasterium cum pauco admodum militum comitatu . in this year we find a military summons to more than tenants , and of an extraordinary nature . misit literas ad omnes vicecomites regni sui sub hâc formâ : rex johannes &c. summone per bonos summonitores comites , barones , milites & omnes liberos homines & servientes vel quicunque sint & de quocunque teneant , qui arma habere debent vel arma habere possint , & qui homagium nobis vel ligeantiam fecerunt . quod sicut nos & seipsos & omnia sua diligunt , sint apud deveram ad instant . clausum paschae benè parati cum equis & armis & cum toto posse suo ad defendendum caput nostrum & capita sua & terram angl. et quod nullus remaneat qui arma portare possit sub nomine culvertagii & perpetuae servitutis . et unusquisque sequatur dominum suum . et qui terram non habent & arma habere possint , illic veniant ad capiendum solidatas nostras . hereby all free-men as well as the kings tenents , nay servants , and all that ow'd allegiance to the crown , though not oblig'd to bear arms , if they could get any , were required to give their attendance , and those that had not wherewithal to maintain themselves should have the kings pay : this was upon expectation of an invasion , and therefore the assembly seems to have been as general as the summons ; but there is a shrewd circumstance to induce the belief that many considerable men not holding in chief , thought themselves not oblig'd to attendance till necessity press'd them , for otherwise he would never have been terrified into a dishonourable peace , the parting with all his right of patronage to the pope , and submitting to his pleasure , if he had not been sensible by the absence of many great men that there was truth in the french king's boast , jactat se idem rex chartas habere omnium ferè angliae magnatum de fidelitate & subjectione . but that this was not a general council of the nation appears by the statute of provisors which declares that the popes assuming the jus patronatus was an incroachment , that is usurpation , or unlawful act , which it would not have been , if the comites , barones , and turba multa nimis that unanimously agreed to those shameful terms which king john yielded , had been enough to constitute a full representative of the nation . if they had been call'd to council not to fight , then indeed upon knowledge that matters of general obligation were to be settled , though but few had come , they would have concluded the rest . the army as it was computed were about , but that being made up of servants , villains and all manner of people , 't is not to be supposed that there were there nigh the half of the proprietors , which must have been present , to make any thing of general obligation without notice of its being so intended . of the same nature with this , was that shameful resignation of the crown before mentioned near dover , whereas the first agrreement was at dover . the same year his tenants who were to maintain themselves in his court and army at their own charge , complain that he had kept them out so long that they had spent all their money and could follow him no longer unless he supply'd them out of the exchequer . this year there was a great council at st. albans where were all the magnates regni and there was a confirmation of the laws of hen. the first , whereas we find nothing of that nature at any curia of the kings tenants and officers only . the same year he held his court on christmas at windsor , but a great council was held at oxford , the summons to which mr. selden produces , but sayes the record of it for ought he had seen is without example . rex vicecomiti oxon salutem , praecipimus tibi quod omnes milites ballivae tuae , qui summoniti fuerunt ad nos à die omnium sanctorum in quind . dies , venire facias cum armis suis . upon this part 't is observable , that there had been a general notice or proclamation of the time when he would have those that ow'd him military service to attend with their armes , but the place was not named , for they were to follow him whereever he would have his court , and therefore herein was an apparent grievance in some measure redress'd by his charter two years after in ascertaining the place of meeting to consult of aids and escuage ; but besides these tenants , there were others , corpora vero baronum sine armis singulariter & quatuor discretos milites de comitatu tuo venire facias ad nos ad eundem terminum ad loquendum nobiscum de negotiis regni nostri . teste meipso apud . witten die nov. eodem modo scribitur omnibus vicecomitibus . thus much i take to be clear from it , that here was an union of the ordinary curia regis , the court of the king 's military tenants , who were to attend with their armes , and of peaceable senators , in a great council . if the barones of whom the sheriff was to take special care were only such as were barons by tenure , 't is not supposable , that contrary to the obligation of their tenure , they should be ordered to come unarmed , whil'st only their tenants , or at least inferiour tenants to the king had their swords in their hands ; wherefore barones here must be taken in the most large and comprehensive sense . but this is farther observable , that where the summons was general to all the arch-bishops , bishops , abbots , priors , earles , barons , knights and free-holders , yet there has been a special inquest summoned or taken out of the generality , as in the summons to attend the justices in eyre . summoneas per bonos summ. omnes arch. ep. abb. pri. comit. baron . milites , & liberè tenentes de balliva tua , & de qualibet villâ quatuor legales homines & praepositum , & de quolibet burgo duodecim legales burgenses , &c. and even agreeably to this record of the of king john , we find that in the of henry the third , it was agreed , that there should be quatuor milites inquisitores , four inquisitors in every county , who were to be sworn in the county court , to enquire faithfully into the business of every county , in order to represent it at parliament , which has no semblance of their being the representatives of the counties , only the presenters and methodizers of that business , to which the great council gave their assent or dissent . from this time to the great assembly at rumny mead , i find neither a great council nor curia mentioned , that to be sure was of more than the king's tenants , as i have already shewn ; i shall only observe farther , that it consisted of that army which was got together on both sides . on the peoples side was a very great army comitum , baronum , militum & servientium , peditum & equitum cum communibus villarum & civitatum ; and after this , they had a great accession , by gaining the whole city of london , and all that were neutral before , and even most of those that had kept along with the king : upon this the king condescends to treat , the place is agreed upon , and accordingly convenerunt ad colloquium rex & magnates , who these were the record tells us , and the assembly was as general as the concession on the king's side , concessimus omnibus liberis hominibus nostris regni angliae pro nobis & haeredibus nostris in perpetuum , omnes libertates subscriptas habendas & tenendas eis & haeredibus suis de nobis & haeredibus nostris . even this was a curia regis in a large sense , but not the ordinary curia ; and though 't were the common council of the kingdom , as 't was the assembly of the whole community , yet not the ordinary common council , for that might be , and i need not scruple to say that it was , of the king's tenants and officers , which in that sense , and to the purposes for which of course it met , was the commune concilium regni , yet like the kings ordinary privy council , or his courts of justice long since settled at westminster-hall , they could exercise no act of legislation . if it be said , that the charging tenants with more than was due of custom were such an act , by the same reason the power of making by-laws would argue a legislative power , and there would be a little parliament in every village . without re-examining particular instances i conceive 't is obvious , that admit the ordinary curia regis at any time exercised a power peculiar to the great council , of which i dare boldly say there are very rare if any instances , such that it can be affirm'd with certainty this was an ordinary curia , without a more solemn convention , or summons ; yet in irregular times many of them would not make one legal president , especially against so many declarations and confirmations of the antient laws , and free customes , as princes either to obtain , or assure the crown to them swore solemnly , inviolably to observe and keep . if sometimes the marks of distinction between the curia regis , and the great council are not clearly apparent , in that the curia only might be summon'd ad colloquium , and in that sense might be styl'd parliamentum , though not generale parliamentum , and the generale parliamentum might be , as indeed it alwayes was , curia regis , though not the curia de more : yet the certain difference is upon particular instances , where the full circumstances are set down , alwayes to be known . as the ordinary curia consisted of the kings tenants , and officers ; and there appears no grievance worth publick notice to have lain on the last , nor on the first , as to their attendance at the wars , or as a court of justice , the remedy was properly apply'd by king john's charter , to that wherein they were uneasie , which was the assembling about the matters relating ad servitia to their services , without convenient notice for time , or for the occasion ; so that they might think it was only for matters of ordinary justice , which might go on well enough without them , when it was really to charge them in their properties , by such as should appear , by design and contrivance , which was a great mischief . wherefore for this the redress was , . that they should have forty dayes notice . . that the time , place and occasion of meeting should be ascertained . and then they that were there were justly concluded by the rest , and had no reason to complain of the charge . thus i conceive , i have given a rational account of this charter , and i question whether upon other grounds any man can reconcile it with the records and histories both before and since the charter till the of hen. . when 't is supposed that more than tenants in chief , which compos'd the common council here mentioned , were let into the great , or common council of the kingdom . if they cannot , i conceive they must take my sense . for , this charter was either declarative of the law as 't was before , or introductive of a new law . if the first , then it must be interpreted by the records and histories both before , and since , till a time of change can be assign'd with some colour . if introductive of a new law , then we must see what interpretation practice has put upon it ; not that the sense of a law is alwayes to be interpreted by practice , because then we should think , especially upon the several statutes against provisors , which were rarely executed according to the letter , that we could not judge of the sense of former laws by the plain words . but if the words will any way admit of a double sense , that sense is alwayes to be taken which agrees with constant practice , especially if the sense inclines most towards the practice . i have at large shewn the evident proofs , that to the great council of the nation there us'd to come more than the king's tenants in chief , and consequently this very charter confirming free customes of every particular the place , or of the inhabitants of those places . according to this charter the common council of the nation by law consisted of more than the king's tenants in chief , and that the law was thus there is a very strong proof , which turns upon them who suppose that king john's charter gives us the full form of the great council , and that none but the king's tenants in capite , made the common council or parliament of the kingdom till h. . in the thirty ninth year of h. . several years after he had granted and confirmed that famous charter , which alone obtained the addition of great , so that the magna charta or grand charter of william the first , hen. the first , king stephen , hen. the second , and king john , all lost their names , and were swallowed up in that , the baronagium or omnes fere angliae magnates refused to give a royal aid , demanded of them , the ground of their refusal is very remarkable . quod omnes tunc temporis non fuerunt juxta tenorem magnae cartae suae vocati . this some would render and call king john's charter , and that the complaint was , that the peers had not their particular summons according to the tenour of that charter . were it so , 't would prove nothing for them that urge it ; because it does not appear , but that the aid demanded might have been escuage or taillage , or both , which lay upon the king's tenants only , such a common council as that charter i conceive establishes . but it is cartae suae , not cartae regis johannis patris regis nunc : 't is the then king henry the third's charter , no man will say that 't was the barons charter , and besides it was the great charter , and no other charter then maintained that epithete . but what puts this out of dispute is , that though h. .'s charter was comprehensive of all the fundamentals of the government , and was so many times confirmed , and explained where it was thought needful ; yet there is not one clause referring to the great council of the nation , but what leaves to every particular place , and the inhabitants thereof all ancient customes and liberties ; so that unless it be proved that such a commune concilium regni as is in king john's charter , us'd to compose the great council exclusive of all others , ( excepting what is implyed in the general salvo at the end ) they must needs have referred themselves to the ninth chapter of henry the third's charter ( which indeed is but a revival of the law affirmed in king john's . ) whereby the city of london , all cities , burroughs , vills , townships , or parishes , the barons of the cinque ports , and all other ports were to enjoy all their liberties and free customes . that by villae is meant parishes , or townships . i think may appear from doomsday book , where villa is taken for the next division under an hundred . hic subscribitur inquisitio terrarum quo modo barones regis inquirunt ( viz. ) per sacramentum vicecomitis scirae & omnium baronum & eorum francigenarum & totius centuriae presbyteri praepositi vj. villani uniuscujusque villae . here are the sheriff , the great barons , and clergy-men and headboroughs within every hundred , and six inhabitants of every villa , parish or township , then follows an account of the several lands and tenures by hundreds and villae within those hundreds . now according to the ninth chapter of magna charta custome is to be the legal interpreter what was the great or common council of the nation , and as the whole nation is made up of cities , burroughs , and parishes or townships , they being the integral parts of every county , all the counties of england were to be summon'd according to their free customes . and methinks the right of the counties for their coming to the great council and its being preserved under the free customes of the villae , appears from the plea of the men of coventry the inhabitants of that villa in ed. . they plead and their plea is allowed , that in the times of that king and of his progenitors , which to be sure reaches to the custome before magna charta , they us'd not to be taxt as citizens , burgesses , or tenants of the kings demesn , but only along with the community of the county of warwick , that is , with the whole county and not with the cities , burroughs , and antient demesn of the crown . so that when the commune concilium , in k. john's charter , or the kings tenants in chief , laid any charge or gave an auxilium or aid , this could not affect them ; but when they came , and agreed to any charge with the body of the county , as part thereof , then they were liable , and no otherwise : and indeed the stream of records of both h. . e. . and e. . evidently prove all this : but let us touch the record , ex parte eorundem hominum regi est ostensum quod cum villa praedicta , civitas , burgus , seu dominicum regis non existat , ut homines villae predictae tanquam cives burgenses seu tenentes de dominico regis in aliquibus auxiliis , tallagiis seu contributionibus regi seu progenitoribus suis concessis non consueverunt talliari , sed tantum cum communitate com. warwic . &c. no man will imagine surely the meaning of this plea to be that the vill or town of coventry was not lyable when the kings immediate tenants taxt themselves only , but they were when such tenants taxt the whole county ; for that would have been an admittance of a grievance beyond that against which they petitioned , for by that the kings tenants might have excused themselves , and have laid the burthen upon them who were not tenants in chief , so that it would have been their greatest advantage to claim the priviledge of being tenants to the crown , and in that capacity to have had a right and priviledge to be parties , and consenting to all charges and grants laid upon them , and given to the crown : and for that they might have prayed in aid and pleaded king john's charter , nor should we have met with so many records in those times , whereby so many pleaded off the tenures in capite as chargeable and burthensome ; nay even the tenure of barony it self ; but on the contrary every one would have given the king great summs of money to have changed their tenures to have held in capite ut de coronâ ( when indeed it clearly appears they did the contrary ) because they not only could save their individual estate , if they had the sole power of making laws , and giving taxes , but would have encreased and better'd them by their services and tenures , which capacitated them to lay charge upon all the barons , knights and freeholders of england who held not in chief and who were by far the major part , many of which held of the great lords by such and such duties or payments pro omni servitio , and beyond that were not lyable without their own consents to be charged ; and all this is demonstrative if any will read over and consider the infinite number of pleadings in the ages we speak of , viz. ( for some few instances ) that a. b. holds of c. d. of his mannor of e. by paying s. rent or one bow and arrow , or one horse , or the like , pro omni servitio , or holds of the honour or castle of d. to find one or more men bene paratos cum armis to defend such a postern-gate or such a chamber there when summon'd by the great lord pro omni servitio ; but to charge them without their assent further , was to overthrow the very salvo in the end of henry the thirds , and in king johns charter , which runs thus . salvae sint archiepiscopis , episcopis , abbatibus , prioribus , templariis , hospitalariis , comitibus , baronibus , militibus & omnibus aliis tam ecclesiasticis personis quam secularibus omnes libertates & consuetudines quas prius habuerunt . if king john's charter , in the particular of which our dispute is , introduced a new law , then we must examine only what custome or practice followed upon it , or who made the common or great councils of the nation from that time to the th of henry the . that is , were of right to come , or to have notice of the councils sitting juxta tenorem magnae cartae suae , as is insisted upon in . the th of henry the . as above mentioned . that they were more than tenants in capite , which made the commune concilium in king johns charter , the record of the th of this king henry , where two for every county , besides tenants in chief ; were summon'd , were enough to evince . we there find writs to all the sheriffs of england , to summon the lesser tenants in chief , the omnes alios qui in capite tenent de nobis , as in k. johns charter , and two more to be chosen by every county respectively , the precepts recite ( though 't were falsum & deceptorium , as the historian tells us ) that the earls , barons , & caeteri magnates regni , had promis'd to be at london with horse and arms , to go towards portsmouth , in order to passing the seas with the king for gascony , against the french king who then was in war with king henry . mandamus ( says the record ) quod omnes illos de ballivâ tuâ , qui tenent viginti libratas terrae de nobis in capite , vel de aliis , qui sunt infra aetatem & in custodiâ nostrâ ad idem distringas , which was to perform their personal services , which not requiring their crossing the seas , here is a suggestion that 't was by the advice of the great council . but besides the services of tenants in chief , who were to be out upon their charges no longer than forty days ; the king wanted a supply of moneys to maintain them beyond that time , and therefore for this he directs a representative of the several counties . tibi districtè praecipimus quod praeter omnes praedictos venire faciatis coram concilio nostro apud west . in quind . paschae prox . fut . quatuor legales & discretos milites de comitatibus praedictis quos iidem com. ad hoc elegerint vice omnium & singulorum eorundem , viz. duos de uno com. & duos de alio ad provid . unà cum militibus aliorum com. quos ad eund . diem vocari fecimus , quale auxilium nobis in tantâ necessitate impendere voluerint . these were to come vice omnium & singulorum , instead or in the place of all the free-holders of the county , which asserts their personal right : but further , et tu ipse militibus & aliis de com. praed . necessitatem nostram & tam urgens negotiam nostrum diligenter exponas & ad competens auxilium nobis ad praesens impendend . efficaciter inducas , ita quod praefati quatuor milites praefato concilio nostro ad praed . term . pashae respondere possint super praed . auxil . pro singulis comitat. these were properly to come in the stead of all , for they were only deputies to carry the sense of their principals , the matter was to be propounded in the county courts before the knights there chose , & aliis , and the rest of the free-holders ; this whole assembly was to be moved to grant a large contribution , and the knights were to make the tender of their present , before the king and his council ; if the county had wholly refused , the knights had no power then to grant for them , so says the record , for it was to be propounded to all , ita quod , the knights might answer for an aid from the county . and it seems whether the counties chose deputies or not , or gave them not full instructions , the king was not able to work upon them that met at the place and time then appointed , but they broke up in great discontent . et sic cum summa indignatione tristes admodum proceres recesserunt . but if the tenants in chief made the common council of the kingdom till h. . and had a power to tax the rest of the nation de alto & basso ad meram voluntatem suam : why this summons for a representative of the counties ? the very next year , being the th above-mention'd , the king sollicites them for aid . they tell the king he undertook that war against france , for which he demanded aid , sine consilio suo & baronagii sui . and when some were for complying with the kings demands : they answer , that all were not call'd according to the tenour magnae cartae suae , that is , of this kings great charter . now whether this were because many who were exempted from common summons ( for many such there were by particular charters ) had not special summons , singulatim from the king himself , or that he put a representative upon them , whereas they might plead that 't was their free custome to come themselves in person , or send as many as they pleased in their names , i need not determine ; it being enough that here were more than tenants in capite . but a mighty argument has been raised against inferiour proprietors or the barones , milites & liberè tenentes , which held not of the king , being part of the great or common council of the nation , upon such records as mention their being summon'd coram concilio . and in effect the force resolves into this , they are no part of the kings standing council , the assistants to him and his lords , or of his common council of tenants and officers in the curia , therefore no part of the great or common council of the kingdome . to clear this , i need offer but one instance of many . at christmass in the th of hen. the . he held his curia at oxford , but 't was more than a curia de more . tenuit curiam suam praesentibus comitibus & baronibus regni , words of an extensive sense , or ad natale dom. fuit apud oxoniam ubi festa natalitia solemniter cum suis magnatibus celebravit . we have a record of a subsidy granted that year , probably in that very curia , coram nobis & concilio nostro praesentibus arch. cant. ep. com. & magnatibus nostris de communi omnium voluntate . now many of these were members both of the standing council and curia too , and yet were coram nobis & concilio nostro : but the meaning of it is , that this was granted either before the king and his standing council , or the king in his curia by all these , that is , here was a conjunction of all councils in one , adunatis conciliis . but because here are only com. bar. & magnates mentioned as if here were not any but great lords : 't is to be observed , and cannot be denied by any antiquary , that free-holders , and they that came from the counties as the representatives of such , had the appellation of magnates , even a long while after : and therefore much rather before , when lands had fewer owners , the owners , especially such as came in their own persons , were magnates . in the of this king in parliamento london . so mat. westm . p. . rex angliae r. comes norfolc . &c. caeterique magnates angliae , consented to the excommunication of all the violators of the great charter . rex & praedicti magnates , that is , as is explain'd by fleta who was judge in the th of edward the first , archiepiscopi , episcopi , abbates regni angliae , priores , comites , barones , milites , & alii magnates : the record goes on , & communitas populi protestantur publicè in praesentiâ arch. cant. nec non & episcoporum omnium in eodem colloquio existentium . in cujus rei test . & in posterum veritatis testimonium tam dominus rex quam praed . comites ad instantiam magnatum & populi praesentium scripto sigilla sua apposuerunt . here the communitas populi were the communitas civitatum & burgorum ; for the rest were magnates , the king and some earls subscribed at the desire of the rest . perhaps by this time they that suppose the commune consilium regni within king john's charter to have been a full parliament , or great council , till the th of henry the third , will compound for their notion , and will yield , that more than such often came to council , but that 't was of courtesie , and that the king 's immediate tenants alone could charge the rest , and often did . for which they have two false grounds ; though perhaps but one within the time we are now upon , yet both are worth notice . . they take it for granted , that the lords us'd to answer for their tenants in benevolences out of parliament ; and upon this weak , and at least uncertain foundation , they build the supposition , that they at other times represented them in all great and publick councils . . ( which falls within the time ) that it should seem by record , that the immediate tenants have charg'd others without their consent . . to prove that the lords answered for their tenants , they run back as far as william the second's reign ; when his brother robert sent to him to borrow ten thousand marks of silver , proffering normandy for security for repayment . the bishops , abbots , and abbesses , brake in pieces the silver and gold ornaments of their churches , the earls , barons , and sheriffs , suos milites spoliaverunt , that is , robbed those which were under them ; and 't is a fine president for the right of the thing , which carries sacrilege and robbery in the face of it . here the sheriffs robb'd or took away from the freeholders that were within their ball'ia or balliva , and the lords took from the tenants within theirs ; wherefore if the lords could charge their tenants , the sheriffs could the freeholders : but i would fain see one president , that the kings tenants ever answer'd for them that were within their ball'ia , further than the sheriffs did for those within theirs , which at the most was as collectors under the king , of what was duly charg'd upon their tenants ; but generally i take it , they did no more than certifie how many held of the king within their precinct , as the jurisdiction of great men extended its self within such a compass , they were best able to give the king an account of those that were liable to any payment within that ball'ia . and thus in henry the second's time , the king issues out his precept , that quilibet praesul et baro should certifie quot milites tenerent de ipso rege in capite ; this was for escuage towards the marriage of the kings daughter , to which all that held in capite were lyable ; and here the great lords were to certifie for the resiants within the compass of their leet or ball'ia , though they held not of them , but of the king : upon such certificate , according to the number they return'd , so many were enter'd in the exchequer rolls , under the name of such a lord ; and thus we find it expresly in the case of the prior of coventry . compertum est in rotulo regis h. tertii sub titulo de auxilio ad primogenitam filiam regis maritandam , viz. de quolibet scuto s. contineri sic . prior de coventry reddit compotum de l. de decem feodis de quibus quidem decem libr ’ . willi ’ tunstall vic. dicti comitatus in compoto suo de anno ipsius regis h. oneratus fuit . here so many knights fees are enter'd under the prior's name , but the sheriff collected for them . upon this the prior pleads , hoc ei non prejudicat in hac parte , dicit enim quod auxilia illa non fuerunt nec censeri possunt esse servitia , imò quaedam subsidia per magnates et communitatem régni spontaneâ et merâ voluntate regi concessa , et tam de tenentibus aliorum quam de tenentibus de domino rege levanda . 't is observable , the ground of demanding for so many knights fees was the entry on the roll in the th . of henry the d. and he pleads , that at that time the coumunitas regni were parties to the grant ; and that it was charg'd by , and lay upon more than tenants of the king in chief , but that he was chargeable upon the account of aid or service with but two knights fees , which he says may appear by the certificate of the then prior , de feodis quae ipse tunc prior tenuit de veteri feoffamento , that is , the number of knights with which he was to serve , according to the first infeodation from the crown , & de novo , which is the number of knights fees rais'd under him by sub-infeodations , the first were all that he could be answerable for , but the second could not be charg'd without their own consent , the charges upon such were , quaedam subsidia per magnates & communitatem regni spontaneâ & merâ voluntate regi concessa . and thus we find the records , ( . ) that the kings tenants were answerable no farther than according to the vetus feoffamentum . so in the th . of henry the d. the sheriff is requir'd to shew cause why he distrain'd a man for two knights fees , who pleads that he held but one , de veteri feoffamento . monstravit , &c. quod cum non teneat de veteri feoffamento nisi feod . unius militis in comitate tuo tu exig . &c. quantum pertinet ad feod . duorum militum & eâ occatione averia sua cepisti , &c. ( . ) that lords of mannors could not charge their tenants without their consent . rex omnibus & liberè tenentibus de episcopatu lond. reciting the great debts which the bishop had contracted in the kings service , the king earnestly entreats the bishops tenants to make a contribution towards the supply of his necessities , which surely need never have been , if the bishop had by virtue of the feudal law , power of charging his tenants , or raising upon them what he had pleas'd . unde vos affectuosè rogamus quatenus amoris nostri intuitu efficax ei faciatis auxilium ad debita sua quibus pro favore nostro honoratus est . ita quod exaudita in hac parte prece nostrâ precibus vestris pro loco & tempore nobis porrigendis aures benignas exhibere debeamus . ( . ) when there was a grant of more than from the kings immediate tenants , whose grants were in the nature of services , if it reacht beyond the vetus feoffamentum , 't was spontanea voluntate suâ & sine consuetudine . ( . ) but there is a knocking record which i wonder i find no where insisted upon , to prove the kings tenants to charge others . sciatis quod arch. episc . abbates , priores , comites , barones & omnes alii de regno nostro qui de nobis tenent in capite spontaneâ voluntate suâ & sine consuetudine concess . nobis efficax auxilium , &c. undeprovisum est quod habeamus de singulis feodis militum & wardis quae de nobis tenent in capite duas marcas ad praed . auxilium . here was a grant only from tenants in capite , and yet it may be urged , that other records explaining this , shew , that the grant reacht to the novum feoffamentum , as well as the vetus . but it will be said , that i make an argument for them , which they are wiser than to offer , since the records of this very cleerly overthrow it ; yet if there be no better , i may offer this , that they may cultivate and improve it . the matter of fact , i take it , was , that the tenants in capite granted by themselves a charge upon the vetus feoffamentum , and the record which mentions their grant goes no farther , but another record of a grant from ecclesiastick tenants in chief is more express , and explains the other . cum peteremus à praelatis angliae quod nobis auxilium facerent , pro magnâ necessitate nostrâ de quâ eis constabat , viz. epis . abbatibus abbissis , prioribus & priorissis qui de nobis tenent in capite ipsi nobis liberaliter concesserunt auxilium tale , viz. de singulis feodis militum suorum s. de tot feodis de quot ipsi tenentur , nobis respondere quando nobis faciunt servitium militare . this is express , that the tenants in capite , granted only for so many knights fees as were of the vetus feoffamentum , that is , so many as they were to answer for , when they were to perform their military services to the crown . but whereas in the th . the tenants in capite were said to have made such a grant , and at the same time there was a grant which reacht to the tenants de novo feoffamento , the record mentioning that , shews us that more than tenants were parties to the grant. rex vic. somer . salutem sciatis quod comites & barones , & omnes alii , de toto regno nostro angliae spontaneâ voluntate suâ & sine consuetudine concess . nobis efficax auxilium ad magna negotia nostra expediend ▪ unde provisum est , de consilio illorum quod habeamus de singulis feodis quae de nobis tenent in capite & de wardis tam de novo feoffamento quam de veteri duas marcas . whether the tenants in capite granted at this council by themselves , or all agreed in one body , is not material , but here is a grant from all , jointly or severally ; i will shew one instance , which is barely of such a commune concilium regni , as king john's charter exhibits . rex bar. quia per commune concilium com. baronum & aliorum magnatum nobiscum in walliâ nuper existentium provisum est quod nos & ipsi qui servitium nobis fecerunt , ibidem habeamus scutagium nostrum , viz. de sicuto s. pro exercitu nostro wall ’ anno regni nostri . vobis mandamus quod de omnibus feodis militum quae tenentur de nobis in capite vel de wardis in manu nostra existentibus exceptis feod . illorum qui brevia nostra habuerunt de scutag . suo habendo levari fac . scutag . nostrum ▪ here was a common council of tenants , such is according to their obligation of their tenure , had attended the king in his wars , and they laid escuage upon them which did not perform their services due , which still were only tenants in chief , and the tenants of the king's wards which were liable to the same service , and they which made default , were to pay escuage to the king , which he says was to his tenants too , in as much as he out of that satisfi'd their charges beyond the duty of their tenure . i think i have clear'd my way to the treasury of records in this kings reign , which acquaints us with the members of the great council of the nation . as before is observ'd , for the obtaining magna charta , and charta de forestâ , the arch. episc . abbates , priores , comites , barones , milites & liberè tenentes & omnes de regno granted a subsidie . there is a grant of carvage , which bracton says , us'd to be consensu communi totius regni , not being a service , or such as tenants only us'd to charge or pay the reward , has it , omnes magnates & fideles totius regni nostri , granted de qualibet carucatâ duos solidos . the king in his letter to the pope , says , that he had summon'd to northampton , arch. episc . abb'es ac omnes magnates totius regni , to give him concilium & auxilium . the king undertook a foreign voiage , de communi concilio omnium comitum & baronum nostrorum angliae . a fourth part of their moveables is granted by the archiepiscopi , episc . abbates , priores & clerici terras habentes quae ad ecclesias suas non pertinent , comites barones , milites , liberi homines , & villani de regno nostro . so that 't is plain here , who made the cōmune conciliū regni , and gave the subsidie , the arch-bishops , bishops , abbots , priors , inferior landed clergy-men , the counts , barons , knights , free men , it being a grant of goods not lay'd upon land ; and that it may fully express the parties to the grant , the record tells us there were the villani the inhabitants of every villa . a provision about the sheriffs turns , hundred-courts , wapentakes , and the courts of lords of mannors was de communi concilio domini cant. & omnium episc . comitum , & baronum & aliorum . comites & barones & omnes alii de toto regno nostro concess . nobis efficax auxilium , &c. it is provided , coram venerab . patre cant. arch. & coram majori parte episc . comitum & baronum totius regni nostri angliae , that no assize of darrein presentment shall be taken of any prebendary belonging to a cathedral church . at a parliament , cum ad mandatum nostrum convenirent , apud west . archiepisc . abbates , priores comites & barones totius regni nostri & tractatum haberent nobiscum de statu nostro & regni nostri , they grant a subsidy archiepis . abbates ▪ priores , & cler ’ terras habentes quae ad ecclesias suas non pertinent . comites , barones , milites , & liberi homines pro se & suis villanis . m. partem omnium mobilium suarum . nus volens & otroiens ke ce ke nostre — la greignure partie de eus ki est esluz paromis & par le commune da nostre roiaume a fet u fera al honir de dieu & nostre foi & pur le profit de nostre roiame sicum il ordenera seit ferm & estable en tuites chesel a tuz jurz commandous a tuz noz faus & leaus en la fei kil mis devient kil fermement teignent & jurgent a tenir & meintenir les establissements que sunt fet u sunt a fere par lariont dit conseil . this agrees with what was done afterwards , in the d . of this king , and it seems by this , that even in the th . par le commune de nostre roiaume , by the whole realm or great council , the king had a special council assigned , which was to have an extraordinary power . magnates nostri ad sedem apostolicam appellarunt & quosdam pro universitate totius baronagii angliae ad concilium in brevi celebrand ’ ad appellacionem pred ’ prosequendam duxerunt destinandos . the barnagium here according to mat. paris , were , barones , proceres & magnates , ac nobiles portuum maris habitatores , nec non clerus , & populus universus . the pope had order'd , de apostolicâ se●e , that a years profit of the churches which were of the gift of lay-men , should be settled by way of subsidy upon the church of canterbury ; but 't was deny'd in full parliament . magnates terrae nostrae noluerunt in ultimo parliamento nostro quod fuit london ut de ecclesiis ad donationem laicorum spectantibus &c. in parliamento nostro oxon. communiter fuit ordinatum , that was about settling and new modelling some things relating to the government , which the king promiseth should be done , per concilium proborum et fidelium hominum nostrorum regni angliae unà cum consilio legati domini papae . pur le profit de nostre reaum et a la request de mes hauz homes e prodes homes e du comun de nostre reaume . the king and people having in the d. agreed upon a standing council , and that what they did in the way of settlement , should be effectual , and acquiesced in on all sides . cum &c. promiserimus praedictis proceribus et magnatibus nostris quod reformac'onem et ordinac'onem per praedictos vigitni quatuor vel majorem partem eorum faciend ’ ratam habebimus et firmam . &c. hereupon in the th they order a representation of . for every county , pro ea vice , but do not yet settle it for a standing rule . cum ex parte episcopi wign ’ com. leicester & gloucester ac quorundam aliorum procerum regni nostri vocati sunt tres de singulis comitatibus nostris quod sint coram ipsis ad sanctum albanum secum tractaturi super communibus negotiis regni nostri . here the lords of the council exceeded their power , and , as if the king were a cypher in the government , would have the knights from the several shires come before them ; the king , not without reason , jealous of his honour , commands , that they which had been summoned to st. albans , should come to him at windsor . nobiscum super premissis colloquium habituros . venerab . pater g. eboracensis arch. angliae primas et alii praelati magnates milites liberè tenentes et omnes alii de regno nostro servitium fecerunt et auxilium ultra quā tēporibus retractis in aliis sūmonitionibus exercitus nostri facere consueverunt . this the king promises should not be drawn into consequence ; upon an extraordinary occasion they that were not accustomed to perform military service , did it then ; and they that did owe services , did more than they were oblig'd to by their tenure ; all , as well those that held not of the king in chief , as those which did , joyn'd together and made a general charge upon the kingdom of subsidium et auxilium . in the th of this king , there was a right understanding between him and his people , the record sayes , haec est forma pacis a domino rege et domino edwardo filio suo praelatis et proceribus omnibus et communitate regni angliae communiter et concorditer approbata , &c. amongst other things , 't was agreed , ad reformac'onem status regni angliae , that they should chuse men who should have power from the king to name nine that should be the kings standing council ; and if any of the three displeas'd the community , si videatur communitati prelatorum et baronum , one or more was to be plac'd in their room , per consilium communitatis praelatorumet baronum . and the record concludes , haec autem ordinatio facta fuit apud london de consensu voluntate et praecepto domini regis necnon praelatorum , baronum ac etiam communitatis tunc ibi praesentium . the council so chose as aforesaid , were to advise the king in hiis quae spectant ad regimen curiae , et regni . and at that time , or immediately upon it , rex statuit et ordinavit , as mr. camden tells us , whose authority i shall enforce , that none of the multitude of barons should come to parliament , but they to whom the king vouchsaf'd to send his special summons , or were chose by the people , in pursuance of the alia illa brevia . what i have already drawn from the bowels of antiquity , makes me think that mr. selden was arriv'd to this maturity of judgment , when he put out the first edition of his titles of honour ; wherein he received without doubting the testimony of the learned clarenceulx mr. camden , concerning the new modelling of the great council of england , which mr. camden tells us , he has out of an author old enough to know the truth of his assertion ; upon this authority , mr. selden took it then pro concesso , that the alteration was as is there shewn , and began in the th of hen. the third , and that the first summons accordingly was the th ; which he illustrates by the like many years after in scotland . item , the king with the consent of the hail council generally , hes statute and ordained , that the small baronnes , and free tennentes , neid not to come to parliaments nor general councels , swa that of ilk shirefdome their be send , chosen at the head court of the shirefdome , twa or maa wise men after the largeness of the shirefdome . all bishops , abbots , priors , dukes , earls , lords of parliament , and banrets , the quhilks the king will be received and summon'd to council and parliament , be his special precept . this i conceive is an illustration of mr. camden's authority . ad summum honorem pertinet , speaking of the word baro. ex quo rex henricus ex tantâ multitudine quae seditiosa et turbulenta fuit optimos quosque rescripto ad comitia parlamentaria evocaverit : ille enim , ( ex satis antiquo authore loquor ) post magnas perturbationes et enormes vexationes inter ipsum regem , et simonem de monte forti & alios barones motas , & sopitas statuit & ordinavit quod omnes illi comites & barones regni angliae quibus ipse rex dignatus est brevia summonitionis dirigere venirent ad parlament ’ suum , & non alii nisi forte dominus rex alia illa brevia dirigere voluisset , sed quod ille paulo ante obitum incepit ed. . ejusque successores constanter observarunt , unde illi soli regni barones censebantur qui ejusmodi summonitionum ut vocant rescriptis ad comitia evocaverant , donec r. . joannem de beauchamp de holt baronem de kiderminster diplomate dato . octob. anno nostri sui . . creaverit . the substance of this is , that the word baro , was applicable to the whole people , the body of free-holders , especially as assembled in parliament , till the king confer'd particular honour upon some by his especial writs of summons , and none other came , but in pursuance of the aliae illa brevia , that is , the writs for elections in counties , cities , and boroughs : that this was begun to prevent those tumults , of which both the king , and the barons , had fatal experience . that this was enacted in due form of law ; though the form is not express'd , yet 't is imply'd under the statuit & ordinavit , being words of legislation , and for confirmation , that it was so , it has been followed ever since : and that the barons by creation , who have ever since their creation had right to sit as of the higher order previous to their sitting or express summons , came not in till the th . of richard the second . against this mr. selden , whose insight into records and ms's made him take it ill that any should escape his view , has rais'd these objections . ( . ) in all occurrences that i meet with ▪ since the grand charter of king john , i find no mention of any interest that those other tenants in chief , eo nomine , had in parliament , who doubtless were the persons that were excluded from it , when soever such law was made . tanti viri pace , this objection comes not nigh the point , it not being prov'd at least , that king john's charter gives the form of a parliament or general council , or of any other than a council of the kings tenants , for matters belonging to their tenure : and this sense mr. selden himself confirms , when he says , that he finds not that the minores barones in chief , or those other tenants in chief , eo nomine , had any interest in parliament ; now not having any peculiar interest , what need of a particular exclusion ? ( . ) besides , we have some good testimany of barons being distinguish'd by holding in chief , from others that held not in chief , long before the end of henry the third , or the time to which that ancient author refers the law of alteration , which seems to shew , that there were then barons by writ only ; as well as ancient barons by tenure : that testimony in mat. paris , rex edicto publicè proposito ( saith , he , speaking of the th . of henry the third , et submonitione generaliter facto fecit notificari per totam angliam ut quilibet baro. tenens ex rege in capite haberet prompta & parata regali praecepto omnia servitia militaria , quae ei debentur tam episcopi & abbates quam laici barones . barons holding in capite are mention'd here as if some held not so , which must be such as were barons by writ only . thus much he yeilds here . if there were not barons by writ , there being in those times other barons besides barons by tenure , mr. camden and his author were in the right , and the word baro , was of large extent , that is reacht to every free-holder , who according to sir henry spelman , had that appellation . however it does not follow , because there were other barons besides barons by tenure , that they must be by writ ; for what hinders , but that they might have been by reason of their possessions , and the freer from feudall tenure , so much the rather barones , as free-men . the distinction of barones majores and minores , i take it has been moveable , sometimes all the tenants in chief were majores , as in henry the seconds time , where the barones secundae dignitatis , that is , minores , are added to sit upon the judgments with the tenants in chief : in king john's time we find majores barones holding in chief , & alios , so that , the estates of the great barons being parcel'd out , some that held immediately of the king , were minores barones , by reason of the smallness of their estates . but this is clear from record , that writs of special summons made none barons out of parliament , whatever they did in parliament , except where there was such an unusual clause as we find in a writ of summons , h. . volumus enim vos & heredes vestros masculos de corpore vestro legitimè exeuntes barones de vescey existere . here was a special clause of creation to a barony ; but if the usual writs , quatenus , writs of summons , made none barons out of parliament , and there is not the least ground of conjecture , that such writs were devis'd in the time of henry the third , it follows , that when henry the third summon'd only his own tenants to perform their military services , not to parliament , and these were barones tenentes in capite , but there were other barons omitted , that these barons must have been such , by reason of their freehold . that an usual writ , or writs of summons , made none barons out of parliament , appears very fully in the case of thomas de furnivall , in the court of exchequer . thomas de furnivall had been amerced tanquam baro. he pleads in discharge of his amercement , that he was no baron , nor held by barony , or part of a barony , licet ipse baro non sit , nec terram suam per baroniam vel partem baroniae teneat , nihilominus idem thomas pro quibusdam defaltis in quibusdam curiis , &c. in eisdem curiis tanquam baro amerciatus fuit . now according to mr. selden's notion , he ought to have pleaded that he was no baron , in that he neither held by barony , nor had receiv'd or us'd to receive special writs of summons to parliament . but 't is observable , that the only matter put in issue by the direction of the court , was , whether he held by barony , or no , et quia barones ante quam ulterius , &c. volunt certiorari super superius suggestis . concordatum est quod inquiratur inde & quod robertus de nottingham rememerator hujus scaccarii assignetur ad capiend ’ inde inquis , &c. et datus & dies prefato thom. per attornatum suum pred hic à die pasche in unum mensem ad audiend & reccipiend inde quod cur. &c. there was an inquisition directed into the several counties , where he had lands to know how he held them , and according as his tenure appear'd to be , was he to receive judgment upon his plea ; and 't is certify'd , upon the inquisitions taken , that he held not any land per baronium vel partem baroniae , and therefore according to the sense of the whole court , though we find not the judgment then given , non fuit baro. and yet this man had been call'd to thirty parliaments before the time of his plea ; and his son , as i take it , was call'd to seven in the life-time of his father , thomas de furnivall sen. summonitus fuit per breve ad parl ’ rot. claus . ed. . m. . dorso . rot. claus . ed. . m. . d. . ed. . m. . d . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. , . d. . m. , . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. rot. claus . ed. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. thomas de furnival , jun. rot. claus . . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. . d. . m. d. . m. . d. . m. . d. this great man was no baron in the sense of the word baron then appropriated , the several writs of summons had made him no baron , and yet he was a lord of parliament , and since the king dignatus est brevia summonitionis ad eum dirigere , according to mr. camden , he being before one of the multitude of barons , the word baro which was applicable to all the nobility , the free-holders in him , pertinebat ad summum honorem . mr. selden's last objection is this , ( . ) that old author also used by the learned camden , speaks of earls no otherwise than of barons , as if some like exclusion had been of any of them also ; than which nothing can be more advers to the known truth both of that age , and all times , and even in that we have some character of the slightness of his authority , whosoever he were . this i conceive can be of no great weight , for he might as well have said that barons were never excluded before , and by the same consequence not then ; for i know not how any man can prove , that earls had more right than barons , in the most honourable acceptation especially . but this being then made a law , 't is not improbable , that the disposition of this honour of receiving particular writs of summons to parliament , might have been lodg'd in the breast of the king , who is the fountain of honour ; nor is it likely that any earl , but he that justly forfeited the kings favour , would have been denied it ; however , he were deprived of no natural right . since the th . of richard the second , indeed , the nobility have had settled rights by patents , which are as so many constant warrants for the chancellor to issue out the writs of summons , ex debito justitiae ; with this agrees the great antiquary , sir henry spelman . sic antiquae illa baronum dignitas secessit in titularem & arbitrariam regioque tandem diplomate id circo dispensata est . upon the dissolution of the separate court of tenants , the tenants still succeeding to that jurisdiction and preference in the way of being call'd to the great court , which they had in and to the less , without such a provision as mr. camden takes notice of , i will grant , that the majores barones holding in chief , ex debito justitiae , would have had right to special summons , but the lesser tenants had the same right to a general summons ; and the right of being represented , as properly concluded , the one as the other , unless where the king had exerted his prerogative . but where the king ex tantâ multitudine baronum , differing in their circumstances , ( some holding of him immediately , others of measn lords , and his very tenants being divided into two different classes , of majores and minores ) advanc'd some to be of his particular council in parliament . this , with submission , i take it , made them not judges in parliament , eonomine ▪ because a court may amerce its own members , but counts and barons by magna charta , are not amerceable but by their peers , and therefore none but their peers could without their own consent be of the court with them ; which though they might be with consent , as to all acts amongst themselves , still it would be a question how far they might without particular patent or writ creating them to such honour ; act in that station to the prejudice of others . that special summons to parliament , without a seat there granted and settled by the king , gives no man vote amongst those who now have right to such summons , appears , in that the judges and masters in chancery have had the same writs with the lords ; and yet are , and have been , but assistants to them , no members of their house . the great tenents in chief , and others , in equal circumstances , were pares to one another , and if such an one was chose knight of a shire , though the lord coke says , the king could not grant a writ to supersede his coming that was so chose , because 't was for the good of the commonwealth ; yet he being look'd upon as one that ordinarily would be specially summon'd , the king might supersede it ; and thus we find even before any settled right by patent . rex vicecomiti surria salutem , quia ut accepimus tu thomam camoys chivaler , qui banneretus est sicut quam plures antecessorum suorum extiterint ad essendum . unum militum venientium ad proximum parliamentū nostrū pro coōmunitate comitatus praedicti de assensu ejusdem comitatus elegisti , nos advertentes quod hujusmodi banneretti , ante haec tempora in milites comitatus ratione alicujus parlamenti eligi minimè consueverunt , ipsum de officio militis ad dictum parlamentum pro communitate com ’ praedict venturi exonerari volumus , &c. when tenants in chief , oreorum pares , werce call'd by special writ , they very properly exercised the same jurisdiction which tenants did before in their separate court. in the th . of richard the second , many having refused attendance , and not owning themselves liable to amercements , because of absence , if tenure laid not a special obligation upon them , comes an act of parliament which makes it penal to refuse , or rather delares , that the law was so of old . all singular persons and communalties ▪ which from henceforth shall have the summons of parliament , shall come from henceforth to the parliament , in the manner as they be bounden to do , and hath been accustomed , within the realm of england of old times , and every person of the same realm , which from henceforth shall have the said summons ( be he arch-bishop , bishop , abbot , prior , duke , earl , baron , banneret , knight of the shire , citizens of city , burgeis of burgh , or other singular person , or commonalty , do absent himself , and come not at the said summons , except he may reasonably and honestly excuse himself to our said sovereign lord the king , he shall be amerced , and otherwise punished , as of old times hath been used to be done in the said realm ) in the said case . this shews that of old time , they who were summon'd by the king , or chose by the people , ought to come to parliament ; but this being before any patent , or writ of creation to the dignity of peer , and to a seat in parliament , supposes no obligation upon the king to give any special summons ; indeed where he had granted charters of exemptions from common summons , there he had oblig'd himself ( if he would have them oblig'd by what pass'd ) to give special summons , were it not that they might have been chose in the counties particularly , ( which alters the case from what it were , if every body came , or might come in their own persons , some by special , others by general summon's ) but this exemption , and particular summon's after it , made none peers that they found not so , but they that came were to come as they were bounden , and insuch manner , as had been accustomed of old . which is pregnant with a negative , as if it were in such manner , and no other manner , quality , or degree : and thus they us'd that to come as assistants to the lords , continue even at this day to come in the same manner , and no otherwise , notwithstanding particular writs of summon's eodem modo as to the lords of parliament . this is further observable , that in the forecited statute , and records , bannerets are spoken of as above knights of the shire , and these were certainly some of the pares baronum which often occur to us . if these receiv'd their summons to parliament , it seems , as it had been of old accustomed , they were to have voices with the barons . it may be urg'd , that they which held by barony , and their peers , pares baronum , were by the law exempted from being of common juries , because they were lords of parliament : and therefore they were to come of course and right . to which it may be answerered , that is a priviledge above the rest of their fellow subjects , to be own'd by them , as being in common intendment likely to be call'd to parliament , and therefore so accounted by the courtesy of england ; but what do's this signifie to bind the king ? who is above the reach of an act of parliament , unless particularly nam'd . but for this a resolution by all the judges of england in the reign of hen. the th . is a full authority , where 't is adjudged , that the king may hold his parliament without such lords as come onely upon the account of their possessions . the same in effect mr. selden tells us , in in his notes upon eadmerus , neque eos ( speaking of barones ) duntaxat ut hodie significare , quibus peculiaris ordinum comitiis locus est , sed universos qui saltem beatiores regia munificentia &c. latifundia possidebant . so that he was of opinion here , that there were several who had great estates of the immediate grant of the crown , who yet had no seat in the house of lords . i would not be thought to assert any thing dogmatically , i onely offer by way of learning , some thing which perhaps will be look'd on as paradoxes at the least . i divide not my matter into heads and positions , because i run counter to the sense of many great names : and the direct opposing such in thesi would be invidious , and gain a disadvantage to the authorities i produce . if any body will take the pains to shew me , by authentick proofs and warrantable reasons , that all or most of the records or histories by me cited , or others not occurring to me , ought to be taken in a sense contrary to what has appeared to me , i shall thankfully receive and acknowledg his instructions ; but till then i must crave pardon if i cannot swallow or digest any learned modern antiquarie's bare ipse dixit , where i find the best of our historians and a series of records in my judgment diametrically opposing and contradicting their positions and assertions i am aware , that besides the many slips of an hasty pen , and the weakness perhaps of several of the inferences , which amongst some avocations may have pass'd neglected ; there is a material objection against the foundation of the whole , which is the general agreement of records and histories , that till the th or th of henry the third , all proprietors of land came to the great council without any settled exclusion ▪ when yet we many times find that the councils were held in churches , or halls , and yet at those times 't is said that the populus were there as if the great men were the standing representative body of the nation , and answer'd for all the people , the freeholders of the nation . to which i answer , ( according to the modus tenendi synodos , which i may apply to the civil councils ) that the probi homines , or bonae conversationis came sometimes in their own persons , and when they agreed to it , which was no abridgment of their personal right , they came by representation ex electione , and every one was there himself virtually by his deputy , but they often met in vast bodies , and in capacious places , both in the saxon times , and after william the first obtained the imperial crown . the whole body of proprietors were assembled at runemed between stanes and windsor at the passing of king john's charter ; and if we believe matth. westminster , it was not unusual for the kings of england long before king john's time , at that very place to meet their people to treat of the affairs of the kingdom . maximus tractatus habebatur inter regem et barones de pace regni inter stanes & windsoram in prato quod dicitur runemed quod interpretatur pratum concilii eö quod ab antiquis temporibus ibi de pace regni saepius consilia tractabantur . this shews the usual places of assembling to have been large enough for all the people , which are in so many records and histories printed and in manuscript , said to have been present at the great or general councils ; i shall conclude with one instance of the parties present at such a council , which is deliver'd with sufficient perspicuity . anselm in one of his disputes with henry the first , desires the debate may be adjourn'd till the easter following . differantur haec si placet usqu ; in pascha ut audito episcoporum , regnique primatum consilio , qui modò non assunt respondeam hinc . upon this anselm comes to the court at easter , igitur in pascha curiam venit regni ingenuitatem praesens consulit , communi consilii vocem accepit , &c. here the council episcoporum et primatum , to which he referr'd himself , was reciprocal with the ingenuitas regni , that is , as sir henry spelman shews us , the liberi et legales homines , the good honest freeholders , some of which were no better than plebeians . and therefore this authority alone , especially as 't is strengthned by those others to the same purpose , which i have cited absque dolo et malo ingenio , evince to me , that he or they who put out the second part of sir spelman's glossary , did not do right to his memory , in representing him affirming , that the plebs , the ingenuitas , or liberi et legales homines , as he himself tells us the word ingenuus , has anciently been us'd , are no where amongst the several councils which he had read of , mention'd to have been there , from the entrance of william the first , to the end of henry the third . the words to this purpose which i conceive are put upon him , are these , sine ut sodes dicam collegisse me centenas reor comitiorum edictiones ( tenoresque plurimorum ) ab ingressu gulielmii ad excessum henrici . existentium nec in tantâ multitudine de plebe uspiam reperisse aliquid . indeed notice being taken of those councils where were optimates et barones totius angliae , and of that famous assembly at salisbury-plain of the barones et vicecomites cum suis militibus , in pursuance of the summons of william the first , the positiveness of the assertion is restrain'd with a ni in his dilituerit . but what doubt can be made of those words , whereby they are expresly mention'd , and that according to the true sir henry spelman , i am not yet aware of . finis . errata . page . l. . r. tzurick for tours : p. . margin . r. contemporaneo ▪ p. . l. . for william read hugh : p. . l. . r. attendance : p. . l. . add laici before omnes : p. . l. . joyn a to part : p. . l. . r. fuerat : p. . l . add est de before antiquo : l. . dele est de : p. . marg . r. hil. for mich. p. . l. . add è before tota : p. . l. . r. illuc : l. . r. knight for knights : p. . last l. r. antequam : p. . l. . dele comma after sheriffs : l. . r. vias : l. . dele s after knight : p. . l. . make a comma after kings title : l. . r. election : p. . l. . add is after that : p. . l. . r. of for in : p. . l. . put a comma after only : p. . l. . r. 't was : p. . l. . put a comma after nobility : l. . after londoners make a comma : so after citizens : l. . put a comma after amongst them : p. . l. . r. matilda : p. . l. . r. plectendum : l. . r. judicare : p. . l. . r. affuerunt : p. . l. . r. doveram : p. . l. . add the before free customs : l. . dele the : d . sheet of p. . l. . r. militibus : p. . l. . r. tenants us'd : p. . l. . r. de scuto : l. . r. the for their : p. . l. . dele s after acquaint : l. . r. record : p. . l. . r. negotium : p. . l. . r. retroactis : p. . l. . r. his instead of this : p. . margin . r. proprietariis : p. . r. baro : l. . put a comma after freeholders : p. . l. . r. that before us'd : p. . l. . add s to thing : p. . l. . add s to ●●mmuni . a catalogue of some books , lately printed for tho. basset at the george in fleet-street . an institution of general history , or the histo of the world in two volumns in folio , by dr. william howel , chancellor of lincoln . printed . historical collections , being an exact account of the proceedings of the four last parliaments of the renowned princess queen elizabeth , containing the journals of both houses , with their several speeches , arguments , motions , &c. in folio , writ by hayward townshend esq then a member of parliament , printed . the antient right of the commons of england asserted , or a discourse proving by records , and the best historians , that the commons of england were ever an essential part of parliament , by william petyt of the inner temple esq of the french monarchy , and absolute power , and also a treatise of the three states , and their power , deduced from the most authentick histories , for above years , and digested this latter , by mat. zampini de recanati . l. l. d. the constitution of parliaments in england , deduced from the time of king edward the second , illustrated by king charles the second , in his parliament summon'd the th . febr. / . and dissolved the th . jan. / . with an appendix of its sessions , in oct. the politicks of france , by monsieur p. h. marquis of c. with reflections on the th . and th . chapters : wherein he censures the roman clergy , and the hugenots ; by the sir l'ormegregny . le beau pleadeur , a book of entries containing declarations , informations , and other select and approved pleadings , with special verdicts , and demurrers , in most actions real , personal , and mixt , which have been argued , and adjudged in the courts at westminster , together with faithful references to the most authentick printed law books now extant , where the cases of these entries are reported , and a more copious and useful table than hath been hitherto printed in any book of entries , by the reverend sir humphrey winch knight , sometime one of the justices of the court of common pleas. a display of heraldry , manifesting a more easie access to the knowledg thereof than hath been hitherto published by any , through the benefit of method ; whereunto it is now reduced by the study and industry of john guillim ; late pursuivant at arms. the th . edition much enlarged with great variety of bearings , to which is added a treatise of honour military , and civil , according to the laws and customs of england , collected out of the most authentick authors both ancient and modern , by capt. john logan , illustrated with variety of sculptures suitable to the several subjects ; to which is added a catalogue of the atcheivments of the nobility of england , with divers of the gentry for examples of bearings . now in the press dr. heylins help to the english history , with very large additions . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e petyt 's appendix , p. . bracton . lib. . cap. . p. . charges upon the land according to the value or number of acres . charta johannis . regni , anno . tiguri , fol. . magna carta , cap. . iust . fol. . titles of honour , f. , & . rot. claus . johannis dorso m . rot pat. johannis pars unica m. . n. . ib. m. ● . dorso . magna charta cap. . confirmatio magna chartae facta . h . in consimili formâ cum magna charta . hen. . ( testibus & data exceptis ) exemplificata & confirmata . edw. . prout charta de forestâ . ex ms contemporaneâ statutor . penes sam. balduin equitem auratum & servient . ad legèm . et de scutagiis assidendis faciemas summoneri , &c. that is such of the majores as held intra 〈◊〉 . aid upon tenants in common socage . escuage upon tenants by knights service . chester . tit. honor. edit . p. . see leicester's survey of cheshire . . h. . m. paris fol. . ed. lond. tit. honour ed. p. . selden , ib. domesday in cheshire saith , comes tenet comitatum de rege . see leicester 's survey of cheshire . mat. p. fo . . ed. lond. anno . o. h. . m. p. an. . o. johannis . mat. pared . tig. f. . nequi magnates viz. comes , baro , miles seualiqua alia notabilis persona rot. claus . e. . m. . dor . m. p. f. . an. . o. rs. h. . nota , this shews that the tenants in capite were not all the council , because they in particular are taken notice of amongst them which came to that council . the earl of chester was not to attend the king in his wars , nor to pay escuage in lieu of military service , because all his tenure was to keep to the defence of the marches . rot. pat. h. . m. . dor . o. ed. . n. . sub custod . camerar in scaccario . rot. pat. . ed. . m. . rot pat . ed. . m. . bundella literar . in turre london . an. . h . ne qui magnates viz. comes , baro , miles seu aliqua alia notabilis persona , &c. rot. claus . e. . m. . dor . rot. parl. ed. . n. , . matt. par. p. . hooker eccles . lib. fol. . matt. paris ann. . johannis . matt. par. matt. par. knyghton . matt. west . fol. . matt. west . fol. . ms. cod. ex bib. dom. wild nuper defunct . note , a common lord had aid in the like case by king john's charter . william . seldeni ad fadmer . & notae & specilegium fol. . ib. cap. , . et ad judicium rectum & sustitiam constanter omnibus modis pro posse suo sine dolo & sine dilatione faciend . ib. knyghton , fol. . leges will. . servitutes rusticorum praediorum sunt haec , iter , actus , via , aquaeductus . digest . lib. . tit . . servitutum non ea natura est ut aliquid faciat , sed ut aliquid patiatur , vel non faciat , ib. fol. . sim dunelm . fol. . . will. . . inst . f●l . . inter brevia directa baron . de term . mich. ed. . m. . dorso penos rem . regis in scaccario . the same plea for the earl of glocest. and herts . allowed , ib. m. . inter brevia directa baron . de term. hill. ed. . penes rem . domini thes . in scaccario . inter communia de term mich. hen. . penes rem . domini regis in scaccario . rot. claus . hen. . m. . de term . hill. h. . penes rem . regis in scaccario . nota. supra inter communia de term. mich. penes rem . regis . m. p. fol. . ed. tig. ed. . cap. . coke . inst . . rot. claus . ed. . m. . dorso . ed. . cap. . in this part declarative of the law , as by king john's charter . carta , hen. . anno . vita aelfredi , fol. . ne qui magnates viz. comes , baro , miles seu aliquae alia notabilis persona , &c. rot. claus . . e. . m. . d. carta edgari regis ex registro de ramsey in scaccario penes rem . regis , fol. . thani autem appellatione , viri interdum nobiles interdum liberae conditionis homines , in terdum magistratus , atque saepenumerò ministri notantur , glos . ad finem lamb. archaionomia . vide hackwel 's ancient customs of england , p. , spelm. glossar . de hundred● . vide lambart . de priscis legibus . in vita aelfredi , fol. sym. dunelm . fol. . anno . so. mat. west . f. . of the hen. . adunato magno parliamento edicto regio . ead. l. . fol. . nobiles , minores sunt equites sive milites , armigeri & qui vulgo generosi & gentlemen dicuntur , camb. brit. fol. . lambert de priscis legibus . the county was satrapia , as they that composed it were satrapae , so in a ms. cited by mr. selden , a tryal is had at london before the principes , duces , lawyers and satrapae , and the same renewed at northampton , is said to be congregatâ ibi totâ provinciâ sive vicecomitatu coram cunctis . titles of honour , fol. , & . bromton , fol. . bromton . fol. . canuti leges . bracton , lib. . p. , in praecipuis festis profusè convivabat natale domini apud gloverniam , pascha apud wintoniam , pentecoste apud westm . quando in anglia foret tenere consuevit knyghton , fol. . william . an. . titles of honour , p. . eadmeri hist . nov . ● . . fol. . cod. roff. ms. seldeni notae in eadmer . fol. . ms. historia de terris aedel woldi scriptus est hic liber temporibus hen. . jussu herveri episc . eleensis primi . so the record inter com . de term. pasc . . r. e. fib . r. e. breve aliud p. . a. a jury . under tenants . lords of mannors . aliud . these had lands which belonged to the abby , as appears in the inquisition . eadmerus codex roff. seldens spic . ad edm. fo . . bracton fo . . cook. . rep. fo . . a. & b. gentlemans case . pl. dom. r. apud berwick super tweedam de octab. sanctae tr. an. r. ed. fil . r. h. º coram gilberto de thornton reog . brabazon . & rob. malet . just . ad pl , ejusdem dom. r. tenend . assignat . rot. pat. . h. . m. . & m. . stat. staple ed. . an. . sym : dunelm . f. . el. wygorn . f. . nec multo post ( viz. ) post curiam mandavit ut arch. ep. com. bar. vicecom . cum suis mi lit . sibi occurrerent , saresberiae quo cum venissent milites illorum sibi fidel . contra omnes homines jurare coegit . cowslli ins . juris , ang. de libertinis tit. . p. . inter leges wil. . cap. . seldeni ad ead. notae & spicel . stat. west . . rot. claus . . hen. . rot. claus . h. . p. . m. . it appears by another record that this shrivalty was of fee in the count according to the exception in the statute , which gives each county leave to chuse . rot. claus . an. . h. . vide leges edw. renov . wil. . isti vero viri viz. heretochii eligebantur per commune concilium , pro communi utilitate regni p● provincias & patrias universas & per singulos comitatus in pleno folemo●● sicut & vicecomites provinciarum & comitat. elegi debent . lambert a●chaio nomia ed cant. fo . . . iust . f. . 〈…〉 neither had we any of dignity although the office in some places hath been hereditary from antient time . until hen. . tit. of hon. . ed. p. . & . sym. dunelm . fo . . tit. of hon. ed. p. . assisa de armis . hen. . tit. hon. ed. p. . s. dunelm . lamb. archaionom . leges ed. f. . omnes proceres & milites & liberi homines universitotius regni britanniae facere debent in pleno folemote fidelitatem dom. regi coram episcopis regni . this seems to be meant of a court of all the counties and then confirms my sense . in express terms . claus . h. . m . dorso . rolls . rep. rot. claus . . e. . m. . dor . rot. claus . . e. . m. . dor . actus pontif . cant. autore gervatio dor. f. . antiq. brit. f. . relat. wil. primi ad finem tractat . de gavelkind a sylâ tay. ed. p. . r. hoveden fo . . fecit summoniri , &c. nobiles sapientes . &c. electi igitur de sing . totius patriae comit. viri duodecim , &c. lamberts archionom . fo . . seld. spicil . f. . an. . will. . gerv. dorob . actus pontif . f. . tota angliae nobititas in unum collecta , quasi sub numero non cadebat , matt. paris p. . monachus anongm . ord. st. bened . p . an. . will. . ( i. e. ) curia regis , ord●ricus vitalis fol. . an. . will. . s. dunelm . fol. . spelm. glos . ▪ part . fol. . tit . parl. seldeni aut & spic . ad eadmerum , fol. . an. . bromton , fol. . malmesb. fol. . s. dunelm fol ▪ . rog. hoveden , fol. . an. . bromton , fol. . an. . will. . order . vital . fol. . an. . . will. . eadmerus , fol. . gondulfus roff. ep. monac . bec. inter anselm . epist . lib. . an. . . will. . eadmerus , fol. , & . eadmerus , fol. . an. . . will. . fol. . fol. . fol. . fol. . fol. . spelman concil . vol. . fol. . jewelli apcontra hard. fol. . eadmerus , fol. . eadmerus , fol. . an . . will. . eadmerus , fol. . eadmerus , fol. . spelman glos . . part . tit . par. sim. dunelm . fol. . an. . titles of honour . . ed. p. . rad. de diceto . fol. . christmass court. huntington fol. . note , he lived but in the time of henry the eighth . lambert's archaion , pag. ● , . pag. . eadmerus , fol. . fol. . & . matt. paris , ed. tig. fol. . mat. par. f. , & . florentius wigorn. an. . an. . hen. . huntington fol. . stephani an. . rich. hagustal . p. . joh. hagust . f. . mat. par. f. . rich. hagust . f. . an. . . step. malmsbury f. , & . malmsbury hist. nov. . p. . . stat. of merton . cap. . inst . f. . statuta regni polonici . continua . ad floren. wig. f. . an. . step. h. hunt f. . an. . neubergensis p. . radulphi polycron . . . stephani ger. dorober . f. . an. . h. hunt f. . . step. neu●ergensis lib. . c. . brompton f. . henr. . hen. . an. . vid still . answer to cressy 's apol . à p. . usque ad finem . titles of honour , fol. . m. p. fol. . ma. west . fol. . gervasius dor. fol. . imag. hist . fo . . antiq. brit. in vitâ tho. becket fo . . hoveden fo . . answer to cressy's apol. p. . article conc. clar. grand quest . p. . ed. . qui habent personatum . ger. dorob . fo . . cum baronibus suis , seldens jan. angl. facies altera , p. ● com. de term. pasch . ed. . penes rem . dom. thes . in scac . jani anglorum facies altera , p. . hoveden , fo . . tit. of honour , fo . . evocantur quidam vicecomites & secundae dignitatis barones , antiqui dierum , ut addantur tis & assint judicio , stephan . ms. magna charta , cap. . this explained by articuli super chart . stat. ed. . de tallagio non concedendo . britton p. . the king 's bench. debent interesse judic . curiae regis , &c. usque perveniatur in judicio . gerv. dorob . & vat . cop . quousque perveniatur ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem . ma. par. & others . this the author of the grand question follows as most authentick . bracton lib. . cap. . p. . grand question , p. . grand quest . p. . still . answer to cressy , à p. . ad p. . p. . grand quest . p. . titles of honour , fo . . so of glocest . bote war man shall be belemed other to deth ido . jani anglorum facies altera , p. . grand quest . p. . p. . grand quest . p. . ejus simplex prohibitio . steph. ms. grand quest . p. . glanvile de legibus lib. . c. . glanv . p. . stephanides . so gerv. dorob . f. . grand question , p. . cook de jure regis ecclesiastico . . rep. gervasius dorob . f. . ex communi consilio , nos inquiunt , eum appellabimus coram papâ , de facili convincetus , sine remedio deponetur , quae cum plurimum placerent regi , exierunt omnes ep. gerv. dor. f. . gerv. dor. f. . p. . grand question , p. . grand question , p. . concil . toletan . . cap. . edit . madr. f. . 〈…〉 grand question , p. . spelman 's concil . vol. f. . an. . hen. . pa. . ann. . h. . gerv. dor. f. . grand question , p. . hoveden , f. . grand quest . p. . ed. . cap. . jewel contra ward , p. . hen. . cap . ex cod. ms. in bib. cot. sub effigie domitiani , a. . n. . spelm. conc. v. . f. . malmesburiensis , f. . spelm. conc. vol. . f. . ex pervetusto ms. cod. in bibl . cot. sub effigie cleopatrae . c. . f. . eadmer . hist . nov. f. . eadmer . f. . f. . contin . ad flor. wigor . an. . h. . contin . ad flor. f. . chronica ger. dorob . f. . 〈…〉 sup . n. this was according to the modus tenendi synodos , secundum ordinationis suae tempus resideant , only that the modus more particularly referred to the inferiour clergy in that . hen. . anno . hen. . bendictus abbas sub effigie julii ad. f. . int. bib. cott. hen. . glos . tit. finis . rich. . anno . bromton . fol. . spelm. con. vol. f. . poltons stat. f. . stat. asporta is religiosorum . bromton . f. . anno . bromton . f. . this seems to have been a great council on the court day . k. john anno . jo. knyghton . f. . carta moderationis feodi magni sigilli an . . joh. ex vet. registr . in archivis cant. arch. ma. par. fol. . anno . joh. rot. cant. jo. m. . n. . & rot. cart . jo. p. , . m. . n. . eadmerus . fo . . malmesbury . fo . . mat. par. . jo. . mat. par. fo . . m. par. 〈…〉 celebrata igitur apud portesmue solemnitate pentec . ib. joh. anno . m. p. f. . joh. . ma. par. fol. . natale celebravit . ma. par. f. . rot. pat. jo. m. . dorso . m. . dors . joh. ● jo. . ma. par. f. . m. west . f. . rot. pat. & jo. m. . dorso . jo. . archiepisc . episc . abbates , priores , comites , barones milites & & alii magnates regni angliae . a. h. . fleta . lib. . c. . f. . jo. . jo. . jo. . jo. . . jo. ma. par. f. . of being reputed a turntail or runaway . mat. par. f. . stat. ed. . pryn 's king john , f. . fol. . . . mat. par. fol. . jo. ad natale curiam suam tenuit , apud windleshores . m. paris ad . tig. f. . titles of honour , fo . . bracton lib. . p. . b. so rot. finium h. . m. . dorso . the head-borough . rot. pat. h. . mat. par. f. . magna charta , jo. an. . pat. ed. . m. . in primo generali parl. nostro post coronationem . charta johannis . an. . h. . mat. paris ●d tig. f. . mag. charta , cap. . legier book of ely. hundred . inter communia de termino sancti michaelis , an. e. . pro hominibus villae de coventre . mat. par. f. . nota before the large and comprehensive acceptation of magnates regni . rot. claus . h. . m. . c. . dorso . to the sheriff of bedford and bucks . mat. par. f. . mat. par. f. . anno . hen. . mat. par. f. . mat. west . f. . rot. claus . hen. . m. . inter communia term. s. mich. e. . penes remem . dom. thes . in scaccario . rot. claus . e. . m. . rastalls statutes p. . e. . e. . stat. e. . statutum stapulae . rot. pat. hen. . m. . dorso . fleta f. . inter communia de term. mich. anno ed. . rot. . dorso . communiae de term. sancti hill ’ anno regis ed. . penes remem . regis in scaccario . inter communia de term. paschae penes rem . in scaccario . rot. pat. . h. . rot. claus . . h. . m. . rot. claus . . h. . rot. pat. . h. . m. . nota women granting . rot. claus . . h. . m. b. inter communia de term. sancti mich. anno . h. . rot. . de scut . levand . h. . or at least . rot. claus . h. . m. . bundela literarum in turre lond. a. h. . rot. claus . h. . m. . dorso . rot. claus . h. . m. . dorso . the clergy that were landed-men or free-holders . rot. claus . h. . pars unica . m. . rot. claus . h. . m. . rot. claus . ● h. . m. . dorso . rot. claus . h. . m. . dorso . rot. pat. h. . m. . rot. claus . h. m. . dorso . mat. par. anno . vid. more at large mr. petit's rights of the commons of england , asserted from , to . rot. claus . h. . m. . dorso . rot. h. . m. . rot. pat. h. . m. . rot. pat. h. . m. . rot. claus . h. . m. . dorso . rot. pat. h. . m. . n. . anno th . h. . . rot. pat. h. . pars unica . m. . dorso . n. . vid. rot. claus . h. . m. . dorso . consideratum fuit in curiâ nostra coram nobis & toto parliamento nostro . titles of honour . p. . ex satis antiquo authore loquor . anno. . . jac. . ordines angliae . p. . titles of honour . fol. . titles of honour . f. , . glos . tit . baro. proceres nempe & maneriorum domini nec non liberè quique tenentes , hoc est fundorum proprietariis anglicè free-holders , hoc nomine contineri videtur antiquis paginis . claus . h. . m. . dorso . communia de term sancti hill ’ anno ed. . rot. penes rem . domini thes in scaccario . pro thomâ de furnivall seniore exonerando . titles of honour . fol. . glos . tit . baro. in charta johannis . . instit . claus . dors . r. . m. . titles of honour . ● . r. . cap. . anno . vid. prin● ▪ first part of parl ’ writs . p. . titles of honour . fol. . rot. parl. h. . m. . n. . ib. cited , &c. countess of rutland 's case , coke . rep. fol. . standish's case . kelloways rep. . . selden ad eadm . spelm. con. . vol. fol. . mat. westm . fol. . anno . eadmerus , f. . glos . tit . ingenuus . glos . d . part , tit . parlamentum , ed. lond. anno . the antipathie of the english lordly prelacie, both to regall monarchy, and civill unity: or, an historicall collection of the severall execrable treasons, conspiracies, rebellions, seditions, state-schismes, contumacies, oppressions, & anti-monarchicall practices, of our english, brittish, french, scottish, & irish lordly prelates, against our kings, kingdomes, laws, liberties; and of the severall warres, and civill dissentions occasioned by them in, or against our realm, in former and latter ages together with the judgement of our owne ancient writers, & most judicious authors, touching the pretended divine jurisdiction, the calling, lordlinesse, temporalities, wealth, secular imployments, trayterous practises, unprofitablenesse, and mischievousnesse of lordly prelates, both to king, state, church; with an answer to the chiefe objections made for the divinity, or continuance of their lordly function. the first part. by william prynne, late (and now againe) an utter-barester of lincolnes inne. prynne, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p a wing p _vol wing p _vol _cancelled estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : , : ) the antipathie of the english lordly prelacie, both to regall monarchy, and civill unity: or, an historicall collection of the severall execrable treasons, conspiracies, rebellions, seditions, state-schismes, contumacies, oppressions, & anti-monarchicall practices, of our english, brittish, french, scottish, & irish lordly prelates, against our kings, kingdomes, laws, liberties; and of the severall warres, and civill dissentions occasioned by them in, or against our realm, in former and latter ages together with the judgement of our owne ancient writers, & most judicious authors, touching the pretended divine jurisdiction, the calling, lordlinesse, temporalities, wealth, secular imployments, trayterous practises, unprofitablenesse, and mischievousnesse of lordly prelates, both to king, state, church; with an answer to the chiefe objections made for the divinity, or continuance of their lordly function. the first part. by william prynne, late (and now againe) an utter-barester of lincolnes inne. prynne, william, - . [ ], , [ ], - p., - leaves, - , - p., - leaves, - , [ ]; [ ], - , - , [ ], - , - , [ ], - , [ ] p. printed by authority for michael sparke senior, london : an. . title page lines - in two states. in this issue line ends: anti-mo-. in parts. part preliminaries are signed a⁴ b⁴. part first page of text is numbered and is signed a . part quires b-n⁴ in two settings. b r (p. ) has: ( ) two rows of printer's ornaments at head, or ( ) a headpiece. apparently either setting appears with either state of title page. the first leaf of each part is blank. the pages following part , p. , are numbered , - , - , - . the pages following part , p. , are numbered , . pagination variant: the pages following part , p. , are numbered: p. - , leaf , p. , p. , leaf in place of leaves - . with an additional errata leaf, including directions for binder on verso, bound at end. "articles of accusation and impeachment by the commons house of parliament against william pierce, doctor of divinity, and bishop of bath and wells" ([ ] p.) bound between p. and of part . marginal notes. part identified as wing p and part as wing p (entry cancelled in wing nd ed.) on umi microfilm "early english books, - " reel . . repoduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bishops -- england -- early works to . church and state -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the antipathie of the english lordly prelacie , both to regall monarchy , and civill unity : or , an historicall collection of the severall execrable treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , seditions , state-schismes , contumacies , oppressions , & anti-monarchicall practices , of our english , brittish , french , scottish , & irish lordly prelates , against our kings , kingdomes , laws , liberties ; and of the severall warres , and civill dissentions occasioned by them in , or against our realm , in former and latter ages . together with the judgement of our owne ancient writers , & most judicious authors , touching the pretended divine jurisdiction , the calling , lordlinesse , temporalties , wealth , secular imployments , trayterous practises , unprofitablenesse , and mischievousnesse of lordly prelates , both to king state , church ; with an answer to the chiefe objections made for the divinity , or continuance of their lordly function . the first part. by william prynne , late ( and now againe ) an utter-barester of lincolnes inne . beware of false prophets , which come unto you in sheepes cloathing , but inwardly they are ravening wolves , you shall know them by their fruits . mat. . , london , printed by authority for michael sparke senior . an. . to the right honorable the high covrt of parliament , now ( through gods sweete providence ) most happily assembled . right honourable senators , it is a received principle in law , (a) that there are no accessories in treason ; whence to conceale a notorious traytor , is really to be one . the consideration of the capitalnesse of such a concealement in these proditorious times , and the discharge of my bounden duty to my soveraigne lord the king , this church and kingdome , ( of which i am a true , though unworthy member ; ) and to this honourable court ( to whose impartiall iustice , next under god i owe the fruition of my present liberty , my native soyle , and quondam profession of the law ) hath induced me by way of gratitude , to present your honours with this large discovery , not of one or two , but of an whole tribe and succession of nota●le arch-traytors , rebels , conspirators , and des●erate enemies to our kings , kingdomes , lawes , liberties , ( to say nothing of our church and religion ) masked under the innocent disguise of an episcopall whi●e rotchet , and the specious much abused title of , the church ; which our prelates have monopolized to themselves , the better to palliate their mischievous designes , and boulster out their vil●anies ; when as ( if we beleeve either our learned martyr , (b) master william tyndall , or (c) bishop bilson himselfe ) the church is ne●e● taken in the new nor old testament , for the bishops or priests alone , but generally for the whole congregation of the faithfull ; and oft times for the (d) people alone , without the priest or minister ; which is worthy your observation , and will utterly subvert one principall pillar of our prelates suppo●t . i could not but conjecture , that this antipathy , would be very distastfull to our lordly prelates ; ( the malefactors ) whose long-concealed treasons , conspiracies & seditious practises it lays open to your publick view and justice ; so that i can expect nothing but such extreame malignity , opposition and calumnies from them and their confederates , as might in some sort have deterred me from divulging it . yet , whē i considered that the detectiō of grosse traytors & conspirators , hath bin ever reputed , not only an inoffensive , but acceptable and meritorious service both to kings and states in al other persons , and that i have no cause to doubt , but that it will receive the selfe-same benigne interpretation in me , especially from your honours , ( by some of whose earn●st desires , and ●peciall approbations i committed these historicall colections to the presse ) i could not but with all alacrity proceede on in this service , for the common good , to the which i have beene the more incouraged by a divine providence . for being a prisoner in the tower of london , stript of my profession and all other imployments by some prelates undemerited malice , considering with my selfe , how i might there passe my solitary houres in the usefullest manner , for the publicke benefit of this church and kingdome ; it pleased god among other subjects , to pitch my thoughts upon a collection of the severall treasons , rebellions , warres , seditions , and anti-monarchicall practises of lordly prelats of all countries and ages ( especially of our owne english bishops ) which i found scattered in histories : wherupon ( taking my hint from the title of a now-non-extant booke , written by one thomas gybson a physitian in king edward the . his dayes , stiled proditiones praelatorum a conquestu , seene by our laborious iohn bale and mentioned in his * centuries ( which booke it seemes the prelates since suppressed ) i gathered with no facil labour , the most of those materials i here present unto your honours , and marshalled them into distinct files , with an intention to make them publick , so soone as a seasonable opportunity should present it selfe . but the * arch prelate of canterbury not long after , persecuting me afresh in the starcham●er without any just occasion , procured me there , not onely to bee most inhumanely censured , but likewise to be sent thence close prisoner , first to carnarvan , then to mount-orguile castle in the isle of iersie , and there cloystred up so narrowly that i could neither have the use of pen , inke , paper , writings nor bookes to benefit my selfe or others ; and withall searching both my chamber and friends houses sundry times by his pursevants , seized on all my bookes and papers he could meete with . but these collections escaping his clutches , fell into the hands of another persecuted gentleman , who without my privity carried them beyond the seas , where they were preserved till after my late returne from exile ( by the justice of this honourable house , ) and not many moneths since , ( when i gave them over as lost ) were unexpectedly returned to my hands in safety , whiles the businesse of episcopacy was in agitation before your eminencies ; which speciall providence , put me in minde of that speech of morde●ay to ester , * who knoweth whether thou art come to the kingdome for such a time as this ? and made me strongly apprehend , that god had restored me to liberty , and these collections to my hands , for such a time as this , ( which blessed be our good god we now live to see , ) wherein our domineering prelates lewde practises and conspiracies against our religion , lawes , liberties , lives , soules , and estates , are not onely detected , but questioned ; and some of the potentest and pestilentest of them , charged with no lesse than high treason , and other most grosse misdemeanors , in , and by your honorable assembly ; which have rendred them so generally detestable to the whole kingdome , that divers petitions have beene presented to your honours , both by ministers and people out of many entire countries , for their utter extirpation ; which long efflagitated difficult worke , ( which your honours have now set upon ) i conceive the publishing of this antipathy , will much facilitate and advance , being thus specially preserved , and reserved by gods providence , for such a time as this . the principall motives which originally induced me to undertake this worke , were the very same which have now perswaded me to publish it . first , an unfeined desire to dispossesse the seduced and mis-informed judgements of princes , nobles , and others , of that over-weaning opinion they have hitherto generally embraced of lordly prelats extraordinary fidelity , sincerity , piety to kings & kingdomes in chur●h and state affaires ; and of the necessity of their supportation & continuan●e , both for the security , tranquillity and felicity of all christian kings states , churches ; to all which , in verity , they have beene the greatest plagues and opposites . this notable mistake , proceeding , either out of a meere nescience or inadvertency of the prelates trecherous plots and turbulent actions in all climes and times ; or , from the deception of this false paradox , no bishop , no king ; or , from the immoderate panegyricall applauses of their parasites , ( who almost deifie them in presse , in pulpit , especially in court sermons ) and their owne selfe-commendations , which are now most frequent in their writings and discourses ; or , from their owne outward pompe , splendor , and superficiall shewes of sanctity and piety ; backed with their sordid flattery of , and temporizing with the greatest men , the better to effect their owne designes ; will soonest and best bee rectified by this bare historicall discovery of their trecheries and villanies in all ages ; the very knowledge whereof ( as the prophet malachy and christ informe us ) * will make them contemptible and base before all the people , and like * unsavory salt , fit neither for the land nor for the dunghill , cause them to be cast out and trod●n under foote of men , as good for nothing . secondly , a sincere indeavour , to the uttermost of my power , to prevent those blacke imminent stormes of warre , sedition , schisme , oppression , with s●ndry other miseries , which the desperat● proceedings , practises , and counsells of our all-swaying prelates , in my weake apprehension , then threatned suddenly to bring downe upon us , to the apparent danger , if not ruine and desolation to our religion , lawes , liberties , king , kingdomes , of which we have since had most visible reall experiments , to the insupportable charge , and infinite disturbance of his majesty and the whole realme ; who have cause eternally to detest our lordly prelacy , as the very * root of bitternes whence al our ancient and present calamities have issued . to anticipate and redresse which sad events then , and secure us against the like effects of prelacie both now and hereafter , i could not ( in my poore judgement ) finde out any readier course within the narrow spheare of my activity , than the publication of this history , of our prelates practises and disloyal●y , quorum perfidiam exposuisse , supera●se est , as saint * hierom witnesseth in a like case . thirdly , to ●ase our church , state , with all conscientious godly ministers and people , from the importable heavie yoakes of our prelates tyranny , under which they have miserably groaned , and against which they have lamentably declaimed for many hundred yeares , ( and could never yet bee throughly eased thereof ) as i have manifested by the testimonies of our owne writers and martyrs in the * latter part of this antipathy ; to accomplish which long desired and now expected worke , i presume nothing can be more effectuall than such an anatomy as this , of our prelates villanies of this nature . fourthly , to further the propagation of religion , the frequent and sincere preaching of the gospell , the powerfull practise of true piety , the salvation of mens soules , and tranquillity of our church and state : to all which , i dare confidently averre , our lordly bishops have beene greater enemies and obstacles in all ages , ●hen all other professions of men whatsoever . fiftly , to s●cure our long enjoyed , oft confirmed fundamentall lawes , and the hereditary libertie● both of our persons , states , lives , from small losse and utter subversion : to all which our prelates have commonly shewed themselves arch-enemies , endeavouring e●ther secretly to undermine them by treachery , or openly to trample them under their po●tificall feete by violence , of which our present time● have had large experience , especially in canterbury● who hath oft times publikely protested in a most insolent manner ; that he wo●ld breake both the necke and back of prohibitions & so of the common law , or else they should break his , which now he findes they are like to doe . and to defend our lawes and liberties against prelaticall incroachments , is one principall part of a lawyers profession ; so that in this regard this antipathy is neither without , nor besides my calling . sixtly , to vindicate the sin●ere professors of religion ( for i will be no patron of frantike enthusiasts , or dissembling hypocrites ) in generall , and my selfe in particular from the calumnies of the prelates and their instruments . there is nothing more frequent in late prelaticall factious discourses , * sermons , * writings , then to accuse the true servants of god , and most zealous christians , of sedition , treason , rebellion , faction , and conspiracie against their soveraignes and superiours . in this sort have they slandered our martyrs , * latymer , * luther , and others heretofore , and many poore christians now : and this practise hath beene so common that the century-writers observe . (a) solemne est ut christianis crimina seditionis , & laesae majestatis a persecutoribus affingantur , quibus tamen non sunt obnoxii . and for my owne particular , though conscious to my selfe of no seditious or disloyall act , it hath beene my unhappinesse , to be not onely slandered , but censured by our prelates , as a (b) seditious person , for bookes authorized by their owne chaplain●s approbations , and to be accused to his majestie and proclaimed both in print and pulpit , by (c) canterbury and his agents , for a malevolent against state and church , a traytor , rebell , factious spirit , monster , worse than any priest or iesuite , one deserving to be forfeited to the gallowes , and as ●ad as corah , dathan , and abiram ; onely for oppugning their arminian and popish innovations , their desperate (d) incroachments upon his majesties royall prerogative , the lawes and subjects liberties , according to my oath and duty . i could doe no lesse therefore for the vindication of my owne personall innocencie ( which your honours by your unanimous votes have now abundantly cleared ( with the ruines of that court which censured me ) the justification of all sincere professors from these prelaticall black calumnies , and the perpetual silencing of our prelates slanderous tongues & quils in this kinde , then present your honours and the world with an irrefragable catalogue of their most horrid treasons , rebellions , and seditions in all ages , which alone out-vie all other mens whatsoever , both for quality and numerosity , and so returne these malicious defamations with infinite disadvantage upon their own guilty pates ; (e) qui ut crimina in silentium mitterent sua , vitam infamare conati sunt alienam , & cum possent ipsi ab innocentibus argui , innocentes arguere studuerint , mittentes ubique liter as livore dictante conscriptas , as some delinquents did of old , whose steps our prelates trace . these were the speciall reasons both of my compiling and publishing this antipathy ; wherin your excellencies may clearely discerne ; that these exorbitances of our prelates , are not so much the vices of their persons , as of their function ; which though their many late published pamphlets , would prove to be of divine right , yet the pernicious evill fruits thereof infallibly proclaime , to be of meere humane wrong . and in my weake judgement , there can be no such safe , short , and infallible way to decide this controversie , whether episcopacy be of divine institution or not ? then to consider the fruits thereof in all ages : that of our saviour being of eternall verity , (f) ye shall know them by their fruites . since then the fruites of our lordly prelates , in this ( and in other kindes too as i could abundantly manifest ) have beene so desperately evill , and they generally the greatest (*) monsters of impiety , that ever pestred the world , ( as appeares by the lives of sundry forraine and domesticke pontifs ; ) i may infallibly conclude , their calling not to be divine , but antichristian , or meerely humane at the best , and inconsistent with the safety , both of our prince , church , state ; and by this unanswerable reason dissipate into smoake all those specious flourishes and shadowes of arguments made in their defence , which i have (h) else-where fully answered . there are but (i) two chiefe arguments of moment , for the continuance of episcopacy , which sticke with any judicious men . the first in point of state polity ; no lord bishop , no king. the second in point of church polity ; no bishops , no peace , no government , and nothing but schismes in the church : the first , i trust , i have abundantly cleared by this antipathy ; the second ( god willing ) i intend to dissipate in an historicall treatise of the schismes of our english lordly prelates among themselves , enough to make a volume ; and then by a larger remonstrance , experimentally evidencing out of ecclesiasticall histories that bishops have beene , if not the sole , yet at least the chiefe authors of all the schismes that ever infested and rent the church of god. and if this be made good ( as it easily may be against all the world ) the proud hierarchy of our lordly prelates will fall to ground of it self without helpe of hands to pull it downe . if any further alleadge ; if (k) you remove away bishops , you take away government , and introduce an anarchy into the church . the answer is very easie . first , we shall still bee under the government of our christian kings , (l) the supreame governours of our church upon earth . secondly , under the government of our parliaments , lawes , and inferiour magistrates ; who doe , and will take speciall care for our churches good reglement . thirdly , under the regiment of our grave and painfull ministers ; whom our lawes stile (m) rectors of their severall parishes , and rectories . fourthly , under the government of an ordinary or extraordinarie provinciall or nationall synode , as there is occasion . fifthly , under such a religious orderly government , as your wisedomes , upon the abolishing of episcopacy , shall please to erect among us , as most consonant to the law of god , and civill government of our state. and can any then justly complaine of a want of government in the church , when it is but altered for the better ? sixthly , the primitive church in the purest times before bishops were instituted , (n) was governed by a common councell of presbyters ; and the reformed churches beyond the seas which want bishops , are so regulated at this day , without any d●nger of an anarchy ; and so may we as well as they . there is nothing then remaining to uphold our lordly prelacie , but two of their owne principall vices , ambition and (o) covetousnesse : the one arising from their lordships , or session in parliament ; the other from their lordly seats and revenues ; neither of which are of divine institution , as (p) themselves acknowledge . if your honourable assembly then will but take away the temporall honours and lands annexed to their bishoprickes , i dare sweare , not one of all our prelates will plead or write for episcopacie any more . saint paul saith , (q) he that desireth the office of a bishop , desireth a good worke : and the fathers generally make this observation on the place , (r) episcopatus nomen est operis , non honoris ; non dominium , sed officium ; non honos , sed onus ; opus dixit , non honorem , non dignitatem ; laborem , non delicias ; opus , per quod per humilitatem crescat , non intumescat fastidio , &c. if then your wisdomes will make our bishoprickes now a worke , not an honour , or gaine , out lazie prelates will of their own accords forgoe them , without any more dispute . to make this most apparent , i shall instance only in one particular : it is the generall resolution of (s) councels , fathers , and divines , yea of the lewd conventicle of (t) trent it selfe : that the first and principle part of a bishops office , is diligently to preach gods word to the people : and therefore this very councell enjoynes all bishops to preach the scripture and gods law every lordsday , and holiday , and moreover in the lent , advent , and other fasts ; quotidie , vel saltem tribus in hebdomade diebus sacras scripturas divinamque legem annuncient , to preach every day , or at least three times a weeke . now our lordly prelates have beene so farre from executing this principle part of their office and worke , that some of them ( as canterbury , york● , london , and oxford ) did not so much as preach one sermon in sundry yeares : others of them have preached very rarely ; yea , most of them have by themselves and their instruments (u) written and preached against frequent preaching ; suppressed all week-day lectures , and sermons , on lordsday afternoones throughout their diocesses ; and dr pierce bishop of bath and wells , by name , in a letter to canterbury , thanked god that he had not left one lecture , nor afternoone sermon in his diocesse : and suspended the minister of bridgwater onely for preaching a lecture in his owne parish church , which had continued . years ; & when this bishop , after much solicitation upon this ministers promise , never to preach● the lecture more , absolved him from his suspension , hee then most blasphemously applyed (x) christs words used to the sicke man , to this good minister . behold thou art made whole : goe away , sinne no more : ( that is , preach no more ) lest a worse thing come unto thee : hee convented another minister , only for expounding the catechisme on the lordsday afternoone , saying , it was as bad as preaching . so that preaching now in this and other our prelates judgement , is both a sinne , and a bad thing , carefully to be suppressed . and this wee may generally observe , that those who were diligent preachers before they became bishops , being once made such , became usually either (y) non-preaching , or rare-preaching prelates ; doing so much the lesse worke , by how much they receive the greater wages : whence queene elizabeth used to say , when shee made preaching ministers bishops ; that shee had made a bishop , but mar'd a preacher : it being true that the bishop of dunkelde once answered deane thomas farret , when hee wished him to preach , (z) i tell thee wee bishops were not ordained to preach : it being too meane an office for them , unlesse it be sometimes at the court , or at some such solemne meeting , to gaine either more honour or preferment thereby , or for some such private ends ; not out of any great zeale of converting soules to god : since then our bishops thus neglect , nay hate , condemne , suppresse and persecute , the good worke of preaching , wherein their (a) office principally consists ; it is most apparent , that the onely thing they now so zealously write & stickle for , is , only the temporall meanes , & honour , not the divine spiritual worke , or office of episcopacie ; & since these thus avocate and hinder them from preaching , i presume your excellent wisedomes will deem it necessary , to strip them naked of these two obstacles , which cause them thus to neglect their proper worke and duty . neither would i have your honours , or any else here misconceive mee : as if i advised you , to deprive ministers of all honour and maintenance : god forbid . no , my hearts desire and prayer to god and your honours shall be , that every painfull preaching minister may have all due honourable respect , and such a competent allowance , as the greatnesse of his paines and charge demerit . but that archbishops , bishops , deanes , and others who have no particular flocks to feed : & either preach not at all , or very seldome , should have such temporall dignities , offices , and (b) excessive revenues , as make them either proud , luxurious , ambitious , idle , or negligent in preaching , and to forget that good worke of a bishops office , which saint paul speakes of , i humbly conceive is (c) neither lawfull nor expedient , but such an irregularity as will be thought fit to be redressed by your honours , not only in point of policy , but of piety too . in a word ; when i seriously consider , that christ himselfe did (d) frequently condemne and prohibit the ambitious desire of superiority and praeheminencie in his apost●es . that the apostles themselves doe the like , in ●heir (e) epistles to others . that (f) saint chrysostome clearely determines ; that whosoever desireth primacy in earth , shall find confusion in heaven , that now among christs servants and ministers , there may be no contest for primacy , or superiority . that saint bernard when he was offred to be made bishop of genoa , and millaine (g) peremptorily refused this dignity , saying upon that occasion : (h) blush o proud dust and ashes ; god humbles himselfe , dost thou exalt thy selfe ? god made himselfe inferiour to men , thou desirimg to domineere preferrest thy selfe before thy maker . would to god when i thinke any such thing , god would vouchsafe to rebuke mee , as hee did his apostle in times past , get thee behind mee sathan , thou savourest not the things that are of god : as often as i desire to rule over men , so oft i contend to goe before my god , and then i savour not the things which are truly of god. that the eminent father (i) saint augustine bishop of hippo , and almost . african bishops more in the great schisme of the donatists , were content to lay downe all their bishoprickes for the peace and unity of the church : thinking thereby not to lose them , but to commit them more safely to gods custody : and used this most golden speech , an vero redemptor , &c. what verily did our redeemer descend from heaven into humane members , that wee should be his members , and shall we , lest his very members should be rent in pieces with a cruell division , feare to descend out of our chairs ? we are ordained bishops for christian people : what therefore may profit christian people for christian peace , that let us doe with our bishoprickes . what i am , i am for thee , if it profit thee ; i am not so , if it hurt thee . if wee be profitable servants , why do wee envie the eternall gaines of our lord for our temporall sublimities ? our episcopall dignity will be more fruitfull to us ; if being laid downe , it shall more unite the flocke of christ , then disperse it if retained . my brethren ; if wee mind the lord , thi● higher place is the wat●h tower of a vin●dresser ; not the pinacle of a proud person . if when i will retaine my bishopricke i disperse the flocke of christ , how is the dammage of the flocke , the honour of the shepherd ? for with what face shall wee expect the honour promised by christ in the world to come , if our honour hinder christian unity in this present world ? and finally , that bishops themselves did in their very (k) baptisme seriously vow and promise to god : to forsake the devill and all his workes , the vaine pompe and glory of this world , with all the covetous desires of the same , so that they would not follow , nor be led by them : and that saint bernard hereupon gives this item to them (l) simundum praedicas contemnendum , contemne tu prius , & ad ipsum efficacius alios invitabis : if thou preachest the world is to be contemned , do thou contemne it first , and then thou shalt more effectually invite others thereto . i cannot but presume our lordly prelates , if they have any sparkes of piety , or humility in them , will now at last for our churches our kingdomes future peace , security and felicity , lay downe their bishoprickes at your honours feete ; or else that your eminences will enforce them thereunto , it being more equall and expedient , that a few lord bishops should meritoriously lose their pernitious honours , than our king , church , state , religion , lawes , liberties , peace , be perpetually indangered , and imbroyled by their continuance . now the great moderator of the universe , who hath miraculously congregated , preserved , directed , assisted your honourable assembly hitherto , and and wrought wondrous things by your indefatigable industries , and most prudent consultations , for the honour and safety of his majesty , and his realmes ; the reformation of our church and state ; the establishment of our undermined religion , lawes , and liberties ; the pacification , and prevention , of our much feared warres and invasions ; the relieving of our grievously oppressed ones , and the exemplary punishment of our arch-oppressours , to the inef●able joy of all true english , scottish , irish hearts , and of true christians ; continue his blessed assisting presence with , his almighty protection over you ; multiply all his saving graces in , powre forth all his blessings , spirituall , temporall , and eternall abundantly on you , and crowne all your religious consultations with such a successefull issue , that the present times , and all succeeding ages may deservedly call your honours , (m) the raisers up of the foundations of many generations , the repairers of our breaches , the restorers of pathes to dwell in , and the saviours ( next under god and our soveraigne ) of our almost ruined church and state. so prayeth your honours redeemed captive , and eternally devoted servant william prynne . to the reader . courteous reader , be pleased to take notice , that my primitive intention was , to have presented thee with this historicall antipathy intirely at the same instant without fractions . but the slacknesse of the printers , the importunity of some speciall friends , and some publike negotiations in present agitation which this peece of it may seasonably promote , have induced mee to divide it into two parts , the first whereof thou hast here compleate : the second ( god willing ) thou shalt receive with all possible expedition . in the mean season i shall desire thy favourable acceptation of this moity , and of a perfect table of the severall chapters of the whole treatise , wherein thou maist behold the latter part in epitome , till thou enjoy it in grosse . a table of the chapters of the first part . chap. i. containing the severall treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , seditions , contumacies , and disloyalties of the archbishops of canterbury against their soveraignes , kings of england ; and the severall warres , tumults , and dissentions occasioned and raised by them , in , or against our realme . chap. ii. of the severall treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , seditions , state-schismes , contempts , and disloyalties of the archbishops of yorke , against their soveraignes , and of the warres , tumults , and civill dissention● caused by them . chap. iii. comprising the severall treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , contumacies , disloyalties , warres , dissentions , and state schismes of the bishops of london , winchester , durham , salisbury and lincolne . the table of the chapters of the second part. chap. iv. comprising the treasons , conspiracies , seditions , con●umacies , and disloyalties of the bishops of ely , exeter and hereford . chap. v. containing the treasons , conspiracies , seditions , contumacies , and disloyalties of the bishops of chichester , carlile , chester , and norwich . chap. vi. comprising the treasons , conspiracies , seditions , contumacies , and disloyalties of the bishops of s. davids , landaffe , bangor , asaph , bath and wels. chap. vii . containing the severa●l treasons , rebellions , seditions , schismes , contumacies , warres , and disloyalties of the bishops of france , normandy , scotland , and ireland , with reference unto england . chap. viii . containing certaine conclusions , deduced from the premises , with the judgements and r●solutions of divers of our ancient writers and martyrs , and some of our learnedest bishops and authors in queene elizabeths raigne , touching the pretended divine iurisdiction of bishops , their treasons , rebellions , temporalties , large possessions , and the uselessenesse , unprofitablenesse , and mischievousnesse of lordly bishops , and their government in our church . chap. ix . comprising an answer to the principall objections alleaged by the prelates in defence of the divine pretended institution , and for the continuance of their episcopacie● in our church . errata . page . l. . read , the king , thinking . p. . l. . such . l. . a●t , au , royans , r●y p. . l. ● faithfull . p. ● . l. . granted , gr●nted . p. . l. . edward deceasing p. . l. . d●acan●s . p. . l datary p. . ● l . penry . p. . l. . against . p. . l. . saxons . p. . l. . archiepiscopall . l. un int●rrupt●d . p. . l. oppressions . p , l. . undefi●ed p. . l. . they , the. p. l. . favour , feare . p. . l. . be app●ehended . p. ● l. . this , the p. ● ● l. . dele a. p. . l. dele and● l. . edmond , edward p● l . bishop . p. . l. . were , where . p. . l. . excellently learned p. ● . l . ripped . p. . l. ●●●ele in . p. l. . deluded , de●ivered p. l. . cales l . forfeiting , fortefying . p. l. . said , laid l. wi●e , w●●e p . l. . grea●ly● p . l. . upon , this . p. l. . left lift . l. . or , of . p. . l. . ever● even . p. . l. . learned , unlearned . p. . l. . examination , excommunication , p. . l. ● . geof●y● hugh . p. . l. . gravissima l. . accuse , accurse . p. . l. . strangers . p. . l. . from his . p. . l. . imployed . in the margin p. ● . l. . beacon l. . vol. . p. ● . l. . bishop , see. the prologve . there is nothing more frequent in these latter day●s in the mouthes of our domineering lordly prelates , than this triviall paradox of archbishop bancroft ( which some would originally father upon our late soveraigne * king james ) no bishop , no king ; as if kings could neither bee , nor continue kings , unlesse prelates were suffered both to be , and continue lords ; and princes crownes irreparably lost , if bishops miters were but once cast downe . this absurd and groundlesse assertion , as it is evidently disproved by those many flourishing kings and kingdomes , which have well subsisted with●ut lord bishops , both before these mushrome lords ( spirituall onely in title , but wholly temporall in reality ) first sprouted up by insensible degrees in the church of christ , so it is most infallibly convinced of notorious falshood , by the multitude of those most execrable treasons , treacheries , conspiracies , rebellions , contumacies , insurrections , seditions , and anti-monarchiall practises of lordly prelates , against their soveraignes , in all ages since they grew rich and potent , in all kingdomes and churches where they have beene admitted ; of which there are so many presidents , as would fully fraught many folio volumes , and require another baronius or tostatus , to digest into severall vast tomes . and i dare further adde , to the immortall prayse of this loyall generation of lordly prelates , that there is no one calling or profession of men whatsoever in the christian world guilty of so many traiterous , treacherous , perfidious , seditious , rebellious , contumacious practises and conspiracies against their lawfull princes ; or that have proved such execrable firebrands of dissentions , commotions , bloody warres , rebellions , and detestable schismes both in church and state , as these prelaticall lords . yea , i supp●se i may confidently averre without any errour or calumny , that lordly prelates have beene the originall authors and contrivers of more treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , schismes , warres , and contentions in christian kingdomes , than all other rankes and callings of men whatsoever , not severally considered , but united . this i could at large demonstrate by an whole volume of examples of popes , and lordly prelates in forraigne parts ; but i neede not travell abroad , since we have so many presidents at home , of our owne english lordly prelates , as may abundantly suffice to illustrate this truth ; the chiefest whereof i have here collected and faithfully transcribed out of the marginall authors quoted to every of them , whose very words i onely recite for the most part , but where brevity or necessitie enfo●ce me to use my owne expressions for meth●d or connexion sake , when the historians either somewhat vary , or are over-tedious in their relations ; or where one historian relates some particulars , which another omits : in which case , i must desire the reader to peruse all the authors quoted to each example , lest examining onely one or two of them , which record but a part , and not the entire relation , he should either wrong himselfe , or censure me of calumnie or forgerie , without just cause . neither let the reader here expect an exact enumeration of all the treasons , conspiracies , trecheries , rebellions , seditions , con●umacies , warres , or state-schismes that our english prelates have beene guilty of since they became potent lords● for many of them , no doubt , were so secretly contrived , and carryed by them , that the historians of their ●imes could have no information of them ; others of them were so palliated and countenanced by their owne over-swaying greatnesse , that none durst question , nor record them , thoug● notorious● and some of them were questionlesse concealed by our histo●ians ; who being for the most part monkes , priests , or the prelates owne creatures , flatterers and dependants , out of favour or affection , did labour all they could to palliate , not to record or lay open their ghostly fathers nakednesse in this kinde● neither have i collected every particular of this nature which our historians relate , bu● onely selected such presidents as i cursorily observed in ow annals , and hastily collected for the most part long since , to which i presume , ●he diligent reader may accumulate many more : yet these i conceive are so many for number , so prodigious for circumstance , that they exceede both in mult●tude and heinousnesse all disloyall practises of like sort acted against our english monarches , by all other their subjects , of what quality soever , the nobles and others attainted formerly of treason , rebellion , and suffering for the same , being for the most part but the prelates instruments , the chiefe architects , arch-plotters and inciters of all the conspiracies , treasons , rebellions , warres and dissentions that ever hapned in our kingdome , and yet these arch-traytors and incendiaries commonly escaped the hand of iustice by reason of their unholy holy order , and appeales to rome , when as their under-hand instruments ( though lesse culpable ) received due execution . if then we consider the paucity of our arch-prelates , and lord bishops ( of england of which there is but one in each see at a time when full , and sometimes none for divers yeares in times of vacancy ) in comparison of the numerosity of the nobility , gentry , and commonalty of england on the one side , and then on the other hand compare the multitude of the prelates notorious treasons , rebellions , seditions , and contumacies against their kings , with thos● of the nobility , gentry , commons , which they farre exceede in number and notorius circumstances : or if we observe with what an high hand these prelates have acted , justified , defended these their villanies , not onely by protecting , but canonizing the authors of them for holy saints and martyrs ( as dunstane , becket , anselme , hugh , and others ) onely because they were prelates ; when as in truth they ought so much the rather , to have branded them for notorious traytors and rebels , execrable both to god and man : we must necessarily conclude their , no bishop , no king , to ●e a notorious bull ; and , no king vnlesse no bishop , to be a more probable and most true position ; and that ou● english lord bps ( especially those of canterbury , primates of all england , ●nely in evill for the most part ) have beene the most notorious traytors , rebels , conspirators , incendiaries , vipers , pests , grievances to the kings and state of england , of all ot●ers ; and so by consequence , rather of antichristian and diabolicall , th●n divine or apostolicall insti●ution ; fit to be utterly extirpated both by king and kingdome ; neither of which shall long flourish in happinesse , piety , or tranquillity , whiles lordly prelates beare the sway , and manage the chiefe temp●rall offices or affaires , contrary to christs owne expresse inhibitions , mat. . , , luk . . . act. . . tim. . . pet. . , ● . rom. . , . joh● . , , if any surmise , i write thus sharpely onely out of malice against our prelates , i shall desire but this favour from them , to suspend their censures , till they have impartially surveyed the ensuing particulars , ( which i have sincerely related , as i finde them recorded , without flattery on the one hand , or malignity on the other ; ) and then i doubt not but they will change their mindes , and readily subscribe to my conclusions , ratified by so many ancient presidents of old , and so many visible experiments fresh before our eyes . now , because the arch-prelates of canterbury ( * erected by gregory the first his bull , then pope of rome , which have engaged them ever since to be popes sworne vassals for the most part , and to imitate popes in their most execrable treasons and conspiracies ) have beene the archest t●aytors , rebels , and opposites to the kings ●f england in all ages , i shall for order and honour sake begin first with their contumacies , treacheries , and rebellious practises , and that in a chronologicall manner according to their severall antiquities ; and from them i shall descend to the arch-bishops of yorke , the greatest arch-traytors and rebels next to those of canterbury ; and then passe to ot●er of our prelates in their order , with as much brevity and perspicuity as the subject matter will permit me ; concluding with such materiall observations against our lordly hierarchy , as shall be infallibly warranted by the ensuing histories , and with such domesticke authorities against episcopacy , the lordlinesse , secularity , wealth , and temporall imployments of our prelates and their mischievousnesse both in church and state , as i trust will abundantly satisfie the most episcopall men , whose arguments both for the pretended divinity , and perpetuity of episcopacy in our church , i hope i shall satisfactorily answere . but not to detaine you longer with a prologue , i shall addresse my selfe to the subject matter , surveying the bishops of canterburies actions in the first place . the antipathie of the english lordly prelacie , both to regall monarchy , and civill unity . chap. i. containing the severall treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , seditions , contumacies , disloyalties of the arch-bishops of canter●ury against their soveraignes , kings of england ; the severall warres , tumults , dissentions occasioned and raysed by them in , or against our realme , with their manifold practises and attempts to undermine our lawes . in relating these disloyalties of our holy ar●h-prelates of canterbury , i cannot sing as the poet once did , * ab iove principium musae ; iovis omnia plena . ( sith there is little of god in any of their actions i am now to relate : ) unlesse i take iove here , not for the true living god , but for a meere * impious , treacherous , murthering , usurping devill incarnate , who thrust his father saturne out of his royall throne , and injuriously possessed h●mselfe of his kingdome against all right and equity . and in this sense i may truely chaunt , ab iove principium , &c. since i must not onely begin , but proceede and end , with devils incarnate , masked under a p●●la●es white rocher , rather than with holy fathers of the church . one of the first men of this stampe that encounters me in the sea of canterbury , is odo , surnamed the severe , possessing this pon●●●call chaire about the yeare of our lord . this pragmaticall turbulent arch-prelate , as hee was * thrice in armes in the field , after he was made a bishop , where he ●ought like a valiant champion ; so hee caused king edwin , wi●h whom hee had very evill agreement , to bee divorced from his queene , some say for consanguinity , others for other reasons : whereupon the king betaking himselfe ●o his concubines , odo there●pon suspended the king from the church , excommunicated his concubines , causing one of them , whom the king unreasonably do●ed upon , to bee fetcht out of the court with violence , branded her in the fore-head with an hot iron , and then banished her into ireland : after which shee returning into england , odo apprehends her the second time , and cuts off her sinewes at the ●ocke bone . the king being therewith much exasperated , spoyled all the monkes of all their goods , banished dunstan , the chiefe of the monkes in●o flanders ; ( who , together with cynesius , the bishop on the day of this kings coronation , entred most audaciously into his bed-chamber , and by violence dragged him both out of his bed , and bed-chamber , where they pretended hee was sporting with his concubine ) and threatned odo , with severe punishments , who was taken away by death soone after , and so delivered from all feare of the kings displeasure . this odo together with his monkes , wrought so with the subjects before his death , that the mercians with the northumbrians , did utterly cast off the yoake of obedience to edwin , and by an unanimous consent , made choyce of his brother edgar for their king , deo dictante & populo annuente , god himselfe ( to wit , by the mouth of odo and the other prelates and monks ) dictating it , and the people thereunto consenting , writes matthew westminster . arch-bishop parker , and bishop godwin , in the life of dunstan , arch-bishop of canterbury after odo , record , that during the time of dunstan his banishment into france , king edwin , by the rebellion of his subjects , * at the instigation , as is likely , of our monkes , prelates , and their favourers , was deprived both of his life and kingdome : whereupon edgar , that succeeded him , warned by his brothers example , was content to curry savour with them and dunstan , creating him first bishop of worcester , next of london , and finally of canterbury . a good reward for this his treason . * dunstan comming to the arch-bishopricke in this manner , not long after caused king edward to be slaine by his souldiers , for refusing to ayde the bishop of rochester against his brother agelredus , who besieged that city and the bishop : the monkes of that time impute th●s trecherous act to queene alsdrith , his mother in law , and gods divine judgement , to excuse their patron dunstan . after his murther , ( as * iohn capgrave and * speed record ) this holy arch-bishop dunstan would have advanced edgith his sister to the crowne , and invested her against etheldred the lawfull heire , had she not by the late experience of edwards fall , utterly refused that title● which neither belonged to h●● right , nor was safe for her person to undertake : whereupon dunstan and the monkes perceiving that queene elfrida , alferus duke of mercia , and many nobles , combined for young etheldred , the right hei●e , disavowing prince edward ( surnamed the martyr ) as illegitimate , did with all their might oppose etheldred , holding their states dangerous , and their new-gotten footing unsure , if in the nonage of the king , elfrida his mother , and other their opposites , should rule all under him , as was probable : for elfrida hated dunstan , because hee desired to hinder king edgar from ma●rying her , after he was contracted to her ; rushing * impudently into the kings bed-chamber the first night hee lay with her , demanding of the king , who it was he had in bed with him ? who answering , that it was his queene and consort ; dunstan replyed , that he could not marry her without offending god , and breaking the institution of the roman church , because of the spirituall kindred that was betweene them , he being her god-father , often warning the king to be divorced from her , which he refused . wherefore , dunstan and the p●elates considering that edward was altogether wrought in their mould , they abetted his title to the crowne ( though a bastard ) as one lawfully borne , and begot in the nuptiall bed of queene ethelfleda . their claimes thus banded among the s●atesmen , began to be diversly affected among the commons , and had put the game to the hazard , if the wisedome of dunstan had not seene ●he chase : for a councell being assembled to argue their rights , the arch-bishop came in with his banner and crosse , and not staying for further debate de iure , did de facto present king edward for their lawfull king ; and the assembly consisting of clergie men , perswading peace , drew the approbation of the rest ; and so was hee admitted and proclaimed their soveraigne , and after * crowned at kingston by dunstan , and the true heire put by for the time by this arch-traytor dunstan , and his clergie ; till about three yeares after edward was murthered , by the procurement of queene elfrida , and etheldred crowned king by dunstan , much against his will. this king , dunstan and his monkes continued to oppose● for * etheldred conceiving a just indignation against the bishop of rochester for his obstinacie and contumacious carriage towards him , thereupon besieged his citie : whereupon dunstan commanded the king to desist from his purpose , lest hee should provoke saint andrew , the patron of that city ; which the king refusing to doe , without the bishops submission , and unlesse hee would likewise pay him an hundred pounds● dunstan wondring thereat , sent this message to the king : because thou hast preferred silver before god , money before an apostle , and covetousnesse before me , violent mischiefes shall come upon thee , which the lord ●ath spoken . such an arch-traytor and proud imperious prelate was this arch-bishop dunstan . and if ●his saint was such , what thinke you may his successors prove , who were not so holy as to be canonized ? this dunstan * before hee became arch bishop of canterbury , caused king etheldred to p●eferre him before all his nobles , and to ●ay up all his richest royall household-stuffe , charters , records , with all his wealth and treasures in his monasterie ; and finally , to commit his very kingdome , body and soule , to him : so that all things were in dunstans power , the king not daring to doe any thing , either in publike affaires of the kingdome , or in his owne private negotiations , without dunstans advice ; so that he alone exercised royall authority in every place . in and by which , he wholly imployed his endeavours , how to enrich those monasteries with lands and revenues , which himselfe had founded , or the danes wasted , wasting the kings treasury , and appropriating the crowne lands to this purpose : which , when king edwyn comming to the crowne , sought to resume , dunstan much displeased herewith , sharpely reprehended him , then affronted him , and at last cau●ed him to be murthered , as is before remembred . and for all this good service , he was not onely made an arch-prelate , but a saint . siricius , * his next successor but one , consilio infausto , by an unhappie , if no● perfidious traytorly advice , perswaded king etheldred , in the thirteenth yeare of his raigne , to buy his peace of the danes at ten thousand pound annuall rent , to the ignominie and almost utter destruction of ●he whole kingdome : which evill ( writes henry huntingdon ) hath continued to this very day , and will longer endure , unlesse gods mercy helpe us . for now wee pay that to our kings out of custome , which was payd to the danes out of unspeakeable feares . ( yea , we a● this day have ●ared the worse for this president , it being much insisted on , to justifie the late taxe of ship-money . ) such perfidious and pernicious counsellers of state have these prelates beene , in teaching princes in every land to lay new exactions on , and tyrannize more and more over their subjects . woe ( saith * mr. tyndall ) is to the realmes where they are of the councell ; as profitable are they to the realmes with their counsell , as the wolves unto the sheepe , or the foxes unto the geese : as was this arch-prelate , who is much blamed in our histories for this his advice . robert arch-bishop of canterbury layd the first foundation of the normans conquest in england , perswading king edward to make duke william his heire ; whereunto when he had condiscended , himselfe became the messenger of this good tidings unto the duke , taking harold with him , that he might hamper him with an oath ( as hee did indeede ) and so barre him from all possibility of the kingdome : which oath he breaking afterward , lost both his li●e and kingdome together . the arch-bishop now assuring himselfe of the favour of the king not onely present● but him that was to succeede , could not endure that any should bea●e so great sway as himselfe in court ; and therefore fell to devise , how he might overthrow † emma the kings mother , who onely served to over-top him . hee began therefore to bea●e into the kings head , how hard a hand his mother had held upon him , when he lived in normandie ; how likely it was , that his brother came by his death by the practise of her and earle godwyn ; and that she used the company of alwyn , bishop of winchester , somewhat more familiarly then was for her honour . the king somewhat too rashly crediting these tales , without any further examination of this matter , seized upon all his mothers goods , and committed her to prison , in the nunnery of warwell , banished earle godwyn and his sonne , and commanded alwyn upon paine of death , not to come forth of the gates of winchester . the queene made the best friends she could , to be called to her answere ; but the arch-bishop so possessed the king , as other tryall of her innocencie might not bee allowed then this ; shee must walke over nine plough-shares red hot in the midst of the cathedrall church of winchester : if shee performed not this purgation , or were found any thing at all hurt , she and the bishop both should bee esteemed guilty ; if otherwise , the arch-bishop was content to submit himselfe to such punishment as they should have endured . the arch-bishops authority was then so prevalent over the most powerfull persons , that the queene her selfe , neither by her owne power , nor of the king her sonne , nor of the nobles and bishops , nor by any other meanes than by her innocencie , could keepe off this so notorious an injury and contumely , the † king and bishops being forced to approve this most severe edict of the arch-bishop , against their wills : whereupon the queene , led by two bishops , in the open sight of the people , did this hard purgation , and ●o acquitted her self and alwyn of the crimes objected - the king then greatly bewayling the wrong done to his mother by the arch-bishops malicious false suggestions , asked her forgivenesse upon his knees , restored her and the bishop to their goods and places ; and to make satisfaction , would needes be whipped by the hands of the bishops there present ; and receiving three stripes of his mother , was by her clearely forgiven . the arch-bishop , the author and plotter of all this stirre and mischiefe , fearing the successe of this matter , held himselfe at dover , under pretence of sickenesse ; and as soone as he heard how the world went , knowing england to be too hot for him , got him over to the abbey of gemmeticum ; where overcome with shame and sorrow , he there shortly after ended his dayes : the king having passed a publike sentence against him and his confederates , * quod statum regni conturbarant , &c. that they had disturbed the state of the king●dome , stirring up the kings mind against his mother and faithfull subjects , whereupon he was deprived . * stigand , placed in his sea before his death , after william the conquerour had slaine harold , and vanquished his armie in battlefield ; edwyn and mercar endeavoured to crowne edgar , etheling , the right●ull heire ; to whos● side , most of the nobles , the citizens of london , with the navall forces , adhered ; and so did aldred , arch-bishop of yorke : who presently , with the other prelates , ●ell off to william the conquerour , being the stronger side , ( to whom the pope had sent a consecrated banner , an agnus dei , and one of saint peters haires , in way of good speed ) refusing to side with the lords , whereupon their designements were all suddenly quashed . but arch-bishop s●igand , and eglesigne abbot of saint augustines , assembling all the kentish men together , encouraged them to stand for their liberties , though with the losse of their lives ; and marching before them as their generalls , enclosed him and his armie by a stratagem , with branches of trees , their banners displayed , and bows bent , and so purchased a confirmation of their freedomes and customes from him , by way of composition . then comming to london , the conquerour refused to be crowned by stigana , aldred arch●bishop of yorke performing this ceremonie on ●he day of christs nativitie , anno. . stigand not long after , and alexander bishop of lincolne , fled int● scotland , where they kept themselves close for a season ; and at last returning , king william departe● into normandie , knowing stigand to be of a crafty pate , and perfidious heart , and of great power among his kentish men , carryed him over sea with him , lest he ●hould raise new stirres , and cause a revolt from him in england during his absence : and then returning into england , he caused him ( with other bishops that had beene ●reacherous to him ) to be deposed from his arch-bishopricke in a synod at winchester , for holding the bishop of winchester in commendam with his arch-bishopricke ; for invading the sea of canterbury , whiles robert lived● for using his pa●l , left at canterbury ; for simonie , and to prevent him from raising any further tumults . * the king after his degradation , spoyling him of his goods , committed him to perpetual prison ; where at last he was starved with hunger , refusing to reveale those infinite treasures which hee had heaped up in store , to worke some mischie●e , which were discovered after his death . not long after which , plures episcopi & abba●es , many bishops and abbots joyned in a conspiracie with ralph de ware , and roger earle of hereford , against the conquerour , to thrust him out of his kingdome : such faithfull subjects were they to their soveraigne , to whom they had sworne allegeance . william the conquerour dying , * by the perswasion of lanfranke arch-bishop of canterbury , ( who had brought up william rufus from his child-hood ) he left the crowne of england to his younger sonne william , putting the eldest son robert from the crowne , which was due unto him . in which action , god blessed not the arch-bishop : for the king ( though thus advanced and crowned by him , and the prelates , against all right , and the approbation of the nobles and people , who stood for robert ) fell out with him , banished him the realme , as being overbusie and pragmaticall ; till at last , with much adoe , he mediated his peace . now , what was this but an act of treason , treachery , and injustice , to thrust the right hei●e from the crown , and set up an usurper ? which , as it procured many bloody warres betweene the two brethren , so it brought great misery on the whole realme , as the histories of those times witnesse ; and procured himselfe much blame . † this arch-prelate lanfranke , was used by pope gregory before this exploit of his , for the undermining of william the conqueror , and the subjecting both of him and his state to the papacie ; which he endevouring , but not effecting , his holinesse growing angry with this agent , lanfrancke cleared himselfe of the blame , shewing him how diligently , † ( but indeede treacherously ) he had bestirred himselfe in counselling to sweare to yeeld obedience and doe fealty to the pope : suasi , sed non persuasi , saith he , i have so advised him , but i could not perswade him . o perfidious , ungratefull counsell and swasion of this prelate , to make his soveraigne and his realme mee●e vassals to the pope ! this lanfrancke so farre offended william rufus , that he banished him the land , whereupon he went to rome , and travelled over divers countries in exile ; till a writing on a certaine night falling as it were from heaven into the hands of a clerke , wherein it was written that william rufus was slaine ( which afterwards came to passe ) he heard the newes of rufus his death , and thereupon returned againe to his see of canterbury , and there dyed of a feaver . † anselme arch-bishop of canterbury , his immediate successour , presently after his consecration sell into contestation with his soveraigne william rufus , naming and accepting vrban to be pope , before the king had acknowledged him to be so ; for which , and for his over-sawcie speeches and carririage to the king , and his refusing to acknowledge his fau●● , he was commanded out of the realme , all the prelates of england , except onely gundalfus bishop of rochester , assenting to the king against anselme , that he was guilty of high treason , for attempting to deprive the crowne of sundry prerogatives royall belonging to it● to wit , soveraigne● pope vrban used anselm as his instrument to draw the king to his beck , and to subject the crowne and kingdom to his will ; which incredible pride and popish incroachments of his , attempted by the meanes of anselme , and other chiefe prelates of the kingdome , caused the king for prevention of further mischefes , to banish th●● rebellious trayterly prelate ; who repairing to the pope , where hee had good entertainement , made many complaints against his soveraigne , whose death he both plotted and conspired ; as is probable by that vision which * matthew westminster records to have appeared to anselme during his exile , wherein he saw god , at the prayers of the saints in england , deliver a fiery arrow to martyr saint alban , who delivered it to an evill spirit , an avenger of wickednesse , that cast it flying like a comet throw the ayre , understanding presently in the spirit , that the king wounded and shot with that arrow , perished that night he saw this vision . wherupon celebrating the masse very early the next morning he packed up his clothes , books , and other things which he would have carried with him , and forthwith began his journey towards his church of canterbury , to which when he came neere , he heard the king was slaine about the same time ; he having , in all likelihood , before that plotted with and hired walter tyrell the french knight ( who shot the king in the brest with an arrow in stead of the s●ag he was chasing ) to murther the king in this manner about that time ; which fore-plotted treason was the occasion of this vision : true it is , that the monkes who favoured anselme , and writ the histories of those times impute this murther onely to a casualty , as if the arrow had glanced against a tree , and so by accident slaine the king , who with one only groane fell downe and dyed : but certainely this vision with many other of that nature , registred by our * monks compared with other circumstances ; as the great hatred of the clergie , monkes , and prelates towards him , his premonition not to ride abroad a hunting that day , that tyrell and the king were alone , and all the company else scattered from him when this was done ; that most of his followers as soone as they heard of it made away ; that tyrell so easily escaped without any prosecution for this fact ; that the kings corpes was layd by some few country peasants onely ( all the rest forsaking him ) into a colliers cart , drawne with one silly beast , through a very foule and filthy way , where the car● breaking , he lay pittifully goared , and filthily bemired , that he was obscurely buried at winchester the next day following , not onely without any state or solemnity , but without any teares , in cujus sepultura lachrymae locum prae gaudio non habe●ant ( saith matthew paris ; ) that there were so many predictions of his death by monkes ; that anselme had such speedy notice of it , and provided for his returne to england the next morning after : these severall circumstances , i say , compared with anselmes vision , are strong arguments to me , that his death was not casuall , but plotted by this arch-prelate and his instruments , to end the controversies then betweene them . this king being thus dispatched , * king henry the first succeeded him , calls home anselme from his exile ; who immediately upon his returne deprived divers bishops and abbots in a convocation at london , and presently after fell out with this king also , as hee had done with william rufus , for disposing of all bishoprickes that fell at his pleasure , giving investiture and possession of them by the delivery of a staffe and a ring , according as his predecessors had done , and all princes generally used to doe in that age ; whereupon anselme denying this prerogative to his soveraigne , refused both to consecrate any of the bishops thus elected , and appointed , or to repute any of those , already consecrated by such election , for lawfull bishops ; alledging , that it was la●●ely prohibited by pope vrban the second , in a coun●cell held under him , that any clerke should take the investiture of any spirituall pre●erment from the hand of any king , prince , or layman : the king upon anselmes refusall , required gerard arch-bishop of yorke to give these bishops consecration ; whereunto hee readily assented ; but william giffard nominated to winchester , stood so in awe of anselme , that he durst not accept consecration at gerards hands . this incensed the king wonderfully , so as presently hee commanded giffards goods to be confiscate , and himselfe banished the realme : great adoe there was througho●t the realme about this matter , some defending the kings right , others taking part with the bishops : the king thinking to pacifie the controversies , sent an ambassador to the pope , together with the archbishop , to grow to some reasonable conclusion : ●ase●all the second , who then was pope , would not yeeld one jot unto the king , animated no doubt by anselme , a man so resolute in his quarrell : insomuch that when the kings ambassadour william wartlewast sayd , he knew the king would rather lose his crowne than this priviledge ; he answered , yea , let him lose his head also if he will , whilst i live , hee shall never appoint bishop , but i will resist him what i may . so without doing any good , homeward they came . the king understanding before-hand how the world went , sent a messenger to forbid anselme to enter into the realme , & presently seized all his goods , movables , and immovables into his hands . after three yeares exile , anselme at the importunate mediation of adila countesse of bloys the kings sister , was restored , upon these conditions ; that hee should be content to consecrate the bishops already nominated by the king , and that the king should renounce all right to such nominations and investitures for time to come : no sooner returned he againe , but hee kindled a fresh combustion , by enforcing all married priests to forsake their wives , depriving them of their goods , benefices , and adjudging their wives adulteresses . the king upon their complaint , pittying their case ( halfe of the priests of england being then married , mediates for them , and protected them a while from anselmes severity , granting them licenses to retaine their wives ; but hee ( a man alwayes most peremptory in his resolution ) would not be perswaded to yeeld one jot in this or any other thing hee intended : so that notwithstanding the kings inclination to succour them , many of them were miserably vexed ; which ingendred a new quarrell betweene him and the king : in a word , this rebellious traytorly prelate , did so good service for the pope against these two kings ( whom hee caused to be in a manner excommunicated by the pope , and subjugate to his pleasure ) that in favour of him , he afforded to his see this honour , that whereas the arch-bishop of canterbury was wont to sit next the bishop of ruffine in generall counsels , hereafter his place should be at the popes right foote , and withall used these words , includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam papa alterius orbis , let us include this man in our world , as the pope of another world . in a word , king william rufus was so vexed with anselme , william bishop of durham , and other rebellious prelates , that * william of milmesbury records of him , that he animated the iewes at london to enter into a dispute against our bishops , telling them ( in merriment , as this historian conceived ) that if they overcame the christians by manifest arguments , that he would be of their sect. therefore this thing was acted with great feare of the bishops and clergie-men , affected with a pious solicitude of the christian faith. but in this combate , the iewes obtained nothing but confusion ; although they often boasted , that they were not overcome by argumentation , but by the faction of the prelates . this fire-brand of contention departing this life , ralph of canterbury , his immediate successor , an insolent cholerick proud prelate , offered two such notable affronts to king henry the first , his soveraigne , who advanced him to this sea , as no age ( i thinke ) can parallell . for * king henry having assembled all his nobles to windsor castle ; to consult with them about his marriage with adelicia , his second wife , daughter to the duke of loraine ; the bishop of salisbury being requested both by the king and queene to solemnize the marriage betweene them , and clad in his holy vestments , ready to performe this service , this decrepit resty proud arch-prelate commanded him to desist , contrary to the king and queenes precept and desire , and committed that service to the bishop of winchester , who performed it . after which , adelicia being solemnly to bee crowned queene at london , on the feast of pentecost , in the presence of the king and nobles , this arch-prelate as hee was chaunting masse at the high altar in his pontificalibus , to grace this solemnity , espyed the king sitting on his royall throne with his crowne upon his head : whereupon he grew into such choler , that intermitting his begun masse , he goes to the king , thus sitting in the church on his throne amidst his nobles , and demands of him in bigge words , who it was that had set the crowne upon his head ? ( hee being crowned by thomas arch-bishop of yorke , in the absence of anselme of canterbury : ) to which the king replyed : it is no great matter to me who did it , and it was done so long since , that i remember not who it was . but the arch-bishop enraged with choler , auswered : that whoever had done it , did it wrongfully and unjustly ; therefore thou shalt either cease to weare thy crowne , or else i will desist from saying masse . the king nothing moved herewith , answered with a pleasant and mild countenance : if this crowne , as thou sayest , be not lawfully set on my head , you may doe that which you conceive to bee agreeable to law , i will not gaine-say it . at which words , the arch-bishop approached neerer him , and lifting up his hands to pull the kings crowne from off his head , whiles the king was untying the button under his chinne , by which his crowne was tyed on his head , the nobles admiring the kings modestie , and the arch-bishops anger and arrogancie , cryed out with one voyce against the arch-prelate , and earnestly ent●eated him , that in the solemne coronation of the queene , he would not uncrowne the king himselfe . with who●e clamours ralph being overcome , desisted f●om this his insolent attempt , and standing by the king , began the song , glory be to god on high ; and then proceeded in his masse . * higden ( and * speede out of him ) records , that this testie old man could hardly be entreated by the nobles to with-hold his hands from striking the crowne off the kings head ; and that even in the church ; in the presence of all his lords , his queene , and god himselfe : of such an high spirit then was this devout arch-prelate . from hence ( writes † matthew parker ) it may be discerned , how unseasonably and impudently these kind of men abused the lenity of this prince , who thought themselves more worthy in holinesse than others , and deemed they had an imperiall command over princes . this furious proud prelate being dead , * william corbell his next successor , was so good and trusty a subject to king henry the first , who advanced him , that upon the kings death , hee was content to betray and dis-inherite of the crowne his daughter maud the empresse , and contrary to his oath , to joyne with stephen earle of bloys , whom he crowned with his owne hands , but with such feare and terrour of conscience , that the consecrated host fell out of his hands in the midst of masse , by reason of his trembling and fearefull amazednesse . * raphael holinshed his relation of this fact , is worthy observation : stephen ( writes hee ) was crowned at westminster on saint stephens day by william arch-bishop of canterbury , the most part of the nobility being present , and swearing fealty unto him , as to their true and lawfull soveraigne : howbeit , there were diverse of the wiser sort of estates , which regarding their former oath ( to bee true unto the empresse maude ) could have beene contented , that the empresse should have governed till her sonne had come to lawfull age ; notwithstanding they held their peace as yet , and consented unto stephen . but the breach of their oathes was worthily punished afterward , insomuch , that as well the bishops , as the other nobles , either dyed an evill death , or were afflicted with divers kinds of calamities and mischances , and that even here in this life . yet there were some of them ( namely the bishop of salisbury ) which protested , that they were free from their oath of allegeance made to the sayd empresse , because that without the consent of the lords of this land , she was marryed out of the realme : whereas they tooke their oath , to receive her for queene upon that condition , that without their assent she should not marry with any person out of this realme . moreover , ( as some writers thinke ) the bishops tooke it , they should do god good service , in providing for the wealth of the realme , and the advancement of the church , by their perjurie . for , whereas the late deceased king ( henry the first ) used himselfe not altogether for their purpose , they thought , that if they might set up and create a king chiefely by their especiall meanes and authority , he would follow their counsell better , and refo●me such things as they judged to be amisse : so he. but this trecherous act of them , in dis-inheriting maude , ( wherein the bishop of wi●●hester was a chiefe actor , yet afterwards joyned with maude for a season , and then fell off againe ) what civill warres , tumults , battailes , evill effects , and blood-shed it occasioned here in england , to the prejudice of the whole realme , 〈◊〉 all our chronicles and historians , in the life of king stephen , testifie at large . theobald , arch-bishop of canterbury , his immediate successour * being summoned by the pope to appeare at the councell of rhemes , the king ( at the instigation of henry bishop of winchester his brother , the popes legat and arch-bishops opposite ) prohibited him to passe beyond sea , to stay him at home : but he thinking it safer to offend the king then the pope , resolved to goe ; and though all the ports were stopped , and layd for him , yet over the seas hee got . the king thereupon seized all his goods and temporalties , and banished him the realme : he like a tall fellow , thereupon interdicted the king , with the whole realme ; and taking advantage of the time , which was very troublesome , came home and lived in norfolke , till by the intercession of the bishops he was restored to his bishopricke . after which , growing into great favour with the king , in a convocation summoned at london . the king would have constrained the clergie to make eustace his sonne , king : which they refusing , and delaying to doe , having a command from the pope to the contrary , pretending that his father king stephen was an usurper , and perjured intruder ; the king and his sonne cau●ed the doores to bee shut upon the clergie , where they were assembled , thinking by force and threatning to compell them thereto , before they departed . the greater number seemed to yeeld , but the arch-bishop stealing secretly out of the place , tooke his barge , and rowing downe the * thames , got beyond sea ; so that by this meanes the synod was dissolved . his goods hereupon were presently once more confiscate , and his temporalties seized into the kings hands . he thereupon troubled the realme with fire , sword , and bloody warres , causing henry fitz-empresse to invade the land , whose title the pope favoured , of purpose to strengthen himselfe against king lewis of france , who had highly offended his holinesse , by casting his bulls ( whereby he require● the fruites of vacancies of cathedrall churches in france ) into the fire , saying , hee had r●ther the popes bulls should r●st in the fire , than his owne soule sho●ld fry in hell. thomas becket succeeding theobald , by king henry the seconds extraordinary favour ( though against the canons , he being both a souldier , a courtier , and skilled onely in ●ecular affaires , ) to require his soveraignes extraordinary favour , he first resigned his bishopricke , which hee had received from the kings hands , into the popes in a secret manner , receiving it backe againe as from him ; and then looked so narrowly into the lands belonging to his see , having great authority , and some skill in the law , that under colour of defending the rites of his church , hee tooke violently from every man what he listed : and practising treason secretly , he required of the king the keeping of rochester castle , and the custody of the tower of london ; and called roger earle of clare unto westminster , to doe his homage unto him for the castle of tunbridge ; which the earle denyed , through the setting on of the king ; so as he provoked many of all sorts of people every where with open mouth to exclaime against him , and to make their complaints thicke and three-fold to the king ; betweene whom and the king there arose a great quarrell upon this occasion . the clergie by their flattery , policy and canons , having exemp●ed themselves from secular jurisdiction , and presuming upon beckets power , grew strangely impudent and disorderly ; insomuch , that the * chiefe justice declared in the kings presence , how that clergie men had committed above an hundred murthers since his raigne ; wherewith the king highly offended , he became somewhat too vehement in punishing them ; but the blame of the kings over-much earnestnesse must lye on the prelates , inasmuch as they gave the cause thereof : for whereas sacred canons ordaine , that clerkes found guilty , not onely of hainous and grievous sinnes , but also of lesser , should be degraded , and thousands of such were then in the church of england , like in●umerable chaffe among a little good corne , yet very few such for many yeares had beene then deprived . the prelates , forsooth , while * they bestirred themselves rather to uphold the liberties and dignities of clerkes , than to chastise and cut off their vices , thought they did god and his church good service , in protecting from publicke discipline such heinous offenders , whom by duty of their places they ought to correct according to the canon censure ; whereby they thr●ugh their impunity , having liberty to doe what they listed , had neither feare of god , ( whose judgement they thought to be a farre off ) neither of men in authority ; sith on the one side their prelates neglected to reforme them , and on the other side they were thus exempt by their order from secular jurisdiction . this being the state of the church and realme , where in some were so injured without remedy , and others so injurious without coertion , as if neither sort were in condition of subjects ; the king thereupon tooke speciall care of quickning the publicke discipline , and the rigour of ancient ●awes which thus lay neglected , and thereupon would , that all such of the clergie as were depreh●nded in any robbery , murther , felony , burning of houses , and the like , * should be tryed and adjuged in his temporall courts as lay men were : against which the arch-bishops resolution was : that clergie-men so offending should be tryed onely in the spirituall courts , and by men of their owne coat : who , if they were convict , should at first be onely deprived of their o●fice and benefice , but if they should againe be guiltie of the like , they should be adjudged at the kings pleasure . in this maine controversie betweene the crowne and the mitre , the arch-bishop stood so peremptory on the immunities of his clergie and see , as that he challenged from the● crowne ( to the kings great offence ) the custody of rochester castle and other forts , which the king for securing his state , had resumed into his owne hands . the king finding himselfe to be hereby but a demi-king , deprived of all soveraignty over one halfe deale of his kingdome , and perceiving beckets stiffenesse in thus contesting with his soveraigne , to be no wayes mollifiable by whatsoever his old favours or fresh perswasions , notwithstanding resolved to put nothing in execution which should not first be ratified and strengthned with the consent of his bishops : who thereupon assembling at westminster , the king tooke both offence there at the arch-bishops thwarting his desires and occasions to establish sundry articles , which hee called his grand●athers customes , peremptorily urging becket to yeeld thereunto , without any such reservation , ( as saving in all things his order and right of the church ) wherewith hee would have limited his assent . the points in those ordinances which he principally stucke at , as appeares by his owne letter to the pope , were these : . that none should appeale to the bishop of rome for any cause whatsoever , without the kings license . . that it should not be lawfull for any arch-bishop or bishop to depart the realme , or repaire to the pope upon his summons , without the kings license . . that no bishop should excommunicate any man holding of the king in chiefe , or put any other of his officers under interdict , without the kings license . . that clerkes criminous should be tryed before secular iudges . . that it should not be lawfull for a bishop to punish any one for perjury , or faith-breach . . that the laity , whether the king or other , should hold pleas of churches and tithes , &c. these points so neerely touched the papall soveraigntie and church-liberties , that the resolute metropolitane mainely opposed his whole power against them . the king being as resolute to enforce him to subscribe to them , both to ●nlarge his soveraigne authority , and to exempt his estate by degrees from dependancie on any externall government , as lineally claiming from absolute soveraigne antecessors . at last pope alexander very desi●ous to keepe the kings love , though secretly wishing well to beckets attempts , sent one philip his almoner to compose the controversie ; by whom the pope and cardinalls required the arch-bishop to promise the king to keepe his sayd ordinances absolutely ; without any savings or exceptions . whereupon becket seeing his scrupulositie thus disapproved by his soveraigne , by all his brethren the bi●hops , and the court of rome it selfe , hee rode to woodstocke to the king , and there promised that he would keepe the sayd lawes b●na fide , and without male engin . the king thereupon supposing now all contradictions would cease , called an assembly of the states at cla●endon , to collect and enact those lawes ; where becket relapsing from his former promise to the king , sayd , he had grievously sinned in making that absolute oath , and that he would not sinne any more . at which the king was so vehemently inflamed , that hee threatned banishment and destruction to him and his . but at last the arch-bishop being overcome by perswasions of divers nobles and bishops sware before the king , clergie and people in the word of a priest , and sincerely , that he would observe the lawes which the king intituled , avitae : and all the bishops , abbots , priors , and whole clergie with all the earles , barons , and nobilitie did promise and sweare the ●ame faithfully and truly to observe and performe to the king and his heires for ever . but when the king not so contented , would have him to subscribe and fixe his seale to an instrument , in which these customes and lawes were comprised , as every one of the other bishops had done b●fore him ; he once againe starting from his faith , did absolutely refuse it ; alledging , that hee did promise to doe the king some honour in word onely , but not with an intent to confirme these articles , being . in number ; neither would he subscribe or seale them , unlesse the pope by his bull did first confirme them . the king hereupon sent two embassadours to rome to the pope , to crave his allowance of those lawes , and to pray that the legantine power of england might bee committed to the arch-bishop of yorke ; becket being so farre from seeking to pacifie the kings displeasure , as dayly hee provoked him more and mor●● the pope knowing the cause to bee his owne more than beckets , rejected both these suites ; becket having dealt so with him be●ore-hand , that hee would doe nothing to his prejudice ; and withall absolved him and the other bishops from their oath of allegeance to their prince : whereupon the king commanded becket to bee condemned in dammages ●or a manor which iohn de marshall claimed , and in the parliament of northampton demanded an accoun● of him of . pound , which came to his hand during his chancellorship ; which hee excusing , and refusing punctually to answer , the peeres and bishops condemned all his movables t● the kings mercy : after which , the prelates ●hemselves by a joynt consent , adjudged him guilty of perjury , for not yeelding tempo●all obedience to the king according to his oath , disclaiming all obedien●e to him thence forward as to their arch-bishop : becket the next day , whiles the bishops and peeres were consulting of some f●rther course with him , caused to be sung before him at the altar : the princes sit and speake against mee , and the ungodly persecute me , &c. and forthwith taking his silver crosier in his owne hands ( a thing strange and unheard of before ) enters armed therewith into the kings pr●sence , though earnestly disswaded by all that wished him well : wherewith the king enraged , commanded his peeres to sit in judgement upon him , as on a traytor and perjured person , and accordingly they adjudged him to be apprehended and cast in prison as such a delinquent . the earles of cornewall and leicester ( who sate as judges ) citing him forthwith to heare his sentence pronounced ; hee immediately appealed to the see of rome , as holding them no competent judges ; wh●reupon all reviling him with the name of traytor and perjured person , he replyed ; that were it not for his function , he would enter the duell or combat with them in the field , to acquit himselfe from treason and perjury : and so speeding from the court departed into flanders ( disguised under the name of dereman ) in a poore fisher-boate , accompanied onely with servitors : the king thereupon seized all his goods and temporalties into his hands , and sent ambassadours to the earle of flanders , the french king , and the pope , praying them in no wise to suffer or softer within their dominions , one that was such a notorious traytor to him . the french king , thinking that this disagreement betweene the king and the arch-bishop would breed some stirre in england , dealt with the pope , that as hee loved the roman church , and the ayde of france , so hee would support beckets cause against the king ; with whom though hee had amity before , yet at beckets instigation , as is probable , ( whose whole life was nothing else but a continued act of rebellion , treachery , and disobedience against his soveraigne lord ) he presently fell to invade the king of englands dominions , and tooke by assault certaine holds of his in normandy . the arch-bishop also about the same time growing in great savour with the pope , whom the king by all his friends and agents could not move to any thing against him , sent out particular excommunications against all the suff●agan bishops of his province , and all such as had obeyed , defended , or occasioned the sayd lawes and a vitall customes , and against some of them by name ; which excommunications he published at vizely in france on ascension day , when the church was most full of people , getting into the pulpit the●e ; and solemnely accursing them with bell , booke and candle , threatning the like thunder-clap against his owne royall person : whereupon the king receiving such a foile from the pope , and such an affront from the arch-bishop , directs his writs to the sherifes of england , commanding them to attach all such who appealed to the court of rome , with the fathers , mothers , brothers , sisters , nephewes , and neeces , of all the clergie that were with the arch-bishop , and to put them under sureties ; as also to seize the revenues , goods , and chattels of these clergie-men . and by other letters to guilbert bishop of london , he sequestred the profits and livings , which within his diocesse did belong to any of the clergie who were fled to thomas ; and signified to his justices by a publicke decree , that no man should bring any letters or commandment from pope alexander , or thomas arch-bishop of canterbury into england , containing an indiction of the realme , upon peril to be apprehended and punished as a traytor to the king , and an enemy to the realm . and that they should safe keepe whosoever did bring any interdict into england , till the kings pleasure were further knowne ; causing all the arch-bishops goods to be confiscated , and banished out of the realme all the arch-bishops kindred , man , woman , child , and sucking babes ; forbidding hee should be any longer mentioned publikely and prayed for in the church , as arch-bishop of canterbury ; and to vexe him the more , because he knew hee was much delighted in the monastery of pontiniac , an abbey of cirstercian monkes , he signified to all the monkes of that order in his dominion , that he would banish them every one , if they would not procure the arch-bishop to bee thrust out of that monastery ; which for feare of so great calamity to so many men of their order , was effected . and because pope alexander , beckets surest card , was ferrited much in like sort by fredericke barbarossa the emperour , the king therefore determined to joyne in league with him , being a prosessed enemie both to the french king and the pope , sending ambassadors to him for that purpose ; which the pope having notice of , began presently to quaile , promising speedily to end all controversies betweene him and becket to the kings liking : whereupon at the procurement of iohn of oxford , two legates were sent into england to reconcile the king and thomas ; but the pope hearing when they were gone , that they were resolved utterly to confound the arch-bishop , sent letters after them to rebate their absolute power , who when they came to thomas he absolutely refused to put their cause unto them , but upon such conditions , as neither they nor the king would brooke . the passages betweene the king , and the pope and becket , and his complaints to the pope against the king , too tedious to recite at large , you may reade at leisure in holinshed , vol. . p. . to . wherein he desires the pope to use his rigour both against the king , and the prelates that sided with him , and to constraine them to amendment . after this , the pope moved the french king to mediate a peace betweene them : for which purpose , both the kings and the arch-bishop were brought together at paris ; where suite being made to the king in his behalfe , that he might returne , be restored to his goods and revenues arising during his absence , and likewise to the kings favour , upon his humble submission : the king answered , that for the rest he was contented , but that he could not allow him the profits of his arch-bishoprick since his banishment , for that he had already given them to others ; yet he would give him such recompence for them , as the french king , or the senate or students of paris should thinke meete . whereupon becket being called for , and advised by his frieuds to submit himselfe in the presence of both kings , without any more reservations , he falling downe humbly upon his knees , used these words : my lord and soveraigne , i doe here commit unto your owne judgement the cause and controversie betweene us , so farre forth as i may , saving the honour of almighty god : the king much offended with his last exception , turned him about unto the french king , and telling how much hee had done for the arch-bishop , and how ●ee had used him , sayd , i am so well acquainted with the trickes of this fellow , that i cannot hope for any good dealing at his hands : see you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause , ( saving the honour of god ? ) for whatsoever shall displease him , hee will by and by alleadge to be prejudiciall to the honour of almighty god. but this i will say unto you , whereas there have beene kings of england many before mee ; whereof some were peradventure of greater power than i , the most part farre lesse ; and againe , many arch-bishops before this man , holy and no●able men ; looke what duty was ever performed by the greatest arch-bishop that ever was , to the weakest , and simplest of my predecessours , let him but yeeld me that , and it shall abundantly content mee . hereunto the arch-bishop answered cunningly , and stoutly ; that his predecessours * who could not bring all things to passe at the first dash , were content to beare with many things , and that as men they fell , and omitted their duty oft times ; that that which the church had gotten , was by the constancie of good prelates , whose example he would follow thus farre forth ; as though he could not augment the priviledges of the church in his time , yet he would never consent they should be diminished . this answere being heard , all men cryed shame of him , and generally imputed these stirres unto him ; and king lewis offended with his answere , asked him , whether he thought himselfe to be greater or holyer than saint peter ? and the peeres of both nations accused him of arrogance , as being himselfe the wilfull hinderer of his owne and the churches tranquillity . notwithstanding , the pope forgot not faithfull thomas ; and there●ore , after hee had graced him with a confirmation of all the priviledges and powers which any of his predeces●ors in that see did enjoy ( to the daring and defiance , as it were , of the kings utmost indignation ) the king sent a letter into germany , declaring , that hee would forsake pope alexander , and joyne with the emperour and anti-pope . the king doubting what might become of these broyles , caused his sonne henry to bee crowned king in his owne life time , to assure him of the succession : afterwards comming into france againe , becket and hee were upon the point of reconciliation , but the casting out some word or other , as before , maried all ; at length the king and hee were made friends , but his full restitution referred till he had behaved himselfe quietly a while at canterbury , which he promised to doe : but hee was so far from performing that promise , as he sent into england before him divers excommunications , which the pope had granted out long before , and committed to his discretion . amongst other the arch-bishop of yorke , the bishop of london and salisbury were named in them , together with so many as were doers in the coronation of the young king , which the arch-bishop sayd might not be performed by any but by his appointment . the men thus strucken with this holy fire , hasted them over into normandy , to make their complaint to the king , who infinitely grieved at this kinde of dealing , cursed the time that ever he had made him arch-bishop , and restored him to his place againe , adding , it was his chance ever to do with unthankefull men , otherwise some or other would long ere this have made this proud priest an example to all such troublesome perturbers of his realme and state. it hapned among other , foure knights , to wit , reynald fitz-vrse , hugh de mor●vill , william de tracie , and richard briton , to be present at this speech of the kings ; who gathered thereby , they should do a deed very acceptable unto him , if they killed the arch-bishop , who in the meane time was come to canterbury , and was received there with great joy : whence he went to london , and so to woodstock wher the young king lay . but before he could get to the kings presence , word was brought him , the kings pleasure was , hee should first goe to canterbury , and revoke those excommunications , before the king would talk with him ; whereupon he returned to canterbury , without seeing the king at all : where the foure knights before mentioned arrived upon innocents day ; who comming to the arch-bishop , told him , the kings pleasure was , first , that he should goe to his son , and reverently make offer of doing homage and fealty unto him for the barony of his arch-bishoprick : secondly , that he should cause al the strangers he brought into the realm with him , to be sworn to his obedience : thirdly , that he should revok those excommunications which he he had caused to be denounced against the instruments of the young king● coronation . to which demands he answered , that neither the king nor any other mortall man should extort from him , or any of his , by his consent , any unjust or unreasonable oath : and as for the bishops and others excommunicate concerning the coronation , it was indeed ( quoth he ) a thing done in my behalfe , for an injury offered to my church , but it was the act of the pope . if therefore they will sweare , they shall be ready to make me amend● at the popes discretion , i will absolve them , otherwise not : and whatsoever you say , it was the kings pleasure i should take my best course for the redresse of this abuse by ecclesiasticall authority . many other words then passed betweene them , they breathing our terrible threates , and he continuing still the same man , without yeelding one jot . at last the knights departed , giving the monkes charge in the kings name , to see the arch-bishop for●h-comming , and not to suffer him to escape away . at evening prayer time , the same day , they came suddenly into the church with their swords drawne , crying , where 's the traytor ? where 's the traytor ? the arch-bishop , who was then going up the steps towards the quire , hearing the noyse , turned backe unto them , and every one of the foure striking mainely at him , upon the third or fourth greice of those steps he was slaine . his body these knights determined to have cast into the sea , or else to have hewen into a ●housand peeces ; but the prior and monkes doubting some such thing , buried it immediately in the under-craft ; whence shortly it was taken up , and layd in a most sumptuous shrine , in the east end of the church . the pope hearing of this massacre of this his grand champion , immediately excommunicated all that were either authors or consenters to it . the king was ●aine to purge himselfe thereo● by oath , and yet could not be absolved , before he had done certaine strange penance : as first , that hee sho●ld pray devoutly at the tombe of this new martyr ; that hee should be whipt in the chapter-house , receiving of every monke one lash ; that he should maintaine two hundred souldiers for the space of one yeare , at hierusalem ; and lastly , revoke the declaration published at clarindon , that originally gave the occasion of this murther , with other particulars recorded by master fox . all which ( such were those times ) the king was faine to performe ; to such slavery were kings and princes then brought , under the popish clergie : who pre●ently canonize this arch-traytor for a saint , write large volumes of his prayses and miracles , pray unto him morning and evening in their solemne publike mattins and vespers , in elegant rymes and poems composed by thomas aquinas , in a more elegant style , to delight and ravish the auditors ; honour his sh●ine with infinite oblations , pilgrimages , and gifts : who was so much honoured an visited in times of popery , that whereas in the cathedrall church of canterbury , there were three principall images ; on , consecrated to christ ; another , to the virgin mary ; and a third , to thomas becket ; their annuall oblations to thomas becket , were commonly . pound , or more● to the blessed virgin . pounds ; but to our blessed saviour some yeares . pounds , . shillings , . pence ; some yeares . pounds , . shillings , , pence ; and , hoc anno nih●l , some yeares just nothing : as * bishop mort●n hath recorded out of their owne register of canterbury . so that they preferred this traytor and rebell , in their blinde devotion , at least one thousand times more than christ himselfe : and , which is yet more abominable , advanced his blood above our saviours ; praying even to christ himselfe , to save them , no● by his owne , but by this arch-rebels blood ( as if his owne were not sufficien● ) as these two blasphemous verses , inserted into their psalters , evidence . * tu per thomae sanguinem quem pro te impendit , fac nos christe scandere quo thomas ascendit . o christ , by thomas blood he for thee shed , make us ascend whither he ascended . had he beene quartered , and then hanged up for a traytor on some high pinacle , as he deserved , i should have liked the prayer well ; thinking it just that all who durst honour such a traytor , or pray unto him as a saint , deserved to have their quarters elevated as high as his . but in that sense they tooke it then , and many have used it since : yea , some at this very day : it is no le●se than blasphemie and high treason against christ himselfe : especially , i● wee consider what they there annex to these verses , gloria & honor● coronasti eum domine , r. et constituisti eum super opera manuum tuaru● ; attributed unto christ himselfe , heb. . , . cor. . . roger walden arch-bishop of canterbury , in a full convocation held at pauls in london , anno domini . ( if * aton mistake not ) ordained , that a solemne commemoration should be kept on wednesday every weeke throughout the yeare , if it were possible , for this arch-traytor thomas ; in which constit●tion there is this passage : and although we oug●t to honour all and singular constituted in the heavenly kingdomes with solicitous endeavours , and to advance them with loud prayses ; yet wee ought to extoll with highest acclamations our m●st glorious bishop and martyr , saint thomas , both the master and patron of our metropoliticall church , who is knowne to have shed his blood for the defence of the churches libertie , by whose both merits and passion our whole province of canterbury is illustrated , and the universall church adorned ; and it is meete to personate him with supremest prayses , and to worship him with spirituall honours . this traytor shortly after became so eminent , that divers kings embassadors , bishops , and others , came on pilgrimage from ●orraine parts , to visit his tombe at canterbury . and though ●he trayterly prelates , monkes , and clergie , thus deified him for a saint and martyr ( as many now account him ) yet the peeres and nobles about the king , gave it out in strict charge , upon paine of death , and confiscation of all their goods , that ●o man should bee so hardy as to name thomas becket to be a martyr , or to preach of his miracles . * and king henry the eight ; after he had beene a long time canonized for , and adored as an arch-saint , declared him in his inju●ctions , published anno . to have beene a rebell and traytor to his prince ; and therefore straightly charged and commanded , that from thenceforth he should not be esteemed , named , reputed , or called a saint , but bishop becket ; that his images and pictures throughout the whole realme should be pl●ckt downe● and avoyded out of all churches , chappels , and other places ; and that the dayes used to be festivall in his name , should bee no more observed , nor the service , offices , antiphones , collects , and prayers in his name read , but rased and put out of all the bookes upon paine of his majesties indignation , and imprisonment at his graces pleasure . after which , * stephen gardiner , bishop o● winc●ester , and lord ch●ncelour in queene maries dayes , with his other fellow bishops ( who were much in love with this traytor , being such themselves ) caused the image of this old romish traytor becket to be set up over the mercers chappell doore in cheapeside in london , in forme of a bishop , with a miter and crosier ; but within two dayes after , his two blessing-fingers were first broken off , and on the seventeenth day of february his head strucke off : whereupon arose a great stirre , and many suspected for doing it , were committed to prison . which being againe set up the second day of march , at the suspected parties cost , and strictly watched with a guard each night , for feare it should bee re-demolished ; on the fourteen●h day of the same moneth , the head of this trayterous beast was once more broken off , but the agent not discovered ; though there was a proclamation made in london the next day , that whosoever would reveale the party , though of counsell and privity to the act , should have his pardon , and an hundred crownes of gold , with hearty thankes : so zealous were our trayterly bi●hops for this their brother arch-traytor ; whose very crosier staffe some of late adored in the tower , and have likewise printed his life . * hubert the . arch-bishop of canterbury , a man that swayed the kingdome in king richard the first his dayes ; and after that advanced king iohn to the crowne , p●tting by arthur duke of britaine , right heire to the crowne , being sonne to geffrey , elder brother to iohn ; which occasioned many warres , and the losse of normandy : hee finding the king not so tractable as hee supposed to his will , did under-hand bolster up the clergie , to affront him in the election of the bi●hop of norwich , repenting more now than any thing he did in all his life , that● he had so advanced king iohn to the crowne , shewing such slender respect to his soveraigne , that being prohibited by fitz-peter , the kings great justiciarie and minister ( in the kings absence ) of regall command , from holding a generall councell of his province , ( never used to be held but by soveraigne perm●ttance ) his pleasure scorned to take any counte●mand : after which , hee spared not to out-brave his soveraigne himselfe . for having notice , the feast of the nativitie then approaching , that the king intended with his queene at guilford to keepe that festivall with great magnificence ; hee , whose palace ordinarily for splendour , multitude of attendants , and sump●uous entertainments , did strive with the kings ; thought this a fitting time to shew forth his great state , and little regard of his princes discountenance , by * parallelling to the kings his owne sumptuous preparations , with rich attires and costly gifts for his attendants at canterbury . the king , as kings brook not to be braved by their subjects ( nor is it wisedome for dis-favorites to doe it ) moved with great indignation , thought the man had too much riches , and too little discretion , ( which seldome lodgeth in the braine , where pride dwells in the heart ) and therefore to abate somewhat the one , and learne him more of the other , hee kept his easter at canterbury , at the costs of hubert the r●ch ; and not to spare him who spared not himselfe ; hee there increased that great expence , with a greater of his and his queenes solemne crowning againe on easter day in the cathedrall church : where , in lieu of his expence , hubert had the formall honour to set on their crownes , but yet not the grace to sit neere the kings heart . such being the first overtures of heart-burnings betwixt the king and his clergie ; they afterwards● by addi●ament of dayly fuelling , burst forth into a more fearefull ●ame . for hubert , bearing too much good will to the french king , and in very deed * repenting himselfe of nothing so much , as for that hee had commended king iohn to the noblemen and pee●es of the realme , since hee proved another manner of man then hee looked to have found him ; the king having prepared a royall hoast and mighty navie to revenge his forraine losses and wrongs on the fre●●h king , hubert the arch-bishop ( who con●ederated with the pope and french king against his sove●aigne , ) came with sundry others to portesmouth to the king , and * ●●●ly forbids the king to proceed in the voyage , ( in tr●th , for feare hee should hinder king philip from ayding the pope against otho the emperour . ) whereupon the king dism●●●●d his forces ; hubert being the instrument , that so resolute projects , so inestimable charges , so necessary an action of the kings fell suddenly to the ground : whereby , besides the selfe-mischiefe which therewith fell on the king , many fresh grudgings accrued unto him , for suffering himselfe to bee thus violently repulsed from so behoofefull a purpose . the king the next day checking himselfe , for over-prizing the command of any man above the value of his kingly honour and estate , resolved to collect his disparkled troupes , and to put forth to sea. to which end , taking order with his nobles to follow him , they gave him leave with a small company to wa●t up and downe two dayes , in expectance of their attendance ; till seeing them more obsequious ●o huber●s command than his , ( the arch-bishop also sending his inhibition after them on the sea , to stop their passage with the king ) hee was forced to come againe to land. the king hereupon put many of his earles , barons , knights , and clergie-men to a grievous pecuniary redemption , for thus refusing to follow him , for recovering his inheritance . * the arch bishop , though their ring-leader , might well have beene exempted from this judgement , by his passage to an higher , dying the same weeke , either of griefe , or of a feaver , which killed him in foure dayes : but the king forthwith in person going to canterbury , seized upon all his wealth and possessions , shewing himselfe right joy●ull , that now hee was rid of him , whom men suspected of too familiar practising with the french king , † saying , hee was never a king till now ; by reason of huberts too presumptuous daring to crosse his royall resolutions , as of late hee did . this † hubert , being chiefe justice and arch●bishop in richard the first his tim● , anno the monkes of christs● church in canterbury exhibited this complaint against him to pope innocent : that their arch-bishop hubert ( contrary to his order and dignity ) exercised the office of high iustice , and sa●e in iudgement of blood , being so encumbred in temporall matters , that he could not ●ave time to discharge his office , touching spirituall cause● whereupon the pope sent to king richard , admonishing him , not to suffer the sayd arch bishop to be any longer troubled with temporall affaires , but to discharge him thereof , and not to admit * any spirituall person from thenceforth unto any temporall administration . he further prohibited , by vertue of their obedience , all manner of prela●es , and men of the church , that they should not presume rashly to take upon them any manner of secular function or office. whereupon the arch-bishop was discharged of his office of chiefe justice , and geffrey fitz-peter succeeded in government of the realme in his stead . afterwards , this arch-prelate being made lord chancellor of england by king iohn , anno. . and uttering some words unadvisedly , that shewed how hee inwardly rejoyced at the kings favour towards him in the gift of this office , * and so gloried in the honour whereto hee was preferred , ( which he would never have done , if he had weighed of worldly pompe , as by his profession hee ought , and as one asketh the question in the same case , dic mihi , nunquid , corporibus prosunt ? certe nil : dic , animabus ? tantundem &c. ) the lord bardolfe sayd unto him , yet not so so●tly in his eare , but that some over-heard it : my lord , to speake and not offend you : surely , if you well consider the honour and dignity of your calling , you would not willingly yeeld to suffer this yoake of bondage to be layd upon your shoulders : for we have oftentimes heard of a c●ancellour made an arch-bishop , ( as was thomas becket , who * upon his instalment in the sea of canterbury , immediately resigned his lord chancelours office , sending his great seale to the king then in normandy , with a letter , wherein he certified him , that hee could not serve the church and the court both at once , and that this moved him to resigne his chancelourship , as incompatible wi●h his arch-bishopricke ) but wee never heard of an arch-bishop made a chancelour till now . such an * unseemely and unlawfull thing was it then reputed for bishops to intermeddle with temporall offices and affaires , which are incompatible with their spirituall function , and are seldome managed by them , but to the great oppression , the ruin of the people and state. hubert being dead * the monkes of canterbury secretly at midnight elected reginald their sub-prior , for his successour , taking an oath of him , not to make his election knowne to any , till he came to the popes presence , whither he was advised to post with all speed . the oath hee violates as soone as ever he had crossed the sea , bearing himselfe every where as lord elect , shewing withall the testimoniall of his election to divers ; which so incensed his brethren the electors against him , as they presently resolved to become suiters to the king ●or pardon of their fault , in chusing him without his license , and also that hee would permit them to make a new election , supposing the old frustrate by the elects perjury : they did so , and obtained their request , the rather because they made shew of readinesse in satisfying the kings desire , who wished them to elect iohn gray bishop of norwich : him they sent for in all haste to canterbu●y where they sol●mnly elected him for their arch-bishop , publishing his election in the church before the king and an infinite number of people , placing him in the bishops chaire . the king putting him in possession of his temporalties ●orth-with . these two elections being presented to the pope , hee adjudged them both voyd , and making use of the monkes debate ( ●he greater part being then at rome , some of them avouching their first election as good , others importunately seeking to have the latter confirmed ) he secretly practised with them , and at last perswaded them to elect stephen langhton an english man , and cardinall of rome , of singular gifts and learning : which done , the pope with his owne hands gave him consecration at viturbium ; and well knowing how hayno●sly the king would take the matter , he writ letters unto him sweetned with many intreaties , large praises of the new arch-bishop , and seasoned now and then with some touches of doubtfull threatning , if hee should oppose himselfe against that was then done . this notwithstanding , the king in great indignation , as hee had just cause , banished and drove out all the monkes of canterbury by force ( who were entertained in forraigne monasteries ) seized upon all their goods , lands , and forbad stephen langhton entrance into the realme : the pope hearing this , sends his mandates unto william bishop of london , eustace bishop of ely , and mauger bishop of worcester , wherein hee willed them first to admonish and perswade the king to restore the monkes their goods and place , and to give the arch-bishop possession of his temporalties by a day : then if he refused so to doe , to interdict the whole realme . they durst not but obey , and finding the king resolute in his determination , at the time appointed , they published the popes interdiction , interdicting the whole realme : and as well foreseeing the ensuing trouble to come , as their present danger , got them out of the land , together with ioceline bishop of bath , and giles of hereford . the king immediately seized all their goods and temporalties into his hands , and moreover banished all the friends and kinsfolks of these bishops , that were likely to yeeld them any comfort or reliefe . during the time of this interdict , * all divine service ceased throughout the realme ( gods service giving place to the popes pride and malice ) except onely baptisme of children , au●icular confession , and the administration of the sacrament unto such as lay upon the point of death . the pope seeing this curse prevailed not ; at the instigation of the arch bishop and other prelates , proceeded to a particular excommunication of the king , and not long after deprived him ( by a judiciall sentence ) of his crowne , kingdome and all regall authority ; a thing till that time in no age ever heard of . for the better executing which sentence , he writes to philip the french king , to expell king iohn out of his kingdome , promising him remission of all his sinnes , and giving the kingdome of england to him and his successors for this his good service ; and withall sends ●orth his bulls to the nobles , knights , and souldiers in divers countries , that they should signe themselves with the signe of the crosse , to cast the king of england out of his throne , and revenge the injury of the universall church , by ayding king philip in this catholike warre , promising them all as large and ample indulgences in all things as those enjoyed , who visited the lords sepulcher at hierusalem : whereupon the french king prepared a great armie both by sea and land , to expulse king iohn ; who made himselfe so strong by sea and land in a short time , that he had farre more ships and land-souldiers than philip ; which pandolfe the popes legate perceiving , and doubting of the successe , willingly repaires into england , tells king iohn , in what danger he and his whole kingdome were , how much christian blood he was like to cause to bee spilt● to prevent all which inconveniences , hee counsels him to resigne his crowne and kingdome to the pope , and then to receive it from him againe ; which he yeelded to at last . see now to what extremities this poore king was brought by these rebellious and traytorly prelates meanes , † who refused to appeare before him when he sent for them ; his whole land was under interdiction , and so remained for . whole yeares , like an heathenish nation , without the celebration of divine service and sacraments . * iohn himselfe was by name excommunicated , and had so remained for divers yeares . * all his subjects were released & freed a regis fidelitate & subjectione , from owing either fidelity or subjection to him , yea , they were forbidden , and that under paine of excommuni●ation , * so much as to company or converse with him , either at table , or a● councell , or in speech and conference . further yet , * iohn was deposed from his kingdome , and that judicially , being in the romane court deprived of all right to his kingdome , and judicially condemned ; and * that sentence of his deposition and deprivation was solemnly denounced and promulgated before the french king , clergie , and people of france ; † neither onely was iohn thus deposed , but his kingdome also given away by the pope , and that even to his most mortall enemie ; for the pope to bring his sentence to execution , * writ unto philip the french king , perswading , yea , enjoyning him , to undertake that labou● of dethr●ning iohn actually ( as judicially hee was before ) and expelling him from the kingdome , promising him not onely remission of all his sinnes , but that hee and his heires ●hould for ever have the kingdome of england ; withall , † the pope writ letters to all nobles , souldiers , and warriors in divers countries , to signe themselves with the ●rosse , and to assist philip for the dejection of iohn . * philip was not a little glad of such an offer , b●● hereupon gathered forces and all things fit for such an expedition , expending in that preparation no lesse than . thousand pounds : all * these things being notified to king iohn , did not a little daunt him , and though he was too insensible of the impendent calamities , yet to strike a greater terrour into his amazed heart , and make a more dreadfull impression in his minde of the dangers which now were ready to fa●l on his head , pandolph was sent from the pope unto him to negociate about the resigning of his kingdome ; to which if hee would consent , he should finde favour , protection , and deliverance at the popes hands . pandulf by a crafty kinde of romish oratory , at his comming to the king , expressed , yea painted out in most lively colours all the difficulties and dangers to which the king was subject ; * the losse of his crowne , the losse of his honour , the losse of his life ; that there was no other way in the world to escape them , but by protection under the popes wings . * iohn seeing dangers to hang over him on every side , by the french abroad , by the barons at home : and being dejected and utterly dismayed and confounded with the ponderation of them , resolved for saving his life , to lose his liberty and honour , and to save his kingdome from his open adversary , to ●ose it and give it quite away to his secret but worst enemie that hee had , and to take an oath of sealty to the pope , recorded in holinshed , p. . doing herein as if one for feare of being slaine in the open field , should kill himselfe in his owne chamber . it was not piety , but extreame misery ; nor devotion , but feare onely and despaire , that caused and even ●orced iohn against his will being then drowned in despaire , to resigne his crowne , and to make two severall grants thereof to the pope . the * first charter was made to pandulph the popes lega●e , on the . day of may in the . yeare of king iohns raigne , the copie whereof is set downe in matthew paris , matthew westminster . the second charter was made to nichol●s bishop of tusculum the popes lega●e , for the popes use , in saint pauls church in london , the . of october in the . yeare of king iohn , an. dom. . agreeing verbatim with the former , differing onely from it in this ; that the first was sealed with wax , the second with gold : which severall grants were so detestable to the whole world , that it made all men exclaime against and detest king iohn . how much the barons disliked this grant of king iohn , his * owne words to pope innocentius , as also the popes answere , do witnesse● our earles and barons , saith he , ( and the pope writes the like ) were devout and loving unto us , till we had subjected our selves to your dominion , but since that time , and specially even for so doing , they * all rise up against us . the manifold * opprobrious speeches used by the barons against king iohn , for subjecting himselfe and his kingdome to the pope , doe declare the same . iohn ( say they ) is no king , but the shame of kings ; better to be no king , than such a king : behold a king without a kingdo●e , a lord without dominion . alas thou wretch , and servant of lowest condition , ●o what misery of thraldome hast thou brought thy self ? thou wast a king , now thou art a cow-heard , thou wast the highest , now the lowest : fie on thee iohn , the last of kings , the abominaton of english princes , the confusion of english nobility alas england , that thou art made tribu●ary and subject to the rule of base servants , of strangers ; and which is most miserable , subject to the servant of servants . thou iohn whose memory will be wofull in future time ; thou of a most free king , hast made thy selfe tributary , a farmer , a vassall , and that to servitude it selfe : this thou hast done , that all might be drowned in the hell of romish avarice . yea , so detestable was both this fact of iohn , and dealing of the pope , that philip the french king , though the mortall enemie of king iohn , hea●ing thereof , even upon this very point , that the barons and state did no● consent to that act , did proclaime both the absolute freedome of the kingdome of england , no●wi●hstanding this grant of iohn , and declaime also against this pope , for seeking to enthrall kingdomes unto him . as the king , by the treason and trechery of these prelates , and especially of the * arch-bishop , was thus enforced most ignominiously to resigne and prostitu●e his crowne and kingdome to the pope , to the losse of his kingly honour , and the hearts of all his barons and subjects ; so he was faine to receive the arch-bishop , and restore the other bishops , monkes , and banished rebels against him to their bishoprickes , goods , and revenues ; and to give them such dammages and recompence , as the pope should thinke 〈◊〉 . for this king , anno domini . intending a voyag● into guien , his realme standing as yet * interdicted , his lords refused to goe with him , unlesse the interdicting might be first released , and he clearely absolved of the popes curse , to the end that gods wrath and the popes being fully pacified , hee might with better speede move and maintaine the warres : whereupon he was constrained to alter his purpose ; and comming to winchester , dispatched a messenger with letters , signed with the hands of twenty foure earles and barons , to the arch-bishop of canterbury , the bishops of london , lincolne , and hereford , then sojourning in france ; requiring them , with all other banished men , to returne into england ; promising them by his letters patents , not onely a sure safe-conduct for their comming over , but that hee would also forget all passed displeasures , and frankely restore unto every man all that by his meanes had beene wrongfully taken from them , and as yet by him detained . hereupon the arch-bishop , and other bishops , with all speede came into england , with the other exiles , and went to winchester , where the king then remained : who hearing that the bishops were come , went forth to receive these traytors ; and at his first * meeting with the arch-bishop of canterbury , the king kneeled downe at his feete , ( who should have rather kneeled to the king ) and asked him forgivenesse , and that it would please him and the other bishops also to provide for the miserable state of the realme : requiring of the arch-bishop ( having as then the popes power in his hands , as being his legat ) to be absolved ; promising upon his solemne received oath , that he would before all things defend the church , and the order of priesthood , from receiving any wrong : also that he would restore the old lawes made by the ancient kings of england , and namely those of s. edward , which were almost extinguished and forgotten ; and further , that he would make recompence to all men whom he had by any meanes endammaged . this done , he was absolved by the arch-bishop , and shortly after sent his orators to rome , to take off the interdict . the pope hereupon sent the cardinall of tusculum into england , to compound the differences and dammages betweene the king and the bishops , and then to release the interdict . who , after a convocation summoned , and sundry meetings had at london , reading , wallingford , and elsewhere , & some messages to rome ordered the king to pay . markes dammages to these rebellious prelates ; which done , the interdict was solemnly released by the legat , in the cathedrall of pauls in london , iune . . after the terme of . yeares , moneths , and . dayes , that the realme had beene shaken with that dreadfull dart of correction , as it was then esteemed . after this , king iohn raysed an army , intending to goe against those lords who refused to follow him to poictou . but the arch-bishop meeting him at northampton , sought to appease him● but hee marching on to notingham , there with much adoe , the arch-bishop following him , and threatning to excommunicate all those that should ayde him , enforced him to desist his enterprise . this done , he thought all troubles at an end , but the worst were yet behind . for the king having wound himselfe into the popes favour , by this his resignation , and holding his crowne from him as his feudatarie , began to curbe the arch-bishop and his faction ; who finding the king stronger in the popes favour than they , * thereupon stirred up the barons to rebell and take armes against the king , who had lost their hearts by his resignation : in this rebellion and conspiracie , * stephen langthon the arch-bishop was the ring-leader , yea , the principall abettor , conspirer , chiefe agent , and counsellor ( as matthew paris , wendover , speed , holinshed , and other our historians testifie : ) the pope hereupon excommunicates the barons , and all other english or french , who impugned king iohn , even in the generall councell of lateran , then held● and the bishop of winchester , and pandulph the popes legat ( who solemnly denounced the popes curse against the barons ) did likewise suspend the arch-bishop from all his episcopall authority : who thereupon repairing to rome for absolution , was in the councell of lateran accused and convict of conspiracie and treason against the king , and contempt against the pope and churches censure : for which , the pope resolving to depose him from his sea and dignity , by the cardinals intercession for him ( hee being their brother cardinall ) was intreated to deale somewhat milder , but yet confirmed his suspension from his bishopricke by publik sentence ; commanding by his letters , all his suffragan bishops to withdraw their obedience from him and for a further revenge whereas simon langthon , his brother , by his procurement had beene elected to the sea of yorke , ( a strange example , to have an whole kingdome ruled by two brethren , of so turbulent humors : ) the * pope not onely did cassate his election , but likewise made him uncapable of any episcopall dignity , placing in that sea walter gray ( a trustie ●riend to the king , and a professed enemie to the langhtons ) whose pall cost him no lesse than a thousand pound . king iohn having thus procured all his barons to be excommunicated , and the city of london ( siding with them ) to be interdicted , and the arch-bishops suspension to be confirmed ; the barons and arch-bishop held these censures in such high contempt , that they decreed , neither themselves nor the citizens should observe them , nor the prelates denounce them ; alledging , that they were procured upon false suggestions , and that the pope had no power in secular matters from christ , but onely in spirituall , and that prelates had nothing at all to doe with warres ; and thereupon sent for lewis , the dolphin of france , to receive the crowne of england : who not so voyd of ambition , as to lose a crown for want of fetching , was not long behind , landing here in england , in despight of the popes inhibition , and threats of excommunication to hinder him , with a great army , and fleete of sixe hundred boates. after which , he repaires to l●ndon , electing simon langhton for his chancelor , the arch-bishops brother , the arch-bishop being the chiefe man in this rebellion and trea●on against king iohn ; by whose counsell and preaching , the citizens of london , and barons , though all excommunicated by the pope , did celebrate divine service , and drew on lewis to doe the like . king iohn levying a great armie , and hasting to give battaile to those rebels and enemies , comming to swinshed † abbey , was poysoned in a chalice , by a monke of that house ; who went to the abbor and shrived himselfe , telling him , how he intended to give the king such a drinke , that all england should be glad and joyfull thereof : at which , the abbot wept for joy , and praysed god for the monkes constancie ; who being absolved before-hand by the abbot , tooke the cup of poyson , and therewith poysoned both the king and himselfe , to doe the arch-bishops and prelates a favour ; since this * king could not abide the pride and pretended authority of the clergie , when they went about to wrest out of his hands the prerogative of his princely government . he dying , henry his young son was received to the kingdome , lewis forsaken , the barons absolved by the pope and clergie-men too , after a composion payd by them . after this , stephen langhton enshrines his predecessor becket ( as great a traytor as himselfe ) in a very sumptuous shrine ( the king and greatest part of the nobility of the realme being present at the solemnity : ) which done , this arch-traytor , after he had endeavoured to raise a new warre betweene the king and the nobles , dyed himselfe , iuly . . to obscure whose treasons and rebellions , our monkes , who writ the histories of those times , have raised up many slanders and lyes of this poysoned king iohn , to his great defamation . * richard wethershed , the very next arch-bishop , withstood king henry the . who in parliament demanded escuage of those who held any baronies of him ; maintaining that the clergie ought not to be subject unto the judgement of laymen , though all the laitie and other of the spiritualty consented to the king. after this , hee had a great controversie with hubert de burgo , earle of kent , concerning some lands of the earle of gloucester , the profits whereof the arch-bishop challenged as due unto him in the minority of the sayd earle . the arch-bishop complained of the pretended wrong to the king ( with whom hubert was very gracious , for the good service he had done him in defending dover castle against the french , ) and finding no remedy answerable to his minde at the kings hands , who answered him truely , that the lands were held of him in capite , and so the wardship of them belonged to himselfe , not to the arch-bishop ; hee thereupon excommunicated all the authors of this his supposed injury , the king onely excepted , and then gat him to rome ( the common sanctuary and receptacle for all rebellious , traytorly prelates , ) this being the first excommunication that was pronounced against any man for invading the temporalties of the church . the king hereupon sends divers to rome , to stop the arch-bishops proceedings , and defend his royall prerogative . the pope notwithstanding delighted much with the eloquence , gravity , and excellent behaviour of the arch-bishop , granted presently all his demands , even in prejudice of the kings crowne and right . little joy had he of his victory , for being but three dayes in his way homeward , he fell sicke at saint gemma , and dyed . † in this bishops time , the italians had gotten many benefices in england , who being much spited at , certaine mad fellowes tooke upon them to thresh out their corne every where , and give it unto the poore , as also to rob and spoyle them of their money and other goods , after which the italians were not so eager upon english benefices . saint edmund arch-bishop of cante●bury had many bickerings with king henry the third , † hee was baptized in the same font that thomas becket his predecessour was , and somewhat participated of his disposition : being consecrated arch-bishop , he presently fell into the kings displeasure , by opposing himselfe against the marriage of elianor , the kings sister , with simon moun●fort , earle of leicester , because upon the death of the earle marshall her first husband she had vowed chastitie ; to have which vow dispensed withall , the king procured the pope to send otto his legate into england , betweene whom and the arch-bishop there were many quarrels : this arch-prelate refused to appeare upon summons before the king , went to rome where he made many complaints , not onely against otto , but against the king himselfe , ●or certaine injuries received at his hands ; yet with ill successe , and was foiled in two severall suites , both with the monkes of rochester and the earle of arundel , to whom he was condemned in a thousand markes , to his great disgrace and impoverishing . hee excommunicated the monkes of canterbury , for chusing a prior without his consent . the popes legate absolving them for money , h● excommunicated them afresh , and interdicted their church , till otto decided the controversie ; which otto excommunicated fredericke the emperour , first in the monastery of saint albanes , and then publickly in pauls church , and collected infinite summes of money here in england to maintaine the popes warres against him , which the emperour tooke very ill at the kings hands . this arch-bishop , for a great summe of money , obtained a grant f●om the pope in derogation of the kings supremacie , that if any bishopricke continued voyd by the space of sixe moneths , it should bee lawfull for the arch-bishop to conferre it on whom he list , which the king procured the pope immediately to revoke . * polichronicon writes , that hee called a councell of the prelates together , how hee might relieve the holy church that was made subject and thrall . it was consulted , that the king and all other men that were rebels should be warned , and if they would not amend , then the wrecke of censures of holy church should not sleepe . the holy man ( edmund ) assented , and went to the king with the other bishops , who threatned to excommunicate him , if he would not reforme the things they demanded , and put away his evill councellors . the king asked avisement , and he abode , but all for nought : therefore the king was spared alone , and all other that were rebells were denounced accursed : but thereby would they not be amended . this arch-prelate , at last , being continually vexed , thwarted and disgraced both by the king , the pope his legates , and others with whom he contested , taking his leave of the king , departed into voluntary exile , and there bewailing the misery of his country , spoyled and miserably wasted by the tyranny and strange exactions of the pope , spent the rest of his time in continuall teares , and through extreame griefe , sorrow , and fasting , fell into a consumption and dyed , being afterwards canonized for a saint by pope innocent the fourth . * arch-bishop boniface , his immediate successor , raised many commotions and stirs both in church and state , hee was the kings instrument for polling of england , and brought him much money ; he was also a great warrier , better skilled in military than church affaires . not to mention this arch-prelates * combat with the prior and monkes of saint bartholmewes , which put the whole city of london into an uproate , and made much worke both at the kings court , and at rome : or how he * procured a grant from the pope to receive one whole yeares profit of all livings and cures that should fall voyd within his province for . yeares space , to the value of . markes● at which the king at first was sore offended i shall only reci●e some traytorly and anti-monarchicall constitutions made by him & his fellow prelates in a synod held at westminster , . to the great impeachment of the kings prerogative , and affront of his nobles , judges , and temporall courts of justice . first , they decreed , * that no arch-bishop , bishop , or inferior prelate and clergi-man , should ei●her by the kings writ , or any other noblemans , or secu●ar officers warrant be called to answer before any secular court or judge , for any cause which they there determin to be meerely ecclesiasticall : or for any extravagances and undue proceedings in their ecclesiasticall courts : and that no clergie-man should presume to appeare upon such writ or summons before any temporall judge or court , under paine of excommunication ; because no lay power hath any authority to judge the lords anointed , whom they ought of necessity to obey . and to take away so great abuses , & preserve the liberties of the church , we decree and ordaine ( say they ) that the sayd arch●bishops & bishops , and other prelates shall not appeare though they be called & summoned to do it as aforesaid . yet to preserve the kings ●onour , the greatest prelates shall goe or write to the king , and shew that they cannot obey such his royall mandates without the perill of their order , and the subversion of their ecclesiasticall liberty . and if the king desist not , the bp. whom it concernes , shal admonish the king the second time , that he looke to the salvation of his soule , and altogether desist from such mandates . and if he desist not at the denuntiation of the bishop , the arch-bishop , or else the bishop of london as t●e deane of the bishops , calling to him two or three bishops , or more , whom he shall thinke meete , shall goe to the king und admonish him more seriously , requiring ●im to supersediate his mandates . and if the king after such exhortations and monitions shal proceed to attachments and destresses by himselfe or others , then the sheriffes and all other baylifes who prosecute the bishops to attach them , shall by the diocesans of the places be driven away in forme of law by the sentence of excommunication and interdiction . the like shall be done if the sheriffes or bayliffes proceed to attachments or distresses , pretending the foresayd monitions to be made to our lord the king as afore-sayd : and if the sheriffes or ba●liffes shall persevere in their obstinacie , the places wherein they live , and the lands they have within the province of canterbury shall be interdicted by the di●cesans of the places , at the denuntiation of the bishop in whose diocesse such distresses shall be taken . and if such attachers be clerks beneficed , they shall be suspended from their office ; and if they persevere in their malice , they shall be compelled to desist and give satisfaction by substracting the profits of the●r benefices . and if they be not beneficed , in case they be presented to any bene●ice , they shall not be th●reto admitted ●or five yeares space . and the clerkes who shall dictate , write , or signe such attachments or distresses , or give any counsell or advice therein , shall be canonically punished , and if any clerke be suspected of the premises , ●e shall not be admitted to any ecclesiasticall benefice , untill he shall canonically purge himselfe thereof . and if our lord the king , or any other secular power competently admonished concerning this , shall not revoke such distresses or attachments , the bishop distrained shal put under ecclesiasticall interdict the lands , villages , townes and castles , which the king himselfe , or other secular person so distraini●g shall have within his bishopricke . and if the king , or any other secular power contemning such penalties , shall persevere in their obstinacy ; then the arch-bishop , or the bishop of london , at the denunciation of the bishop complaining , calling to him two bishops , or more , whom he shall thinke meete , shall repaire to the king , and diligently admonish and require him to supersede from the foresaid mandates . and if our lord the * king having heard these admonitions and exhortations , shall proceed to attachments or distresses by himself or others , then the other two bishops , reputing this distresse as a common injury to the church , by the authority of this present counsell , shall put under ecclesiasticall interdict all the demisne lands , burroughes , castles , and townes of the king himselfe , or any other great man , being within the precincts of their diocesse . and if the king , or other great man , shall not within . dayes after revoke the said distresses or attac●ments , but shall for this bandy against the church , being with pharaoh made more obdurate amidst the strokes of punishments , then the arch●bishop shall put his whole diocesse under in●erdict . the same shall be done to the castles , lands and burroughes of great men , who have royalties within the said province . and if any bishop shall be found negligent or remisse in the exe●utions of the said penalties in such cases , he shall be sharpely reprehended by the metropolitan . af●er which they in the same councell , decree the like interdicts , excommunications , and proceedings against all such who shall intrude upon the possessions of the church ; against clerkes who receive churches by lay-mens power ; against such judges and others , who shall release excommunicate persons ou● of prison without the bishops consent ; against lay-men , who shall appreh●nd clergy-men for civill crimes ; against such who obtaine or grant prohibitions to their courts ; against the king or his officers , who grieve or waste churches possessions during their vacancy ; against judges and other officers , who by a quo warranto question the liberties which any church or prela●e hath long time enjoyed , though without any charter ; against secular judges , who shall judge any charters made to the church voyd for uncertaine●y ; against lords , who shall endeavor to enforce clergy men to make suit to their secular courts , contrary to the liberties of the church ; and the like . in all or most of which , if the king upon notice and monition conforme not to prelates desires , and stop not all proceedings and judgements in his courts against them , his judges and officers shall be excommunicated , and their lands , together with the kings , and the whole province of canterbury interdicted as aforesaid● this arch-prelate and h●s con●ederates , thus trampling upon the kings crowne , royalties , judges , courts , nobility , subjects , and the lawes of the kingdome ; the king to stop their encroachments , was enforced to send forth writs of ad jura regia , and prohibitions to inhibit their proceedings ; wherein he thus complained , * we a●e troubled , not without cause , and moved , while we behold those who live under our dominion , and are there honored with benefices and rents , by reason whereof they ought to assist us in the defence and tuition of the rights of our royall crowne , with neckes li●●ed up against us , endeavouring to the uttermost of their power to impugne the said rights , to the grievovs preivdice and hvrt of ovr royall dignitie and crowne , and in contempt of us : wherefore we , who by the bond of an oath , are obliged to the unwounded observance of the rights of our crowne and dignity , prohibit you , that you presume not to attemp● any thing in the promises , which may any way derogate from the right of our crowne and dignity , and if any thing in this kind ha●h beene unduely attempted by you , that you cause it to be revoked without any delay , left we proceed ●o apprehe●d you in a grievous manner , as the violaters of the rights of our crowne and dignity . th●s boniface , at last knowing himselfe very ill beloved , bo●h of the king and of all the commons and clergy in generall , and being commanded by the king to give over his bishopricke , he thereupon ●elled his woods , let leases , forced from his tenants and others , what moneys he could possibly , and having gathered great sums , one way or other , carryed it all with him over sea into savoy , where he dyed . iohn peckam , the next arch-bishop of canterbury but one , was created bishop of that see by the popes meere † authority , against the monkes and kings consents ; whence in his letters to the pope , he usually stiled himselfe his creature , though he made him pay foure thousand markes for his creation : and to ●hew himselfe his creature in good earnest , he upon the popes most insolen● letter to him ( recorded at large by matth●w parker , in his life ) to prohibit king edward the first from collecting the tenths granted to him in england by the clergy , for the recovery of the holy land ●rom the sarazens , which the king collected by his owne officers , and laid up in such places as he thought meet without the popes speciall license , not without great sinne ag●inst the divine majesty , and high contempt of the apostolicke sea● went to the king immediately , being then in the confines of wales , and there publikely before all his nobles by vertue of the popes command , admonished the king : first , within one moneths space to restore all the monies collected , and to send it to the places formerly appointed for its custody , with so great promptitude of devotion , as might expiate the former blot of removing it thence . secondly , that he should ●or time to come , wholly desist from such attempts , adding , that altho●gh the apostolicall clemency did yet embrace him as one of her deare sonnes : yet if he should hereafter chance to be found guilty of such offences , that she neither would , nor yet could substract the rod of correction from him , left by sparing man , she should consent to those divine injuries which she corrected not . thirdly , that he should neither molest nor grieve any of the keepers or depositaries of the said monies upon this occasion . to which insolent demands the king gave a very mild answer . this lordly prelate , was very stately in his gesture , gate , words , and outward ●hew ; he very often opposed himselfe against king edward the first in parliament , in right of his church , denying to grant him tenths ; con●esting with him often about certaine liber●ies pertaining to the crowne , touching church matters . anno . he held a * councell at reading ; wherein he enjoyned all priests every lords day , to excommunicate ( among others ) those who impetrated letters or writs from any lay court , to hinder the proceedings of the ecclesiastickes in causes pertaining to them by the holy canons . he held his prebendary of lions in france , in commendam , and would not part with it by any meanes ; because he looked every day to be driven out of england by the king ( whom he stiffely opposed and resisted to his face in many things ) and then he should have no oth●r home to take to : hee promptly obeyed the popes commands against the king , not to pay him any subsidies , or give him any aide without the popes consent , and oft admonishing the king before his nobles , to obey ●he popes mandates in derogation of his crowne , and tending to the great oppression of his subjects . hee called another councell a● lambeth , † anno . in which he went about to annihilate certaine liberties belonging to the crowne , as the taking knowledge of the right of patronages , and the kings prohibitions , in placitis de catallis , and such like , which seemed meerely to touch the spiritualty . but the king by some in that councell , withstood the arch-bishop openly , and with menaces , stayed him from concluding any thing that might prejudice his royall liberties , and prerogatives . after which he held another councell at reading , anno . where he and the bishops purposed to draw the conusans of advowsons and patronages of churches , belonging time out of minde to the kings temporall cou●ts , to the ecclesiasticall consistories , utterly to cut off all the kings prohibitions to these courts , in suites concerning goods , chattels and debts , so that the ecclesiasticall judges should not from thenceforth be prohibited to proceed on in them : but the king hearing of this their designe , and encroachment on his royall crowne , prohibited them to proceed therein under paine of his indignation ; whereupon the councell was dissolved , and the arch●bishop and other prelates frustrated of their hopes . who yet proceeding to encroach upon the kings royalties in their ecclesiasticall courts , hee thereupon sent forth writs to restraine them , to this effect : * rex archiepiscopis , &c. the king to the arch-bishops , bishops , abbots , priors , deanes , arch-deacons , chancellours , praecentors , provosts , sacrists , prebends in cathedrall and collegiate churches , and to all other ecclesiasticall persons , constituted in what-ever dignity or office ; as also to publike notaries , and all others , greeting . it behoveth us so much the more carefully to doe our endeavour , and more solici●ously to extend our hand to our royall prerogatives , lest they ●hould utterly perish , or by the undue usurpations of any , be in some ●ort substracted , by maintaining them as farre as we lawfully may ; by reducing them to their due state● if any of them have beene substracted and seized on ; as likewise by bridling the impugners o● our said royall jurisdictions , and by punishing them as it is meet , according to their demerits : and so much the rather , by how much we are knowne to be obliged to doe it by the bond of an oath , and behold more men from day to day to impugne the same rights , to their utmost power ; whereas we have recovered in our court before us , by consideration of the said cour● , our collation to the prebend of s. in the church of saint peters in yorke , &c. and now we have understood , that certaine men endeavouring with all th●●r might to impugne our royall right , and for●sai● judgement , as likewise our collation made to our said clerke , have made and procured to be made certaine provocations , appeale● , indictions , inhibitions , &c. by the which if they should proceed , our royall right , and foresaid judgement , and the effect of our collation should be annulled , which might many wayes generate prejudice and exheredation to us and our crowne . we desiring by all meanes we may , to preven● such prejudice and exheredation , and to restraine the unlawfull endeavours of all the impugners of the rights of our crowne , strictly prohibite you and every of you , that you doe not , by pretext of any commission made , or hereafter to be made to you , or any of you , presume by any authority , without our advice , to attempt , or by others in any so●● cause to be attempted , any thing which may tend to the derogation of our royall right , or annulling of the ●oresaid judgement rightly given , or the weakening of our said collation ; knowing , that if you shall doe otherwise , we will proceed to apprehend you in a grievous manner , tanquam violatores iuris nostri regii , as violaters of our royall right . by these writs the usurpations of this arch prelate and the bishops , on the kings royall prerogative , and courts of justice , were somewhat restrained ; otherwise , they had in time made themselves absolute kings , and the kings of england meere cyphers , and onely executioners of their papall pleasures . * robert winchelsie , his successour , exceedingly opposed his soveraigne king edward the first : who having spent an infinite summe of money in the warres of scotland , summon●d a parliament at barwicke ; wherein , when the temporalty contributed liberally toward the charge of that warre , the clergy alledging the canon of the late councell of lyons , wherein it was decreed , that no clergie-man should pay any ayde or subsidie to any temporall magistrate , without the popes licence , ( which canon the arch-bishop alledged against the subsidie , granted by the clergy two yeares before in his absence , causing them then to set it downe for a canon , afterwards to be kept inviolably ) refused to grant the king a subsidy , without the popes consent ; and would then give no subsidy nor supply at all to the king , though at the same time they readily granted three subsidies to the pope , towards his warres against the french. the king would not take this for payment ; and therefore presently tooke order , that all barnes of these undutifull rebellious clergy-men should be locked up , and by proclamation put all the clergy from out of his protection , so that hereafter it should be lawfull for any man to sue them for any cause , but they might not commence suite against any man ; holding a † parliament with his temporall lords and commons onely , and shutting the bishops and clergy out of the parliament house . this constrained some of the clergy , after much contest , ( though animated and sollicited by the arch-bishop still to resist ) to submit to the king at last , and to be content to grant him such a proportion of their goods ( though it were the fifth part of their revenues ) as he should like of ; onely the arch-bishop , the head of this ●action , continued obstinate , making no other answer to the king but this : * under god , our universall lord , we have two other lords , a spirituall lord the pope , and a temporall lord the king ; and though wee be to obey both , yet rather the spirituall lord then the temporall : when therefore he saw all the rest inclining to yeeld , using no other words then this ; salvet unusquisque animam suam , let every man save his owne soule , ( as if rebellion against his prince were the only meanes to save his soule ) and pronouncing all those excommunicated that contributed any thing to the king , he rose up , and suddenly departed out of the convocation house . the king for this his contumacy , seized all his lands , and commanded all such debts of his as were found in the rolls of the exchequer , to be le●ed with all speed on his goods and cattell , which he seized into his hands , and made shew of great displeasure . notwithstanding , shortly after being to make warre with the french king in france , hee thought good before his departure to receive this arch-rebell to favour againe , who had caused the king to be cited up to the court of rome , and there suspended . but this grace endured not long : for presently upon his returne , the king laid divers high treasons to his charge ; as , that he had dehorted his subjects , in his absence , from paying their sub●idies ; * that he went about to trouble the quiet state of the realme , and to defend and succour rebellious persons ; that he had conspired with divers of his nobility , to deprive him of his kingdome , ( though the best prince that ever england had before ) to commit him to perpetuall prison , and to crowne his sonne edwa●d king in his stead ; and that he was the ring-leader and authour of this conspiracy . the arch-bishop no● able to deny these treasons , and being suspended from his office by the pope , till he should purge himselfe of these things , he * fell downe on the ground at the kings feete , craving pardon of his heynous offences with teares and howling , calling the king then his lord , which he never did before , neither with his month , nor in his letters . thus this proud prelate , ex●crable both to god and man , who had twice a little before prohibited the king , in the popes name , to make warre with the rebellious and treacherous scots , his enemies , who had invaded his kingdome in his absence , because the pope had taken them into his protection ; who had defiled and infected the whole priest-hood and clergy of england with his pride , exercised an unheard of tyranny over the people ; being now deprehended by the king in his wickednesse , terrified and dejected with the guilt of his sinne , and feare of punishment , lay now prostrate on the ground before the king , offered him his pall , and sub●i●ted his person and goods to his mercy . to whom the king gave this answer : i will not punish thee my selfe , le●t i should seeme rather to have respect to my owne revenge , though most just , then to thy order . and although thou art altogether unworthy of thy order and my grace , yet i will referre the matter to thy fellow bishops , and the pope of rome , that thou mayest be tryed by thy peeres , lest thou shouldest thinke me an unjust judge ; though the conusans of treason , the highest crime in a s●bject , belongs without doubt to my tribunall , not to theirs . moreover ( added the king ) i have knowne thy hatred and malice towards me , not onely in the greatest things , but even in the smallest and in matters of least moment , in which by thy authority thou hast over-much abused my patience ; depriving my clerkes in thy visitation , notwithstanding my letters to the contrary , and their just appeales ; both which thou hast contemned , together with my royall authority . the arch-bishop troubled and confounded in minde at these things , craved a blessing from the king ; who replyed , that his blessing would rather become him , then his the arch bishop . the king hereupon complaines of him to the pope , that he had troubled the peaceable and safe estate of the kingdome in his absence , and stirred up the nobles to a rebellion and conspiracy against him , &c. and notwithstanding his submission , cited him to appeare at rome , banished him the realme , seized upon all his goods moveable and unmoveable , forbidding all his subjects , under a great paine , to foster him : yet the monkes of canterbury secretly harboured him for a time , furnished him with necessaries , and conveyed him beyond the seas . which the king afterwards understanding , seized on all their goods and lands , banished them the monastery , turning fourescore monkes a begging , forbidding any to harbour them ; and kept them in that miserable estate , till afterwards he was pleased , upon their submission , to restore them . after which , the bishop of winchester interceded to the king for this arch traytor , calling him his lord : with which the king being greatly offended , put this bishop out of his protection , and confiscated his goods , because he acknowledged another then the king to be his lord ; even such a one , who being guilty of treason & manifest contempt against the king , had lost the very right of a subject in his kingdome . while the arch-bishop was thus in exile , before any hearing of this cause at rome , the king deceaseth ; who , as * holinshed writes was an earnest enemie of the high and presumptuous insolencie of priests , which he judged to proceede chiefely of too much wealth and riches ; and therefore hee devised to establish the statute of mortmain , to be a bridle to their inordinate lusts and riotous excesse : which statute they laboured to repeale , and purchase out , by giving large subsidies to that end . his sonne edward the second succeeding him , out of an over-indulgent pitty , calls home this arch-traytor by his letter , writes to the pope to discontinue his fathers suite against him , and to send him over with all speed to crowne him : who glad with the newes , and unable to make haste home , as was requisite , by reason of his crazie body , sent a commission to the king , with the names of three bishops in it , giving him liberty to elect which of the three he desired , to crowne him in his behalfe ; who made choyse of the bishop of winchester , who set the crowne on his head . the king upon the arch-bishops returne , restored him all his goods , and every penny received of his temporalties during his two yeares exile , ( a good reward for a traytor ) whereby he became the richest arch-bishop of many before and after him . he was no sooner come home , but a new danger encountred him , by his owne wonted boldnesse . the king , by the counsell of piers gaveston , had committed the bishop of coventry to ward , at york : a convocation shortly after being assembled , the arch-bishop would not suffer any matter to be debated in the house , till the bishop were set at liberty ; which the king was contented to beare withall at that time . this bishop ( saith * matthew his successour ) though he were reported to be a stout governour of the english church , and a defender of its rites , yet he was too excessive in this , and ever opposite to the king , attributing that to the pope , with whom he was most strictly linked , which he derogated from the king ; seeking not so much the liberties of the realme , as the encrease of the popes power , and deminishing the kings authority , that he might transferre it to the pope . he was a great enemie to prohibitions , labouring the advancement of the ecclesiasticall courts jurisdiction , and the eclipsing of the authority and jurisdiction of the kings courts . he was the author of articuli cleri , and walter raynolds his successour , procurer of the kings answere to them in parliament . which articles , though they bee commonly taken for a statute , yet in truth they are * none , but a meere answere of the king in parliament , to articles exhibited to him by the clergie , made by the advice of his councell , but not of the commons and whole parliament ; and a particular grant of the king onely , not of the parliament : as appeares by the severall answeres to each of those articles , but especially to the last . finally , he ever sided with the pope for the liberties of the church , and with the barons also , against the king. he opposed himselfe against piers gaveston , the spensers , and other favouri●es and corruptors of the young king , very boldly ; and enforced iohn warren , earle of surrey , to forsweare the company of a certaine beautifull harlot , with the love of whom hee was greatly bewitched . and afterwards , when notwithstanding his oath , he returned to her company , and got children upon her , hee accused him to the convocation both of adultery and perjury , and a● last made him to leave her . hee excommunicated walter , bishop of coventry , for revol●ing from him and the clergie , and adhering to piers gaveston ; who appealed unto the pope , and was by him absolved . which last acts of his are commendable , though they proceeded rather from the stournesse and haughtinesse of his spirit , then the pietie of his heart : how ever , his former are most execrable . walter raynolds , his next successor , advanced and preferred onely by king edward the second to that sea ; when the king , after the barons warres ended , had done execution upon divers of the nobl●s that had reb●lled , adam tarlt●n bishop of hereford , by the kings direction , in a parliament holden at london , anno dom. . was apprehended and brought to the ba●●● , to be arraigned for the like faults of rebellion and high treason against his soveraigne ; to wit , for ayding , succouring , and maintaining the mor●imers and other rebels : who having nothing to say in defence of himselfe , against the crimes objected unto him , at first disdained to make any answere at all ; and when he was in a manner forced thereto , standing mute a long space , at length hee brake out into these words , and flatly told the king : * my lord and king , saving your reverence , i am an humble minister and member of the holy church of god , and a consecrated bishop , though unworthy ; i neither can nor ought to answere to such high matters , without the connivence and consent of my lord arch-bishop of canterbury , my direct iudge next after the pope , and of the other fathers , the bishops , my peeres . at which saying , the arch-bishops and bishops there present , rose up and interceded to the king , for their colleague : and when as the king , would not be entreated , the whole clergie challenged the bishop as a member of the church , and so exempt from the kings judicature ( as if lay men were not members of the church too , as well as bishops and priests , and so , by this reason , exempt from secular jurisdiction . ) the king forced thereunto with their clamours ( though for a very traytors rescue ) committed him to the arch-bishops custody , to answere elsewhere for these crimes . but within few dayes after , when the king called him againe before his presence , to make answere to the matters layd against him , and there arraigned him before his royall tribunall for his treasons , all the bishops of england almost being then at london , the * arch-bishops of canterbury , yorke , and dublin , accompanyed with ten other bishops , and a great troupe of men , hearing of tarl●ons arraignment , in great haste hyed them thither ; and having their crosses borne before them , entred the court by violence , tooke the prisoner from the barre before hee had made any answere , chased away the kings officers by force , and carryed him away with them from the barre , ( the highest affront that ever was offered to publicke justice in the kingdome ; and that in open parliament , in case of high treason against the king , ) and withall they proclaimed , that no man should lay violent hands on this traytor whom they had rescued , upon paine of excommunication . the king being exceedingly moved with this unparalleled insolence of the clergie , as he had reason , commanded an inquest to bee impanelled , and a lawfull inquiry to bee made of the treasons committed by him , in his absence . the jury , without feare of the king , or any hatred of the bishop , according to the truth of the matter , finding the bishop guilty of all the treasons and rebellions whereof he was indicted : the king hereupon * banished the bishop● seized upon his temporalties , lands , and goods ; but the bishop himselfe , by the consent of all the arch-bishops and bishops , was by strong hand kept safe in the arch-bishop of canterburies custodie , notwithstanding his proscrip●ion , who at last reconciled this traytor to the king. so industrious have the bishops beene , not onely to plot and execute treasons , but likewise to defend and int●rcede for traytors of their owne coat , to keepe them from execution , and to get them againe into favour , that so they might more boldly proceede on in their intended trecheries and rebellions , being sure to escape unpunished , by meanes of their fellow bishops , how ever other traytors speede . after this , the king demanded subsidies of the clergie , towards his warres ; which they at first stiffely denyed to grant , without the popes licence first obtained ; which the king was enforced to procure : and notwithstanding it , they stood off a while , alledging , that the pope had of late yeares received so many subsidies and procurations from them , that they were not able to give the king so much as one subsidie ; who could readily grant the pope so many : at last , upon this condition , that the king should augment and confirme those ecclesiasticall priviledges they claymed , they granted him a subsidie ; and he thereupon gave the answeres , to articuli cleri , and granted the clergie to be free from purveyances . after this , the queene , with edward the third , her sonne , went into france , to make peace betweene france and england ; where , by the french kings perswasions , being her brother , she continued , refusing to returne againe into england : the king hereupon banisheth her and her sonne ; great warres and stirres arise hereupon : divers of the nobles , together with the bishops of lincolne , hereford , dublin , and ely , side with the queene , and levie a great summe of money for her : the arch-bishop , though advanced meerely by the king , who highly favoured him , secretly joynes with the queene against his soveraigne , in his greatest necessi●ies , and sent the queene both * monies and supplies secretly , yet keeping in with the king in outward shew , the better to betray him and his secrets . and bishop tarlton whom he had formerly rescued from his arraignement , and reconciled to the king , became the chiefest stickler and incendiary against his soveraigne , and the authour of his subsequent murther . the king what with warres and papall exactions , was brought to such penurie , that he was forced to borrow . pounds even of the popes collectors of peter-pence . the queenes side and for●es at last prevailing against the king , who was glad to lurke in wales like a fugitive , the arch-bishop openly revolts from him , and the king by his and other the bishops meanes , being deposed in parliament , edward the third his sonne was unanimously elected king by all the people . the arch-bishop of canterbury with all the prelates ( here all arch-traytors ) consented to the election , and the arch-bishop taking this theame , the voyce of the people is the voyce of god , made a speech to the people , exhorting them to pray to the king of kings for the new elected king ; who out of his filiall duty refused upon any termes to accept the crowne , without his fathers consent : whereupon three bishops , with others , were sent to the king to kenelworth where he was imprisoned , to get his consent ; which being implyedly obtained , the arch-bishop crownes his sonne king in his stead , at westminster ( the very height of treason . ) this arch-bishop much hindered the course of prohibitions from the kings court to the ecclesiasticall . at last hee was commanded by the queene to consecrate one iames barkely bishop of exeter , which hee did , but for his labour was so threatned , taunted , and revi●ed by the pope , who had reserved the donation of this bishopricke to himselfe , that for very griefe hee dyed . iohn stra●ford , his very next successour , being made bishop of winchester by the popes provision , against king edward the seconds liking , who would have preferred robert baldocke his chancellour to that see , had no sooner set sooting into this bishopricke , but the king caused all his goods to be seized , and his livings to be sequestred to his use , besides , he caused him to be summoned to answer● to severall actions , so as for feare hee was faine to hide himselfe : whereupon proclamation was made , that no man should dare to harbour or give him entertainement , by meate , drinke or lodging : at last , after much adoe , the arch-bishop made his peace , and brought him into favour with the king , who dying king edward the third advanced him to the see of canterbury . the king going into france with a great armie , and laying claime to that crowne , committed the government of the realme here at home to the arch-bishop . he , besides other promises of faithfull diligence in the trust committed to him , assured the king hee should want no money to expend in this exploit , whereunto all kindes of people shewed themselves so willing to yeeld what helpe they possibly might , as hee tooke ●pon him to discerne , the king might command of them what hee li●t . no sooner was the king over seas , but infinite summes of money were collected with the very good liking of all the people : this money which men thought would have maintained the warres for two or three yeares , was spent in lesse than one . the king wanting money , puts the arch-bishop in minde of his promise , calling continually on him for more monies . the arch-bishop blames his officers beyond the seas for ill managing of his treasure , advising him to make peace with the french upon reasonable conditions , sending him no more money . the king grew exceeding angry with the arch-bishop for this motion and usage , and his souldiers calling for mony , he told them that the arch-bishop had be●rayed him to the french king , who no doubt had hired him to detaine their pay in his hands ; and to satisfie his souldiers needes , was enforced to take up what monies he could at hard rates from usurers . and though some excuse the arch-bishop in this , yet others thinke him guilty of practising against the kings further good ●ortunes in france ; because pope benedict the twelfth was displeased much therewith , as pretending it was pernicious to christendome , and thereupon put flanders under interdict , for leaving the french king , and adhering to king edward ; and therefore the arch-bishop to please the pope ( whom hee obeyed more than the king ) who had written a le●●er to the king and him , to desist from that warre , thus thwa●●ed the kings de●ignes , by not sending him such supplies of money as hee promised and in moving him to peace . * the king taking it very hainously to be thus dealt with , and that his brave beginnings and proceedings in france should bee thus crossed ; hereupon steps suddenly over into england , and ca●●s the bishop of chichester , then lord chancellour , and the bishop of li●h●●eld , then lord treasurer , prisoners into the tower , whither he intended to send the arch-bishop . but hee having some inkling of the kings intention , got him to canterbury , and there stood upon his guard , being accused by he●●y bishop of lincolne , and gregory scrope then lord chie●e justice of england , of trechery and conspiracy with the french , and of high-treason , the whole blame , by the generall voyce of all men , lying on him : sir nicholas cantilupus hereupon ●ollowed him to canterbury , with iohn fa●ingdon a publike notary , who required him to make present payment of a great summe of money which the king had taken up of out-landish merchants upon the arch-bishops credit , or else to get him over seas immediately , and yeeld his body prisoner to them till ●he debt was discharged , for that the king upon his promise had undertaken hee should so doe . the arch-bishop sayd , he could give no present answere , but would take time to advise thereof , writing divers letters to the king , not to hearken to flatterers , and those who defamed other mens action● , and to make choyse of better counsellour● , and not to disturbe the peace at home , whiles he made wa●●es abroad . after which hee called the clergie and people into the cathedrall church of canterbury , and made an oration to them , taking ecclesiasti●us . . for his theame , he feared not any prince , neither ●o●ld any bring him into subjection● no word could overcome ●im , &c. in which sermon , hee highly commended and approved th●mas becket arch-bishop of canterb●ry , who † with-drew himselfe wholly from all secular affaires , and betooke himselfe onely to the government of the church , and blamed himselfe much , for that hee had left the care of the church , and wholly , yea , dayly i●ployed himselfe in the managing the kings affaires ; for which he now received no other reward for his merits towards the king and kingdome , but envie , and the danger of his head , promising with teares , that hereafter hee would be more diligent in the government of the church ; which sermon ended , to keepe off all royall violence from him , he published certaine articles of excommunication after the horrid popish manner , with tapers burning , and bells ringing ; in which † articles hee excommunicated all those who disturbed the peace of the king and kingdome , all lay-men who should lay violent hands on the clergie , or invade their lands , houses , goods , or violate the liberties of the church , or magna charta , or forge any crimes o● any one , but especially every one that should draw himselfe or any bishop of his province into the kings hatred or displeasure , or should falsely say they were guilty of treason , or worthy of any notable or capitall punishment . having published these articles in the church of canterbury , hee commanded the bishop of london , and all the suffragans of his province , to proclaime them in their churches and diocesse : the king hearing of this strange insolencie , writes to the bishop of london , acquaints him how trechero●sly the arch-bishop had dealt with him , and how by these excommunications hee thought to shift off his calling to an account ; and therefore commanded him not to publish them● af●er which , the king sent ralph ea●le of stafford with two notaries to the arch-bishop , to summon , him in the kings name without delay to appeare● before him , to consult with his other nobles and prelates concerning the affaires of england and france : the bishop gave no other answere but this , that he would deliberate upon it● soone after there came certaine messengers from the duke of brabant , desiring to speake with the arch-bishop , who refusing to speake with them , they cited him by writings , which they hanged on the high crosse at canterbury , to make payment of a great summe of money which the king of england had borrowed of him . the king after this sends some letters to the prior and covent of canterbury , who shewing the letters to the arch-bishop , he on ash-wednesday goes up into the pulpit in the cathedrall church , and there calling the clergie and people to him , spake much to them concerning his fidelity and integrity in the kings businesse : after which hee commanded the kings letters to be read , and then answered all the crimes and calumnies ( as he ●earmed them ) layd against him in those letters , and putting his answere , which he there uttered , into writing , he published it throughout his whole provinc● . the king hereupon makes a reply to his answere ; shewing therein , how treacherously and unfaithfully the bishop had dealt with him : how hee refused to come to his answere , but in full parliament ; and would not appeare before him , upon generall summons , though he offered him safe-conduct , under his great seale : how hee undutifully rayled upon him and his councell , in his excommunication , letters , and answers , calling the king himselfe an oppressour of his people , against justice ; and how he endeavoured by his strange practises , to stirre up the people to sedition and rebellion . which letters ( at large recorded by * matthew parker and others , with the bishops answeres to them ) the king commanded to bee published every where . the arch-bishop thereupon publisheth a large answere to them ; in the beginning whereof he affirmes , the * bishops authority to be above the kings : and therefore , that the kings highnesse ought to know , that hee ought to be judged by the bishops , not they by him , nor yet to be directed at his pleasure . for who doubts , that the priests of christ ought to be accounted the fa●hers and masters of kings , princes , and all faithfull people ? and therefore it would bee a strange madnesse , if the sonne should endeavour to subje●t the father , or the scholar the master , to their censures . after which hee sheweth , that popes and bishops have excommunicated and judged divers emperours and kings , and therefore they ought not to judge bishops ; ( by which kind of logicke , bishops and clergie-men must be judges of all other men , yea , of kings and emperours , but no men else judges of them or their actions● ) concluding , that he had * received no honour or advancement from the king , but onely from god ; and that he would give an account in no court , and to no person , but i● parliament . the king hereupon writes his predecessours , who were wont to honour and love their princes , and to make prayers and supplications for them , and to instruct them with the spirit of meekenesse , begins against us and our counsellors in the spirit of pride , a thread of rash faction , and perverse invention , by prolonging his iniquity , and seeking the consolation of miserable men , namely , to have many consorts in punishment ; and which is worse , hee endeavours all hee may to precipi●ate into our ●ontempt and irreverence with lying speeches his suffragans in sinne , with other devout people , and our loyall subjects . and albeit with god not the highest degree , but the best life is most approved , yet hee glorying in the altitude of his state , requires reverence to be given to him , which yet he renders not to us , though it be due from him to us . for whereas hee and other prelates of this kingdome , who receive the temporalties of their churches from us , out of the debt of sworne fidelity , ought to render us fealty , honour and reverence ; ●e alone , is not ashamed , profide perfidiam● to render us perfidiousnesse in stead of loyalty , contumely in stead of honour , and contempt in lieu of reverence . whereupon albeit wee are and alwayes have beene ready to reverence spirituall fathers us is mee●e ; yet we ought not with conniving eyes to passe by their offences , which we behold to redound to the perill of vs and our kingdome . but the same arch-bishop complaines , that certaine crimes in our fore-sayd letters of excuse were objected against him being absent , unheard , and undefended , and that he was judged guilty of capitall crimes ; as if we , as he foolishly pretendeth , ●ad proceeded against him criminally to the uttermost , which is not true , whereas we onely acted the part of an excuse● , compelled by necessitie , lest we should seeme to neglect our reputation . but let this calumnious reprehender see if this complaint may not justly be retorted on his owne head , who falsely and maliciously with assertive words hath described vs his king , and our counsellours , ( being absent , unheard , undesended , not convicted ) to be oppressors and transgressors of the lawes ; when as he is deservedly blame-worthy , who incurs the crime reprehended by himself , and condemnes himself in that , wherein he judgeth another , whiles himselfe is found guilty of the same , &c. but because it becomes us not to contest with a contentious man , nor to consent to his perversenesse , we firmely enjoyne and command you in the faith and love wherein you are obliged to us , that notwithstanding any mandate of the arch-bishop himselfe , to which you ought not to yeeld obedience in derogation of our royall honour against the oath of allegeance made unto us , that you proceede to the publishing of those things contained in our fore-sayd excusatory letters according to their order : and because we are , and ought to bee principally carefull of the conservation of our royall rights and prerogatives , which the worthily to be recognized priority of our progenitors , kings of england , hath magnifically defended , and the sayd arch-bishop to stirre up the clergie and people against us , and to hinder the expedition of our warre , which we have principally undertaken ●y his counsell , hath made , and by others caused to be made and published certaine denunciations and publications of sentences of excommunications , and injurious monitions , prejudiciall to the right and royall dignity of our crowne , and by them endeavours in many anticles to take from us the iurisdiction notoriously knowne to be competent unto us , of which since we are an unconquered king , we are known to be capable , and which we and our progenitors have peaceably used from old time , both with the knowledge and sufferance of the chiefe pontifs , and of the prelates and clergie of our kingdome , to the wounding of our majestie , and the manifest derogation of our rights and prerogatives royall : wee strictly command you under the perill that shall ensue , that you doe not at the sayd arch-bishops command , or any others , in any sort by you or others , make , or as much as in you is , suffer to be made by others , these undue denunciations , publications , or monitions , derogatory and prejudiciall to our royall rights , and prerogatives , or any things else , whereby our liege people may be stirred up against us , or the expedition of our warre by any way hindered , to the subver●ion of us and our liege people , which god forbid : and if any thing hath beene attempted by you in this kinde , that you speedily revoke it . by which we see what a loyall subject this arch-prelate was : who to adde to his former contempts , * being required by king edward the third to come to him at yorke , out of his obstinate disloyall humour would not appeare , by reason whereof , scotland , the same time was lost ; yet was he suffered , though for this he deserved to lose his head . the two next arch-bishops , iohn vfford , and thomas bradwardyn ( swept away with the * plague within one yeares space before their instalments ) had neither time nor opportunity to contest with their soveraigne ; but their next successour simon islip , as he had gre●t con●ests with the bishop of lincolne about the university of oxford , and with the arch-bishop of yorke about crosse bearing , which troubled the king and kingdome much ( of which more hereafter in a peculiar treatise of our prelates schisms : ) so he got a grant from the pope to receive a subsidie of all the clergie of his diocesse ( to wit , foure pence out of every mark ) to defray his archie piscopall charges● under pretext of which by misinterpreting the popes bulls , hee exacted from them a whole tenth . he endeavoured to exempt clerkes from temporall jurisdiction and courts in cases of felony ; which being obtained , divers clerkes abused their priviledges , committed many hainous crimes , so as the bishops at the kings and nobles earnest request , were enforced to make a strict decree for their future punishment and restraint . besides , he accompanyed thomas lile bishop of ely to the barre , where he was arraigned and found guilty of murther , yet admitted his appeale to purge himselfe before him as his metropolitane after the jury had found him guilty , in affront of law and justice : after which , ely breaking prison , fled to rome , caused the kings judges to be excommunicated , together with their servants , and their lands to be interdicted ; and such of them as dyed excommunicated , he caused to be unburied , and to be digged out of their graves in church-yards , and cast into mires ; which caused great stirres in england . at last this arch-bishop riding to magfield , fell into a mire himselfe with his horse ; in which fall , the horse striving to recover himselfe , he was plunged over head and eares and drenched in the myre ; and comming all wet into magfield , fell into a sleepe before his clothes were put off , and so into a palsey , and there dyed . a just punishment for his cruelty to the dead corps o● those excommunicate persons . in his time there was a great mortalitie , especially among clergie-men , ● bishops dying in one yeare , anno . and . the next . simon langham , his next successour , * was successively both chancellour and treasurer of england , and in his time all publike offices of the king and kingdome were administred by clergie●men , for this arch-prelate was chancellour ; iohn bishop of bath , treasurer● david wollor , priest , master of the rolls ; william wickham arch-deacon of lincolne , keeper of the privie seale ; iohn troy , priest ; treasurer of ireland : robert caldwell , clerke , treasurer of the kings house ; william bug●rig , generall receiver of the dutchie of lancaster ; william asheby , chancellor of the exchequer ; iohn newnham , one of the chamberlaines of the exchequer , and one of the keepers of the treasury and kings jewels , and william de mulso the other ; iohn ronceby , clerke of the houshold , and surveyor , and comptroller of the kings workes ; roger barnburgh , and . more clergy-men , clerkes of the chancery● richard chesterfield , the kings under treasurer ; thomas brantingham , the kings treasurer in the parts of guines , marke , and calice : all which clerkes abounded likewise with ecclesiasticall benefices and dignities ; some of them possessing at least . benefices and dignities by the popes owne license , and having further liberty to retaine as many livings as they could get : this was in the yeare . but not long after anno . upon a complaint of the nobles in parliament , all clergie-men were thrust out of temporall offices , and lay-men put into their places . * holinshed out of caxton saith that the king this yeare in parliament demanded a subsidie of . pound of the laity , and as much of the clergie . the temporall men soone agreed to that payment , but the clergie excused themselves with faire words , and shi●ting answeres , insomuch that the king tooke displeasure with them , and deposed certaine spirituall men from their office of dignity , as the chancelour , the privy seale , the treasurer , and such other , in whose roomes he placed temporall men : where as ca●ton in truth saith , that this subsidy was raised by the clergie by good avisement out of their lay fee , and that this their removall from lay offices was at the request and asking of the lords in hatred of men of holy church ; with which walsingham accords . this arch-prelate being very ambitious , was without the kings privity , created by pope vrban cardinall of s. sixtus● with which newes the king being much offended , seised on his temporalties : at which the arch-bishop nothing troubled , did at last with much difficulty obtaine leave from the king to goe to rome destitute of his family , and stript of all his archiepiscopall ensignes , where he shortly after dyed . william witlesey , who next enjoyed this see , had some * differences with the king about granting subsidies . at last he and the clergie condescended to grant an annuall tenth upon condition that the king would free them from the intolerable yoak of the popes oppr●●●ions ; but wil. courtney thē bp o● hereford , after arch-bp of cant. ) standing up stoutly in the midst o● the synod , sayd with a loud voyce ; that neither he nor the clergies of his diocesse would give any thing to the king , be●ore the king had remedied those calamities under which the clergie had long time suffered : whereupon , the king sent messengers to the pope to rome , to take away provisions , reservations , and other exactions wherewith the clergie and people of england were grieved ; and put the statute against provisions in execution . simon sudbury , who next succeeded him , about whose election there was much * debate , was not long after his instalment made lord chancellour of england , and sundry other clergie-men formerly put from the administration of temporall offices and affaires , by his example and meanes were restored to them againe ; those lay-men who managed them being disgracefully thrust out thereupon : wakefeld bishop of worcester , being made lord high treasurer . this arch-bishop in the insurrection of iacke straw and wat tyler ( stirred up by iohn ball a seditious priest ) was by this vulgar rout ( who purposed to destroy all bishops and abbots ) proclaimed an enemie both to the king and people ; who were so incensed against him as their greatest enemie , that apprehending him in the tower of london , where the king then was , even whiles he was saying masse ; they drew him out thence , and with an axe cut off his head like a traytor . the manner of which execution is thus described by * wal●igham , godwin , and others . these rebels in all haste came to the tower , where the court then was , requiring with great out-cries the arch-bishop . the arch-bishop , then lord chancellour , having had some inkling thereof the day before , had spent all that night in prayer , and just when they called for him was saying of masse in the chappell of the tower. that ended , and hearing of their comming , let us now goe ( saith he unto his men ) surely it is better to dye , seeing to live it can be no pleasure . with that , in came these murthering rebels , crying , where is the traytor , where is the traytor ? he answered , i am the arch-bishop , ( whom i thinke you seeke ) but no traytor . with great violence then they drew him out of the chappell , and carried him to the tower hill● seeing there nothing but swords and weapons ; and hearing nothing but , kill , kill , away with the traytor , &c. yet he was not so amazed , but with great eloquence he could goe about to perswade them , not to imbrue their hands in the blood of their arch-bishop , their chiefe pastor : assuring them , that all the realme would be interdicted ●or it , and the fact must needes be punished first or last by the temporall law. and lastly , though these failed , god the just judge would revenge it , either in this , or in the world to come , if not both . but these varlots were so eagerly bent , that the very songs of the syrens would nothing have moved them ; seeing therefore nothing but death before his face , with comfortable words forgiving the executioner ( that scarce ever requested him so to doe ) with a very cheerefull countenance he kneeled , and yeelded himselfe to their fury ; once he was stricken in the necke so weakely , as that notwithstanding , he kneeled still upright , and putting his hand up to the wound , he used these words ; a ha , it is the hand of god. hee had not remooved his hand from the place , when a second stroake cut off his fingers ends , and felled him to the ground : with much adoe , having hacked and hewed his necke with eight blowes , they got off his head , upon fryday iune . . all which day , and a part of the next , his body lay there headlesse , no man daring to offer it buriall : as for his head , they nayled his hood upon it , and so fixing it upon a pole , set it on london bridge . by all which it appeares , that he was very odious to the people , and no other but a traytor in their estimation . william courtney , next arch-bishop to him in succession , as he * opposed the grant of a subsidy to the king whiles he was bishop of hereford , as you heard before , in the acts of whitlesey ; so in the yeare . when hee was bishop of london , when king edward the third desired a pecuniary ayd to helpe to supply his wants , and defray his warres , this proud prelate withstood these payments , complaining , that many injuries were done to him and to william wickam bishop of winchester , which put into writing , he tendred to the synod , and requested that nothing might be granted to the king before he had made satisfaction to them for these injuries , which the synod assented to● and thereupon wickam , formerly banished by the king , was restored to his bishopricke , and admitted into his synod . † hee received his arch●bishopricke by provision from the pope against the law , and made great scruple whether he might have his crosier borne before him , or whether he might marry the queene of bo●omia his sister , to king richard the second , before he had received his pall from ●he pope ; which ye● he did at last , interposing this wary protestation , that hee did it not in contempt o● the court of rome . he excommunicated the bailiffes o● canterbury , for p●nishing adultery and other crimes , which were to be punished by the prelates ; who neglected for to doe it . after which he excommunicated one richard ismonger of ailsford in kent , because he corrected criminals by lay authority , which were to be punished by the prelates , and so violated the priviledges of the church : he humbly desired to be absolved , promising by oath , never hereafter to violate the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , and that he would undergoe any punishment for his former contumacy and rashnesse that the arch●bishop should impose upon him ; who enjoyned him this pun●shment : first , that in the market place of west●alling in the greatest assembly of the people , he should for three market dayes together be stript naked , and bastinadoed with clubs ; and after that he should undergoe the same punishment as often both at maidstone and canterbury , and that a●ter his last castigation at canterbury , he should enter into the cathedrall church there , naked , and offer a taper of five pound weight at thomas beckets shrine : which punishment if he refused to performe , he should relapse into his former state of excommunication : a strange punishment for the kings officer to undergoe , onely for executing justice upon delinquents in the prelates defaults . this arch-prelate so farre incensed king richard the second , that he commanded his goods , and temporalties to be feased , and the bishop himselfe was glad to hide his head in secret corners , with a few attendants till he had made his peace with the king. in this arch-bishops time , there were great contests betweene him and his suffraganes , who opposed him in his metropol●ticall visitation , and in levying the taxe of foure pence the pound on the clergy within his province , which he to their great oppr●ssion had procured from the pope : he had a great contestation with the earle of arundell , whose servants he excommunicated for fishing in one of his ponds in the mannor of southmalling in chichester diocesse ; whereupon the earle complained to the king , who hearing the cause , commanded the excommunication directed to the bishop of chichester , to be revoked . in this arch-bishops time , the statute of provisions and premunire was enacted ; which the pope and prelates laboured forthwith to cause the king to repeale , to which the nobles and commons would by no meanes consent . ann. dom. . when divers causes of high treason were debated in parliament , * the arch-bishop with his suffraganes who by law could not be present in the house , in debating causes of blood , departing the house made this protestation : in the name of god , amen . whereas of right and by the custome of the realme of england , it appertaines to the arch-bishop of canterbury for the time being , as also to his suffragans , his brethren and fellow bishops , abbots , priors , and all other prelates whatsoever , holding of our lord the king by * barony , to be personally present in all parliaments of the king as peeres of the said realme , and there of the businesses of this kingdome , and other things there usually handled , with the ●est of the peeres of 〈◊〉 said kingdome , and others having right to be there present , to consul● , and handle , ordaine , decree , and define , and to doe other things , which are there ready to be executed in time of parliament , in all , and every of which , we william courtney , arch-bishop of canterbury , &c. for us and our suffragans , fellow bishops , and confreers , as likewise for the abbots , priors , and all prelates aforesaid , protest , and every one of them here present by himselfe or his proxie , publickely and expresly protesteth , that we and every of us , intend and intendeth , will and willeth to be present in this present parliament , and others as peeres of the said realme , after the usuall manner , to consult , handle , ordaine , decree , and define , and to exercise other things with others who have right to be present in the same , our state and order , and each of them in all things alwayes saved . but because in the present parliament some matters are handled , at which by the de●rees of sacred canons it is not lawfull for us , or any to be any wayes personally present , for those things we will and every of them protest , and every of them here present protesteth likewise ; that we neither intend nor desire , as by law we neither can nor ought , neither doth any of them intend or desire to be present any way in this present parliament , whiles such matters are or shall be in debate , but we and every of them will in this part wholly absent our selves . and we further protest , and every of them protesteth that for this our absence we neither intend , nor will , nor doth any of them intend or will , that the processe made , or to be made in this present parliament , as the which we neither may , nor ought to be present , as farre as it concernes us or any of them , shall in future times be any way impugned , debilitated or infringed . which i recite to shew , that parliaments may be held and decree things without bishops , and to checke the pride of those prelates who this parliament pleaded hard to be present at the debate of the lord straffords cause . i cannot here pretermit the trecherous and bloudy practice of william cour●ney against the true saints of god , and the kings most loyall subjects , for he being not content solemnely to * excommunicate and persecute iohn wiclife , iohn ashton , nicholas herford , and philip repingdon , both at pauls-crosse and at oxford , for the true profession of the gospell , did mo●eover by all meanes possible solicite king henry the fourth , to joyn with all the power of his temporall sword , for that he well perceived , that hitherto as yet the popis● clergy had not authority sufficient by any publicke law or statute of this land , to proceed unto death against any person whatsoever , in case of religion but onely by the usurped tyranny and example of the court of rome : where note ( gentle reader ) for thy better understanding , the practise of the romish prelates , in seeking the kings helpe to further their bloody purpose against the good saints of god. this king being but young , and under yeares of ripe judgement , partly induced , or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresaid arch-bishop ; party also either for feare of the bishops , ( for kings cannot alwayes doe in their realmes what they will ) or else perhaps inticed by some hope of a sublidy to be gathered by the clergy , was content to adjoyne his private assent ( such as it was ) to the setting downe of an ordinance , which was indeed the very first law that is to be found made against religion and the professors thereof , bearing the name of an act made in the parliament , holden at westminster , ann. . rich. . c. . commonly intituled , an act against the lollards ( the contents whereof you may read in the statutes at large , and in master fox . ) this act , though it beares the name of a statute both in written and printed bookes , yet it was fraudulently and unduly devised by the prelates onely , and a meere pernicious forgery to advance their owne episcopall power and jurisdiction , invade the subjects liberties , tread downe religion , and shed our martyrs blood ; with which the commons were so highly offended , as they had just cause so to be , that in the u●as of saint michael next following , at a parliament summoned and holden at westminster , the . yeare of the said king , among sundry petitions made to the king by the commons , whereunto he assented ; there is one in this forme , against this spurious act of theirs● * item , prayen the commons , that whereas an estatute was made the last parliament in these words : it is ordained in this present parliament , that commissions from the king be directed to the sheriffes and other ministers of the king , or to other sufficient persons , after , and according to the certificates of the prelates thereof , to be made unto the chancery from time to time , to arrest all such preachers , and their fautors , maintainers , and abettors , and them to detaine in strong prison , untill they will justifie themselves according to reason , and law of holy church . and the king wille●h and commandeth , that the chancellor make such commissions at all times , as shall be by the prelates or any of them certified , and thereof required , as is aforesaid . the which was * never agreed nor granted by the commons ; but whatsoever was moved therein was without their assent . that the said statute be therefore disannulled . for it is not in any wise their meaning , that either themselves , or such as shall succeed them , shall be further justified or bound by the prelates , then were their ancestors in former times : whereunto is answered , il plest an roy. i. e. the king is pleased . this supposed statute , thus fraudulently devised by the prelates onely , was in like manner most injuriously , and unorderly executed by them ; for immediately upon the publishing of this law , without further warrant either from the king or his councell , commissions under the great seale of engl●nd , were made in this forme , richard , by the grace of god , &c. witnesse my selfe at westminster the . day of iune , in the . yeare of our r●igne . without more words of warrant under writ●en , such as in like cases are both usuall and ●equisite , viz. per ipsu● regem , per regem & concilium ; or per breve de privato sigillo . al , or any of which words being utterly wanting in this place , as may be seene in the kings records of that time ; it must therefore be done either by warrant of this fore-said statute , or else without any warrant at all . and whereas the said statute appointed the commissions to be directed to the sheriffe , or other ministers of the kings , or to other sufficient persons , learned for the arresting of such persons : they fraudulently procured the said commissions to be directed to the arch-bishop and his suf●ragans , being both judges , accusers , witnesses , and parties in the case , authorizing them further , without either the words , or reasonable meaning of the said statute , to imprison them in their owne houses , or where else pleased them : yea , such was this arch-bishops , and the other p●elates treachery and villany in this particular , notwithstanding this unjust and spurious law was repealed upon the forementioned petition of the commons , and the fraud of the framers thereof sufficiently discovered ; yet such meanes was there made by the prelates , that this act of repeale was never published , nor ever since imprinted with the rest of the statutes of that parliament . insomuch as the said repeale being concealed , like commissions and other processe were made from time to time , by vertue of the said bastard statute , as well during the raigne of this king , as since against the professours of religion ; as master fox in his acts and monuments , both shewes , and proves at large . now what is this no●orious forgery , this unjust and fraudulent execution of this pretended act of parliament , even after its repeale , by this arch-bishop and his brethren , but the very heighth of treachery , villany , schisme , and sedition ; yea , an in●ernall policy , to advance episcopall jurisdiction , erect a bloudy inquisition , and shed our martyrs blood , contrary both to the lawes of god and the realme ? to end with this prelate , * amm. . this king called a parliament at london , wherein the laity granted the king one quindisme and a halfe , upon condition that the clergy would give him one disme and a halfe . this arch-bishop stiffely opposed this condition saying , that it ought not to be made , especially seeing the church ought to be free , and no wayes to be taxed by lay-men ; adding , that he would rather endanger his head for this cause , then suffer the church of england to be so much inslaved . which answer so moved the company of commons , that the knights of the counties , with certaine of the nobles of the kingdome , with great fury petitioned , that the temporalties of the ecclesiastickes might be taken away , saying , that the clergy were growne to such excessive pride , that it would be a worke of piety and charity , by the taking away of their temporalties , which did puffe them up , to compell them to be more humbly wise . these things they cryed out , these things they presented to the king in short writings , thinking to bring this petition to effect . the arch-bishop to prevent the danger , consulting with his clergy , granted the king one tenth very willingly ; which the king accepted of , and so for the present the unsatiable covetousnesse of the enemies of the church ( saith walsingham ) was frustrated , and this clause of the laity obliterated out of the bill . † thomas arundell his immediate successour , by provision from the pope , against the law , as he resigned his chancellourship of england , so soone as ever he was made arch-bishop , as incompatible with his function ( as thomas becket , walter reynalds , iohn stratford , with other his predecessors had commendably done before , witnesse matthew parker , godwin , and fox , in their lives , which i wish our secular prelates would now imitate , though not in resuming this office againe , as he did at last : ) so he was scarce warme in his seat , when by king richard the seconds displeasure , he was dispossessed of the same , for not onely the arch-bishops brother the earle of arundell , was attainted and condemned of high treason against the king in full parliament , for which he was presently executed ; but the arch-bishop himselfe was by sir iohn bushy , in the behalfe of the commonalty , accused of high treason , for that hee had evill counselled his majesty , and induced him to grant letters of pardon to his brother the earle of arundell , being a ranke traytor . after which he was found guilty and condemned of high treason , adjudged unto perpetuall exile ( for conspiring to take the king , the dukes of lancester and yorke , prisoners , and to hang and draw the other lords of the kings councell , ) and commanded within forty dayes to depart the realme , under paine of death . he thus banished got to rome , and found such favour with the pope , as that he first writ earnestly to the king for his restitution : the king writes a sharpe letter against him to the pope , wherein he sheweth , that he plotted treason against him , and endeavoured to take away his life ; that he deserved rather to be quartered and executed as a traytor , then banished ; that the whole kingdome wondred and were offended , hee had dealt so mildly with him , and not executed him as he deserved ; that hee was a man impatient of peace , of a trayterous and seditious spirit , so as he could not restore him , or re-admit him into the realme without danger of his life and kingdome ; and therefore , though all the world consented to his restitution , yet hee would never doe it whiles he breathed . upon which letters , the pope not onely refused to restore him , but at the kings request , made roger walden arch bishop in his stead . the pope hereupon conferred the arch-bishopricke of st. andrews in scotland , with other livings here in england , by way of provision , upon arundel● who confederating afterward with henry duke of lancaster , against king richard , they levyed what forces they could , and landed with them in england so that at last king richard upon parly with this arundell , whom he had banished , was forced to resigne his crowne , and to render himselfe prisoner to the duke of lancaster , with promise of saving his life onely : hereupon the arch-bishop after the resignation made in parliament , * crowned the duke king , and made a briefe collation on these words , king. . a man shall raigne over the people ; tending wholly to the praise of the new king , and disparagement of the old ; recorded at large by holinshed : after which hee thrust walden out of his see , and got restitution of it againe , the pope confirming his restauration , and declaring walden to be an intruder ; who after a while was made bishop of london . this arch-bishop thus restored to his see , and in high favour with the king , * proved a bloody persecutor and butcher of gods saints ; to which end following the steppes of his predecessour courtney , he , with the rest of the bishops , fraudulently and surreptitiously procured by crafty● meanes and subtile pretences , the cruell bloody statute ex officio , as master fox doth stile it ( to wit , . hen. . c. . ) to passe the upper house of parliament as a law , without the commons assent or privity , whose assent they yet foisted into the written and printed * coppies of that act , to blind the world withall , and give it the colour of a statute , though it be not to be found in the parliament roll the commons never consenting to it , as mr. fox hath shewed at large in his acts and monuments , p. . . and the statute of . hen. . c. . witnesseth : which bastard statute , by colour of which alone most or all our english martyres were afterwards imprisoned , burned , tortured , and put to death ) being thus unduly obtained , this bloody arch-prelate , forthwith caused many godly martyres to be burnt to ashes , and the worthy honourable lord cobham with sundry others to be put to death ; by reason whereof the kingdome of the pope , and of the prelates his members here in this realme , began to be● so strong , that none durst stirre or once mutter against them . the bishops having the king so full on their side , armed moreover with these two forged lawes , with imprisonments , sword , fire , and faggot , raigned and ruled as they listed , as kings and princes within themselves : so strong were they of power that no humane force was able to stand against them , so exalted in pride and puffed up in glory , that they thought all things to be subject to their reverend majesties . whatsoever they set forth and decreed , though in their owne names , rites , and by their owne authorities , it must of all m●n bee received and obeyed . and it was their superstitious blindnesse , and curious vanity , that whatsoever ●oy came once in their fantacy , it was straight-way determined and established for a law of all men to be observed , were it never so ●rivilous or superstitious ; yea such was the pride , vaine-glory , and insolency of this arch-bishop arundel , ( who stuffed the church with ceremonies , and vaine traditions of men as his successors doth now ) that he in great snuffe suspended all the churches in london , not onely with the steeple and bells , but also with the organs , ( because they did not ring ●he bells for a triumph at his comming , when he passed by the high streete of london , with his crosse carryed in pompe before him , ) till the ministers and officers of the sayd churches should doe penance , and give him competent satisfaction for this indignity . now what shall wee thinke or conclude of these two last arch-bishops , courtney and arundel , who thus tooke upon them to forge even publicke acts of parliament for the advancement of their own● antichristian hierarchie , the suppressing of the gospel , the murthering and destroying the kings best subjects , and the effusion of so much martyres blood , but that they were monsters of trechery , tyranny , inhumanity traytors and enemies both to the church and common-wealth , yea the very divels and popes arch-agents to effect their wills . but god was even with the latter of them , arundel , who shutting up the mouthes , and silencing the tongues of many faithfull ministers , his owne † tongue at last by gods just judgement swelled so big in his mouth , as hee was able neither to ea●e , drinke , no● speake in many dayes , and so dyed of hunger after he had starved so many poore christian soules , and burned their bodyes into ashes . in the yeare . king henry the fourth , intending to goe into north wales to chasten the presumptuous doings of the unruly welsh-men , and wanting money to wage his souldiers , there were some that counselled him to be bold with the bishops , and supply his wants with their superfluity . but as it fortuned , arundel arch-bishop of canterbury was there present , who in the name of all the rest boldly made answere , that none of his province should bee spoyled by any of those naughty persons ; but that first with hard stripes they should understand the price of their harsh enterprise . but the king neverthelesse used the matter so with the bishops for their good wills , that the arch-bishop at length to pleasure him , calling the clergie together , got a grant of one tenth , towards the kings necessary charges . and thereby secured their temporalities for that time . * the next yeare following , a parliament being called to consult how the king might be relieved with money for defence of the realme against the scots and welshmen at home , and the brittaines , flemmins , and frenchmen abroade , it was thought most expedient , that the spirituality should be deprived of their temporall possessions to relieve the kings necessity . hereupon rose great alteration betweene the clergie and the laity , the knights affirming , that they had often times served the king , not onely with their goods , but also with their persons in very great dangers and jeopardies , whilst the spiritualty ●it at home , and helpe the king nothing at all . whereupon this arch-bishop stoutly answered , that the clergie had alwayes given to the king as much as the laity had done , considering they had oftner given their tenthes to him then the laity their fifteenes : also , that more of their tenants went to the kings warres , than of the tenants of them of the lay fee : besides this they prayed day and night for the kings good successe against his enemies . when the speaker named sir iohn cheinie , in replying by plaine speech , seemed but little to esteeme such prayers of the church , the arch-bishop was set in a great chafe , and with sharpe words declaring what hee thought must needes follow both of the king and kingdome , when prayers and suffrages of church-men came to bee so little set by , hee grew to such impatiencie , that hee flatly told the speaker , that although hee seemed little to esteeme of the religion of the clergie , ye● hee would not have him to thinke that hee should thus take away the possessions of the church , without finding such as would seeke to withstand him : for if ( sayd hee ) the arch-bishop of canterbury may live , thou shalt have ●o● taking away any manner of thing that is his . after this when the arch-bishop perceived that the king winked at these matters , hee rose from his place , and comming before the king he kneeled downe , and besought him to consider , how through the grace and favour of almighty god , hee had obtained the kingdome ; and therefore ought to remember his first purpose and intent , which was , to give to e●ery man his right , so farre as in him say● he● willed him likewse to have in consideration the oath which he so willingly had received , that is , that hee should advance the honour of the church , and the ministers thereof cherish and maintaine ; also to have in minde the danger and dishonour that redounded to such as brake their oathes ; so that he besought him to permit and suffer the church to enjoy the priviledges and liberties , which in time of his predecessours it had enjoyed , requesting him to stand in awe of that king by which all kings did ra●gne , and to seare the censures and condemnations that those in●urred , which tooke or bereft ●rom the church any good or right belonging to it , who most certainely ( sayd hee ) are accursed . when the arch-bishop had used this or the like speech , the king commanded him to goe to his seate againe , assuring him , that his intent and purpose was , to leave the church in as good state or better than hee found it . the arch-bishop herewith turning to the knights and burgesses of the parliament , sayd unto them , you and such others as you be , have given counsell unto the king and his predecessours to confiscate and take into their hands the goods and possessions of the cells which the frenchmen and normans possessed here in england , and affirmed , that by the same he and they should heape up gr●at riches ; and indeede those goods and possessions were worth many thousands of gold , and yet it is most true , that t●e king this day is not one halfe pound of silver better thereby , for you have begged and gotten them out of his hands , and have appropriated the same to your selves , so that wee may conjecture very well , that you request to have our temporalties , not to advance the kings profit , but to satisfie your owne greedy covetousnesse ; for undoubtedly if the king ( as god forbid hee should ) did accomplish your wicked purposes and mindes , he should not be one farthing the richer the yeare next after : and truely sooner will i suffer this head of mine to be cut off from my shoulders , then that the church should lose the least right that appertaineth to it . the knights sayd little , but yet they proceeded in their suite to have their purpose forward . which the arch-bishop perceiving , ( as another argus● having his eyes on every side , to marke what was done ) laboured so to disappoint their doings , that he wan the favour of certaine of the temporall lords to assist him , who constantly avouched by their consents , that the church should never be spoyled of her temporalties ; and herein they acquitted the arch-bishop and prelates , one pleasure for another , which they had done for them before , when the commons in this parliament required , that all such lands and revenues which sometime belonged to the crowne , and had beene given away by the king , or by his predecessors king edward or king richard , should be restored againe to the kings use ; unto which request the arch-bishop and other the prela●es would in no wise consent . thus by this arch-bishop arundel , that petition of the commons the ●pirituall temporalities came to naught . afterwards , in an * other parliament anno . the commons of the ●ower house exhibited a bill to the king and lords of the upper house , containing in effect as followeth . to the most excellent lord our king : and to all the nobles in this present parliament assembled , your faithfull commons doe ●umbly signifie , that our soveraigne lord the king might have of the temporall possess●ons , lands , and tenements which are lewdly spent , consumed and wasted by the bishops , abbots and priors within this realme , so much in value as would suffice to finde and sustaine an . earles , . knights , . esquires , and . hospitals more than now be : which is more largely and particularly related in fabian . the king ( as some write ) mis-liked the motion , and therefore commanded , that from thenceforth they should not presume to study about any such matters . another thing the commons then sued to have granted to them , but could not obtaine : that clerkes convict should no● thenceforth bee delivered to bishops prisons : moreover they demanded to have the stat●te either revoked or qualified , which had beene enacted without their consent in the second yeare of this kings raigne , against such as were reputed to be heretickes or lollards . but the king seemed so highly to favour the clergie , that the commons were answered plainely , that they should not come by their purpose , but rather that the said statute should be made more rigorous and sharpe for the punishment of such persons : and all this by meanes of this bloodly arch-bishop arundel , of whom we have heard sufficient . henry chichely , being elected arch bishop by the monks of canterbury with the kings consent , immedia●ly after arundels death , * hee refused to accept of this their legall election ; and against the expresse statutes of the realme , touching provisions and premuni●es , accepted of the see onely by colla●ion from pope iohn the . in affront both of the king and those lawes , which the pope endeavored in vaine to get repealed , and therefore opposed in point of practise all that he might , reserving by a decree of the councell of constance all vacancie to his own dispo●all , bestowing all the bishoprickes of england as soon as they were voyd at his own pleasure , by the arch-bishops connivence , in affront of the lawes and the kings royall edicts . * this arch-prelate published throughout his province pope martins bulls , for the extirpation of the wicklevists and hussites by force of armes , and promised the same indulgences to those who should take up the crossado and warre against them , as those enjoyed who went to the holy land to fight against the sarecens . for which good service the same yeare ( anno . ) he received the title of the cardinall presbyter of s. eusebius●rom ●rom pope martin the . who also created him his legate here in england , without the kings privity , and contrary to law. * but to colour the businesse , lest he should seeme to receive that power legatine without the kings permission and licence , against the lawes and customes of the realme ; one richard condray was made the kings procurer , that hee might appeale to the next generall councell from all injuries , grievances , and prejudices offered or to be offered by the pope or court of rome to the king and the kingdome . there●ore as soon as it was known that the arch-bishop had received this legatin power without the kings privity or licence , condray made this appeale to humfrey duke of gloster lord protector , and others o● the kings privie councell , in writing . in which he expressed , that no legate of the sea apostolicke ought to come into the kingdome of the king of england or other his lands or dominions , but at the vocation , petition , requisition or intreaty o● the king of england for the time being , the roman pontifex tolerating and consenting thereto , as well tacitely as expresly : in which appeale notwithstanding , if the sayd arch bishop , not as a legate but as a cardinall would say , open , or propound any thing from the pope to the king , it might be lawfull for him to doe it . in which the king would so farre assi●t as he migh● doe it by the lawes and priviledges of his royall crowne , and of his famous kingdome of england . the appeale being read , the arch-bishop in the presence of the prelates and nobles there present , confessed and protested that it was not , nor is , nor should be his intention by his entring into england , nor by any things done or to be done by him , spoken or to be spoken , for to exercise the legatine power which hee had undertaken , without the kings permission , or to derogate in any thing from the rights , priviledges , liberties , or customes of the king or kingdome , or t● contradict ●hem , but to preserve , defend , maintaine , and roborate all and every of them . by this device he deluded both the king , counsell , and lawes : how well hee kept this his protestation , his subsequent acts will evidence . for immediately after hee made a synodicall constitution , † that no married man or lay man should exercise any ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , or be iudge or register in any ecclesiasticall court in causes of correction of the soule , under paine of incurring the greater excommunication ipso facto , if they offered to intermeddle in any of the premises cont●a●y to the councels prohibition ; which further makes voyd all citations , processe and acts whatsoever , had and made by laymen in the cases aforesayd , and suspends all ordinaries from the exercise of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , and ingresse into the church , who should grant any married or lay man power to exercise any ecclesiasticall office or authority under them . what the true intent of this arch-prelates constitution was , and how farre this decree intrenched upon the kings prerogative royall , appeares by the statute of . h. . c. . ( made purposely to repeale this constitution ) which i shall here insert . * in most humble wise shew and declare unto your highnesse your most faithfull , humble , and obedient subjects the lords spirituall and temporall , aud the commons of this present parliament assembled , that whereas your majesty is , and hath alwayes justly beene by the word of god supreame head in earth of the church of england , and hath full power and authority , to correct , punish , and represse all manner of heresies , errours , vices , abuses , idolatries , hypocrisies , and superstitions● springen and growing within the same ; and to exercise all manner of iurisdictions , commonly called ecclesiasticall iurisdiction . neverthelesse , the arch-bishop of rome and his * adherents minding utterly as much as in him lay , to * abolish , ob●cure , and delete such power given by god to the princes of the earth , whereby they might gather and get to themselves the government and rule of the world ; have in * their councells and synods provinciall made , ordained , and established , and decreed divers ordinances and constitutions , that no lay or marryed man should or might exercise or occupie any jurisdiction ecclesiasticall , nor should be any judge or register● in any court comm●nly called ecclesiasticall cour● , * lest their ●alse and usurped power , which they pretended and went about to have in christs church , should decay , waxe vile , and of no reputation , as by the sayd councels and constitutions provinciall appeareth : which standing and remaining in their effect not abolished by your graces lawes , did seeme to appeare to make greatly for the sayd usurped power of the sayd bishop of rome , and to be directly repugnant to your majesties title of supreame head of the church and prerogative royall , your grace being a lay-man : and albeit the sayd decrees , ordinances and constitutions by a statute made the ● yeare of your most noble raigne be utterly abolished , frustrate and of none effect , yet because the contrary thereunto is not used nor put in practise by ●he arch-bishops , bishops , deanes , and other ecclesiasticall persons , who have * no manner of jurisdiction ecclesiasticall , but by , under , and from your royall majesty , it addeth or a● the least may give occasion to some evill disposed perso●s to thinke and little to regard the proceeding , and censures ecclesiasticall made by your highnesse and your vice-gerent , officialls , commissaries , judges , and visitators● being also lay and married men , to be of little or none effect or force , whereby the people gathereth heart and presumption to doe evill , and not to have such reverence to your most godly injunctions and proceedings , as becommeth them . but forasmuch as your majesty is the onely and undoubtedly supreame head of the church of england , and also of ireland , to whom by scripture all authority and power is wholly given to heare , and determine all causes ecclesiasticall , and to correct all vice and sinne whatsoever , and to all such persons as your * majesty shall appoint thereunto ; that in consideration thereof , as well for the instruction of ignorant persons , as also to avoyd the occa●ion of the opinion aforesayd , and setting forth of your prerogative royall and supremacy , it may therefore please your highnesse , that it may bee ordained and enacted by authority of this present parliament , that all and singular aswell lay as those that be married now , or hereafter shall be married , being doctors of the civill law , lawfully create and made in any university which shall be made , ordained , constituted , and deputed to bee any chancellour , vicar generall , commissary , officiall , scribe , or register by your majesty , or any of your heires , or successours to any● arch-bishop , bishop , arch-deacon , or other person whatsoever , having authority under your majesty , your heires and successours , to make any chancellour , vicar generall , commissary , off●ciall , or register , may lawf●lly execute and exercise all mann●r of jurisdiction commonly called ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , and all censures and corrections appertaining o● any wise belonging unto the same , albeit such person or persons be lay , married , or unmarried , so that they be doctors of the civill law , as is aforesayd , any law , constitution , or ordinance to the contrary notwi●hstanding . by this act it is apparent , that the end of the former constitution was trecherously to undermine and abolish the kings prerogative royall in causes ecclesiasticall , and to make the pope and our prelates absolute monarches , and our kings meere cyphers to execute their mandates , when by the expresse words of this law , with that of . ed. . c. . . h. . c. . . eliz. c. ● . . eliz. c. . . eliz. c. . and . and . phil. and m●ry c. . it is most clearely resolved , that our arch-bishops and bishops , have no manner of jurisdiction ecclesiasticall over other ministers by any divine right , ( as they now vainely , if not trayterously pret●nd ) but by , from , and under our kings , in whose name and right , and under whose seale alone all their ecclesiasticall processe ought to issue , as hath beene * elsewhere plentifully manifested , it being no lesse than a premunire , by the statute of . edw. . c. . ●or any bishops or ecclesiasticall judges to issue out processes in their owne names , and under their owne seales , as now our prelates doe . this law of premunire , was such a curbe to our usurping prelates , that this arch prelate chichely , in the last synod hee held anno. . without delay or difficulty granted king henry the sixt a tenth , and promised him large supplyes from the clergie in all things , if he would abrogate those hard lawes of premunire , where-with the clergie were very falsely accused and oft taken and ensuared as in unjust s●ares ; ( whereas in truth those lawes were the principall safety both of king and people , to preserve and free them from the unjust incroachments of popes and prelates , upon their liberties , lawes , and estates , which made the pope and them so frequently to sollicite their repeale . ) and by his countenance * william lindwood collected and set out the provinciall constitutions of the arch-prelates of canterbury in their synods , in affront of the kings prerogative royall and the lawes of the realme , dedicating them to this arch-prelate , and entreating him to put them in due execution being neglected , and quite disregarded formerly , both by prelates , judges , and people , as he complaines in his epistle dedicatory to him . in briefe , when † in the parliament held at london , anno . under king henry the fifth , the commons reviewed their former petition in parliament made to king henry the fourth but foure yeares before , to seize the bishops and abbots temporalities , shewing how many earles , knights , and esquires they would maintaine ; the bishops and abbots whom it touched very neare , much ●earing● the issue● determined to assay all wayes to put by , and overthrow this bill , and minding rather to bow than breake , they first agreed to offer the king a great summe of money , to stay this new moven demand . the cause of this offer seemed to some of the wise prelates neither decent nor convenient , for they well ●oresaw , and perfectly knew , that if the commons perceived , that they by rewards or by offer of money would resist their request and petition , that they stirred and moved with a fury , would not onely raile and despise them as corrupters of princes , and enemies of the publicke●wealth , but would so cry and call on the king , and the ●emporall lords , that they were like to lose both worke and oyle , cost and lining . wherefore they determined to cast all chances , which might serve their purpose , and in speciall , to replenish the kings braine with some pleasant study , so as that hee should neither phantasie nor regard the serious petition of the importunate commons . wherefore on a day , when the king was present in parliament , this henry chichely arch-bishop of canterbury , after low obeysance made to the king , made a publicke oration in parliament be●ore the king , and peeres , wherein hee shewed the kings undoubted title to sundry provinces and the whole realme of france ; with the injustice and nullity of the salicke law , the onely obstacle to his title , stirring up the king and nobles by force of armes to regaine the same : and withall declared that his loving clergie and subjects of the spiritualty , to shew their willingnesse and desire to ayde his majesty for the recovery of his ancient right , and true inheritance , had in their convocation , granted to his highnesse such a summe of money as by spirituall persons , never was to any p●ince thorough the whole christian world , before those times , given or advanced : by which device seconded by the duke of exe●er , he diverted and shifted off the petition of the commons , and engaged the king and kingdome in a long , bloody , and costly warre . the king himselfe professing on his death bed , that before the beginning of the same warres , hee was fully perswaded by men both wise , pious , and of great holinesse of life , that in prosecuting his just title , he might & ought both begin the same warres , and follow them till he brought them to an end , justly and rightly , and that without all danger of gods displeasure , or perill of soule . such an incendiary of war , was this arch-embassadour of peace that should be . * iohn stafford , preferred to the bishopricke of bath and wells by provision from pope martin the fifth , contrary to the lawes enacted against provisions from rome , immediately after chichelyes death , was in farther affront of the sayd lawes promoted to the see of canterbury , by pope eugenius ; that prohibited usurpation of papall provisions , de●ended by so many lawes and statutes , being no whit abated , through the popes industry , and the prelates treachery and ambition , who would rather incurre the danger of these lawes , and dis-savour of their princes , then want a far bishopricke , though they paid popes dearely for it . this arch-prelate in the first synod held under him at london , anno. . confederating with the rest of the clergie , when a subsidie was demanded of them , petitioned , that the statutes of provisors , and the writs or actions of praemunire , which by the crafty and malicious interpretation of the lawyers , as they ●alsely ●urmised , were turned to the destruction of the clergie , and disturbance of ecclesiasticall discipline , might be either wholly abrogated , or their rigour moderated● and that lay-men for suing clergie-men falsly in temporal courts , might have some severe punishment inflicted on them by a law. but this their motion vanishing into smoake , and the judges restraining their extravagant proceedings in ecclesiasticall courts by prohibitions , and bringing them within the compasse of the statutes against provisions , and in the danger of premunire's , which did much terrifie them ; hereupon the arch-bishop and prelates in their next synod at london , an. . presented a new petition to the king in the name of the whole clergie of england , wherein they grievously complained of the lay-judges , who were ever very troublesome and despightfull to clerkes ; desiring that the statutes of provision and praemunire might be more equally expounded in favour of the prelates by the parliamen , than it was by the lawyers , and that they might be restrained from granting prohibitions to , and exercising● any jurisdiction over spirituall judges ; but this petition proved ineffectuall ; it being provided by statute , that no spirituall law shall have place contrary to a common law or act of parliament . and this were not ( as the lord * audley chancellour of england , once told stephen gardiner bishop of winchester in the parliament house , who thought it strange , that bishops authorized by the king could fall in a praemunire ) the bishops would enter in with the king , and by meanes of his supremacie order the lairy as they listed ; but wee will provide , quoth he , that the praemunire shall ever hang over your heads , and so we laymen shall bee sure to enjoy our inheritance , by the common lawes and acts of parliament . after this , the pope exacted of the clergie of england a tenth of all their revenues , and sent nuncioes to the arch-bishop with bulls to collect it . but the king hearing of this secret fraud , commanded the arch-bishop not to obey the pope herein , who yet was so farre a servant to the pope , and enemie to the king , that during all his archiepiscopall raigne the pope made bishops by provision , against the lawes of the realme . * iohn kemp , the next arch-bishop , elected lawfully by the monkes of canterbury with the kings consent , refused to take his arch-bishoprike from the king , but waving his election , received it by provision from the pope , who sent over sixe severall bulls to this end , the first to the arch-bishop himselfe , the second to the chapter of canterbury : the third , to his provinciall suffragans ; the fourth , to the clergie of the city and diocesse of canterbury ; the fifth , to the people of the same ; the sixth , to the vassals of the arch-bishop ; by which bulls the pope increased much hi● revenues : and ●o obliege this arch-prelate the faster to him , the pop● by another bull created him cardinall of saint ruffine : but this arch-bishop dying within one yeare and an halfe after his consecration , could doe him but little service . thomas burgchier , immedia●ely succeeding him , by the speciall favour of king henry the sixth , this ingratefull prelate ( made a cardinall by the pope ) some ●ew yeeres after ( an. . ) crowned and consecrated edward the fourth at westminster to be king in his stead , during king henry his life , and in a full synod procured the clergie to grant him a tenth : afterwards in a synod at london , an. . he● granted him another subsidie , and obtained a grant from king edward under his seale , that the prelates should bridle the malice of those by whom their rights were violated , as well by old ecclesiasticall lawes as by those new lawes they should make , both in all causes belonging to the ecclesiasticall court , as also in the tythe of great trees of twenty yeares growth or more , without the feare or penalty of the statutes of provisors , or of the writs or actions of premunire , or of any prohibition , and that they might proceede therein without any consultation obtained : and that if any of the kings judges , or other secular judges should by any writs or processe hinder or deterre any arch-bishop , bishop , or arch-deacon , or their vicars , officialls , commissaries , or other ecclesiasticall judges : that then upon the monition of the sayd arch-bishop , bishop , &c. so hindered or scared , the sayd judge should appeare in the chancery at such day as the said arch-bishop or ecclesiasticall judge should appoint , on paine of two hundred pound , to answere to the king for this his contempt , and that his processe against the ecclesiasticall judge , should by royall authority bee rescinded , and pronounced to be voyd and frustrate . in his time there were many pilgrimages made both by king edward , the queene , and others to that arch-traytor beckets shrine at canterbury , where they offered many rich gifts : afterwards , anno. . the earle of warwicke conspiring with others to free king henry the sixth from the tower of london ; king edward hearing of it , went in pilgrimage to beckets tombe to canterbury , and there held a councell of five bishops and many peeres of the realme , from which the arch-bishop being suspected ( as trecherous and unfaithfull ) was wholly excluded : king edward deceasing , this arch-prelate though hee made a will sequestred all his goods as ordinary , and seized the great seale , the privie seale , and the royall signer , which hee detained in his custodie ; and whereas richard duke of gloucester had traytorously plotted to murther his nephewes , edward the fifth , and his brother , this arch-bishop was imployed by him to goe to the queene , to * get the young duke of clarence from her out of the sanctuary at westminster , who using many reasons and flattering words to her in vaine , at last made this deepe protestation : that if she were content to deliver the duke to him , and to the other lords present , he durst lay his owne body and soule both in pledge , not onely for his surety , but also for his estate , &c. whereupon , with much adoe , shee delivered the duke into his treacherous hands , who forthwith brought him into the starre-chamber to his uncle the lord protector● hee having both brothers now in his power , pretends them to bee illegitimate , proclaimes himselfe right heire to the crowne , procures first pinker ; and then * doctor shaw ( no doubt by the arch bishops helpe and privity ) in a sermon at pauls crosse ( by which sermon hee lost his honesty , and soone after his life , for very shame of the world , into which hee never durst after to come abroad ) to publish to the people , t●at edward the fifth and his brother were unlawfully begotten in adultery , not by the duke of yorke , but others ; that richard of glocester was right heire to the crowne , extolling him to the skies , and slandering king edward the fourth with his queene , as never lawfully marryed to her . then proceeding treacherously to murther his poore young nephewes , and usurping their royall throne ; this * arch-bishop readily crownes him ( though a bloody and unnaturall usurper ) as lawfull king of england , and his lady likewise queene , the other bishops and abbots assisting him in this action , and accompanying him in their pontificalibus . this usurper being afterward slaine , the arch-bishop ( ever turning with the ●yde of things ) crownes henry the . likewise king of england , and shortly after departed this world , anno . i finde not ( writes † godwin in his life ) that ever any english man connued so long a bishop , or that any arch-bishop either before or after him in . yeares enjoyed that place so long ; for he continued arch-bishop yeares , and lived after the time of his first consecration and promotion to the bishopricke of worcester . yeares , and i marvell much , that in all that while he never endeavoured to leave behinde him any good deed for the perservation of his memory . sure i am , that his treachery to the young duke of clarence , and king henry who advanced him , and his treasons in crowning two usurpers , with his base temporising , remaine as so many survi●ing monuments of his in●amie and disloyalty . * iohn morton his successour , whiles bishop of ely , was accused by richard the third of many great treasons , and committed by him to the tower : from whence being removed and committed to the custody of henry duke of buckingham , he by degrees stirred up the duke to plot the deposing of king richard the usurper , and se●ting up of the earle of richmond , for which the duke not long after lost his head : the bishop in the meane time disguising himselfe , escaped out of the dukes custody , fled first to ely , next to flanders , after which hee went to rome , never more intending to meddle with the world . but king henry the seventh having got the crowne , married king edward the fourth his daughter , and so united the houses of lancaster and yorke , ( which marriage was first devised by this prelate ) called him home againe , made him arch-bishop of canterbury , and chancellour of england ; whereunto the pope annexed the honour of a cardinall , translating him from ely to canterbury , by no lesse than sixe ●everall bulls , ( all against law ) to augment the fees. in his * time richard simon , a priest , an ambitious wretch , on hope to make himselfe the principall bishop in england , plotted the advancement of lambert synmell ; ( being his pupill in the university of oxford ) to the crowne of england , under the name of edward earle of warwicke ; and conveying this imposter to dublin in ireland , hee there caused him to be proclaimed king of england ; * after this , to land with an armie in england , where in a battell at stocke-field , in which many were slaine , this priest and his co●●●erfeit were both taken prisoners , and attainted of high treason , yet this simon ( or rather sinon ) out of the extraordinary reverence to his function was not executed , but onely committed to the arch-bishop , who imprisoning him some space in his owne prison , delivering him over to the major of london , condemned him to a dungeon and perpetuall shackles . after which this * arch-bishop imposed two great subsidies on the clergie of his province to their great oppression , forcing ●hem by the popes authoritie to contribute so largely toward the charges of his tran●lation , as of his owne diocesse onely ( which is one of the least o● england ) hee received . pound : sent pope inno●ents bulls to all the suffraga●es of his province to publi●h and execute , in open affront of the lawes of ●he realme , the king● prerogative royall , and the subjects libe●ties ; for which good service , the pope by his bulls appointed him to be visi●●r of all the monasteries and other places exempt from archiepiscopall and ordinary jurisdiction throughout england , and made him cardinall of saint anastasia ; he perswaded the king to sue to the pope , not onely for the popes canonization of king henry the sixth , but likewise for the translation of his dead corps from windsor to westminster abbey , and that in an unwor●hy manner , when as the king might have done it by his own meere royall authoritie onely . he procured his rebellio●s predecessour anselme , with a great summe of money , to be canonized at rome for a sa●nt ; and had many conflicts and contestations with the bishops of london , and other his suffraganes , abou● probate of wills and jurisdiction of their eccl●●ia●●icall cour●s , which caused appeales to rome , whereupon ●he ●nferiour priests , with many others of his province , ca●● for●h sundry publike calumnies to his disgrace ; against whom pope alexander sent forth a bull , cruelly fulminating excommunications against them . and by this meanes the priviledges of the see of canterbury , oft times called into dou●t and controversie in former time , were at la●t e●●ablish●● . it seemes the bishops in his dayes were very much hated by the inferiour clergie : whereupon in a synod * at london under him , anno dom. . certaine preachers were sharpely reproved and threat●ed , who in their sermons , cum plausu populari , eloquentia canina , latran● immodestius in episcopos absentes , did with popular applause , a●d doggish eloquence barke immodestly again●● b●shops that were absent . * in the latter end of this arch-bishop mortons rule , one patricke an augu●●ine fryer , had a scholar called ralph wilford , whom ●e in open pulpit decla●ed to be the earle of warwicke , and desired all men of helpe : but the head of this sedition was sommer topped , that it could have no time to spring any higher , the master and scholler being both apprehended , imprisoned and attain●ed , the scholler was afterwards hanged , but the master ( the grand traytor ) onely condemned to perpetuall prison : for at that time ( writes hall ) here in england so much reverence was attributed to the holy orders , that to a p●iest , although hee * had committed high treason against his soveraigne lord , and to all other offenders in murder , rape ; or theft , which had received any of the three higher holy orders , the life was given and the punishment of death released . the chiefe cause of this favour ( saith he ) was this , because bishops of a long time did not take knowledge , nor intermit themselves with the search and punishment of such heynous and detes●able offences , by reason whereof they did not disgrade and deprive from holy orders su●h malefactors and wicked persons , which without that ceremony by the canonicall law could not bee put to death . furthermore , what should a man say , it was also used , that hee that could but onely reade ( though he understood not what he read ) how heynous or detestable crime soever hee had committed ( treason onely excepted ) should likewise as aff●nes and allies to the holy orders , be saved , and committed to the bishops prison . and to the intent that if they should escape , and be againe taken committing the like offence , that their lives should be no more to them pardoned , it was ordained , that murthe●ers should bee burnt on the brawne of the left hand with an hot iron , signed with this letter m , and theeves in the same place with this letter t , so that if● they once signed with any of these markes , did reiterate like crime againe , they should suffer the punishments they had deserved : which devise was enacted and established in * parliament in the fourth yeare of h. the . and taken , as i conjecture , from the french nation , which are won● if they take any such offender , to cut off one of his eares , as a sure marke hereafter of h●s evill doing . and the charge of keeping such offenders , because it soundeth to spirituall religion , is committed to the bishops and rulers of the spiritualty , with a penalty set upon them , if any such prisoner doe afterwards escape . the which act and priviledge did nourish and increase abundantly the sect and swarme of theeves and murtherers ; for after that time there were an hundred wayes practised and invented how at one time or other to deliver or convey them out of prison , by making their purgation ( by what sleight & meanes they care not ) of such offences as before they were convicted and found guilty , if no man be present to lay exceptions to the same . for if the party offended and hurt be absent at the day of the purgation making , the theefe or murtherer truely found guilty from the beginning , shall be both excused and set at liberty . and oftentimes the sooner , because the bishop would not lose the sum of an hundred pound for the escape of a poore knave , scant worth a dandy prat : so hall ; whose words i have recited , to manifest what favorers and protectors our bishops have beene of traytors and malefactors in all ages , especially of those of their owne tribe , who by meanes of their orders , sanctuaries , purgations , and other pretended exemptions and devises , were seldome brought to execution for their most horrid treasons , which made them the more bold and insolent to commit them . and for my part i deeme it true both in law and conscience , that the patrons , receivers , and res●ners of traytors and other malefactors ( as our prelates have ever beene ) are as bad , nay worse , than the traytors and malefactors themselves , and worthy more severe punishment than they . but it is time to conclude with this arch-bishop . henry deane who next injoyed this see , was ●ormerly made chancellour of ireland by king henry the seventh , * where hee played the warriour , and drave perkin warberke thence , forcing him to fly into scotland : after this being made bishop of bangor , he had many great suites and ●ontests with divers about the lands won or taken from his see. and among other particulars , pretending the island of seales betweene holy-head and anglesy to be unjustly detained from his church by the possessers thereof : they refusing to give him possession , the bishop thereupon brings a great power of armed men and a navie thither , and drives out the inhabitants thence by force , annexing it to his see. this prelate being afterward translated to salisbury , and from thence to canterbury , the pope sent him a pall by adrian of castello secretary to his holinesse , upon the receite whereof he tooke this solemne oath to the pope ( as his predecessors and other bishops formerly used , yet practised in fo●●aine parts ) which made him a traytor , or halfe subject onely , to his king. i henry archbishop of canterbury from this houre forward shall be faithfull and obedient to s. peter and to the holy church of rome , and to my lord the pope and his successors canonically entring , i shall not be of councell nor consent , that they shall lose either life or member , or shall be taken or suffer any violence or any wrong by any meanes . their councell to me credi●ed by them , their messengers , or letters , i shall not willingly discover to any person . the pope-dome of rome , the rules of the holy fathers , and the regalities of s. p●te● , i shall helpe and retaine , and defend against all men . the legate of the see apostolicke going and comming i shall honourably entreate . the rights , honours , priviledges , authorities of the church of rome , and of the pope and his successours , i shall cause to be conserved , defended , augmented , and promoted . i shall not be in councell , treaty , or any act , in the which any thing shall be imagined against him , or the church of rome , their rights , states , honours , or powers , and if i know any such to be moved or compassed , i shall resist it to my power , and as soone as i can , i shall advertise him or such as may give him knowledge . the rules of the holy fathers , the de●rees , ordinances , sentences , dispositions , rese●vations , provisions , and commandements apostolike , to my power i shall keepe and cause to be kept of others , heretickes , schismatickes , and rebels to our holy father and his successours , i shall resist and perse●ute to my power . i shall come to the synod when i am called , except i be letted by a canonicall impediment . the * lights of the apostles on this side the alpes , i shall visite personally , or by my deputy once every yeare , and those beyond the alpes once every two yeares , unlesse i am there-from absolved by an apostolicall dispensation . i shall not alien or sell the possessions belonging to my arch-bishopricke , nor give , nor morgage , nor infeofe any of them afresh , or any wayes alien them without the popes counsell . so god me help and the holy evangelists . this oath every arch-bishop and bishop not onely in england , * but likewise in spaine , france , germany , and other kingdomes , used to take to the popes unholinesse . no wonder therefore if they were such traytors , rebels , and conspirators against their kings , such sticklers ●or the pope , such champions ●or his unjust usurpations upon th●ir soveraignes prerogatives , and so forward to twhart and discover al those designes o● their princes , which were any wayes displeasing or disadvantagious to the pope ; who as long as this oath continued , and bishops that tooke it bore sway in our kingdome ( being both privie counsellers of state , lord chancellours , lord privie seales , lord treasurers , or other great officers ) never lost his hold or usurped power among us , which he still ke●pes , onely by meanes of bishops in other kingdomes , where the prelates * yet take this oath of alleagiance to him . but this oath which like a mystery of iniquity was concealed from our princes , being discovered to king henry the eighth in the twenty fourth yeare of his raigne , this wise prince considering the disloyal●ty and mischiefe of it , sending for the speaker and commons house of parliament spake thus unto them , welbeloved subjects , we had thought the clergie of our realme had beene our subjects , but now we have well perceived that they be but halfe our subjects , yea and scarce our subjects . for all the prelates at their consecrations take an oath to the pope cleane contrary to the oath they make unto vs : ( * with which the pope usually dispensed , but never with any oath made to himselfe , which must be observed and stand good , what ever oath else bee violated : ) so that they seeme to be his subjects , and not ours . and so delivering them the coppy of both oathes ( of this to the pope and the other to himselfe , ) required them , to invent some order that he might not be thus deluded . the discovering and opening of these oathes ( which were read in parliament ) both to the king and people ( as both hall and mr. fox record ) was the occasion that the pope lost all h●s interest and jurisdiction here in england within short while after : this oath to the pope being thereupon abolished and made voyd by the statute , and a * new oath to the king prescribed and ministred to the bishops , together with an oath of alleagiance ; wherein the popes authority stands abjured , and the king acknowledged supreame head on earth under christ of the church of england : the forme of which oathes are recorded in mr. fox , mr. hall , and the statute of . hen. . c. . the prologue of which act , with the oath ●herein prescribed , being pertinent to our purpose , i shall here recite . an act extingvishing the authority of the bishop of rome . * forasmuch as notwithstanding the good and wholsome lawes , ordinances and statutes heretofore made , enacted and established by the kings highnesse , our most gracious soveraigne lord , and by the whole consent of his high court of parliament , for the extirpation abolition and extinguishment out of this realme , and other his graces dominions , seigniories , and countries , of the pretended power and usurped authority of the bishop of rome , by some called the pope , used within the same , or elsewhere concerning the same realme , dominions , seigniories or countries , which did obsuscate , and wrest gods holy word and testament , a long season , from the spirituall and true meaning thereof , to his worldly and carnall affections , as pompe , glory , avarice , ambition , and tyranny ; covering and shadowing the same with his humane and politicke devises , traditions and inventions , set forth to promote and stablish his onely dominion both upon the soules and also the bodies and goods of all christian people , excluding christ out of his kingdome and rule of mans soule , as much as he may , and all other temporall kings and princes out of their dominions , which they ought to have by gods law upon the bodies and goods o● their subjects , whereby he did not onely rob the kings majestie ( being onely the supreame head of this his realme of england , immediately under god , ) of his honour , right , and preheminence due unto him by the law of god , but spoyled this his realme yearely of innumerable treasure , and with the losse o● the same , deceived the kings loving and obedient subjects , perswading to them by his lawes , bulls , and other his deceivable meanes , such dreames , vanities and fantasies , as by the same many of them were seduced and conveyed unto superstitious and erronious opinions , so that the kings majestie , the lords spirituall and temporall , and the commons of this realme being over-wearied and fatigated with the experience of the infinite abominations and mischie●es proceeding of his impostures and craftily colouring of his deceits , to the great damages of soules , bodies and goods , were forced of necessity for the publicke weale of this realme , to exclude that forraine pretended power , jurisdiction and authority , used and usurped within this realme , and to devise such remedies for their reliefe in the same , as doth not onely redound to the honour of god , the high praise and advancement of the kings majestie and o● his realme , but also to the great and inestimable utility of the same . and notwithstanding the sayd wholsome lawes so made , and hereto●ore established , yet it is commen to the knowledge of the kings highnesse , and also to divers and many his loving , faithfull and obedient subjects , how that divers seditious and contentious persons , being * impes of the sayd bishop of rome and his see , and in heart members of his pretended monarchy , doe in corners and else-where as they dare whisper , inculke , preach , and perswade , and from time to time instill into the eares and heads of the poore simple and unlettered people , the advancement and continuance of the sayd bishops fained and pretended authority , pretending the same to have his * ground and originall of gods law , whereby the opinions of many be suspended their judgements corrupted and deceived , and diversitie in opinions augmented and increased , to the great displeasure of almighty god , the high discontentation of our sayd most dread soveraigne lord , and the interruption of the unity love , charity , concord , and agreement that ought to be in a christian region and congregation . for avoyding whereof nd repression of the follies of such seditious persons 〈◊〉 are the meanes and authors of such inconveniences ; be it enacted , ordained and established by the king our soveraigne lord and the lords spirituall and temporall , and the commons in this present parliament assembled , and by authority of the same ; that if any person or persons , dwelling , demurring , inhabiting or resiant within this realme , or within any other the kings dominions , signiories , or countries , or the marches of the same , or elsewhere within or under his obeysance and power , of what estate , dignity , preheminence , order , degree or condition soever he or they be , after the last day of july , which shall be in the yeare of our lord god , ● shall by writing , cyphering , printing , preaching , or teaching deed or act , obstinately or malicio●sly hold , or stand with , to extoll , set forth , maintaine or defend , the authority , jurisdiction , or power of the bishop of rome , or of his see hereto●ore claimed , used , or usurped within this realme , or in any dominion or countie , being of , within , or under the kings power or obeysance ; or by any pretence obstinately or maliciously invent any thing for the extolling , advancing , setting forth maintenance or defence of the same , or any part thereof● or by any pretence obstinately or maliciously attribute any manner of jurisdiction , authority , or p●eheminence to the sayd see of rome , or to any bishop of the same see for the time being within this realme or in any of the kings dominions or counties : that then every such person or persons so doing or offending , their ayders , assistants , comforters , abettors , procurers , maintainers , factors , counsellours concealors , and every of them , being thereof lawfully convicted according to the lawes of this realme , for every such default and offence , shall incurre and run into the dangers , penalties , paines , and forfei●ures ordained and provided by the satute of provision and prae●●nire , made in the ● . yeare of the raigne of the noble and valiant prince king richard the second , against such as attempt , procure , or make provision to the see of rome , or elsewhere , for any thing or things , to the derogation or contrary to the prerogative royall , or jurisdiction of the crowne and dignitie of this realme . and for stronger defence and maintenance of this act , it is ordained and enacted by authority aforesayd , that all & every ecclesiastical judge , ordinary , chancellour , commissary , official , vicar-generall , and other ecclesiastical officer or minister , of what dignity , preheminence , or degree soever they shall be ; and all and every temporall judge , justicia● , major , bayliffe , sheriffe , under-sheriffe , escheater , alderman , iurat , constable , head-borough , third-borough , borsholder , & every other said officer & minister to be made , created , elected , or admitted within this realme , or any other the kings dominions , of what state , order , degree or condition soever he shall be , from and after the sayd last day of july , shall before he take upon him the execution of such office , make , take and receive , a corporall oath upon the evangelists , before such person or persons as have or shall have authority to admit him : that he from henceforth shall utterly renounce , refuse , relinquish , or forsake the bishop of rome and his authority , power , and jurisdiction ; and that he shall never consent nor agree , that the bishop of rome shall practise , exercise , or have any manner of authority , jurisdiction or power within this realme or any other the kings dominions , but that he shall re●ist the same at all times to the uttermost of his power ; and that from hen●eforth he shall accept , repute and take the kings majestie to be the onely supreame head in earth of the church of england , and that to his cunning , wit , and uttermost of his power , without guile , fraud , or other undue meanes , he shall observe , keepe , maintaine and defend the whole effects and contents of all and singular acts and statutes , made , and to be made , within this realme , in derogation , extirpation , and extinguishment , of the bishop of rome and his authority : and all other acts and statutes made and to be made , in reformation and corroboration of the kings power of supreame head in earth of the church of england , and this he shall doe against all manner of persons of what estate , dignity , degree , or condition they be ; and in no wise doe nor attempt , nor to his power suffer to be done , or attempted , directly or indirectly , any thing or things , privily or apertly , to the let , hinderance , dammage , or derogation thereof , or of any part thereof , by any manner of meanes , or for any manner of pretence : and in case any o●th be made , or hath beene made by him to any person or persons in maintenance , defence , or favour of the bishop of rome , or his authority , jurisdiction , or power , he repute the same as vaine and adnihilate ; so helpe him god , &c. i could wi●h this obsolete oath were now againe revived , to hinder the further growth of popery . this forementioned oath to the pope , usually taken by all our prelates , being one maine pillar to support the popes usurped monarchy both at home and abroade ; and a chiefe engine to undermine the royall prerogatives of christian princes ; and perchance the groundworke of many of our owne and forraine prelates treasons , treacheries , rebellions , conspiracies , and contempts against their soveraignes ; it will not be amisse , no● impertinent here to inser● that excellent discourse , which our famous martyr , (m) doctor barnes hath long since made upon it , in his supplication to king henry the . where he thus writes . i dare boldly say that if we poore men , which be now condemned for hereticks , and also for traytors against our king , had not beene , the realme of england had not stood in ●o good a condition as it is , for men had beene bound still in their conscience , to obey this wretched idoll : who durst have kept this innumerable summe of money , within the realme , that yearely was sucked out , by this adder , if our godly learning had not instructed their conscience ? let all the libraries be sought in england , and there shall not be one book written in . c. yeares , ( and admitted by the church of rome , and by our spiritualty ) found , that doth teach this obedience , and fidelity toward princes , and delivereth our realme from the bondage of this wicked sathan the pope , or else that is able to satisfie , and to quie● any mans conscience within this realme : and yet i dare say he is no● in england , that can reprove our learning by the doctrine of our master christ , or else of his holy apostles . yea , men have studyed and devised how they might bring our mighty prince , and his noble realme , under the feete of this devill . there could be nothing handled so secretly within this realme , but if it were either pleasant or profitable to the pope to know , then were all the bishops in england sworne , to reveale tha● matter to him . this may well be proved by their shamefull and trayterous oath , that they contrary to gods law , mans law , and order of nature , have made to this false man the pope . the words of their oath , written in their (n) owne law , be these● manner● there hath been wondrous packing used , and hath cost many a thousand mens lives , ere that the spiritualty brought it to passe , that all they should be sworne to the pope , and owe none obedience to any man , but to him onely . this matter hath beene wondrous craftily conveyed , for at the beginning the bishops were not sworne so straitely unto the pope as now . for i doe reade in the ●ime of gregory the third , which w●s in the yeare of our lord . how their oath was no more , but to sweare for to keepe the faith of our holy church , and to abide in the unity of the same , and not to consent for any man● pleasure to the contrary , to promise also to seeke the profits of the church of rome . and if any bishops did live against the old statutes of holy fathers , with him they should have no conversation , but rather forbid it , if they could , or else truely to shew the pope of it . this oath continued a great many of yeares , till that a mortall hatred sprang betweene the emperour , and the pope , for confirming of bishops ; then as many bishops as were confirmed by the pope did sweare the oath that i have first written . for this oath that gregory maketh mention of , was not sufficient● because that by it the bishops were not bound to betray their princes , not to revela●e their counsailes to the pope . the which thing the pope must needes know , or else he could not bring to passe his purpose , that is to say , he could not be lord over the world , and cause emperours and kings , to fetch their confirmations of him , and to kneele downe , and kisse his feete . the which when he had brought to passe , he proceeded further , adding more things to the bishops oath● to the maintaining of his worldly honour and dignity , as it shall afterward appeare . but first we will examine this oath , how it standeth with gods word ; and with the true obedience to our prince : i pray you tell me out of what scripture , or else out of what example of our master christ and his holy apostles you have taken this doctrine , to learne to sweare to s. peter ? or else to the church of rome ? or else to the * pope ? what neede you to sweare to s. peter ? ye can neither doe him good by your fidelity , no● yet hurt by your falshood . oathes be taken , that he that the oath is made unto , might be sure of the true helpe and su●cour of him that sweareth , against all men that could hurt him . now s. peter hath none enemies , and though he had , yet is not he afraid of them , neither can you helpe him , nor deliver him if he had neede . but the verity is , that good s. peter must here stand in the fore-front to make men afrayd with , and to make men beleeve that you are his friends , but god knoweth that you neither favour his person , learning nor living . for if s. peters person were here with his net on his necke , i thinke you would bid him walke begger , if you called him not hereticke . why doe you not swe●re to follow his living ? and to preach and teach his doctrine ? but that maketh nothing for your purpose . therefore you sweare all onely ●o saint peters name . but wherein will you be faithfull to saint peter ? to maintaine his worldly honours , dignities , or riches ? you know well he saith , that he hath forsaken all these things for christs sake , and for these things , i thinke he will require none oath of you . wherefore if you will needes be faithfull , and sworne unto s. peter , it must be in maintaining , and in defending spirituall things , as preaching of christs gospell purely and sincerely , ministring truely after the institution of our master christ , the blessed sacraments of holy church , and in vertuous living , giving example to the holy church of christ. but now if this be your oath , truely you are perjured , and worthy to weare papers , for you doe reckon your selves too high and too honourable , to goe about such simple things as these be . and therefore you have applyed your selves to other greater matters , as to christening of bells , to hallowing of churches , to blessing of candles , to consecrating of holy oyle , to hallowing of chalices , vestments , and a●tars , and to giving . dayes of pardon to them that receive your blessings in the streete , and to some that visite holy saints , and such like great matters , which pertaine nothing to your oath . wherefore i doe reckon that after the true forme of your oath , we have but few bishops , but that be perjured or abjured ( call it what you will ) both against god , against s. peter , and against their prince . it followeth . and to the holy church of rome . what needeth this ? what good can you doe to the church of rome , or what profit is it to her that you sweare ? thinke you that ●he will compell you by your oath to be true to her ? then must she needes sue you of perjury if you breake your oath . but marke how the church of rome is set in your oath , as the better person before the pope : wherefore it must needes follow , that the pope is under the church , and lesse than the church , and no head of the church , except you will make him a third person : ye● neither pertaineth to s. peter nor yet to holy church : but is a thing of himselfe , and as your (o) law saith ; neither god nor man , but middle betweene them both , that is as much to say , after my learning , as the devill himselfe . but what meaneth it , that you sweare onely to the holy church of rome ? will you be traytors to the holy church of constantinople ? or else to the holy church of england ? or doe you thinke other churches not holy ? tell us what you meane ; for it seemeth a marveilous thing , and also a speciall thing , that you make such an oath all onely to the holy church of rome , naming none other church . why are you not rather sworne to keep ? and to feede ? to nourish ? and to be true to your owne church of the which you have taken cure and charge ? as (p) s. peter commandeth you . see that you feede christs flocke which is among you . for of these you have taken your name , living and dignity , you are called bishop of winchester , of london , and of lincolne ; and of these you are fed , but these be forgotten in your oath , and these you little regard , but to maintaine the holy church of rome , that giveth you never a penny , but robbeth all other churches , you must be ●●raitely sworne . and why ? antichrist must have a cloake for his treason . for now if he be a traytor , he is to be excused : why ? for he is sworne to it . but shall i tell you what i doe take out of it ? the truth is , that you sweare to betray , to kill , and slay all members of all other churches , saving those that live after the whoredome , and mischief that is used in rome . for if you should be bound to seeke out in rome christened men , and those that doe live after the living of the holy church , i thinke you should finde but few , yea and unto those , you would thinke scorne to be sworne . ergo , it must follow that you are sworne to the worst sort of rome , and that your holy church of rome is taken for such a sort , as liveth against his blessed word , against the living of holy apostles , against the conditions of our holy mother the church . i would say in all oppression , in all sodomitry , in all murther , in all pompe and pride , summa summarum in all manner of mischiefe , what tongue can tell , or heart can thinke . but i will not say so : for men would reckon me uncharitable and too vehement . neverthelesse all the world knoweth , that you doe reckon your selfe , by the vertue of your oath , bound to no men , but unto such , as in very deede , liveth after this ungracious manner ; and yet will you be faithfull , and true unto them against all men ? yea i dare say : if that their con●cience had not condemned them of such mischiefe , they would never have desired this assistance of you . but the verity is , they are naught , and have neede of maintainers in their mischiefe . and also suspect you not to be t●●e , except you made an oath to them , yea and scarsely then , unlesse that you in very deede , at time and place convenient , doe betray your princes , for that is the cause of your oath , and other profit hath not the king by it , i will be reported by all practise that ever came out of your oath . it followeth , and to my lord the pope . i would gladly learne where the pope hath got the dignity of a lord. this thing is little regarded of my lords the bishops , to bring in such a worldly dignity , yea they will say , it is but a trifle , and mocke men for speaking against it ; but ●he truth is , i● they durst as much now , as in times past , they would burne for this little trifle , the best lord in england . for i dare say , it hath cost many a mans life , or ever they brought the pope to lordship . blessed s. peter ( whose successor the pope boasteth himself to be ) knew nothing of this lordship , for he saith unto his fellowes , they (q) shall not exercise any lordship over the congregation . and likewise (r) s. paul durst not take upon him to command as a lord , collections to be made for poore men , but meekely desires them without any lordship . also in anothe● place : (s) let no man judge us , but as the ministers of christ ; blessed s. paul reckoneth himselfe but a minister and a servant : and yet the day hath beene , that he was so good , as my lord the pope . our master christ , that came to teach both peter and paul , learned his disciples not to use themselves (t) as lords but as servants . and marke the occasion of that he had sayd , there be two new disciples brought unto him , and the old ( being not yet perfect ) thought scorne that these two should sit above all other , the one of the right hand , and the other of the l●ft hand : but our master christ reprove●h this proud stomacke of theirs , very straightly , saying , how the princes and rulers of the infidels hath power over their subjects ; but so shall not yee : for he that will be greatest among you , shall be least . here our master christ learneth none hypocrisie , that they should be called least in name , and be greatest in very deede : but he will that this doctrine shall be expressed in their deedes . my lord the pope calleth himselfe in words , the servant of all servants , but in very deed h● will be lord over all lords . yea ●nd my lords bishops will be sworne to him , as unto a lord , and they will reckon themselves perjured if they burne not all them that will take the pope but for a servant . is not this a marvellous hypocrisie , to be called servant of all servants ; and yet desire to be taken as lord and king over all kings ? yea , and unto this be our bishops sworne , cause they will be obedient to their princes . but and their * consciences were ripped , you should finde no man sit there as a king , but my losell the pope , and we poore men must be condemned for reproving of this . and why ? verily because my lords have sworne to him , against their prince , and all his true subjects . but how standeth it with your oath toward your prince , for to be sworne to the pope ? which is not all onely another lord , but also contrary , yea and as the world now is , the greatest mortall enemie , that our prince hath . for i dare say , that if this wre●ched clement could drowne our noble prince with one word , it would not be long ( by cardinall poles practise and instigations ) undone sine clementia . the common saying went in hamburgh , that this caitise hath not all onely excommunicated our noble prince , but also given away the kingdome to another . and this fact must you defend , for you are sworne to ●he pope : yea i dare say , if you had convenient occasion , you would declare your fidelity . i doe judge after your ●acts , that you have done to kings in times past , whensoever that you had power and might to bring to passe that which you have conceived against your prince . if you thinke i judge amisse , or else doe you wrong , let me be put to my proose , and you shall see , what an heape of holy facts that i will bring you out of your owne chronicles and bookes , for the which you will be lauded , and praised highly , that you have so faithfully stucke unto this damnable idoll of rome : yea i dare say it had beene heresie within this two yeares , to have written , or sayd thus much against the l●mme of the devill on our princes side . this all the world can testifie , where●ore i thinke yo● will put me to no ●ryall . but to your oath . how doth it stand with your allegiance toward you● prince , to be sworne to the pope : your owne (v) law saith , that a leige man can make none oath of fidelity to none other man , but to his ow●e king. moreover you doe remember your oath made unto you● prince , wherein you doe renounce all clauses , words and sentences , made unto the pope , which may be hur●full or prejudiciall to his highnesse : how agreeth these two oathes ? you may set them together as well as you can ; but i know no wayes to avoyd your perjury . for the very truth is , that the kings grace , and his councell , considering your oath made to the pope , to be prejudiciall to his regall power , causeth you in your oath a●terward made unto him , to revoke those things that thou hast afore sworne to ●he pope : and to declare , that his grace and his councell did reckon your oath made to the pope to bee against him : therefore he maketh you to revoke it by name , naming the same oath , and also the same pope . so that you may clearely perceive , how that our prince doth suspect you , for your oath making . and in very deede the popes meaning and yours was none other , but for to betray the king , and his realme : and therefore as soone as there was any variance betweene the king and the pope , then were you first of all assoyled of your allegeance due unto our king , and that absolution was blazen and blowne , preached and taught throughout all the world , and all doores and postes must bee decked with papers and bulls for your discharge . but for to helpe your prince , you could never be discharged of your hereticall and trayterous oath made unto the pope , against your prince . here neither peter nor paul can helpe , nor there is no key that can open that locke . o lord god how have we beene blinded thus trayterously to handle our naturall prince ? but how this caterpiller is come to be lord and hath brought kings under his feete , i will speake ( god willing ) after this in a particular treatise it followeth , and to his successors , lawfully and regularly entring in . after what law ? i read in your owne * bookes of law , after which me thinkes there be very few bishops made , wherein i finde among all other good things , that he should be chaste of living , meeke , gentle to speake to , mercifull , well learned in the new and old testament , and that he should not forbid marriage , nor should blame the eating of flesh , and should also beleeve , that all manner of sinnes , as well actuall as originall , be clearely forgiven in baptisme . how many of these things the popes holinesse is indowed withall , and how many he alloweth , his owne bookes and deedes will testifie . wherefore i reckon that your oath doth not meane this law , nor yet the law that blessed (y) saint paul writeth of . for then i reckon , that by the vertue of your oath , you have not beene bound to one pope this . yeares , so that it must follow , that you have other lawes , than blessed s. paul speaketh of , or the councell of carthaginence to choose your pope by , the which as farre as men can reckon , by common experience and practise be these . inprimis , he that shall be able to be pope , must be a vengeable tyrant , never keeping peace but alwayes warring for the defence ( as ye call it ) of s. peters patrimony . to suffer no prince to dwell in rest by him , but to snatch his possessiones to the unholy church of rome . to set princes together by the eares , till they be both weary , and then to take the matter in his hand , and never to make an end , till both parties hath given some possessions to his holy father-head : to assoyle the soules , that hath been slaine through his packing : and he that dare most boldly , and with least shame , depose princes without a cause , he is best able to be pope . he that can by any traine , craft , or subtilty , bring under him any bishop or any spirituall person , or invent any new clause in their oath , he is to be allowed afore other . moreover , he that keepeth fewest women , and hath most of them , that you wo● of , he is holiest , and apt to be head of your church . and he that can most tyrannously burne men for preaching of the gospell , and he himselfe to take no labours therein . item , to burne priests that marry wives and he himself to live in all mischiefe , and whoredome , yea in such abominablenesse , as no man may with honesty speake ( you know what i meane , ) this man i say hath a testimony , afore his spiritual●y , that he is a lawfull man to that office. furthermore , he that is a whores sonne , as our holy father is now , and can finde the meanes that . men will forswear themselves , that he is lawfully born● as this holy clement did . this is a fit fat●●● , for such children . finally , he that can give most money , and buy the greatest part or cardinals of his side , he is best worthy to be called pope , and to set on peters stoole . for it cannot be unknowne to you how that thomas vvoulcy , an holy pillar of your church , would have been pope , when this clement was chosen , and did offer for it a reasonable penny ; but clement dashed him out of conceite , with ● pound more than he offered , and so he was judged best worthy , and entred in lawfully and regularly , and unto him our bishops be sworne , and obedient . and why ? because they will have such a head , as they be members : for how could else their kingdome stand ? for if one should be chosen after the rule of blessed s. paul , or else after the living of these new heretickes , which be simple and poor● , and care not for no dignities , nor will never sweare nor fight , and would rather marry a wife of their owne , then take other mens , and are alwayes studying and preaching gods word , seeking onely the honour of god , and the profit of his neighbour , and will be subject and obedient in all things ( desiring none exception ) to his prince . this man , i say , should be unlawfull , and not elegible , for he were able to destroy the whole kingdome of the papists , and not worthy to receive an oath of my lords the bishops , which will not gladly be prejured for such a mans sake . for he were able to destroy the whole church of rome , unto the which our bishops have beene before sworne . it followeth in your oath , i shall no● consent in counsell or in deede , that they should lose either life or member , or that they should be taken or trapped by any evill meanes . what neede you to sweare thus unto the pope ? doth not the order of charity binde you thus to use your selfe toward all men , that is to say , neither to hurt them , nor to harme them , neither to intrappe them , nor betray them . but all men must be betray'd , and with craft and subtletie undone , for the maintenance of this one person . the truth is , that never man spake against this popet , but you destroy him , and betray'd him : but this popet hath blasphemed , and betrayed all protestants , and yet you were never against him . and why , because you be sworne to him . and you will keepe your oath be it right or wrong . but in your last oath , which hath beene newly made , is added this clause , that no man should lay violent hands upon them in any wise , or any wrong should be done unto them by any manner of colour . this part is newly brought in , si●●e the flesh of the pope hath beene so holy , that no man might touch it but harlots . christian men must patiently suffer injuries and wrongs , but your head will forsweare that point , and maintaine himselfe through your power against all men . how neere that this is the apostles living , all christian men can well judge . it followeth in your oath : their councell that shall be shewed unto me ; either by their letters , or by their messengers , i shall open to no man to their hurt or damage . let princes beware when the pope sendeth couns●lls unto you , for their meaning is to betray them . for all the world knoweth that the pope and you doe little regard , what the beggars of the world doth handle : but what emperours , kings , and dukes doth handle , ●hat must you let and destroy . for that is the counsell , and you may shew it to no man , no not to your king , and why ? because you are sworne to the pope . but what say you to your oath made unto your prince ? wherein you sweare , that you shall be faithfull and true , and beare unto him above all creatures , love and favour , to live and to dye with him , and to open him all manner of counsells , that may be hurtfull unto his grace . now it is well knowne , that the pope hath done and dayly doth handle such counsells as be against our princes honour , and conversation . and yet you may neither tell it to your prince , nor let it , and why , because you be sworne to the pope , and forsworne to your prince . tell me when any thing was opened unto our prince , by you , that the pope had handled in counsell against our prince : of this thing i will take record of his noble grace , whether i say true or false● and yet must i be accused of treason . and why , because you are sworne to the pope , and i am true to the king : it followeth : i will helpe to defend and maintaine the papistry of rome , against all men , saving mine order . and in your , new oath , now in our days made is added , the regalls of saint peter . what and in all men be contained your prince ? you must needes defend him . and why , because ye be sworne to the pope , and forsworne to your prince ; (z) for your oath to your prince is to defend him with all your wit and reason against all men , now must you forsake one of them ; and your practise hath beene alwayes to forsake your prince , and sticke to the pope : for of your oath made to your prince , you have been oftentimes assoiled . and as your law saith , the church of rome is 〈◊〉 so to doe . but of your oath made unto the pope , there is no absolution , neither in heaven nor earth . neither was it ever read , heard , nor seene , that there could be any dispensation for it . let me be reported by all the bookes that ever were written , and by all the bulls that ever were granted , and by all the experience that ever was used ; and if i be found false , let me be blamed ; and yet i am sure many men will reckon that i speake uncharitably ; but i would faine learne of all charitable men in england , with what other english words i could declare this intolerable or subtile treason , thus long and shamefully used ag●inst my prince , which is necessary to be knowne . and i am compelled by violence to declare both my con●ession and learning in this cause . for men hath not beene ashamed to report that i would ( which am but a wretch and poore simple wonne , and not able to kill a cat , though i would doe my utte●most ) to make insurrection against my noble and mighty prince , whom ( as god knoweth ) i doe honour , wor●hip , love and favour to the uttermost power of my heart , and am not satisfied because it is no more . this i speake afore god. let him be mercifull unto me as it is true : and if i were not so true in my heart , it were not possible for me so earnestly to write against them , whom i doe reckon to handle unfaithfully , and untruely with their prince , yea against both gods law and mans law . the very truth is , i can suffer , ( through gods grace ) all manner of wrongs , injuries , and slanders ; but to be called an hereticke against god , or a traytor against my pri●ce , he liveth not , but i will say he lyeth ; and will be able so to prove him , if i may be reported by my workes or deedes , by my conversation or living , or by any thing that ever i did ; ( and i dare say as much of my self , notwithstanding our prelates slanders of me . ) but unto my purpose ; the bishops doth swear one oath to the pope , & another contrary to their prince . and yet they will be taken for good and faithfull children : and i poore man must be condemned , and all my workes for heresi● , and no man to reade them under the paine of treason . and why ? because i write against their perjurie toward their prince . but how commeth saint peter by these regales that you are sworne to defend ? seeing that he was never no king , but a fisher ? all the world knoweth , that regalia belongeth to kings , and to like power of kings . why are you no● rather sworne to defend peters net and his fisherie ? the which things hee both had and used , and never regalls . but these things will not maintaine the holy church of rome , and therefore yee sweare not to maintaine them . but what meane you by that sentence ; saving mine order ? why say you not , saving my kings pleasure your glosse saith , you may not defend these things with weapons . but oh lord god what unshamefulnesse is this , thus to delude with words all the whole world ? men knoweth that when the pope hath neede of your helpe , there is no men sooner in armes than you are , if you call armes harneys , bylles , and glaves , swords and gunnes , and such other things . doe you not remember how soone the bishop of norwich , henry spenser , was in armes to defend pop● vrban , it were but folly to recite examples . in the yeare of our lord . was there a controversie betweene the kings grace , and the bishops of england , for certaice prerogatives belonging to the king. wherefore the king required an oath , and a confirmation of the bishops , as concerning those articles prerogatives . but answere was made of the bishops , that those prerogatives , cum omnibus pravitatibus in regio scrip●o contentis , were of none effect , nor strength , because they did forbid to appeale to the court of rome , unlesse the king gave licence . and because that no bishop might goe at the popes● calling out of the realme , without the kings assent . and because the clerkes should be convented in criminall causes a fore a temporall judge . and because the king would heare matters , as concerning tithes and other spirituall causes . and because that it was against the see of rome , and the dignity of the same , that a bishop should be convented afore the king. briefely , they would not be under the king , but this addition should be set unto it , salvo honore dei , & ecclesiiae romanae , & ordine nostro , that is , we will be under your grace , saving the honour of god , of the church of rome , and of our order : the cause why they did except these things , was this , as they themselves grant . for kings received their authorities , and power of the church , but the church receiveth her authority of christ onely , wherefore they conclude that the king cannot command over bishops , nor absolve any of them , nor to judge of tithes , nor of churches , neither ye● to forbid bishops , the handling of any spirituall cause . is not here a marveilous blindnesse and obstinacie against their prince ? they will make it against gods honour , to obey their king , and are not ashamed to say in the kings face , that his power is of them . but i pray you whether was kings before bishops , or bishops before kings ? you shall finde , that god had long admitted kings , or any bishops ( as you take him ) was thought of . doth not the holy ghost command that we should honour king ? also in another place . let all men b● under the higher powers , for the power is of god , and he that res●steth , resisteth the power of gods ordinance , here paul saith that kings power is of god , & of bishops . furthermore , what reason is it to defend the popes prerogative against your princes ? is not your prince nearer , and more naturall unto you then this wretch the pope ? but here is a thing , that maketh me to marveile . when you sweare to the pope ( saving your order ) is as much to say , as you shall not use no weapons , but else you shall be ready and obedient in all things . but when you shall sweare to your king , then ( saving your order ) is as much to say , as you have authoritie to confirme kings , and to be their fellowes , and neither to be obedient unto them , nor yet to answere to any justice before them , but clearely to be exempted , and they not to meddle with you , except they will give you some worldly promotion . if i would use my selfe as uncharitably against you , as you have handled me , doubtlesse i could make something of this , that should displease you . how would you cry , and how would you handle me poore wretch , ●f you had halfe so much against me as this is , but i will let you passe , god hath preserved me hitherto o● his infinite mercy against your insatiable malice , and no doubt but he will doe the same still . i will returne to your oath . it followeth , i shall come to the synod when i am called , unlesse i shall be lawfully let . but why doe you not sweare to compell the pope to call a councell ? seeing that it hath beene so often , and so instantly required of him , by many & noble princes of christendome , yea seeing that al christendom , ( such was their desire of reformation ) doth require with great sighes , an order to be taken , and set in the highest articles of our faith : but unto this you are not sworne . and why : because it is against your holy pope of rome : for it there were a generall councell , both he , and you doe know , that there must needes follow , both over him and you a streight reformation . therefore after my counsell say , that you cannot come , for you be lawfully let . it followeth ; i shall honourably entreate the popes loga● , both going and comming , and in his necessity i shall helpe him . i pray you see , and provide well that he goe not a begging as peter did . and see also that he neither preach nor teach , but pill and poll , with all mischiefe and unshame fastnesse . and why● because you are sworne this to maintaine . it followeth : i shall visit yearely my selfe , or by some other messenger , the pope of rome , unlesse i ●e dispenced with of them . i pray you what pertaineth this to the office of a bishop , yearely to visit rome ? christ and the most of his apostles were never at rome , and yet they were meetly good christian men . but i reade in the traditions of the turke , that certaine of them must yearely visit their mahomet . from whom i thinke you have taken this custome . your owne law saith , that unto this clause must these bishops all onely be bound , that be immediately underneath the pope . now are not you such , for you sweare an oath to the king , that you will immediately take your bishopricke of him , and hold it all onely of his grace . wherefore then doe you here sweare against your owne law ? and also against your oath made to your prince ? moreover , you know that there was an old custome , in the dayes of king henry the second , that no bishop should goe out of the realme , without the kings licence . are you not bound to keepe this custome : but answere , that the pope hath dispensed with you , and that you are not bound to keepe any obedience toward the acts that your prince maketh . moreover , i marvaile sore , that you be all so straightly sworne of so long time , and never one of you that ever went in my dayes to discharge this oath . and why ? because you are dispensed with . but were it not as good to leave it out of your oath at first , seeing you intend not to keepe it , as afterward to dispence with you for it . no forsooth for then the pope could not bind you to come to rome at his pleasure , and betray your king , and all his counsailes . but in your oath that is newly made , and that you have sworne last , is added , that if the pope be on this side the mountaines , then you shall visite him every yeare : but if he be beyond the mountaines , then every three yeares . o●● that knew not your practise and the circumstances of you● facts that hath beene done , would little suspect this addition : but the very truth is , there is a mischievous and abominable treason in it against princes . for if it chanced the emperour , or else any temporall prince neere unto rome , to fall at variance with the pope , then did the pope straight runne into france , that is to say on this side the mountaines , where you must visite him yearely . and why ? because your god is in distresse , and hath conceived a deadly hatred against a prince , and cannot bring it to passe , without your helpe and counsell . where●ore you must come yearely . and also he must know , through your betraying , how your prince is minded , and whether he be addicted to his contrarie part or not . if he be , you must betray his counsell , and that yearely : and why ? because the pope is on this side the mountaines . but and if he be in rome , and hath all princes neckes under his girdle , yet is it sufficient that you come every third yeare . for you can at once comming devise as much treason , as princes shall avoyd in five yeares . but what belongeth this unto a bishop : that the pope is on this side the mountaines , or beyond . if he be bound by gods law , yearely to visite the pope , then must you visite him wheresoever he be , though he were either with god or the devill : and if you be not bound by gods law , what a presumption is it of him to bind you ? yea what an over-sight is it of you , to let your selfe thus to be bound ? and what a wickednesse is it of you so straightly to keepe this oath : to the which you are not bound by scripture , against your obedience made to your prince , which is commanded by gods word ? but i pray you what example hath either he , or blessed saint peter , to bind by vertue of an oath , the other apostles yearely to visit him at rome ? all the world may perceive that this oath is invented of insatiable covetousnesse , that the pope and you have toward honours and dignities . and that is well declared by these words , that follow in your oath . the possessions of my church , i shall not sell , give , lay to morgage , or make any feoffement , or by any other meanes alienate the same without the counsell of the pope . but i pray you tell me one thing , why doe you not sweare that you shall neither buy , nor yet receive any possessions to your church , nor you shall 〈◊〉 pill nor poll , nor shave , to encrease the possessions of y●●r church ? but the truth is , all is fish that commeth to the net with you . and if it come once within your clouches it never commeth out againe , though the king and his realme should stand in never so great need : but to receive all his land , you are alwayes ready , and it is not against your oath . i doe not say thus , because i would ye should sell or alienate the possessions of the church , but because i see that there is nothing maintained by them , but all onely your mischievous pompe and your pride . your owne law commandeth , that the fourth part of the spirituall goods , should be distributed among poore men . and for that cause they be called , bona pauperum , but how little their part is , all the world can testifie . wherefore doe you sweare , not to alienate your goods , without the popes licence ? the pope gave them not to you , but the king and his subjects . how commeth he now to be so neare of your counsell in alienating them ? and the king is thrust out , the which hath deserved best to be of your counsell . but doe you not remember your owne law ? the which doth forbid , that the pope in any wise , or for any necessity , ●hould alienate the goods of the church , except it be old houses , which cannot be kept without great charges . this is your owne law , and against this will you sweare ? then must you needes be perjured : for if you alienate your goods with the popes licence , then is this decree against you and curseth you . wherefore then put you this in your oath , seeing you cannot alienate your goods with his consent nor yet without it ? it followeth in your new oath , decrees , ordinances , sentences , dispositions , reservations , provisions and commandments apostolicke , with all my power , i will observe , and shall cause other men to observe them : these things were added , when this idoll was brought so high , that no man durst winch against him , and when he might say & doe what he would . and as your law commandeth , no man so hardy to aske him why he doth so . then began decrees , ordinances , depositions , dispositions , reservations , provisions with like shamefulnesse for to spring , and there is no remedie , but they must continue : and why ? because you are sworne to keepe them your selfe , and to compell other men also to keepe them . and out of the keeping of this part of your oath , springeth forth another sentence th●●●●●loweth , which is this : all heretickes , schismatickes , and 〈◊〉 towards our sayd lord the pope , to my power i shall prosecute and withstand . this is the cause that made us poore men so great heretickes . for it can never be proved , that ever wee spake against god , or our king , and yet we be heretickes . and why , forsooth because the bishops are sworne to the popes decrees , the which condemneth all them for . heretickes , that speaketh against his holinesse , though he be as holy as my horse ; for he saith himselfe in his law , that he needeth not to be holy himselfe , but it is sufficient , that he sitteth in an holy seate , the●e be his words : who doubteth but he is holy , the which is exalted to so great a dignity ? in whom though good workes of his owne merits be wanting , yet are those good workes sufficient , the which were done by his predecessours : upon the which text their glosse saith , that if it bee openly knowne , that the pope be an adulterer , or a murderer , yet ought he not to be accused , &c. now we poore men cannot suffer such mischievous voyces , wherefore we must be heretickes . but why ? because my lords the bishops are sworne to persecute us : but neverthelesse , i trust to gods grace , and the kings , that my lords the bishops will not be so hard in this point of their oath , as they have beene . and why ? because men may now come to their answere ; surely , there be many clauses in his last oath added , that be cleare injurie unto p●inces , and against gods law , and mans law , and yet our bishops will sweare them , yea and that which is worst of all , they will accuse other men of treason and rebellion and there is no man sworne to treason nor rebellion but they onely . wherefore most gracious prince with all meekenesse and lowlinesse that is due to so noble a prince , and also that doth become a true subject to doe , i lowly and meekely require and desire your grace , to judge betweene the bishops and me , which of us is truest and faithfullest to god and to your grace : i speake all onely of those that hath , and also would now ( if they durst ) defend the pope , and his lawes . against them i make this supplication , and against them have i declared the learning and doctrine , that i have both taught and written . and as for my facts and deeds , what i have done against god and your grace , i require them to say 〈◊〉 uttermost that they can prove , or else by your graciou●●●vour , i am here present and offer my selfe to prove them lyars ; and that under any manner of paine , that your grace shall assigne : and against them i have declared the learning and doctrine of their church , and also brought examples of their facts and deedes , with the which they have put their doctrine in exercise . now if they be grieved or thinke themselves wrongfully handled of me , then i require no more of your grace but indifferently and graciously to heare both them and me , the which thing no doubt as your grace doth know our heavenly father doth require of you : who preserve your highnesse in all honour and dignity , amen . thus far dr barnes . but to returne againe from these trayterly disloyall oathes to our arch-bishops : (a) william warham , the next arch-bishop , as he received his confirmation , consecration , pall , together with a power legatine from pope iulius , by sundry bulls , against the lawes and statutes of the realme , and tooke the forenamed oath to the pope , which made him no good subject to his prince ; so the royall pompe at his instalment and inthronization was meerely anti-christian . the day before his comming to canterbury , went thither the duke of buckingham who was his * steward [ a goodly office ●or the grea●est peere of the realme ] attended with . horse , to see all things in a readinesse . this duke had also the office of chiefe butler ; and being unable to execute both duties , he deputed sir george bourchier unto the butlership . the duke himselfe tooke great paines to see that nothing requisite , for the performance of this solemnity in the most magnificent manner , might be wanting . the next day [ being sunday ] he me● the arch-bishop over against s. andrewes church , and doing low obeysance unto him● went before him bareheaded to christ church : from which church he was attended by the duke in like ●ort as he was thither ward . the cheere at dinner was as great as for money it might be made , with severall verses , pageants , theaters , sceans , and player-like representations , in natu●e o● a puppet-play , ( made in puffe-past or march-pane ) before every course , de●cribed more largely by (b) matthew parker , fitter for a maske than a bishops consecration ; and savoring of more than asian luxurie , as this his suc●essor confesseth . be●ore the first messe , the duke himselfe came riding into the hall upon a great horse , bare headed , with his white staffe in his han●● and when the first dish was set on the table , made obey ●an●●●●●y bowing his body to the arch-bishop . (c) such vassals did ●ho●e proud popes of canterbury make the very greatest nobles , as thus to become their servants , and waite upon their roche●s . in this arch-bishops time , there fell out great contestations and s●ites at rome betweene him , and the bishops of winchester , london , lincolne , exeter , and other his suffragans , touching the iurisdictions of the prerogative court of canterbury ; which cost much money . after this he , and cardinall wolsi● , who by his power legatine invaded and swallowed up all the jurisdiction & rightes of the other pr●●a●es and of the see of canterbury ) had divers contests , and bickerings . anno . this arch-prelate by an oration in parliament against the french king , raised up a bloody warre betweene england and france , towards which two fifteenes were granted by the temporalty and two tenths by the clergie : after which , anno. ● . (d) when the commons were assembled in the nether house , they began to commune of their grie●es , wherewith the spiritualty had before time grievously oppressed them , both contrary to the law of the realme , and contrary to all right , and in speciall they were sore moved with sixe great causes . the first , for the excessive fines , which the ordinaries tooke for probate of testaments , insomuch that sir henry guildford knight of the garter , and controller of the kings house , declared in the open parliament on his fidelity , that he and others being executors to sir william crompton knight , payed for the probate of his will to the cardinall and the bishop of canterbury a thousand markes sterling . after this declaration where shewed so many extortions done by ordinaries for probates of wills , that it were too much to rehearse . the second was , the great polling and extreame exaction , which the spirituall men used in taking of corps , presents , or mortuaries . for the children of the desunct should all dye for hunger , and goe a begging , rather than they would of charity give to them the seely cow which the dead man ought , if hee had but onely one , such was the charity then . the third cause was , that priests being surveiors , stewards , and officers to bishops , abbots , and other spirituall heads● had and occupied farmes , granges , and grasing in every country , so that the poore husband men could have nothing but of them ; and yet for that they should pay deerely . the fourth cause was , that abbats , priors and spirituall men kept tan-houses , and bought and fold wooll , cloath , and all manner of merchandize , as other temporall merchants did . the fifth cause was , because that spirituall persons promoted to great benefices , and having their livings of their flocke , were lying in the court in lords houses , and tooke all of the parishioners , and nothing spent on them at all , so that for lacke of residence , both the poore of the parish lacked refreshing , and universally all the parishioners lacked preaching and true● instruction of gods word , to the great perrill of their soules . the sixth cause was , to see one priest little learned to have ten or twelve benefices , and to be resident upon none , and to know many well learned scholars in the universities , which were able to preach and teach , to have neither benefice nor exhibition . these things before this time might in no wise be touched , nor yet talked off by any man , except hee would be made an hereticke , or lose all that he had . for the * bishops were chancellors , and had all the rule about the king , so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary to their profit or commodity . but now , when god had illuminated the eyes of the king , and that their subtile doings were once espied ; then men began charitably to desire a reformation ; and so at this parliament men began to shew their grudges . whereupon the burgesses of the parliament , appointed ●uch as were learned in the law , being of the commons house , to draw one bill of the probates of testaments , another for mortuaries , and the third for non-residence , pluralities , and taking of farme● by spirituall men . the learned men tooke much paines , and first set forth the bill of mortuaries , which passed the commons house , and was sent up to the lords . to this bill the spirituall lords made a faire face , saying , that surely priests and curats tooke more than they should , and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order : thus they spake , because it touched them little . but within two dayes after was sent up the bill concerning probate of testaments ; at the which the arch-bishop of canterbury in especiall , and all other bishops in generall both frowned and gra●nted , for that touched their profit . insomuch as d. iohn fisher bishop of rochester said openly in the parliament chamber these words : my lords , you see dayly what bills come hither from the commons house , and all is to the * destruction of the church . for gods sake see what a realme the kingdome of bohemia was , and when the church went downe , then fell the glory of the kingdome : now with the commons is nothing but downe with the church , and all this me seemeth is for lacke of faith onely . when these words were reported to the commons of the nether house , that the bishop should say , that all their doings were for lacke of faith , they tooke the matter grievously , for they imagined , that the bishop esteemed them as heretickes , and so by his slanderous words would have perswaded the temporall lords , to have restrained their consent from the sayd two bills , which they before had passed . wherefore the commons after long debate , determined to send the speaker of the parliament to the kings highnesse , with a grievous complaint against the bishop of rochester ; and so on a day , when the king was at leasure , thomas audley speaker for the commons , and thirty of the chiefe of the commons house , came to the kings presence in his palace at westminster , which before was called yorke-place , and there very eloquently declared , what a dishonour to the king , and the realme it was , to say , that they which were elected for the wisest men of all the shires , cities , and boroughs , within the realme of england , should be declared in so noble and open a presence , to lack faith ; which was equivalent to say , that they were infidels , and no christians , as ill as turkes or sarazens , so that what paine or study soever they tooke for the common wealth , or what acts or lawes soever they made or stablished , should be taken as lawes made by painims and hea●hen people , and not worthy to be kept by christian men . wherefore he most humbly beso●ght the kings highnesse , to call the sayd bishop before him , and to cause him to speake more discreetly of such a number as was in the commons-house . the king was not well contented with the saying of the bishop , yet he gently answered the speaker , that he would send for the bishop , and send them word what answere he made ; and so they departed againe . after this the king sent for the archbishop of canterbury and sixe other bishops , and for the bishop of rochester also , and there declared to him the grudge of the commons : to the which the bishop answe●ed , * that he meant the doings of the bohemians , was for lacke of faith , and not the doings of them that were in the commons house . which saying was confirmed by the bishops being present , who had him in great reputation : and so by that onely saying , the king accepted his excuse , and thereof sent word to the commons by sir vvilliam-fitz-vvilliams knight , treasurer of his household , which blind excuse pleased the commons nothing at all . after , divers assemblies were kept betweene certaine of the lords , and certaine of the commons , for the bills of probates of testaments , and the mortuaries ; the temporalty layd to the spiritualty their owne lawes and constitutions , and the spiritualty sore defended them by prescription and usage ; to whom this answer was made by a gentleman of grayes-inne , the usage hath ever beene of theeves to rob on shooters-hill , ergo , is it lawfull with this answere the spiritual men were sore offended , because their doings were called robberies . but the temporall men stood still by their sayings , insomuch that the said gentleman said to the arch-bishop of canterbury , that both the exaction of probates of testaments , and the taking of mortuaries as they were used , were open robbery and theft . after long disputation , the temporall lords began to leane to the commons , but for all that the bills remained unconcluded for a while . the king like a good and discreete prince , not long after ayded them for the redresse of their griefes against the spiritualty , and caused two new bills to be made indifferently , both for the (e) probates of testaments and mortuaries ; which bills were so reasonable , that the spirituall lords assented to them all ; though they were sore against their minds , and in especiall the probates of testaments sore displeased the bishops , and the mortuaries sore displ●ased● the parsons and vicars . after these acts thus agreed , the commons made another (f) act for pluralities of benefices , non-residence , buying , selling , and taking of farmes by spirituall persons ; which act so displeased the spiritually , that the * priests railed on the commons of the common house , and called them heretickes and schismatickes ; ●or the which divers priests were punished . this act was sore deba●ed above in the parliament chamber , and the lords spirituall would in no wise consent . wherefore the king perceiving the grudge of his commons , c●used ●i●ht lords and eight of his commons to mee●e in the s●a●●●h●●●er a● an after-noone ; and there was sore debating of the cause , insomuch that the temporall lords of the upper house which were there , ●ooke part with the commons against the spirituall lords , and by force of reason caused them to assent to the ●ill with a little qualifying . which bill the● next day was wholly agreed to in the lords house , to the great rejoycing● of the lay people , and to the great displeasure of the spirituall persons● immediately after this , not onely cardinall vvol●e himselfe , but the arch-bishop and whole cle●gi● of ●●gland were brought into a pr 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by this parliamen● the cardinall for accepting of a power legati●e from th● pope , contrary to the lawes of the realme , and the 〈◊〉 of the cl●●●i● for consenting and submitted thereunto , and holding a synode by vertue of i● : to avoid this danger , and purchase a pardon , the clergie of the province of canterbury pro●fered to give the king one h●ndred thousand pounds , and the clergie of the province of yorke ●ounds more ; but the king would not accept of this summe , unlesse they would declare him in the act by which they granted him this subsidie , to be supreame head of the church of england here on earth , next under christ : but proceeded to take the forfeiture of the premunire against them . this put the prelates , the popes sworne vassals , to a great dilemma ; for either they must plainly renounce the popes usurped supremacie , or the kings mercy , and fall under the lash of a premunire , whereby all their bishoprickes , goods , livings were for●eited to his majestie ; and their lives and liberties at his devotion . loath were the bishops to forsake their old lord the pope , whose servants they had beene so long , and therefore they used all delayes and adjournments to spin out the time , and delude the king , but hee would not be mocked by them . at last therefore they agreed upon this recognition . wee acknowledge the kings majestie to be the singular protector , the supreame lord , and likewise supreame head of the church and clergie of england so farre forth as it is lawfull for him to be by the lawes of christ. but the king much offended with this ambiguous dubious , and equivocating acknowledgement ( which in truth was no concession of what he demanded ) required them to make a full and plaine acknowledgement of his supremacie in direct and positive termes , without ambiguity or shifts , or else to denie and conclude against it , and incur●e the penalty of the premunire . being thus put to it the archbishop and bishops hereupon made many adjournments of the convocation , and at last put it over from aprill , to the fifth of october , to ●hunne the rocke on which they were like to split themselves , or their holy father the pope , in which space the archbishop died : at last they agreed to give the king the title he desired , and inserted it into a publike instrument : whereupon the king at last granted them a generall pardon , in parliament , which begins thus : (g) the king our soveraigne lord , calling to his blessed and most gracious remembrance , that his good and loving sub●ects , the most reverend father in god the archbishop of can●erbury , and other bishops , suffragans , prelates , and other spirituall persons of the province of the archbishopricke of canterbury , of this his realme of england , and the ministers under-written , which have exercised , practised , or executed in spirituall courts , and other jurisdictions within the said province , have fallen , and incurred into divers dangers of his lawes by things done , perpetrated , and committed contrary to the order of his lawes , and sp●●ially , contrary to the forme of the statutes of provisours , provisions , and premunire : and his highnesse having alway a tender eye , with mercy , pitty , and compassion ●owards his spirituall subjects , minding of his high goodnesse and great benignity , so alwayes to impart the same unto them , as justice being duly administred , all rigour being excluded , and the great and benevolent minds of his said subjects , largely , and many times approved towards his highnesse , and specially in their convocation , and synode now presently being in the chapiter house of the monastery of westminster , by correspondence of gratitude to them to be requi●ed : of his meere motion , benignity , and liberality , by authority of this his parliament , hath given and granted his liberall and free pardon to his said good and loving spirituall subjects , and the said ministers , and to every of them to be had , taken and enjoyed to and by them and every of them by vertue of this present act , in manner and forme ensuing : that is , to wit ; the kings highnesse of his said benignity , and high liberality , in consideration that the sad archbishop , bishops , and clergie of the said province of canterbury in their said convocation , now being , have given and granted to him a subsidie of one hundred thousand pounds of lawful●mony currant in this realme , to be levied and collected by the said clergy at their proper costs and charges , and to be paid in certaine forme specified in their said graunt thereof , is fully and resolutely contended and pleased , that it be ordained , established , and enacted by authority of this his said parliament , that the most reverend father in god william archbishop of canterbury , metropolitan and primate of all england , and all other bishops , and suffragans , prelates , &c , shall be by authority of this present pardon , acquired , pardoned , released , and discharged against his highnesse , his heires , successours , and executors , and every of them , of all and all manner offences , contempts , and trespasses committed or done , against all and singular statute and statutes of provisours , provisions , and premunire , and every of them , and of all forfeitures , and titles , that may grow to the kings highnesse by reason of any of the same statutes , and of all and singular trespasses , wrongs , deceits , misdemeanours , for●eitures , penalties and profits , summes of mony , paines of death , paines co●porall and pecuniar , as generally of all other things , causes , quarrels , suits , judgements and exactions in this present act hereafter no● excepted , nor soreprised , which may be or can be by his highnesse in any wise , or by any meanes pardoned , before and to the ten●h day of the moneth of march , in the . yeare of his most noble raigne to every of his said loving subjects . provided alway that this act of free pardon shall not in any wise extend or be beneficiall to the reverend father in god iohn archbishop of dublin , now being in the kings dominions of ireland , nor shall in any wise extend to pardon , discharge , or acquit the bishop hereford , peter ligham , iohn baker , adam travers , robert cliffe ; rouland philips , and thomas pelles clerkes : who it seemes were guilty of some notorious crimes against the king , and therefore excepted out of this generall pardon : but to returne againe to warham . this (h) archbishop persecuted , and shed the blood of some of our martyrs , and caused the corpes of vvilliam tracy esq. for some orthodoxe passages in his will , to be taken out of the grave , and burn● for an hereticke by an order made in convocation : sending a commission to doctor parker chancellour of worcester to execute this wicked sentence , who accomplished the same . king henry the eighth hearing his subject to be taken ou● of the ground , and burnt without his knowledge or due order of law , sent for the chancellour , laid this to his charge as an high offence , who excused himselfe by this archbishops command then newly dead , but in conclusion it cost the chancellour ● to pu●chase his pardon , and would have cost the archbishop more , had not his death prevented this danger : in fine , this (i) archbishop vvarham , and fisher b. of rochester , gave credit and countenance to the forged visions & revelations of elizabeth barton , afterwards condemned of high treason for the same , as ●●nding to the reproach , perill , and destruction of the kings pers●n , honou● , fame , and dignity ; and thomas laurence register to the archbishop ( it is likely by his masters privity ) proceeded so farre , as to write a booke of her counterfeit miracles , revelations and holinesse : for which she and her complyces were afterwards execu●ed as tiburne as they had justly deserved , being attainted of treason by parliament : among which cursed c●ue , richard maister priest , edward bocking doctor of divinity , and henry deering munkes of canterbury , henry gold bachelor of divinity , thomas laurence register to the archbishop o● canterbury warham , and hugh ric. a frier observant ( who seduced this silly girle to effect their owne , and the prelates designes the better thereby ) suffered death as traytors , by hanging , drawing , and quartering at tiburne : the act of their attainder , treasons and execution is at large related by m. hall in his chronicle , . h. . f. , , , , . to which i shall referre the reader . thomas cranmer next to him in succession , was made archbishop by king henry the . much against his will : for in his discourse with (k) d. martyn , a little before his martyrdome , being charged by him , that he had aspired to the archbishopricke of canterbury ; he replyed , i protest before you all , there was never man came more unwillingly to a bishopricke than i did to that , insomuch that when king henry did send for mee in post that i should come over , i prolonged my journey by seven weekes at the least , ●hinking that ●ee would be forgetfull of mee in the meane time . hee comming to the (l) see , tooke the like oath to the pope as his predec●ss●●rs had done , and therefore was deeply charged of perju●y by martyn , for renouncing and swearing against the popes supremacie afterward , though he answered , that the first oath was against the lawes of god , of the realme , the kings prerogative , and made void by parliament , and so not binding . after the nullifying of which oath , partly by his meanes , but principally by the lord cro●wels ( whom the king made his (m) vicegerent generall in all ecclesiasticall affaires and causes , and superiour to the archbishop of canterbury in place and ecclesiasticall power ) the popes supremacy , and usurped jurisdiction was by severall acts of parliament quite abolished out of england , as prejudiciall , and directly opposite to the kings prerogative royall : king henry dying , the archbishop swore to his will , by which queene mary was to succeed to the crowne as next heire , in case king edward died without issue . king edward seeing the obstinacie of q●●en● mary in matters of religion , what a pillar she was like to prove to the church of rome , and persecutor of the true professors of the gospell (n) ordaines by his last vvill , that queene mary should be put by the crowne , and the lady jane succeed him as next heire ; to which testament all the councell swore , and the archbishop too at last , after much adoe : whereupon king edward , and queene mary getting the crowne , and putting by the lady ●ane ; cranmer (o) who also aided the duke of northumberland with horse and men against the queene , was thereupon committed prisoner to the tower , and soone after condemned of high treason , and that by an (p) ordinary iury , for seeking thus to disinherit the queen : who pardoning all the rest that were guilty of this crime , released likewise the treason against him , (q) ( though shee excepted him out of her generall pardon , and some other bishops , ) and accused him onely of heresie as those times deemed it , for which hee was deprived , degraded , and burnt at last for a martyr , repenting of that recantation , which he had over-cowardly made before , out of feare , and humane frailty . and here , not to detract any thing from the due praise of this our glorious martyr , give mee leave onely to observe . first that hee had a hand in the condemnation , and execution of (r) lambert , frith , and some other of our godly marryrs , before hee was thoroughly instructed in the points of our religion . secondly , that hee was the chiefe man in accomplishing the divorce betweene henry the , and queene katharine , which occasioned much trouble , dissention , warre ; and a furtherer of this kings subsequent lustfull , if lawfull marriages . thirdly , that the lincolne-shire rebels in the sixt article of their grievances presented to king henry the . complaine thus against this archbishop , and other prelates . (s) that wee your true subjects find them grieved , that there be divers bishops of england of your graces late promotion , that have subverted the faith of christ , as wee thinke , which is the (t) archbishop of canterbury , the (u) bishop of rochester , the bishop of salisbury , the bishop of s. daveyes , and the bishop of develin , and in speciall , as we thinke , the beginning of all the trouble of this realme , and the great exactions that hath beene taken of your poore communalty , have risen by the occasion of the (x) bishop of lincolne , by whose officers , and by other of the lord cromwells servants , a great rumor and noyse is risen , and the common voyce is , that such jewels , plate , and other ornaments of our parish churches , which wee occupy in the service and honour of god , should be taken from us , and spoyled in like manner and fashion , as the houses of religion have beene . adde to this . fourthly , that though the popes supremacy were abolished in his time , by sundry acts of parliament , yet the bishops of that age laboured underhand to support it , what they might , and were both willing to continue & set it up againe , as is cleare by ● h● . c. . the two notable statutes of . h. . c. . and . ed. . c. . worthy consideration . and likewise by m. tindall , in his obedience of a christian man , and practise of popish prelates , by rodoricke mors his complaint to the parliament , c. , , . by vvilliam vvraghtons hunting and finding ou● of the romish fox among the english bishops , and his rescuing of the fox , by henry stalbridge his exhortatory epistle , d. barnes his supplication to king henry the . (s) m. fox , and other treatises written in those dayes even by protestants , which prove the bishops of those times to be traytors to the king ; close enemies to the kings prerogative , and fast friends to the popes unjust us●rpation , as bonner , stephen gardener , with other of them shewed themselves in queene maries daies . by which it appeares , that the bishops in those times were generally disliked and complained against on all hands . fifthly , that the bloody statute of . h. . c. . called by (t) some the sixe articles , by others the whip with sixe strings , and by the most part the bloody statute , was made and devised in this archbishops time , by the cruelty and policy of the bishops , especially of stephen gardener bishop of vvinchester : which statute for the miserable and pernicious tyranny & rigid execution , of the same is worthy of no memory among christian men , but rather to be buried in perpetuall silence of oblivion , as (u) m. fox determines . (x) ma●thew parker indeed records that cranmer opposed this act at first , then caused it to be (y) moderated , and at last to be repealed in king edwards dayes , but others seeme to imply that he gave consent thereto at first . sixtly , that he is the onely martyr of all the archbishops of canterbury , none ever dying in defence of the gospell of christ but he alone ; the others making many martyrs in all ages by their persecutions , but never being any themselves . hence matthew parker his successour , writes thus ; (z) cranmerus fide integra , non pontificia censura in libro vitae scriptus coelestem h●●reditatatem cum christo consecutus est , ut si in hominibus gloriari fas esset , non ab augustino , dunstano , elphego , anselmo , thoma becket , edmundo , & reliqua pontificia ●urba , sed ab hoc uno , qui solus in christi causa contra antichristum flammarum incredibili dolore● ad coelos subla●us est , cantuariensis sedes nobilitata esse videatur . seventhly , that as this prelate at first , was unwilling to be made a bishop , so he suffered martyrdome onely after his deprivation and degradation from his bishopricke , not whilst hee was a bishop . eightly , that hee failed more in his marty●dome by reason of his cowardly recantation , than any of his fellow martyrs , and that (a) through promises and hopes of life and restitution to his former dignity and archbishopricke , the chiefe motives inducing him to this shamefull recantation . ninthly , that though he suffered martyrdome for religion only as a private christian , after he was put from his bishoprick , not whiles he continued archbishop , yet he was condemned as a traytor for-high treason , and that justly , as he confessed , whiles hee was an archbishop , for an act done by him as an archbishop , and counsellour of state , for which he professed both his sorrow , and repentance ; and this archprelate , and (b) bishop ridley ( committed likewise for treason ) were very importunate suitors to king edward the . to tolerate the use of masse in his sister maries familie ; (c) pressing him with divers politicke reasons to condescend to this their importunate suite , which the infant king , not onely rejected with strong pious reasons , but teares , to these bishops great reproach : who thereupon said to m. cheeke the kings tutor : ah m. cheeke , you may be glad all the dayes of your life , that you may have such a scholler , for he hath more divin●●y in his little finger , than all we have in all our bodies . but to passe from this martyr to cardinall poole , his immediate successor . (d) this archprelate though almost , if not quite a protestant in the point of justification , was yet a notori-traytor , and so procliamed by king henry the . who thereupon gave his d●anery of exeter to another , and that no● without just cause : for he refused to come out of italy to the king his soveraigne when he sent for him : hee was sent twice by the pope as his legate , both to the french king , and the germans , to stirre them up to make warre against king henry the . and to invade england , though with ill successe ; the king thereupon requested th●m to send him over into england , that he might proceed against him as a traytor . he was intimate with the pope , studied to advance his power , and suppresse his soveraignes , stirred up his friends in england against the king by his letters , whereupon the king banished both him and his mother the countesse of salisbury by act of parliament , proclaymed him a traytor ( whence father latimer in his . sermon before king edward calls him cardinall poole the kings traytor , &c. ) and after that be headed his mother and elder brother vicount mountacute for high treason . what manner of person , and traytor this cardinall was to his soveraigne , will appeare by a (f) letter written to him being at rome by cutbert tonsiall bishop of duresme , and iohn stokerley , bishop of london , which begins thus : for the good will that we have borne unto you in times past , as long as you continued the kings true subject , wee cannot a little lament and mourne that you neither regarding the inestimable kindnesse of the kings highnesse , heretofore shewed unto you , in your bringing up , nor the honour of the house that you be come of , nor the wealth of the country that you are borne in , should so decline from your duty to your prince , that you should be seduced by faire words , and vaine promises of the bishop of rome , to wind with him , going about by all meanes possible to pull downe , and put under foot your naturall prince and master , to the destruction of the country that hath brought you up ; and for the vain-glory of a red ha● , to make your selfe an instrument to set forth his malice , who hath stirred up by all meanes that he could , all such christian princes as would give eares unto him , to depose the kings highnesse from his kingdome and to offer it as a prey to them that should execute his malice , and to stirre if he could his subjects against him in stirring , and nourishing rebellions in his realme : where the office and duty of all good christians , and namely of us that be priests , should be to bring all commotion to tranquillity , and trouble to quietnesse , all discord to concord , and in doing the contrary , wee shew our selves to be but the ministers of sathan , and no● of christ , who ordained all us that be priests to use in all places the legation of peace , and not of discord . but since that cannot be undone , that is done , the second is , to make amends , and to ●ollow the doing of the prodigall sonne spoken of in the gospell , who returned home to his father , and was well accepted , as no doub● you might be , if you will say as he said , in acknowledging your folly , and do as hee did , in returning home againe from your wandring abroad in service of them who little care what come of you , so that their purpose by you be served . this cardinals treason , ingratitude , and perfidiousnesse , is yet further exemplified by the same cutbert tonstall , in his sermon which he preached before king henry the . upon palme sunday , in the yeare of of our lord , . printed anciently by i● selfe , in part recited by holinshed p. , . and more largely by (g) thomas becon , where he thus blazons both the pope and him in their native colours . the bishop of rome , because he can not longer in this realm wrongfully use his usurped power in all things as hee was wont to doe , and sucke out of this realme by avarice insatiable , innumerable summes of money yearly to the great exhausting of the same ; hee therefore moved and repleat with furious ire , and pestilent malice , goeth about to stirre all christian nations that will give eare to his devillish enchantments , to move warre against this realme of england , giving it in prey to all those that by his instigation will invade it . and the bishop of rome now of late to set forth his pestilent malice the more , hath allured to his purpose a subject of this realme reginald pole , comming of a noble blood , and thereby the more arrant traytor , to goe about from prince to prince , and from country to country , to stirre them to warre against this realme , and to destroy the same being his native country ; whose pestilent purpose , the princes that hee breaketh it unto , have in much abomination , both for that the bishop of rome ( who being a bishop should procure peace ) is a stirrer of warre , and because this most arrant and unkind traytor is his minister to so devillish a purpose , to destroy the country that he was borne in , which any heathen man would abhorre to doe . but for all that without shame hee still goeth on , exhorting thereunto all princes that will heare him , who do abhorre to see such unna●uralnesse in any man as he shamelesse doth set forwards ; whose pernitious treasons late secretly wrought against this realme , have been by the worke of almighty god , so marvellously detected , and by his owne brother without looking ●herefore so diclosed , and condigne punis●ment ensued , that hereafter ( god willing ) they shall not take any more such roote to ●he noysance of this realme . and where all nations of gentiles , by reasons and by law of nature , do preferre their country before their parents , so that for their country they will dye against their parents being traytors ; this pestilent man , worse than a pagan , is not ashamed to destroy ( if he could ) his native country . and whereas curtius an heathen man was content for saving of the city of rome where he was borne , to leape into a gaping of the earth , which by the illusions of the devill was answered should not be shut , but that it must first have one : this pernicious man is contented to ru●ne headlong into hell , so that he may destroy thereby his native country of england , being in that behalfe incomparably worse than any pagan . and besides his pestilent treason , his unkindnesse against the kings majestie , who brought him up of a very child , and promoted both him , and likewise restored his blood being tainted , to be of the peeres of this realme , and gave him money yearly out of his coffers to maintaine him honourably at study , makes his treason much more detestable to all the world , and him to be repured more wild and cruell than tyger . but for all this thou english man take courage unto thee , and be nothing afraid , thou hast god on thy side , who hath given this realme to the generation of englishmen , to every man in his degree after the lawes of the same : thou hast a noble , victorious and vertuous king , hardy as a lyon , who will not suffer thee to be so devoured by such wild beasts . onely take an english heart unto thee , and mistrust not god , but trust firmly in him , and surely the ruine intended against thee shall fall on their owne neckes that intend it , and ●eare not though the devill and his disciples be against thee , for god thy protector is stronger than hee , or any other , and shall by his grace give him and them a fall ; and so shew unto thee , that god is on thy side . consider , that it is written in prov. . that amongst many crimes there rehearsed , that god hateth chiefly , hee doth detest those persons that sow discord among their brethren ( as all we christians are brethren under our heavenly father ) also it is written in iohn . that those that do stirre men to murther are children of the devill , which was from the beginning a murtherer , and brought adam to sinne , and thereby to death ; as the jewes ( his children ) stirred the peop●e to put christ to death . saint paul also in rom. . warneth them to beware of those that make dissention and debate among them , against the doctrine that he had taught them , and biddeth them eschew their company ; wherein the holy ghost wrought in paul , for these many yeares past little warre hath beene in these parts of christendome , but the bishop of rome either hath beene a stirrer of it , or a nourisher of it , and seldome any compounder of it , unlesse it was for his ambition and profit . where●ore since as s. paul saith in cor. . that god is not the god of dissention , but of peace , who commandeth by his word peace alway to be kept ; we are sure that all those that goe about to breake peace betweene realmes , and to bring them to warre , are the children of the devill , what holy names soever they pretend to cloake their pestilent malice withall , which cloaking under hypocrisie is double devillishnesse , and of christ most de●ested ; because under his blessed name they do play the devills part . and therefore seeing christ is on ourside against them , let us not feare them at all , but putting our confidence in almighty god , & cleaving fast to the kings majesty , our supreme head on earth next under christ of this church of england , as ●aithfull subjects by godslaw ought to do ; though they goe about to stirre gog & magog , and all the ravenners of the world against us , we trust in god verily , and doubt not but they shall have such a ruine as is prophesied by ezekiel in c. . against gog and magog going about to destroy the people of god , whom the people of god shall so vanquish and overthrow on the mountaines of israel , that none of them shall escape , but their carkasses there to lye to be devoured by ki●es , and crowes , and birds of the aire ; and if they shall persist in their pestilent malice , to make invasion into this realme : then let us wish that their great captaine gog , ( i meane the bishop of rome ) may come to them to drinke with them of the same cup that hee maliciously goeth about to prepare for us , that the people of god might surely live in peace . thus tonstall , concerning the pope and the cardinall , though a papist . it is an italian proverbe of our english men (h) that an italianated english man , is a devill incarnate : such a one was this cardinall ; qui italis pontificiisque adulationibus , con●iliis , atque technis in regis atque patriae discrimine sic se 〈…〉 passus ●st , ●● non modo 〈…〉 proditor , writes his immedia●e successor of him● (i) in the . yeare of king henry the ● he put the king & kingdome to extraordinary trouble and expence ●or the king being then enformed by his ●rusty and faithfull friends , that the cankered and cruell serpent the bishop of rome , by that arch-tr●ytor reginald poole , enemy to gods words , and his naturall country , had moved and stirred divers great princes and potentates of christendome to invade the realme of england , and utterly to destroy the whole nation of the same ; wherefore his majesty in his owne person , without any delay , tooke very laborious and pain●ull journeys ●owards the sea coasts ; also hee sent divers of his nobles and counsellours to view and search all the ports and dangers of the coasts where any mee●e and convenient landing place might be supposed , as well on the borders of england , as also of vvales , and in all such doubtfull places his highnesse caused divers and many bulwarkes and ●ortifications to be made : and further , his highnesse caused the lord admirall , earle of southhampton , to prepare in readinesse ships for the sea , to his great cost and charges : and beside this , to have all people in a readinesse , hee directed his commissions throughout the realme to have his people mustered , and the harnesse and weapons seene and viewed , to the intent that all things should be in readinesse if his enemies should make any attempt into this realme , and likewise caused a generall muster to be made of all the citizens of london betweene the age of . and . this (k) arch-traytor after the pope had imployed him to move the emperour and king of spaine to breake their league with king henry , and to proclaime warre against him , kept a continuall guard about him , lest the king should send some to murther him . and retiring to viterbium , where he lived some space neere a nunnery , he bega● two bastards ( a sonne and a daughter ) on the abbe●se , who oft repaired to his lodging ; which was afterwards objected to him , when he was (l) elected pope by the major part of cardinals , and yet lost that antichristian see by his owne negligence and delayes king edward the . deceasing and queene mary comming to the crowne , she presently sent for this traytor home ; the pope upon this occasion makes him his legate , to reduce england under his vassallage , and tyranny . the cardinall hereupon sore longed homeward , not doubting but if things stood , as hee thought , to get a dispensation to lay off the hat , and put on a crowne . but the emperour mistrusting what the prelate intended , found devises to hold him beyond the seas , untill the match was concluded betweene queene ma●y and his sonne . anno . he arrived in england , and the same day he landed , an act passed in the parliament house ( through the queenes , and vvinchesiers meanes ) for his restitution in blood , and the utter repealing of the act of at●ainder against him in king henry the . his raigne . the cardinall soone after caused cranmer archbishop of canterbury to be deprived and degraded , seating himselfe in his see ; and making a long oration in parliament , declaring the offence and schisme of the kingdome in casting off the pope , and his willingnesse to receive them into the bosome of the church againe upon their submission ; he caused the parliament to make an act , repealing all statutes , articles , and provisions made against the see of rome since the . yeare of henry the . reviving the popes supremacie , and denying the queens , wherein the whole realm submitted it selfe to the pope : some parts of which act , pertinent to my purpose , i shall crave leave to recite , (m) whereas since the . yeare of k. henry the . of famous memory , father unto your majesty , our most naturall soveraigne , and gracious lady and queene , much false and erroneous doctrine hath beene taught , preached , and written , partly by divers naturall borne subjects of this realme , and partly being brought in hither from sundry other forraine countries , hath beene sowne and spread a broad within the same , by reason wherof , as well the spirituali●y as the temporality of your highnesse realmes and dominions have swerved from the obedience of the see apostolicke , and declined from the unity of christs church , and so have continued , untill such time as your majesty being first raised up by god , and set in the seat royall over us , & then by his divine & gracious providence knit in marriage with the most noble and vertuous prince the king our soveraigne lord your husband , the popes holinesse , and the see apostolike sent hither unto your majesties , as unto persons undefiled , and by gods goodnesse preserved from the common infection aforesaid , & to the whole realm the most reverend father in god the lord cardinall poole , legate de latere , to call us home againe into the right way , from whence we have all this long while wandred , and strayed abroad ; and we a●●er sundry long and grievous plagues , and calamities , seeing by the goodnesse of god● our owne errours , have acknowledged the same unto the said most reverend father , and by him have beene and are the rather at the contemplation of your majesties , received and embraced into the unity and bosome of christs church , and upon our humble submission , and promise made for a declaration of our repentance , to repeale and abrogate such acts and statures as had beene made in parliament since the said . yeare of the said king henry the . against the supremacie of the see apo●stolike , as in our submission exhibited to the said most reverend father in god by your majesties appeareth . the tenor whereof ensueth . wee the lords spirituall and temporall , and the commons assembled in this present parliament , representing the whole body of the realme of england , and the dominions of the same , in the name of our selves particularly , and also of the said body universally , in this our supplication directed to your majesties , with most humble suit , that it may by your graces intercession and meanes be exhibited , to the most reverend father in god , the lord cardinall poole legate , sent specially hither from our most holy father pope iulius the third , and the see apostolike of rome , do declare our selves very sory and repentant of the schisme and disobedience committed in this realme and dominions aforesaid , against the said see apostolike , either by making agreeing , or executing any lawes ordinances , or commandements against the supremacy of the said see , or otherwise doing or speaking that might impugne the same , offering our selves , and promising by this our supplication , that for a token and knowledge of our said repentance , we are and shall be alwayes ready under , and with the authorities of your majesties , to the uttermost of our powers to doe what shall lye in us for the abrogation and repealing of the said lawes and ordinances in this present parliament , as well for our selves as for the whole body whom wee represent : whereupon wee most humbly desire your majesties , as personages undefiled , in the offence of this body towards the said see , which neverthelesse god by his providence hath made subject to you , so to set forth this our most humble suit , that wee may obtaine from the see apostolike , by the said most reverend father , as well particularly as generally , absolution , release , and discharge from all danger of such censures and sen●en●●s , as by the lawes of the church wee are fallen into ; and that wee may a● children repentant be received into the bosome , and unity of christs church , so as this noble realme , with all● the members thereof may in this unity and perfect obedience to the see apostolike , and popes for the time being , serve god and your majesties to the furtherance and advancement of his honou● and glory : wee are at the intercession of your majesties , by the authority of our holy father pope iulius the third , and of the see apostolicke , assoyled , discharged and delivered from excommunication , interdictions , and other censures ecclesiasticall , which have hanged over our heads for our said defaults since the time of the said schisme mentioned in our said supplication . the which time the said lord legate , and wee do all declare , recognise , and meane by this act to be onely since the . yeare o● the raigne of your most noble father king henry the . it may now like your majesties , that for the accomplishment of our promise , made in th● said supplication , that is , to repeale all lawes and statutes made contrary to the said supremacie and see apostolike , during the said schisme , which is to be understood , since the . yeare of the raigne of the said late king henry the . and so the lord legate doth accept , and recognise the same . after which they repeale in this act also , the statutes against the popes supremacie , and profit : and declare , that the title or stile of supemacie , or supreme head of the church of england , and of ireland , or either of them , never was , nor could be justly or lawfully attributed , or acknowledged to any king or soveraigne governour of this realme , nor in any wise could or might rightfully , justly , or lawfully by any king or soveraigne governour of this realme , be claymed , challenged , or used . and withall they commend queene mary for omitting this stile , though s●●●led by act of parliament . and to colour this disloyalty and prejudice to the crown , they adde this srivolous clause to the end of this act , and forasmuch as we your majesties humble & obedient subjects the lords spirituall and temporall , and commons in this present parliament assembled , neither by the making or delivering of either the supplications afor●said , nor by any clause , articles or sentence thereof , or of any other clause , a●ticle , or sentence of this or any other statu●e , or the preambles of the same , made or agreed upon in this session of this pr●s●nt parliament , by any manner of interpretation , construction , implication , or otherwise intend to derogate , impaire , or diminish any of the prerogatives , liber●ies , franchesies , preheminences , or jurisdictions of your crowne imperiall of this realme , and other the dominions to the same belonging ; wee do most humbly beseech your majesties that it may be declared and ordained , and be it ●nac●ed and declared by authority of this present parliament , that neither the making exhibiting or inferring in this present statute , or in the preambles of the same , of the supplica●ions or promise aforesaid , or either of them , nor any other things , words , sentences , clauses , articles in the preambles , or body of the acts aforesaid , shall be construed , understood , or expounded to derogate , diminish or take away any the liberties , priviledges , prerogatives , preheminences , authorities , or jurisdictions , or any part or parcell thereof , which were in your imperiall crowne of this realme , or did belong to your said imperiall crowne , the . yeare of the raigne of your the queens majesties , most noble father , ( henry the . ) or any other your most noble progenitors before the said : yeare . and the * popes holinesse , and see apostolicke to be restored , & have and enjoy such authority , preheminence and jurisdiction , as his holinesse used and exercised , or might lawfully have used and exercised by authority of his supremacie , the said . yeare of the raigne of the king your father within this your realme of england , and other your dominions without diminution or enlargement of the same , and none other , and the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction of the * archbishops , bishops , and ordinanaries to be in the same sta●e for processe of sui●s , punishment of crimes , and execution of censures of the church , with knowledge of causes belonging to the same , and as large in these points as the said jurisdiction was the said . yeare . where observe , that the prelates usurped jurisdiction over the kings prerogative was much eclipsed , if not quite abolished by severall statutes made in king henry the . and edward the . his raigne , and expired together with the popes , as appeares by these words of the clergies supplication recited in the body of this act. nos episcopi & clerus , &c. cum omni debita humilitate & reverentia , exponimus majestatibus vestris , quod licet ecclesiarum , quibus in episcopos , decanos , archidiaconos &c. constituti sumus bona , iurisdictiones & jura in pernicioso hujus regni praeterito schismate deperdita et amissa , omni studio & totis nostris v●ribus , recuperare , & ad pristinum ecclesiarum jus revocare , juris remediis niti deberemus , &c. insuper majestatibus vestris supplicamus , ut pro sua pietate efficere dignentur , ut ea quae ad jurisdictionem nostram & libertatem ecclesiasticam pertinent , sine quibus debitum nostri pastoralis officii & curae animarum nobis commissae exercere non possumus , nobis superiorum temporum injuria ablata , restituantur , & ea nobis & ecclesiis perpetuo illaesa & salva permaneant ; & ut omnes leges , quae hanc nostram jurisdictionem & libertatem ecclesiasticam tollunt , seu quovis modo impediunt , abrogentur , ad honorem dei , & majestatum vestrarum , &c. as therefore the bishops & popes jurisdiction were suppressed together before , so it is worth the observation , that they are both revived together by this act , upon the restauration of popery ; and good reason , for nicholas le maistre in his instauration of the ancient principality of bishops , dedicated to the great french cardinall richeleiu , printed at paris . in his dedicatory epistle to this cardinall informes us ; that verily the majestie of the pontificall and episcopall jurisdiction is so conjoyned and confederated together , that the enemies cannot so guide their hands , but with the same audacity wherewith they assaulted the popes crowne , they likewise shaked the bishops miters , and as it were with one bloody wound pierced both their sides . whence it came to passe , that the atrocity of the bishops sorrowes increased so farre , that their patience sufficient to digest their owne domesticke injuries , was let loose to the dangers of the chiefe pontise , the pope , and brake forth into the most sharpe indignation and hatred● that thence it might appeare , that the glory of their owne name could never be more secure , than when and where the popes greatnesse shall be adorned with greatest honours : which being violated , all the splendor of the episcopall order must necessarily dye and grow contemptible . hence we see it comes to passe by a certaine divine assent and counsell , that the authority of bishops should be expelled out of the same provinces , out of which unhappy lust had thrust out the papall majestie . so this author of late , by which we may discerne what a neare and indissoluble connexion there is betweene the papacy and the prelacie , and how the pope and prelates ever mutually strive to support and advance one anothers authority . cardinall poole thus reviving the popes and prelates jurisdiction , and suppressing and eclipsing the royall prerogative , as you have heard , hereupon the queenes name and title * formerly used in all ecclesiasticall processe , with this clause , suprema autoritate regia legitime fulcitus & the like , was wholly omitted out of them ; and whereas all such processes were sealed with her seale , and all probates of wills and letters of administration granted in her name , and under her seale onely , not the bishops , like writs at the common law , according to the statute of ed. . c. . the bishops thenceforth used onely their owne seales and names , excluding hers , and so set themselves in her royall throne . to effect this , the * cardinall and prelates caused queene mary to send articles to the ordinaries to be put in execution , whereof this was one ; * that no bishop or his o●ficer , or any other person hereafter in any of their ecclesiastical writings , in proces or other extrajudiciall acts , doe use to put in this clause or sentence , regia autoritate fulcitus , or doe demand any oath touching the primacy : to which master fox annexeth this marginall annotation , the kings authority giveth place to the popes authority , the supremacy of the king repealed ; and hereupon in the * queenes writ to bonner , ●or the sommoning of a convocation , her stile of supremum caput was taken away ; where note ( good reader , writes master fox ) concerning the altering and changing of the queenes stile , the later part hereof to be le●t out of her title which is , ecclesiae anglicanae & hibernae supremum caput , because in the parliament last past , the supremacy being given away from the crowne of england to the pope , thereupon this parcell of the title was also taken away : likewise the sayd bonner giving his certificate upon the same , left out , autoritate illustrissimae , &c. legitime fulcitus ; which parcell also in the said parliament was reprived and taken away the same time . * which notable usurpation upon the crowne , though abolished by . e l. c. . . e l. c. . . ●ac . c. . and other acts which revive the statute . e l. . c. . being nothing but the common law , our prelates ( in imitation of these and other their undutifull popish predecessors ) have not onely continued , but likewise upon the now arch-bishop of canterburies motion in star-chamber , procured a resolution and certificate of all the judges of england against the laws & kings prerogative royall , to justifie this their usurpation , of issuing out processe under their owne names and seales , and keeping visitations and courts in their owne names , without any patent or commission from his majestie , to be legall ; as appeares by * two orders of starre-chamber , . maii , and . iunii . . caroli . this arch-prelate cardinall , having thus re-established the popes and prelates jurisdiction here by act of parliament , * caused divers of our martyrs to be burnt , of which his predecessor cranmer was one ; and in his visitation at oxford and cambridge , caused the dead rotten corps of learned martin bucer , paulus fagius , peter martyrs wise to be digged out of their graves , and burnt to ashes for heretiques : yea * the common talke was , that he purposed to have taken up king henry the . his body at windsor , and to have burnt it , yea and king edward the . his corps too , as many thought . i cannot here omit what his immediate suc●essor * matthew parker , records of him , that this cardinall being out of hope to get the crowne of england to himselfe , to which he aspired , endeavoured to transferre all his right therein to king philip , le●t queene mary dying without issue , queene elizabeth ( who differed from him and the papists in matters of religion , whose life he and they had layd in waite for , keeping her in long and strict imprisonment ) should of right injoy it : to which purpose they very secretly entred into most wicked consultations concerning this matter , to this effect ; that mary not onely by the common law should be proclaimed queene , but likewise a conquerour of the kingdome by right of warre ; so as by this pretext shee might change all publike and private rights and interests , and give the kingdome to whom soever she pleased . but this coun●ell , though liked of at first , yet because it was doubtfull and dangerous , was not long approved of . wherefore rejecting it they thought it best and most expedient for the establishment of the popes affaires , that the lady elizabeth should be either dispatched out of the way , or married to some noble spaniard . but god providing for her and our safety , dissipated all these wicked consultations , and brought them to nothing . and cardinall poole perswading queene mary to joyne with king philip her husband in a warre against the french king , with whom pope paul the fourth had confederated against the emperour seeking to betray the kingdome o● naples to him ; the pope was ●arre exasperated hereby against the cardinall , * that he revoked his power legatine , imprisoned cardinall moron protector of the english at rome , and pooles speciall friend , cited poole to appeare at rome as suspected of heresie , and created william peter a franciscan to be his legate in his place . the queene hereupon intercedes for the cardinall , who having intelligence of this matter refused to have his silver crosse ( the badge of his authority ) carried be●ore him , till by the intercession o● ormanet the popes d●tary here in england , and the queenes mediation , he was at last restored to his office. in 〈◊〉 , * the flames of persecution consumed . bishops , ● . divines , . gentlemen , . artificers , . husbandmen , servants , and labourers , . wives , . widowes , . virgins , a● boyes , and . infants . to close up all concerning him in holmsheds words , * a trayter he lived , and a traytor he dyed : * the same day on which queene mary expired , the tydings of whose depar●ure strucke him quite dead , being sicke before of a quartane feaver * illud autem ( saith his successour ) ad aternam ●mmanitatis pontificiae memoriam , infamiamque contra polum valebit , quod eo legato ac accelerante , integerrimus , doctissimusque archiepiscopus cra●nerus igne crematus est , quod archiepiscopo praeterea ( quod legimus ) accidit nemini ( sew or none of them having zeale enough to make them martyrs ) pluresque in ill● sue legationis triennio ferro , sta●maque crudeliter macta●● sun● , qu●m in ●uiusquam regis eorum , qui post lucium huic insulae imperabant , longissimo regno . ita cranmerum martyren● , polum tyram●um ●antuaria celebrat : hic plumbo depressus , ille cineribus atque flamma ad coelos elatus est . matthew parker his immediate successor , though a man of better temper , a learned antiquary , * a frequent preacher of gods word , not onely in his cathedrall at canterbury , but in sundry parish churches ; was yet over-pontificall and princely in his buildings , feasts , houshold-stuffe , and apparell , if not an over●stiffe maintainer of his jurisdiction and ecclesiasticall courts , which grew so odious among the people , that they offered violence to the ministers and promoters of those courts ( anno. . ) ●eating and vexing them with clamors and out-cryes , as they went along the streetes ; which insolency the queene by her opportun● severity repressed : two yeares af●er ( anno● . ) c●lem●n , burton , hallingham , benson , and others , making profession of the purer religion more zealously than was knowne before , would allow of nothing but what was taken out of the scriptnres , and out of a desire of reformation , not onely openly questioned but condemned the received discipline of the church of england , with the church liturgie , and the very calling o● bishop , as favouring too much of the popish religion ; protesting in the pulpits , that it was an impious thing to hold any thing common with the church of rome , using all diligence to have the church of england reformed in every point , according to the rule of the church of geneva . these the queene ( by this arch-bishops instigation ) commanded to be layd by the heeles : yet it is almost incredible how upon a sudden their followers increased every where ( knowne by the envious name of puritanes ) through a kinde of obstinate perversenesse of their owne , stopping their eares against all advise ; ( so martyn , though i think rather out of solide judgement and the inconveniences they saw and found in the lordly prelacie in thos● best times ) which ●saith hee ) might seeme to be helped forward also by the sloathfull connivency of the bishops ( some of whom then misliked their owne calling and government , and could have beene content with its dissolution and change to a better ) and the secret favour of some noble men at court ; whom martyn slaunders , to have gaped after the goods of the church ; when as they rather did it out of the mischiefes and dislike of the prelaticall government . in his time the * earles of northumberland , and westmerland , the lord dacres and others● anno . being pressed forward by one nicholas martin a romish priest , sen● from the bishop of rome to pronounce queene elizabeth an hereticke , and therefore to have lost all dominion and soveraignty , raised a rebellion in the north to set up popery and restore the romish religion , the . wounds of christ being painted in their banners : murrey , then regent of scotland , informed the queene , that the bishop of rosse , then in england , was the author of that rebellion● whereupon he was committed to the bishop of london and remained his prisoner . and the same yeare * pope pius the fifth by his bull excommunicated and deprived queene elizabeth from her crowne , and absolved all her nobles , subjects , and people of the realme from their oath of allegiance or any other duty to her , which bull iohn felton setting up at the bishop of londons palace gate , was executed for his paines : yet i read of no re●utation of it made by this archprelate . edmund grindall next enjoying this see , a grave and pious man , and a fugitive in queene maries raigne , stood highly in queene elizabeths●avour ●avour for a long time : till by the cunning devises of some , who accused him as a favourer of the puritans , * conventicles , and prophecying ( which he justified in a particular treatise which i have seene , dedicated to the queene , and subscribed by all his suffragans ) hee utterly lost the same ; being thereupon suspended from his bishopricke and so dyed suspended . martin records , that the true cause of his suspension was , for disallowing the matrimony of julio , an italian physitian , with another mans wife , therein thwarting the earle of leicesters pleasure . in his dayes m. iohn ( or rather philip ) stubs of lincolnes inne , lost his hand , for writing a booke against the queenes intended match with the duke of anjou , with this title , the gulfe wherein england will be swallowed up by the french marriage , with which the queene was sorely vexed and displeased . sentence was pronounced against him by vertue of a law made in the raigne of philip and mary , then expired , and personall to them ; whereupon the iudges and chiefe lawyers were at variance concerning the force of that statute : but might prevailed therein against right . and about the same time edward campian , ralph sherwin , luke kerby , alexander briant priests , were indited , condemned , and executed for high treason , for plotting the ruine of the queene and kingdome , as adhering to the pope , the queenes enemie , and comming into england to raise forces against her . iohn vvhitegift , next to him in succession , a stately pontificall bishop , * contested much for the authority and lordly jurisdiction of prelates , in defence whereof hee then writ , though hee durst not averre our archbishops to be of divine institution . hee had some contestations with the judges , whom he much troubled about prohibitions , ex officio oathes , and proceedings , the power of the high commission and other exclesiasticall courts , 〈◊〉 he endeavoured to enlarge to the prejudice of the queenes prerogative , and the subjects liberties ; whereupon , in the parliament anno . divers bils and complaints were exhibited against the oath ex officio , the granting of faculties by bishops , non-residencie , and other abuses , which this prelate by his power , to prevent a reformation● crossed and frustrated , to the great disturbance of the church and state , and the increase o● schismes and divisions in both . after this anno . hee procured these reverend ministers and gentlemen , m. vdall , m. penry , , m. cartwright , king , prudlar , paine , m. knightly , m. wigstone , and others , to be questioned , and fined in starchamber , for writing against the english hierarchy , and caused m. penry , vdall , and others against all law , and justice to be condemned , and executed for this cause , whereupon the judge , before whom they were arraigned , much troubled in conscience , fell into desperation , and died miserably . these his violent proceedings stirred up vvigginton , coppinger , and franticke hacket ( whom the prelates oppression made starke mad ) to accuse the , archbishops of canterbury and yorke of high treason , and to runne into extravagant actions and opinions , which they afterward recanted . and not these alone , but others likewise , opposing the government of the church of england , disallowed the calling of bishops , and got some eminent lawyers ( as m. maurice atturney of the court of wards , and others ) to write against the government of bishops , and the oath ex of●icio , which troubled much the whole church , state , judges , parliament and kingdome , and fired them almost into an uproare ; this archprelate straining his ecclesiasticall jurisdiction beyond its bounds , farre higher than any of his predecessors since the reformation . whereupon multitudes of bookes were written against the calling , lordlinesse , and extravagances of the prelates , and their courts , some in serious , others in more light and jesting manner , wherewith the prelates were much nettled , and their government rendred very odious among the people , which certainly had then beene subverted , had not the power of this archprelate made a privy counsellor , and of chancellour hat●on ( a man popishly affected , as was generally then reported ) kept it from ruine . this archprelates traine of servants was extraordinary great , to the number of above menservants ) who were all trained up to martia●●●●●ires , and mustred almost every weeke , his stable being sti●l well furnished with good store of great horses ; a commendable thing in a warlike prelate , though scarce allowable in a pious apostolicall bishop , who should rather traine up schollers for the pulpit , than souldiers for the field . richard bancroft his great creature , and immediate successor , had many conflicts with the judges , concerning prohibitions , ex officio , oathes , and the power of the high commissioners , before the king and councell , to the great disquiet of the realme , and oppression of the people : hee * defended the bishops ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to be jure divino , and not derived immediately by letters patents from the king , like an ungratefull wretch ; contrary to the expresse acts of . h. . c. . . h. c. , . . h. . c. . . edw. . c.. . eliz. c. . . & . phil. & mar. c. . . eliz. c. . and the whole streame of the fathers , forraine protestants , and our english writers , to the great affront of the kings prerogative royall : and if some men yet alive may be credited ( who accused him to the councell of these crimes , and offered to prove them ) hee had a hand in the compiling of dolmans the jesuites booke concerning the succession of the crowne of england ; the maine scope of which booke ( written , as * some say , by cardinall allen , and fr. ingelfield , dolmans enemies ) was to exclude all persons , how neere soever allyed to the crown , unlesse they were roman catholikes , contending further for the right of isabel infanta of spaine , and seeking to disprove king iames his most rightfull title thereunto ; which dolman with other old priests and jesuites hee harboured in his house ; where they affirme this booke was printed : and some thought hee was privie to that devillish plot of the gunpowder-treason , most of the traytors lying at lambeth whiles they were about that hellish worke . this relation i had from others , who averred it for truth , and offered to prove it in his lifetime , could they have beene heard . and it seemes for the point of dolmans booke , and conniving at such other seditious , traiterly , popish pamphlets of that nature , this prelate was not altogether cleare : for in the conference at hampton court before king iames , when d. reynolds moved the king , that such unlawfull and seditious bookes might be suppressed , at least restrained , which unsetled and corrupted the minds of many young schollers in both universities , instancing in ficlerus a papist , de jure magistratus in subditos , for one : bancroft ( then bishop of london ) supposing himselfe principally aimed ( and why should hee have such a suspition , unlesse conscious of some guilt , upon such a generall motion and information ? ) answered , first in the generall : that there was no such licentious divulging of those bookes as hee imagined , or complained off . and secondly , to the particular instance of ficlerus , that he detested both the author and applyer alike . but for the first my lord cecill justified the complaint true ; taxing also the unlimited liberty of dispersing and divulging these popish and seditious pamplets both in pauls church-yard , and the universities ; instancing in one then lately set forth , and published , namely , speculum tragicum ; which both his majesty , and the lord henry howard earle of north-hampton , termed a dangerous booke both for matter and intention . yea lewis hughes , an ancient minister * writes thus of this arch-prelate ; in the later end of queene elizabeths raigne , when shee began to be sickly , and not like to live long ; d. bancroft ( then bishop of london ) knowing that king iames was to succeed her , and fearing that his majestie would reforme things amisse in the worship and service of god , and in the government of the church , did license a booke written by a jesuite that hee kept in his house , wherein was written , that it was in the popes power as a gift appropriate to saint peters chaire , to depose the kings of england , and to give authority to the people to elect and set up another . fifteene hundred of those bookes were printed , and dispersed , and being questioned for it , his answer was , that hee did set the jesuites to write one against another , that hee might out of their writings picke matter against them . it was thought by many , hee had no good meaning in licensing , and suffering so many dangerous bookes to be dispersed . so hee . which sufficiently discovers this arch-prelates traiterly heart to his soveraigne , his affection to the popes supremacy , and disaffection to our religion ; he being a great persecutor and silencer of hundreds of our most conscionable preaching ministers ; and , if i may credit other mens reports , his life was ill , and his death fearfull . george abbot , his successor in this see , though a man of a better temper , and worthy praise for his frequent preaching ; was yet taxed by some , for being over-stately to his fellow brethren , and for his overmuch delight in shooting at deere , which he exercised so long , till at last by the unhappy glance of his arrow , hee kild his keeper instead of the bucke hee let loose at . he incurred his majesties displeasure so farre ( by whose means i know nor , unlesse by his successors , ) that hee was debarred acc●sse to the kings court , yea & suspended from his o●fice of arch-bishop for a season , which was executed in the interim by commissioners . he was a means of some good mens troubles in the high commission , where he caused m. huntly a kentish minister to be most unjustly fined , * and imprisoned , for denying to preach a visitation sermon , when hee was sicke and unable to doe it , and therefore sent the arch-deacon s s to procure another , which was refused ; and which is ●arre more inju●ious , when this poore minister after many motions was released by the judges of the kings bench by an habeas corpus , ●rom his unjust imprisonment , hee , and the other prelates caused him for this very act of seeking his just relief in a legall way , to be apprehended by their pursevant immediately after the judges had bayled him , * even in the face of the court , and for this very cause deprived and degraded him in the high commission , and committed him a fresh , and gave his living to his chaplaine , to the great affron● of justice ; for which act he might have smar●ed in a high degree , had hee beene but questioned . i should now descend to the present archbishop , * william laud , the last of this see , but that i must first ascend to au●tin the first archbishop of canterbury , whom i have purposely reserved to this place the better to parallell them together . the archbishopricke of canterbury , had its originall creation from pope gregory the first , ( a very traytor to his soveraigne mauritius , and flatterer of the usurper phocas ) about the yeare of our lord. . this its unhappy derivation from ●uch a trecherous , and rebellious parentage , hath tainted the whole line of our canterburian arch-prelates , and infused such an occult pernicious quality into this see , as hath made it a very chaire of pestilence , which hath infected all , or most of those , who have sate therein , and made them as great traytors , and rebels to their soveraignes of england , as their holy fathers of rome have proved to their liege lord● , the roman emperours , and to plague our ●and with civill dissentions , warres , and bloodshed , almost as much as the popes have molested italy and germany in this kind . augustine the first arch-bishop of canterbury , sent from rome by gregory the first , rather to pervert , that convert our nation to the christian faith , about . yeares after christ , was consecrated bishop of the english nation ( for no lesse diocesse or title would content him ) by etherius archbishop of arelat , electing canterbury for his archiepiscopall see. after which by the assistance of king ethelbert in the yeare . hee caused the brittish bishops , and learned men to meete together in a synode at a place called augustines ok● , to dispute with them , concerning the observation of easter day , and the ceremonies of baptisme ; wherein they differed from the church of rome , to whom hee would have them conforme , not onely in doctrine , but even in rites and ceremonies , using both perswasions , prayers , and threatnings to bring them under his yoke and discipline . but the britains refusing to conform to his demands at this synode : augustine , not long after caused another synode to be sommoned : whereunto . british bishops , and a great number of monkes , especially of the famous monastery of bangor , repaired ; who inquired of an holy anchorite living among them , whether they should submit to austins preaching , and ceremonies , or no ? who answered , if hee be a man of god , then obey him : they replying , how shall wee know him to be such a one ? hee subjoyned , if hee be meeke and humble , it is credible that he beares the yoke of christ , and will offer it to you to beare ; but if he bee haughty and proud , hee is not of god , and therefore not to be lis●ned to by you . but how , said ●hey , shall wee know this ? observe , quoth hee , how he carrieth himselfe when hee first enters into the synode , and if hee shall rise up to y●u , know that hee is christs servant , and obey him in all things : bnt if hee shall do contrary , and whereas you are many , shall proudly despise you , do ye neglect and contemne him againe . augustine en●ers first into the synode with pride and pompe , with the banner of his apostleship , a silver crosse , a letany , procession , pageants , painted images , reliques , anthems , and such like rituall trifles : the british bishops approaching neare him , sitting ambitiously in his chaire , he did not onely not rise up to salute them , but also no● so much as daigne to shew them any signe of love , or benevolence with his countenance or gesture . the britons observing this arrogancy of the man , contradicted what ever he propounded to them : and whereas hee commanded them to observe the manners and customes of the church of rome in all things : they not onely stoutly repugned them , but likewise affirmed their owne rites and ceremenies to be farre ancienter and better than those hee prescribed them , which having received from their ancesters who were followers of the apostles , and having so long observed , they ought not to change propter no vos dogmatistas , for new dogmatists pleasures . they further added , that they would not account him for their archbishop ; s●eing they had an archbishop of their owne already resident at leicester , to whom t●ey ought to and would obey , and that they would not subject themselves to a forraine bishop . with which answer augustine●eing ●eing enraged , fiercely threatned future warres , and revenge of death unto them , which followed soone after . for augustine requesting the britons in this synode , that they would receive him for their archbishop , and joyne in common labour with him to preach the gospell to the english saxons ; the britons who were driven out of their owne country by them refused to doe it , adding , that they had worthily hated the english and their religion , which were esteemed by them but as dogs , and therefore unworthily contemned . this answer of the britons augustine gladly ●aid hold on , imagining that he had gained an occasion from them , whence hee might revenge their neglect and contempt of him . therefore hee greedily carries the newes of this contumely to king ethelbert , which this king not unwillingly laid hold on , and thereupon instigated edelfred king of the northumbrians , his kinsman , although a pagan , against the britons : who thereupon , anno dom. . comes with a numerous , and almost ●tupendious army to leicester , called by the britons ca●●legan ( now chester ) where brochinal the captaine of the britans expected his comming , and whether abbot dinoth-with a great number of priests , hermites , and monkes , ●specially such as were of bangor monastery , had fled . these keeping a fast for three dayes space , prayed to god to protect his people from the swords of the barbarians . the king commanded them to turne their armies first of all upon those who fought against him , though not with armes , yet with their prayers which was more , whom brochinal their generall also , ( terrified with the first comming of the enemies , flying most shamefully ) exposed weaponlesse and naked to the swords of the enemies ; . men onely of them escaped by flight , the residue to the number of were slaine with the sword of ●delfred . beda relates , that augustine taught by divine oracle , foretold this warre to the british bishops , and clerkes in the augustinian councell ; when as it is more likely , that hee having communicated counsell with king ethelbert , was not onely cons●ious to the inferring of that warre , but also the cause thereof . for he was familiar with the king , by whose perswasion and instigation edelfred inflicted this calamity on the britons . and verily it is * reported , that augustine in his first conference concerning these rites , when hee could not perswade them by entreaties , threatned them . moreover , * amandus xierixiensis , a man of the order of the friers minorites , seemes to suffragate to this conjecture , whose very words i will subjoyne . vvhereas the ●ritains , saith he , were catholikes , the saxons were gentiles , to convert whom s. gregory sent augustine and mellitus , who converted the saxons . but when as augustine with his apostolicall authority would perswade the brittish bishops and abbots to receive him for their legate , and to preach with him to the english , discord was moved for their disobedience to saint augustine , so a warre was raised betweene the king of the britons , and the king of the sa●ons , who now being converted would make the britons subject to augustine : by whom ( writes matthew parker ) we are able to prove out of historians , that religion was overturned and rooted out , or at least depraved and corrupted . and this they say was predicted by merlin in these words● religion shall be blotted out againe , and there shall be a transmutation of the chiefe sees : the dignity of london shall adorne canterbury ; which was fulfilled by augustine , who caused . of the monkes of bangor in wales to be slaine , because they obeyed him not in the councell , as alexander essebiensis plainly teacheth . it is marvellous that merlin in one prophecie and in coherent words should thus foretell the deletion of religion , the transmutation of the principall sees and the transferring of the dignity of london to canterbury . this slaughter of these monkes of bangor by edelfred , the avenger of augustines wrath , was avenged soone after by god , who hated his cruelty : for whiles the king hastned to ●oote out the remainder of them , and burne their famous monastery ; three dukes of the britaine 's met him , slew ten thousand and sixty of his souldiers , routed his whole army , wounded the king himselfe , and put him to a shamefull flight . this was the fruit of this first archbishop of canterbury , to raise up such a bloody warre within the bowels of our kingdomes , to the ruine of both parties , and all to advance his owne jurisdiction , and introduce his roman ceremonies . and verily ( writes * matthew parker his successour ) that first contention raysed by augustine about the introducing of roman rites , which could not be appeased but with the overthrow and blood of the innocent britaines , ad nos●ra recentiora tempora , cum simili pernicie , coedeque christianorum pervenit , is desceuded to our latter times , with the like destruction of christians . and had he lived to have seen and heard the violent actions & practises of his present successor william laud ; whose min●on * d. iohn pocklinton , in two severall pernitious pamphlets ( adjudged solemnely to be burnt in both universities by the lords house of parliament , though licensed for the presse by d. bray this canterburies owne domesticke chaplain , who by like order fron the lords house hath publikely recanted his licensing of these pamphlets in a sermon at saint margarets in vvestminster , before sundry of the commons house ) hath proclaimed to the world , that this present prelate of canterbury derived his lineall succession from this augustine ; first prelate of this see , and so through his loynes from pope gregory the first founder of it , and through his predecessours , from s. peters chaire at rome ; though i doubt * peter never sate bishop , nor ever had any chaire there : i say , had he but survived to have seene bishop lauds strange violent acts , and tyranno●s proceedings to advance his archiepiscopall authority , and erect romes superstitions , rites , and ceremonies in the churches of england , scotland , and ireland ; and that even by warre , by blood shed rather than saile in his designes ; by cutting of ministers , lawyers , physitians and mechanicks eares , searing their che●kes , slitting their noses , whipping them openly through the streetes at carts tailes ; banishing them their country , shutting them up close prisoners in remote ilands , where neither their kindred , friends , wives , nor children must have any accesse to them , no nor yet once set footing in those ilands to enq●ire how their husbands did , under paine of like imprisonment , no● they have pen , inke , or paper once allowed them to write to their friends for necessaries ; and by a bloody cruell warre betweene england and scotland , which bishop peirce truly termed bellum episcopale , the bishops warre : * he would have thought himselfe a prophet , & this saying of his more experimentally verefied by this arch-prelate , than by any of his predecessors ; all whose tyranny , malice , fury , violence , injustice , lawlesnesse , oppression , inhumanity , trechery , pride , ambition , extravagances , treasons , and prelaticall vices seeme to meere and lodge together in him , as in their prop●r center , as i could largely manifest by particulars , did not his unjust and rigorous proceedings against my selfe , and all who had relation to mee , without any just cause or provocation on my part or theirs , command mee silence , lest i might seeme malicious or revengefull . since therefore these his practises are so notorious unto all , i shall forbeare to rip up particulars , and close up all concerning him , with the whole house of commons , articles , and charges of high treason against him , as they were transmitted to the lords by that worthy gentleman ( my much honoured friend ) m. iohn pymme , which being a publike charge of all the commons by way of justice , in the supremest court of judicature , published already to the world in print : i hope it will neither be reputed a scandalum magnatum , nor matter of revenge in mee , if i here insert them , since most pertinent to the subject matter of this treatise , which i had in part digested many yeares by-past , before his last information in starchamber exhibited against mee . a true copy of the articles of the commons assembled in parliament , against william laud archbishop of canterbury , in maintenance of their accusation , whereby hee stands charged with high treason : and of the speech or declaration of john pymme , esquire , upon the same : upon their transmission to the lord. my lords , i am commanded by the knights , citizens , and burgesses now assembled for the commons in parliament ; to deliver to your lordships these articles , in maintenance of their charge against the archbishop of canterbury . their desire is , that first your lordships would be pleased to heare the articles read , and then i shall endeavour to present to you the sense of the commons , concerning the nature of the charge , and the order of their proceedings . articles of the commons assembled in parliament , in maintenance of their accusation against william laud , archbishop of canterbury : whereby hee stands charged with high treason . . that hee hath traiterously endeavoured to subvert the fundamentall lawes , and government of this kingdome of england , and instead thereof to introduce an arbit●ary , and tyrannicall government against law ; and to that end , hath wickedly and traiterously advised his majesty , that hee might at his owne will and pleasure , leavie , and take money of his subjects , without their consent in parliament ; and this hee affirmed was warrantable by the law of god. . he hath for the better accomplishment of that his traiterous designe , advised , and procured sermons , and other discourses to be preached , printed , and published , in which the authority of parliaments , and the force of the lawes of this kingdome , have bin denyed ; and absolute and unlimited power over the persons and estates of his majesties subjects maintained and defended , not onely in the king , but in himselfe , and other bishops , against the law : and he hath beene a great protector , favourer , and promoter of the publishers of such false and pernicious opinions . . hee hath by letters , messages , threa●s , and promises , and by divers other wayes to judges , and other ministers of justice , interrupted and perverted , and at other times by meanes aforesaid , hath endeavoured to interrupt , and pervert the course of justice in his majesties courts at westminster , and other courts , to the subversion of the lawes of this kingdome , whereby sundry of his majesties subjects have beene stopt in their just suits , deprived of their lawfull rights , and subjected to his tyrannicall will , to their ruine , and destruction . . that the said archbishop , hath trayterously , and corruptly sold justice to those , who have had causes depending before him , by colour of his ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , as archbishop , high commissioner , referree , or otherwise , and hath taken unlawfull gifts , and bribes of his majesties su●●●● ( and hath as much as in him lies ) endeavoured to corrupt the other courts of justice , by advising , and procuring his majesty to ●ell places of judicature , and other offices contrary to the lawes and statutes in that behalfe . . he hath trayterously caused a booke of canons to be composed , and published without any lawfull warrant , and authority in that behalfe ; in which pretended canons , many matters are contained contrary to the kings prerogative , to the fundamentall lawes , and statutes of this realme , to the right of parliament , to the propriety , and liberty of the subject , and matters tending to sedition , and of dangerous consequence , and to the establishment of a vast , unlawfull , and presumptuous power in himselfe , and his successors : many of which canons , by the practise of the said archbishop , were surrepti●iously passed in the late convoc●tion , without due consideration and debate : others by feare and compulsion , were subscribed by the prelates , and clarkes there assembled , which h●d never beene voted , and passed in the convocation , as they ought to have beene . and the said archbishop hath contrive● , and endeavoured to assure , and confirme the unlawfull and exorbitant power , which hee hath usurped and exercised over his majesties subjects , by a wicked and ungodly oath in one of the said pretended canons , injoyned to be taken by all the cleargie , and many of the laity of this kingdome . . he hath trayterously assumed to himselfe a papall and tyrannicall power , both in ecclesiasticall , and temporall matters , over his majesties subjects in this realme of england , and in other places , to the disherison of the crowne , dishonour of his majestie , and derogation of his supreme authority in ecclesiasticall matters ; and the said archbishop claimes the kings ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , as incident to his episcopall , and archiepiscopall office , in this kingdome , and doth deny the ●ame to be derived from the crowne of england , which he hath accordingly exercised , to the hig● contempt of his royall majesty , and to the destruction of divers of the kings liege people , in their persons , and estates . . that he hath trayterously indeavoured to alter and subvert gods true religion , by law established in this realm , and in stead thereof to set up popish superstition , and idolatry . and to that end , hath declared and maintained in speeches , and printed booke , divers popish doctrines , and opinions contrary to the articles of religion established by law. hee hath urged and injoyned divers popish , and superstitious ceremonies without any warrant of law , and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same , by corporall punishments , and imprisonments ; and most unjustly vexed others , who refused to conforme thereunto , by ecclesiasticall censures of excommunication , suspension , deprivation , and degradation , contrary to the lawes of this kingdome . . that for the better advancing of his trayterous purpose and de●igne , he did abuse the great power , and trust his majesty reposed in him , and did intrude upon the place● of divers great officers , and upon the rig●t of other his majesties subjects , whereby hee did procure to himselfe the nomination of sundry persons to ecclesiasticall dignities , promotions , and benefices , belonging to his majesty , and divers of the nobility , clergy , and others ; and hath taken upon him the commendadation of chaplaines to the king ; by which meanes hee hath preferred to his majesties service , and to other great promotions in the church● su●h as have beene popishly affected , or otherwise un●ound , and corrupt both in doctrine and manner● . . hee hath for the same trayterous , and wicked intent , chosen and imployed , such men to be his owne domesticall chaplaines , whom hee knew to be notoriously disaffected to the reformed religion , grosly addicted to popish superstition , and erroneous , and unsound both in judgement and practise , and to them or some of them hath hee committed the licensing of bookes to be printed , by which meane● divers false and superstitious bookes have beene published , to the great scandall of religion , and to the seducing of many his majesties subjects . . he hath trayterously & wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the church of england with the church rome ; and for the effecting thereof , hath consorted , & confederated with divers popish priests , and jesuites ; and hath kept secret intelligence with the pope of rome , & by himselfe , his agents & instruments , treated with such as have from thence received● authority , and instruction ; he hath permitted , and countenanced a popish hierarchie , or ecclesiasticall government to be● established in this kingdome : by all which trayterous and malicious practises this church and kingdome hath beene exceedingly indangered , and like to fall under the tyranny of the roman see. . hee in his owne person , and his suffragans , visitors , sutrogates , chancellors , and other officers , by his command , have caused divers learned , pious , and orthodox ministers of gods word to be silenced , suspended , deprived , degraded , excommunicated , & otherwise grieved , without any just and lawfull cause : and by divers other meanes hee hath hindred the preaching of gods word , caused divers of his majesties loyall subjects to forsake the kingdome , and increased , and cherished ignorance , and profanenesse amongst the people , that so hee might th● better facilitate the way to the effecting of his owne wicked and trayterous designe , of altering , and corrupting the true religion here established . . hee hath traiterously endeavoured to cause division , and discord betwixt the church of england , and other re●ormed churches , and to that end hath supprest , and abrogated the priviledges , and immunities , which have beene by his majesty , and his royall ancestors graunted to the dutch , and french churches in this kingdome : and divers other wayes hath expressed his malice , and disaffection to these churches , that so by such disunion , the papists might have more advantage ●or the overthrow , and extirpation of both . . hee hath maliciously and traiterously plotted , and endeavoured to stirre up warre and enmity betwixt his majesties two kingdomes of england , and scotland , and to that purpose hath laboured to introduce into the kingdome of scotland , divers innovations both in religion , and government , all or the most part of them tending to popery , & superstition , to the great grievance , and discontent of his majesties subjects of that nation : a●d for their refusing to submit to such innovations , hee did trayterously advise his majesty to subdue them by force of armes , and by his owne authority and power contrary ●o law , did procure sundry of his majesties subjects , and inforced the clergie of this kingdome to contribute towards the maintenance of * that warre , and when his majesty with much wisedome and justice had made a pacification betwixt the two kingdomes , the said a●chbishop did presumptuously censure that pacification , as dishonourable to his majestie , and by his counsels and endeavours , so incensed his majestie against his said subjects of scotland , that hee did thereupon ( by advice of the said archbishop ) ●nter into an offensive warre against them , to the grea● hazzard of his majesties person , and his subjects of both kingdomes . . that to preserve himselfe from being questioned for these , and other his trayterous courses , hee laboured to subver●s the rights of parliament , and the ancient course of parliamentary proceeding , and by false and malitious slanders to incense his majesty against parliaments . by which words , counsel● , and actions , he hath traiterously , and contrary to his allegiance laboured to alienate the hearts of the kings liege people from his majesty , and to set a division betweene them , and to ruine and destroy his majesties kingdomes ; for which they do impeach him of high treason , agai●st our soveraigne lord the king , his crowne and dignity . the said commons do further averre , that the said vvilliam archbishop of caterbury , during the times that the crimes aforementioned were done , and committed , hath beene a bishop , or archbishop of this realm of england , one of the kings commissioners for ecclesiasticall matters● and one of his majesties most honourable privie councell , and hath taken an oath for his faithfull discharge of the said office of councellor , and hath likewise taken an oath of supremacy and allegean●e . and the said commons by protestation saving to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter , any other accusation or impeachment against the said archbishop , and also of replying to the answers , t●at the said archbishop shall make unto the said articles , or to any of them , and of offering further proofe also of the premises , or any of them , or of any other impeachment , or accusation that shall be exhibited by them , as the cause shall according to the cours● of parliament require , do pray that the said archbishop may be put to answer to all and every the premises , and that such proceedings , examination , tryall , and judgement may be upon every of them had and used , as is agreeable to law and justice . the articles being read , m. pymme proceeded in his speech as followeth . my lords , there is an expression in the scripture , which i will not presume either to understand , or to interpret ; yet to a vulgar eye it seemes to have an aspect something surable to the person and cause before you : it is a description of the evill spirits , wherein they are said to be spirituall wickednesse in high places . crimes acted by the spirituall faculties of the soule , the will and the understanding , exercised about spirituall matters , concerning gods wordship , and the salvation of man ; seconded with power , authority , learning , and many other advantages , do make the party who commits them , very sutable to that description , spirituall wickednesses in high places . these crimes ( my lords ) are various in their nature , haynous in their quality , and universall in their extent . if you examine them theologically , as they stand in opposition to the truth of god , they will be found to be against the rule of faith , against the power of godlinesse , against the meanes of salvation . if you examine them morally , as they stand in opposition to the light of nature , to right reason , and the principles of humane society , you will then perceive pride without any moderation● such a pride as that is which exalts it selfe above all that is called god. malice without any provocation ; malice against vertue , against innocencie , against piety , injustice without any meanes of restitution , even such injustice as doth robbe the present times of their possessions ; the future , of their possibilities . i● they be examined ( my lords ) by legall rules in a civill way , as they stand in opposition to the publiqu● good , and to the lawes of the land. hee will be found to be a traytor a●gainst his majesties crowne , an incendiary against the peace of the state ; hee will be found to be the highest , the boldest , the mo●t i●pudent oppressour , that ever was an oppressor both of king and people● this charge ( my lords ) is distributed and conveyed into ●o●●teene severall articles , as you have heard ; and those articles are onely generall : i● being the intention of the house of commons ( which they have commanded mee to declare ) to make them more certaine and particular by preparatory examinations to be taken with the helpe of your lordships house , as in the case of my lord of strafford . i shall now runne thorough them with a light touch , onely marking in every of them some speciall point of venome , virulency , and malignity . the first article ( my lords ) doth containe his ●ndeavour to introduce into this kingdome an arbitrary power of government , without any limitations or rules of law. this ( my lords ) is against the safety of the kings person , the honour of his crowne , and most destructive to his people . those causss which are most perfect have not onely a power to produce effects , but to conserve and cheri●h them . the seminary vertue , and the nutritive vertue in vegetables , do produce from the same principles . it was the defect of justice , the restraining of oppression and violence that first brought government into the world , and set up kings , the most excellent way of government . and by the maint●nance of justice all kinds of government receive a sure foundation and establishment . it is this that hath in it an ability to preserve , and secure the royall power of kings , yea , to adorne and encrease it . in the second article , yo●r lordships may observe , absolute and unlimited power , defended by preaching , by sermons , and other discourses , printed and published upon that subject . and truely ( my lords ) it seemes to be a prodigious crime , that the truth of god , and his holy law should be perverted to defend the lawlesnesse of men . that the holy and sacred function of the ministry , which was ordained for instruction of mens soules in the wayes of god , should be so abused , that the ministers are become the trumpets of sedition , the promoters and defenders of violence and oppression . in the third article ( my lords ) you have the judges , who under his majesty are the dispersers and distributers of justice , frequently corrupted by feare , & solicitation ; you have the course of justice in the execution of it● shamefully obstructed . and if a wilfull act of injustice in a judge be so high a crime in the estimate of the law , as to deserve death , under what burthen of guilt doth this man lye , who hath beene the cause of great numbers of such voluntary and wilfull acts of injustice ? in the fourth article , hee will be found in his owne person to have sold justice in causes depending be●ore him . and by his wicked couns●ll endeavouring to make his majesty a merchant of the same commodity , onely with this difference , that the king by taking money for places of judicature , should sell it in grosse ; whereas the archbishop sold it by retaile . in the fi●t article , there appeares a power usurped of making canons ; of laying obligations on the subjects in the nature of lawes : and this power abused to the making of such canons as are in the matter of them very pernicious , being directly contrary to the prerogative of the king , and the liberty of the people . in the manner of pressing of them , may be found fraud and shuf●ling : in the conclusion , violence and constaint ; men being forced by terrour and threatning to subscribe to all : which power thus wickedly gotten , they laboured to establish by perjury , injoyning such an oath for the maintenance of it , as can neither be taken nor kept with a good conscience . . in the sixth article , you have the king robbed of his supremacy : you have a papall power exercised over his majesties subjects in their consciences , and in their persons : you have ecclesiasticall jurisdiction claimed by an incident right , which the law declares to proceede from the crowne . and herein your lordships may observe that those who labour in civill matters to set up ●he king above the lawes of the kingdome , do●e yet in ecclesiasticall matters endevour to set up themselves above the king. this was ●irst procured by the arch-bishop to be extrajudicially declared by the judges , and then to be published in a proclamation . in doing whereof he hath made the kings throne but a footstoole for his owne and their pride . . you have ( my lords ) in the seventh article , religion undermined and s●bverted : you have popery cherished and de●ended : you have this seconded with power and violence , by severe punishment upon those which have opposed this mischievous intention : and by the subtile and eager prosecution of these men , hath the power of ecclesiasticall commissioners , of the starre-chamber and councell table beene often made subservient to his wicked designe . my lords , . you may observe in the eighth article , great care taken to get into his owne hand the power of nominating to ecclesiasticall livings and promotions : you have as much mischievous , as much wicked care taken in the disposing of these preferments , to the hinderance and corruption of religion . and by this meanes ( my lords ) the kings sacred majesty , instead of sermons , fit for spirituall instructours , hath often had invectives against his people , incouragement to injustice , or to the overthrow of the lawes . such chaplaines have beene brough into his service , as have as much as may bee , laboured to corrupt his owne houshold , and beene eminent examples of corruption to others ; which hath so farre prevailed , as that it hath exceedingly tainted the universities , and beene generally disper●t to all the chiese cities , the greatest townes and auditories of the kingdome . the grievous effects whereof is most manifest to the commons house , there being diverse h●ndred complaints there depending in the house against scandalous ministers ; and yet ( i beleeve ) the hundred part of them is not yet brought in . . the ninth article sets out the like care to have chaplaines of his owne , that might be promoters of this wicked and trayterous designe : men of corrupt judgements , of corrupt practice , extreamely addicted to superstition : and to such mens cares hath beene committed the licensing of bookes to the presse ; by meanes whereof many have beene published that are full of falshood , of scandals ; such as have beene more worthy to be burnt by the hand of the hangman in smit●field ( as i thinke one of them was ) than to be admitted to come into the hands of the kings people . . in the tenth article it will appeare , how he having made these aproaches to popery , comes now to close and joyne more neerely with it ; he confederates with priests and jesuites : he , by his instruments negotiates with the pope at rome , and hath correspondence with th●m that ●e authorized from rome here . he hath permitted a romane hierarchie to be set up in this kin●dome . and though he hath beene so care●ull that a poore man could not goe to the neighbour parish to heare a sermon , when he had none at home , could not have a sermon repeated , nor prayer used in his owne family , but hee was a ●it subject for the high commission court ; yet the other hath beene done in all parts of the realme and no notice taken of it , by any ecclesiasticall judges or courts . my lords , . you may perceive preaching suppressed in the eleventh , divers godly and orthodox ministers oppressed in their persons and estates ; you have the kings loyall subjects banished out of the kingdome , not as ●lime●ecke to seeke for bread in forraine countries , by reason of the great scarcity which was in israel ; but travelling abroad for the bread of life , because they could not have i● at home , by reason of the spirituall ●amine of gods word , caused by this man and his partakers . and by this meanes you have had the trade , the manufactury , the industry of many thousands of his majesties subjects carried out of the land. it is a miserable abuse of the spirituall keyes to shut up the doores of heaven , and to open the gates of hell , to let in prophanenesse , ignorance , superstition , and errour . i shall neede say no more : these things are evident , and abundantly knowne to all . . in the twelfth article ( my lords ) you have a division endeavoured betweene this and the forraine reformed chur-churches . the church of christ is one body , and the members of christ have a mutuall relation , as members of the same body , unity with gods true church every where is not onely the beauty , but the strength of religion : of which beauty and strength he hath sought to deprive this church by his manifold attempts to breake this union . to which purpose hee hath suppressed the priviledges granted to the dutch and french churches . he hath denyed them to be of the same faith and religion with us ; and many other wayes hath he declared his malice to those churches . . in the thirteenth article , as he hath sought to make an ecclesiasticall division , or religious difference betweene us & forraine nations , so he hath sought to make a civill diffeence betweene us and his majesties subjects of the kingdome of s●otland . and this he hath promoted by many innovations , there prest by himselfe and his owne authority , when they were uncapable of such altera●ions . he advised his majesty to use violence . he hath made private and publicke collections towards the maintenance of the warre , which he might justly call his owne wa●re . and with an impudent boldnesse , hath struck tallies in the exchequer for divers summes of money , procured by himselfe , pro defensione regni ; when by his counsels the king was drawne to undertake not a defensive , but an offnsive warre . . he hath lastly , thought to secure himselfe and his party by seeking to undermine parliaments , and thereby hath laboured to bereave this kingdome of the legisla●ive power , which can onely be used in parliaments : and that we should be left a kingdome without that which indeede makes and constitutes a kingdome ; and is the onely meane to preserve and restore it from distempers and decayes . he hath hereby endeavoured to bereave us of the highest judicatory , such a judicatory , as is necessary and essentiall to our government . some cases of treason , and others concerning the prerogative of the crowne , and liberty of the people . it is the supreame judicatory to which all difficult cases resort from other courts . he hath sought to deprive the ki●g of the love and counsell of his people , of that assistance which he might have from them , and likewise to deprive the people of that reliefe of grievance● which they most humbly ●xpect from his majesty . my lords , the parliament is the cabbinet wherein the chiefest jewels both of the crown & kingdome are deposited . the great prerogative of the king , and the liberty of the people are most effectually exercised and maintained by parliaments . here ( my lords ) you cannot passe by this occasion of great thankes to god and his majesty for passing the bill whereby the frequent course of parliaments is established ; which i assure my selfe , he will by experience finde to be a strong foundation both of his honour , and of his crowne . this is all ( my lords ) i have to say to the particulars of the charge . the commons desire your lordships that they may have the same way of examination that they had in the case of the earle of strafford : that is , to examine members of all kindes , of your lordships house and their owne , and others , as they shall see cavse . and those examinations to be kept secret and private , that they may with more advantage be made use of when the matter comes to tryall . they have declared that they reserve to themselves the power of making additionall articles , by which they intend to reduce his charge to be mor● particular and certaine , in respect of the severall times , occasion , and other circumstances of the offences therein charged . and that your lordships would bee pleased to put this cause in such a quicke way of proceeding , that these great and dangerous crimes together with the offendors may be brought to a just judgement . to these articles of the commons house , i might here annex those of the scottish commissioners against this arch-prelate ; but i reserve them to a fitter place ; and shall onely for a corollary , add mr. grymstons printed speech in parliament , against this arch-bishop , to mr. pymmes , pretermitting all others of this nature for brevitie sake . mr. grymstones speech in parliament , upon the accusation and impeachment of vvilliam lavd archbishop of canterbury , of high treason . mr speaker , there hath beene presented to ●he house , a most faithfull and exact report of the conference we had with the lords yesterday , together with the opinion of the committees , that were imployed in that service . that they conceived it fit , the arch-bishop of canterbury should be sequestred . i must second ●he motion , and with the favour of the house , i shall be bold to offer my reasons , why i conceive it more necessary , we should proceede a little further , than the desire of a bare sequestration onely . mr. speaker , long introductions are not sutabl● to weighty businesse , we are fallen upon the great man , the arch-bishop of canterbury : looke upon him as he is in his highnesse , and hee is the s●ye of all pesti●ent filth , that hath infected the state and government of the church and common-wealth : looke upon him in his dependancies , and he is the man , the onely man that hath raised and advanced all those ( that together with himselfe ) have beene the authors and causers of all the ruines , miseries , and calamities , we now groane under . who is it but he onely , that hath brought the earle of strafford to all his great places and imployments , a fit instrument and spirit , to act and execute all his wicked and bloody designes in thes● kingdomes ? who is it , but he onely that brought in secretary winde●anke into the place of secretary and trust , the very broker and p●nder to the whore of babylon ? who is it , mr. speaker , but he onely that hath advanced all popish bishops ? i shall name some of them ; bishop manwaring , the bishop of bathe and wells , the bishop of oxford , and bishop wren , ( the least o● all , but the most uncleane one . ) these are men that should have sed christs flocke , but they are the wolves that devoured them ; the sheepe should have fed upon the mountaines , but the mountaines have eaten up the sheepe . it was the happinesse of the church , when the zeale of gods house did eate up the bishops : glorious and brave martyrs that went to the stake , in defence of the protestants religion ; but the zeale of these bishops have beene to eate up and persecute the church . who is it , mr. speaker , but the great arch-bishop of canterbury , that hath sit at the helme to guide and steere them to all the managing of their projects , that have beene set on foote in this kingdome these ten yeares last past ? and rather than he would stand out , he hath most unworthily trucked and chaffered in the meanest of them . as for instance , that of tobacco , wherein thousands of poore people have beene stripped and turned out of their trade● , for which they have served as apprentises ; we all know he was the compounder and contractor with them for the licences , putting them to pay fines , and fee-farme-rents to use their trades . certainely , mr. speaker , he might have spent his time better ( and more for his grace ) in the pulpit ; then thus sharking and taking in the tobacco shop . mr. speaker , we all know what he hath beene charged withall here in this house , crim●s of a dangerous consequence , and of transcendent nature , no lesse than the subversion of the government of this kingdome , and the alteration of the protestant religion , and this not upon bare information onely , but much of it comes before us already , upon cleare and manifest poofes , and there is scarce any businesse , grievances , or complaints , come before us in this place , wherein we doe not finde him intermingled , and as it were twisted into it , like a busie and angry waspe , his sting in the taile of everything . we have this day heard the report of the conference yesterday ; and in it the accusations which the scottish natio● hath charged him withall ; and we doe all know he is guilty of the same ( if not more ) in this kingdome . mr. speaker , he hath beene , and is the common enemie to all goodnesse and good men , and it is not safe , that such a viper should be neere to his majesties person , to distill his poyson into his sacred eares , nor is it safe for the common wealth that he should sit in so eminent a place of government , being thus accused ; we know what we did in the earle of straf●ords case . this man is the corrupt fountaine that hath in●ected all the streames , and till the fountaine be purged , we cannot expect to have any cleare channels . i shall be bold therefore to offer my opinion , and if i erre it is the errour of my judgement , and not my want of zeale and affection to the publicke good . i conceive it most necessary and fit , that we should now take up a resolution to doe somewhat , to strike whilst the iron is hot ; and goe up to the lords in the name of the commons of this house , and in the name of the commons of england ; and to accuse him of high treason , and to desire their lordships , his person may be sequestred , and that in convenient time they may bring up the charge . which soone after was accordingly executed , as you have already seene . by these speeches & articles of high treason against this arch-prelate it is apparent , that his treasons equall , if not far exceed , the treasons of any of his predecessors in the darkest mists of popery ; and that he , like his predecessor austin hath , endeavored to rayse a bloody civill warre betweene england , ireland , and scotland , onely for opposing his all-subduing archiepiscopall jurisdiction , extended by him over all his majesties three kingdomes , and for refusing to receive those superstitious romish ceremonies and innovations , which he would have violently thrust upon them : yea it is evident by these articles that he is the primum mobile , whence all our late warres , tumults , uproares , and divisions proceeded● and the spring whence all our insupportable grievances both in our church and state have originally flowed . and so by his owne late published maxime ( * a schisme must needes be theirs whose the cause of it is , and he makes the separation that gives the first just cause thereof : ) the blame of all these late schismes , warres , and intolerable grievances , whether civill or ecclesiasticall , must rest intirely on his head ; who , as he is like to leave no heires of his body law●ully begotten to inherit his vertues , so it is pity he should leave any successour behinde him in his see , to perpetuate his , and his predecessors treasons , with other their archiepiscopall vices . it is his owne late resolution : * the condition of the church were most miserable , if it should be constrained to acknowledge a wolfe manifestly raging for her shepheard : and it is likewise his observation , * a man may become of a pastor a wolfe ; and since iudas changed from an apostle to a devill , joh . it is no wonder to see others change from shepheards into wolves● i doubt the church is not empty of such changlings at this day . whether himselfe and his forementioned predecessors have not proved such wolves and changlings , by reason of the venome of their archiepisco●all chaire : and whether the condition of our church were not most miserable , if she should be still constrained to acknowledge these arch-wolves of canterbury , manifestly raging , to be her shepheards , and still to maintaine an interrupted succession of them to devoure the poore sheepe of christ both soule and body , and to be perpetuall pests , traytors and incendiaries to our church and state , as their predecessours have ever beene , i shall submit to those whom it most concernes , who have now sufficient power and opportunity in their hands to redresse all incumbent , and prevent all future mischiefes in this kinde . i could now gladly wade out of this dangerous see of canterbury wherein i have so long roved , did not the acts of some other ancient prelates of it , next successors to augustine , detaine me in it a little longer . not to mention the * forwardnesse and activity of laurentius the second arch-bishop of this see , to settle the rites and ceremonies of the church of rome among us , & to obtrude thē on the britaines , who withstood them ; or his contests with king eadbaldus , from whose tyranny and displeasure he purposed to flee into forraine parts , had no● s. peter in a dreame reproved , and whipped him with whip-cord for this his cowardice so terribly ( if it be true ) that all his body was gore blood . theodorus the seventh prelate who possessed this chaire , by birth a greeke , was so farre from doing any thing contrary to or different from the church of rome , that he over-contentiously propugned her authority and ceremonies , depriving some bishops upon his meere pleasure for this cause onely , that they were consecrated after a different manner from the romans , and compelling them to be canonically ordained . he exercised the right and authority o● his see in such sort , that he seemed not so much to governe by judgement and counsell , as to be violently hurried with the impetuousnesse and perturbation of his minde : so that he did not a little obscure those other vertues which were not vulgar , with this overmuch pertinacity of asserting his owne dignity . his unjust deprivation of bishops without cause ( whom he thrust in and out at his pleasure , as his late successors have deprived , silenced , and suspended our best preaching ministers ) detracted much from his glory : especially his unjust dealing with wilfrid arch-bishop of yorke , whom he most unworthily expelled from his see , though every way equall , if not superiour to himselfe in holinesse of life , learning and industry : by persecuting whom immoderately and unjustly , mulium n●●uit ecclesiae paci , & male consuluit famae suae ; he much prejudiced the churches peace● and his owne reputation : he stirred up king egfrid against wilfrid , and by that meanes kept him off from being restored to his bishopricke . and when as wilfrid appearing before the kings tribunall expostulated the cause of his injuries , theodor answered , we lay no guilt to your charge ; sed quod constituimus ratum esse volumus : but what we have decreed that we will shall be ratified . than which speech what can be more absurd ? as if he should say , so i will have it , so i command , my will shall stand for a reason . such a wilfull and headstrong prelate was he , to the great disturbance both of church and state ; for which some say● he repented on his death-bed , though this vice dyed not with him but descended to his successors . birhtubaldus an english man , his next successor , not * onely assisted but caused alfricke king of northumberland , to thrust wilfrid out of his see at yorke , . yeares after his restitution to it , and to spoyle him of all his lands and goods , and banish him the kingdome . and then afterwards endeavoured to justifie and make good this deprivation , though unjust , in a councell which he summoned for this purpose ; which when he could not effect , he endeavoured by faire speeches to perswade wilfrid to renounce his bishopricke rather than violate the peace of the church : but he refusing , appealed to rome , whereupon his complaint to the pope birhtuald is sent for , wilfrid acquitted , and this turbulent malicious arch-prelate overthrowne , and forced to restore wilfrid to yorke againe , after a long contestation betweene them , to the great disturbance of church and state. tatwin the . archbishop of canterbury , * two yeares after his consecration , ●ad a great controversie with the archbishop of yorke concerning primacy , for which cause hee posted to rome , and t●ere received his pall and confirmation from the pope ; but these controversies for primacie i shall reserve for another treatise . * cutbert his successor ( as thomas sprot describes him ) was a deceitfull man full of fox●like craft , a viper , eating out the bowels of his owne mother . in his dayes both prince and people , priests , nunnes , and monkes were extremely addicted to uncleannesse , whoredome , adultery , and costly apparell ; the bishops themselves being as bad , reproved them not for these sinnes , lived wickedly , rixas & arma inter se gerebant , brawled and warred among themselves , addicted not themselves to read the scriptures , but to luxury , and preached not● or very rarely , by meanes whereof people were so ignorant that they could scarce say the articles of the creed , or the lords prayer in their mother tongue . to reforme these abuses a synode was called , but these sinnes still raigning , the kingdome was soone over-runne and conquered by the bloody danes . lambert the . archbishop of canterbury , about the yeare of christ ● . so highly * offended offa king of mercia , that out of his enmity against him , and the kentish men , hee obtained a bull from pope adrian to erect a new archbishopricke at lichfield : obtaining an archbishops pall for eadulphus bishop of that see , to whom the diocesses of worcester , leicester . legecester , hereford , helenham , and du●wich were annexed and subjected ; so as canterbury had left unto him for his province onely the bishoprickes of london , winchester , rochester , and sherburne , which much abated his pride . athelardus his next successor , and eanbaldus archbishop of yorke , * about the yeare ● . procuring letters from kenulph king of mercia , written in his , and his bishops , dukes , and peoples names to pope leo , for the reuniting of the former disjoyned bishoprickes to the see of canterbury , poasted with them to rome ; where after they had solicited , and bribed the pope , they obtained their suit without much difficulty , and so these bishoprickes were reannexed to canterbury , lest the seamelesse coate of christ should sustaine some rent or schisme betweene the two archbish●prickes ; and withall , ethelard obtained such a large grant from the pope , that if any of his diocesse , as well kings and princes , as ordinary people , should transgresse his lordly mandates , he should excommunicate them till they repented , and if they continued impenitent , all should esteeme them as ethnickes and publicans . in his time the english grew such apostates from vertue , ut gentes quascunque proditione superarent , that they exceeded all nations in treason and trechery . no doubt they learned it from their traiterous prelates , and priests , whom the danes in his dayes ●lew , together with monkes , nunnes , and levites , without any commiseration : et fude●unt sanguinem sanctorum etiam in circuitu altaris , as * alcuinus writes : by which it appeares , that altars in those dayes stood not close against the east wall of the chancell , as now some place them , but in such sort , thas they might be compassed round ; the alter of augustine in his collegiate church at canterbury , standing before those dayes , in ejus porticus * medio , in the midst of the porch there ; and the altar of the old church in saint edmonds bury , built ovall , standing likewise as it were in the midst of the church , as * camden out of everden , a monke of that house , relates : but of this in the by . elnothus archbishop of canterbury , about the yeare of our lord . against his alleagiance and oath crowned harold ( a bastard , having no right to the crowne ) king of england , hardi-canute the right heire being put by his right . at first this prelate seemed unwilling to performe that service , for it is reported , that hee having the regall scepter , and crowne in his custodie , with an oath refused to consecrate any other for king , so long as the queenes children were living , for ( said he ) canutus committed them to my trust and assurance , and to them will i give my faith and allegiance . this scepter and crowne therefore i here lay downe upon this altar : neither do i deny or deliver them to you , but i require by the apostolique authority , all bishops , that none of them presume to take the same away , neither therewith that they consecrate you for king , as for your selfe if you dare , you may usurpe that which i have committed to god on this his table . notwithstanding that great thunderclap was allayd with the showers of golden promises of his just and religious government intend●d ( though present experience manifested the contrarie ) and hee perswaded without much intreaty to crowne this usurper king. and now having thus long sayled in this troublesome see of canterbury , i shall onely trouble you with a passage out of william harrison , touching the archbishops of canterbury in generall , and robert the norman in particular ; and then hoise up my sailes , and steare my course into the northern● see of yorke . * the archbishop of canterbury ( writes hee ) is commonly called primate of all england , and in the coronations of the kings of this land , and all other times , wherein it shall please the prince to weare and put on his crowne , his office is to set it upon their heads . they beare also the name of their high chaplins continually , although not a few of them have presumed ( in time past ) to be their equals , and void of subjection unto them . that this is true , it may easily appeare by their owne acts yet kept in record , besides their epistles and answers written , or in print , wherein they have sought , not onely to match , but also to ma●e them with great rigour and more than open tyranny . our adversaries will peradventure deny this absolutely , as they do many other things apparent , though not without shamelesse impudencie , or at leastwise de●end it as just , and not swerving from common equity , because they imagine every archbishop to be the kings equall in his owne province . but how well their doing herein agreeth with the saying of peter , and examples of the primitive church , it may easily appeare : some examples also of their demeanour i will not let to remember , lest they should say i speake of malice , and without all ground of likelihood , of their practices with meane persons : i speake nor , neither will i beginne at dun●tane , the author of all their pride and presumption here in england : but for so much as the dealing of robert the norman , against earle goodwine , is a rare history , and deserve●h to be remembred , i will touch it in this place , protesting to deale with all in more faithfull manner , than it hath heretofore beene delivered unto us by the norman writers , or french english , who ( offer purpose ) have so defaced earle goodwine , that were it no● for the testimony of one or two meere english men living in those dayes , it should be impossible for mee ( or any other ) at this present to declare the tru●h of that matter according to the circumstances : marke therefore what i say ; for the truth is , that such norman● as came in with emma , in the time of ethelred , and canutus , and the confessor , did fall by sundry meanes into such favour with those princes , that the gentlemen did grow to beare great rule in the court , and their clerkes to be possessors of the best benefices in the land. hereupon therefore one robert , a jolly ambitious priest , got first to be bishop of london , and after the death of eadsius , to be archbishop of canterbury , by the gift of king edward , leaving his former see to vvilliam his countriman : vlfo also a norman was preferred to lincolne , and other to other places , as the king did thinke convenient . these norman clerkes , and their friends being thus exalted , it was not long ere they began to mocke , abuse , and despise the english , and so much the more as they daily saw themselves to encrease in ●avour with king edward , who also called divers of them to be of his secret councell , which did not a little incense the hearts of the english against them . a ●●ay also was made at dover betweene the servants of earle goodwine , and the french , whose masters came over to see and salute the king : which so inflamed the minds of the french clergie and courtiers against the english nobility , that each part sought for opportunity of revenge , which ere long tooke hold betweene them : for the said robert being called to be arc●bishop of canterbury , was no sooner in possession of his see , than hee began to quarrell with earle goodwine ( the kings father in law by the marriage of his daughter ) who also was ready to acquit his demeanour with like malice ; and so the mischiefe began . hereupon therefore the archbishop charged the earle with the murther of alfred the kings brother , whom not he , but harald the sonne of canutus , and the danes , had cruelly made away ; for alfred and his brother comming into the land with five and twenty ●aile , upon the death of canutus being landed , the normans that arrived with them , giving out how they came to recover their right , to wit , the crowne of england , and thereunto the unskilfull young gentlemen shewing themselves to like of the ●umor that was spread in this behalfe● the report of their demeanour was quickly brought to harald , who caused a company ●orthwith of danes privily to lay in wait for them as they rod● toward gilford , where alfred was slaine , and whence edward with much difficulty escaped to his ships , and so returned into normandy . but this affirmation of the archbishop being greatly soothed out with his crafty utterance ( for he was learned ) confirmed by his french friends ( for they had all conspired against the earle ) and thereunto the king being desirous to revenge the death of his brother , bred such a grudge in his mind against goodwine , that he banished him and his sonnes cleane out of the land● hee sent also his wife the earles daughter prisoner to wilton , with one onely maiden attending upon her , where shee lay almost a yeare before shee was released : in the meane season , the rest of the peeres , as siward earle of northumberland , surnamed digara , or ●ortis , leofrick earle of chester , and other went to the king , before the departure of goodwine , endeavouring to perswade him unto the revocation of his sentence , and desiring that his cause might be heard and discussed by order of law ; but the king incensed by the archbishop and his normans , would not heare on that side , saying plainly and swearing by saint iohn the evangelist , ( for that was his common oath ) that earle goodwine should not have his peace till hee restored his brother alfred alive againe unto his presence ; with which answer the peeres departed in choler from court , and goodwine towards the coast. comming also unto the shore and ready to take shipping , hee kneeled downe in presence of his conduct ( to wit at bosenham in the moneth of september , from whence hee intended to saile into flanders unto baldwine the earle ) and there wished openly before them all , that if ever hee attempted any thing against the kings person of england or his royall estate , that he might never come safe unto his cousin nor see his country any more , but perish in this voyage ; and herewith he went aboard the ship that was provided for him , and so from the coast into the open sea. but see what followed , hee was not yet gone a mile away from the land , before he saw the shore full of armed souldiers sent after by the archbishop and his friends to kill him ere he should depart , and goe out of the country , which yet more incensed the hearts of the english against them . being come also to flanders hee caused the earle , the french king , and others , of his friends among whom also the emperour was one , to write unto the king in his hehalfe , but all in vaine , for nothing could be obtained from him of which the norman● had no liking ; whereupon the earle and his sonnes changed their minds , obtained aid , and invaded the land in sundry places . finally joyning their powers , they came by the thames into southwarke neere london , where they lodged , and looked for the king to encounter with th●m in the field : the king seeing what was done , commanded the londoner● not to aide nor victuall them : but the citizens made answer , how the quarrell of goodwine was the cause of the who●e realme , which hee had in a manner given over unto the spoyle of the french , and thereupon they not onely victualled them abundantly , but also received the earle and his chiefe friends into the city , where they lodged them at their ease , till the kings power was ready to joyne with them in battle : great resort also was made unto them from all places of the realme ; so that the earles army was wonderfully increased , and the day and place chosen wherein the battle should be fought . but when the armies met , the kings side began some to flee to the earle , other to lay downe their weapons , and not a few to ●unne away outright : the rest telling him plainly , that they would never fight against thei● owne count●y men , to mainaine frenchmens quarrel● : the normans also seeing the sequell , fled away so fast as they might gallop , leaving the king in the field to shift for himselfe ( as h● best might ) whilst they did save themselves elsewhere . in the meane season the earles power would have set upon the king , either to his slaughter or apprehension ; but hee stayed them , saying after this manner . the king is my sonne ( as you all know ) and it is not for a father to deale so hardly with his child , neither a subject with his soveraigne . it is not he tha● hath hurt or done mee this injury , but the proud normans that are about him ; wherefore to gaine a kingdome i will doe him no violence : and therewithall casting aside his battell axe , hee ran to the king that stood altogether amazed , and falling at his feete he craved his peace , accused the archbishop , required that his cause might be heard in open assemblie of his peeres , and finally determined as truth and equity should deserve . the king ( after hee had paused a pretty while ) seeing his old father-in-law to lie groveling at his feete , and conceiving with himselfe that his suite was not unreasonable ; seeing also his children , and the rest of the greatest barons of the land to kneele before him , and make the like request : hee listed up the earle by the hand , bad him be of good comfort , pardoned all that was past , and friendly having kissed h●m & his sonnes upon the cheekes , he lead them to his pallace , called home the queene , and summonned all his lords unto a councell ; wherein it is much to read how many ●ils were presented against the bishop and his normans , some containing matter of rapes , other of robbery , extortion , murder , manslaughter , high t●eason , adultery , and not a few of battery : wherewith the king ( as a man now awaked out of sleepe ) was so offended , that upon consultation had of these things he banished all the normans out of the land , onely three or foure excepted , whom he retained for sundry necessary causes , albeit they never came more so neere him afterward as to be of his privie councell : after this also the earle lived almost two yeares , and then falling into an apoplexie , as he sate with the king at the table , hee was taken up and carried into the kings bedchamber , where ( after a few dayes ) hee made an end of his life ; and thus much of our first broyle raised by the clergie , & practice of the archbishop . i would intreat of all the like examples of tyranny , practised by the prelates of this see against their lords and soveraignes ; but then i should rather write an history , than a description of this iland . wherefore i referre you to those reports of anselme and becket , sufficiently penned by other , the which anselme also making a shew , as if hee had beene very unwilling to be placed in the see of canterbury , gave this answer to the letters of such his friends , as did make request unto him to take the charge upon him : * secularia negotia nescio , quia scire nolo , &c. of secular affaires i have no skill , becuase i will not know them : for i even abhorre the troubles that rise about them , as one that desireth to have his mind at liberty : i apply my whole endeavour to the rule of the scriptures , you lead mee to the contrary ; and it is to be feared lest the plough of holy church , which two strong men of equall force , and both like earnest to contend unto that which is good ( that is the king and the archbishop ) ought to draw , should thereby now swarve from the right furrow , by matching of an old sheepe with a wild untamed bull. i am that old sheepe , who if i might be quie● , could peradventure shew my selfe not altogether ungratefull to some , by feeding them with the milke of the word of god , and covering them with wooll ; but if you match mee with this bull , yo● shall see that through want of equality in draught the plough will not goe too right , &c. as followeth in the processe of his letters . the said thomas becket was so proud , that hee wrote to king henry the second , as to his lord , to his king , and to his sonne , offering him his counsell , his reverence and due correction , &c. others in like sort have protested , that they oug't nothing to the kings of this land , but their councell onely , reserving all obedience unto the see of rome . * neither did this pride stay at archbishops and bishops , but descended lower , even to the rake-hels of the clergie , and puddles of all ungodlinesse ; for beside the injury received of their superiours , how was king iohn dealt withall by the vile cistertians at lincolne in the second of his raigne ? certes when hee had ( upon just occasion ) conceived some grudge against them for their ambitious demeanour ; and upon denyall to pay such summes of money as were allotted unto them , hee had caused seisure to be made of such horses , swine , neate , and other things of theirs , as were maintained in his forrests . they denounced him as fast amongst themselves , with bell , booke and candle , to be accursed and excomcommunicated . thereunto they so handled the matter with the pope and their friends : that the king was faine to yeeld to their good graces , insomuch that a meeting for pacification was appointed betweene them at lincolne , by meanes of the present archbishop of canterbury ; who went oft betweene him and the cistertian commissioners , before the matter could be finished . in the end the king himselfe came also unto the said commissioners , as they sate in their chapter house , and there with teares fell down at their feete , craving pardon for his trespasses against them , and heartily requiring that they would ( from thenceforth ) commend him and his realme in their prayers unto the protection of the almighty , and receive him into their fraternity , promising moreover full satisfaction of their dammages sust●ined , and to build an house of their order in whatsoever place of england● it should please them to assigne . and this he confirmed by charter , bearing date the of november , after the scottish king was returned into scotland , and departed from the king. whereby ( and by other the like , as betweene iohn strafford and edward the third , &c. ) a man may easily conceive how proud the clergie men have beene in former times , as wholly presuming upon the primacy of the pope more matter could i alleage of these & the like broyles , not to be found among our common historiographer● , howbeit reserving the same unto places more convenient , i will cease to speake of them at this time . so harrison . and thus have i now at last concl●ded my canterbury voyage , and sayled through this most dangerous see ; wherein so many pontiffes have suffered shipwracke both of their loyalty , charity , faith , and honesty . and many godly christians through their cruelty , and tyranny made shipwracke , not onely of their goods , liberties , estates , cares , and other members , but also of their lives ; it being both in augustines time , and almost ever since , a very a●eldama , and see of blood . so as i may well conclude of these primates , and metropolitans of all england , in saint * bernards words : heu , heu domine deus , ipsi sunt in persecutione tua primi , qui videntur in ecclesia tua primatum diligere , gerere principatum . misera eorum conversatio , plebis tuae miserabilis subversio est : atque utinam sola hac parte nocerent : but alas , iusta omnino querimonia , nec ad ullam jus●ius , quam ad nostram referenda aetatem ; parum est nostris vigilibus quod non servant nos , nisi & perdant . alto quippe demersi oblivionis somno ad nullum dominicae comminationis tonitruum expergiscuntur , ut vel suum ipsorum periculum expavescant . inde est , ut not parcant suis , qui non parcant sibi , perimentes pariter et pereuntes . what then remaines but that king , parliament and people ( having such just cause and faire opportunity ) should all joyne cordially together , utterly to subvert this chaire of pestilence , and with * great violence to throw downe this our english babylon , and in one houre to make her so desolate , as shee may be found no more at all ; that so the people beholding her long expected and much desired overthrow , may ●ry mightily with a strong and joyfull voyce , with the angel in the * apocalypse ; babylon ( canterbury ) the great is falne , is falne ; which hath beene the habitation of devils , and the hold of every foule spirit , and a cage of every uncleane and hatefull bird , and in her was found the blood of prophets , and of saints , and of all that were slaine upon the earth . from this overflowing boundlesse see ( which hath still outswolne the bankes of divine , and humane lawes which would confine it ) have all those perilous inundations of trechery , rebellion , forraine and in●estine warres , seditions , tyrannyes , oppessions , grievances , innovations , and mischiefes commonly issued which have miserably torne and perplexed our kingdome : vexed if not almost ruined our kings , church , state , people in ancient & moderne times . this great archiepiscopal prime chaire , hath bin the metropolitical nest wherin all the egges of all ou● mischiefs , & grievances have commonly been laid and hatched by our canterburian harpies . i can therfore prescribe no better advise for our future security against those and other our mischievous prelates and birds of prey , than that which turghesie ( a prudent man ) once gave to the king of meth , when he demanded of him , how hee might destroy certaine noysome birds then lately come into ireland , where they did much mischiefe to the country , nidos eorum ubique destruendos , that their nests , and sees ( like the abbies and priories of old , ) are every where to be destroyed , and converted to better uses ; then we need not feare a succession of these pernitious birds , and mischievous vermin ; the very turbans and acans of our english israel ; which must never looke for tranquility or felicity , whiles these continue or domineer amongst us . till these ionasses be cast over-board , and quite abandoned , we can neither hope for , nor enjoy a calme . chap. ii. of the severall treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , seditions , state-schismes , contempts , and disloyalties of the arch-bishops of yorke , against their soveraignes , and of the warres , tumults , and civill dissentions caused by them i have thus as briefly as i could with convenience , given you an epitome of the arch-bishops of canterburtes arch-treasons , rebellions , trecheries , seditions , disloyalties , state-schismes , disturbances and oppositions to our lawes , more at large related in our historians ; i shall now proceed in order , to those of the arch-bishops of yorke , which will almost equall them , as well in heinousnesse , as in number ; both of them being primates and metropolitanes in all these prodigious villanies and crimes , as well as in episcopall jurisdiction . * vvilfrid the third arch-bishop of yorke , about the yeare of our lord . went about to p●rswade king egfr●dus queene to forsake her husband , and betake her selfe to a monastery , without the kings privitie or consent ; the king much displeased with him for it ( by the advice of theodore arch-bishop of canterbury , who maligned the greatnesse of his diocesse ) first sought to diminish his authoritie by dividing his diocesse into . bishoprickes● and then exhibited divers complaints against him to the pope to have him deprived , causing him to be condemned in two severall councels ; and thereupon thrust him from his bishopricke , which theodore divided into foure diocesses . after ten yeares exile , egfrid dying , alfrid his successour restored vvilfrid ; but five yeares after , this king likwise fell out with him , and forced him to rome , where though the pope restored him , yet the king would never admit him to his see during his life : what the true cause of these displeasures was , the historians of those times ( who favoured vvilfrid ) are sparing to relate : belike it was some notorious offences against these kings , else they would not be so unjust , as without cause to keepe him from his bishopricke , and to imprison him in chaines , as one of them did . some record , that it was because hee favoured and aided the rebellious danes , which is most probable . malmesbury , and others out of him , say , it was onely the malice of queene ermenburga , who envied him , for that hee had many abbots and abbies under him , was served with gold and silver plate , had a great traine of followers , and was very gorgeous in his pontificall robes , and because hee would never yeeld to have his diocesse divided into three mote bishopricks , though it were sufficient to maintaine foure bishops beside himselfe , of which there was need . and some impute it to the envie and malice of theodore arch-bishop of canterbury . the first of these could not be the sole cause for that ended upon vvilfrids exile and the kings death . the second is as unlikely , since vvilf●id himselfe , * with all the bishops of that time , and the councell of hertford , can. . anno . decreed , that the number of ●eleevers increasing , more bishops and bishoprickes should bee made and erected . whereupon acca and bo●win were made bishops instead of bosa , and his bishopricke divided into foure parts , to which partition vvilf●id had good reason to consent , it being the kings expresse pleasure , and the councels decree , to which himselfe subscribed . the envie of theodore was in likelihood a partiall , but not principall cause of his first troubles onely . hee was therefore , in all likelihood , an aider and assister of the rebellious danes , and a great opposite and rebell against these two kings ; yea , and against edulfus their successour , who all three successively refused to restore him , notwithstanding the popes letters and command ; which then it seemes were of little force . many councels were assembled about this vvilfrid , and the whole church and kingdome much disquietted and vexed with the many schismes and contentions concerning him , too tedious to relate . anno . * vlferus , arch-bishop of yorke , was by his diocesans driven out of the countrey : for what cause is not expressed , and therefore likely for some notorious offence , because the monkes conceale it out of favour to him . anno . vvolstan arch-bishop of yorke , was convict of an hainous crime , who forgetting that dutifull affection hee ought to beare unto edred his king , if for no other cause , yet for athelstane his brothers sake , who preferred him ; forgetting his oath and allegeance unto the same king being his naturall prince , yea forgetting that hee was either an english man or a christian , was not ashamed to revolt from king edred , and cleave to the danes and favour them , an heathen people , and such as sought not onely to destroy his countrey , but also to root out christian religion . for which treason , and for setting up e●ric●us king in edreds stead , though hee deserved a thousand deaths he was onely deprived , committed to prison and one yeare after enlarged again , because he was a bishop ; whereas for this cause as his treason was the more hainous and execrable , so h●s punishment should have beene the greater : but hee being released upon his repentance , grew so angry with himselfe that hee was thus pardoned against right and justice● that v●t●m e●ve●tigio exuit , hee presently made away himselfe , being his owne executioner . * some say , that hee was thus imprisoned , for killing divers citizens of thetford in revenge of the death of one anselme an abbot , whom they had slaine without cause ; belike hee was guiltie of both those crimes , and punished for both in this mild manner , after divers complaints . anno . * oswald arch-bishop of yorke assisted dunstan of canterb●ry , and the other bishops , to put egelred the right heire from the crowne , and to set up edward an usurper , whom they crowned as more fit for their behoofe and ends . elfricke arch-bishop of yorke , surnamed puttoc , was reputed detestable for two barbarous acts : he caused harde●nute the king● to command the dead body of his brother king harold to be digged up out of his grave , after that to be beheaded and cast into the thames , as an infamous example to men . and not content with this crueltie towards the dead he perswaded the same king by way of revenge on vvorcester men ( because they would not suffer him to hold that see in commendam with yorke , as three of his predecessours had done before him ) to fire that goodly citie , and seize on all the citizens goods , pretending that they had stubbornely resisted those who collected the kings tributes : and as if this were not sufficient revenge to kill all the men and waste the whole countrey , which was most● cruelly executed● hee likewise caused this king to thrust the living bishop of vvorceter out of his see and to bestow it on himselfe ; and incensed this king so farre against earle godwin , that hee was enforced to buy his peace of the king with the gift of the richest and costliest shippe that wee reade of in that age. aldredus his successour , ( who gat that see by symonie , and held vvorcester in commendam with it , and was one of the first who distinguished the clergie from the laitie in their externall habits ) * crowned harold , invading the dignitie royall , no way due unto him . after which , though hee purposed ●o crowne edgar the right heire king , to whom he and the nobilitie had first adhered , yet like a wily bishop siding with the strongest , he altered his purpose and crowned vvilliam the conquerour king , requiring first an oath of him to d●fend the church , to minister justice , and te vse englishmen as favourable as normans . this oath it seemed to aldred , that the king had broken by laying heavie taxes on the people , of which he admonished the king , who was very angry at it . he therefore ( like a couragious prelate but like a disloyall subject ) thundered out an excommunication against him , saying● that now worthily he had cursed , whom once unworthily hee had blessed . this bold pranke being reported to the king , incensed him very much at first , but thinking better of it , hee determined to give him good words a while , and so sent some to intreat for his absolution . the messengers came too late , for the bishop being troubled much in mind after the performance of that action , and either amazed with feare of what might happen after it , or overcome with griefe and repentance for what he had done , never could be merry after , but dyed of griefe before they came . in his time vrsus earle of worceter had built a castle at worceter to some prejudice of the monkes , the ditch of which castle trenched somewhat upon the church-yard , and adjoyned too neere to the monastery . aldred went unto the earle , and having demanded of him whether it were done by his appointment , which h●e could not deny , looking stedfastly on him , used these insolent and uncharitable words , hightest thou vrse ? have thou gods curse , adding , yea and mine too , and the curse of all hollowed heads , unlesse thou take away this castle , and know thou assuredly that thy posterity shall not inherit the lands of saint mary : which curse the monkes say was shortly after accomplished , vrsus dying soone after , and roger his sonne flying the realme . * thurstan arch-bishop of ●orke , about the yeare of our lord , . contrary to the kings expresse command , and his owne faithfull oath and promise to henry the first , received his consecration from the pope at the councell of rheemes ; whereupon the king banished him the realme , neither could he in five yeares space be entreated to restore him . at last the pope , by his procurement , writ a very sharpe letter to the king , signifying , that he would excommunicate both him , and the arch-bishop of canterbury also , if thurstan were any longer kept from his see , and some say , he actually excommunicated them both , and interdicted as well the province of yorke , as of canterbury from the use of all manner of sacraments , and from the baptisme of infants . upon which the king , to be out of trouble , contrary to his solemne vow , yeelded that he should be called home , and soone after he was reconciled unto the king. this arch-bishop , anno . when as david , king of scots , entred our borders , and spoiled the countrey as farre as the river of teyse , gathered together such a power as hee was able to raise on a sudden , met them at alverton , slew . of them ; after which hee cast off his rochet , and turned monke at pontfrast , where hee dyed , henry murdac arch-bishop of yorke , thrust into that see by the pope , against king stephens good liking , * who commended his kinsman , william thereto ; refused to sweare fealtie to the king ; who thereupon was so displeased with him , that the townsmen of ●ork , by his good liking , shut murdac out of the citie , and refused to receive him . murdac suspended them for this affront , eustace the kings sonne commanded divine service to be said notwithstanding , as at other times ; hereupon divers tumults and seditions were raised in the citie , wherein an arch-deacon , a great friend of the arch-bishops , was slaine : two or three yeares these stirres continued , till at last the arch-bishop submitted and reconciled himselfe to the king. geffrey plantagenet , henry the second his base sonne , after the arch-bishopricke of yorke had beene tenne yeares void , and kept so long in the kings hands , was commended to that see by richard the first , and consecrated by the arch-bishop of towers . * he tooke an oath to king richard his brother , then going to the holy land , not to set foot in england within . yeares space ; yet presently after he hied him over into england ; but upon his arrivall , he was there arrested and imprisoned in a barbarous manner by william bishop of ely , lord chancellour of england , being drawne by the heeles from the very altar of saint martins church in dover . all the time of king richard he had many contests with the commons of yorke , who oft complained of him both to the king and pope . richard dying , king iohn and this bishop had many contentions one with the other . anno . by the kings permission , many grievous complaints were exhibited in parliament against this arch-bishop , for extortion and unjust vexations hee had practised , but he passed so little thereof , that he made no answer to their bills . moreover , in the second yeare of his raigne , he commanded the sheriffe of yorkeshire to seize upon all th● arch-bishops goods and lands , and to returne them into the exchequer , for hindring the kings officers in gathering a kinde of taxe throughout his diocesse , and refusing to saile into no●mandy with him , to make a marriage for his neece , and to conclude a league with the french king ; which command the sheriffe executing , the arch-bishop thereupon * excommunicated , not onely the sheriffe that had done him this violence , but all those in generall , who were the authors of the same , and that had beene any meanes to stirre up the kings indignation against him . the king hereupon suspends him from his bishoprick , to whom at last he was glad to pay . pound for his restitution . * holinsh●● writes that whereas this arch-bishop of yorke had offended king richard , he pardoned and received him againe into favour : whereupon the arch-bishop waxed so proud , that using the king reproachfully , hee lost his arch-bishopricke , the rule of yorkeshire , which he had in government as sheriffe , the favour of his soveraigne , and which was the greatest losse of all , the love of god. anno . this fire of contention raked up in ashes , brake out againe . king iohn being at winchester required such of the nobilitie and clergie as were there present , that payment should be made unto him of the third part of all the moveable goods in england ; this motion no man gaine-sa●d but geffrey the arch-bishop , who openly contradicted it . after this , whether it were , he were guiltie of some greater attempt , or that hee understood his brother was grievously offended with him , secretly hee avoided the realme● excommunicating before his departure , such of his jurisdiction , as either had already paid , or should hereafter presume to pay the said taxe ; whereupon hee was banished the realme , and lived five yeares in exile till his death . godfrey de kinton his successour , though he had no bickerings with the king , that i read of , yet he fell out with the whole citie of yorke , interdicting it in the beginning of lent , and not restoring it till the third of may following . * iohn roman arch-bishop of yorke , anno . excommunicated anthony beake bishop of durham ( or rather two of the bishops servants ) being one of the kings councell , and at that time beyond the seas in the kings service . whereat the king being highly displeased , the arch-bishop thought it best to put himselfe to his mercie , hee did so , and was fain to redeeme the kings favour with . markes ( being fined so much by the whole parliament for this his offence ; ) the griefe whereof strucke him into an incurable disease , whereof he dyed . * thomas de corbridge , his successour , anno . upon the popes commendatory letters , bestowed his canons place of yorke and custoseship of the parish of saint sepulcher on one gilbert segrave , notwithstanding the king had formerly written earnestly to him in the behalfe of one iohn bush his secretary ; which affront in preferring the popes clerke before him and his secretary , the king tooke so hainously , that hee seized on three mannors or barronies belonging to his see , and retained them during the arch-bishops life , which was not long , hee either out of griefe , or gods just j●dgement , being soone taken away . it falling out for the most part ( as bishop godwin observes in his life ) that those bishops which have presumed most in opposing themselves against their princes , have least time endured , and ever quickly beene taken away . anno dom. . william de melton arch-bishop of yorke ( successively treasurer and chancellour of england ) upon the examination of edmund , earle of ken● , ( whom this prelate and the bishop of london had drawne into a conspiracie and rebellion against king edward the third ) was accused of high treason , for reporting that king edward the second was still alive after his death , ( and that upon the credit of a preaching fryer of london , who had raised up a devill , which certainly informed him thereof as a truth : ) for writing a letter of fidelitie to this earle● which hee sent by his owne chaplaine acyn , for sending him . men in armes , and ptomising to send him as many more as hee could possibly raise ; and sending richard de pomfret to him both to reusington and arundle , to further the said rebellion . the poore earle was found guiltie of high treason , and beheaded : the bishop of london , and arch-bishop , the chiefe plotters of this treason and conspirac●e , were suffered to goe at libertie under fureties , taken of them for their good demeanour and forth-comming ; and the fryer who had raised the spirit , to know whether the kings father were living or not , was onely committed to prison , where he dyed . an. . * this william melton arch-bishop of yorke and the bishop of ely , with the citizens of yorke , not making them of the countrey once privie to their designes , having in their companie a great company of priests and men of religion , gave battell unto the scots neere melton upon swale . but for as much as most of the english were unexpert in the feates of warre ( the bishops being their captaines ) and came not in any orderly way of battell , they were easily put to flight by the scots , who slew about . of them , sparing neither religious person nor other . so ill is it for prelates to turne warriers , and that rashly without taking good advice . * alexander nevell arch-bishop of yorke , in great favour with king richard the second , was amongst others conuicted by parliament , for abusing the kings youth by flattery and exciting and stirring him against the nobilitie and lords , whom hee falsely accused of treason to the king ( to the great prejudice of the king and realme ) by whispering tales day and night against them , and for anulling acts of parliament : for which causes hee was condemned in parliament of high treason , and then adjudged to perpetuall imprisonment in the castle of roches●er . hee foreseeing the temp●st that grew toward him , fled out of the realme . vrbane the fifth for his securitie translated him ( being both a * traytor and whisperer , writes walsingham ) from yorke to saint andrewes in scotland , which kingdome at that time refused to acknowledge vrbane for pope , yeelding obedience to the antipope , by mean●s whereof , vrbanes gift was insufficient to invest him in saint andrewes ; yet good to void him quite from yorke ; whereby hee being stript of both arch-bishoprickes , and enjoying the benefit of neither , for very want was forced to become a parish priest at lovaine , and so lived three yeares till his death . thomas arundel his successour , to prejudice the londoners and benefit those of yorke , removed all the kings courts from westminster to yorke , to the great prejudice and grievance of the lond●ners and subjects in the west and south parts of england , and the no little disturbance of the realme . his pretence was , that hee did it onely to punish the pride and presumption of the londoners , who were then in great disgrace with the king● by reason of a fray made upon the bishop of salisburyes man● who abused a baker , and brake his head with a dagger , without any just cause ; for which the citizens assaulted the bishops house to have justice done upon his man , who had done the wrong ; but the bishops bolstering him out● no justice could be had , and instead thereof , their liberties were seized on , and the terme removed to yorke , to vex them the more : the arch-bishop not long after , was attainted of treason in parliament immediately upon his translati●n from yorke to canterbury . and good reason : for he conspired * with the duke of gloucester , the abbot of saint albanes , and the prior of westminster ( both which religious persons declared to the duke , that they had severall visions , that the kingdome should bee destroyed through the misgovernment of richard the second ; by which they animated the duke to conspire with them and others , against their soveraigne ; who meeting together at drundel castle , about the . yeare of king richards raigne , they sware each to other● to bee assistant one to another in all such matters as they should determine , and therewith received the sacrament from this arch-bishop , who celebrated masse before them the morrow after ; which done , they withdrew themselves into a chamber , and concluded , to take king richard , the dukes of lancaster and yorke , and to commit them to prison ; and to hang and draw all the other lords of the kings councell ; all which they intended to accomplish in august following , had not their plot been discovered and prevented by earle marshall . this prelate after his attainder for this treason , was the chiefe * actor in effecting king richards involuntary resignation , in the instrument whereof he is first named . i shall say no more of this arundel , but what william harrison hath recorded of him in his description of england , l. . ● c. . p. . and even no lesse unquietnesse had another of our princes with thomas arundel ( than king stephen had with his predecessours , and robert de s●gillo bishop of london ) who fled to rome for feare of his head , and caused the pope to write an ambitious and contumelious letter unto his soveraigne about his restitution . but when by the kings letters yet extant and beginning thus , thomas proditionis non expers , nostrae regiae majestati insidias fabricavit ; the pope understood the bottome of the matter , hee was contented that thomas should be deprived , and another arch-bishop chosen in his stead . but of this and him you may reade more before , pag. , , &c. * richard scroope arch-bishop of ●orke , brother to william scroope earle of wil●shire , ann. . and . joyned with the earle of northumberland , the earle marshall , the lord bardolp● and others , in a conspiracie and rebellion against king henry the fourth , gathering what forces hee could against him . the percies to make their part seeme good , devised certaine articles by the devise of this arch-bishop , which they shewed to divers noble-men and other states of the realme , and moved them so farre to promote their purpose by this meanes , that they did not onely promise them ayde and succour by words , but also by their writings and seales confirmed the same . after this , anno . this arch-bishop conspiring with the earle of northumberland and others aforesaid , devised like articles as before , of such matters as was supposed not onely the commonaltie of the realme , but the nobilitie found themselves grieved with ; which articles he and his confederates first shewed to such of their adherents as were neere about them , and after sent them abroad to their friends further off ; assuring them , that for redresse of such oppressions they would shed the last drop of bloud in their bodies , if need were : whereupon great multitudes flocking to the arch-bishop to yorke , to take his part in this quarrell , hee not meaning to stay , after hee saw himselfe so well accompanied with so great number of men , forthwith discovered his enterprise , causing the articles aforsaid to be set up in the publicke streets of the citie of yorke , and upon the gates of the monasteries , that each man might understand the causes that moved him to rise in armes against the king , the reforcing whereof did not yet appertaine unto him . hereupon the knights , esqui●es , gentlemen , yeomen , and others of the the commons as well of the citie , as of the townes and countries about , being allured for desire to see a reformation of the things mentioned in the articles , assembled in great number , and the arch-bishop comming forth amongst them clad in armour , encouraged● exhorted , and ( by all meanes he could ) pricked them forth to take the enterprise in hand , and manfully to continue in their begun purpose ; promising forgivenesse of sinnes to all them whose hap it was to dye in the quarrell . and indeed the respect men had of the arch-bishop caused them to like better of the cause , since the gravitie of his age , integritie of his life● incomperable learning● and reverent aspect of his personage , moved all men to have him in no small estimation . the earle of westmerland and duke of lan●aster , the kings sonne , being in those parts with the kings forces , inquired of them in a peaceable manner , what their intent should be in taking armes ? the arch-bishop answered , that hee meant nothing but the good of the realme , as hee would gladly certifie them if hee might have secure and safe conduct to them , and thereupon shewed a writing containing certaine articles which hee had devised ; wherein he charged king henry with treason against his soveraigne king richard ; oppression of the church and common-weale , whose liberties hee had sworne to defend , tyrannie and cruelty , in putting to death th● said king , many of the nobilitie , and great numbers of the commons : with impietie and sacriledge , in defrauding the church of rome of her rights ; and lastly , with ●vill government , perfidiousnesse , perjury , and divers other like hainous crimes , for which hee pronounced the king excommunicate , requiring all men to joyne with that company , whose endeavour should bee , but to reforme what was amisse , to seate and settle in the kingdome● the right heire , to establish peace in wales and ireland , and to free the whole realme from the great and intollerable burthen of exactions , no longer to be endured . the earle of westmerland having read this writing ( containing sundry treasons and conlumelies with a witnesse , and fit for an arch-bishop to publish ) professed to allow of the enterprise , and praised it for honest and reasonable ; insomuch as meeting with the trayterous arch-bishop at a parley , after a very few speeches they seemed to become friends , shaking hands together , and drinking to each other in the sight of both their armies . the arch-bishop now doubting of nothing , suffered his men to disperse them for a time : but the earle contrary-wise waxing stronger and stronger , and seeing him selfe able to deale with the bishop , came upon him suddenly and arrested him , little thinking of any such matter . the king by this time was come north , and as farre as pomfret : thither the arch-bishop with other prisoners , arrested with him , were brought , and carryed with the king to yorke ; or as some say , to thorpe ; where sir william fulford , a knight learned in the law , and another justice called gascoine sitting on an high stage in the hall , condemned the arch-bishop to be beheaded , without being judged by his peeres ; bishops being ( as some say ) properly no peeres of the realme , and so not to be judged by their peeres ; who certainely would have acquitted , or saved his life had they beene bishops , they ever using to boulster out their fellow bishops , in their treasons , and to save them from the gibbet . presently after this judgement given , the arch-bishop was set upon an ill favoured jade , his face toward the horse taile , and carried with great scorne and shame to a field hard by , where his head at last was chopped off by a fellow that did his office very ill , not being able to dispatch him with lesse then five strokes . grafton writes , that thomas arundel arch-bishop of canterbury ( as great a traytor as hee ) came to the king and said , sir if the bishop of yorke have offended you so greatly as it is said , yet i pray you consider , that i am your ghostly father , and the second peere in your realme , and that you ought not to hearken to any mans voyce before me , wherefore i counsell to reserve the paine and punishment of the said bishop to the popes judgement , and hee will take such order as yee shall be pleased . and if ye will not so doe , yet let him be ref●rred to the parliament , and keep your hands defiled from his bloud ; ( a sweet counsellour . ) then the king answered , i may not stay him , for the rumour of the people ; whereupon the arch-bishop called for a notary , to make an instrument of the kings answer , that if need were it might be shewed to the pope● but the king would not stay , but caused execution to be done . though many of our arch-bishops and bishops before him , had beene desperate traytors , yet he is the first bishop ( the more the pittie , for that made them so presumptuous in their treasons ) that was put to death by order of law. this just execution on such a traytorly rebell , so unwontedly and extraordinarily performed on an arch-prelate , in this contumelious ( though deserved ) manner , without any preceding degradation , was so distastefull to his fellow prelates ( none of the best subjects , ) and so dangerous a president for the future , that they accounted this arch-traytor , no lesse then a martyr , ascribing many miracles to have beene done by vertu● of his holinesse both at his tombe , and at the place where he was beheaded : ( pittie that more of them had not been so served , that wee might have had more such holy saints and wonderous miracles of this kind . ) they reported abroad , that the bishop at the time of his execution , desired the executioner to have five strokes , in remembrance of the five wounds of christ , that the king at the same time , sitting at dinner , had five strok●s in his necke by a person invisible , and that the king himselfe , presently after his death , was stricken with a leprosie , a manifest lye . they likewise reported , that a strange judgement hapned upon the iudges who gave sentence against him : which fabulous lying legends , must not onely be generally bruited abroad ( to cheate the people , justifie the traytor , disparage this honorable act of justice slander the king and judges , and all to secure the bishops in their treasons and rebellions , that this act might never bee made a president to punish them capitally for such like offences in future times ; ) but likewise chronicled , to delude posterity , and animate all succeeding prelates , under hopes of impunitie to attempt any treasons , trecheries or insurrections against their soveraignes without feare . and to make the thing more odious , and the prelates more presumptuous in this kinde , the * pope himselfe excommunicates tbe authors of his death , and those that had any hand in his condemnation or execution , who must all earnestly entreat for absolution before it would be granted . loe here the quintessence of all traiterous , rebellious spirits , and disloyall practises combined , and infused into our prelates , in canonizing this arch-traytor , scandalizing the very sentence of justice pronounced and executed upon him , with the king and judges that were the authors of it , and making it a matter worthy an anathema , to condemne and execute a traytor , a rebell too in the suparlative degree . what confidence can any princes repose , or what fidelitie can they expect from such a desperate generation of vipers as these , who cannot be content to plot , to execute treasons and conspiracies , but thus boldly to justifie them and the traytors to , when they are committed ? i shall therefore close this story with the words of * edward hall , our chronicler : what shall a man say of such foolish and fantasticall persons , who have written , of such erroneous hypocrites and seditious asses who have indited , of such superstitious fryers and malicious monkes , who have declared and divulged both contrary to gods doctrine , the honour of their prince and common knowne verity● such manifest lyes as the fore-cited miracles and reports concerning this arch-bishops death ? what shall men thinke of such beastly persons which regarding not their bounden d●tie and ●be●sance to their prince and soveraigne lord env●ed the punishment of traytors and torment of offendors ? but what shall all men conjecture of such which favouring their owne worldly dignitie , their owne private authority , and their owne peculiar profit , will thus juggle , rayle , and imagine fantasies against their soveraigne lord and prince , and put them in memory as a miracle to his dishonour and perpetuall infamy● well , let just men judge what i have said . so ●all . iohn kemp arch-bishop of yorke , was a great opposer of the good duke of glocester , a traytor and evill instrument to king henry the sixth and the kingdome , and the meanes of the duke of gloucesters murther , whose death was a most incomparable losse to the realme ; of which more at large in henry beaufort , bishop of winchester , with whom he confederated against the duke . george nevill arch-bishop of yorke conspired with his brother henry nevill earle of warwicke , against king edward the fourth , after hee had raigned almost nine yeares● to pull him from his throne ; and being his hap to take king edward prisoner at ownely in northamptonshire , hee carryed the king with him prisoner , first to warwicke castle , then to midleham castle in yorkeshire ; from whence the king at last , having liberty to ride abroad an hunting escaped , being rescued by his friends : and within halfe a yeare after so handled the matter , as comming to london suddenly , and entring this arch-bishops palace by a posterne gate , hee surprized at once king h●nry and the arch-bishop , that had not long before taken him . holinshed and some others relate , that the arch-bishop being l●ft by his brother the earle of warwicke to keepe the citie of london for king henry against edward the fourth ; hee perceiving the affections of the people to incline to king edward , and how the most part of the citie were much addicted to him , sent forth secretly a messenger to him , beseeching king edward to receive him againe into his former favour , promising to bee to him in time to come , and to acquit this good turn● heereafter with some singular benefit and service . that the king upon good considerations was hereupon content to receive him againe into his favour ; of which the arch-bishop being assured● greatly rejoyced , and well and truely acquitting him of his promise in that behalfe made● admitted him into the citie ; where the king comming to the arch-bishops palace , he● pr●sented himselfe unto him , and having king he●ry by the hand , delivered him treacherously to king edw●rd● custodie ; who being seized of his pe●s●n , we●t to pauls from westminster , where hee gave god heartie thankes for his safe returne and good successe . thereupon they were both sent to the tower● where king henry was pittifully murthered● but the arch-bishop the fourth of iune●ollowing● ●ollowing● was set at libertie . about a yeare after his enlargement , hee chanced to bee hunting at ●●●●●ore with the king , and upon occasion of some spo●t th●●●ad seene there , hee made relation to ●●e king of some extraordinary kinde of g●me , wherewith hee was wont to solace himse●●● at 〈◊〉 hous● hee had built and furnished very sumptuously , called the moore , in hartfordshire : the king seeming desirous to be partaker of this sport , appointed a day , when hee would come thither to hunt and make merry with him : hereupon the arch-bishop taking his leave , got him home ; and thinking to entertaine the king in the best manner it was possible , sent for much plate that hee had hid during the warres between his brethren and the king , and borrowed also much of his friends . the dea●e which the king hunted being thus brought into the toyle , the day before his appointed time , hee sent for the arch-bishop , commanding him , all excuses set apart , to repaire presently to him , being at windsore . as soone as he came hee was arrested of high-treason , all his plate , money and other moveable goods ( to the value of . l. ) were seized on for the king , and himselfe a long space after kept prisoner at calis and guisues ; during which time the king tooke to himselfe the profits and temporalties of his bishopricke . amongst other things that were taken from him , was a miter of inestimable value , by reason of many rich stones wherewith it was adorned : that , the king brake and made thereof a crowne for himselfe : this calamitie hapned to him , anno . foure yeares after , with much entreatie , he obtained his libertie , but dyed of griefe shortly after . this proud pontifician made so great a feast at his installment , that neither our age , nor any other before it ever heard or saw the like ; the particulars whereof you may read in godwin , too tedious here to recite . thomas rotheram arch-bishop of yorke being lord chancellour in edward the fourth his raigne , upon his death resigned his place , and delivered up his seale to the queene without the councels consent , from whom he received it not , she having no right to require it : for which cause hee was committed to the tower by the lord protectour , richard duke of yorke ; who afterwards usurping the crowne , released the arch-bishop out of prison ; who thereupon sided and was ve●y inward with this usurper , and at last dyed of the plague , may . . i read nothing of savage● his next successour , but this , that he was not preferred to this see for any extraordinary great learning : that he spent his time in a manner altogether ( as our prelates doe now ) either in temporall affaires● being a great courtier , or else in hunting ; wherewith hee was unreasonably delighted , keeping a great number of tall fellowes about him to attend his person : but of his preaching , or maintaining ministers to instruct the people , i read not one word . it is likely his tall fellowes occasioned many a quarrell , and sometimes would take a purse for a need . christopher bambridge his successor , being embassadour from king henry the . to the pope and lewis the . of france , perswaded king henry to take the popes part , and proclaime warre against lewis , ingageing his soveraigne in a needlesse warre , only to pleasure his lord and master the pope : who for this good service , made him a cardinall ; he was at last poysoned by raynaldo de modena an italian priest , his steward , upon malice and displeasure conceived for a blow this bishop gave him ( when as a bishop should be no striker , tim. . . ) as goodwin relates out of paulus iovius . thomas wolsie ( or wolfesie , as mr. tyndall oft times stiles him ) an arch-traytor , and most insolent domineering prelate , succeeded him in that see , holding likewise the bishopricke of bath and wells first , and after that of ely , winchester , worcester and hereford , together with the abbey of saint albanes , and divers other ecclesiasticall livings besides his temporall offices , in commenda● with it . this proud imperious prelate , when he was once arch-bishop , studied day and night how to be a cardinall , and caused king henry the eighth and the french king to write to rome for him , and at their request he obtained his purpose : hee grew so into exceeding pride , that hee thought himselfe equall with the king ; and when he said masse ( which hee did oftner to shew his pride then devotion ) hee made dukes and earles to serve him with wine , with * assay taken , and to hold to him the bason and the lavatory . his pride and excesse in dyet , apparell , furniture and attendance● and his pompe in going to westminster hall were intollerable , and more then royall or papall : hee was much offended with the arch-bishop of canterbury , because he stiled him brother , in a letter , as though he had done him great injury by that title . hee quite altered the state of the kings house , putting out and in what officers he pleased . hee oppressed and vexed the citizens of london , causing divers of them to be executed ; siding with strangers ( both merchants and artificers ) against them . confederating with the french king , he procured king henry to permit him to redeeme tornaye , on his owne termes : hee procured a meeting of the king of england and france to their infinite expence , onely that he might be seene in his owne vaine pompe , and shew of dignitie , himselfe drawing up the instrument and termes of their meeting in his owne name , which began thus : thomas arch-bispop of yorke , &c. hee committed the earle of northumberland , and wrought the duke of buckingham out of the kings favour , and at last cut off the dukes head , for opposing his pride and unjust proceedings . hee began his letters to forraigne princes and the pope , for the most part , in this manner● ●go & rex meus , i , and my king , putting himselfe before his soveraigne , making him but his underling and pupill , swaying him like a schoole-boy at his pleasure . hee set his armes likewise above the kings over christ-church colledge-gate in oxford , which he founded : hee stamped his cardinalls cap on the kings coyne ( as our bishops doe now their armes and miters on their proces● * instead of the kings seale and armes : ) hee set up a legan●●ne court here in england by commission from the pope , to which hee drew the conusans of all ecclesiasticall causes ; and when the king had summoned a convocation at pauls in london by vertue of his writ , hee came most insolently into the convocation house , and by his power legantine , dissolved the convocation , summoning them all to appeare before him at saint peter● in westminster the monday following , there to celebrate the synod under him ; which power legantine brought him and all the clergi● into a premunire , to his overthrow and their cost , they being enforced to grant the king an hundred thousand pounds , to acknowledge him on earth supreme head of the church of england , and to renounce the popes supremacie , to buy their peace . he dissolved . monasteries of good worth , converting all their goods and moveables into his own coffers , which were so stuffed with treasure , that . barrels● full o● gold and silver , were laid aside to serve the pope in his warres , emptying the land also of twelve score thousand pounds which he forced from the king ; all which he sent to relieve and ransome the pope then in prison , to the great impoverishing of his majesties coffers and the realm : his revenues one way or other● were equall to the kings ; he had no lesse then . hor●e for his retinue , . waggons for his carriage , and . mules for sumpter horses when he went into france . hee carried the great seale of england with him in his embassie without the kings consent , so that no writs nor patents could be sealed , nor busines of the kingdom dispatched in the interim . he proclaimed warres against the emperor without the kings consent , stirred up the french king to warre against him , ayding him with monies without the kings privity , and contrary to his likeing , he demanded ●he . part of the true value of every mans goods , by way of loane , toward the maintenance of the warrs in france , putting men to confesse upon their oathes , the true estimate of their estates , without the kings privitie , which caused many insurrections and mutinies in the kingdome , the people rising up and denying to pay it : at which the king being very angry , released the loane as an intollerable oppression , sore against this prelates will● yet the cardinall , the sole cause and urger thereof , would needs lay the odium of it on the king , to alienate the hearts of his subjects from him● and take the sole praise of the release of it to himselfe , as if hee with much suite and danger had obtained it . * hee falsely prosecuted and imprisoned the earle of kildare , accusing him before the counsell to take away his life , where hee pressed him so deeply with disloyalty , that the presumption ( as the cardinall did force it ) being vehement , the treason odious , the king suspicious , the enemies eager , the friends saint ( which were sufficient grounds to overthrow an innocent person ) the earle was reprived to the tower , whither on a night suddenly came a mandate to the lieutenant from the cardinall , to execute kildare on the morrow , before any judgement given , and without the kings privitie : who being acquainted by the lieutenant therewith at midnight , the king controlling the sawcinesse of the priest , delivered the lieutenant his signet in token of countermand ; which when the cardinall had seene , he began to breath out unseasonable language , which the lieutenant was loth to heare , and so left him pattering and chanting the devils pater noster . hee oppressed and and disquietted the whole realme and christian world all his time , endeavoured to set up the popes power , all hee might , with prejudice to the kings , aspiring to the papacie himselfe , and sending much mony to rome to bribe the cardinals to elect him , though hee failed in that project : hee was so proud , that hee had divers lords , earles and knights attending on him● and was served on the knee when hee went embassadour into germany : hee was exceeding treacherous , false , and perfidious to the king , who trusted him with the government of the realme , seeking onely his owne ends and advancements : hee caused him to breake off his firme league with the emperour , and to make w●rre upon him and side with france ; stirring up likewise the french king against the emperour , onely to wrecke his private spleene upon him , denouncing warres against him by an herauld without the kings knowledge ; hee set england , france , germany , flanders and italy together by the eares ; hee bare such a hand upon the controversies which ran betweene the king , the emperour , the king of france , and other princes , as all the world might acknowledge the resolution and expectation of all affaires to depend on him and his authoritie : hee exceedingly abused and deluded the king about the matter of his divorce , which himselfe first put him upon to spite the emperour , delaying him from time to time , to his no small cost and vexation , and writing likewise secret letters to pope clement to hinder the divorce all hee might , which letters an english gentleman then at rome got into his hands , by meanes of one of the popes concubines . * the queene most grievously accused cardinall wolsie in the presence of the whole court of untruth , deceit , wickednesse , and malice , which had sowne dissention betwixt her and her husband the king ; and therefore openly protested , that shee did utterly abhorre , refuse , and forsake such a judge , as was not onely a most malicious enemie to her , but also a manifest adversary to all right and justice . hee did many things when he was embassadour without the kings privitie , and held correspondencie with his enemies . * mr. tyndall ( who notably descries and layes open his treacheries ) writes that he calculated the kings nativitie ( which is a common practise of prelates in all lands ) whereby hee saw whereunto the kings grace should be enclined all his life , and what should bee like to chance him at all times ; and ( as he then heard ●t spoken of divers ) hee made by craft of necromancie graven imagery to beare upon him , wherewith hee bewitched the kings minde , and the king to doat upon him● more then ever he did on any lady or gentlewoman ( a tricke of the devils suggestion usuall among court prelates and priests ) so that now the kings grace followed him as he followed the king. and then what he said , that was wisdome , what he praised , that was honourable onely . moreover , in the meane time hee spied out the natures and dispositions of the kings play-fellowes , and of all that were great , and whom hee spied meet for his purpose , him hee flattered , and him hee made faithfull with great promises , and to him hee sware , and of him hee tooke an oath againe , that the one should helpe the other , for without a secret oath hee admitted no man unto any part of his privities . and ever as he grew in promotions and dignitie , so gathered he unto him of the most subtile witted , and of them that were drunke in the de●ire of honour , most like unto himselfe . and after they were sworne hee promoted them● and with great promises made them in falsehood faithfull , and of them ever presented unto the kings grace and put them into his service ; saying● this is a man meet for your grace . and by these spies , if any thing were spoken or done in court against the cardinall , of that hee had word within an houre or two . and then came the cardinall to court with all his magicke to pleade to the con●rary . if any in the court had spoken against the cardinall , and the same not great in the kings favour , the cardinall bade him walke a villaine , and thrust him out of the court head-long : if hee were in conceit with the kings grace , then hee flattered , and perswaded , and corrupted some with gifts , and sent some embassadours , and some hee made captaine at calice , hammes , gynes , iarnsie and gernsie , or sent them to ireland , or into the north , and so occupied them till the king had forgot them , or other were in their roomes , or hee sped what hee intended . and in like manner plaid h●e with the ladies and gentlewoman , whosoever of them was great , with her was hee familiar , and to her gave hee gifts . yea , and where saint thomas of canterbury was wont to come after , thomas cardinall went oft before preventing his prince , and perverted the order of that holy man. if any were subtile witted and meet for his purpose , her made he sworn ( o trechery ) to betray the queene likewise , and to tell what shee said or did . i knew one that departed the court for no other cause , then that shee would no longer betray her mistresse . and after the same example hee furnished the court with chaplaines of his owne sworne disciples and children of his owne bringing up , to bee alwayes present , and to dispute of vanities , and to water whatsoever the cardinall had planted . if among those cormorants any yet began to bee much in favour with the king , and to bee somewhat busie in the court , and to draw any other way then as my lord cardinall had appointed , that the plough should goe , anone hee was sent to italy or to spaine , or some quarrell was picked against him , and so was thrust out of the court as stokesley was . hee promoted the bishop of lincolne that now is , his most faithful● friend and old companion , and made him confessour : to whom of whatsoever the kings grace shrove himselfe , thinke ye not that hee spake so loud that the cardinall heard it ? and not unright , for as gods creatures ought to obey god and serve his honour , so ought the popes creatures to obey the pope and serve his majestie . finally , thomas wolsie became what hee would , even partner of heaven , so that no man could enter into promotion but through him . being thus advanced hee begins to act his part like a sworne vassall to the pope , and a traytor to his prince , which * mr. tyndall , who lived at that time , thus relates . about the beginning of the kings grace that now in france was mighty , so that i suppose it was not mightier this five hundred yeares . king lewis of france had won naples and had taken bonony from saint peters see● wherefore pope iuly was wroth , and cast how to bring the french men down ; yet soberly , lest while he brought him lower , hee should give an occasion to lift up the emperour higher . our first voyage into spaine was to bring the french men lower ; for our meynye were set in the fore-front and borders of spaine toward gascoine ; partly to keepe those parties , and partly to feare the gascoynes , and to keepe them at home , while in the meane time the spaniards wan naverne . when naverns was wan , our men came to lose as many as dyed not there , and brought all their mony with them home againe , save that they spent there . howbeit , for all the losse of naverne , the french men were yet able enough to match spaine , the venetians , and the pope , with all the souchenars that he could make ; so that there was yet no remedie but wee must set on the french men also , if they should be brought out of italy . then pope iuly wrote unto his deare sonne thomas wolsie , that hee would be as good , as loving , and as helping to holy church , as ever any thomas was , seeing he was as able ; then the new thomas as glorious as the old , tooke the matter in hand , and perswaded the kings grace . and then the kings grace tooke a dispensation for his oath made upon the appointment of peace between him and the french king , and promised to helpe the holy seate , wherein pope peter never ●ate . but the emperour maximilian might in no wi●e stand still , le●t the french men should money him , and get aide of him , since the almaines refuse not mony whensoever it be proffered ; then quoth thomas wolsie , o ho , and like your grace , what an honour should it be unto your grace , if the emperour were your souldier ; so great honour never chanced any king christened ; it should be spoken of while the world stood ; the glory and honour shall hide and darken the cost that it shall never be seene , though it should cost your realme . dixit , & factum est . it was even so . and then a parliament , and then pay , and then upon the french dogs , with cleane remission of all his sinnes , that slew one of them ; or if hee be slaine ( for the pardons have no strength to save in this life , but in the life to come only ) then to heaven straight , without feeling of the paines of purgatory . then came our king with all his might by sea and by land , and the emperour with a strong , armie , and the spaniards , and the pope , and the venetians all at once against king lewis of france . as soon as the pope had that he desired in italy , then peace immediately ; and french men were christen men● and pitty , yea and great sinne also were it to shed their bloud , and the french king was the most christian king again . and thus was peace concluded , our englishmen , or rather sheep , came home against winter , and left their fleeces behinde them : wherefore no ●mall number of them while they sought them better rayment at home , were hanged for their labour . when this peace was made , our holy cardinals● and bishops ( as their old guise is to calke and cast . yea an hundred year before , what is like to chance unto their kingdome ) considered how the emperour that now is , was most like to be chosen emperour after his grandfather maximilian ; for maximilian had already obtained of divers of the electours that it should so bee . they considered also how mighty hee should bee : first , king of spaine , with all that pertaineth thereto , which was wont to be . or . kingdomes● then duke of burgaine , earle of flanders , of holland , zeland , and braband , with all that pertaine thereto , then emperour , and his brother duke of austria , and his sister queene of hungarie ; wherefore thought our prelates , if wee take not heed betimes , our kingdome is like to be troubled , and wee to be brought under the feet ; for this man shall be so mighty , that he shall with power take out of the french kings hands , out of the hands of the venetians , and from the pope also , whatsoever pertaineth unto the empire , and whatsoever belongeth unto his other kingdomes and dominions thereto , and then will hee come to rome , and be crowned there ; and so shall hee overlooke our holy father , and see what he doth , and then shall the old heretickes rise up againe and say , that the pope is antichrist , and stirre up againe and bring to light that we have hid and brought asleepe with much cost , paine , and bloud-shedding more than this hundred yeares long . considered also that his aunt is queene of england , and his wife the king of englands si●ter ; considered the old amitie betweene the house of burgaine , and the old kings of england , so that they could never doe ought in france without their helpe ; and last of all , considered the course of marchandize that england hath in those parts , and also the naturall hate that englishmen beare to frenchmen : wherefore if we will use our old practise , and set the french king against him ; then he shall lightly obtain the favour of the king of england , by the meanes of his ant and his wife , and aid-with men and mony : wherefore wee must take heed betimes and breake this amitie : which thing we may by this our old cra●● easily bring to passe : let us take a dispensation , and breake this marriage , and turne the kings sister unto the french king : if the french king get a male of her , then wee shall lightly make our king protectour of france ; and so shall england and france be coupled together : and as for the queene of england , wee shall trim her well enough , and occupie the king with strange love , and keepe her that shee shall beare no rule . and as the gods had spoken so it came to passe . our faire young daughter was sent to the old pockie king of france● that yeare before our mortall enemie , and a miscreant worse then a turke , and disobedient unto our holy father , and no more obedient then hee was compelled to bee against his will. in short space thereafter thomas wolsie now cardinall and legate a latere , and greatly desirous to be pope also , thought it exceeding expedient for his many secret purposes to bring our king , and the king of france that now is , together ; both to make a perpetuall peace and amitie betweene them , and that while the two kings and their lords dalied together , the great cardinalls and bishops of both parties might betray them both , and the emperour and all christian kings thereto . then he made a journey of gentlemen arrayed altogether in silke , so much as their very shooes , and lining of their bootes , more like their mothers then men of warre ; yea , i am sure that many of their mothers would have beene ashamed of so nice and wanton array . howbeit they went not to make warres , but peace for ever and a day longer . but to speake of the pompous apparells of my lord himselfe , and of his chaplaines , it passeth the twelve apostles . i dare sweare that if peter and paul had seene them suddenly and at a blush , they would have been harder in beliefe that they or any such should bee their successours , then thomas didimus was to beleeve that christ was risen againe from death . when all was concluded betweene the king of france and ours , that thomas wolsie had devised , and when the prelates of both parties had cast their penny-worths against all chances , and devised remedies for all mischiefes ; then the right reverend father in god thomas cardinall and legate , would goe see the young emperour newly chosen to the roome , and have a certaine secret communication with some of his prelates also : and gat him to bridges in flanders , where hee was received with great solemnitie as might belong to so great a pillar of christs church , and was saluted at the entring into the towne of a merry fellow , which said , salve rex regis tuì , atque regni sui ; hayle both king of thy king , and of his realme . and though there were never so great strife betweene the emperour and the french king , yet my lord cardinall jugled him favour of them both , and finally brought the emperour to cales to the kings grace , where was great triumph and great love and amitie shewed on both parties ; insomuch , that a certaine man marvelling at it , asked the old bishop of durham , how it might be that we were so great with the emperor so shortly , upon so strong and everlasting a peace made betweene us and the french men , the emperour and the king of france being so mortall enemies ? my lord answered , that it might be well enough if hee wist all ; but there was a certaine secret ( said hee ) whereof all men knew not : yea verily , they have had secrets this . yeares , which though all the lay-men have felt them , yet few have spied them , save a few judases , which for lucre have beene confederate with them to betray their owne kings and all other . then were wee indifferent , and stood still , and the emperour and the french king wrastled together ; and ferdinandus the emperours brother wan millaine of the frenchmen ; and the emperour turnay our great conquest , which yet after so great cost in buil●●●● a castle we delivered up againe unto the frenchmen , in earnest and hope o a marriage betweene the dolphine and our princesse . after that ●●e emperour would into spaine , and came through england , where hee was received with great honour , and with all that pertaineth to love and amitie . the kings grace lent him monie , and promised him more ; and the emperour should tarry a certaine time and marry our princesse ; not that the card●nall intended ; that , thou maist be sure ; for it was not profitable for their kingdome ; but his minde was to dally with the emperour , and to keepe him without a wife ( insomuch as hee was young and lustie ) hee might have beene nozeled and entangled with whores , ( which is their nurturing of kings ) and made so effeminate and beastly , that hee should never have beene able to lift up his heart to any goodnesse or vertue ; that cardinalls and bishops might have administred his dominions in the meane time , unto our holy fathers profit . the king of france hearing the favour that was shewed unto the emperour sent immediately a defiance unto our king , not without our cardinals and bishops counsell thou mayst well witt . for frenchmen are not so foolish to have done it so unadvisedly and so rashly , seeing they had too many in their tops already . then our king spake many great words , that he would drive the french king out of his realm , or else the french king should drive him out of his : but had he added as the legate pandulph taught king io●n , with the popes license , his words had sounded much better : for there can no vow stand in effect , except the holy father confirmed it . wee sent out our souldiers two summers against the french men , unto whose chiefe captaines the cardinall had appointed how farre they should goe , and what they should doe ; and therefore the french king was nothing a●raid , but brought all his power against the emperour in other places ; and so hee was ever betrayed : and thus the cardinall was the empero●rs friend openly and the french kings secretly . for at the meeting with the french king beside ca●es hee utterly betrayed the emperour , yet for no love that h●e had to france , but to help the pope , and to have beene pope happily , and to save their kingdome ; which treason , though all the world smelled it , y●●● brake not out openly to the eye , till the ●●●ge of 〈◊〉 . and the cardinall lent the emperour much money openly , and gave the french king more secretly . hee plaid with both hands to serve their secret that all men know not as the bish. of durham said . but whatsoever the frenchmen did they had ever the worse notwithstanding the secret working of our holy prelates on their side . finally , unto the siege of pavia , came the french king personally with . thousand men of warre , of which . thousand were horse-men , and with monie enough . and the emperours host was under . thousand , of which were but . thousand horse-men , with no money at all : for hee trusted unto the pope for aide of men , and unto our cardinall for money . but the pope kept backe his men till the french-men had given them a field ; and our cardinall kept backe his money for the same purpose . and thus was the silly emperour betrayed , as all his predecessours have beene this . hundred yeares . howbeit there bee that say , that the emperours souldiers so threatned stace the kings graces embassadour , that he was faine to make chevisance with merchants for money in the kings name , to pay the souldiers withall ; wherefore the cardinall tooke from him all his promotions , and played the tormentor with him , when he came home , because hee presumed to doe one jot more then was in his commission . but howsoever it was , the emperours men in tarrying for helpe had spent all their victualls : whereupon burbon the chiefe captaine of the emperour , said unto his under captaines ; yee see , helpe commeth not , and that our victuals are spent : wherefore there is no remedy but to fight , though wee bee unequally matched . if wee winne , wee shall finde meate enough ; if wee lose , wee shall lose no more then wee must lose with hunger , though we fight not . and so they concluded to set upon the french-men by night . the king of france and his lords supposing that the moon would sooner have fallen out of the skie , then that the emperours host durst have fought with them , were somewhat negligent , and went the same night a mumming that burbon set upon them . the emperours hoste therefore , with their sodaine coming upon them , amazed the frenchmen , and drave them upon heapes together , one on another , so that they never could come in array againe , and tooke the king , and divers of his lords , and slew many , and wanne the field . and there came out all the cardinals privy treason . for in the french-kings tent ( say men ) were letters found , and beside that in the french-kings treasure , and in all the hoast among the souldiers were english shippes found innumerable , which had come sayling a thousand miles by land. but what wonder ? shippes be made to sayle over the sea , and wings to flye into farre countries , and to mount to the toppe of high hills . when the french king was taken , wee sang , te deum . but for all that singing , wee made peace with french-men . and the pope , the venetians , france and england were knit together , least the emperours army should doe any hurt in france : whereby you may conjecture of what minde the pope and the cardinall were toward the emperour , and with what heart our spiritualty with their invisible secrets , sang te deum . and from that time hitherto , the emperour and our cardinall have beene twaine , after that , when the king of france was delivered home againe , and his sonnes left in pledge , many wayes were sought to bring home the sonnes also ; but in vaine except the french king would make good that which hee had promised the emperour . for the bringing home of these children no man more busied his wits then the cardinall : hee would in any wise the emperour should have sent them home , and it had beene but for our kings pleasure for the great kindnesse that he shewed him in times past . hee would have married the kings daughter our princesse unto the dolphine againe , or as the voyce went among many , unto the second brother , and hee should have beene prince in england , and king in time to come ; so that he sought alwayes to plucke us from the emperour , and joyne us unto france , to make france strong enough to match the emperour , and to keepe him downe that the pope might raigne a god alone and doe what pleaseth him , without controlling of any over-seer . and for the same purpose hee left nothing unprovided to bring the mart from anwerpe to cales . but at that time , the pope taking part with the french king had warre with the emperour : and at the last the pope was taken , which when the cardinall heard , hee wrote unto the emperour , that he should make him pope : and when hee had gotten an answer that pleased him not , but according unto his deservings toward the emperour , then hee waxed furious mad , and sough all meanes to displease the emperour , and imagined the divorcement betweene the king and the queene , and wrote sharply unto the emperour with manacing letters , that if hee would not make him pope , hee would make such ruffling betweene christian princes as was not this hundred yeares , to make the emperour repent ; yea , though it should cost the whole realme of england , the lord jesus be our shield , what a fierce wrath of god is this upon us , that a mishapen monster should spring out of a dunghill into such an height , that the dread of god and man laid apart , he should be so malepert not onely to defie utterly the majestie of so mightie an emperour , whose authoritie both christ and all his apostles obeyed● and taught all other to obey , threatning damnation to them that would not : but should also set so little by the whole realme of england which hath bestowed so great cost and shed so much bloud to exalt and mainetaine such proud , churlish , and unthankfull hypocrites that hee should not care to destroy it utterly , for satisfying of his villanous lusts . godly master tyndall was so farre affected with the treacherous practises of this cardinall , that hee laid them open in two severall discourses ; the one entituled , the ohedience of a christian man ; the other , the practise of popish prelates . in the last whereof after the recitall of these his perfidious actions , he breakes out into this patheticke supplication : * i beseech the kings most noble grace therefore , to consider all the wayes by which the cardinall and our holy bishops have led him , since hee was first king , and to see whereunto all the pride , pompe , and vaine boast of the cardinal is come , and how god hath resisted him and our prelates in all their wiles ; we who have nothing to doe at all have medled yet in all matters , and have spent for our prelats causes more then al christendom , even unto the utter beggering of our selves , and have gotten nothing but rebuke , and shame , and hate among all nations , and a mocke and a scorne thereto , of them whom wee have most holpen . for the french men ( as the saying is ) of late dayes made a play or a disguising at paris , in which the emperour danced with the pope and the french king , and wearied them , the king of england sitting on a high bench and looking on . and when it was asked , why hee danced not , it was answered , that he ●ate there , but to pay the minstrels their wages only . as who shoald say , we payd for all mens dancing , we monyed the emperour only , and gave the frenchmen double , and treble secretly , and to the pope also . yea and though fardinandu● had money sent him openly to blind the world withall , yet the saying is throughout all duchland , that we sent money to the king of pole , and to the turke also , and that by helpe of our money fardinandus was driven out of hungary : which thing , though it were not true , yet it will breed us a scab at the last , and get us with our medling more hate than we shall be able to beare , if a chance come , unl●sse that wee waxe wiser betime . and i beseech his grace also to have mercy of his owne soule , and not to suffer christ and his holy testament to be persecuted under his name any longer , that the sword of the wrath of god may be put up againe , which for that cause no doubt is most chiefely drawne . and i beseech his grace to have compassion on his poore subjects , which have ever b●ene unto his grace , both obedient , loving and kinde , that the realm utterly perish not with the wicked counsell of our pestilent prelats . so tyndall . after this the cardinall was attainted in a * praemunire , wherupon the king seised on all his goods , tooke away the great seale of england from him , thrust him from the court , yet left him the arch-bishopricke of yorke and the bishopricke of winchester . the parliament exhibited sundry articles of high-treason against him . as , that hee had exercised a legantine power here in england , derived from the pope without the kings license , contrary to the lawes of the realme , that in all his letters to the pope and other ●orragne princes he put himselfe before the king in these words , i , and my king : that he carried the great seale of england over into the low-countries with him , when hee went embassadour to the emperour : that hee proclaimed open warre by an herauld against the emperour without the kings privitie ; that he had sent gregory of cassido a knight , into italy , to make a new league betwene the king and the duke of farrar without the kings knowledge ; that being almost rotten with the french pox he pre●umed to breathe with his stinking and rotten mouth in the kings face ; that he set his cardinalls hat on the kings coyne ; and that he exported an infinite masse of money out of the kingdome into italy , that he might most impudently compasse the papacie , with other particulars fore-cited .. all which , together with the cardinalls attainder in the praemunire ( mr. * tyndall ) saith , were done only in policie by the cardinall , to bleare the eyes of the world withall , because nought worthy a traytor was done unto him , it being seldome heard or read , that so great a traytor was so easily put to death or punished ; because sir thomas moore his chiefest secretary , one nothing inferiour to his master in lying , faining , and bearing two faces in one hood , and the chiefest stale wherewith the cardinall caught the kings grace , whom he called to the confirmation of all that hee intended to perswade , was made chancellour in his place ; because his bishopricke of durham was bestowed on one of his old chaplaines and chiefe secretaries his fast friends ; and because as soone as the parliament brake up , the cardinall had his charter of pardon and got him home , and all bishops got them every fox to his hole , leaving their attournies yet behinde them , thinking to come again themselves as soon as the constellation was some what over-run , whereof they were afraid . but however it were either in policie only or earnest , it turned to reality at last : for the cardinall thus put from the court , and his chancellorship , nothing abating his pride or spirit to beard the king & flater the people , appointed to be installed at york in great pomp , inviting all the lords and gentlemen in the countrey , to accompany him from cawood to yorke ; complaining likewise by degrees to many of the great injuries the king had done him to stirre up the people to sedition ; inveighing likewise very bitterly in his letters to the pope and other forraigners against the king ; which railing letters and reproaches of his , comming to the kings embassadors eares they acquainted the king therewith : * the king acquaint●d with these his seditious and disloyall practises , and understanding of his intended pompous installment at yorke , commanded the earle of northumberland to arrest him at cawood of high-treason , which hee did about the beginning of november , . the cardinall wondering at this sudden arrest , stood first upon his termes of contest with the earle , telling him that hee was a cardinall , a member of the court of rome , and the popes legate , not subject to any mans or princes arrest , on whom to lay violent hands was a great wickednesse ; but at last , fearing the successe and the earles power , submitted himselfe against his will. the earle hereupon removed his followers● seized on all his plate and goods , brought him to sheffield castle , where he delivered him to the high sheriffe of shropshire to be conveyed to london . thither the captaine of the guard , and lieutenant of the tower with certaine yeomen of the guard , were sent to fetch him to the tower , at which the cardinall was sore astonied , and fearing the worst grew sicke upon it , whereupon he willingly tooke so much quantitie of a strong purgation that his nature was not able to beare it , and thereof dyed at leicester abbey the . day of november , his body lying dead was blacke as pitch , and so heavie that sixe could scarce beare it ; furthermore , it did so stinke above the ground , that they were constrained to hasten the buriall of it in the night season , before it was day . at the which buriall , such a tempest , with such a stinke there arose , that all the torches went out , and so he was throwne into the tombe , and there left . by the ambitious pride and excessive worldly wealth of this one cardinall ( writes master fox ) all men may easily understand and judge what the state and condition of all the rest of the same order ( whom we call spirituall men ) was in those dayes , as well in all other places of christendome as specially here in england ; whereas the princely possessions and great pride of the clergie , did not onely farre surpasse and exceed the common measure and order of subjects , but also surmounted over kings and princes , and all other estates , as may well appeare by h●s doings and order of his story above described , in which i have beene the more prolix , because it notably paints out unto us the ambitious , trecherous , ●lye practises and designes of our prelates , with the ordinary wayes whereby they creepe into princes favours ; as likewise their insolent behaviour and strange perfidiousnesse when they are growne great ; and is a lively patterne of the bishops practises in our age , who tread in these his foot-steps , and follow them to an haires breadth : i would therefore advise them to remember his last words ( as well as imitate his actions ) with which i shall close up his story , * if i had served god as diligently as i have done the king , he would not have given me over in my gray haires . but this is the just reward that i must receive for the paines and study that i have had , to doe him service , not regarding my service to god , so much as the satisfying of his pleasure . edward lee , who succeeded him in his arch bishopricke , in the great rebellion of the north , an. . and . joyned with the rebels against his prince ; some say , it was against his wil , but certain it is , that the abbots , priests , and clergi-men were the chief cause & ring-leaders in this rebellion , the principall pretence wherof , was the reformation of religion , the abolishing of the heresies of luther , zuinglius , wicklif , and other protestant writers the removing of cranmer & other hereticall bishops and privie counsellors , the restoring of and priori●s● and all points of popery formerly maintained● with the confirmation of the priviledges of this in speciall , that priests might not suffer for any treason or felony , unlesse they were first degraded . now the abbots , priests , monkes and clergie , being the stirrers up and chiefe captaines of this rebellion upon these points of religion and priviledge of the church , which mainely concerned the clergie , it is likely the arch-bishop was as forward as any of the rest in this insurrection , and that he accompanied and encouraged the rebels not out of 〈◊〉 or constraint , as hee afterwards pretended , but willingly , though ●he king pardoned him , as he did all the other wilfull rebels . some of them making a new insurrection , were af●erwards taken and executed as traytors to the crowne ; among which number , pa●law abbot of whaley in lincolnshire , iohn castlegate and william haydocke monkes of the same house , robert hobs abbot of woborne in bedfordshire , adam sudbury abbot of germany with astbeed a monke of that house , the abbot of sawly in lan●ash●re , and the prior of the same , william w●ld prior of birlingto● , the parson of padington , . priests of lincolnshire , doctor markerell , who stiled himselfe captaine cobler , and iohn allen priests ( the chiefe fire-brands in this rebellion ) were hanged for rebellion , as they well deserved , though they named their enterprise an holy blessed pilgrimage , and had certaine banners in the field , wherein was planted christ hanging on the crosse on the one side , and a chalice with a painted cake in it , on the other side . for other arch-bishops since , i finde not much concerning them ; onely i reade , that robert holgate his next successour , was committed prisoner to the tower in the first yeare of queene mary , where he lay an yeare and halfe ; and that edwin sands another of his successours , was long impri●oned by queene mary : * he being vice-chancellour of cambridge when the lady iane was proclaimed queene● preached a sermon upon that oc●●sion , which was like to cost him his life . samuel harsnet the last archbish. but one being made a privie councellour by our present sover●igne king charles , was such a furious hildebrand , that like davus in the comedie , he perturbed all things where ever he came ; insomuch , that the lords and court growing wearie of him and his domineering outrage , caused him to be sent from court to his arch-bishopricke , and there to keepe residence till he should be sent for : where having no other imployment , hee falls by the eares with doctor howson bishop of durham , whom he excommunicated , for refusing to admit him to visit in his diocesse as his metropolitane , he being a count palatine in his bishopricke ; and withall falling to persecute the godly ministers of his diocesse , he was smitten mortally with a dangerous disease , whereof he died the very night before he resolved to suspend and silence some good men summoned to appeare before him the next morning . this furious arch-prelate was such an enemie to the lawes and liberties of the subject , that in the case of mr. walter long , censured in star-chamber about . caroli , for comming up to the parliament house , whereof he was a member , whil●s he was sheriffe of wiltshire , contrary to his oath , ( as was pretended ) when as his counsell produced divers ancient records and presidents touching the priviledges of parliaments and the members of it , to exempt him from the jurisdiction and sentence of that court ; this arch-bishop checked his counsell for troubling them with moth-eaten records , saying , that they sate there not to be guided by presidents , but to make presidents ; and so proceeded to censure in the cause . in a word , i may conclud of him● as saint bernard long before , did of one of his predecessors : nonne eboracensis ipse est cui te praes●nte , fratres tui restiterunt in faciem , eo quod reprehensibilis erat ? sed speravit in multitudine divitiarum suarum , & praevalu●t in vanitate sua : cert●m est tamen quod non intravit per ostium in ouile ovium , sed ascendit aliunde . si paston fui●set , diligendus erat ; si mercenarius , tolerandus ; nunc autem cavendus et repellendus utpote fur & latro . richard neale the last arch-bishop of york , before his comming to that see , about the yeare of king iames not long after hee was created a bishop , was highly questioned in parliment for seditious speeches against the commons house , for which he had suffered condigne punishment , had he not beene an active instrument to dissolve that parliament , to avoid the censure of it . since that he had a hand in dissolving other parliaments , to the prejudice of the king and kingdome . in the remonstrance of the commons house of parliament , presented to king charles our soveraigne in the . yeare of his raigne ; hee was by name complained against as one of the chiefe heads of the popish and arminian factions , which disquietted both our church and state ; and as a persecuter of good ministers , and suppressour of lectures . how many godly ministers he prosecuted , silenced , suspended , deprived , both in the high commission , and all the diocesse under his jurisdiction , whiles hee continued in favour at the court , is so well knowne to all , that i need not relate it : and his disfavour at court ( as most conjecture ) was the cause of his unexpected clemencie to the ministers of the province of york some few years before his death . he was the first advancer of william laud arch-bishop of canterbury , of doctor cousins , with sundry other incendiaries and innovators both in church and state , who were entertained by him for his chaplaines● and then promoted by his meanes● to the ruine almost of our religion and kingdome . he was a great enemy to parliaments . prohibitions , the liberties of the subject , and lawes of the land : hee seldome or never preached himselfe , and therefore could not endure frequent preaching in others : hee was a great furtherer of the booke for sports on the lords day , and an enemy to puritie , puritans , and the sincere practise of pietie . hee had a hand in ratifying the late canons and oath , in affront of his majesties prerogative , the parliament , lawes , and liberties of the subject ; and no doubt he had a finger in the late scottish warres and combustions ; whereupon hee burnt all his letters concerning church and state-affaires , as soone as he heard the scots had entred into england , for feare they should have beene surprized and his fellow-prelates machinations against the scots by their surprisall discovered . he had a chiefe hand and influence in the unjust and bloudy sentences against dr. layton and mr. pryn in the star-chamber ; against mr. smart● dr. bastwicke , mr. huntly , and sundry others in the high comission ; in the vexatious and most exorbitant proceedings against calvin bruen , peter lee , mr. inch , and sundry others of chester , for visiting m. pryn in his passage through that citie towards castle● and by . orders under the high commission seale of yorke , signed with his owne and other commissioners hands , bearing date the . novem. and . decem. . commanded . pictures of the portraiture of m. pryn to be defaced , and then burnt at the high crosse in chester , before the maior , alderman , and citizens● out of an hatred to mr. prynnes person ( which no doubt hee would have burned to , as well as his picture , had it bin in his power . ) this arch-prelate by the aide of his quondam chaplain canterbury , incroached much on the liberties of the lord maior and citizens of yorke , with whom he had many contests ; and procured a mandate to the lord maior , not to carry his sword before him within the close and cathedrall at yorke , though his predecessours had ever used to do it from k. richard the . his daies , who gave them this priviledge by a charter , and yet the deane and prebends of yorke in the meane have intruded themselves ( contrary to divers charters ) into the civill government of the citie of yorke , which no wayes appertaine unto them . the maior of yorke is the kings lieutenant there , and his sword of justice the kings , not his owne . therefore the arch-bishops putting downe of his sword within the precincts of the close , is a direct incroachment upon his majesties prerogative royall , and a denying of his supremacie and jurisdiction over him , or his cathedrall at yorke . this prelate being scarce parliament proofe , to prevent all questioning ; at the approach of this present parliamentary assembly fell sicke and dyed , being now gone to answer all his episcopall extravagancies before a greater tribunall . for my part , i meddle not with him as he was a man● but onely as he was a prelate ; not to defame his person , or posteritie , but to discover the evill effects of his prelacie : his see continueth yet void since his death● and for ever may it so remaine , unlesse his successours prove more loyall to their soveraignes , more profitable to our church and state , then hee and his fore-mentioned predecessours have beene . chap. iii. comprising the severall treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , contumacies , disloyalties , warres , dissentions , and state-schismes of the bishops of london , winchester , durham , salisbury , and lincolne . having thus presented you with the history of the treasons , conspiracies , &c. of the arch-bishops of canterbury and yorke , i shall now proceed to those of our inferiour prelates of london , winchester , durham , salisbury and lincolne ; who , as the old cockes of canterbury and yorke did crow in this behalfe , so the young cockrels of these and other sees did imitate their demeanour , ( as william harrison well observeth ) which may appeare by these ensuing examples and histories of their lives . bishops of london . vodinus arch-bishop of london , reprehended vor●igern the brit●ish king for marrying with rowen , hengists daughter , being an infidell , telling him , that he had endangered both his soule and crowne ; which words were so ill digested by vortigern , that shortly after it cost the arch-bishop his life , who was slaine by hengist his procurement , the first saxon king . this king vortigern , an. . was * excommunicated by st. germaine bishop of auxerre , and an whole synode of brittish bishops , for marrying his owne daughter ; and afterwards was deposed by saint germaine from his crowne , upon this occasion . * vortigerus denied saint germain lodging in a cold frosty night , and an heard that kept the kings beasts , seeing that gods servants were grieved , lodged saint germain , and slew a calfe for his supper : but after supper saint germaine causing them to gather all the bones of the calfe together after they had eaten the flesh , raised the calfe againe from death to life , so that standing by his dam alive he began to eate hay before them . the next day by commandement of god germain put downe vortigern from his kingdome● and took the fore-said heard , and made him king . then all men were astonied for wonder . and from that time forth the kings of brittaines came of the heards kinde . but gyldas in his story saith , that this befell by the king of powsie called buly , and not of vortigerus ; and saith that bulies successours came of this heards kinde , that were kings in that side of wales . thus was vortigerus ( an ill king i confesse ) vexed by these proud and insolent prelates , and at last deposed . after the death of bishop gilbert , . one anselme abbot of bury , nephew to saint anselme , was elected bishop of london , and had his his election confirmed at rome : but presently such exceptions were taken against him , as thereupon hee was not onely stayd from cons●cration , but deprived also of his abbotship . his electors were william deane of pauls , ralph langford and richard ●eauveys , ( the same i beleeve ) that afterwards was bishop . the king who very much misliked this election ( having made request for some other ) amongst other effects of his displeasure , caused the wives of these canons ( as bale reporteth ) to be imprisoned , and otherwise shamefully intreated . by reason of the stirres that were about this election , the see continued voyd a long time . anno . mawde the empresse having taken king stephen prisoner , came to london , and finding the bishoppricke voyd , caused one , robert de sigillo a monke of reading ( or as others say archdeacon of london ) to be elected and consecrated bishop . within a yeare or two after , this bishop was taken prisoner at ●ulham , by geofry de mandevill , a captaine of king s●ephens , who ye may be sure could ill brooke any man that the empresse favoured . this bishop of london would not so much as sweare to be true subject to king stephen ; wherein he was maintained by the pope , as appeareth by these letters . eugenius episcopus servus servorum dei , dilecto in christo filio stephano illustri regi anglorum salut●m , & apostolicam benedictionem . ad haec superna providentia in ecclesia ponfices ordinavit , ut christianus populus ab eis pascua vitae reciperet , & tam principes seculares , quam inferioris conditionis homines , ipsis pontificibus tanquā christi vicariis reverentiam exhiberent . venerabilis siquidem frater noster robertus london episcopus , tanquam vir sapiens & honestus & religionis amator , a nobili●ate tua benigne tractandus est , & pr● collata a deo prudentia propensius honorandus . quia ergo sicut in veritate comperimus cum animae suae salute , ac suae ordinis periculo , fideli●ate qu● ab eo requeritur astringi non potest , volumus , & ex pater●o ●ibi affect● consulimus , q●a●enus praedictum fratrem no●trum super hoc nullatenus inquietatis , imm● pro bea●i petri & nostra reverentia , eum in amorem & gratiam tuam recipias . cum autem illud jur●mentum praestare non possit , sufficiat discretioni tuae , ut simplici & veraci verbo promittat , quod lae●ionem tibi , vel terrae tuae non inferat . vale● dat. meldis . cal iulii . thus we see that kings were to rule no further than it pleased the pope to like of , neither to chalenge more obedience of their subjects● than stood also with their good will and pleasure . he wrote in like sort unto queene maud about the same matter , making her sampsons calfe ( the better to bring his purpose to passe ) as appeareth by the same letter here insuing . solomone attestante didicimus , qd mulier sapiens aedificat domum , insipiens autem constructam destruet manibus . gaudemus prote & devotionis studium in domino collaudamus , quoniam sicutreligiosorum relatione acceptmus timorem dei praeoculis habens operibus pietatis intendis , & personas ecclesiasticas & diligis & honoras , ut ergo de bono in melius ( inspirante domino ) proficere valeas , nobilitatem tuam in domino rogamus & rogando monemus & exhortamur in domino , quatenus initi●s exitus meliores injungas , & venerabilem fratrem nostrum robertum london episcop●m pro illius reverentia , qui cum olim dives esset , pro * nobis pauper fieri volu●t , attentius diligas & honores apud virum tuum , & dilectum filium nostrum stephanum , insignem regem anglorum efficere studeas , ut monit●s , hortatu , & consilio tuo ipsum in benignitatem & dilectionem suam suscipiat , & pro beati petri & nostra reverentia propensius habeat commendatum . et quia sicut ( veritate teste ) attendimus eum sine salutis , & sui ordinis periculo , praefato filio nostro astringi non posse , volumus , & paterno sibi & tibi affectu consulumus , ut vobis sufficiat , veraci , & simplici verbo promisstonem ab eo suscipere , quod laesionem vel detrimentum ei vel terrae suae non inferat . dat. ut supra . is it not strange that a peevish order of religion ( devised by a man ) should breake the expresse law of god , who commandeth all men to honour and obey their kings and princes , in whom some part of the power of god is manifest , and laid open to us ? and even uuto this end the cardinall of hos●ia also wrote to the canons of pauls after this manner , covertly incouraging them to stand to their election of the said robert , who was no more willing to give over his new bishopricke , than they carefull to offend the king , but ra●her imagined which way to keepe it still maugre his displeasure , and yet not to sweare obedience unto him , for all that he should be able to doe or performe unto the contrary . humilis , dei gratia hostiensis episcopus , londinen sis ecclesiae canonicis spiritum consilii in domino . sicut rationi contraria prorsus est abiicienda petitio , ita in hi●s quae juste desiderantur , effectum negare omnino non convenit . sane nuper accepimus , quod londinensis ecclesia , diu proprio destituta pastore , communi voto , & pari assensu cleri & populi , venerabilem ●ilium nostrum robertum , ejusdem ecclesiae archidiaconum●in pastorem & episcopum animarum suarum susceperet & elegerit . novimus quidem eum esse personam quam sapientia desuper ei attributa , & honestas conversationis , & morum reverentia plurimum commendabilem reddidit . inde est quod fraternitati vestroe mandando consulimus , ut proposito vestro bono ( quod ut credimus ex deo est ) & ut ex literis domini papae cognoscetis , non lente dehitum finem imponatis , ne tam nobilis ecclesia sub occasione hujusmodi spiritualium , quod absit , & temporalium detrimentum patiatur . ipsius namque industria credimus , quod antiqua religio , & forma disciplinae , & gravitas habitus , in ecclesia vestra reparari , & si quae fuerint ipsius contentiones , ex pastoris absentia , dei gratia cooperante , & eodem praesente , poterint reformari dat. &c. hereby you see how king stephen was dealt withall . and albeit that canterbury is not openly to be touched herewith , yet it is not to be doubted but he was a doer in it , so farre as might tend to the maintenance of the right and prerogative of the holy church . thus farre verbatim out of harrison . maria● bishop of london , was * one of those undutifull bishops , who about the yeare of our lord . interdicted the whole realme , and excommunicated king iohn by the popes commandement : they all endured five yeares banishment for this their trechery and con●umacy , together with confiscation of their goods , and the king being specially incensed against this man , in token of his great displeasure , anno . threw downe to the ground his castle of stortford , which william the conqueror had given to his church . besides he joyned in the publication of the popes sentence for deposing the king , and stirred up the french king , and all other christians to invade england in an hostile manner , and to depose king iohn from the crowne , and promised them remission of all their sinnes for this good service . after which hee voluntarily resigned his bishoppricke , anno. . roger niger bishop of london * excommunicated the kings officers , ano . for that they , ac●ording to their duty , had la●d hands upon , and hindred walter mauclerke bishop of carlile to passe over the seas , he having no license to depart the realme ; and riding flreight unto the court , he certified the king what hee had done , and there renewed the same sentence againe : the king himselfe not a little murmuring at this his insolent act as he had cause , and prohibiting him to doe it : the bishops then at court , notwithstanding the inhibition , excommunicated these his officers likewise for doing their duty . * about the same time king henry the third gave commandement for the appehending of hubert de burge earle of kent , upon some pretence of treason : who having suddaine notice thereof at midnight , fled into a chapple in essex belonging to the bishop of norwich . the king hearing this was exceeding angry , and fearing least he should raise some tumults in his realme , if he escaped thus , sent sir godfrey de cranecomb● with . armed men , to apprehend , and bring him to the tower of london , under paine of death : who hasting to the chapple , found the earle ( who had some notice of their comming ) kneeling there upon his knees before the high altar , with a crucifix in one hand , and the hostia in the other . godfrey and his associates entring into the chapple , commanded him in the kings name , and by his direction , to come out of the chapple , and repaire to him to london , which he refusing , saying , that hee would upon no tearmes depart from thence , they taking the crosse and lords body out of his hands , bound him in chaines , carried him to the tower , and acquainted the king therewith● who was glad of the newes . roger hearing this , and taking it to be a great infringment of the churches liberties , goeth in post hast to the king , and boldly reproves him for violating the peace of the church , and threatens to excommunicate all those that apprehended him , unlesse the king would immediatly restore him to the chappell whence he was extracted and thereupon enforceth the king , sore against his will to remit him o the chappell . the king hereupon commanded the chapple to be strictly guarded by the shrieffe of essex , till hubert should be starved or forced out thence . * about a yeare or two after , this hubert being imprisoned in the castle of the devises , within the diocesse of salisbury , escaped and fled to the church there ; his keepers missing him , ranne out to seeke him with lanternes , clubbes , and weapons , and finding him in the church , carrying the lords crosse in his hands before the altar , they bastinadoed and dragged him thence into the castle , where they imprisoned him more strictly than before . hereupon the bishop of salisbury excommunicated them because they refused to bring the earle backe againe to the church , saying , they would rather the earle should be hanged , than they for suffering him to escape ; whereupon the bishop of salisbury , and this robert niger bishop of london with other bishops went to the king , and never left till they had by perswasions and threats against his will , procured the earle to be sent backe to the church . * fulco basset his next successor a man of a haughty & stout spirit , as he opposed the popes exactions & rustands his legate , so he had many cont●sts with king h●nry the third , and was the maine pillar of the barons , who reposed all his hope in him ( before such time he grew cold and remisse , in standing for the publike liberties whereby hee much blemished his fame , and incensed the barons and people against him ) in so much that the king reviled him in these words , that neither he , nor any of his name were ever true unto him , threatning to finde meanes to correct him for his obstinacy . in the presence of some whom hee knew would tell the king of it , he sticked not to use this bold and couragious speech unfitting a p●elate . my bishopricke , my myter , and crosier , the king and the pope may take from me , but my helmet and sword . i hope they will not : yet neither of these two could secure him from gods stroke , for he died of the plague at london , anno . henry * sandwich bishop of london tooke part with the barons , who rebelled against king henry the third , for which cause he was excommunicated by ottobon the popes legate , with other , bishops being the chiefe incendiaries in these warres ; of whom matthew westminster writes thus , the high priests , that i say not the pharises gathered a counsell together against the lord , and against his annoynted , saying , ye see that we have profitted nothing , if we let the king escape thus . the romans will come and take away our purses with the money ; let us therefore ordaine elders round about his throne , who excluding the parthians , meedes , elamites , and strangers of rome , and freeing ierusalem from egyptian bondage , may governe and order all and singular the affaires of the realme . the knights , barons , and prelates , therefore meeting together at oxford , in the . yeare of king henry the third his reigne ; the king , and edward his eldest sonne being present , ordained by common consent , that twelve men nominated by the king , and twelve by the barons and prelates should governe the realme , to which order the king and his sonne , for feare of perpetuall imprisonment , assented : all and singular the prelates , except ethelma● bishop elect onely of winchester the kings brother , tooke a corporall oath faithfully to observe this infidelity , and a sentence of excommunication was denounced by all the archbishops and bishops of the kingdome against the transgressors of it . moreover ( saith he ) it is not without admiration with what face these senators , that aged bishop of worcester , and other prelates , the fathers & iudges of mens consciences should give such free assent to take away the kings royall power , when as they had taken a corporall oath of giving terrene honour to the said king and his lords : which they very ill observed in ordaining , that they should never governe● but ever be governed by others . after which the lords and knights perceiving the generall inconvenience of this ordinance , in setting up so many kings in stead of one , the bishop of worceter would by no means yeeld to alter it , saying , that this ordinance was ratefied by an oath , and that the pope could not dispence with the oath , making conscience of this unjust oath like herod , and of schisme and error , contrary to the lawes and cannons , drawing many false prophets to him to foment this his error . after this the king commanded the bishop of hereford , ( a great stickler against him in these rebellious courses & an oppressour of his subjects ) apprehended , imprisoned , and his goods confiscated● not long after the prelates , earles , and barons , who so sediciously held their king captivated , meete at london , where they ordained , that two earles , and one bishop on the behalfe of the comonalty should elect nine persons , whereof three should alwayes be assisting to the king , and that by the advise of those three , and the other nine , all things in the kings house , as well as in the kingdome should be ordered , and that the king should doe nothing without their advise , at least without the consent of these three . whereupon the earles of lecester , worcester , glocester , and the bishop of chechister , ( who the day before the battell of lewes absolved all those who fought against his soveraigne lord the king from all their sinnes ) were chosen out to be the chiefe councellers and captaines , who ele●ted other nine . the king for feare of perpetuall imprisonment , and that they would chuse another king , consented to the ordinance ; omnibvs episcopis , all the bishops , earles , and barons consenting thereunto , and sealing it with their seales . the bishops of london , winchester , worcester , and other bishops were sent to the popes legate , cardinall of sabine , ( whom they would not suffer to come into the realme ) to confirme this agreement , who sharply reprehended the bishops , because they consented to so great a depression of the kings power , citing them three dayes after to appeare before him at bo●on●e about the affaires of the kingdome : who neither appearing by themselves nor their proctors ; the legate thereupon suspended them , & excommunicated the barons , the cinque ports , the city of london , and the bishops to , for hindring him from comming into england , and for their default . but the said bishops , and the rest , not regarding this thunderbolt , appealed from it , to the pope and the next generall councell , and to the church as well triumphant as militant , and trusting to the defence of the martiall sword , little esteemed the spirituall , the bishops presuming to be present at , and to exercise divine offices , notwithstanding this suspention and excommunication , till otho his comming into england ; who calling a councell at wi●●minster● suspended this henry bishop of london● iohn bishop of winchester , and stephen bishop of chichester● both from their office and benefice , who ●ostered and incouraged the part of the kings enemies ; excommunicating the bishop of lincolne for the same cause ; who at last supplicated for mercy not judgement ; with walter bishop of worcester , who lying at the point of death confessed he had erred , fovend● , in fomenting and fostering the part of simon montford and thereupon sent letters to the legate , desiring the benefit of absolution , which he obtained and so died . by which relation of matthew westminister , seconded by the continuer of matthew paris , and other of our chroniclers , it is most apparant , that this bishop of london , and the other prelates were the chiefe fomenters of all the warres and rebellions against the king , and those that stirred up , and encouraged the barons in their unnaturall bloody wars against their soveraigne henry the third , as stephen langton archbishop of canterbury was the principall author and contriver of those against king iohn . anno. . & . richard wentworth bishop of london , was * accused by edmond woodstocke , earle of kent , for conspiring with him to helpe set up a new king edward the second after his death , whom thoraas dunhead a fryer , affirmed for cetaine , by a spirit of divination , to be alive . the bishop was permitted to goe at liberty under sureties for his good behaviour , and forth comming ; but the earle was condemned of high treason , and beheaded , though set on by the bishop , the greatest delinquent . in the yeare . * robert hall , and iohn shakell esquires , were committed prisoners to the tower , whence they both escaped to westminster , and there kept sanctuary . sir alane boxhul , constable of the tower● grieved not a little that these prisoners were broken from him , and sheltered in that sanctuary , taking with him sir ralph ●errers with other men in armour , to the number of fif●ie , and some of the kings servants , on the fifth of august , entred into westrainister church , whilst masse was saying● at which the said two esquires were present . and first laying hands upon iohn shakell , they used the matter so , that they drew him forth of the church , and led him streight to the tower ; but robert hall drawing his short sword , resisted them along time , traversing twise round about the monkes quire , so as they could doe him no hurt till they had beset him on each side , and then one of them cleaft his head to the very braines , and another thrust him through with a sword , and so they murthered him among them , and one of the monkes who would have had them save his life . much adoe was made about this matter , for this breach of the sanctuary , insomuch , that the archbishop of canterbury , simon sudbury , and five other bishops his suffragans , openly pronounced all them that were present at this murder accursed , and likewise all such as ayded and counselled them to it , chiefely the said sir alane , and sir ralph : the king , queene , and duke of lancaster were yet excepted by speciall names . the bishop of london ( william courtney ) along time after every sunday , wednesday , and fryday , pronounced this excommunication in pauls church in london . the duke of lancaster , though excepted in the same , yet in the behalfe of his friends , was not a little offended with the bishops doings for justifying these leude persons , and making the church a sanctuary for rebells and traytors , and his excommunications , a scourge to punish the kings officers for doing their duties in reapprehending these fugitives ; insomuch that in a councell held at windsore ( to the which the bishop of london was called , but would not come , such was his pride and disdaine nor yet cease the pronouncing of the curse , albeit the king had requested him by his letters ) the duke said openly , that the bishops forward dealings were not to to be borne with ; but saithe he , if the king would command me , i would gladly goe to london , aud fetch this disobedient p●elate in despite of those ribauds ( so he then termed the londoners , ) which procured the duke much evill will , who caused the next parliament hereupon to be held at gloster . anno. . * king richard the second , by the advise of the archbishop of yorke , and others , retained men , of warre against his faithfull and loyall lords , who were stricken with great heavinesse at the newes . the duke of glocester meaning to mitigate his displeasure , received a solemne oath before robert braybrooke bishop of london , and divers other lords , that he never imagined , nor went about any thing to the kings hinderance , &c. and besought this bishop to declare his words unto the king. the bishop comming hereupon to the king , made report of the dukes protestation confirmed with his oath , in such wise , that the king began to be perswaded it was true : which when the earle of suffolke perceived , he began to speake against the duke , till the bishop bad him hold his peace , and told him , that it nothing became him to speake at all . and when the earle asked why so ? because , said the bishop , thou wast in the last parliament condemned for an evill person , and one not worthy to live , but onely it pleaseth the king to shew thee favour . the king offended with the bishops presumptuous words , commanded him to depart and get him home to his church , who forthwith departed , and declared to the duke of glocester what hee had heard and seene . hereupon the great misliking that had beene afore time betwixt the king and the lords was now more vehemently encreased , the duke of ireland , the earle of suffolk , the archbishop of yorke , and the lord chiefe iustice robert trisilian still procuring stirring and confirming the kings heavy displeasure against the lords . * the yeare before this , iohn of gaunt duke of lancaster , giving some ill words to this bishop , the londoners thereupon rose up in a tumultuous manner in armes , purposing to kill the duke , and to burne his house at the savoy , which they furiously assaulted , reversing the dukes armes : whereupon the duke complaining to the king , the major and aldermen of london were put out of office , and others surrogated in their places . nicholas ridley a martyr , after his deprivation from his bishopricke , and one of the best bishops that ever sat● in this see , in th● yeare . ( being the first of queene maries raigne ) was * hastily displaced , deprived of the sea of london , and committed prisoner to the tower. the cause of which extremity used towards him , was , for that in the time of lady iane , he preached a sermon at pauls crosse by commandement of king edwards councell , wherein he disswaded the people for sundry causes , from receiving the lady mary , as queene , though lawfull heire to the crowne . * anno. . one robert farrier said of the lady elizabeth , ( afterwards queene ) that this gill hath beene one of the chiefe doers of this rebellion of wiat , and before all be done , she , and all heretiques her partakers shall well understand it . some of them hope , that she shall have the crowne , but she , and they , i trust , that so hope , shall be headlesse , or be fried with fagots before she corae to it . laurence sherieffe , the lady elizabeth sworne servant complaining of these contumelious words to bonner the bishop of london , and the commissioners sitting in boners house : bonner excused farrer , saying , that he meant nothing against the lady elizebeth , and that they tooke him worse than he raeant . and so sherieffe came away , and farrer had a flap with a foxe taile . this edmond bonner an hypocriticall zealous protestant at first , after an apostate , whiles the bishop of london , was a * most bloody persecuter and murtherer of gods saints all queene maries dayes , a chiefe reviver and advancer of the popes supremacy , which he had abjured , to the great ecclipse and diminution of the prerogative royall , yea a most furious bedlam● and most unnaturall beast , sparing none of any condition , age , or sexe , and burning hundreds of good subjects into ashes . he was a great enemie to queene elizabeth , and the first author of bishops visitation oathes , and articles , that i have met with . he commanded the scriptures written on church walls to be blotted out , ( as bishop wren , and bishop peirce have since done in some plaees by his example . ) in a word , he was the worst persecuting bishop in his age , and was twice deposed from his bishopricke for his misdemeanors ; first in king edwards dayes , and after in the beginning of queene e●izabeths raigne by authority of parliament at which time he was committed to the marshashey among rogues and murtherers , where he died , and was buried at midnight in obscurity . richard fletcher the . bishop of london , incurred queene elizabeths just displeasure for his misdemeanors ; whereupon he fell to cure his cares by immoderate drinking of tobacco , and iune the fifteenth , . died suddenly at his house in london , being ( to see ) well , sicke and dead in one quarter of an houre . richard bancroft bishop of london consecrated the eleventh of may , . was a great persecuter of godly ministers , a favourer and harbourer of priests and jesuites , and caused dolmons book of succession against * king iames his tittle to the crowne , to be printed in his house , and published : hee was the chiefe author of the canons and constitutions ecclesiasticall , set forth in the first yeare of king iames , which afterwards did breed much trouble and disturbance in our chu●ch , and are now voted in parliament , to be made without any lawfull authority , and to be repugnant to the lawes of the realme , and liberty of the subject . william laud , the last bishop of london but one , whilst he continued in that see , was very like to his predecessors bonner and bancroft in his practises and proceedings ; for some of which , and others since , he now stands charged of high treason by the parliaament . of which more before , p. . &c. the present bishop of london william iuxon was bishop laudes creature , advanced by him , and the first prelate in our memory , who relinquished the cure of soules and preaching of gods word to become a lord treasurer , and sit as a publican at the receit of custome . his disposition and carriage as a man , have beene amiable & commendable ; but how farre forth he hath concurred with canterbury in his evill counsells and designes as he is a prelate , time will discover . how ever in the interim , his forwardnesse in compiling and pressing the late new canons , loane and &c. oath , and his last visitation articles , wherein these new canons and oath are inforced upon the subjects , against the lawes and their liberties , with some censures of his in the starre-chamber and high commission ( resolved by parliament to be against the law and liberty of the subject ) * and his innovations in scotland are inexcusable . winchester . from the prelates of london , i now passe to those of winchester ; of whom * william harrison , in the discription of england , hath made this true observation ; if the old catalogue of the bishops be well considered of , and the acts of the greatest part of them weighed , as they are to be read in our histories , ye shall finde the most egregious hypocrites , the stoutest warriours , the cruellest tyrants , the richest mony-mongers , and politicke councellours in temporall affaires , to have ( i wote not by what secret working of the divine providence ) beene placed here in winchester , since the foundation of that see ; which was erected by birinus an. . ( whom pope honorius sent hither out of italy ) and first planted at dorcester , in the time of kimgils , then translated to winchester where it doth yet continue . wina the third ( or rather the first bishop of winchester , from whence some write this city tooke its name ) about the yeare of our lord , . i know not for what misdemeanour , so highly offended kenwalchus , king of the west saxons , who advanced him to this see , that the king fell into great mislike of him and drave him out of his country ; who thereupon flying to wulfher king of mercia bought of him for a great summe of money the bishopricke of london ; being the first symonist that is mentioned in our historyes , whence a●ter his death , he was deservedly omitted out of the catalogue of the bishops of london . * herefridus the fifteene bishop of winchester , and sigelmus bishop of sherborne , an. . accompanied king egbert to the warres against the danes , and were both slaine in a battell against them . about the yeare of our lord , . edmond ironside succeeding his father in the kingdome , was crowned at london by the archbishop of yorke ; * but the rest of the bishops , abbots , and spiritualty ( among whom edsinus the . bishop of winchester was one ) favouring cnute a dane ) who had no right nor title to the crowne , assembling together at southampton ( within winchester diocesse ) 〈◊〉 proclaimed● and ordained ●nu●e for their king , and submitted themselves to him as their soveraigne ; which occasioned many bloody battells and intestine warres almost to the utter ruine of the kingdome ; of which you may read at large in our historians . ●nute not long after his inauguration being put to the worst at durham by edm●●d , immedia●ly tooke into winches●er to secure himselfe ; a good proofe this bishop sided with him against his soveraigne e●mond , though a most heroicke prince . * alwyn the . bishop of winchester was imprisoned by edmond the confessor for the suspition of incontinency with emma the kings mother , and that upon the accusation of robert archbishop of canterbury , who likewise accused queene egitha of adultery more out of envy to her father , than truth of so foule a fact in her : whereupon the king expulsed her his court and bed , and that with no little disgrace : for taking all her jewels from her , even to the uttermost farthing , he committed her prisoner to the monastery of vvilton , attended onely with one mayde , while she for a whole yeares space almost , in teares and prayers , expected the day of her release and comfort . the clergy at this time were altogether unlearned , wanton , and vicious : for the prelates neglecting the office of their episcopall function , which was to tender the affaires of the church , and to feede the flocke of christ , lived themselves idle and covetous , addicted wholely to the pompe of the world , and voluptuous life , little caring for the churches , and soules committed to their charge : and if any told them ( faith * higden ) that their lives ought to be holy , and their conversation without coveteousnesse , according to the sacred prescript and vertuous examples of their elders , they would scoffingly put them off . nunc aliud tempus , alii pro tempore mores , times have mutations ; so must mens fashions ; and thus ( saith he ) they plained the roughnesse of their doings , with smoothnesse of their answers . stigand , anno . was translated to winchester ; from whence also he was removed to canterbury in the yeare . but whether he mistru●ted his title to canterbury , robert the former arch-bishop being yet alive , or whether infatiable covetousnesse provoked him thereunto , i cannot tell ; hee retained still winches●er , notwithstanding his preferment to canterbury , which was the cause of his undoing at last : for the conqueror who came into this realme while he was arch-bishop being desirous to place his own countrey-men in all roomes of speciall authoritie ; and besides , having a private grudge at stigand for forcing him to yeeld kentish men their ancient liberties ( whereof see more in canterbury ) procured him to be deprived of both his bishoprickes upon this point , that he had contrary to the law , held them both together . he was deprived , an. . and dyed a prisoner in the castle of winchester soon after . about the yeare . king henry the first taking upon him to bestow bishoprickes , giving investiture and possession of them , by delivering the ring and the crosier , placed divers of his chaplaines in bishoprickes ( without election ) commanding the arch-bishop to consecrate them . among divers others hee appointed william giffard , bishop of winchester , and required anselme the arch-bishop to consecrate him : anselme utterly denyed to afford consecration either to him or any other in the like case . the king then sent unto girard arch-bishop of york whom he found nothing strange : but g●ffard ( saith matthew westminster ) timens rigorem sancti anselmi spernit consecrationem ejus , stood so much in awe of saint anselme , as hee durst not but reject the offer of the others consecration . the king angry hitherto with the arch-bishop onely , was now much more incensed against this giffard , and in great displeasure banished him the realme . in the end , the king and the arch-bishop grew to this agreement , that the gifts of the king already passed should be ratified , and his clerkes nominated to bishoprickes , have consecration , upon promise , that hereafter he should not disturbe canonicall elections , and utterly renounce his pretended priviledge . so after much adoe he was consecrated , togegether with divers others , an. . henry de bloys , being bishop of winchester when king henry the first dyed , * although he with the other bishops of the land had sworne fealtie unto maud the empresse , yet she being absent in normandy , this bishop doubting left some other stepping up before her arrivall● the kingdome might be rent away quite from his kindred and passe to some stranger● by vertue of his power legantine called a councell of the clergie ( who swayed all in those dayes ) and drawing roger bishop of sali●bury to his partie , easily procured his brother stephen earle of boloigne , to be elected king , whom they crowned , and submitted to as their soveraigne , disinhereting maud the right heire . the king not long after falling out with these two bishops , seized upon their castles , and imprisoned the bishop of salisbury , who dyed for griefe . the bishop of winchester summons a counsell there , to which the bishop was cited ; the case of the bishops concerning their castles , was there long debated betweene the pope the bishops , and those on the kings side ; he would yeeld to nothing ; whereupon they moved the legate to excommunicate him ; who replied , he durst not doe it without the popes privitie . the kings unthankefulnesse to the bishops who onely had set him up , did so alienate them from him , that thereupon they joyned with maud the empresse against him , who by their meanes became able to make her part good with stephen , and tooke him prisoner ; the bishop of winchester and a great part of the realme too , receiving her for their queene ; hereupon this prelate accurseth and excommuncates al the opposites of maud the empresse , who denying him a suite in the behalfe of his brother eustace ; he thereupon revokes h●s excommunication , secretly falls from her , stirres up the discontented londoners against her , mans divers castles to resist her , equivocates in his words and actions with her to worke her ruine , fiers winchester upon her , and at last entraps her . thus this turne-coat trecherous prelate with the rest , were traytors and rebels on both sides ; of which see more in william corbell arch-bishop of cante●bury , and roger of salisbury , and in the historians hereunto quoted . the pope sent a pall to this bishop , desirous to constitu●e a new arch-bishoprick at winchester , and to assigne . bishops to him . peter de la roche , or de rupibus , bishop of winchester , who * was protectour , and had greatest sway in the government of the realme , in the beginning of king henry the . his raigne , by his evill counsell to the king , became the chiefe incendiary and occasion of the barons warres : for having by his false accusations and policies wrought hubert earle of kent out of the kings favour , and plotted his death , that hee might solely raigne and predominate over the gentle young king : the better to effect this his designe , he procures him to displace the english officers , and in their roomes to surrogate poictovines and britons ; who comming over to the number of about . hee stuffed his castles with them , and did as it were wholly intrust himselfe , his treasures , strength , and the realme to them ; so that judgements were committed to the unjust , lawes to the out-lawes● peace to wranglers , and justice to wrong-doers . such as would have prayed redresse for these abuses , were interrupted and put off by this bishop of winchester . among them who were removed from their places in court , was one sir william de redune , a knight , and deputie marshall to richard earle of pembroke . this was to the earle very displeasant , which joyned with a consideration of the publicke cause and danger , hee associates to him certaine of the great lords ( as was the fashion of those lording times upon every discontent ) and in the company of them advanceth confidently to the king● whom in the hearing of many he reproveth , for that hee had through finister advice , called in the ●oictovins to the oppression of the realme and of his naturall subjects of their lawes and liberties ; humbly therefore hee beseecheth him that he would speedily reforme such abuses , which threatned the imminent subversion both of the crowne and kingdome ; which if hee did not , himselfe and other lords would so long withdraw their attendance , as hee entertained strangers . the bishop hereunto makes answer , that the king might well and lawfully call in what strangers himselfe thought good for the defence of the crowne and realme , and such and so many of them , as might be able to compell his proud and rebellious people to due obedience . when the oracle would speake no otherwise , they departed from court , greatly discontented , firmly promising one to the other , that in such a cause which did so touch them all , they would like men stand together while any breath was in their bodies . those who were now most potent about the king , nothing sorry for the discontentment of so great a peere as the earle marshall , but counting it a part of their strengths to use the regall power towards the weakning of the english ; nourish in the king his aversion . the poictovins and other strangers thus bearing the sway● so as the kings person went guarded with troopes of such , the earles and barons being by the kings command summoned to antoher parliament at oxford , refused to come . while the king was there , one * robert bacon , who used there to preach before the king and prelates , f●eely told him , that if hee did not remove from him peter bishop of winchester , and peter de rivallis , he could never be in quiet . the king did hereupon a little come to himselfe , and roger bacon , a clergie-man also of a pleasant wit , did second roberts advise , telling the king , that * petrae and rupes were most dangerous things at sea , alluding to the bishops name petrus de rupibus . the king therefore ( as hee had the happinesse in his mutabilitie to change for his more securitie ) taking that good advise of schollers , which he would not of his peeres , summons a parliament to be holden at * vvestminster , giving the world to know withall , that his purpo●e was , to amend by their advise whatsoever ought to be amended . but the barons considering that still there arrived sundry strangers , men of warre , with horse and armour● and not trusting the poi●●ovine faith came not , but presumed to send this message to the king ; that if out of hand he removed not peter bishop of winchester , and the poictovines out of his court● they all of them by the common consent of the kingdome , would drive him and his wicked counsellours together out of it , and consult about creating a new soveraigne . the king ( whom his fathers example made more timerous ) could easily have beene drawne to have redeemed the love of his naturall liege-men with the disgrace of a few strangers ; but the bishop of vvinchester and his friends , infused more spirit into him : whereon , to all those whom hee suspected , the king sets downe a day , within which they should deliver sufficient pledges to secure him of their loyalty . against that day the lords in great numbers make repaire to london ; but the earle marshall ( admonished of danger by his sister the countesse of cornewall ) ●lyes backe to vvales , and chiefely for want of his presence , nothing was concluded . the king not long after is at gloster with an armie , whither the earle and his adherents required to come , refused ; the king therefore burnes their mannors , and gives away their inheritances to the poictovines . this rebellion had not many great names in it , but tooke strength rather by weight then number ; the knowne actors were the earle marshall , the lord gilbert basset , and many of the inferiour nobles . the bishops arts had pluckt from him the kings brother , and the two earles of chester and lincolne , who dishonourably sold their love * for a thousand markes , and otherwise , as it seemed , secured the rest ; neverthelesse , they may well bee thought , not to have borne any evill will to their now forsaken confederate the earle marshall , who tooke himselfe to handle the common cause ; certainely hee handled his owne safety but ill , as the event shall demonstrate : the earle hearing these things contracts strict amity with lewelin prince of wales , whose powers thus knit together , by advantages of the mountaines , were able to counterpoise any ordinary invasion . to the kings ayde balwin de gisnes with many souldiers came out of flanders : the king now at hereford in the midst of his forces , sends from thence ( by vvinchesters counsell ) the bishop of saint davids to defie the earle marshall ; how farre soever the word defie extends it selfe ; sure it seemes that the earle hereupon understood himselfe discharged of that obligation , by which hee was tyed to the king , and freed to make his defence ; the king notwithstanding , after some small attempts and better considerations , did promise and assume , that by advise of counsell , all that was amisse should at a * day appointed bee rectified and amended ; about which time hubert de burgo having intelligence that the bishop of vvinchester who was a poictovine * plotted his death , escaped out of the castle of devises where hee was prisoner , to a neighbour church , but was haled from thence by the castle-keepers . the bishop of sarisbury ( in whose diocesse it hapned ) caused him to be safe restored to the same place , from whence by the earle marshall and a troope of armed men his friends , hee was rescued and carryed into vvales . the king at the day and place appointed holds his great counsell or conference with the lords , but nothing followed for the peace of the realme ; it was not an ordinary passage of speech which hapned there betweene the lords and bishop of vvinchester ; for when the english bishops and barons humbly besought the king for the honour of almightie god to take into grace his naturall subjects whom ( without any tryall by their peeres ) hee called traytors ; the bishop offended it seemes at peeres ) takes the words out of the kings mouth and answers , that there are no peeres in england as in the realme of france , and that therefore the king of england by such justiciars as himselfe pleaseth to ordaine , may banish offenders out of the realme● and by judiciall processe condemne them . the english bishops relished his speech so sharply , that with one voyce they threatned to excommunicate and accurse by name the kings principall wicked councellours ; but vvinchester appealed : then they accursed all such as alienated the heart of the king from his naturall subjects , and all others that per●urbed the peace of the realme . a matthew vvestminster writes of this peter de la roche , that hee was more expert in military than scholasticall affaires . that the king by his counsell removed all english officers out of his court , and precipitately cast away all his counsellours , as well bishops as earles , barons , and other nobles of his kingdome , so as hee would beleeve none but this bishop ( whom hee adored as his god ) and his darling peter de rivales . whence it came to passe , that expelling all gardians of castles almost through all england● the king committed all things under the custodie of this peter . then this prelate drew into his confederacie stephen de segrave , too much an enemie both to the kingdome and church ( who had given most detestable counsell formerly to stephen the popes chaplaine , to the inestimable dammage of the church many wayes ) and robert de passelewe , who with all his might , and with effusion of no small summe of money , had plotted treason and grievances at rome against the king and kingdome . this man kept the kings treasure under peter de rivalis ; and so it came to passe , that the reines of the whole kingdome were committed to strangers and base persons , others being rejected . yet godwin ( for the honour of his rochet ) magnifies this prelate for his notable wisdome ; so as the counsell of england received a great wound by his death , though it and the whole realme received such prejudice by his life . the earle marshall ( writes speed ) encreasing in strength and hatred against such as were the kings reputed seducers , makes spoile and bootie on their possessions , and after joyning with the power of leoline , prince of wales , puts all to fire and sword , as farre as shrewesbury , part whereof they burnt to ashes , and sackt the residue . the king then at gloster , for want of sufficient forces , departed thence ( sorely grieved ) to winchester , abandoning those other parts as it were to waste and ruine . it therefore seemes , that hee was not growne stronger , or richer , by the displacing of hubert earle of kent , and the rest , and by taking new into their roomes , who commonly bite and sucke hard till they have glutted themselves , ( if at least-wise there bee any satietie in avarice ; ) whereas the old and ancient officers , ( having provided in a manner for the maine chance , ) have the lesse reason to be grievous . therefore the lyons skinne not being large enough for the bishop of vvinchester , and his factious purposes , they peece them out with the foxes case , an inevitable stratageme is devised . the earle marshall had in ireland all the ample patrimonies of his grandfather the famous strongbow . to make that member of his strengths improfitable , if not also pernicious , they devise certaine letters directed to maurice fitz-gerald ( deputy justice of ireland ) and other principall men , who held of the earle . in them they signifie ; that richard once marshall to the king of engiand , was for manifest treason , by the judgement of the kings court , banished the realme , his lands , townes , and tenements consumed by fire ; other his hereditaments destroyed , and himselfe for ever disinherited : that if upon his comming thither they did take him , either alive or dead , the king did give them all the earles lands there , which now were forfeited by vertue of his attainture , and for assurance that the sayd gift should continue firme and good , they by whose advise the king and kingdome were governed faithfully undertooke . to these letters ( which the monkes call bloody ) they caused the king to set his seale , as they themselves also did theirs . vpon receipt of which lines , the parties signifie backe under the seale of secresie , that if the contents of those letters were confirmed by the kings letters patents , they would performe that which they desired . the letters patents be made accordingly , * and having fraudulently gotten the great seale from hugh , bishop of chichester lord chancellor , who knew not thereof , they make them authenticke with the impression . the kings minde therefore being still exulterated towards the earle marshall , he grievously charged alexander bishop of chester , that hee had too much familiarity with the earle , affirming , that they sought to thrust him from his throne ; the bishop to cleare himselfe from so haynos a s●andall , put on his episcopall habit , and solemnely pronounceth all those accurst who did but imagine a wickednesse of so foule a nature , against the majestie or person of the king ; and thereupon by the intercession of other prelates , he was received into grace : the king was then at westminster , where edmond the archbishop of canterbury elect , with other his suffragan bishops bewayling the estate of the kingdome , present themselves before him , telling him as his loyall leigemen , that the counsell of peter bishop of vvinchester and his complices , which now he had and used , was not sound nor safe , but cruell and perillous to himselfe and his realme . first , for that they hated and despised the english , calling them traytors , turning the kings heart from the love of his people , and the hearts of the people from him ; as in the earle marshall , whom being ( one of the worthiest men of the land ) by sowing false tales they drave into discontentment . . that by the councell of the same peter , his father king iohn first lost the hearts of , his people , then normandy , then other lands , and finally wasted all his treasures , and almost england it selfe , and never after had quiet . . that if the subjects had now beene handled according to justice and law , and not by their ungodly councells , those present troubles had not hapned , but the kings lands had remained undestroyed , his treasures unexhausted . . that the kings councell is not the councell of peace but of perturbation , because they who cannot rise by peace , will rayse themselves by the trouble and disinherison of others . . that they had the treasure , castles , wardships , and strengths of the kingdome in their hands , which they insolently abused , to the great hazard of the whole estate , for that they made no conscience of an oath● law , justice , or the churches censures . therefore we , o king ( said they ) speake these things faithfully unto you , and in the presence both of god and man , doe counsell , beseech , and admonish yo● to remove such a councell from about you ; and as it is the usage in ot●er realmes governe yours by the faithfull and sworne children thereof . the king in briefe answered hereunto , that he could not sodainely put off his councell , and therefore prayed a short respite , till their accomps were audited ; meane while the behahaviours of the marshalline faction ( having this backing at court ) grew more and more intollerable , for while the king was at huntingdon , the lord gilbert basset and others , set fire upon alckmundbury , a towne belonging to stephen de segrave , the flames whereof were seene of the owner , being then with the king at huntingdon : they also tooke prisoners upon the welch marches , and according to the law of warre ( which saith one , is lawlesse ) did put them to their ransomes . nothing had hitherto preserved the king more than that he could without great griefe forgoe any favorites , if hee were meerely pressed ; * the contrary quality whereof hath beene the cause of finall desolation to so many princes ; for albeit the choyce of counsellours ought to be free , yet by common intendment , they should be good , or howsoever they are , or are not , it is madnesse to hazard a crowne , or lose the love of a whole nation , rather than to relinquish or diminish a particular dependant ; the rights of amity ought neverthelesse to remaine inviolable , but in such distance , that the publike be not perverted , or interverted for a private : the king therefore in this point not unfortunate , commanded bishop peter to betake himselfe to his residence at vvinton , without once medling in affaires of state : but against rivalis his treasurer , he was so vehement , that he sware , hee would plucke out his eyes , were it not for reverence of holy orders , commanding also the proictouines to depart the realme , never to see his face . then are the archbishop of canterbury , with the bishops of chester and rochester sent into vvalls to pacifie things there : but the earle marshall had now crost the seas into ireland to take revenge for the spoyles and displeasures which his hired enemies had made in his lands there , by whose plots , according to that secret agreement , he was finally taken , and died of a wound given him in the backe , as he with admirable manhood defended himselfe . the * archbishop of canterbury with the other bishops repaired to the king at glocester , upon their returne from leoline prince of vvales , who pretended he could not conclude , till the king had received into grace such of the banished nobility , with whom himselfe had beene confederate during the late displeasures . the king hereupon moved with pitty , sends forth his proclamations , that all such as were out-lawed or proscribed should be at glocester upon a certaine day , there to be received into the kings favour againe , and to have restitution of their inheritances● but least they might suspect any evill measure ; it was ordered that they should be in the churches protection , and come under the safe conduct of the archbishop and the other prelates● thither at the time and place limitted doth hubert de burgo earle of kent , and lately chiefe justicier of england repaire , upon whom , by mediation of the bishop , the compassionate king lookes graciously , receiving him in his armes● with the kisse of peace . in like sort was the lord gilbert basset , and all others of that fellowship received into favour , their severall livings , and rights fully restored , and both hubert and basset admitted to be of his councell . vpon this reconcilement , the practise by which the late great marshall was destroyed , and his possessions dismembred , came to light ; the coppy of the letters which had beene sent into ireland being by commandement of the archbishop of canterbury openly read in the presence of the king , the prelates , earles , and barons . it moved teares in all of them ; the king with an oath , affirming , that he knew not the contents of the said letters , though by the urging of the bishop of winchester . rivallis , segrave , passeletu with other of his councell , hee had caused his seale to be put unto them . at the sound of summons to make their severall appearances , the malefactors take sanctuary ; the bishop , and peter de rivallis in winchester church , segrave in leicester abby , passeleiu in the new temple , and others otherwhere . and * some write that the king commanded winchester utterly to depart the court , and to repaire to his bishopricke , and there to give himselfe intirely to the cure of soules . if such a precept were now given by his majesty to all our court prelates it would be but just . in the end , upon the intercession of edraond , archbishop of canterbury , who piously endeavoured to extinguish all occasions of further dissention in the kingdome , and undertooke they should have a lawfull triall , the delinquents appeared at westminster before the king , who sate * in person with his justiciers upon the bench , peter de rivallis was first called ( for the bishop came not ; ) whom the king shot through with an angry eye , saying , o thou traytor , by thy wicked advise i was drawne to set my seale to these treacherous letters for the destruction of the earle marshall , the contents whereof were to me unknowne , and by thine , and such like councell i banished my naturall subjects , and turned their rainds and hearts from me . by thy bad councell , and thy complices , i was moved to make warre upon them to my irreparable losse , and the dishonour of ray realme : in which enterprize i wasted my treasure , and lost many worthy persons , together with much of my royall respect ; therefore i exact of thee an account ; as well of my treasure , as of the custodies of wards , together with many other profits and escheats belonging to my crowne . peter denying none of the accusations , but falling to the ground thus besought him . my soveraigne lord and king , i have beene nourished by you , and made rich in worldly substance , confound not you owne creature , but at least wise grant me a time of deliberation , that i may render a competent reason for such poynts as i am charged with . thou shalt ( said the king ) be carried to the tower of london , there to deliberate till i am satisfied ; he was so . step●en de segrave , the lord chiefe justice ( whom the king also called most wicked traytor ) had time till michaelmas to make his accounts at the archbishops and other bishops humble intreaty ; and for other matters , hee shifted them of from himselfe , by laying the blame upon such as were higher in place than he ; into whose office of chiefe justice hugh de pateshull is advanced : the like evasion robert passeleu had● by leaving the fault upon walter bishop of carleil , who was above him in the exchequer ; and thus were these civill enormities reformed , not without reducing store of coyne to the king : this bishop of vvinchester , being the chiefe author of all these warres and mischiefes , which thus molested king , state , and people at that time . anno. * . otho the popes legate lodging at osnie abby , some of his servants abusing the schollers of oxford that came thither to see him , they thereupon falling together by the eares slew the legates cooke , and hurt other of his servants reviling the legate , and stiling him a wicked wretch , a robber of england , the gulfe of roman avarice , &c. hereupon the legate fled up into the towne for feare , and sent to the king to abindon to rescue him ; the next day he publikely excommunicated all who had assaulted him , depriving them both from their office and benefice , and pronouncing them irregular , interdicted all the churches in oxford , and suspended the schollers from studying there ; the which sentence was by this bishop of vvinchester , solemnely denounced , and executed before all the clergy and people assembled together for that purpose at s. frideswids in oxford ; and so all that summer the schollers were dissipated , & their study at oxford was suspended . at length the abbot and canons of osnie , and regent masters of oxford comming bare foote to the legate , with their heads uncovered , and their upper garments put off and rent , oft times humbly craved pardon of him● and so at last going through the midst of the citty of london to the bishop of durhams house , they with much adoe obtained pardon , whereupon the schollers were restored to their study at oxford , and released from their said sentences . an. . * the pope writ to william , bishop of vvinchester , and the bishop of lincolne , that they should levy . markes of the cleargy to his use . they thereupon began to execute this mandate of the pope , but are prohibited by the king to proceede under paine of proscription . the cleargy now interposed betweene the king & pope , and terrified with both their threats● were uncertaine what to doe : but perceiving the kings inconstancy , and fearing least his courage failing he should at last ( as he often had done before ) yeeld to the pope● many of them paying their money secretly , avoided both the kings and popes indignation . to prevent these exactions , messengers were sent to the pope from the king , peeres , prelates , and commons of england ; these the pope reviles and repels as schismaticks , saying ; the king of england , who now turnes his heeles against me , and frederizeth , hath his councell , but i have mine . with which scornefull words the king was so moved , that he proclaimed through england , that no man should pay any thing to the pope . but the pope growing more angry hereat , threatned the prelates with all kinde of punishment , that they should pay the foresaid summe to his nuncio in the new temple very spedily . the king terrified with the threats of his brother richard , and of the bishops conspiring with him to draw the king hither and thither , to make him odious both to the pope and people , among whom the bishop of winchester was chiefe , ( to whom power was given by the pope to interdict the kingdome ; ) yeelded at last to this taxe being overcome and debilitated with feare . the passages whereof are more largely related by matthew paris , together with the popes intollerable exactions upon england . william raley the . bishop of winchester , imployed in this former service for the pope , anno. . being unduly elected by the monkes of winchester contrary to king henry the third his command ; the king hereupon commanded , that no man should give him or his any victuall or lodging , charging the major and citizens of winchester to forbid him entrance into that city ; which they did ; the bishop thereupon excommunicated the major , monks , and whole city , and interdi●ted the cathedrall : for which he felt the burthen of the kings displeasure so heavy upon him in england , as he thought good to fly the realme , till at last by boniface the archbishops intercession , and the popes earnest letters to the king and queene , he was restored to the kings favour , and obtained license to returne . the bishop hereupon in thankefulnesse , bestowed upon the pope . markes for his fatherly care of him , which hee in good nature , because he would not be reputed disdainfull , tooke every penny . it is recorded of this bishop , that a little before his death he had the sacrament brought unto him , and perceiving the priest to enter his chamber with it , he cried out , stay good friend , let the lord come no nearer unto me , it is more fit that i be drawne to hira as a traytor , that in many things have beene a traytor unto him : his servants therefore by his commandement drew him out of his bed , unto the place where the priest was , and there with teares he received the sacrament , and spent much time in prayer , and soone after died at turon , the th . of september , . * ethel●arns halfe brother unto the king , a man ( saith matth. paris ) in respect of his orders , yeares , and learning , utterly unsufficient , was at the kings speciall request , elected next bishop of this see ; he had at that time other spirituall livings equivalent in revenue to the archbishopricke of canterbury ; which that hee might keepe , and yet receive all the profits likewise of the bishopricke of winchester , he determined not to be consecrated at all● but to hold it by his election , and so did indeede for the space of nine yeares ; in the meane time he and the rest of his countrymen ( with whom the realme was much pestered ) were growne very odious , as well with the nobility , as the commons , not onely for their infinite wealth , and immoderate preferment , much envied but much more for their pride and insolency which a man can hardly beare in his owne friend , much lesse in an alien and ●tranger , whom men naturally dislike much sooner then their owne countrimen . amongst the rest , this ethelmarus bare himselfe so bold upon the king his brother , as he gave commandement to his servants to force a clergy man out of the possession of a benefice , whereunto he pretended some right ; and if he withstood them , to draw him out of his possession in contumelious manner ; the poore man loath to loose his living , defended it so long , till by my lord elects men , he was slaine himselfe , and his people so soare beaten and wounded , as within few dayes one or two of them died . this fact and other like complained of by the barons to the pope and king brought all the poictavins into such hatred , as the realme was ready to rise against them and the rather upon this occasion . anno. dom. . a certain● priest intruded himselfe by authority of this prelate into the hospitall in southwerke within this diocesse , founded by thomas becket . eustathius de len. officiall to the archbishop of canterbury conceiving himselfe injured hereby , because by reason of the patronage his consent ought to have intervened , which was omitted through contempt● & thrice admonished the said priest to depart , because his entranee was injurious and presumptuous : the priest ( stiled commonly the prior of this hospitall ) refuseth to doe it , keeping possession : the ●fficiall hereupon excommunicates him for his contumacy ; under which excommunication the prior continued fortie dayes multiplying threats and revilings . the officiall not brooking such pride , at last commanded this contumacious prior to be apprehended : who hearing of it● enters into the church in his priestly vestments , were he fortifieth himselfe ; the officers purposely sent to apprehend him , spared him not because he had contemned the keyes of the church . the officiall therefore commanded him to be carried to maydstone● a manner of the archbishops , untill it were determined what should be done hereupon , thinking to keepe him there , be●ause the archbishop was said to be neare that place . but the bishop of winchester hearing of it , was more angry than became him , as if he had suffer●d a great injury with disgrace , presented a grievous complaint to his brethren : with whose ayde and councell being puffed up , he calling a band of souldiers together , with no small company following them , sent them to seeke and apprehend the authors of this violence . they therefore with great ●orce and tumult as in a hostile war came to suwerke , thinking to have found them there ; where searching all places , and finding none of them they went hastily with a swift pace to maydstone to free the captive prior there detained , with a powerfull hand , and breaking downe all that stood in the way , searching all secret corners , when they found not him they sought for , because hee was hid , they called for fire , that they might burne all to ashes . and after many injuries there committed when they found not him they sought for , certified by some whisperers where the officiall was they sought for● to wit at lambeth neare london , they all ran thither in a troope ; where heaving up the doores from their hinges and breaking them running in altogether in a confused troope , sodainely before the houre of dinner , they tooke the officiall ( premeditating no such thing ) in a hostile and unseemely manner , and haling him away , they set him on a horse like a vile slave , deprehended in the act of stealing , to be carried whether they pleased , he being not suffered so much as to touch the re●nes of the horses bridle that carried him . o rash presumption● o unexcusable ●rreverence ( saith matth. paris ) which so ignominiously handled , and worried such an authenticall man , so excellent learned , so perspicuosly famous , and representing the archbishops person . moreover they inhumanly handled the chaplaine serving in his chappell , and flying to the hornes of the altar , rayling upon him . the officiall , after they had done all things which anger , yea fury had perswaded , they drew by the bridle to f●rnehold , till they were certified of the priors restitution , detaining him violently against his will. at last being parmited to depart● he was basely and vily thrust away● who rejoycing for the present that he had escaped their hands , ranne away as fast as he might upon his feete , though aged● to walerle , not daring to looke back le●t he should be turned into a pillar of salt. the archbishops officiall having received so great an injury , makes a most grievous complaint to the archbishop boniface with sighes and teares , aggravating great things with greater , and grievous things with greater grievances . the archbishop hereupon moved with unexpressible anger , taking with him the b●shops of chester and heriford , goeth to london , where he and those two bishops clad in their pontificall robes , before an innumerable company of people ( summoned to appeare before them with the voyce of a cryer for this purpose , and granting thirtie dayes pardon to all commers ) at s. mary de arcubus , even horribly and solemnely excommunicated all the actors and fauters of this rash action , excepting onely the king , queene , and their children , and count richard , with his countesse and children . moreover he writ to all his suffgragan bishops by vertue of the bond of obedience , whereby they stood obliged to the church of canterbury , to doe the like in their churches on all lords dayes and holy dayes , by his expresse command . the bishop of winchester , on the contrary , speedily commanded the deane of seuwarke , and other his subjects , that they contradicting the archbishop● should openly denounce to his face , that this his sentence of excommunication was a meere nullity , yea , a vaine , frivilous and wily excuse to bolster him out in his sinnes . the archbishops creatures for this injury , and the scandall arising thereupon appeale to the pope . there were some who favouring neither side , affirmed the archbishop had done winchester wrong ; because there was a composition formely made , that notwithstanding the right of patronage ; yet to prevent controversies , this hospitall should be subject to the disposall of the bishop of winchester , paying thereout three shillings by the yeare ; and so both of them being defamed , incurred the brand of unjust violence , while the citizens mindfull of the peremptorinesse , which the archbishop had shewed in his first violent comming to london , of his infinite exactions of mony which he had procured , of the kings violence in his creation , and of the enormious collation of his benefices , did now againe revive the same . on the other ●ide the royallists & poictavins gained the note of imbred treason , with other reproaches , as the manner is of those that brawle . there were not a few citizens who hearing these things , wished that these parties had dashed out one anothers braines , and rip●●d up one anothers bowells ; and as it was written , woe unto them by whom scandall commeth , both parties were indangered with the great reproaches and scandalls arising hereupon . thus was the kings party devided against the queenes , the poictovines against the provincials , whose great possessions made them mad , playing rex one with the other ( whiles the miserable english were asleepe ) as if they contested which of them having banished the natives , should deserve more excellently to rule the kingdone : but the ventilation of fame more condemned the provinctalls , because winchester , rising up against his superiour , had so proudly exceeded measure , confiding on the king , his brother , who god knowes had created him . the archbishop boniface raking up the fire of his conceived anger under ashes , and worthily persisting in it , as eustace stirred him up more or lesse to revenge this enormious transgression , goeth after this towards oxford , that summoning a convocation of the scollers there assembled out of divers parts of the world , he mightt publish to them in order this notorious fact , that so by their relations , so great an offence might be made knowne to forraigne nations● comming therefore to oxford the morrow after s. nicholas day before all the clearkes and schollers there assembled for this purpose , being an innumerable multitude , he openly declares before them the presumptuous temerity and temerarious presumption of the bishop of winchester , taking boldnesse from his confidence and dependance on the king , his brethren , and complices ; and expresly published the names of the trespassers , and their former sentences of excommunication , which the bishop caused to be transcribed & sent to all his suffr●gans . the christmas following the king and queene being at vvinchester , reconciled these prelates , and tooke off these excommunications , & ended these contentions , which much troubled both church and kingdome . this prelates by bribes given to the pope , obtruded a prior on the monkes of winchester , which caused great schismes and distractions among them . anno. dom. . simon montfort earle of leicester , richard de clare , earle of gloster , with sundry other nobles adhering to them , assembled at oxford , sufficiently furnished with horses and armes , finally resolving in their mindes , either to die for the peace of their country , or to thrust out of the realme the desturbers of the peace . whereupon the bishop of winchester , william de valentia , and other poic●ouines assembled together at the foresaid place , guarded with a great troope of their souldiers and followers , but because the lords● determined to bring them into question for their wicked deedes , and make them take a common oath with them , to observe the provisions made for the benefit of the kingdome ; they discerning their forces to be weaker than the lords , and fearing to undergoe their judgement , fled in the night to the castle of vlnesey , whom the barons pursuing , caused them to yeeld up the castle , and compelled them forthwith to depart the kingdome . ethelmar comming to the king to take his farewell of mhim● used these words , i commend you to the lord god ; to whom the king replied , et ego te diabolo vivo ; and i commend thee to the living devill , for dese●ting him in his necessities , and occasioning such uproares in the realme . the nobles fearing least the bishop departing the realme should resort to rome , and for a summe of mony given should procure his promotion againe , and so be more powerfull to doe harmes , sent foure eloquent knights , to exhibit a letter , ratified with all their seales , to the pope and cardinalls ; wherein were contained the wickednesses of the said bishop and his brethren , and those homicides , rapines , injuries and various oppressions wherewith they had afflicted and undone the people of the king darae ; and withall they commanded all the religious men , who farmed any livings of the romanes to detaine their rents , till they should receive further order from them , and pay them to such receivers as they should appoint , under paine of having their houses burnt ; by which meanes the kingdome was free from romane exactors for three yeares space . this ethelmare foreseeing the danger that was like to befall him sent over his treasure ( whereof hee had great store ) beyond the seas , before his departure ; but much of it came short● being intercepted at dover , and taken away from those to whom it was committed , and distributed to foure knights , who were sent to rome , by the king and his barons , to complaine against the blanke bulls found in the chests of be●ard de nympha ( the popes agent ) after his death , and of the many machinations , of the romanes to disquiet the realme . iohn ger●sey next bishop of w●nchester * ( consecrated at rome , where ●e payd . markes to the pope , and so much more to his chancellour for his consecration ) was a great stickler in the barons warres against king henry the third , as appeares by the forecited passages of matthew westminister , and was excommunicated by octobon the popes legate , for taking part against the king in the barons warres , and forced to goe to rome for his absolution , where he died . henry woodlocke bishop of winchester made request to king edward the first for robert winchelsey , archbishop of canterbury , whom the king had banished for high treason , in which request , he called the archbishop ( an arch-traytor ) his good lord , which the king ( as he had cause ) tooke so hainously , that he confiscated all his goods , and renounced all protection of him . adam tarleton , or de arleton , bishop of winchester about the yeere . was arrested and accused of high treason for aiding the mortimers against king edward the second , both with men and armour : * when he was brought to the barre to be arraigned for this treason , the archbishops of canterbury , yorke , and dublin with their suffragans , came with their crosses● and rescued him by force , carrying him with them from the barre in such manner , as i have formerly related more at large , in the acts of wal●er rainolds , pag. . . ) notwithstanding , the indictment and accusation being found true , his temporalities wereseized into the kings hands , untill such time as the king ( much deale by his imagination and devise ) was deposed of his kingdome . if he which had beene a traytor unto his prince before , after deserved punishment for the same , would soone be intreated to joyne with other in the like attempt , it is no marvell . no man so forward as he in taking part with isabell the queene , against her husband , king edward the second . she wi●h her sonnes , and army being at oxford , this good bishop steps up into the pulpit , and there taking for his text these words ( my head grieved me ) he made a long discourse , to prove , that an evill head , not otherwise to be cured , must be taken away , applying it to the king , that hee ought to be deposed . a bishoplike application . hereupon they having gotten the king into their power , the bishop fearing least if at any time recovering his liberty & crowne again , they might receive condigne punishment , councelled the queene to make him away , ( good ghostly advice of a prelate ; ) wherupon she being as ready and willing as he to have it done ; they writ certaine letters unto the keepers of the old king , signifiing in covert termes what they desired ; they , either not perfectly understanding their meaning , or desirous of some good warrant to shew for their discharge , pray them to declare in expresse words , whether they would have them put the king to death or no. to which question , this subtile fox framed this answer , edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum●est , without any point at all . if you set the point betweene nolite , and t●aere , it forbiddeth : if betweene nolite and bonum , it ●xhorteth them to the committinng of the fact . this ambiguous sentence unpointed , they take for a sufficient warrant and most pittifully murthered the innocent king , by thrusting an hot spit into his fundament ; and who then so earnest a persecuter of those murthere●s as this bishop that set them a worke ? who when diverse of his letters were produced and shewed to him warranting this most trayterly inhumane act , eluded and avoided them by sophisticall interpretations and utterly denied , that he was any way consenting to this hainous fact , of which in truth he was the chiefe occasion . how clearely he excused himselfe i ●now not . but s●re i am , he ( like many arch-trayterly prelates before him● who were oftner rewarded than punished for their treasons ) was so farre , from receiving punishment , as within two moneths after , he was preferred unto hereford , than to the bishoppricke of worce●er , and sixe yeares after that translated to winchester by the pope● at the request of the french king , whose secret friend he was : which king edward the third taking in very ill part , because the french king and he were enemies , detained his temporalties from him , till that in parliament , at the suite of the whole cleargie , he was content to yeeld them unto him ; after which he became blinde in body , as hee was before in minde , and so died , deserving to have lost his head for these his notorious treasons , and conspiracies long before , he being the archplotter of all the treacheries against king edward the second . * anno. . richard the third , . thirteene lords were appointed by parliament to have the government of the realme under the king , in diminution of his prerogative ; among these williara edingdon bishop of winchester , iohn gilbert bishop of hereford , lord treasurer of england , thomas arundle , bishop of ely , and chancellour . nicholas abbat of waltham , lord keeper of the privy seale , vvilliam , archbishop of canterbury , alexander archbishop of yorke , and thomas bishop of exeter were chiefe , and the principall contrivers of this new project , which fell out to be inconvenient and pernicious both to the king and realme , * the very procurers of this act ( as some of the j●dges afterwards resolved ) deserving death ; which resolution afterward cost some of them their lives● as the stories of those times declare . it seemes this bishop made great havocke of the goods of his church , * for his successor v●illiam vvicham sued his executors for dilapidations , and recovered of them . pound tenne shillings● besides . head of neate , . weathers , . ewes . . lambes and . swine ; all which stocke it seemeth belonged unto the bishoppricke of vvinchester at that time . william wicham his next successor was a great * pluralist , the yearely revenues of his spirituall promotions● according as they were then rated in the kings bookes , beside his bishoppricke , amounting to . pound● thirteene shillings and foure pence ; besides these ecclesiasticall preferments , he held many temporall offices , at the secretariship , the keepership of the privy seale , the mastership of wards , the treasurership of the kings revenues in france , and divers others . being consecrated bishop of vvinchester , in the yeare . he was made soone after , first treasurer then chancellor of england . it seemes that he was a better treasurer for himselfe than the king , who though hee received hugh summes of money by the ransome of two kings , and spoile of divers large countries abroad , and by unusuall subsedyes and taxations at home ( much grudged at by the commons , ) was yet so bare , as for the payment of his debts , he was constrained to find new devices to raise mony : whereupon a solemne complaint was framed against this bishop for vainely wasting , or falsely imbezelling the kings treasure ; for that otherwise it was impossible the king should be fallen so farre behind hand : whereupon hee was charged with the receit of . pound ( which amounted to more than a million of pounds ) besides a hundred thousand frankes paid unto him by galeace duke of millaine ; for all which a sodaine account is demanded of him : divers other accusations and misdemeanours were likewise charged against him , and by meanes hereof , iohn a gaun● duke of lancaster questioning him in the kings courts for these misdemeanours , william skipwith , lord chiefe justice , condemned him as guilty of these accusations ; procured his temporalties to be taken from him , and to be bestowed upon the young pri●ce of wales ; and lastly commanded him in the kings name not to come within twenty miles of the court. this happened in the yeare . the next yeare the parliament being assembled , and subsidies demanded of the cleargy , the bishops utterly rufused to debate of any matter whatsoever , till the bishop of winchester , a principall member of that assembly , might be present with him . by this meanes licence was obtained for his repaire thither : and thither hee came , glad he might be neere to the meanes of his re●titution . but whether it were , that he wanted money to beare the charge , or to the intent to move commiseration , or that he thought it safest to passe obscurely ; he that was wont to ride with the greatest traine of any prelate in england came then very slenderly attended ; travelling through by-wayes , as standing in doubt of snares his enemies might lay for him . after two yeares trouble , and the losse of ten thousand markes sustain●d by reason of the same ; with much adoe he obtain●● restitution of his temporalties , by the mediation of ali●● piers , a gentlewoman that in the last times of king ed●●rd altogether possessed him . returning then unto winchester , he was received into the city with solemne proc●●sion , and many signes of great joy . soone after his returne king edward died● and the duke hoping b● reason of ●h●●oung kings nonage to work● some m●s●hi●fe unto this bishop , whom of all mortall men he most hated ( perhaps not without just reason ) began to rub up some of the old accusations● with addi●ions of new complaints . but the king thought good to be a meanes of reconciling these two personages , and then was easily entreated under the broad seale of england to pardon all those supposed offences , wherewith the bishop had heretofore beene charged . this bishop earnestly desiring to be made bishop of vvinchester , the king himselfe exp●obrated to him the exilitie and smalenesse of his learning ( hee being no scholler at all● but a surveyer of his buildings at first , though laden with multitudes of pluralities ) to whom vvickham answered ; that albeit he were unlearned , yet he was ab●ut to bring forth a f●uitfull issue which should procreate very great store of learned men ; which was understood of those most ample colledges he afterwards bu●lt , both at oxford and vvincheste● for : which good works alone his name hath since beene famous , and himselfe extolled above his deserts in other things , which were but ill at best . this prelate having obtained divers goodly promotions , which he acknowledged to have received , rather as reward of service , then in regard of any extraordinary desert otherwise● he caused to be engraven in vvinchester tower at vvinsor these words , vvickham● whereof when some complained to the king as a thing derogating from his honour , that another should ●eeme to beare the charge of his buildings ; and the king in great displeasure reprehended him for it . he answered , that his meaning was not to ascribe the honour of that building to himselfe , but his owne honour of preferments unto that bu●lding ; not importing that vvicham made the tower , but , that the tower was the meanes of making vvickham , and raising him from base estate , unto those great places of honour he then enjoyed . the * pope was now growne to that height of tyranny , that he not onely placed , but displaced bishops at his pleasure . and his meanes to do it , was by translating them to some other bishoppricke , peradventure nothing worth at all hee translated henry beauford from lincolne to winchester , iune . . and made him cardinall of s. eusebius . this bishop was valiant and very wise . pope martin the fift● determining to make warre upon the bo●emians , that had renounced all obedience unto the see of rome , made this cardinall his legate into that country , and appointed such forces as he could make to be at his commandement . toward the charges of this voyage , the cleargie of england gave a tenth of all their promotions , and furnished out foure thousand men and more : with this power , he passed by france ( doing there some service for his prince and country ) into bohemia , the yeare , . there he remained certaine moneths , behaving himselfe very valiantly , till by the pope he was discharged , in his youth he was wantonly given and begate a base daughter named iane upon alice , the daughter of richard , earle of arundell . * about the yeare of our lord , . there fell out a great devision in the realme of england , which of a sparkle , was like to have growne to a great flame , by meanes of this henry beauford bishop of winchester , son to iohn duke of lancaster by his third wife ; for whether this bishop envied the authority of humphry duke of gloster● protector of the realme , or whether the duke disdained at the riches and pompous estate of the said bishop ; sure it is , that the whole realme was troubled with them , and their partakers ; so that the citizens of london were faine to keepe dayly and nightly watches and to shut up their shops for feare of that which was doubted to have insued of their assembling of people about them . the archbishop of canterbury , and the duke of quimbre , called the prince of portingale , rode eight times in one day betweene the two parties , and so the matter was staid for a time : but the bishop of winchester to cleare himselfe of blame so farre as hee might , and to charge his nephew , the lord protector with all the fault , wrote a letter to the regent of france . the . day of march , a parliament began at the towne of leicester , where the duke of bedford openly rebuked the lords in generall , because that they in the time of warre , through their privy malice and inward grudges , had almost moved the people to warre and commotion , in which time all men ought or should be of one minde , heart and consent , requiring them to defend , serve , and to dread their soveraigne lord king henry in performing his conquest in france , which was in manner brought to conclusion . in this parliament , the duke of glocester laid certaine articles to the bishop of winchesters charge . first , whereas hee being protector and defendor of this land desired the tower to be opened to him therein , richard vvoodvile esquire ( having at that time the charge of the keeping of the tower ) refused his desire , and kept the same tower against him● unduly and against reason , by the commandement of the said lord of vvinchester ; and afterward in approving of the said refusall he received the said vvoodvile , and cherished him against the state and worship of the king , and of the said lord of glocester . secondly , the said lord of winchester , without the advise and assent of the said lord of glocester , or of the kings councell purposed and disposed him to set hand on the kings person , and to have removed him from eltham , the place that he was in , to windsor , to the intent to put him in governance as he list . thirdly , that where the said lord of glocester ( to whom of all persons tha● should be in the land by the way of nature and birth , it belongeth to see the governance of the kings person ) informed of the said undue purpose of the said lord of winchester declared in the article next above said and in setting thereof , determining to have gone to eltham unto the king , to have provided as the cause required , and the said lord of winchester untruely and against the kings peace , to the intent to trouble the said lord of glocester going to the king● purposing his death in case that he had gone that way , set men of armes , and archers at the end of london bridge next southw●rke , and in forbearing of the kings high way , let draw the chaine of the stoopes there , and set up pipes and hurdles in manner and former of bulworkes , and set m●n in cellers and windowes , with bowes and arrowes● and other weapons , to the intent to bring finall destruction to the said lord of glocesters person , as well as of those that then should come with him . fourthly , the said lord of glocester saith● and affirmeth , that our soveraigne lord his brother , that was king henry the fift , told him on a time when our soveraigne lord being prince , was lodged in the pallace of westminster in the great chamber , by the noyse of a spaniell , there was on a night a man spied and taken behind a carpet of the said chamber , the which man was delivered to the earle of arundell to be examined upon the cause of his being there at that time ; the which so examined at that time , confessed , that he was there by the stirring and procuring of the said lord of winchester , ordained to have slaine the said prince there in his bed : wherefore the said earle of arundell let sacke him forthwith and drownes him in the thames . fiftly , our soveraigne lord , that was king henry the fifth , said unto the said lord of glocester , that his father , king henry the fourth living● and visited then greatly with sicknesse by the hand of god , the said lord of winchester , said unto the king ( henry the fifth being then prince ) that the king his father so visited with sicknesse was not personable , and therefore not disposed to come in conversation and governance of the people , and for so much councelled him to take the governance and crowne of this land upon him . such a loyall prelate was he . to these articles the archbishop gave in his * answer in writing too tedious to recite ; whereupon the lords in parliament tooke an oath to be indifferent umpiers betweene the bishop and duke , and at last● with much adoe , made a finall accord and decree betweene them , recorded at large by hall and holinshed , wher●by they both were reconciled for a season . but in the yeare . the bishop passing the sea into france , received the habit , hat and dignity of a cardinall , with all ceremonies to it appertaining ; which promotion the late king right deepely piercing into the unrestrainable ambitions mind of the man , which even from his youth was ever wont to checke for the highest ) and also right well ascertained with what intollerable pride his head should soone be swoll●n under such a hat , did therefore all his life long kepe this prelate backe from that presumptuous estate . but now the king being young , and the regent his friend , hee obtained his purpose , to the impoverishi●g of the spiritualitie of this realme . for by a bull legantine , which he purchased from rome , he gathered so much treasure , that no man in manner had money but he , so that hee was called , the rich cardinall of wincester . afterwards an. . the pope unleagated him , and set another in his place to his great discontent * anno. . the flames of contention brake out afresh betweene the said duke and the cardinall ; for after his former reconciliation to the duke , he and the archbishop of yorke ( iohn kerap ) ceased not to doe many things without the consent of the king or duke , being ( during the minority of the king ) governour and protector of the realme , whereat the duke ( as good cause he had ) was greatly offended : and there upon declared to king henry the ●ixth in writing , wherein the cardinall and the archbishop had offended both his majesty , and the lawes of the realme . this complaint of the duke was contained in twentie foure articles , which chiefely rested , in that the cardinall had from time to time , through his ambitious desire to surmount all other , in high degree of honor , sought to enrich himself , to the great and notorious hinderance of the king , as in defrauding him , not onely of his treasure , but also in doing & practising things prejudiciall to his affaires in france , and namely by setting at liberty the king of scots , upon so easie conditions as the kings majesty greatly lost therehy , as in particulars thus followeth● and out of the dukes owne coppie , regestred by * hall and holinshed . . these be in part the points and articles which i humphrey duke of gloster , for my truth and acquitall said late , i would give in writing ( my right doubted lord ) unto your highnes , advertising your excellence , of such things as in part have bin done in your tender age in derogation of your noble estate , and hurt of both your realmes , and yet be done and used dayly . . first , the cardinall then being bishop of winchester , him took upon the state of cardinall , which was naied and denaied him by the king of most noble memory , my lord your father , saying , that he had as lefe set his crowne beside him , as to see him weare a cardinalls hat , he being a cardinall ; for he knew full well the pride and ambition that was in his person , then being but a bishop , should have so greatly extolled him into more intollerable pride , when that he were a cardinall ; and also he though it against his freedome of the chiefe church of this realme , which that he worshipped as duly as ever did prince , that blessed be his soule . and howbeit that my said lord your father would have had certaine clarkes of this land cardinalls , and to have no bishopricks in england , yet his intent was never to doe so great d●rogation to the church of canterbury , as to make them that were his suffragans to sit above their ordinary and metropolitan . but the cause was , that in generall and in all matters which might concerne the weale of him and of his realme he should have proctors of his nation , as other christian kings had in the court of rome , and not to abide in this land , nor to be in any part of his counsells as beene all the spirituall and temporall at parliament , and other great councells , when you list to call them : and therefore though it please you to doe him that worship , to set him in your privy councell , after your pleasure , yet in every parliament , where every lord , both spirituall and temporall hath his place , he ought to occupie but his place as a bishop . . item . the said bishop now being cardinall , was assoyled of his bishoppricke of winchester , whereupon he sued unto our holy father to have a bull declarative , notwithstanding he was assumpt to the state of cardinall , that the see was not voyd , where indeed it stood voyd for a certaine time , yet the said bull were granted and so he was exempt from his ordinary by the taking on him the state of cardinall , and the church bishopricke of winchester , so standing voyd , hee tooke againe of the pope ( you not learned thereof , nor knowing , whereby hee was fallen into the case of provision ) so that all his goods was lawfully and cleerely forfeited to you my right doubted lord , with more , as the statute declareth plainely for your advantage . i●em . it is not unknowne to you ( doubted lord ) how through your lands it is noysed , that the said cardinall and the archbishop of yorke , had , and have the governance of you , and all you● land , the which none of your true leige men ought to usurpe to take upon them , and have also estranged me your sole uncle , my cosin of yorke , my consin of huntington , and many other lords of your kin to have any knowledge of any great mat●er that might touch your high estate , or either of your realmes : and of lords spirituall of right , the archbishop of canterbury should be your cheefe counsellour , the which is also estranged and set aside , and so be many other right sadd lords , and well advised , as well spirituall as temporall , to the great hurt of you my right doubted lord , and of your realmes , like as the experience and workes shewne , cleerely and evidently more harme it is . . item . in the tender age of● you my right doubted lord , for the necessity of a army , the said cardinall lent you pound upon certaine jewels , prised at two & twenty -markes with a letter of sale that if they were not quited at a certaine day you should leese them . the said cardinall seeing your money ready to have quitted your jewells , caused your treasurer of england , at that day being , to pay the same money in part of another army , in defrauding you my right doubted lord of your said jewells , keeping them yet alway to his owne use , to your right great losse , and his singular profit and availe . . item , the said cardinall then being bishop of winchester , & chancellor of england , delu●●ed the king of scots upon certaine appointments ( as may be shewed ) presumptuously , and of his owne authority , contrary to the act of parliament . i have heard notable men of law say , that they never heard the like thing done among them which was too great a defamation to your highnesse , and also to●wed his neece to the said king , whom that my lord of notable memory your father would never have so delu●●ed ; and there as he should have paid for his cos●s● forty thousand pounds , the said cardinall ch●●cellor of england , caused you to pardon him thereof ten thousand marks , whereof the greater somme hee paid you right a little , what , i report me to your highnesse . . it● , where the said cardinall lent you ( my redoubted lord ) great and notable sommes , he hath had , and his assignes the rule & profit of the port of hampton , where the customers bin his servants , where ( by likelihood and as it is to be supposed ) he standing the chiefe merchant of the wools of your land● that you be greatly defrauded , and under that rule , what woolls and other merchantdizes have been shipped , and may be from time to time , hard is to esteeme , to the great hurt and prejudice of you my right doubted lord , and of all your people . . item , howbeit that the said cardinall hath divers times lent you great sommes of money , sith the time of your raigne , yet this loane hath beene so deferred and delayed , that for the most part the convenable season of the imploying of the good lent was passed , so that little fruit or none came thereof● as by experience both your realmes have sufficiently in knowledge . . item , where there was jewells and plate , prised at eleven thousand pound in weight of the said cardinall forfeited to you , my right redoubted lord , hee gate him a restorement thereof for a loane of a little percell of the same● and so defrauded you wholly of them , to your great hurt and his avayle ; the which good might greatly have eased your highnesse in sparing as much of the poore commons . . item , the cardinall being feoft of my said lord your father against his intent , gave elizabeth beauchampe three hundred markes of livelihood , where that his will was , that and she were wedded , within a yeare , then to have ●● , or else not , where indeede it was two or three yeares after , to your great hurt , and diminishing of your inheritance . . item , notwithstanding that the said cardinall hath no manner of authority , nor interest into the crowne , nor none may have by any possibility , yet he presumeth and taketh upon him in party your estate royall , in calling before him into great abusion of all your land , and derogation of your highnes , which hath not been seen , nor vsed in no dayes heretofore , in greater estate then he is , without your expresse ordenance and commandment . . item , the said cardinall nothing considering the necesity of you my right redoubted lord , hath sued a pardon of dismes , that he should pay for the church of winchester , for terme of his life , giving thereby occasion to all other lords spirituall , to draw their good will for any necessity , to grant any disme , and so to lay all the charge upon the temporalty , and the poore people . . item , by the governance and labour of the said cardinall and archbishop of yorke , there hath beene lost and dispended much notable and great good by divers embassadors sent out of this realme . first● to arras for a feigned colourable peace , whereas by likelinesse it was thought & supposed , that it should never turne to the effectuall availe of you , my right doubted lord , nor to your said realmes , but under colour thereof , was made the peace of your adversary , and the duke of burgoyn ; for else your partie adverse , and the said duke might not well have found meanes nor wayes to have communed together , nor to have concluded with other their confederations , and conspirations made and wrought there then , at that time against your highnesse , whereby you might have ( right doubted lord ) the greater partie of your obisance , as well in your realme of france , as in your dutchie of normandy , and much other thing gone greatly , as through the said colourable treatie , and otherwise , since the death of my brother of bedford . . ite . now of late was sent another embassador to cale● by the labour and councell of the said cardinall and archbishop of yorke ; the cause why of the beginning , is to me your sole vncle , and other lords of your kin and councell unknowne , to your great charge , and against the publike good of your realme , as it openly appeareth ; the which good if it be imployed for the defence of your lands , the marchandizes of the same might , have had other course● and your said lands not to have stood in so great mischiefe as they doe . . item , after that , to your great charge and hurt of both your realmes , the said cardinall and archbishop of yorke went to your said towne of calis , and divers lords of your kin , and of your councell in their fellowship , and there , as there was naturall warre betweene the duke of orliance , and the duke of burgonie , for murther of their fathers , a capitall enmitie , like to have endured for ever ; the said cardinall and archbishop of yorke licen●ed and suffered the said duke of orleance to intreate and commune apart , with councell of your said adversaries , as well as with the douchies of burgond●e , by which meanes the peace and alliance was made betweene the two dukes , to the greatest for●e●●ing of your said capitall adversaries that could be thought ; and consequently ( my deare redoubted lord ) to your greatest charge , and hurt to both your realmes ; under colour of which treatie , your said adversaries in meane time wonne your city of meaux , and the country thereabout , and many divers roades made into your duchie of normandy , to the great noysance and destruction of your people , as it sheweth openly . . item , the said archbishop of yorke , sent with others into this your realme from the said cardinall , had with your advers partie at your said towne of calis , made at his comming into your notable presence at winsor , all the swasions and colour , all motions in the most app●rent wise that he could , to induee your highnesse to your agreement to the desires of your capitall adversaries , as i saw there in your noble presence of his writing , at which time ( as i understood ) it was his singular opinion , that is to say ; that you should leave your right , your title , and your honour of your crowne , and your nomination of king of france , during certaine yeares , and that you should utterly abstaine , and be content onely in writing , with rex ●ngliae , &c. to the greatest note of infamie that ever fell to you , or any of your noble progenitors since the taking of them first , the said title and right of your realme , and crowne of france , to which matter in your presence , there , after that it had like your said hignesse to aske mine advise thereupon , with other of your bloud and counsell ; i answered and said , that i would never agree thereto , to die therefore ; and of the same disposition i am yet , and will be while i live in conservation of your honour , and of your oath made unto your said crowne in time of your coronation there . . item , the said cardinall , and archbishop of yorke have so laboured unto your highnesse , that you should intend to a new day of convention in march or aprill next comming , where it is noised to be more against your worship , then with it ; and where it was evident to all the world , that the rupture and breaking of the said peace should have fallen heretofore , of your adverse partie , because of the great untruths ; now by that meanes it is like peradventure to be ●aid unto very great slander of you my doubted lord , like to come to none other purpose nor effect than other conventions have done aforetime , and so by subtilties and counsell of your said enemies your land ( they in hope and trust of the said treatie not mightily nor puissantly purveyed for ) shall be like under the cullor of the same treatie to be burnt up and destroyed , lost , and utterly turned from your obeysance . . itera , it is said , that the deliverance of the duke of orleance is utterly appointed by the mediation , counsell and stirring of the said cardinall● and archbishor of yorke ; and for that cause divers persons been come from your adversaries into this your realme ; and the said duke also brought to your city of london , whereas my lord your father poysing so greatly the inconveniences and harme that might fall onely by his deliverance concluded , ordained , and determined in his last will utterly in his wisdome , his conquest in his realme of france : and yet then it is to be done by as great deliberation solemnity and suretie , as may be devised or thought : and seeing now the disposition of your realme of france , the puissance and might of your enemies , and what ayde they have gotten against you there , as well under the colour of the said treatie , as otherwise , what might or ought to be thought or said for that labouring the said duke ( all things considered ) by such particular parsons , the lords of your blood not called thereunto ; i report mee unro your noble grace and excellency , and unto the said wi●e true men of this your realme . . item , where that every true counsellor , specially unto any king or prince , ought of truth and of dutie to counsell , promote , in●rease , perferre and advance the weale and prosperity of his lord ; the said cardinall being of your counsell ( my right doubted lord ) hath late purchased of your highnesse certaine great lands , and livelihood ; as the castle and lordship of chirke in wales , and other lands in this your realme : unto which i was called suddenly , and so in eschewing the breaking and losse of your armies , then againe , seeing none other remedy , gave thereunto mine assent , thinking that who that ever laboured , moved or stirred , the matter first unto your lordship , counselled you● nei●her for your worship nor profit . . more the said cardinall hath you bound apart , to make him a sure estate of all the said lands , by easter next comming , as could be devised by any learned counsell , or else that suretie not made , the said cardinall to have and enjoy to him and his heires , forever the lands of the dutchie of lancaster in norfolke , to the value of seven or eight hundred markes by the yeare ; which thing seemeth right strange , and unseene and unheard wayes of any leige man , to seeke upon his soveraigne lord , both in his inheritance , and in his jewels and goods ; for it is thought , but that right and extreme necessity caused it , there should , nor ought no such things to be done from which necessity ( god for his mercy ) ever preserve your noble person . wherefore ( my redoubted lord ) seeing that you should be so counselled , or stirred to leave your crowne and inheritance in england , and also by fraud and subtill meanes , as is before rehearsed , so to loose your jewels , in my truth and in mine acquitall ( as it seemes to me ) i may not , nor ought not counsell so great an hurt to you , and to all your land. . item , it is not unknowne to you ( my right doubted lord ) how oftentimes i have offered my service , to and for the defence of your realme of france , and dutchy o● normandy , where i have beene put there from by the labour of the lord cardinall , in preferring others after his singular affection , which hath caused a great part of the said dutchy of normandy , as well as of the realme of france to be lost , as it is well knowne ; and what good ( my right doubted lord ) was lost on that army that was last sent thither which the earle of mortaigne , your counsell of france hath well and clearly declared to your highnesse here before . . item , my right doubted lord , it is not unknowne● , that it had not beene possible to the said cardinall to have come to his great riches but by such meanes , for of his church it might not rise , and inheritance he had none . wherefore , my right doubted lord , sith there is great good behoofe at this time for the weale and safegard of your realmes , the poverty , necessity , and indigence of your leige people , in highnesse understand , like it unto your noble grace to consider the said lucre of the said cardinall , and the great deceipts that you be deceived in by the labour of him , and of the archbishop , as well in this your realme , as in the realme of france , and dutchy of normandy , where neither office , livelihood , nor captaine may be had withou● too great good given unto him , whereby a great part of all the losse that is lost , they have beene the causers of , for who that would give most , his was the prise , not considering the merrits , service nor sufficiency of persons . furthermore , it is greatly to be considered , how when the said cardinall had forfeited all his goods , because of provision , as the statute thereupon more plainely declareth , by having the rule of you my right doubted lord● purchased himselfe in great defraudation of your highnesse , a charter of pardon , the which good , and it had beene well governed might many yeares have sustained your warres without any t●lage of your poore people . . i●em , my redoubted lord , whereas i wrote many things for the weale of you , and of your realmes● peradventure some wil say , and understand● that i would or have written by way of accusement of all your counsell , which god knoweth i doe not ; for your highnesse may well see , that i name them , that be caus●rs of the s●id inordinate rule . wherefore considering that the said cardinall and archbishop of yorke are they that pretend the governance of you and of your realmes and lordships● please i● unto your highn●sse , of your right wisenesse to estr●nge them of your counsell , to that intent that men may be at their freedome , to say what they thinke of truth . . for truth , i dare speake of my truth , the poore dare not doe so . and if the cardinall and the archbishop of yorke , may afterward declare themselves of that is and shall be said of them , ( you my most doubted lord ) may then restore them againe to your counsell at your noble pleasure . when the king had heard the accusations thus laid by the duke of glocester against the cardinall , he committed the examination thereof to his counsell , whereof the more part were spirituall persons ; so that what for feare , and what for favour , the matter was winked at , and nothing said to it ; onely faire countenance was made to the duke , as though no malice had beene conceived against him ; but venome will breake out , and inward grudge will soone appeare , which was this yeare to all men apparant ; for divers secret attempts were advanced forward this season against this noble man , humfry duke of glocester a farre off ; which in conclusion came so neare , that they bereft him both of life and land . for this proud covetous prelate * setting the queene against this good duke , at a parliament at berry caused him there to be arrested , and murthered : by meanes of whose death all france was shortly after lost , & the kingdome involved in a bloody civill warre . i shall close up the history of this proud prelate with old father latimers words concerning him , in a sermon before king edward the sixth . * there was a bishop of winchester in king henry the sixth dayes , which king was but a child , but yet were there many good acts made in his childhood : and i doe not reade that they were broken . this bishop was a great man borne , and did beare such a stroake , that he was able to shoulder the lord protector . well , it chanced that the lord protector and he fell out , and the bishop would beare nothing at all with him , but played the sacrapha ; so the regent of france was faine to be sent for from beyond the seas , to set them at one ; and goe betweene them , for the bishop was as able and ready to buckle with the lord protector , as hee was with him . was not this a good prelate ? he should have beene at home preaching at his diocesse with a wannion . this protector was so noble and godly a man that he was called of every man , the good duke humfry ; he kept such a house as was never since kept in england , without any inhaunsing , of rents ( i warrant you ) or any such matter . and the bishop for standing so stiffely by the matter , and bearing up the order of our mother the holy church was made a cardinall at calis , and thither the bishop of rome sent him a cardinals hat : he should have had a tiburne tippit , a halfe penny halter , and all such proud prelates . these romish hats never brought good into england . vpon this the bishop goeth to the queene katherine , the kings wife , a proud woman and a stout , and perswaded her , that if the duke were in such authority still , and lived , the people would honour him more than the king , and the king should not be set by ; and so betweene them , i cannot tell how , it came to passe , but at s. edmundsberry in a parliament , the good duke humfry was smothered . to leave this cardinall , ste. gardiner , both chancellor of england , * & b. of winchester was the chiefe author of making & reviving the bloody act , intitled the . articles by which many of our godly martyrs suffered ; the chiefe plotter and contriver of the noble lord cromwells death . who could not abide the pride of the prelates , and was attainted by parliament , and never came to his answer : he was a great opposer of the reformation of religion , and abuses of the clergy , both in king henry the eights , and king edwards dayes , and stirred up under hand divers priests , abbots , and monkes to oppose the kings supremacie , and to rayse up open rebellion in lincolneshire , in the north , cornewall , and other places , in maintenance of popery ; for which treasons and rebellions * exmew , middlemore and nudigate , three monkes of the charterhouse , a priest neare winsor ; the abbots of ierney , and rivers freer , forrest , crofts , and collines priests , thomas epsara monke ; five priests of yorkeshire , and robert bockham , john tomson , roger barret , john wolcocke , william alse , james morton , john barrow ; richard brune● priests , chiefe stirrers in the devonshire rebellions● and principall doers therein ; and one welch a priest. vicar of st. thomas neare exbridge ( hanged on the tower there in his priests apparell , with a holy-water bucket and sacring bell , a paire of bedes , and such other popish trinkets about him , for his rebellion , ) were all executed● * this bishop imploed by king henry the eight , with sir henry knevet , as his embassador , at the di●t at ratisbond , he held private intelligence , and received and sent letters under hand to the pope , whose authority the king had utterly abolished , and had then mortall enmity with : for which false and tray●erly practise of which the king had certaine intelligence , he caused in all pardon 's afterwards , all treasons committed beyond the seas to be excepted , which was most meant for the bishops cause ; whom he exempted out of his testament as being willfull and contentious , and one that would trouble them all ; and exempted also out of his said testament the bishop of westmins●er , for that he was schooled in winchesters schoole , * whom this king before his death was certainely beleeved to abhorre more than any english man in his realme . he was found to be the secret worker● that three yeares before the kings death divers of the privy chamber were indited of heresie , for the which the said king was much offended . anno. . he was committed prisoner to the fleet , and after to the tower , for a sermon preached before king edward , and disobeying the kings injunctions ; when he had there continued two yeares and an halfe , he was by authority deprived of his bishoppricke , and sent to prison againe , where he continued , till queene maries time ; when hee was not onely restored unto his bishoppricke , but likewise made lord chancellor of england . for the extreame malice he bare to our religion , he not onely cruelly burnt many poore men , but likewise wrought all the meanes his cunning head could devise to make away our late famous quueene elizabeth , saying often , it was in vaine to strike off a few leaves or branches , when the roote remained : he not onely caused this innocent princesse to be imprisoned , and barbarously handled , both in the tower , and after , at woodstocke , being the queenes owne sister , and heire apparent to to the crowne , procuring to her so great vexation by his rigorous usage , that she wished her selfe borne a milkemaide ; but proceeded so farre in his treacherous plots against her , that in all probabilities , his cursed policy must have prevailed , had not god moved the heart of queene mary her sister , with a very kinde and naturall affection towards her , and in mercy taken him the more speedily out of the way by death , till which time she had no securitie , release , or hope of life . the whole story of his treachery and gods mercy towards this blessed queene , is at large related by master foxe . he was a bitter opposite and enemy to cranmer , ridley , and latimer , refusing to eate his dinner , that day , the two last of them were burnt at oxford before hee heard from thence of their death . he was the bane of * queene anne , ( the lady anne of cleave , ) the lord cromwell , dr. barnes , and others . and though in king henries dayes , he proved queene mary a bastard and the bishop of rome to be an usurper ; yet afterwards when queene mary came to the crowne , he was her chiefest instrument , the forwardest man to advance the popes supremacy , and the sorest persecutor . * anno. . on the cunduit in gracious streete , king henry the eight , was painted in harnesse , having in one hand a sword , and in the other hand a booke whereon was written verbum dei , delivering the same as it were to king edward his sonne , who was painted in a corner by him ; hereupon was no small matter made ; for stephen gardiner bishop of winchester sent for the painter , and not onely called him knave , for painting a booke in king henr●es hand , and specially for writing thereon verbum dei , but also traytor and villaine , commanding him to wipe out the booke , and verbum dei too . whereupon the painter fearing that he should leave some part of the booke , or of verbum dei , in king henries hand , wiped away a peece of his finger withall . * england had great cause to blesse god for his death , which happened so opportunity ; not so much for the great hurt he had done in times past in perverting his princesse , bringing in ●ixe articles , in murthering gods saints , in defacing christs sincere religion , as especially for that hee had thought to have brought to passe in murthering also queene eliz●beth : for whatsoever danger of death , it was shee was in , it did no doubt proceede from this bloody bishop , who was the cause thereof ; and if it be certaine , which we heard , that her highnesse being in the tower , a writ came downe from certaine of the counsell for her execution , it is out of controver●ie , that wily winchester was the onely dedalus and framer of that engin. * he was an enemy to this queene , and with divers of the lords● strictly examined her at the tower. and when shee recovered from her dangerous sicknesse , he and other bishops repined , looked blacked in the mouth , and told this queene they marvelled , that she submitted not her selfe to her majesties mercy , considering that she had offended her highnesse : winchester , after talking with her , perswaded her to submit her selfe ; which she refusing , he replied , that she must tell another tale , ere that she should he set at liberty , least she should have advantage against him for her long , and wrong imprisonment : more english blood by his meanes was spilled in queene maries time , by hanging , heading , burning , and prisoning , than ever was in any kings raigne before her . this treacherous prelate , who called king edward his soveraigne , usurper * being hated of god , and all good men , had a miserable death sutable to his life : for the old duke of norfolke comming so visite him , the same day that ridly & latimer were burnt at oxford , the bishop would not sit downe to dinner , till one of his servants about foure of the clocke comming post from oxford , brought most certaine intelligence that fire was set to these martyrs ; whereupon comming out rejoycing to the duke , now ( saith he ) let us goe to dinner . they being set down , meate immediatly was brought , and the bishop began merrily to eate ; but what followed ? the bloody tyrant had not eaten a few bits , but the sudden stroke of gods terrible hand fell upon him in such sort , as immediatly hee was taken from the table , and so brought to his bed , where he continued the space of fifteene dayes in such intollerable anguish & torments within ( rotting even above ground ) that all that while during these fifteene dayes , he could not avoid by order of vrine● or otherwise , any thing that he received , whereby his body being miserably inflamed within ( who had inflamed so many good martyrs before ) was brought to a wretched end . and thereof no doubt , as most like it is , came the thrusting out of his tongue from his mouth so swolne and blacke with the inflammation of his body . a spectacle worthy to be noted and beholden of such bloody burning persecutors . when doctor day● bishop of chichester came to him , and began to comfort him with words of gods promise , and with the free justification in the blood of christ our saviour , repeating the scriptures to him : winchester hearing that , what my lord ( quoth he ) will you open that gappe now ? than farewell all together . to me , and such other in my case you may speake it , but open this window to the people , than farewell all together . and thus this wretch died , blaspheming . he that list may read more of him in iohn bales scriptorum . brit. cent . . sect . . p. . &c. iohn white his successor in that see , was little better , and would have defaced queene elizabeth gladly , if hee durst , in his funerall sermon of queene mary , whom he immoderately extolled . he to obtaine this bishoppricke , promised to give the pope . l. per annum , for it during his life : which grosse symony the pope disliking , and threatning to punish him for it , he was forced to pay much dearer , ere he could obtaine it . * this bishop , and others , being appointed to conferre with the protestant ministers in the first yeare of queene elizabeth , insteed of disputing , he , and thomas watson bishop of lincolne , two malepate prelates , threatning to excommunicate the queene , were committed to prison , and there detained , and after that for refusing to take the oath of allegeance to the queen ; he , with thirteene bishops more , who denied to take the oath of supremacy , which the greatest number of them had sworne unto formerly during the raigne of king henry the eight , were deprived of their bishopprickes , and others placed in their roome . iohn bale in his * centuries gives this description of this prelate : iohannes whitus , wintoniensis sch●lae olim praeses , nunc eivs pestilentissimae sedis episcopus , & antichristi romani terrificus minister , rostris & unguibus in angliae regno restituere conatur , omnes ejus tyra●nides , idolomanias , faeditates , & omni● dogmata universa . principum illusor , & animarum carnifex , duplex & perjurus hypocrita ambitiosus que haereticus , deum suum mauzim , mutum , mortuum & aridum idolum , omnium perniciosissimum , adversus denm verum , viuum & sanctum erexit . and iohn parkhust for his sake , wrote this disticke to england , to take heede of all prelates , and not to trust them . anglia furcatis nimium ne fidito mitris : dic rogo , num serus sum tibi praemonitor ? with this other disticke upon the bishop himselfe . candidus es certè , nec candidus es , rogitas cur ? nomine candidus es , moribus at niger es . i finde little recorded of any of the bishops of this see since this dayes ; and what the prelates of that see , in our memories have beene ( as bilson , mountague , andrewes , neale , and curle now living , ) is sufficiently knowne : for bilson , andrewes , and neale , we know , they were great sticklers● for * episcopacy , lordly prelacy , the high commission inquisition , and ex officio oathes ; great enemies to prohibitions and the common law ; and no good friends to parliaments : for mountague and neale , they were the originall authors and publishers of the booke for sports on the day● published in king iames his name and dayes , which occasioned must disorder then , and more since ; and for the present bishop , curle , hee was the most violent enforcer of this booke on the cleargie of all other bishops ( peirce and wren onely excepted , ) and the first that ever suspended any ministers for refusing parsonally to read it in their churches ; he suspending no lesse than five eminent ministers at st. mary overies in one day , for refusing to publish it , though not injoyned nor authorized by the king to do it ; whereupon other bishops following his example , and proceedings in this kinde , both in their consistories , high commissions , and visitations , ( wherein they made it one article of inquiry upon oath for churchwardens to present on , whether their minister had read to them the declaration for sports ? a suparlative and shamelesse prophanes , not paraleld in any age since adam till now ) silenced , suspended , persecuted ; excommunicated , and drave out of the realme , many of our best and painfullest preaching ministers , and put both our church and state into a miserable combustion , and most sad perplexed condition , making such breaches in both , which will not be , repaired again in many yeares . o that men who professe themselves fathers of the church , pillers of religion , and pastors of mens soules , should be such step-fathers to their owne diocesse and country , such patrons of prophanesse , and licenciousnesse , and such desperate murtherers of poore peoples soules , to vex persecute , and stop their godly ministers mouthes , because they durst not out of consciens open them , to seduce and spur them on to hell & prophanes with a full currere . i shall onely checke the impudency , and shame the prophanenesse of these our monstrou prelates , with words of cardinall bellarmine ( no puritan , * i am certaine ) touching the unlawfulnesse of dancing and pastimes upon lords dayes , in sundry sermons . i cannot verily , good hearers ( saith he ) explicate by words , with how great griefe of minde , i behold , in what a perverse and diabolicall manner holi-dayes are celebrated in this our age . how farre pevish men have obscured and defiled their pious institution , with their most corrupt manners , may be understood by this , that to strangers , and those who are ignorant what manner of feasts , these are , from those things , which they see every where to be done , they may seeme to be , not the feasts of god , but the festivals of the devill , and so the very bacchanalia themselves . yea verily , when i pray you , are there more sinnes committed then on holidayes ? when are there more sumptuous feasts kept ? when more lascivious songs heard ? when are bowling-allies & tavernes more frequented ? when are there more execrable kinds of playes fooleries , and scurrilities ? when are there more dances in most places to the sound of the harpe and lute , then on these dayes ? but peradventure it is no evill . or a small evill , for men to dance with women . yea verily nothing is more pernicious . if strawes can come to the fire , and not be burnt , than a young man may dance with women . alas , what will dances and galliards profit thee at the last ? when thou shalt have danced long , what shalt thou gaine at length● but wearinesse of body and sicknesse of minde ? knowest thou not the danger of dances ? how many thinkest thou , have entred virgins into dances , and returned harlots ? knowest thou not what hapned to the daughter of herodias , who with her dances was the cause that the light of the world , who had baptized the lord , was quite extinguished ? even she her selfe afterwards , as * nicephorus records , when she once passed over a river congealed with ice , the ice breaking , fell into the water up to the necke ; and little after her head was congealed with frost and cold , and afterwards cut off , not with a sword , but with ice , and then made a deadly dance upon the ice . knowest thou not what st. * ambrose , saith for her sake , one ( saith he ) may dance , but the daughter of an adulteresse : but shee who is chast , let her learne her daughters prayers not dances . of dances , i will onely speake one word , and for this cause principally , that i understand how dancing seemes not a true evill to some , and i know that at lovan , there are publike schooles , where the art of dancing is taught . but i verily , if adultery and fornication be evill , cannot see how it is not evill for men to dance with women , since it most of all provokes thereunto . heare holy iob i have made ( saith he ) a covenant with mine eyes , that i would not so much as thinke of a mayde ; and shalt thou goe and dance with a maide , and provoke thy selfe to lust by dancing , and yet no danger hang over thy head ? to what end then doth the wise man give this admonition keepe not company with a woman that is a dancer , least happily thou perish in her allurements ; but because if chaffe can come to the fire and not be burnt , than a young man may dance with women and not burne● what ? holy men , st. anthony , st. hilar●on , dwelt in the wildernesse , they perpetually gave themselves to fastings and prayers , and yet scarce def●●ded themselves from the spirit of fornicatio●● and from evill de●ires and thoughts : and wilt thou ●dde ●o the heat of youth● the heat of drinking , and then goe and laugh and sing , and dance with beautifull maydens , and shall i suspect no harme ? who of all you shall dwell with everlasting burning ? if you cannot now abstaine from drunkennesse , from dancing , from toyes● how shall ye be able to endure those living flames● and most bitter gnashing of teeth ? but concerning the madnesse of dancing ; heare yee what the ancients as well prophane as sacred , have left written : marcus tulli●s did so detest the filthinesse of dances , that in the defence of muraena , he said , no sober man almost danceth , unlesse perchance he be besides himselfe , and extreme dancing is the companion of many delights . and in another place he objecteth dancing to antonius , as a most dishonest crime . blush therefore , o christian , blush , thou art overcome by an ethnicke , and without doubt thou shalt be condemned in judgement by an ethneike . he by the light of nature onely without the light of faith , could teach , that dancing was not the practice of any , but either of drunkards or mad men : and thou the sonne of cod , illuminated with a celestiall light , with whom such vanities ought not so much as to be named , art most mad , in the very most famous and most sacred solemnities . let us relinquish prophane authors , and come to christians . tell thou us , o most blessed ambrose , thou most reverend old man , the light of the christian church , what thinkest thou of dances and morrisses worthily , saith he , from thence we proceed to the injury of the diuinity ; for what modestie can be there where they dance , shreeke , and make a noyse together ? tell thou us also , o blessed hierom , what thou deemest of dancing : moreover ( saith he ) in his booke against * heluidius , where the tymbrils sound , the pipes make a noise , the harpe chatters , the cymballs strike together , what feare of god can there be ? let us passe over into the east , and let us also advise with two of the greeke fathers . tell thou us , o great chrysostome the ornament of greece , tell thou us i pray thee thy opinion of banquets and dances ; heare ( saith he ) in the homily upon matthew , heare these things , o men who follow magnificent feasts , full of drunkennesse , heare i say , and tremble at the gulfe of the devill : where wanton dancing is there the devill is certainely present . for god hath not given us our legges to dance , but that we should walke modestly , not that we should impudently skippe like camels . but if the body be polluted , by dancing impudently , how much more may the soule be thought to be defiled ? the devill danceth in these dances : with these , men are deceived by the ministers of the devill . last of all , heare with what words , st. basil the great , a most holy man , and most learned , deplores this madnesse , in his oration against drunkards : men ( saith he ) and women together entring into common dances , having delivered their soules to the drunken devill , wound one another with the prickes of unchast affections : profuse laughter , is practised and filthy songs , meretritious habits inviting unto petulancie are there used : laughest , and delighest thou thy selfe with an arrogant delight , when as thou oughtest to power out teares , and sighes for what is past ? singest thou whorish songs , casting away the psalmes , & hyranes thou hast learned ? dost thou stirre thy feete and caper furiously , and dance unhappily , when as thou oughtest to bend thy knees to prayer . thus great basil. now if the holy fathers have spoken these things of dances in genarall , how i pray had they exclaimed , if they had knowne them to have beene used in the very festivals of christs nativitie ? but let us leave men , and heare what the lord himselfe , who cannot erre , what the holy ghost , and the spirit of truth , saith by the prophet esay : the harpe , saith hee , and the violl , the taber and pipe , and wine are in your feasts , but ye regard not the work of the lord , neither consider the operation of his hands . ah wretched & miserable persons , the lord hath done an admirable worke in these dayes : the lord hath created a new thing upon the earth : a mayd hath brought forth a sonne : god hath come unto men , a new starre hath appeared , the heavens are made mellifluous the angels have left those blessed mansions that they might behold the little one who is given to us , and ye onely for whom these things are done , busied in wickednesse , buried in sleepe and wine , regard not the worke of the lord , and consider not the operations of his hands . what therefore shall be done unto you ? heare the sentence of your judge , therefore saith he , hell hath inlarged its ●oule , and hath opened its mouth without all bounds peradadventure ye are ignorant how great a sacriledge it is to prophane dayes consecrated to god. why , i beseech you , doe we not every where use churches , chalices , and priestly vestments ? what are these walls more than others ? what are priests garments more than others ? as to their matter nothing at all . but therefore it is a wickednesse , therefore a sacriledge therefore a most horrible villany to convert them to prophane uses because they are consecrated and dedicated to god , but who knoweth not that holidayes are after the same manner consecrated and dedicated unto god , and to be spent in no other but in holy workes ? which of you if he should see any one enter into the church with encredible audacity , and use the consecrated vestments , in steed of prophane garments , temples for a taverne , the altar for a table , the corporals , or alterclothes for mappes , eating in sacred patens drinking in the holy chalices ? which of us would not tremble , who would not exclaime ? and now we behold the most solemne , the most famous , the most sacred holy-dayes , dedicated to god , that they might be spent in prayers , meditations , reading of holy things , hymnes and psalm●s , and spirituall songs , to be prophaned with sacrilegious dances , morrisses , caperings , feasts , drinking-matches , uncleannesses , scurrilities , and yet no man trembles , no man is moved , no man wonders ; o immortall god! * what part hath righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse ? what fellowship hath light with darkenesse ? what agreement hath christ with belial ? what hath the merriment of the flesh to doe with the gladnesse of the spirit ? what the solemnities of god , with the feasts of bacchus and his crue ? what now ? those dayes wherein wee ought to please god most , shall we in them more provoke him unto anger with our wickednesse ? on those dayes , in which the spirit is to be fed and recreated ; in them shall we more overwhelme him with wine and uncleannesses ? &c. what a madnesse is this ? what infirnall furies scare us out of our wits ? thus , and much more , this romish cardinall bellarmin , to the eternall infamy of our prophane english prelates ; to whom this cardinall in point of dancing and pastimes , especially on sacred dayes , is not onely a puritan , but a saint . and thus much for the prelates of winchester : i shall next survey the bishops of durham , and see whether they have been better qualified than these their brethren . durham . (b) kenulph the tenth bishop of durham , anno. . was taken by edbert king of the northumbrians ( belike ●or some great treason or misdemeanour , for the monkes conceale the reason ) and committed prisoner to the castle of bebba , which king commanded the church of saint peter in lindisfarne to be besieged ; which shewes that the bishop and his church stood out then in rebellion against their soveraigne . (c) egelricke the . bishop of durham , was charged with treason , and conspiracy against william the conqueror , and that hee had disturbed the kings peace , and practised pyracie on the seas : whereupon hee was committed perpetuall prisoner to westminster , where , by continuall fasting and abundance of teares washing away the guilt of his former misdeeds , he wan unto ●imself such a reputation of holinesse , as the place of his buriall was much frequented after his death . (d) egelwyn , his next successor in this see , much opposed himselfe against william the conqueror , to whom afterward hee was in shew reconciled for a time ; at last the ancient hatred hee bore unto the king , boyling in his stomacke , hee joyned winh certaine noble men in a flat rebellion against the conquerour : he and they alleaging at first , that they feared imprisonment , and hard measure , but indeed proposing to apprehend and depose the king , to set up an english man in his roome , and commit him to perpetuall imprisonment . when things succeeded not according to expectation , william the conquerour getting the victory , egelwyn●lyes ●lyes into scotland ; the king having banished him the realme before , where out of his zeale , hee ●●communicates the king , and all his followers , as invaders and robbers of the church . the yeare following he comes into england where hee and the nobles combining with him , with many thousands of the laity and clergy were faine to hide themselves in woods and secret places , being unable to encounter with the kings forces ; when they had done many harmes and mischiefes in divers places to the wrong of the king , they came at last ●o the isle of ely , which they fortified● and seized on as the place of their residence and refuge : and o●t times issuing out thence , much wasted and spoyled the bordering countries , building a wooden castle in the iland● wherupon the conqueror comes with all his forces , both by sea and land , and besiegeth the iland , m●king wayes and passages over bogges and fennes , formerly unpassable , building a strong castle at wi●bitch . egelwyn perceiving the danger tooke ship and departed into voluntary exile , committing some pyracies by the way he set his course for colen , but was forced by contrary winds to land in scotland , thence returning againe to ely , hee was at last there taken prisoner by the conquerour , and committed close prisoner to abingdon , where an. . refusing to take any sustenance , for meere griefe and anger he died . (e) before his death the conquerour having deprived him of his bishopricke , caused one walcher to be consecrated in his place : hee attending more worldly affaires than the charge of his flocke ( as many of our prelates do now ) gave himselfe altogeher to temporall businesse ; wherein hee wholly occupied himselfe , contra dignitatem pontificalem : writes matthew paris . he bought of the king the earledome of northumberland , being by this meanes both a spiritual and a temporall lo●d , and ingrossing both jurisdictions into his hands , and then making himselfe a secular judge , tooke upon him to sit in the court , and to determine all causes at his pleasure , dealing with all very corruptly , and taking that course as might be most for his owne gaine : hereupon he geatly enriched his coffers , but purchased to himselfe extreme hatred among the common people whom hee much impoverished with his extortions , which was his destruction in the end . there was a gentleman of great account called leulfus , who had married the earle of northumberlands daugh●er , that for very devotion , to the end hee might live neere the church in his latter time , came to durham to dwell ; he keeping company very much with the bishop , who loved him much for his wisedome , equity , and vertues : leofwin the bishops chaplain , whom he trusted with all his houshold matters , and gilbert the bishops kinsman that dealt in his temporall affaires , very corrupt men , envying the credit that leulfus had gotten with the bishop , every where opposed and traduced him and his actions , both in words and deed , and at last conspired to murther him , which they did in a barbarous manner , assaulti●g him in his house with armed men , and murthering not onely the innocent gentleman himselfe , but also his servants and who●e houshold : the newes of this horrible outragious cruelty comming to the eares of the bishop amazed him ; so as turning about to leofwin hee said to him : thou hast already slaine mee with thy tongue : and doubting the danger got him into his castle , and dispatched messengers to the friends and kindred of leulfus , protesting , that the fact was committed without his knowledge , and that hee was heartily sory for it , and if any suspect him , hee could be reddy to submit himselfe to any order of law , whereby hee might cleere himselfe : herewith they seemed to be satisfied , and appointed to meete and conferre of the matter at a place called goats-head . the bishop for his better safety betooke himselfe to the church with his company : at which time all the people of the province came to demand justice from the bishop , for some wrongs done them . the bishop answered them over roughly , that he would doe them justice for no injury or complaint , unlesse they would first give him l. of good mony . whereupon one of them in the name of all the rest , desired leave of the bishops that hee might conferre with the rest about this exaction , that so they might give him an advised answer ; which granted , the people consulted together without the church concerning this businesse : in meane time divers messages passed betweene the friends of leulfus and the bishop about this murther , but the more the matter was debated ( being very odious in it selfe ) the more his friends , and the people too , were incensed : at last it was told them that the bishop had harboured leofwyn and gilbert too in his house , and afforded them countenance since this murther , which being once heard and ●ound true , they all cryed out , it was manifest , that the bishop was the author of this fact : while the company stood in a mummering doubting what to doe , both concerning this money and murther too , one of some speciall regard among them , stepped up and used these words : short read , good read , slay the bishop . hereupon without more adoe they ●anall unto the church , killed as many of the bishops retinue as they found without doores , and with horrible noyse and outcryes bid him and his company come out unto them . the bishop to make the best of a bad match , and to rid himselfe from danger , perswaded his kinsman gilber● there present to goe out unto them , if happily his death ( which he well deserved ) might satisfie their fury , and purchase their safety . gilbert was content , and issuing our with divers of the bishops company , were all slaine , except two englishmen servants to the bishop , the rest being normans . they not yet pacified , the bishop besought leofwyn ( whose li●e hee knew was principally sought ) to goe out likewise , but he utterly re●used : the bishop therefore going to the church dore himselfe , intrea●ed them not to take his life from him , protesting himselfe altogethe● innocent of leulfus his blood , shewing them at large how inconvenient it would be to themselves , and the whole country to shed his blood , an unarmed priest , and sacred consecrate bishop , their ruler , governour , magistrate . lastly , hoping that his very countenance , gravity , age , white comely head and beard , and the majes●y of his person might something move them to compassion , hee went out among them , carrying a green branch in his hands to testifie his desire of peace : when hee saw all this availed not , the people running furiously upon him , hee cast his gowne over his owne head , and committing him selfe to their fury , with innumerable wounds was pittifully massacred , together with all his retinue to the number of one hundred persons , only leofwyn yet r●mained in the c●urch , and being often called would not come forth . so they set the church on fire ; hee not enduring the fire leapt out at a window , and was immediately hewne in a thousand pieces . this barbarous slaughter was committed may the . . as some historians , or . as others record . the king hearing of this tumult , sent his brother odo bishop of bayon , with many of his nobles ; and a great army to take punishment of this murther , which while they sought to revenge , they brought the whole country to desolation ; those that were guilty prevented the danger by ●light , so as few of them were apprehe●ded ; of the rest that stayd at h●me , some we●e unjustly executed , and the rest compelled to ransome themselves to their utter impoverishing , and undoing . this was the life and death of the first lord bishop of this see ; who joyned both the temporall and spirituall ju●isdiction and honour together in his owne person , being both a bishop , and an earle . (f) anno . during this bishops domination , plu●es episcopi & abbates , many bishops and abbots , with . earles , and many souldiers conspired toge●her at no●wich , to thrust the conquerour ou● of his kingdome , sending messages ●o ●he king of denmarke for aide , and confederating themselves with the welchmen : whereupon ●hey burnt and spoyled many townes and villages belonging to the conquerour ; but at last they were defeated by him , some of them being banished the realme , others hanged , others deprived of their eyes . who these bishops were in particular that joyned in this conspiracy and rebellion , is not expressed ; but they were many in number ; whether this bishop might not be one of the company i know not . (g) william kairlipho , abbo● of saint vincent , his next successour , who got so farre into the favour of king william rufus , that he made him his houshold chaplaine , and one of his privie councell , and did what hee list under him , in the yeare of our lord . joyned himselfe with odo bishop of bayon , and ea●le of kent , geffry bishop of constantia , and other great men in a rebellious conspiracy against king william , who much favoured and trusted him , to deprive him of his crowne , as an effemina●e per●on , both in mind and countenance , and of a fearefull heart , who would do all things rashly , both against right and justice ; which revolt and treachery of his the king tooke very grievously . whereupon they take up armes against the king , wasting the country in sundry parts , intending to set up his brother robert in his place as king , giving out divers words , and sending abroad many letters to incite men to take armes for this purpose . the bishop of durham held out durham , by strong hand against the king , who comming thither in person with his army besieged it , so as the bishop was at length forced to surrender the city , and yeeld himselfe● whereupo● hee was exiled the land , with divers of his complices ; and for his former pre●●nded friendship to the king , was suffered to goe scotfree ( though worthy a thousand quarterings ) upon ●hi● he presently passed over sea into normandy , there he continued neere three yeares in a voluntary exile , untill sept●mber . . at what time the king comming to durham , received him into his ●ull favour , and restored him to his former dignities . after which hee sided with the kin● against anselme to thrust him out of his bishopricke , that himselfe might succeed him : b●t hee failed in that projec● . falling againe into the kings displeasure , he was summoned to appeare before him at glocester , by a certaine day , before which tim● hee fell sicke ( of griefe as was ●hought : ) when he appeared not , and it was told the king he● was sicke , he swore by s. lukes face ( which was his usuall oath ) he lied and did but counterfeit ; and hee would ●ave him fetcht with a vengeance . but it appeares his excuse was true enough , for hee died soone after . holinshed saith , hee died ●or sorrow , because he could not cleere himsel●e of his offence in the said rebellion , albeit that he laboured most earnestly so to do , that hee might thereby have obtained the king● favour againe . (h) ranulph flambard his very next successor , a very wicked man , nothing scrupulous , but ready to do any thing for preferment , was by king william rufus ( who ●ound him a fit man for his purpose to bring great summes of money into his coffers , by any unlaw●ull meanes ) made chiefe governour of all his realme under him , so as hee had all tha● authority which now the lord treasurer , chancellour , and divers other offices have divided among●t them this au●hority he abused very impudently , not caring whom he offended , so as he might enrich either the king or himselfe . many times when the king gave commandement for the levying of a certaine summe of moneyes amongst his subjects , hee would require of the commons twice as much , whereat the king being very well content , would laugh , and say , that ranulph was the onely man for his turne , who cared not whom hee displeased , so hee might please his master . it was impossible but hee should be very odious , both unto the common people and nobility also ; and no marvell if many complaints were made unto the king of him , against all which hee shut his eares obstina●ely . when therefore that way succeeded not , some of his discontented adversaries determined to wrecke their malice on him by killing him ; they faine a message from the bishop of london his old master , that hee was very sicke and ready to depart the world , that hee was wonderfull desirous to speake with him , and to the end hee might make the better speed , had sent him a barge to convey him to his house , being then by the water-side ; hee suspecting no fraud , went with them in great haste , attended onely by his secretary , and some one or two other . they having him thus in their clutches , carried him not to the appoi●ted staires , but unto ● ship provided for him , ready to set saile . as soone as hee perceived how hee was entrapped , hee cast away his ring , or manuell seale , and after his great s●ale into the river lest they might give opportunity of forging false grants , and conveyances . then hee falls to intreating and perswading , but all to no purpose , for they were determined he should die . they had appointed two marin●rs to dispatch him either by knocking out his braines , or heaving him alive over-board , for doing whereof they were promised to have his cloathes . these executioners could not agree upon the division of the reward , ●or his gowne was better worth than all the rest of his apparell : while they were reasoning upon that point , it pleased god to raise a terrible tempest , so as they looked every minute to die th●mselves , and therefore had no very good leasure of thinking to put another man to death . ranulph then omitting no opportunity of his deliverance , like another orion , by the musicke of his eloquence , seekes to disswade them from the bloody execution of their determination● laying before them the danger that was like to ensue them upon the execu●ion of so cruell a murther , which could not be hid ; and lastly , wishing them to consider , how god by raising this tempest had threatned to revenge his death , and had as it were set the image of vengeance before their eyes : promising them mountaines of gold if they saved his life ; by which hee so farre prevailed , that one of them offered to defend him , and girald the author of this conspiracie , was content to set him aland , and to conduct him to his owne house . but so soone as hee had done , not trusting a reconciled foe , hee got him out of the land : a●ter this notable voyage hee was consecrated bishop of durham : hee was scarce warme in his see , but king william rufus was slaine , and his brother henry succeeded him . this prince not able to withstand the importunity of his nobles , and the innumerable complaints made against this bishop , by the vote of the whole parliament , clapt him up in the towre . but hee so enchaunted his keepers , as they were content to let him goe , and runne away with themselves . william of malmesbury saith , that he procured a waterbea●er in his tank●rd to bring him a rope , by whi●h hee slid downe from the wall to the ground , and so ( although hee hurt his arme , and galled his legge to the bone ) away he escaped , getting himselfe into normandy , where hee arri●ed in the beginning of february , ann. . there hee never left buzzing into the eares of robert , duke of normandy , that the kingdome of england was his by right , till hee procured him to a●tempt the invasion of the realme , to his owne great losse , the effusion of much christian blood , and the great disturbance and dammage of the whole realme : how long hee continued in his exile is not recorded by our historians , who brand him for a notable extortioner , oppressor , rebell , and desperate wicked wretch , & ad omne scelus paratum , ( as too many of his coate since him have beene ) who set the whole realme into an uproare and combustion . about the yeare . king edgar gave to the monkes of durham the lands of coldingham . and to this bishop of durham he gave the towne of barwicke , but for that the said bishop afterward wrought treason against him , hee lost that gift , and the king resumed that towne into his hands againe . hugh pusar his successor , the . bishop of that see , nephew to king stephen , a man very wise in ordering temporall matters , not spir●tuall , exceeding covetous , and as cunning in getting money , as covetous in desiring it , was refused to be consecrated bishop by murdack archbishop of yorke , for want of yea●es , and lightnesse in behaviour , whereupon he obtained his consecration at rome . king richard the first ●or a great masse of money hee had prepared for his voyage into the holy land , dispensed with his vowe of pilgrimage thither , and likewise made him earle of northumberland . the king having created him an earle , turned him about unto the company , and laughing said , i have performed a wonderfull exploit , for ( quoth hee ) of an old bishop i have made a young earle . hee likewise gave the king one thousand markes to make him chiefe justice of england : qui nimirum consultius proprio contentus officio divini juris multo decentius quam humani minister extitisset , cum nemo possit utrique , prout dignum est deservire , atque illud domini●um ad apostolos , maxime successores apostolorum respiciat . non potestis deo servire & mammonae . si enim velit episcopus ut coelesti pariter & terreno regi placeat , ad utrumque se officium dividere : certe . rex coelestis , qui sibi vult ex toto corde , tota anima , tota virtute serviri , ministerium dimidium non approbat , non diligit , non acceptat . quid si episcopus nec saltem dimidius , quae dei sunt , & decent episcopum , exequatur , sed vices suas indignis et remissis executoribus committat ut terreno vel foro , vel palatio totus serviat ? nam nec terreni principis ratiocinia quisquam dimidius sufficienter administrat . quamobrem memoratus pontifex cum jam esset grandaevus , officio seculari suscepto in australibus angliae partibus ad publica totus negot●a recidebat , mundo non crucifixus , sed infixus , writes nubrigensis of him . roger archbishop of yorke deceasing a. . delivered great summes of money to certaine bishops to be distributed among poore people . king henry the second after his death called for the mony and seised it to his use , alleadging a sentence given by the same archbishop in his li●etime , that no ecclesiasticall person might give any thing by will except hee devised the the same whilst hee was in perfect health . yet this bishop of durham would not depart with markes , which hee had received to distribute among the poore , alleaging , that hee dealt the same away before the archbishops death , and therefore hee that would have it againe , must goe gather it up of them to whom hee had distributed it , which himselfe would in no wise doe . but the king tooke no small displeasure with this indiscreet answer , in so much that hee seised the castle of durham into his hands ; and sought meanes to disquiet the said bishop by divers manner of wayes * king richard going into the holy land , made this bishop chiefe justice from trent northwards , and the bishop of ely lord chancellor and chiefe justice of england , betweene whom strife and discord immediately ar●se , which of them should be the greater , for that which pleased the one displeased the other ; for all power is impatient of a consort . the bishop of ely soone after imprisoned him till hee had surrendred winsor castle , and others to him , and put in pledges to be faithfull to the king and kingdome , of which more in ely. at the returne of king richard from ierusalem , hee found him not so favourable as hee expected , and thinking that he grudged him his earledome , resigned the same into his hands . for the redemption of which he afterward offered the king great summes of money ; whereupon the king knowing how to use him in his kind , writ letters to him full of reverend and gracious speeches , wishing him to bring up his money to london , and there to receive the government of the whole realme , which hee would commit to him , and the archbishop of canterbury . being very joyfull of this ●avour , he comes about shrovetide towards london , and surfeiting of flesh by the way died . this prelate ( who much troubled and oppressed the commons , and whole realme ) had no lesse than three bastard sonnes , whom hee endeavoured to advance , but they all dyed before him . hee was oft in armes in the field , and besieged the castle of thifehill belonging to earle iohn : he tooke up the crossado and went beyond sea with king richard the first to the warres in the holy land ; but considering the danger , got a dispensation and returned speeding better than baldwin archbishop of canterbury , and ten archbishops and bishops more , who di●d at the siege before acon ; and like warlike prelates stirred up king richard with sundry other christian princes to that bloody , chargeable , and un●ortunate warre , wherein many thousands of christians spent both their lives , and estates , and whereby christians lost the verity of christian religion , and christ himselfe in a great measure , whiles thus they warre to secure the place of his sepulcher , which proved a sepulcher both to their bodies and soules . * william k. of scotland comming to visit king richard the first afte● his release ; this prelate , and hubert archbishop of canterbury , went to brackley , where the bishop had an inne . the king of scots servants comming thither , would have taken up the bishops inne for their king : but the bishops servants withstood them ; whereupon they bought provision for the king and dressed it in another house in that same court : when the bishop came thither , and his servants had informed him what had passed , he would not retire , but went on boldly unto his inne , and commanded his meat to be set on the table ; whiles he was at dinner , the archbishop of canterbury comes to him , and offers him his lodging , and counsels him to remove and leave the inne . the king of scots comming late from hunting , when hee was told what had happened , tooke it very grievously , and would not goe thither , but commanded all his provision to be given to the poore , and goes forthwith to the king to selnestone , & complains to him of the injury the bishop of durham had offered to him ; for which the king sharpely rebuked him . richard de marisco , lord chancellor of england , and archdeacon of notthumberland , an old courtier , was thrust into this see by gualo the popes legate , and consecrated by the archbishop of yorke in the yeare . during the time of the vacancy . this richard was a very prodigall man , and spent so liberally the goods of his church , as the monkes doubting hee would undoe them , and himselfe also , went about by course of law to stay him , and force him to a moderation of expence . but it fell out quite contrary to their expectation , for hee being wilfully set , continued law with them , appealing to rome , &c. and continued his old course even untill his death . the yeare . in the beginning of easter terme , hee rid up to london with a troope of lawyers attend●ng on him . at peterborough he was entertained in the ab●ey very ●ono●rably , and going to bed there in very good health , was found in the morning by his chamberlaine starke dead . hee deceased may the first , leaving his church . markes indeb●ed , though his contention , and pr●digall factious humour . anthony beake the . bishop of this see , a very wealthy man , contented not himselfe with ordinary titles . therefore he procured the pope to make him patriarc● of ●erusalem , & obtained of the king the principality of ●he isle of man , during his life . anno . being ambassador to the emperor iohn ro●an the archbishop of yorke excommunicated him , which cost him ● . markes fine to the king , and his life to boote , hee dying for griefe . there was grea● stirre betweene him and the prior and covent of durham . hee informed the pope that the prior was a very simple and insufficient man to rule that house , and thereupon procured the government thereof both spirituall and temporall to be committed to him . the monkes appealed both the pope and king , who required the hearing of these controversies betweene the prior and bishop . this notwithstanding the bishops officers , made no more adoe , but excommunicated the prior , monkes and all for not obeying their authority immediately . herewith ●he king greatly offended , caused those officers to be fined , and summoned the bishop himselfe to appeare before him at a day appointed , before which day hee got to rome , never acquainting the king with his determination . the king thereupon seised into his hands the bishops liberties , & appointed a new chancellour , new justices , and other officers of durham , hee writ also to the pope in favour of the prior , who delivering the kings letters himselfe , the pope adjudged him a sober and discreet man , what ever the bishop had reported of him , and restored him to his place ; during the bishops disgrace for this contempt , the king tooke ●hree mannors with the church of symondbury from the bishopricke , with divers castles and lands forfeited to him by iohn bayliol king of scots , and others . the bishop at last submitted himselfe , and bought his peace . * anno dom. . in the battell of foukirke , betweene the english and scots , this bishop of durham ( anthony beake ) led the second battell of the englishmen con●isting of . standards : who hasting forth to be the first that should give the on ●et , when his men approached neere the enemies the bishop commanded them to stay till the third battell which the king ( edward the first ) led , might approach . but that valiant knight the lord ralph basset of draiton said to him ; my lord , you may goe and say masse , which better becommeth you , than to teach us what wee have to doe ; for wee will doe that which belongeth to the order and custome of warre . about the yeare . at the importunate suite of the kings of england and france , the pope gave the bishopricke of du●ham unto one lewes beaumont , a frenchman borne , and of the blood royall there ; hee was lame of both his legges , and so unlearned , that hee could not read the bulls and other instruments of his consecration . when hee should have pronounced this word ( metropoliticae ) not knowing what to make of it ( though hee had studied upon it and laboured his lesson long before ) after a little pause , soyt pur dit ( saith he ) let it goe for read , and so passed it over . in like sort he stumbled at ( in aenigmate ) when hee had fumbled about it a while , par saint lewis ( quoth hee ) il n'est pas curtois qui ceste parolle ici escrit , that is , by saint lewes he is to blame that writ this word here . not without great cause therefore the pope was somewhat strait laced in admitting him . he obtained con●ecration so hardly , as in foureteene yeares hee could scarce creepe o●t of debt . riding to durham to be install'd there , hee was robbed ( together with two cardinals , that were then in his company ) upon wiglesden more neere derlington . the captaines of this rour were named gilbert middleton , and walter selby . not content to take all the treasure of the cardinals , the bishop , and their traine ; they carried the bishop prisoner to morpeth , where they constrained him to pay a great ransome . gilbert middleton was soone after taken at his owne castle of nitford , carried to london , and there drawne and hanged in the presence of the cardinalls . after this , one sir iosceline deinvill , and his brother robert , came with a great company to divers of this b. of durhams houses in the habits of friers , & spoyled them , leaving nothing , but bare walls , and did many other notable robberies● for which they & divers of their company were soone after hanged at york . this b. stood very stoutly in defence of the liberties of his see , recovered divers lands taken away from anthony beake his prede●essor , and procured this sentence to be given in the behalfe of his church ; quod episc●pus dunelmensi● debet habere forisfacturas guerrarum intra libertates , sicut rex extra : that the bishop of durham is to have the forfeitures of warre in as ample sort within his owne liberties as the king without . i●mediately after this bishops death in great hast ( but with no great good speed ) the covent of dur●am proceeded unto the election of a new bishop ( the old being yet scarcely buried ) and they made choise of one of their owne company a monke of durham . this election the arch-bishop of yorke confirmed , yea the matter grew so forward , as the same arch-bishop was content to give him consecration also . all this while the kings good will was not sought , no nor ( which was a greater oversight as the world then went ) the popes neither . the king therefore not onely refused to deliver possession of the temporalties unto this elect , but also laboured the pope , ex plenitudine potestatis , to conferre the bishopricke upon a chaplaine of his named richard de bury , the deane of wells . partly to pleasure the one that requested , partly to displeasure the other for not requesting , he did so , and commanded the bishop of winchester to consecrate him ; which being performed at chertsey soone after christmasse , the king presently invested him in the temporalties belonging to that see. now was the monke a bishop without a bishopricke ; having no other home , he was faine to returne to his cloyster , and there for very griefe ( as it is supposed ) within a few dayes after dyed . this richard dé bury , at what time edward of windsor prince of wales fled into france with his mother , was principall receiver of the kings revenewes in gascoigne . their mony failing , he ayded them secretly with a great summe of that he had received for the king. it had almost cost him his life , he was so narrowly pursued by some of the kings friends that got understanding of it , as hee was glad to hide himselfe in a steeple in paris the space of seven dayes . the queene we know was then contriving an open rebellion and plotting a mischeivous treason against her husband king edward the second , whom she shortly after seised upon in an hostile manner , and afterwards caused to be deprived and murthered , so that this prelates furnishing of her thus with the kings owne monies to further this her designe , was high treason at the least . not to mention how the pope upon king edward the third his request consecrated * thomas hatfield his secretary bishop of this see without any regard or examination of his worthinesse being a man altogether illiterate , and that when some of the cardinalls tooke exceptions against him , saying , that he was not onely a meere lay man , but a fell●w of light behaviour , and no way fit for that place , how the pope answered , that if the king of england had requested him for an asse at that time he would not have denyed him , and thereupon made this a●se a bishop . iohn fordham bishop of durham , anno . was by parliament banished the court , as a pernicious instrument and corrupter of king richard the second , a traytor , a flatterer , a whisperer , a slanderer and wicked person . iohn sherwood the bishop of durham solliciter of all king edward the fourths causes in the court of rome , fell off from his masters sonne king edward the fifth , to that bloody usurper richard the third , at whose * coronation this bishop of durham went on the one side of him , * and the bishop of bath on the other , the arch-bishop of canterbury with the rest of the bishops and abbots mitred and in rich copes , every one of them carrying censers in their hands , going in great solemnity before him , and afterwards crowning both him and his queene , according to the custome of the realme : so officious were they to this usurper . cutbert tonstall the . bishop of durham , december . . was committed to the tower for his disobedience to king edward the sixth , where he continued all his reigne . the king was so farre offended with him that . edward . . the bishopricke of durham was dissolved by * act of parliament and all the lands and hereditaments thereof given to the king : * but he dying this bishopricke was againe revived and erected . . mar. parliament . . cap. . and this bishop thereunto restored . who in the first yeare of queene elizabeth for his contumacy and disobedience in maintaining the popes supremacie which he oppugned formerly , and for refusing the oath of supremacy which he had sworne unto in the raigne of king henry the eight , he was justly deprived and committed prisoner to lambeth house , where he dyed . i finde this tonstall highly applauded by some who lived since his dayes , but m. tyndall who knew him farre better than they , writes thus of him . and as for the bishopricke of durham , to say the very truth , he ( to wit cardinall wolsie ) could not but of good cougruity reward his old chaplaine , and one of the chiefe of all his secretaries withall , still saturne , that so seldome speaketh , but walketh up and downe all day musing and imagining mischiefe , a doubling hypocrite made to dissemble . which for what service done in christs gospell came he to the bishopricke of lond●n ? or what such service did he therein ? hee burnt the new testament , calling it , doctrinam peregrinam , strange learning : ( the story of whose buying and burning of m. tyndals new testaments , who with the money set forth a new and better edition , is related * by m. hall , at large , in his chronicle . h. . f. . ) yea verily , looke how strange his living in whose blood that testament was made , was from the living of the pope ; even so strange is that doctrine from the popes law , in which onely , and in the practise thereof is tunstall learned . which also for what cause left he the bishopricke of london ? even for the same cause he tooke it after that he had long served for it , covetousnesse and ambition . neither is it possible naturally ( pray marke this passage ) that there should be any good bishop , so long as the bishoprickes be nothing save worldly pompe , and honour , superfluous abundance of all manner of riches , and liberty to doe what a man left unpunished ; things which onely the evill desire , and good men abhorre . for the late bishops of this see of durham , neale , & howson , their dispositions and actions against goodnesse and good men , and their turbulencie both in church and state , are so well knowne to most , that i neede not mention it . and as for the present bishop dr morton , whom i honour for his learning and workes against the papists , how farre hee hath degenerated of late yeares from his pristine zeale and hatred of romish superstitions and innovations , and how farre he hath ingaged himself in the late wars and differences between england and scotland , i leave to others to determine . onely this i cannot pre●ermit in silence ; that as the first popish innovations and superstitions , which lately over-spread our whole church , had their originall from bishop neale and his chaplaine dr. cosens at durham ; so god hath made that city and bishopricke of durham ( the onely county of england stiled by the name of a bishoprick ) the seate of our late wars wherein the scottish armie now resides ; to manifest to all the world , that these unhappie civill warres sprung from the bishops , since the seate of them is no where but in this bishoprick , the scottish generall for the most part hath kept his residence in the bishop of durhams own palaces , who for feare hath left them vacant , and fled that country which he hath much oppressed . from durham i proceede to salisbury . salisbury . alstane or adelstane , bishop of sherburne ( which see was not long after translated to salisbury ) * turned warrior , and led an army into kent against ethelwolfe king o● that county , and chased away both the king , and all other that would not submit themselves to egbert , over the thames out of their country . he fought oft against the danes , provided money , and furnished out men to withstand them , and tooke upon him to order all matters of the state under king ethelwolfe . when king ethelwolfe returned from rome , adelstane who bare no small rule in the kingdome of the west-saxons , would not suffer him to be admitted king , because he had done in certaine points contrary to the lawes and ordinances of the kingdome , as he conceived ; whereupon by this bishops meanes ethelbald this kings sonne was established king in his fathers steed , and so continued , till at last by agreement the kingdome was devided betwixt them . this bishop was fervently set on covetousnesse , and greatly enriched his see of sherburne , where he continued bishop . yeares . roger , the great rich bishop of salisbury , advanced and specially trusted by king henry the first , for all the benefits that he and his friends received from him , proved not so thankfull or faithfull to his majestie as was to be expected . * for king henry the first having lost his onely sonne and heire apparent prince william , by mis-fortune upon the sea , and having no issue lawfully begotten to inherit the kingdome , but onely mawd the empresse , thought good to take an oath of all the nobility ; wherein they promised , to yeeld obedience to her as their soveraigne , and to none other . this oath roger not onely tooke himselfe , but likewise administred to all the other , being then chancellour of england : yet notwithstanding forgetting all duties of religion towards god , of thankfulnesse towards his patron , and loyalty towards his prince , he was the first man who upon the death of the king fell to plotting for the advancement of stephen unto the kingdome ( who likewise had taken the former oath and swore homage and fealty unto mawde ) which by his perswasion he first attempted , and much deale by his ungracious counsell at last obtained . at the time of king henry his death , it hapned that mawde was in normandy with her father , wherefore stephen earle of bologne taking this advantage , wrought so with this bishop , and the bishop of winchester , and they with him , as they were content to set the crowne upon his head , who otherwise than by a kinde of election which they procured , had no colour of right unto the same . for if they regarded nearenesse of blood , not onely mawde and her sonne were nearer , but theobald also earle of bloyes , stephens elder brother . howbeit these clergie men that bare all the sway in those times , desirous to continue their owne greatnesse , would needes make choyse of him , thinking by this meanes they should so farre obleige stephen to them , as in all likelihood it must be a meanes not onely to continue , but likewise much to encrease their swaying power , greatnesse and authority . as for the oath they had taken , this bishop devised an excuse ; that king henry after the time they had sworne to his daughter , marrying her out of the realme without her consent , had therein discharged them of that oath . however , this allegation might bleare the eyes of men , it could not deceive god , that out of his justice turned this device to the destruction of many , and the infinite trouble of all them that had any finger in the same , especially of this bishop . king stephen in the beginning of his raigne , to secure himselfe the better against forraine invasions , as he thought , granted license unto all that would to build castles in any part of the realme ; by vertue of which grant in a short time after , there were erected no lesse than . new castles . this bishop hereupon ( cujus opera nunquam episcopali a fuere , writes neubrigensis ) built a castle , at the devises ( the goodliest , stateliest building in all europe ) with the castles of shirborne and malmesbury , and new walled and repaired the castle of salisbury : et quoniam hujusmodi extructio episcopalem honestatem minus decere videbatur , ad tollendam illius structionis invidiam & quasi expiandam maculam , totidem monasteria construens , collegis religiosis implevit , saith the same neubrigensis . these antidotes were of so small force , as there wanted not many to buzze dayly into the kings eares , that these castles no doubt were intended to entertaine the party of the empresse his adversary , and that it much behooved him to take them from the bishop , in whose hands to leave them was neither safe nor seemely . wherefore partly out of feare and jealousie of the bishops fidelity , and partly out of a desire of the bishops wealth , as some conjecture , he summons a councell at oxford , whither all the bishops , and specially roger of salisbury are summoned . roger would faine excuse himsel●e by his age and indisposition of body ; whereunto the king answered that he could by no meanes spare him , nor want his advice , whereon he meant principally to relye . whereupon the bishop presuming on the kings ●avour ( who had made one of his nephewes chancellour , another treasurer of england , bestowed on himselfe the burrough of malmesbury , saying sometimes , let this man beg while he will , for a while , i will grant him halfe the kingdome rather than say him nay , and sooner shall he be weary of craving than i of granting ) repaired to oxford , where there grew a fray betweene some of the kings officers and the bishops men about lodgings , wherein two of his men were slaine and divers wounded . hereupon his men and he fled , as also his son & nephews , but they were all persued and taken , except the bishop of ely , who fled to the castle of the devises , which was very well manned and provided , determining to hold it out against the king , who presently repaired thither with all speed , carrying his prisoners along with him , whom he caused to be very hardly used , shutting up the one bishop in an oxestall , the other in a filthy black roome , more loathsome than the other . at his first comming he summoned the castle , entending to prove all meanes to get in rather than let this occasion slip . trying therefore many practises , when no other would take successe , he caused a paire of gallowes to be set up , and swore he would hang roger the bishop , if the castle were not presently yeelded up to him . the bishop of ely continuing obstinate in his deniall , though his uncle of salisbury had entreated him earnestly to yeeld , the halter was now about the young mans necke , and he ready to be executed , when his father humbly besought the king to accept his best endeavour for the effecting of his desire , and to save his sonnes life , was content , to sweare he would neither eate nor drinke before the castle were delivered to the king. hereupon the execution of the son was stayed , but it cost the father his life . for the bishop of ely his nephew , notwithstanding what entreaty would be made , suffered his uncle to ●ast three whole dayes before he would give over● by meanes whereof the old bishop , partly for griefe , partly by so long abstinence ●ell sicke of a quartaine ague , whereof he languished and at last dyed , raving and taking on like a man distract of his wits certaine dayes before his departure , which death and usage of his is by our historians reputed a just judgement of god upon him for his perjury and treason against mawde in dis-inheriting her of the crowne contrary to his oath . there was found in this castle of his . markes of silver ready coyned , besides gold , plate , jewels and household stuffe of inestimable price , all which the king layd hands on ; the bishops sonne was kept in prison , and dealt earnestly withall to renounce the empresse against whom he had formerly sided , and devote himselfe to the kings party ; which he constantly refused , and with long suite obtained at last , that hee might be banished the realme . * this act of the king in seising the bishops castles , was variously spoken of many . some sayd , the bishops were lawfully deprived of them , because they had built them without any warrant from the canons , that they ought to be evangelists of peace , not architects of castles , which might prove a refuge to malefactors . hugh arch-bishop of rhoan , alleadged these things with more ample reasons and speeches , being the kings greatest advocate , and maintaining his side with all his eloquence . others held the contrary , with whom henry bishop of winchester sided , being the popes legate , and the kings owne brother ; whom neither his brotherly alliance , nor feare of danger compelled to exorbitate from the truth , who alledged , that if the bishops had transgressed the rule of justice in any thing , that the judgement hereof belonged not to the king , but to the canons , and that they ought not to be deprived of any possession without a publik ecclesiasticall councell ; that the king had done this , not out of a zeale of rectitude , but for his owne profit , who rendred not the castles to the churches , by whose cost , and on whose lands they were built , but contrarily gave them to lay men , and that to such who had little religion in them : speaking these things privately , and also publikely before the king , and calling upon him to free and restore the bishops , he lost his labour , no man listning to him . wherfore determining to try the vigour of the canons , he commanded the king ●his brother immediately to appeare before him at the councell which he was about to celebrate at winchester , where most of the bishops of england assembling , the cardinalls commission for his power legatine● from pope innocent being first read , he made a speech in latine , wherein he complained of the unworthy apprehending of the bishops of salisbury and lincolne , both detained prisoners , affirming that it was a miserable wickednesse that the king was so farre seduced by incendiaries , that he should command hands to be layd on his owne people , especially on his bishops in the peace of his court. that a celestiall injury was hereby added to the kings dishonour , that under pretence of the defaults of the bishops , churches should be spoyled of their possessions . that the kings excesse against the law of god did so farre grieve him , that he would rather suffer much losse both in his body and , estate than the episcopall celsitude should be cast downe with so great indignity ; that he of● admonished● the king to amend this same , who even then refused not the calling of the councell ; that therefore the arch-bishop and the rest should consult together what was needfull to be done , and hee would not be wanting to the execution of their advise , neither for love of the king who was his brother , nor for the losse of his possessions , no nor yet for the perill of his head . the king not distrusting his cause , sent some earles unto the councell , demaunding why he was summoned thither ? the legate answered them in briefe ; that he who remembred that he had subjected himselfe to the faith of christ , ought not to be angry if he were called by christs ministers to make satisfaction , being conscious of so great guilt as these ages had never seene . for it was the act of secular gentiles to imprison bishops and strip them of their possessions . therefore they should tell his brother , that if he would give a willing assent to his councell , he would by gods direction give him ●uch as neither the church of rome , nor the court of the king of france , nor count theobald , brother to them both , should contradict , but ought favourably to embrace ; that the king for the present should doe advisedly , if either he would give an account of his fact , or undergoe the judgement of the canons : for he ought of duty to favour the church , by reception into whose bosome , and not by a ●and of souldiers he was promoted to the kingdome . whereupon the earles departing , returned not long af●er w●th albin de●er , an experienced lawyer : who pleaded , that roger the bishop had many wayes in●ured king stephen ; that he came very seldome to his court ; tha● his men presuming on his power had raised seditions , that as often in other places , so of late at oxford they had made assaults on men , and that upon earle alans owne nephew , and upon the servants of henry de lyons , a man of so great nobility , & so haughty a brow , that he would never upon king henries request condescend to come into england ; that this injury redounded to king stephen , for whose loves sake h●e came , that so great violence was offered to him : that the bishop of lincolne out of his inveterate hatred against alan had by his servants beene the author of sedition : that the bishop of salisbury secretly favoured the kings enemies dissembling his double dealing in the interim till a fi● occasion : that the king had undoubtedly discovered this by many things , and by this especially , that he would not suffer roger mortimer with the kings souldiers , which he led in great ●eare of the bristow men , so much as to stay one night at malmesbury ; that it was in every mans mouth , that as soone as ever the empresse should arrive , that he with his n●phewes and castles , would revolt to her : that roger was thus taken , not as a bishop but as the kings servant , who both administred his affaires , and received his wages : that the king had not taken away the castles from them by violence , but that both the bishops thankefully rendered them , that they might excuse the calumny of the tumult which they had raised in the court ; that the king found some money in the castles , which were law●ully his owne , because the bishop had collected it out of the rents of the royall exchequer in the time of king henry his uncle and antecessor ; that the bishop for feare of his offences against the king , willingly parted from them , as he did from his castles , of which ●he king wanted not witnesses ; that therefore he desired the agreements betweene him and the bishops should remaine firme . roger on the other side alleaged , that he was never a servant to the king nor received his wages ; moreover some threatnings were uttered by this generous prelate ( who scorned to be dejected with mis-fortunes ) that if he found not justice in that councell for the things taken from him , that he would complaine thereof in the audience of a greater court. the legate answered mildly● that they ought first to inquire as of other things , so of all things which are spoken against bishops in an ecclesiasticall councell , by way of accusation , whether they be true or not ? rather then to pronounce sentence , against men uncondemned contrary to the decrees of the canons : let the king therefore doe that is lawfull to be done in secular judgements , revest the bishop of the things taken away by the law of the nations , disseised men shall not plead . many things being spoken on both sides after this manner , the cause at the kings request was deferred . dayes longer , till the archbishop of rhoan came ; who sayd , he granted that bishops might have castles if they could prove by the canons , that by law they ought to have them ; which because they could not , that it was extreame dishonesty to contend against the canons ; and grant ( saith he ) that they may enjoy them , yet verily because it is a suspitious time , all the great men according to the custome of other nations ought to deliver up the keyes of their fortresses to the kings pleasure , who ought to wage warre for the peace of all men . thus all the controversie of the bishops was weakned : for either according to the decrees of the canons it is unjust they should have castles ; or if this be tolerated by the kings indulgence , they ought to yeeld up the keyes t● the necessity of the time . to this albric the kings lawyer added , that the king was informed , that the bishops threatned among themselves , and provided to send some of them to rome against him . and this ( saith he ) the king commendeth to you , that none of you presume to doe it , for if any one against his will , and the dignity of the kingdome of england , shall goe any where from england , peradventure his returne shal be difficult . moreover he , because he seeth himselfe grieved , of his own accord appeales you to rome . after the king , partly by commending , partly by way of threatning had commanded these things , it was understood whither it tended● wherefore they so departed , that neither he would suffer the censure of the canons ( nor be judged by them ) neither did the bishops thinke fit to exercise it , and that for a double reason : either because it would be temerarious to excommunicate the king without the popes privity ; or else because they heard , and some also saw , that there were swords drawne round about them , for words were no jests , but there was a contention almost about life and blood . yet the legate and archbishop gave not over , but prosecuted the tenor of their office : for casting themselves humbly downe at the kings feete in his bedchamber , they beseeched him to compassionate the church , to compassionate his owne s●ule and fame , that he would not suffer a dissention to be made betweene the kingdome and priesthood : he rising up courteously , although he removed the envie of the things done ●rom himselfe , yet he made no effectuall performance of his good promises . and so this great suite ( wherein the prelates presumed to convent the king himselfe before them to try his title to castles , being temporall possessions ) ceased , and the pretended execution of their owne canons , ( never pressed before that i read of ) vanished into nothing . these bickerings betweene the bishop his nephewes , and the king ( to whom he owed even the crowne he wore ) caused all the bishops to fall off from him againe , and joyne with maude . this their treachery to king stephen is most fully recorded by william malmesbury , who relates , * that the bishop of winchester , brother to king stephen , and the popes legate , taking some offence against the king , came to a parley with maude in the fields neere winchester , where maude the empresse swore and vowed to him , that all the greatest businesses in england and especially the donations of bishoprickes and abbies should be at his disposall , if he with the holy church would receive her for their soveraigne , and be continually loyall to her ; some of the greatest nobles of her party making the same oath : whereupon the bishop made no scruple to receive the empresse as lady of england , and to sweare to her by himselfe and some others , that as long as she brake not this agreement , that he would be faithfull to her : which done , the next day she was received by the bishop in the cathedrall church of winchester with an honourable procession , the bishop of winchester going on her right hand , and barnard bishop of saint davids on her left : there were other bishops present beside these , as , alexander bishop of lincolne , robert of hereford , nigellus of ely , robert of bath , with sundry abbots● a few dayes after theobald arch-bishop of canterbury came to the empresse at winchester being invited by the legate , but de●erred to sweare fealty to the empresse without the kings privity , being ( as hee thought ) a dishonour to his fame and person ; but after some conference had with the king by the cardinall , and most of the prelates who intreated leave of him to yeeld to the necessity of the time , they condescended to the legates motion and fell off to the empresse . whereupon about a fortnight after easter , theobald arch-bishop of canterbury held a councell of all the bishops of england , and of many abbots in great state at winchester , wherein the bishop of winchester made this speech ; that by vertue of his legatine power which he derived from the pope , he had summoned the clergie of england to this councell , that they might consult in common of the peace of the country , which was in great danger of shipwrack ; that in the time of king henry his uncle , england was a singular houshold of peace , &c. which king some yeares before his death caused all the bishops and barons to sweare to the empresse his daughter and onely childe , that the whole kingdome of england , with the dutchy of normandy , should descend to her if he had no issue male by the duke of loraines daughter . that dismall fortune envied his most excellent uncle , so as he dyed in normandy without issue male . therefore because it seemed long to expect the lady who resided in normandy and delayd to come into england to provide for the peace of the country , my brother was permitted to raigne . and although i became a surety betweene god and him , that hee should honour and exalt the holy church , maintaine good lawes and abrogate evill , yet it grieves me to remember , it shames me to relate what a one he hath shewed himselfe in his kingdome , how no justice hath beene exercised upon the presumptuous , how all peace was presently abolished almost the same yeare , the bishops apprehended and compelled to a reddition of their possessions , abbies sold , the churches rob'd of their treasures : the counsells of wicked men heard , of good men either suspended , or altogether contemned . you know how often i have convented him both by my selfe , and by the bishops , especially in the councell the last yeare summoned to that purpose , and that i got nothing but hatred thereby . neither can it be unknowne to any who will rightly consider it , that i ought to love my mortall brother , but ought much more to esteeme the cause of my immortall father . therefore because god hath exercised his judgement touching my brother , that he might permit him without my knowledge to fall into the power of the mighty , left the kingdome should ●ottet if it wanted a king , i have invited you all by the right of my legation to assemble together at this place . yesterday the cause was secretly ventilated before the greater part of the clergie of england , to whose right especially it belongs both to elect and ordaine a king . therefore having first invocated as it is meete gods assistance , we have ●lected the daughter of a peace-making king , a glorio●s king , a rich king , a good king , and in our time incomparable , to be queene of england and normandy , and we promise fidelity and maintenance to her . when the bishop of winchester had thus spoken all the bishops and clergie present , ( as william of malmsbury ( then present at the councell relates ) did either modestly give their acclamation to the sentence ( of mauds election and stephens rejection ) or keeping silence , did not contradict it . in this councell many who tooke king stephens part , were excommunicated , and by name william martell , who had intercepted some of the legates goods : a●ter this councell the city of london formerly addicted to king stephen , and the greatest part of england willingly submitted to the dominion of maude , who was principally counselled by robert her brother , and by the legate of winchester , who pretended that hee sought her welfare ; but within few dayes after there fell out a difference betweene the legate and maude , which occasioned a great alteration , and was the cause of many new mischiefes in engl●nd . whereupon the bishop legate departed from the court , absolved all those whom he ●ormerly excommunicated in the councell without the consent of the bishops , raised up a complaint against the empresse that she intended to apprehend him , and made no account of any thing she had sworne to : which report was spred over all england . whereupon he stirred up the londoners and barons against the empresse , whom he beseiged and restored s●ephen not onely to his liberty , but to the crowne . in the meane time ●his roger bishop of salisbury dyes of a quar●aine fever , which he fell into out of griefe of minde . * this prelate was so high in king henries favour that he denyed little or nothing to him that he demanded : he gave him lands , churches , prebends of clarkes , whole abbies of monkes , and committed the kingdome to his trust , making him chancellor of england . roger therefore pleaded causes , he moderated expences , he kept the kings treasure , and that without a companion and witnesse , both while the king was present in england , and absent in normandy : and not onely by the king , but likewise by the nobles : and even by those who secretly envied his felicity ; and especially by the kings servants and debto●s , all things almost that he could thinke of were conferred on him : if any thing was contiguous to his possessions which might conduce to his utility , that he either begged or bought , if not , he extorted it by violence , he alone was in greatest honour , abounding in wealth , pompe , ●riends , authority , stately houses and castles , and seemed the onely happy man on earth . yet at last in a moment , fortune cruelly stung him with her scorpions tayle , so as he saw many of his friends wounded , and his most familiar souldiers beheaded before his face , himselfe captivated , two of his nephewes most potent prelates , to be put to flight , and taken prisoners ; and a third a young man whom he most loved to bee bound in chaines , his castles to be rendred up , his treasures spoyled , himself afterwards in a councell torne with most foule reproaches , the residue of his money and plate which he had layd upon the altar to finish a church to be● carried away against his will , and which is the extremity of calamity , cum multis miser videretur● paucissimis miserabilis erat . so much envy & hatred had he contracted out of his over great power , and that undeservedly with some whom he had advanced to honours . so malmesbury writes of him , of whom you have heard sufficient . anno dom. . huber● de burgo earle of kent being taken and proclaimed a traytor , escaped out of the castle of ve●● or devises , and tooke sanctuary in the next church ; those who kept the castle hearing of it , sent and tooke him ( with those that helped him to make his escape ) out of the church and imprisoned him againe in the castle . robert bingham the bishop of salisbury hereupon came to the castle and threatned to curse them , if they would not deliver the earle & restore him to sanctury againe . they made answer they had rather the earle should hang for them than they for him : and so because they would not deliver him the bishop excommunicated them ; and after riding to the cour● , and taking with him the bishop of london , and other bishops , prevailed so much by complaint to the king , that the earle ( though a traytor ) was restored to the church againe , but so as the sheriffe of the shire had commandement to compasse the church about with men , to watch that no reliefe came unto him , whereby he might bee constrained through famishment to submit himselfe , but hee shortly armed , was there rescued by a power of armed men , who conveyed him armed , and o● horsebacke into wales , where he joyned with other of king henry the thirds enemies . and all through the pride , and practise of this prelate , to whose pretended jurisdiction even in case of treason , the king himselfe must submit . william of yorke the ninth bishop of salisbury about the year . was a courtier from his childhood , and better seene the in lawes of the realme ( which hee chiefly studied ) than in the law of god a great deale . matthew paris reporteth that he fir●● brought in the custome that tenants should be suiters unto the courts of their landlords . this matthew paris stiles a very bad custome , in magnum subditorum damnum & detrimentum & superiorum parvum vel nullum emolumentum , unde qui nunquam hoc fecerant mirabantur se ad hoc fuisse coactos . and speaking of this bishops death he saith , this bishop passed from these worldly cares and imployments to the dangers which secular men and courtiers are beleeved to undergoe ; for their workes follow them . anno . king richard the second , picked a quarrell against the major and sheriffes of london upon this occasion . walter romay one of iohn walthams servants then bishop of salisbury and high treasurer of england , tooke a horseloafe from a bakers man as hee passed by in fleetstreet , and would not deliver it againe , but broke the bakers mans head , when he was earnest to recover his loafe , the cohabitants of the streete hereupon rose and would have had the bishops man to prison for breaking the kings peace , but hee was rescued by his fellowes , and escaped to the bishops house in an allie close by ; the people set in a rage for this rescue , gathered in great multitudes about the bishops palace gate , and would have fetched out the offender by force , assaulting the house to breake it open ; but the major and sheriffes comming thither , after some perswasions used , appeased the people , who retired quietly to their houses . the bishop being then at windsor , where the court lay , being informed of this riot , tooke such indignation therewith , that taking with him thomas arundell archbishop of yorke , then lord chancellor of england , he went to the king , and made an hainous complaint against the citizens for their misdemeanour : whereupon the major , sheriffes , and great sort more of the citizens were sent for to the court , and charged with divers misdemeanors ; & notwithstanding their excuses they were all arrested , and imprisoned ; the major in the castle of windsor , the rest in other places to be safely kept , till the king by the advice of his counsell should further determine , what should be done with them ; moreover the liberties of the city were seised into the kings hands , the authority of the major utterly ceased , and the king appointed sir edward darlingrug to governe the city by the name of lord warding , and to see that every man had justice ministred as the case required ; who because hee was thought to be overfavourable to the citizens , was removed , and sir baldwin radington put in his roome . at length the king through suit , and instant labour of certaine noblemen , especially of the duke of glocester , began somewhat to relent and pacifie his rigorous displeasures against the londoners : and releasing them out of prison , and confirming some of their priviledges , and abrogating others , hee was at last reconciled to them after they had purchased his pardon with many rich presents to him and his queene whom they royally intertained , and the payment of ten thousand pounds , which they were compelled to give the king , & to collect of the commons of the city , not without great offence and grudging in their minds . and a●l this came through the pride and malice of this prelate of salisbu●y , whose servant had occasioned this riot , and yet went scotfree , when the innocent major and citizens were thus rigorously dealt withall . m. fox observes truly , that this unjust oppression of the londoners , was a great preparative to king richards deposing , and lost him the hearts of his true subjects . this proud prelate when hee died , by king richards appointment had the honour to have his body interred among the kings at westminster . richard milford b. of this diocesse , about the yeare . was by an order of the barons made in parliament imprisoned a long time in the castle of bristoll , as a pernicious whisperer , flatterer , evill counseller , and traytor to king richard the second , and the state : yet afterwards being inlarged , he was advanced by this king , & continued one of his evill counsellors and instruments . william ayscoth , bishop of salisbury confessor to king henry the . by his oppressions and ill dealings so farre discontented his tenants ●nd the people , that in the yeare . iune . when that notable rebell iack cade was set up against his soveraigne , some tenants of the bishops and others came to edendon , where hee was then saying masse , drew him from the altar in his albe with his stole about his necke , to the top of an hill not farre off , and there as hee kneeled on his knees praying , they cleft his head , spoyled him to the skinne , and renting his bloody shirt into a number of peeces , tooke every man a ragge to keepe it for a monument of their worthy exploit . a barbarous murther , yet occasioned by his owne ill carriage , violence , oppressions , and for consenting to the giving up of the dutchy of anjou , and mayne into the hands of the french king , as some report : since this mans murther , i find little or nothing recorded of any bishops of this see : wherefore i shall now steare my course towards lincolne diocesse . lincolne . anno . aldred bishop of leicester ( afterwards translated to lincolne ) was deprived of his bishopricke , for his seditious misdemeanors ; * it is very like hee sided with the cruell pagan danes , though his crimes be not expressed in particular . eadnoth bishop of this see , turned * warriour , and was slaine by the danes in battle , in the yeare ● vlfe a man * very learned , in the yeare . together with robert arch-bishop of canterbury , and william bishop of london , who had given king edward the confessor wicked counsell against the english , were banished into normandy , their native country , for this offence , vix evadentes , hardly escaping with their lives ; they having beene instruments to cause the king to infringe his good lawes , and not to administer right iustice , which he promised to reforme upon these prelates dimission ; who miscounselled him . this bishop among the rest , going to the councell of vercels , to complaine to the pope of his wrongfull banishment , so farre forth bewrayed his owne weakenesse and insufficiency , as the pope was determined to have displaced him from his bishopricke , untill with gifts and golden eloquence , he perswaded him to winke at his imperfections . alexander bishop of lincolne , anno . * opposed william the conquerour , who appointed how many souldiers every bishopricke and abby that held of him by barony should finde in time of warre , from which they were formerly freed : hereupon he and stigand arch-bishop of canterbury , fled into scotland , where they kept themselves close for a time ( being banished by the conqueror ) and at last ioyned with the scots against him : egelwin bishop of durham being an exile at the same time , having onely the zeale of god , excommunicated all the invaders of the church , and ravishers of ecclesiasticall things . this alexander is omitted by godwin in his catalogue of the bishops of this see ; and it seemes hee was deprived among other bishops in the councel of winchester , anno . for opposing the conquerour . remigius ( who translated his see from dorchester to lincolne , and built the cathedrall there , to whose consecration by the kings command , * all the bishops of england were summoned , himselfe dying two dayes before the time appointed for its consecration ) was impeached of high treason against king william rufus , but his servant purging his master by the iudgement of an hot iron ( or ordalium ) then in use , restored him to the kings favour , and wiped off this blot to his pontificall honour , as huntindon writes . he was preferred first to this bishopricke by william the conquerour , for divers good services done unto him , for which he long before promised him a bishopricke in england . the consideration of this gift comming to the popes eare , he would needs adiudge it simony , and as a symonist actually deprived him of his bishopricke : but at the request of lanfranke arch-bishop of canterbury , hee restored him to his ring and crosier againe . the arch-bishop of yorke labored to hinder the translation of his see to lincoln , laying challenge to the iurisdiction of that county , as antiently belonging to his archbishoprick , wherupon the bishop was forced to crave in aid of the king to make good the title , and his successor robert bloet , was glad to give william rufus pound to cleare the title , that the arch-bishop of yorke layd unto the iurisdiction of this see and county ; which was reputed symony in the king , but iustice in the bishop . alexander , nephew to roger the great rich bishop of salisbury , consecrated bishop of lincolne iuly . an. . placed his chiefe delight in building of castles , wherein hee imitated his unkle roger , hereupon hee built a stately castle at banbury , another at newarke , a third at sleford , which saith * nubrigensis , did ill beseem a bishops honesty , much lesse his function . these castles were such eye-sores to king stephen , as they provoked him to picke a quarrell with the bishop , to clap him up in prison ( together with his uncle roger of salisbury , and to bereave them at once , both of their munition and treasure , of which they had heaped up great store . for king stephen fearing that this great rich prelate and his uncle of salisbury ( who had built two strong castles , the one at salisbury the other at the devises ) would side with maud the empresse , against him , sends for both these bishops , and demands those castles of them , which they refusing to deliver up to his possession ; the king thereupon claps them up in prison , besiegeth their castles , which their creatures held out and kept by force against him , til at the last with much a do he possessed himselfe of them , in such manner as is before more largely related in the story of roger of salisbury . the king not long after releasing this bishop , he and some others secretly conspired against him , procured maud the empresse to come over with an army , with whom he joyned . and by this and the other confederates assistance stephen was afterwards taken prisoner , deprived of his crowne in a synod at winch●ster ; maud received and acknowledged as queene by the prelates and kingdome , till stephen being againe released by the bishops practises , and putting maud to the worst , after many battels and great effusion of english christian blood , ( occasioned onely by the prelates practises , ) stephen and maud came to a mutuall agreement . of which you may read more largely in roger of salisbury . the see of lincolne continuing voyd almost seven yeeres after the death of robert de chisney , geoffry plantagenet archdeacon of lincolne , base sonne to king henry the second was elected bishop thereto ; who contenting himselfe with the large revenues of the bishopricke , never sought consecration ; well knowing that he might so fleece the sheepe though he listed not to take the charge of feeding the sheepe . seven yeeres he reaped the fruits of that see by colour of his election , and then by the popes commandement to richard archbishop of canterbury to compell geoffry either to resigne his ●ishopricke , or immediately to enter into orders , and to take the office of a bishop on him , he resigned all his interest in the same , the copy of which resignation you may read in roger hoveden † . after which he turned couttier for eight yeeres space , and at last returning to the church againe , became archbishop of yorke● how he carried himselfe in that see i have before in part expressed ( page , . ) and now shall give you some further account ( t●ough somewhat out of course ) out of * roger hoveden and others . he was no sooner setled in yorke , but there fell out a great contestation betweene him and henry deane of yorke , and buchard the treasurer , whom he excommunicated for refusing to give over singing , and to begin their service afresh upon his entering into th● church ; whereby the church that day ceased from divine service . this difference being composed buchard and geoffry soone after fell ou● againe ; whereupon ge●ffry excommunicating him the second time , he goes to the pope for absolution , and so farre prevailed with the pope , that he would neither confirme geoffries election nor suffer him to be consecrated . and withall the pope exempted hugh bishop of durham from making any profession of subjection to geoffry elect of yorke during his life , though he were consecrated , because he h●d formerly once made his profession to the church of yorke , and to s. william the archbishop of yorke , and to his successors . queene elenor , k. richards mother , hereupon passeth from messana through rome to intreat and humbly beseech the pope in the kings behalfe , to confirme his brothers election to yorke , and either to consecrate him archbishop thereof by himselfe or some other : which the pope doing , geoffry shortly after cites hugh bishop of durham peremptorly to appeare before him at a synod in the cathedrall church at yorke , thereto professe his obedience to him , which he endeavoured to substract , and to exempt himselfe by all meanes from his jurisdiction . hugh refuseth to come thither , or to make his profession or obedience to him ( being , as he said , not bound by law to doe it : and thereupon appeales the first , second , and third time to the pope , and submits his cause to him . the archbishop hearing of it , in great fury excommunicates him notwithstanding this appeale , threatning to compell him to make profession and obedience by ecclesiasticall censures notwithstanding this appeale . the bishop of durham on the other side would not obey the 〈◊〉 , but in contempt thereof , boldly celebrated , and caused to be celebrated divine offices as before . the archbishop hereupon overturnes all the altars where the bishop of durham had celebrated , and breakes the chalices within his diocesse wherein any other had celebr●ted in the bishops presence ; and held his brother iohn earle of morton for an excommunicate person , because he had ea●en with the bishop of du●ham after that sentence , and would not communicate with him untill he gave him satisfaction and came to be absolved . when the bishop of durham saw that many refused to speake , eate or drinke with him , he sent messengers to the pope , who relating to him first in secret , then before all the cardinals , how indiscreetly and archbishop had excommunicated him , slighting his appeale ; the pope and all the cardinals adjudged that sentence a meere nullity , and that it ought not to be observed ; and thereupon the pope writ a letter to the bishops of lincolne , rochester , and others to declare this sentence of excommunication voyd , in their churches , by vertue of the popes apostolicall authority , and to command the people to communicate with the bishop of durham notwithstanding it , as they did before ; and to declare , that the bishop for the injuries done unto him by the archbishop in overturning the altars , and breaking the chalices , should be exempted from all subjection to him during life . whereupon these bishops and delegates met at northampton , and after much debate , departed without any final agreement . in lent following this archbishop being summoned to appeare at london by the kings justices , came to westminster with his crosse carried before him ; whereupon the bishop of london and the other prelates prohibited him to presume to carry his crosse within the province of canturbury : who contemptuously answered them , that he would not let it down● for them ; yet by the advice of his followers he hid it from the face of the people , left a tumult should arise among the clergy . the bishop of london accounting him excommunicate for this transgression , suspended the new temple , where the archbishop lodged , both from divine service , and the tolling and ringing of bels , so as he was forced to goe out of the city . after this the archbishop levied a great army , fortified doncastre , and would have besieged thifehill castle belonging to earle morton , which hugh bardalfe and william st●●ville refusing to doe , he departed with his men in a 〈◊〉 from them , calling them traitors to the king and kingdome . soone after the deanery of yorke being voyd , the archbishop first gave the deanery to simon apull , and after that to one philip , whom the king recommended . the canons of yorke pretending the right of electing the deane to appertaine to them , elected apul against the bishops will. the archbishop hereupon appeales to rome , the canons notwithstanding proceed in their election of apul ; the archbishops messengers and apul meeting with the king in germany in their passage towards rome , he inhibited all their appeales to rome ; saying , that if any attempted the contrary , he should not returne into the realme againe . in the meane time , the canons of yorke suspended the cathedrall church from all their accustomed divine service , and their bels likewise from their usuall office of ringing , for which the whole city was in an uproare : they likewise uncloathed their altars , locked up the archbishops stall in the quire , barred up the doore by which he used to enter into the church out of his pallace and chappell , and did many other things in contempt of him ; which the archbishop hearing of , being ready to take ship to passe the seas , returned to the church , admonishing and commanding the ministers of this church to minister therein after the ancient manner ; who contemning his admonition and precept , left the church voyd , and destitute of divine service . hereupon shortly after the archbishop by the advice of his wisest friends , puts new ministers and officers into the cathedrall church which he found voyd , to officiate there ; which they did till the canons and chaplaines were restored againe thereto by lay power and violence : he likewise excommunicates foure of the chiefe officers of the church for suspending it ; who thereupon complaine to the king , and appeale to rome ; where the pope hearing both parties , setled the deanery upon simon apul for that time , saving the rights of the archbishop and chapter , thereto for the future , which he left undecided . as soone as ever the deane was thus setled and invested by a golden ring , he and the chapter defame and accuse the archbishop , alleaging ; that he was a violent spoyler of his owne and other mens clerkes ; a wicked extortioner , that he brake open church doores by violence and force of armes , symoniacally divided and reteyned ecclesiasticall benefices , gave no respect to appeales , that vilipending all his episcopall office , he was 〈◊〉 to hauking , hunting and other military cares ! for which things they intended to depose him , especially those whō he himselfe had advanced to great honours , and enriched with great wealth and revences in the church of yorke , beyond that he ought . of such the lord saith , i have nourished and exalted children , but they have rebelled against me . let them therefore beware lest with iudas the traytor they be condemned in hell. hereupon the pope writ to hugh bishop of lincolne , and his cojudges , that if any would accuse the archbishop of these things , they should diligently heare what both sides propounded , and certifie him the truth in writing under their seales : and if no accuser appeared , and there were a publique fame of them , that then the archbishop should be enjoyned to make his purgation with three bishops and three abbots . the archbishop had appealed before the citation of the judges , and had taken his journey to prosecute his appeale ; but being hindred by the kings prohibition and the distemper of the ayre , he appeared not at rome on the day prefixed , nor yet at a further day given him : whereupon he was suspended from all his episcopall administration . soone after this hubert archbishop of canterbury comes to nottingham to king richard the first , causing his crosse to be carried before him : geoffry of yorke carried not his crosse , but complained to the king of canturbury , for carrying his crosse up in the province of yorke ; which when the archbishop had heard , and seen that gef●ry carried no crosse before him at all ; he answered ; i carry my crosse throughout all england , & ought to beare it , as primate of all england ; but thou bearest not thy crosse , and perchance thou oughtest not to carry it . and therefore things standing thu● , i appeale to my lord the pope . after this , geffrey bought the sherivalty of yorkshire of the king for . markes , and an . markes annuall rent ; and within few moneths after the king calling a counsell , all the laymen and clergy that would , had the liberty to complaine against this archbishop , who made many complaints of his rapines and unjust exactions , to which he gave no answer . not long after king richard being to be crowned a new at winchester , commanded this archbishop of yorke not to come to his coronation the next day with his crosse borne up before him , lest peradventure some tumult might arise between● him and the archbishop of canterbury : whereupon being thus prohibited to beare his crosse , he refused to be present at the kings coronation . some three weekes after , the king being at waltham , geoffry come● to him with his crosse carried before him ; of which canterbury complained very much to the king , who answered , that this controversie belonged not to him , but to the pope to decide ; and the next day the king made a finall accord betweene william longchamp bishop of ely , and geoffry , touching all controversies about his apprehension and injuries susteined at dover upon his arivall ; ely with an hundred priests more swearing , that hee neither commanded nor willed , that geoffry should be apprehended in such sort . not long after the king being in france , the canons of yorke complained to hubert of canterbury against geoffry their archbishop ; who thereupon sends commissioners to yorke to heare and determine their complaints ; these imprison the archbishops men , accused of robery , so that the archbishop could not b●yle them , restore the canons to the church , and induct them into their stals out of which th●● were expelled ; and because the archbishop appeared not befor● them upon summons , seised on all his lands except the mannor of ripun where he resided , and sequestred his shrievalty of yorkeshire into the hands of others . about the same time the canons of yorke excommunicated formerly by the bishop , procure an absolution from the pope , which was published openly in the church , and they therupon were restored . the archbishop appeales hereupon , and going over to normandy to the king , for . markes procures a restitution of all his lands and goods formerly sequestred and seised ; and a precept to put the deane and canons out of their new gaind possession . not long after the pope sends commissioners to york to enquire of the bishops excesses whereof the canons accused him , mentioned at large in pope caelestines letter and commission recorded by hoveden . the deane comming to yorke from rome while the commissioners were there , some of the archbishops creatures meeting him , perswaded him not to goe to the mother church , which hee not yeelding to , they laid violent hands on him , for which the commissioners excommunicated them ; whereupon he went to the church where the canons joyfully received him . the bishop notwithstanding expulseth him and the canons againe , who thereupon procure a letter from pope coelestine to the deane of lincolne and others , to inquire of their dammages , and to cause the bishop to satisfie them to the full without any appeale : whereupon they proved their dammages before them to amount to one thousand markes . soone after the bishop of whiterne the archbishops suffragan , and officiall , comes to yorke against the time of receiving the lords supper , to consecrate chrisme , and oyle , as he had accustomed . the deane and chapter of yorke would not receive him ; whereupon he went to suelle and there consecrated chrisme and oyle , and delivered them to the archbishops officials , to distribute them throughout the churches of the archbishopicke . geoffry de muschamp archdeacon of cliveland received the chrisme and oyle , but presently cast them into a dunghill , and the other canons of s. peters would receive none of him , but sent to hugh bishop of lincolne to receive oyle and chrisme from him : whereupon peter archdeacon of lincolne , the archbishops brother prohibited the bishop to give them any oyle or chrisme from him : upon which he appealed to rome thereabout . the archbishop the same time , who had offended the king his brother , was reconciled to him , and received into his favour with a kisse of peace , whereupon he grew so excessively proud , that he exasperated the king himselfe with his reproachfull speeches , so as he commanded him to be disseised of his archbishopricke , and vis●ountship of yorke . in the meane time hubert archbishop of canterbury procured himselfe to be the popes legate , with a speciall clause in his buls , & a mandate to the archbishop of yorke , and all other , to submit to his jurisdiction , as legate to the apostolicke s●e ; whereupon he summoned the deane and chapter of yorke to appeare before him , and yeeld subjection to him in their owne cathedrall , as popes legate ; who thereupon received and submitted to him , not as he was archbishop of canterbury , but legate onely : which done , hee summons and holds a councell in the cathedrall church of yorke , wherein he made divers canons for the government of the church and clergy ; and heard the controversie betweene th● archbishop and the deane and chapter of yorke touching the archdeaconry of westring , which they contended for ; but they appealed to rome about it , anno . the canons of yorke solicited 〈◊〉 bishop of lincolne by virtue of the popes commission directed to him , to p●onounce sentence of interdict and suspention against geoffry their bishop : who answered , that he would rather be suspended himselfe , then suspend him ; whereupon the canons sent messengers to rome to complaine to pope caelestine of the bishop of lincolne , and the other judges delegates , that they proceeded not according to the popes injunction . who thereupon sends three letters into england ; one , to simon the deane , wherein he suspends the archbishop from his episcopall function , as a man every way unworthy of it , and gives simon power to execute the same during this suspension . another to all the abbots , clergy , and people of the diocesse of yorke , to notifie this suspention to them , and to command them , not to obey the archbishop or answer before him in any case , but onely before the deane simon , to whom he had delegated his arch-episcopall authority . a third to the b●shop of lincolne and others , expressing all the complaints against the archbishop and his excesses , and commanding them to publish this his suspension from his bishopricke , and to absolve those of his diocesse from any subjection or obedience to him as archbishop . and in all these letters , this is one great cause which they alledge for this his suspension . quod pastoralis officii debito praetermisso , secularibus negotiis implicari , & non divinis obs●quiis , sed venatione , aucupio , & aliis militaribus curis animi sui studium applicare , & exercere alia , quae commisso sibi officio pontificali , & honori non modicum derogant , &c. hereupon the archbishop goes to rome , where after a long delay the pope acquits him from all the deanes and canons accusations , takes off his suspensions , and restores him to his archiepiscopall authority ; the rather because the king being angry with him , had long before spoyled him of his temporal●ies and sought to deprive him . the archbishop hereupon by reason of this kings indignation goes into france not daring to come into england , and seeing he could not finde grace in the kings eyes , to obtaine either his temporalties or his spiritualties , he returnes backe againe towards rome . in the meane time the deane and chapter of yorke conferre the archdeaconry of westrising upon peter imant during life , by the kings consent ; which the archbishop hearing of , excommunicated and suspended him for intruding thereunto without right , and declared his institution thereunto a nullity : which excommunication he sends over into england . soone after ralph wigstof clerke , the archbishops agent at rome , falling desperately ●icke there , consessed before the pope and all his cardinals , that he had gotten many false letters in the court of rome touching the archbishops affaires ; whereupon the pope writ to hubert archbishop of canterbury to intercept these letters , which were found hid in the hands of roger ripunt clerke , together with poysoned rings , girdles , and other poysons which the archbishop sent to destroy the deane and canons of yorke , all which were publikely burnt at totehill before a great multitude of men and women ; the bringer of them was imprisoned , and the archbishop had the blame of all imputed to him . after this the king sent for the deane and canons of yorke , and geoffry the archbishop to meete him in normandy , to reconcile them ; geoffry comming before them was reconciled to the king his brother , who restored him to his temporalties and spiritualties ; which done he departed to rome : but the deane and canons coming three daies after , hindered his restitution till the archbishop and they were accorded , of which they much vaunted . not long after there arose many new contestations and schismes between this archbishop and the deane and canons of yorke about roger and honorius archdeacons of richmond ; which * ho●●den relates at large : of which ( god willing ) i shall give a larger account in my history of the schismes of english prelates betweene themselves ; which how many , great and violent they have beene , you may in part conjecture by this one prelates story . after this the pope writ earnestly to king richard , to desire him to be reconciled to this archbishop his brother , and to embrace him with peac● , least he should be forced in his behalfe to punish him and his kingdome by an ecclesiasticall censure : hereupon the king sent the bishops of durham , ely , winchester , worcester and bath to the archbishop , desiring him in the spirit of humility to confirme all the kings grants , upon which the king would intirely restore him to his archbishopricke . this he profered to doe , if these bishops by a writing under their hands and seales would warrant this counsell before the pope . which they refusing , telling him he was of age to answer for himselfe , departed without any accord : whereupon the archbishop went to rome , whither the king sent messengers against him , who writ to the king from rome , that the pope earnestly desired him to restore the archbishop intirely into his bishopricke , so as he satisfie him the money he owed : which if he refused , he would first by an interdict of the whole province of yorke , after that by an interdict of the whole kingdome , without any appeale enforce him to it , and compell his clerks to resigne their rents which they have received , and the deane and canons of yorke to make an agreement with the bishop , unlesse some new cause should arise . king richard dying , and king iohn succeeding , while geoffry of yorke was beyond sea ; when iohn was to be crowned , philip bishop of durham was so presumptuous , as to appeale against the kings owne coronation , that it should not be accomplished in the absence of geoffry archbishop of yorke and primate of england . after this the king commanded the lands of the archbishop which had beene sequestred almost two yeeres into the hands of stephen turnham , to be delivered to three others for this archbishops use ; yet afterwards he retained them in his owne hands , promising to restore them when as the archbishop and hee met ; who meeting together soone after in normandy , the king and he were reconciled , & he received him honourably . not long after , king iohn displeased with this archbishop seised all his temporalties into his hands by iames de petorne sheriffe of yorkeshire , who violently entred into his manners , and wasted his goods . this archbishop hereupon excommunicates the sheriffe , and all authours and counsellers of this violence , with candles lighted , and bels rung : he likewise excommunicated all who had stirred up his brother iohn to anger against him without his default : he also excomunicated the burgesses of beverly , and suspended the towne it selfe , from the celebration of divine service , and the sound of bels , for breaking his parke , and troubling and diminishing the goods which his predecessor and he had for a time peaceably enjoyed . king iohn by the advice of his counsell restored him afterwards to his bishopricke , but gave him a day in court to answer his contempt in not going beyond the seas with him when summoned to doe it ; in not suffering the kings officers to leavy money of his plowlands , as they did in all other parts of the kingdome ; in beating the sheriffe of yorkes servants , and in not paying him . markes due to king richard : soone after , the king comming to beverly , was neither received with pro●ession nor sound of bels by reason of the archbishops interdict , whose servant henry chappell denied to let the king have any of the archbishops wine ; for which affront the king commanded him and all the archbishops servants to be imprisoned , whereever they should be found : whereupon the king comming to yorke , the archbishop for a round summe of money ( through the queenes mediation ) bought his peace of the king ; but yet instantly fell out with the deane and chapter about the election of a singing man ; the archbishop made choyce of one , the deane and chapter of another as belonging to their election : the like contention fell betweene them about the archdeaconry of cleveland : the archbishop elected ralph kyme , the deane and canons , hugh murdac for archdeacon , against the archbishops will , and hinder the instalment of ra●ph ; whereupon the archbishop excommunicated murdac ; and at the same time honorius archdeacon of richmond complained against the archbishop to the pope for taking away the institutions to churches and synodals belonging to him : the pope hereupon writ divers letters in his favour . geoffry thus perplexed , and in the kings disfavour , purchaseth his grace and a confirmation of the rights of his bishopricke from the king for a thousand markes sterling to be payd within one yeere , for payment whereof he pawned his barony to the king : after which he falling into the kings displea●ure againe , was forced to fly the kingdome and * died in exile , as you may read before , p. . st. hugh the ninth bishop of lincolne , anno . when king richard the first by hubert archbishop of canterbury , his chiefe justice , required an ayd of . knights to remaine with him in his service for one whole yeere , or so much money as might serve to maintaine that number , after the rate of three shillings a day english money for every knight ; whereas all others were contented to be contributers herein , onely this s. hugh bishop of lincoln refused , and spake sore against hubert that moved the ma●ter , wishing him to doe nothing whereof he might be ashamed ; vnde pudor frontem signet , mentemque reatus torqueat , aut famae titulos infamia laedat . he was noted to be of a perfect life , because , potestatis secularis in rebus ecclesiae saevientis impetus , adeò constanter elidere consuevit , ut rerum & corporis sui periculum contemnere vid●retur : in quo & adeò profecit quod & jura revocavit amissa , & ecclesiam suam à servitute gravissim● liberavit , as matthew paris writes : and because hee would not ●ticke to reprove men of their faults plainely and f●ankly , not regarding the favour or dis-favour of any man ; in so much that he would not feare to pronounce them accursed , which being the king officers would take upon them the punishment of any person within orders of the church , for hunting and killing the kings game within his parkes , forrests , and chases : yea ( and that which is more ) he would deny payment of such subsidies and taxes as he was assessed to pay to the uses of king richard and king iohn , towards the maintenance of their warres , and did oftentimes accu●e by ecclesiasticall autho●ity such sheriffes , collectors , and officers , as did distreine upon his lands and goods to satisfie those kings of their demands ; alledging openly , that he would not pay any money towards the maintenance of warres with one ch●istian prince , upon private displeasure and grudge made against another prince of the same religion . this was his reason . and when he came before the king to answer to his disobedience shewed herein , he would so handle the matter , partly with gentle admo●nishments , partly with sharpe reproofes , and sometimes mixing merry and pleasant speech among his serious arguments , that oftentimes he would so qualifie the kings mind , that being diverted from anger , he could not but laugh and smile at the bishops pleasant talke and merry conceits . this manner he used not onely with king iohn alone , but with king henry the second , and richard the first in whose time he governed the see of lincolne . and for these * vertues principally was he canonized for a romane saint by pope honorius the third . peter suter and * ribadeneira , in his life record , that this bishop had many contests with king richard the first , that he resisted the king to his face when he demanded ayde and subsidies of his subjects , so that by his meanes onely and another bishops who joyned with him , the king could obtaine nothing at all ; whereupon in great rage and fury he banished both the bishops , and confiscated all their goods ; the other bishops goods were seised , who thereupon afterward submitted and craved pardon of the king : but the kings offi●ers proceeding against s. hugh , he presently excommunicated them , so as none of them for feare of this thunderbolt of his durst touch one thred of his garment , our lord having horribly punished divers whom he had excommunicated , some of them being never seene nor heard of afterwards . one thing this hugh did which is memorable : going to visit the religious houses within his diocesse , he came to godstow a house of nunnes neere oxford ; * seeing a hearse in the middle of the quire covered with silke , and tapers burning , round about it , he demanded who was buried there ; and being informed , that it was faire rosamonds tomb , concubine to king henry the second , who at her intreaty had done much for that house , and in regard of those favours was afforded that honour : he commanded her body to be digged up immediately , and buried in the churchyard , least christian religion should wax vile : saying , it was a place a great deale too good for an harlot , & it should be an example to other women to terrifie them from such a wicked and filthy kinde of life * . this prelate dying , when he was brought to lincolne to be interred , iohn king of england , and william king of scots were met there with an infinite company of nobility of both realmes . the two kings for the great reverence they bare to his holinesse ( who yet gave no ●everence at all to kings , as you have formerly heard ) would needs set their shoulders to the beare , and helped to carry his course from the gates of the city , untill it came to the church doore , where the prelates themselves received and carried it into the quire and bu●yed him in the body of the east end of the church above the high altar : ( which therefore stood not close to the east wall in those times , but some good distance from it ) neere the altar of saint iohn . hugh walis , or de wils , his next successour in this see but one , anno . notwithstanding king iohn refused to receive stephen langhton , that arch-traytor , for archbishop of canterbury , * and commanded this bishop to repaire to the archbishop of rhoan for consecration from him , and not to receive it from langhton , in contempt of this his soveraignes command got him to langhton and received consecration from him : whereupon the king seised on all his temporalties , and kept him fasting from them foure yeeres , and then restored them . after this he joyned both with the barons , and lewis the french king ( who came to conquer the realme ) against his naturall soveraigne : for which treasons he was onely excommunicated by the pope , and not absolved till he had paid the pope one thousand marks , and a hundred markes to his legate . divers other of our prelates were fined for the same cause , and that so deepely , as they were compelled to sell all they had to purchase the kings favour . anno dom. . * king henry the third in a parliament held at london , getting a grant from the pope of the tenths due to the church to be received of him for three yeeres , towards the charges of his journey into the holy land to rescue it from the saracens , demanded these tenths of the spiritualtie : but the bishops , and especially robert gros●head bishop of lin●olne utterly refused to be contributary to this grant ; they alledged sundry reasons for their excuse , as the poverty of the english church being already made bare with continuall exactions and oppressions ; but chiefly they excused themselves by the absence of the archbishops of canterbury and yorke , of whom , the one was beyond the sea ; and the other at home in the north parts : all the other bishops were there except here●ord and chester , who was sicke : and therefore without the consent of those that were absent , and namely their primate of canterbury , they could not conclude any generall poynt touching the kings demand . and although the king fretted and stormed against them , yet could he not bring them to his purpose , so as the parliament was for that time dissolved : yet before their departure from london , the king communed with them apart , to see if he could get some money towards his charges , but they had tuned their strings all after one not● , discording all from his tenor , so that not a penny could be got of them : wherefore he tooke high displeasure against them , reviling them in most reproachfull manne● ; and amongst other he reviled his halfe brother the elect of winchester , taxing him of great unthankfulnesse , who also among the residue stood against him . anno . they denyed the king a subsidie againe , there being ( saith holinshed ) a great untoward disposition in the subjects of that time for the helping of their king , with a necessary ayd of money towards such great charges as he had bin by divers wayes occasioned to be at . befo●e this anno . this bishop excommunicated a priest for incontinency , who continuing for some daies without seeking to be reconciled , the bishop sent to the sheriffe of rutland within whose bayliwicke the priest dwelt , to apprehend him as a disodient and rebellious person , who not executing the bishops commandement , the bishop thereupon excommunicates the sheriffe : whereof the king being informed tooke displeasure , and sending to the pope , procured an inhibition , that no archbishop or bishop should compell any officer of the king to follow any suit before them for those things that appertaine to the kings jurisdiction , or give sentence against them for the same . this * grosthead bishop of lincolne , anno . upon the suggestion of the friers predicants and minorites , raged more then was meet or expedient against those of his d●ocesse , making strict inquisition in his bishopricke by his archdeacons and deanes , concerning the chastity and manners as well of noble as ignoble ( upon oath ) to the enormious hurt and scandall of the reputations of many * which had never beene accustomed to be done before . the king hearing the grievous complaints of his people against these innovations , did thereupon by the advice of his counsell and courts of justice , send a writ to the sheriffe of hertford in these words . henry by the grace of god , king of england , &c. we command thee , that as thou lovest thy selfe , and all things that are thine , that thou from henceforth suffer not any laymen of ●hy baylywicke to assemble together in any place , at the will of the bishop of lincolne , or of his archdeacons , officials , or rurall deanes , to make any acknowledgments or attestations upon their oath , unlesse in cases of matrimony and testament . * and the very next yeere following , in pursurance thereof , the king ( by parliament ) enacted , and commanded these things ensuing to be inviolably observed ; that if any lay men were convented before an ecclesiasticall iudge , for breach of faith and perjury that they shou●d be prohibited by the king. and that the ecclesiasticall iudge should be prohibited to hold plea of all causes against laymen , unlesse they were of matrimony and testament . all which matthew paris precisely relates . which prohibition and statute nullified the constitution of o●ho , and hindered this bishops innovation ; whereupon , that insolent traytorly martiall archbishop of canterbury , boniface ( * better skilled in affaires of a campe then of the church ) anno . ( but nine yeeres after this prohibition and forenamed statute ) published this peremptory audacious constitution in affront of them both : statuimus quod laici ubi de subditorum pec●●tis & excessibus corrigendis per praelatos & ecclesiasticos judices inquiritur ad praestandum de veritate dicenda juramentum per excommunicationis sententias , si opus fu●rit , compellantur ; impedientes verò ne hujusmodi juramentum praestetur : ( for the judges with many othe●s then generally oppugned and hindred the ushering in of this innovation ) per interdicti & excommunicationis sententiam arceant●● . to evacuate which exorbitant illegall constitution ( meant onely of witnesses , not of churchwardens , sidemen , or stangers oathes as the * glosse of lindwood ( who records it ) resolves in expresse termes , trenching both upon the peoples liberties and the courts of justice too ; the judges frequently granted out sundry generall prohibitions to all , or most of the sheriffes of england ; as is evident by * the r●gister of writs . * fitz herberts natura brevium . rastall , and others ; commanding the sheriffe to inhibite bishops and their officers , to cite laymen before them , to take an oath in any case whatsoever , except of matrimony or testament only ; * and not to suffer the people to appeare before them to take such oathes . the continuer of matthew paris his history of england , p. , . writes of this bishop of lincolne , that simon earle of leicester ( who most opposed henry the third , and warred against him ) adhered to him , and delivered his children to him to be educated . that by his counsell tractabat ardua , tentabat dubia , finivit inchoata , ea maximè , per quae meritum sibi succrescere aestimabat . and this bishop is said to have enjoyned the earle in remis●ion of his sinnes , that he should undertake this cause of the barons against the king , for which he contended even unto death , affirming , that the peace of the church of england could not be established , but by the materiall sword ; and that all who died for it , should be crowned with martyrdome . and some say , that this bishop laying his hand sometimes on the head of this earles ●ldest sonne , said unto him ; oh my deere sonne , both th●u and thy father shall both die in one day , and with one kind of death , yet for justice and v●rity . such an animater was he both of rebellion and warres . henry lexinton the next bishop of this see , anno . offered some kind of hard measure unto the university of oxford , by infringing certaine liberties th●t of old belonged unto it . * for redresse hereof , they were forced to make their complaint unto the king , lying then at s. albons , and sent nine masters of art to the court for that purpose ; matthew paris a monk● of s. albons was present at the delivery of the petition , and ( as himselfe writeth ) was bold to s●ep unto the king , using these speeches to him in private . i beseech your grace , even for gods sake , to have compassion upon the church now tottering , and in great danger of utter subversion : the vniversity of paris , the nurse of ●o many excellent and famous pr●lates , is now greatly troubled : if the vniversity of oxford be disquieted and mole●ted also , ( especially at this time ) being the second vniversity of christendome , and even another foundation of the church , it is much to be feared , lea●● it cause a generall confusion and u●●●r ruine of the whole church . god forbid ( said the king ) that that should happen , especially in my time ; i will endeavour to prevent it . i doubt not he was as good as his word , for i finde no more mention of any further stirres . this i have thought good , the rather to set downe , to shew , what was the reputation of our university of oxford in those daies , and what indignities this bishop offered to it , to cause a publike combustion . henry burwash the . bishop of lincolne , though advanced to that see by king edward the second his speciall favour , within two yeeres after his consecration , for some contempts and misdemeanors he fell so faire into the kings displeasure , that his temporalties were seized upon into the kings hands for two yeeres space . anno . they were restored to him againe , and he to the kings favour , * but the grudge thereof so st●cke in his stomacke , as the queene rising against her husband seeking to depose him , ( as afterward shee did ) no man was so forward to take her part , no man was so eager against the king , his undoubted true and naturall prince , as this bishop . thomas walfingham writes , that almost all the prelates joyned with the queene against the king , & precipuè , &c. but especially the bishop of lincolne , h●reford , dublin and ely who raised a great army for her● others ( and principally the archbishop o● canterbury ) ●urnished her with money , and when the queene had taken the king prisoner anno . keeping her ch●istmas a● wal●ingford , the archbishop of canterbury and y●rke , the bishop of winch●ster ( whom she m●de lord tre●surer ) the bi●h●p of norwich her lord cha●cellour , this good bishop of lincolne , the bishops of ely , coventry , and other prelates k●pt their christmas with her , with great honour , joy , and triumph ; whence comming to westminster , pr●sently after twelftide they assembled in parliament , deposed the king from his crowne , and elected his sonne in his steed ; to which election the archbishop of canterbury there present consented , et omnes praelati , and all the prelates : the archbishop making an oration to them to confirme and justifie this election , taking for his text , vox populi , vox dei : such good subjects were all the archbishops and bishops at that time ; and this prelate one of the ringleaders ; who not content thus to spoyle his soveraigne of his crown , kingdome and life too ; not long after making a new pa●ke at tyinghurst , he inclosed in the same , ground belonging to divers poore men his tenants , for which he had many a bitter curse of them : * whereupon it is reported , that after his death he appeared to one of his gentlemen in the likenesse of a keeper , with a bow and arrowes in his hand , a horne by his side , and a greene jerkin on his backe ; telling him , that for the injurious enclosing of that parke , he was appointed to the keeping of the same , there to be tormented till it were disparked againe , desiring him to intreat the canons of lincolne , his brethren , that this wrong done by him , by their good meanes might be righted ; who upon this information , sent one william batchellour of their company to see it utterly disparked : which was effected . anno . the unive●sity of * oxford presented unto iohn synwall bishop of lincolne ( unto whose jurisdiction oxford then appertained ) one william palmarin for thei● chancellour , and prayed him to admit him . the bishop ( i know not for what cause ) delayed h●s admission from time to time , and enforced the university to complaine of this hard dealing unto the archbishop . he presently set downe a day wherein he enjoyned the bishop to admit this chancellour , or else to render a reason of his refusall . at the time appointed the proctours of the university were ready together with this william palmorie to demand admission . and when the bishop of lincolne came not ( trusting belike to this priviledge procured from rome to exemp● hims●lfe his authority and jurisdiction ) the archbishop causes his chancellour iohn car●ton deane of wels to admit him , writ to the uniuersity to receive him , and cited the bishop to answer before him for his contempt . he appealed to the pope , would not come , and for his contumacy was convicted . much money was spent in this suite afterwards at rome . the event was , that the archbishop prevailed , and the others priviledge was by speciall order of the pope revoked , who also granted unto the university at the same time , that the chancellour hereafter should onely be elected by the schollers themselves , and so presently authorized to govern them without the admission of any other . thomas watson bishop of lincolne in the first yeere of queene elizabeth , was deprived of hs bishopricke , and imprisoned , for refusing to take the oath of allegiance and supremacy , * and counselling the other bishops to excommunicate the queene , for altering religion . of which see more before in tonstall bishop of london . of other bishops of this see since his time , i finde little in history ; as for the present prelate of that diocesse , as he deserves due praise for his magnificent structures of libraries , hospitals and the like ; so on the other side , his excessive pride and miscarriages in his chancellor-ship , for which he lost that office ; and especially his advancing of the now arch-bishop of canterbury ( who proved a scourge to him , as well as others , ) with his procuring mountagues appeale to be printed , which * kindled a great combustion in our church and state , and laid the foundation of all those popish innovations both in doctrine and discipline , which have since , like a filthy leprosie , over-spread our church , and bred such sad effects and distractions among us ) deserve iust blame . yea , his late extraordinary stickling ( much spoken against ) to maintaine the lordly iurisdiction , and secular authority of our prelates , without the least diminution or reformation of their excesses , hath much ecclipsed all the honour and reputation he had gained by his former sufferings , which should have made him ( as the vulgar truely say ) more * meeke and lowly in heart , like christ his master , of whom he , and all other pontifs , should learne humility , not lofty and pontificall domineering like diotrephes , who loved to have the preheminen●e , for which st. * iohn condemns him , or like the ambitious apostles , who contended , * which of them should be greatest ; for which christ sharpely rebuked th●m sundry times , saying , ye know that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion ov●r them , and they that are great , exercise authority upon them , but it shall not be so among you ; but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your minister , and whosoever will be chi●fe among you , let him be your s●rvant : even as the sonne of man came not to be ministred unto , but to minister , and to give his life a ransome for many . which texts , ( together with that of peter , * feed the flock of god which is among you , taking the oversight thereof , not by constraint , but willingly ; not for filthy lucre , but of a ready minde ; neither as being lords over gods heritage , but being ensamples to the flocke &c. yea all of you be subiect one to another , and be cloathed with humility ; for god resisteth the proud , and giveth grace to the humble ) it seemes this prelate and his brethren have forgotten , or at least beleeve not to bee canonicall ; since they now poynt-blancke oppugne them : yet me thinkes , he should in this case , have remembred , what himselfe had but lately published in print ( * as most orthodox in doctrine , and consonant in discipline to the church of england , and very fit to be printed and published in any place or places , where h● as ordinary was inabled and licenced so to doe : ( and so at westminster . ) in the holy table name and thing , pag. . against clergy mens intermedling with secular affaires , where thus he writes . * o foolish st. basil , that bids h●s clergie take speciall heed , that their martha be not troubled with many things . o dull synesius , that held it fitter for an * aegyptian then a christian priest to be over-troubled with matters of wrangling . well doctor , god helpe the poore people committed to thy cure ; they are like to finde but a sorry shepherd : one that will be in the vestry , when hee should be in the pulpit ; and by his much nimblenesse in the one , is like to shew a proportionable heavynesse in the other : which he thus seconds , p. . . st. cyprian was angry with one geminius victor , for making ( against the canon ) one faustinus a priest , overseer of his will , and by that meanes withdrawing him from his calling and mini●●ry . and enlarging himselfe in that discourse , how carefull god had beene in providing tith●s and oblations for the priest under the law , giving him not lands and husbandries amongst the other tribes , ut in nulla re avocar●●ur , that hee might have no occasion to be withdrawne from the altar ; he aggravates the offence of these testators , that by making church-men , executors and overseers of their last wills , ab altari sacerdotes & ministros volunt avocare , will needs withdraw ministers from their ecclesiasticall functions , with no lesse offence , then if , under the law , they had withdrawne the priests from the holy altar . so that this pl●ce takes my doctor a little by the nose , that cannot indure to be a looker on , and a dull sp●ctator , confined only to his ministeriall meditations . so this prelate . and do not th●se p●ssages of this bishop nose●oo ●oo , as w●ll as the doctor , who cannot endure to be a looker on , and a dull spectator , confined only to his ministeriall meditations , unlesse he may likewise sit as a peere in parliament , and intermeddle with secular affaires ? if not , as some conceive they doe , yet sure i am , the words of synesius and cyprian in their places which hee quo●t●s , will round him in the eare , and give him no little checke . for synesius in his . epistle to andronicus , writes thus against bishops sitting as iudges , and intermedling with publike secular affaires , to which andronicus would have perswaded him . to ioyne the power of administring the republique , with the priesthood , is all one as to knit those things together which cannot be coupled by any coniunction . ancient times permitted the same persons to be priests & iudges . for the aegyptians and hebrewes for a long time used the government of priests ; afterwards when , as it seemes to me , that the divine worke began to be done in a humane manner , deus ambo vitae genera separavit , god separated both kindes of life , and one of these was appointed to sacred things , the other to government and empire ; for he designeth some to the dregs of the lowest things , others he hath associated unto himselfe . those are imployed in secular affaires , not in prayer● but yet in both , god requires what is honest and consentaneous . why dost thou therefore againe revoke them ? why wilt thou conioyne these things which god hath separated ? who requirest us not to administer , but to deprave us in administring : than which , what can be more unhappy ? hast thou need of a patron ? goe to him who is president in the lawes of the republike , ( or lord chiefe iustice. ) hast thou need of god in any thing ? goe to the bishop of the city . contemplation is the end of priesthood , if a man not falsly usurpe that name to himselfe . now contemplation and action doe no way●s accord : for the force of the will is moved into action , which cannot bee without some affection ; but the soule which is to become the receptacle of god , ought to be free from all affection● : he had need of vacation from secular imployments , who with the s●udy of philosophy is imploy●d in sacr●d things . after this he there professe●h . he neither would nor could undertake and mannage both secular and spirituall affaires ; and therefore desires , that either another bishop might be ●lected in his place , which would discharge both , or else another ioyned to him , to dispatch those worldly af●ai●es which he neither would , nor could administer . and because this might seem a novelty , he gives ●his excellent answer to it , necessary for our present time , and answering one grand obiection against the alteration of episcopall government , now found by long experience to be very pernicious to our church and state. quid exclamastis ? num quia nondum factum illud est , ficri idcircone nunc non convenit ? multa quae necessaria erant , invenit tempus , & emendavit . non ad exemplum fieri omnia solent , & vnumquodque eorum quae facta sunt initium habuit , & antequam fieret , nondum erat factum . consuetudini vtilitatem anteponere praestabilius est . demus & nos meliori consuetudini initium . thus farre synesius the bishops first author . and as for st. cyprian his second author , he was so angry with geminius victor for making one faustinus a priest overseer of his will , that he decreed this dishonourable punishment to him even after his decease . non est quod pro dormitione eius apud vos fiat oblatio , aut deprecatio nomine eius in ecclesia frequentetur , ut sacerdotum decretum religiose & necessario factum , servetur a nobis : simul & caeteris fratribus detur exemplum , ne quid sacerdotes & ministros dei altari eius & ecclesi● vacantes , ad saeculares molestias devocet ; which if the now bishop of lincolne had well considered , i dare presume , it would have strucke him dumbe , and made him ashamed , so much as once to open his mouth in defence of our prelates usurping or exercising temporall iurisdiction , and intermedling in temporall affaires , in which himselfe heretofore hath beene overmuch conversant , farre more then this clerke , who was but a bare overseer of another mans will. but for him and his predecessors this may suffice . i shall now hasten to the bishops of some other sees . the end of the first part. the second part of the antipathie of the english lordly prelacie , both to regall monarchy , and civill unity : or , an historicall collection of the severall execrable treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , seditions , state-schismes , contumacies , oppressions , & anti-monarchicall practices , of our english , brittish , french , scottish , & irish lordly prelates , against our kings , kingdomes , laws , liberties ; and of the severall warres , and civill dissentions occasioned by them in , or against our realm , in former and latter ages . together with the judgement of our owne ancient writers , martyrs , & most judicious authors , touching the pretended divine jurisdiction , lordlinesse , temporalties , wealth , secular imployments , trayterous practises , unprofitablenesse , and mischievousnesse of lordly prelates , both to king , state , church ; with an answer to the chiefe objections made for the divinity , or continuance of their lordly function by william prynne , late ( and now againe ) an utter-barrester of lincolnes inne . woe to thee that spoylest , and thou wast not spoyled ; and dealest treacherously , and they dealt not treacherously with thee ; when thou shalt cease to spoyle , thou shalt be spoyled , and when thou shalt make an end to deale treachercusly , they shall deale treacherously with thee . o lord be gracious to us , we have waited for thee ; isaiah . , . london , printed by authority , for michael sparke senior . an. . to the high and honorable covrt of parliament now assembled . right honourable worthies , what the prince of latine poets long since observed in generall — * ali●ur vitium crescitque tegendo ; that maladies are nourished and augmented by concealing them ; is in a more especiall manner verified in our lordly prelates , ( one of the greatest maladies in our church and state ) who have beene fostered and suffered to grow great among us , onely through the conc●alement , palliating , or ignorance of their disloyalties , and other episcopall vices . the consideration whereof hath induced me to compile and publish , the second part of this antipathie ; wherein i have ( according to my weake abilities ) anatomized some of their traiterous , seditious , rebellious contumacious , oppressive , extravagant practises , in ancient and moderne times , laying them open unto publique view : and withall discovered the frivolousnes of those grounds , the insufficiency of those reasons alledged for the pretended divinity , antiquity , and perpetuating of their lordly prelacy among us ; * a plant ( i dare say ) which our heavenly father never planted in our church ; and therefore certaine to be rooted out in his due time ; which in all probability is now neare at hand . if these my endeavours ( which i humbly prostrate at your honours feete , recommending them to your noble patronage , as i did the former part ) may contribute any thing to this much desired , long expected good worke , i shall thinke my labour happily bestowed . in the meane time , i shall be a daily oratour to the throne of grace , for a superabundant blessing upon your honorable persons and publique consultations , till you have cleansed both our church and state from all corruptions which infest them , and * cut off all wicked doers from the city of our god. your honours devoted , and eternally obliged redeemed one , will. prynne . to the covrteovs reader . having now according to promise ( kinde reader ) with all convenient expedition finished this second part of the antipathy of the english lordly prelacy to regall monarchy & civill unity , i humbly submit it to thy favourable censure , and charitable interpretation , which i must implore . the rather , because some uncharitable lordly prelates , and their malitious instruments , have not spared to traduce my loyall intentions , and to mis-conster my innocent words even to the king my soveraigne , endeavouring to make me and others guilty of no lesse than high treason , for discovering our prelates notorious treasons , conspiracies , and rebellions to the world . for finding this passage in my prologue to the first part : if then we consider the paucity of our arch-bishops , and lord bishops , &c. on the one side , and then on the other hand , compare the multitude of the prelates no●orious treasons , &c. we must necessarily conclude , their no bishop , no king , to be a notorious bull , and no king unlesse no bishop , to be a more probable and * more true position . they contrary to the whole designe and scope of my antipathy , yea , of this very passage , ( as hee that reades it at large may at first discerne ) most injuriously su●●ected to his majesty , that the meaning of my , no king unlesse no bishop , was , that i and the commons intended to depose his majestie , and to have no king at all unlesse his majesty would put downe bishops . hereupon his majestie to satisfie himsel●e in a point of such high and neare concernment , calling for the booke , perused the passage , and concluded , there was no such meaning couched in it as was suggested , but the quite contrary ; namely , that he could not be an absolute king unlesse the bishops ( who had still beene rebellious , d●sloyall and opposite to their soveraignes , so farre as to uncrowne or make them no kings in a manner ) were suppressed ; which was all i intended in this passage , as is evident by its opposition to their no bishop , no king , by the speech of king john , who hearing of hubert archbishop of canterbury his death , sayd * i was never a king till now ; by reason of huberts presumptuous daring to crosse and frustrate his royall resolutions ; from whence i borrowed this mis-interpreted clause ; by mr william tyndals passages here cited to the same eff●ct , part. . p. . . which i alluded to , and by the whole scope of the antipathy to this effect . by this malicious false suggestion , with others of like nature heretofore , ( the sole cause of al my former sufferings ) the world may easily judge what malicious calumniators , what impudent false informers our lordly prelates are , and how much i have beene beholding to them for their malicious mis-interpretations of my words , and misrepresentations of my sincere intentions to his majestie , whom they ever laboured to incense against me by these most sinister meanes ; and not content therewith , since his majestie hath beene satisfied touching this fore-cited passage , some of them have not spared to report abroade to others ; that there were such passages in my prologue , for which my life might be questioned ; and i beleeve it true , were they to be both my accusers and iudges : but blessed be god , this ever hath beene and shall be my consolation , that they can onely slander , not convict me of any disloyalty or misdemeanor . and if they will still calumniate me for well doing ( as hitherto they have done ) that golden apothegme of alexander the great , will be a sufficien● antidote against the poyson of their tongues and pens ; * regium est malè audire , cùm benè facias . now lest they should chance to slander me for any false quotations by reason of the variety of the impressions and pages of some of our historians , i have frequently quoted ; to prevent this inconvenience , i shall advertise them and thee ( kind reader ) what editions i have used . malmesbury , huntindon and hoveden here quoted , were printed at francfort by wich●lus , anno , . matthew paris , tiguri . . matthew westm. londini . . walsingham , londini , . by iohn day . speed , london . . holinshed , the last edition . of godwins catalogue of bishops there are two editions ; the first printed by geo●ge bishop . the latter with a discou●se of the conversion of britaine , and some additions , printed for thomas adams . london . both these editions i have quoted for the most part promiscuously , and sometimes with distinction ; if the pages vary in one edition , peruse the other , and these editions of the historians which i follow , and then every page and quotation will prove true and punctuall , if examined . and now ( reader ) having given thee this advertisement , i shall desire god to sanctifie this treatise to thy private information , and the publick reformation of all corruption in our church . farewell . a compleate table of the severall chapters of this second part of the antipathy , which may serve in steede of an index . chap. iv. comprising the treasons , conspiracies , seditions , contumacies , disloyalties , &c. of the bishops of ely , exeter , worcester and hereford . chap. v. containing the treasons , conspiracies , seditions , contumacies , disloyalties , &c. of the bishops of chichester , carlile , norwich , chester , coventry and lichfield . chap. vi. comprising the treasons , conspiracies , seditions , contumacies , disloyalties , &c. of the bishops of rochester , s. davids , landaffe , bangor , asaph , bath and wels ; with a short touch of the bishop of oxford , bristow , peterborough , and glocester ; and of our bishops in generall . chap. vii . containing the severall treasons , rebellions , seditions , schismes , contumacies , warres , and disloyalties of the bishops of france , normandy , scotland , and ireland , in reference to our kingdome and kings of england . chap. viii . containing certaine conclusions , deduced from the premises , with the judgements and resolutions of divers of our ancient writers , martyrs , and some of our learnedest bishops and authors in queene elizabeths reigne , touching the pretended divine institution and iurisdiction of bishops , their treasons , rebellions , temporalties , large possessions , intermedling with secular affaires ; the taking away of their temporalties not to be sacriledge ; and the uselessenesse , unprofitablenesse , and mischievousnesse , of lordly bishops , and their government in our church . chap. ix . comprising an answere to the principall objections alleaged by the prelates in defence of the pretended divine institution , and for the continuance of their episcopacy in our church . kind reader i pray correct these subsequent errors which have escaped the presse in some coppies , in my absence . errata . in the booke p. . l. . or read for . p. . l. . insolently , . l. . him to ● him . to. p. . l. . mony . p. . manwaring , p. . l. . than . l. . henries , stephens . p. , l. . forced . p. . l. . . p. . l. ● . eiic●rent . p. . l. . not . p. . l. . after , averre . p. . l. . churches , churchmen . p. . l , . our , your . p. . l. . cefenas . p. . l. . it is . p. . l. . and destruction . p. . l. . that p. . l. . perceive . p. . l. ● fisher , fish. p. . l. . be , both . p. l. . dele in . p. . l. . can , cannot , l. . in master . p. . l. . fol. l. . . . l. . or spirituall . p. . l. . dele greate p. . l. . pastures . p. . l. . he thus writes ; and l. . where , which , p. . l. . understand , l. . erasmus . p. . l. . angelorum l. . this booke . p. . l. . never , ever l. . of , and. p. . l. . men . p. . l. . by paul. p. . l. . deny , deem l. . it , them . p. . l. . habetur . p. . l. . dele , together . p. . l. . dele other . p. . l. . dele ad . l. . whole . in the margin . p. . l. . fordham . p. . ioan baleus . scrip. brit. cent. . c. . omitted , p. . . are omitted p. . l. , common , canon . p. . l. . timotheum . l. . romanorum . p. , l. . h. . p. , l. . finan . p. . l. . ingulph . the second part of the antipathy of the english lordly prelacy , both to regall monarchy and civill vnitie . chap. iv. conteining the treasons , conspiracies , seditions , contumacies , and disloyalties of the bishops of ely , exeter , worcester , and hereford . the bishopricke of ely was * first erected by the pride of richard abbot of ely , who in respect of his great wealth disdained to live under the jurisdiction of the bishop of lincolne , to whose diocesse cambridge-shire at that time appertained . but hee had reasonable pretences or his ambition . he caused the king to be told , that the diocesse of lincolne was too large for one mans government , that ely were a fit place for an episcopall see , &c. these reasons amplified with golden rhetoricke , so perswaded the king , as he not onely consented himselfe , that this monastery should be converted into a cathedrall church , and the abbot made a bishop ; but also procured the pope to confirme and allow of the same ; but richard dying before his enstalement , henry the first , anno . appointed this bishopricke unto one hervaeus , that had beene bishop of bangor , and agreeing ill with the welchmen , was faine to leave his bishoppricke ther● , and seeke abroad for somewhat elsewhere . nigellus , the second bishop of this see , by reason of his imployment in matters of state and councell , could not attend his pastorall charge , and therefore committed the managing and government of his bishoppricke unto one ranulphus , * sometime a monke of glastonbury , that had new cast away his cowle , a covetous and wicked man. * king stephen and he had many bickerings , and as * matthew paris writes , hee banished him the realme ; he was nephew to roger bishop of salisbury , from whom , in ejus pern●●iem traxerat inc●ntiuum , he had drawne an incentive to his distruction ; but of him , and his contests with this king , you may read more in roger of salisbury his vncle. this * see , continuing void five yeares , without a bishop after nigellus death , geoffery rydell , anno. . succeeded him , a very lofty and high minded man , called commonly , the proud bishop of ely. king richard the first , and he accorded so ill , that he dying intestate , and leaving in his coffers great store of ready money , namely , . markes of silver , and . pound of gold , the king confiscated and converted it to his owne use . william longchamp , next bishop of this see , being made lord chancellour of england , chiefe justice of the south part of england , & protector of the realmeby richard the first , when he went his voyage to the holy-land , * set the whole kingdome in a combustion , through his strang insolence , oppression , pride , violence : for having all temporall , and spirituall jurisdiction in his hands , the pope making him his legate here in england , at the kings request , ( which cost him a thousand pounds in money , to the great offence of the king , ) infatuated with too much prosperity , and the brightnesse of his owne good fortune , he began presently to play both king and priest , nay pope in the realme ; and to doe many things , not onely untowardly , and undiscreetly , but very arrogantly and insolen●ly , savoring aswell of inconscionable covetousnesse and cruelty , as lacke of wisedome and policy in so great a government requisite . he calling a convocation by vertue of his power legantine , at the intreaty of hugh novant bishop of chester , displaced the monkes of coventree , and put in secular priests in their roomes ; officers appointed by the king himselfe , he discharged , and removed , putting others in their steeds . he utterly rejected his fellow justices whom the king joyned with him in commission for government of the realme , refusing to heare their counsell , or to be advised by them . hee kept a guard of flemmings and french about him . at his table , all noblemens children did serve and waite upon him . iohn the kings brother , and afterward king himselfe , hee sought to keepe under , and disgrace by all meanes possible , opposing him all hee could that he might put him from the crowne ; he tyrannized exceedingly over the nobility and commons , whom he grieved with intollerable exactions , oppressions , extraordinary outward pomp , and intollerable behaviour . he was extreame burthensome one way or other to all the cathedrall churches of england . his offices were such prolling companions ( bearing themselves bold upon their masters absolute authority ) as there was no sort of peaple whom they grieved , not by some kinde of extortion , all the wealth of the kingdome came into their hands insomuch that scarce any ordinary person had left him a silver belt to gird him withall , any woman any brooch or bracelet , or any gentleman a ring to weare upon his finger . hee purchased every where apase , bestowed all temporall and ecclesiasticall offices and places that fell where he pleased . hee never rode with lesse than . horse , and commanded all the nobility and gentry when he went abroad to attend him , lodging for the most part at some monastery or other , to their great expence : having both regall and papall authority in his hands : hee most arrogantly domineered , both over the cleargy , and layety ; and as it is written of a certaine man , that he used both hands for a right hand ; so likewise hee for the more easie effecting of his designes ( as our lordly prelates doe now ) used both his powers one to assist the other ; for to compell and curbe potent laymen , if peradventure he could doe lesse than he desired by his secular power , he supplied what was wanting with the censures of his apostolicall power . but if perchance any clergy man resisted his will , ( him without doubt alledging the canons for himselfe in vaine ) he oppressed and curbed by his secular power . there was no man who might hide himselfe from his heate , when as he might justly feare , both the rod of his secular , and the sword of his spirituall jurisdiction to be inflicted on him ; and no ecclesiasticall person , could by any meanes or authority be able to defend himselfe against his royall preheminence : finally glorying of his immense power , that the metropolitane churches , which as yet did seeme to contemne his excellency , might have experience of his authority , he went in a terrible manner to both . and first of all to yorke , to the bishop elect whereof hee was most maliciously dispitefull . and sending before him a mandate to the clergy of the said church , that they should meete him in a solemne manner , as the legate of the aposticke see ; when as they had thought to appeale against him , he regarded not the appeale made to the higher power , but gave the appellants their choyce , that they should either fulfill his commands , or be committed to prison , as guilty of high * treason● being therefore thus affrighted , they obeyed , and not daring so much as to mutter any further against him , as to one triumphing , they with a counterfeit sorrow bestowed as much honor & glory on him as he would himself . the chiefe chanter of that church had gone out of the way a little before , that he might not see that which he could not behold without torment of mind , which the bishop undestanding , raging against this absent person as a rebell with an implacable motion by his own sergeants spoiled him of all his goods . having preyed upon the archbishoppricke , and pursed all up into his treasury , this famous tryumpher departed . and not long after he triumphed in like manner over those of canterbury , when as no man now durst to resist him . having therefore both metropolitane sees , thus prostrate to him , he used both as he pleased . in a word , the lay-men in england at that time ( writes neubrigensis ) found him more than a king , and the clergy men more than a pope , but both of them an intollerable tyrant . for by occasion of his double power , hee put on a double tyrants person , being onely innoxious to his complices and co-operators , but equally grievous to all others , not onely in his greedy desire of monies , but likewise in his pleasure of domineering , his pride being more than kingly● almost in all things . * hee carrying himselfe above himselfe , consumed much treasure in walling about the tower of london , which he thought to have compassed with the thames , et regem de magna parte pecuniae multipliciter damnificauit , and many wayes damnified the king in mispending a great part of his money . therefore in the end he was precipitated from the top to the bottome of confusion . he set over every province , rather to be destroyed than governed , most wicked executioners of his covetousnes , who would neither spare clergy man , nor lay man , nor monke , whereby they might the more advance the profit of the chancellour ; for so was he called , when as he was a bishop ; the name verily of a bishop being nothing at all , or lukewarme in him , but the name of a chancellor was famous and terrible throughout all england . hee appointed the governours of every county , under pretence of suppressing theeves , to have great troopes of cruell and barbarous armed persons to ride with them , every where , to terrifie the people ; who going abroad in every place without punishment , comitted both many enormities and cruelties . hoveden 〈◊〉 and holinshed note , that the king confirming this bishop chancellor , and lord chiefe iustice of all england , and the bishop of durham to be lord chiefe iustice from trent northwards ; when they were thus advanced to these dignities , howsoever they came by them , directly , or indirectly : that immediatly , thereupon strife and discord did arise betwixt them ; for waxing proud and insolent , they disdained each other , contending which of them should beare most rule and authority : insomuch that whatsoever seemed good to the one , the other misliked . the like hereof is noted before , betweene the archbishops of canterbury and yorke . for the nature of ambition is , to delight in singularity , to admit no peere , to give plac● to no superiour , to acknowledge no equall , as appeares by this proud prelate . who afterward depriving hugh of durham of all his honour and dignity ; and putting the bishop of winchester to great trouble ; and doubting least the nobles of the realme should put him out of his place , who detested him for his pride and insolencie , he thereupon matched divers of his kinswomen to them , to make them true unto him , promising them great preferments ; the rest of the nobility hee either crushed , or otherwise appeased : fearing none but iohn the kings brother , who was like to succeede him to curbe him , hee sent his two brothers to the king of scots , to joyne in a firme league with him to crowne arthur king , and not iohn , in case the king died without issue . these ●everall particulars , insolencies , and oppressions , being related to the king wintring in sicily , he thereupon sent wal●er , archbishop of rhoan , a prudent and modest man , with a commission to be joyned with this bishop in the government of the kingdome , and that nothing should be done without his consent , sending hugh bardulfe bishop of durham with him to governe the province of yorke , ( where the bishops brother played rex in a barbarous manner ) granting him likewise the custody of the castle of windsor : hugh meeting with the bishop at the towne of ely , shewed him the kings letters to this purpose , to which he answered , that the kings commandement should be done , and so brought him with him to euwell , where he tooke him and kept him fast , till hee was forced to surrender to him the castle of windsor , and what else the king had committed to his custody , and moreover was constrained to leave henry de put●nco his own● sonne , and gilbert lege , for hostages of his fidelity to be true to the king and the realme . the bishop hereupon contemned this command of the king , pretending that hee knew his minde very well , and that this commission was fraudulently procured ; and when the archbishop of rhoan , according to the kings direction went to canterbury to order that see , being void , this proud chancellor , aspiring to the prerogative of this see. prohibited him to doe it ; threatning , that he should dearely pay for this his presumption if he attempted to goe thither , or doe any thing in that businesse : so that this archbishop continued idle in england . but the chancellor impatient of any collegue in the kingdomes government , like a ●inguler wilde beast preyed upon the kingdome . whereupon he sends for a power from beyond the sea , puts gerardus de cammilla , from the government of lincolne castle his wives inheritance● and commands him to resigne it into his hands : he refusing to doe it , repai●es to iohn the kings brother for aide , and assistance ; whereupon the bishop in a rage presently goes and besiegeth the cas●le ; and seekes to force it : iohn in the meane time takes notingham and tikehill , and sends to the bishop , to give over his siege , who losing one of his hornes or hands ( his spirituall legantine power by the popes death , and a little affrighted therewith ) by the advice of his friends , he comes to a parly with iohn , and made his peace with him for the present upon the best termes and conditions hee could . but hearing shortly after that the forraigne forces he had sent for to ayd him were arrived , he takes courage , and falls off from his covenants , protesting , that he would drive iohn , or iohn should drive him out of the kingdome ; intimateing , that one kingdome was to little to containe two such great and swelling persons . at last they come to new articles of agreement ; soone after , which geoffery plantagenet archbishop of yorke , the kings and iohns base brother , procured his consecration from the archbishop of towres , which the chancellour hindred and delayed all he might . the chancellour , his bitter enemy and prosecutor hearing of it , presently ●ends his owne officers to yorke , invades and spoiles all the possessions of the bishopprick● , and what ever belonged thereto , and commands all the ports to be stopped , to hinder his landing and accesse to his church , writing this letter to the sheriffe of kent . we command you , that if the elect of yorke shall arrive in any port or haven within your baylywicke , or any messenger of his , that you cause him to be arrested , and kept till you have commandement from us therein . and we command you likewise to stay , attach , and keepe all letters that come from the pope , or any other great man. he notwithstanding arrives at dover , but found a greater storme on shore , than at sea , for the captaine of dover castle , who had married a kinswoman of the chancellors , hindred his progresse , and certified the chancellour of his landing withall speede , who no wayes dissembling the rage of his fierce minde , commanded him to be stript of all his goods , and to be thrust prisoner into the monastery of dover . the officers hereupon sent from this most cruell tyrant seize upon all his carriage and goods , and strip him and his of all they had , and finding him in the church of s. martyn in dover , neither respecting the greatnesse of his person , nor the holinesse of the place , dragging him by force from the very sacred altar , and violently halling him out of the church in a most contumelious manner , thrust him prisoner into the castle . the same of this enormity flying , as it were upon the wings of the winde , presently filled all england . the nobility storme at it , the inferiour sort curse him for it , and all with common votes detest the tyrant . iohn most of all grieved at the captivity and abuse of his brother , earnestly seekes , not onely to free him from prison , but to revenge his wrong . wherefore he speedily gathers together a great army : many bishops and nobles that formerly sided with the chancellor joyning their forces with him , being justly offended with his tyrannicall proceedings , and immoderate pride , as well as others , and raged against him more than others , both with their tongues and mindes . the chancellor hereupon releaseth the archbishop ; who comming to london , allayed and recompensed the griefe of the injury sustained , with the more aboundant affections and offices of many . but iohn with the other nobles , and prelates , not satisfied with his release , though stirred up with his imprisonment , proceeded on to breake the hornes of this vnicorne , who with his friends and forraigne souldiers encamped about winchester ; but finding himselfe too weake , and most of his friends and his souldiers to fall off from him , flees first to windsor , and from thence to london ; where finding the citizens , who formerly feared him for his pride and cruelty , to incline to iohn , flies with all his company into the tower ; which being oppressed with the multitude , was more likely to betray than defend them ; whereupon he seeing his danger , ●oes forth and submits himselfe to iohn , craves leave for th●se included in the tower to depart● resignes up the tower , and all the other royall forts to him , and flieth privatly in an inglorious manner to dover to his sisters husband , thinking to steale secretly beyond the seas to the king : and knowing that his enemies , if they should have any inkling of his intent , would assuredly hinder the same , or worke him some mischiefe by the way , he disguised himselfe in womans apparell , and so went unto the sea side at dover mufled , with a met-yard in his hand , and a webbe of cloth under his arme . there he sate upon a rocke ready to take shippe ; where a certaine leude marriner thinking him to be some strumper , began to dally wantonly with him ; whereby it came to passe , that being a stranger borne , and not able to speake good english , nor give the marriner an answer either in words or deeds , he suspected him to be a man , and called a company of women ; who pulling off his kerchiefe and muffler , found his crowne and beard shaven , and quickly knew him to be that hat●full chancellour whom so many had so long cursed and feared ; whereupon in great dispite , they threw him to the ground , spit upon him , beat him sore , and drew him by the heeles alo●● t●e ●ands , the people flocking out of the towne , deriding and abusing him , both in words and deeds . the burg●sses of the towne , hea●i●g of this tumult , came and tooke him from the people his servants being not able to rescue him , and 〈◊〉 him into a seller , there to keepe him prisoner , till notice had beene given of his departure . it is a world to see he that was a few monethes before honored● and reverenced of all men like a petty god , attended by noblemens sonnes , and gentlemen of quality , whom he matched with his neeces and kindswomen , every man accounting himselfe happy whom he favoured , yea to be acquainted well with his porters and officers , being thus once downe , and standing in neede of his friends helpe , had no man that moved a finger to rid him out of the present calamity & trouble . whereupon he lay prisoner in this pickle a good space . the earle iohn was desirous to have done him some further notable disgrace and contumely ; neither was there any one almost , that for his owne sake withstood it ; but the bishops , though most of them his enemies , regarding notwithstanding his calling and place , would not suffer it , but caused him to be released . so not long after being deposed of his office of chancellor by direction of the king , deprived of authority , and banished the land by the lords , barons , and prelates of the realme , hee gat him over sea into normandy , where hee was borne , and complained of these proceedings against him to the pope , whose legate he was , who thereupon writ letters in his favour to all the archbishops and bishops of england , commanding them to excommunicate iohn earle of morton , and interdict the realme , till the bishop was restored unto his former estate ; which the bishops neglecting to doe , notwithstanding this bishops owne letter to the bishop of lincolne , touching this matter , he there rested himselfe after this turmoile till the returne of king richard from the holy land , the archbishop of roan governing the kingdome the meane while , whom he caused the pope to excommnnicate . * anno. . hubert archbishop of canterbury , with the bishops of lincolne , london , rochester , winchester , worceter , hereford , the elect of exeter , and many abbots and clergy men of the province of canterbury , after they had excommunicated earle iohn with all his fauters and councellours , in an assembly at westminster , in the chappell of the infirme monkes , on ●he th . of february , appealed to the presence of the pope , against this bishop of ely , that he should not from thenceforth enjoy the office of a legate in england , which appeale they ratified with their seales , and sent it first to the king , and afterwards to the pope to be confirmed . vpon the kings returne , this bishop excused himselfe the best he might , reconciled himselfe to geoffery archbishop of yorke , purging himselfe with an hundred clerkes his compurgators , from the guilt of his wrongfull imprisonment and misusage at dover , and being after sent embassadour to the pope with the bishop of durham and others fell sicke by the way at poyters , and so died . from this and other forcited presidents we may see , how dangerous and pernicious a thing it is for any one man to have the exercise of spirituall and temporall jurisdiction vested in him , since it makes him a double tyrant and oppressour . eustachius , this turbulent prelates successor * was one of those bishops , that pronounced the popes excommunication against king iohn , and interdicted the whole realme ; for which he was glad to flee the realme , continuing in exile for many yeares : his temporalties & goods being seised on by the king in the interim : yea , the king for this act warned all the prelates and clergie of england , that they should presently depart the realme , that all their lands and goods should be confiscated , which was done , and they all put out of the kings protection . the bishops and abbots hereupon stood on their guard , sending the king word , that they would not depart out of their bishopprickes and monasteries , unlesse they were thrust out perforce , whereupon all their possessions , barnes , corne , and goods were seized on by the kin●s officers , and the parents of those bishops who interdicted the realme , apprehended , spoiled of all their goods , and thrust into prison . in the yeare . whiles * king henry the third besieged kenelworth castle , some rebells whom the king had disinherited , entred the isle of ely , and wasted the country thereabouts . whereupon hugh balsam ( about whose election there was great contention ) comming to the king to complaine , being then bishop of this see , was unworthily received , & ei casus iste apluribus imputatur : this accident being imputed unto him by many , hee being suspected to favour and side with these rebells . * in william kilkenny , his next predecessors time , there was a great suit betweene this bishop and the abbot of ramsey about the fennes , and the bounding of them ; which fennes having beene formerly unhabitable , and unpassable by men , beasts , or carts● overgrowne with reeds , and inhabited onely by birds , that i say not devills , about that time were miraculously converted into delectable meadowes , and arable ground . et quae ibidem pars ●egetes vel faena non producit , gladiolum , cespites , & alia ignis pabula , cohabitantibus utilia , germinando abundanter subministrat . vnde lis , & gravis contentio , de termin●s locorum talium & terrarum inter eos qui ab initio mariscum inhabitabant exorta , lites & praelta suscitabat ; writes matthew paris , and among others , betweene the bishop of ely , and this abbot of ram●ey . king edward the third was so highly offended with the monks election of this bishop balseam contrary to his direction that he caused the woods of the bishoprick to be cut downe and sold , the parkes to be spoiled , the ponds to be fished and wasted , and havocke to be made of all things : whereupon the bishop got him over sea to rome to seeke reliefe : against whom boniface archbishop of canterbury , to gratifie the king , writ divers letters to his friends of rome , and set up one adam de marisco , to be a counterfeiter to the pope against him . * in this bishops time , the king standing in neede of money , the prelates granted him . thousand markes , to the great hurt , and irreparable damnage of the church and kingdome , upon condition , that the king should speedily redresse the oppressures of the church , and reduce it to the state of due libertie : whereupon the bishops framed about fiftie articles , and put them in writing , that being read before the king , nobles , and prelates , they might be confirmed in due time ; which articles , writes my author , were like to those which thomas , archbishop of canterbury the martyr contended for , and became a glorious conquerour , ( and therefore directly against the kings prerogative , and the lawes of the realme ) . thomas lilde bishop of ely , a furious and undiscreet prelate , in king edward the third his * dayes had many quarrels with the lady blanch lake , a neere kinswoman of the kings about certaine bounds of lands and trespasses in burning of a house by the bishops command or privity● belonging to this lady who recovered . pound dammages against him , which he was inforced to pay downe presently . after this he had divers contestations with the king himselfe , one about robert stretton bishop of lichfield , he reprehending the king for making him a bishop , which the king tooke so tenderly , that he commanded him in great displeasure to avoid his presence . another about his suits with the forenamed lady , and some harsh speeches used by him of the king concerning them● for which words and other matters , the king accused him to the parliament then assembled , and there testifying these obiected wrongs upon his honour : the bishop thereupon was condemned , and this punishment laid upon him , that hereafter he should never presume to come in the kings presence . which history * william harrison thus relates , and others quoted in the margin . there was sometime a grievous contention betweene thomas lilde bishop of ely , and the king of england , about the yeare of grace . . which i will here deliver out of an old record , because the matter is so partially penned by some of the brethren of that house in favour of the bishop ; and for that i was also abused with the same in the entrance thereof at the first into my chronologie . the blacke prince favouring one robert stratton his chaplaine , a man unlearned● and not worthy the name of a clearke , the matter went on so farre , that what for love , and somewhat else , of a canon of lichfield , he was chosen bishop of that see. hereupon the pope understanding what he was by his nuncio here in england , stayed his consecration by his letters for a time ; and in the meane season committed his examination to the archbishop of canterbury , and the bishop of rochester , who felt , and delt so favourably with him in golden reasoning , that his worthinesse was commended to the popes holinesse , and to rome he goes . being come to rome , the pope himselfe opposed him , and after secret conference utterly disableth his election , till he had proved by substantiall argument , and of great weight before him also , that he was not so lightly to be reiected . which kinde of reasoning , so well pleased his holinesse ; that , ex mera plenitudine potestatis , he was made capable of the benefice , and so turneth into england ; when he came home , this bishop being in the kings presence told him , how he had done he wist not what , in preferring so unmeete a man unto so high a calling ; with which speech the king was offended● that he commanded him out of hand to avoid out of his presence . in like sort the lady wake , then dutchesse of lancaster , standing by , and hearing the king her cozen to gather upon the bishop so roundly , and thereto bearing an old grudge against him for some other matter , doth presently picke a quarrell against him , about certaine lands then in his possession , which he defended , and in the end obtained against her by plea and course of law , yet long also afore hapned in a part of her house , for which she accused the bishop , and in the end , by verdict of twelve men found that he was privy unto the fact of his men in the said fact ; wherefore he was condemned in pound damages , which he paid every penny . neverthelesse being sore grieved , that she had ( as he said ) wrested out such a verdict against him , and therein packed up a quest at his owne choyce ; he taketh his horse , goeth to the court , and there complaineth to the king of his great iniury received at her hands ; but in the delivery of his tale his , speech was soblocki●h & termes so evill favoredly ( though maliciously ) placed , that the king tooke yet more offence with him than before ; insomuch , that he led him with him into the parliament house ( for then was that court holden ) and there before the lords , accused him of no small misdemeanor towards his person , by his rude and threatning speeches ; but the bishop eagerly denieth the kings obiections , which he still avoucheth upon his honour , and in the end confirmes his allegations by witnesses ; whereupon he was banished from the kings presence during his naturall life by verdict of that house . in the meane time the dutchesse hearing what was done , beginneth anew to be dealing with him , and in a brabling fray betweene their servants , one of her men were slaine ; for which the bishop was called before the magistrate , as chiefe accessary unto the fact ; but he fearing the sequell of his third cause , by his successe had in the two first , hideth himselfe ; after he had sold all his moveables , and committed his money unto his trusty friends ; and being found guilty by the inquest , the king seizeth upon his possessions , and calleth up the bishop to answer unto the trespasse . to be short , upon safe conduct , the bishop commeth to the kings presence , where he denie●h that he was accessary to the fact , either before , at , orafter the deede committed , and thereupon craveth to be tried by his peeres . but this petition is in vaine ; for sentence passeth against him also by the kings owne mouth ; whereupon hee craveth helpe of the archbishop of canterbury and priviledges of the church , hoping by such meanes to be solemnly rescued . but they fearing the kings displeasure , who bare small favour to the cleargie of his time , gave over to use any such meanes , but rather willed him to submit himselfe to the kings mercy , which he refused , standing upon his innocencie , from the first unto the last . finally , growing into chollor , that the malice of a woman should so prevaile against him ; hee writeth to rome , requiring that his case might be heard there , as a place wherein greater justice ( saith he ) is to be looked for , than is to be found in england : upon the perusall of these his letters also , his accusers were called thither ; but for so much as they appeared not at their peremptory times , they were excommunicated ; such of them also as died before their reconciliations , were taken out of the church-yards , and buried in the fields and dunghills , vnde timor & turba ( saith my note ) in anglia . for the king inhibited the bringing in , and receipt of all processes , bulls , and whatsoever instruments should come from rome ; such also as adventured contrary to this prohibition to bring them in , were either dismembred of some joynt , or hanged by the neckes : which rage so incensed the pope , that hee wrote in very vehement manner to the king of england , threatning farre greater curses , except hee did the sooner stay the fury of the lady , reconcile himselfe unto the bishop , and finally , make him amends for all his losses sustained in these b●oyles . long it was ye● that the king would be brought to peace : neverthelesse in the end he wrote to rome about a reconciliation to be had betweene them ; but ye● all things were concluded , god himselfe did end the quarrell by taking away the bishop . anno . the nobles being assembled at westminster said to king richard the second , that for his honour and the weale of the kingdome , it behoved that traytors , whisperers , flatterers , malefactors● backbiters● and unprofitable persons should be banished out of his palace and company , and others substituted in their places , who knew & were willing to serve him more honourably & faithfully ; which when the king had granted ( licet merens ) they determined that alexander nevell archbishop of yorke● iohn fordham then bishop of durham , and afterwards of this see of ely , thomas rushoke the kings confessor bishop of chichester ( who being conscious to himselfe fled away and hid in yorkeshire ) richard clifford , & nicholas lake , deane of the kings chappell , all clergy men , whose words did many things in the court , should be removed ; all these they sent to divers prisons to be strictly garded● till they should come to their answers the next parliament . nicholas west bishop of ely , in henry the eig●h his dayes ( who kept daily an hundred servants in his house to attend him and gave them great wages ) fell into the kings displeasure , for some matters concerning his first marriage , who for griefe thereof fell sicke and died . thomas thirlby was advanced by queene mary , not onely to the bishoppricke of ely , but also made of her privy councell . after her death for resisting obstinatly the reformation intended by our gracious soveraigne queene elizabeth , hee was committed to the tower , and displaced from his bishoppricke by parliament● having endured a time of imprisonment , neither very sharpe nor very long , his friends easily obtained license for him , and the late secretary roxall to live in the archbishops house , where they had also the company of bishop tunstall , till such time he died . to these i might adde bishop buckeridge , bishop white , and bishop wren , late prelates of this sea , who occasioned much mischiefe and distraction in our church and state ; but i shall referre them to another place● and passe on to the prelates of exeter . exeter . about the yeare . walter bronscome . . b of exeter , had a fryer to his chaplaine and confessor , which died in his house of bishops clift , and should have beene buried at the parish church of farringdon , because the said house was , and is in that parish , but because the parish church was somewhat farre off , the wayes foule● & the weather rainy , or for some other causes , the bishop commanded the corps to be carried to the parish church of sowton , then called clift fomeson , which is very neere , and bordereth upon the bishops lordship , the two parishes there being devided by a little lake called clift . at this time , one fomeson a gentleman was lord and patron of clift fomeson , and he being advertized of such a buriall towards his parish , and a leach way to be made over his land without his leave or consent requited therein , calleth his tenants together , goeth to the bridge over the lake , betweene the bishops land and his ; there meeteth the bishops men bringing the said corps● and forbiddeth them to come over the water . the bishops men nothing regarding this prohibition , doe presse forwards to come over the water , and the others doe withstand so long , that in the end , my lords fryer is fallen into the water . the bishop taketh this matter in such griefe , that a holy fryer , a religious man , his own chaplaine and confessor , should so unreverently be cast into the water , that he falleth out with the gentleman , and upon what occasion i know not , he sueth him in the law , and so vexeth and tormenteth him , that in the end he was faine to yeeld himselfe to the bishops devotion , and seeke all the wayes he could to curry the bishops good will ; which hee could not obtaine , untill for redemption he had given and surrendred up his patronage of sowton with a peece of land ; all which the said bishop annexeth to his now lordship . thus by policy he purchaseth the mannor of bishops-clift , by a devise gaineth cornish-wood , and by power wresteth the patronagne uf sowton from the true owner , to the great vexation and disturbance of the country . pet●r quiuill , his next successor had great contests with the citizens of exeter ; in so much that in his time . . walter li●hlade the first chaunter , was slaine in a morning , as hee came from the morning service , then called the mattens , which was wont to be said shortly after midnight ; upon which occasion the king came unto this city , and kept his christmas in the same , and thereupon a compo●ition was made betweene the bishop and the city , for inclosing of the church-yard , and building of certaine gates there , as appeareth by the said composition bearing date , in festo annunciationis beatae mariae . . the king at the suit of the earle of hereford ( who at his being here , way lodged in the house of the gray-fryers , which then was neere the house of s. nicholas ) obtained of the bishop , that they should be removed from thence to a more wholesome place without south-gate ; whereof after the kings departure grew some controversie , because the bishop refused to performe his promise made to the king , being disswaded by peter kenefield a dominicane or a blacke-fryer , and confessor unto the said bishop : for he envying the good successe of the franciscans , adviseth the bishop , that in no wise he would permit them to enjoy the place which they had gotten , fo● ( saith he ) as under colour of simplicity they creepe into the hearts of the people , and hinder us poore preachers from our gaines and livings ; so be ye sure that if they put foote within your liberties , they will in time finde meanes to be exempted from out of your liberty and jurisdiction . the bishop being soone disswaded , utterly forbiddeth them to build , or to doe any thing within his see or liberty : about two yeares after , the bishop kept a great feast upon the sunday next before s. francis day ; and among others , was present with him one walter wilborne , one of the kings chiefe justices of the bench , who was present when the bishop at the request of the king made promise to further and helpe the franciscans . he now in their behalfe , did put the bishop in minde thereof , and requested him to have consideration both of his owne promise , and their distresse . the bishop misliking this motion , waxed angry , and did not onely deny to yeeld thereunto● but wished himselfe to be choked what day soever he did consent unto it . it fortuned that the same weeke , and upon the day of s. frances eve , the bishop tooke a certaine sirope to drinke , and in too hastily swallowing thereof , his breath was stopped , so as hee forthwith died . the franciscans hearing thereof made no little adoe about this matter , but blazed it abroad that s. francis wrought this miracle upon the bishop , ●●cause he was so hard against them anno. . * walter stapleton bishop of exeter , to whom king edward the second left the charge of the city of london , was assaulted by the people at the north-doore of pauls church , who threw him downe , and drew him most outragiously into cheape-side , where they proclaimed him an open traytor , a seducer of the king● and a destroyer and subverter of their liberties ; the putting off his aketon , or coate of defence , with the rest of his garments , they shore his head from his shoulders , with the heads of two of his servants . the bishops head was set on a pole for a spectacle● that the remembrance of his death , and the cause thereof might continue ; his body was buried in an old church yard of the● pied fryers , without any manner of exequies or funerall service done for him . belike he was a wicked instrument , that hee became so odious to the people , who thus cruelly handled him . symon mephara archbishop of canterbury began his metropoliticall visitation , in the yeare . and comming to exeter , iohn grandison bishop of that see , * either scorning or fearing his jurisdiction , appealed against it to the pope ; and when the archbishop came to visite his diocesse , hee resisted him , and kept him from entring into it with * a military band of souldiers , and when as the archbishop resolved to encounter him and his forces in the field with armes , and raised an army in wiltshire for that purpose ; the king being there with acquainted , recalled him by his royall letters ; so as he returned shamefully and ignominiously out of that diocesse without visiting it , and falling sicke for griefe of this his repulse , he died at macfield in his returne thence , of a deadly feaver . this bishop built a faire house at bishops taington which he left full furnished unto his successors , and did impropriate unto the same the parsonage of radway , to the end ( as he setteth downe in his testament ) ut haberent episcopilocum ubi caput suum reclinarent , si forte in manū regis eorum temporalia caperentur . presuming no doubt , that many of them would prove contemptuous to their soveraignes , and have their temporalties seised for it . thomas brentingham the th . bishop of exet●r , at the * parliament holden at westminester , in the tenth yeare of king edward the second , was chosen to be one of the twelve peeres for the government of the realme under the king. in this mans time , anno. . william courtney , archbishop of canterbury intending to keepe a metropoliticall visitation in his province ; and having formerly visited the diocesse of rochester , chichester , worcester , bath and wells , without any resistance or contradiction , came into the diocesse of exeter ; and having begun his visitation there oft times proroged the same from day to day , and from place to place , and suspended the jurisdiction of the bishop and other prelates in that diocesse during his metropoliticall visitation ; herupon the bishop of ex●ter commanded all within his diocesse , that they should not obey the archbishop in his visitation , and that they should receive their institutions , collations , and admissions to benefices commissions of administrations , confirmations of elections , conusances , and decisions of all causes , corrections of crimes and ordinary rights , from no other but himselfe and his officers , excommunicating all who di●obeyed this his edict . the archbishop abolished and repealed this prohibitory and mandatory edict of his by a contrary one , and made void his sentence of excommunication . after which he appealed foure severall times to the pope , and fixed his appeale in writing on the doores of the cathedrall church of exeter . the archbishop rejected , and refuted them all , and proceeded in his visitation notwithstanding ; citing the bishop himselfe by divers edicts to answer to certaine articles objected to him in his visitation . but some of the bishops adherents , caught peter hill , the archbishops somner in a towne called tapsham , and punishing him grieviously , compelled him to eate with his teeth and swallow downe a parchment citation , wax and all● written and sealed with the archbishops seal● , which he carried in his bosome wherewith to cite the bishop . of which misdemeanor the archbishop complaining to the king ; hee commanded william courtney earle of devonshire to curbe these rebells , and to apprehend and carry them to the archbishop , who enjoyned them pennance , and withall removed william byd ( a dr. of law , and advocate of the court of arches ) from his order and place , because hee had given counsell to the bishop of exeter against the dignity of the see of canterbury ; and thereupon prescribed a set forme of oath to all the advocates of that court , not to give any advice to any person against that see. the bishop of exeter after much contention , finding the archbishop too potent for him , and that his appeales were like to succeede but ill , by reason the king favoured the archbishop , submitted himselfe to the archbishops iurisdiction , and craved pardon for what was past . in edmund lacyes time , the . bishop of this see , there arose * great contentions betweene him and the city for liberties , which by arbitrement were compounded . after which , anno. . king henry the sixth , came in progresse to the city of exeter ; where after great entertainment , there was a sessions kept before the duke of sommerset , and certaine men condemned to die for treason , and had judgement to be executed to death . edmond lacy and his clergy understanding hereof , with open mouth● complained to the king , that he caused a sessions to be kept within his sanctuary contrary to the priviledge of his church , and that therefore all their doings ( being done against law ) were of no effect . and notwithstanding the king and his councell had discoursed to them the just and orderly proceeding , the hainousnesse of the offences , and of the offenders , and the necessitie of their condigne punishment , yet all could not availe , for holy church ; for neither holy church , nor the sanctuary might be prophaned ( as they said ) with the deciding of temporall matters ; whereupon the king in the end yeelding to their exclaimes , released a coupple of arrant tray●ors , reversed all his former lawfull proceedings , and so departed and returned to london , his lawes and justice being thus captivated to this prelates will , and trayterly encrochments upon his prerogative so farre as even to exempe and rescuee notorious condemned traytors from his justice and condemnation , even after judgement of death pronounced against them . george nevill the . bishop of exeter ( afterwards archbishop of yorke ) march the . . after a solemne procession preached at pauls crosse , where hee tooke upon him by manifold evidence to prove the title of prince edward ( afterwards edward the fourth ) to the crowne to be just and lawfull , answering all obje●tions that might be made to the contrary : whereupon , the ●aid prince accompanied with the lords spirituall and temporall , and a great number of the common people , rode the same day to westminister hall , and there , by the consent & approbation of them all , tooke possession of the kingdome against king henry the sixth , who made him bishop . see more of him in yorke . part . . p. . . the rebellion in cornewall and devonshire in edward the sixe his raigne , was * imputed to iohn voysey bishop of exeter , and other priests ; who thereupon resigned his bishoppricke into king edwards hands , having much wasted and impoverished it before . godwin writes of him , that hee was lord president of wales , and had the government of the kings onely daughter , the lady mary ( who afterwards proved a bloody persecuter by the prelates cruell instigation tutership , and evill counsell , when she came to the crowne . ) of all the bishops of the land , he was accounted the best courtier ; being better liked for his courtly behaviour than his learning , which in the end turned not so much to his credit , as to the utter ruine and spoyle of the chur●h ; for of . lordships and mannors which his predecessors had left unto him , of a goodly yearely revenew , he left but three and them also leased out , and where hee found thirteene houses well furnished ( too much for one prelate ) he left onely one house bare , and without furniture , and yet charged with sundry fees and anuities . so as by these meanes , this bishoppricke● which sometime was counted one of the best , is now become in temporall lands one of the meanest . iames turbevill the . bishop of this see , was deprived in the first yeare of queene elizabeh for denying the queenes supremacy and refusing to take the oa●h of allegiance . * william cotton the th bishop of exeter , was a great persecuter and silencer of godly ministers in his diocesse ; and so was bishop cary after him for a season , but at last , both of them being mollified with gifts and gratuities became more milde , selling that liberty of preaching for money , which they formerly restrained gratis , of purpose to advance this sale to an higher price , so as may apply that of * bernard to them . episcopi hujus temporis christi approbria , sputa , flagella , claues , lancem crucem , & mortem , haec omnia in fornace avaritiae conflant , & profligant in acquisitionem turpis quaestus , et praecium vniversitatis suo marsupio includere festinant hoc solo san● a iuda ischariota differentes ; quod ille horura omnium denariorum emolumentum denariorum numero co●pensavit ; isti vora●iori ingluvie lucrorum infinitas exigunt ●p●cunias ; his insatiabili desiderio inhiant ; pro his ne amittant timent , & cura amittunt dolent , animarum nec casus reputatur , nec salus . for the present bishop of this see , a man formerly much honored and deservedly respected , both for his writing and preaching before he became a bishop , he hath much degenerated and lost himselfe of late , not onely by his too much worldlinesse , but by his over-confident defence of episcopacy to be iure divino , in some late bookes he hath published , and that upon such * weake sandy grounds as vanish into smoake , when seriously examined . i read that * osbertus the second , and william warewest the third bishop of this see , became blinde in their latter dayes . i wish this reverent prelate may not doe the like , who doth already caecutire , through the splendor of that episcopall lordly pompe and honour , which some feare hath dazled his eye-sight . i come now to worceter . the bishops of worceter . dunstan the sixteenth bishop of worceter ( afterwards of canterbury ) put king edgar to seven yeares penance for ravishing wildfrid , * and kept him some twelve or fourteene yeares from the crowne . which fact of dunstans * mr. fox thus expresseth ; you heard before how king edgar is noted in all stories to be an incontinent liver in deflouring maids and virgins , three notoriously are expressed in authors , to wit , vlstride , or vlfride ; the second was the dukes maide at andever , neere to winchester ; the third was elfrid mother of edward , for the which elfrid he was staied and kept backe from his coronation , by dunstan archbishop of canterbury , the space of seven yeares , and so the said king beginneth his raigne in the sixteene yeare of his age , being the yeare of the lord , . was crowned at his age , one and thirty , anno. dom. . as is in the saxon chronicl● of worceter church to be proved . for the more evident declaration of which matter , concerning the coronation of the king restrained , and the presumptuous behaviour of dunstan against the king , and his pennance by the said dunstan injoyned ; yee shall heare both osburne , malmesh . and other authors speake in their owne words , as followeth . perpetrato itaque in virginera velatam peccato , &c. after that dunstan had under●tanding of the kings offence perpetrated with the professed nun , he comes to the king , who seeing the archbishop comming , eftsoones of gentlenesse arose from his regall seat towards him , to take him by the hand , to give him place . but dunstan refusing to take him by the hand and with sterne countenance bending his browes , spak after this effect of words ( as stories import ) unto the king , you that have not feared to corrupt a virgin maide hand fast to christ , presume you to touch the consecrated hand of a bishop ? you have defiled the spouse of the maker , and thinke you by flattering service to pacifie the friend of the bridegroome ? no sir , his friend will not i be , which hath christ to his enemy , &c. the king terrified with these thundring words of dunstan , and compuncted with inward repentance of his sinne perpetrated , fell down with weeping at the feet of dunstane , who after he had raised him up from the ground againe , began to utter to him the horriblenesse of his fact , and finding the king ready to receive whatsoever satisfaction he would lay upon him , injoyned him this pennance for seven yeares space , as followeth . that he should weare no crowne all this space , that he should distribute his treasure left to him of his ancestors liberally unto the poore , he should build a monastery of nunnes at shafts-bury , that as be had robbed god of one virgin through his transgression , so should he restore to him many againe in times to come . moreover he should expell clerkes of evill life ( meaning such priests as had wives and children ) out of churches , and place covents of monkes in their roome , &c. it followeth then in the story of osberne , that when the seven yeares of the kings pennance were expired ; dunstan calling together all the peeres of the realme , with bishops , abbots , and other ecclesiasticall degrees of the clergy , in the publike sight of all , set the crowne upon the kings head at bath , which was the one and thirtieth yeare of his age , and thirtenth yeare of his reigne , so that he reigned onely but three yeeres crowned king. all the other yeares besides , dunstan belike ruled the land as he listed . as touching the son of the said elfled , thus the story writeth● puerum quoque ex peccatrice quadam progenitum , sacro fonte regeneratum lavavit , & aptato illi nomine edwardo , in filium sibi adoptavit , i.e. the child also which was gotten of the harlot he baptized in the holy fountaine of regeneration , and so giving his name to be called edward● did adopt him to be his sonne , ex osberno . but of this dunstan , see more in cante●bury . p. , . . living the . bishop of worceter , anno. . was accused for procuring the death of alfred , the eldest sonne of king elthelred and king hardeknutes brother● his accusers were elfricke archbishop of yorke , with many others . whereupon the king being very angry degraded him , and gave his bishoppricke to elfricke● he died at tauestocke , march ● . . at which time , just as he gave up the ghost , there was such an horrible tempest of thunder and lightning , as men thought that the day of doome had beene come . alfred bishop of worceter , was * expulsed that see by king hardicanute for his misdemeanor and oppositions against him , till his money had purchased his peace . this bishops hands ( as was said ) was deepe in the murther of alfred the kings halfe brother , who had his eyes inhumanely put out , his belley opened , and one end of his bowells drawne out , and fastned to a stake● his body pricked with sharpe needles , forced about , till all his entralls were extracted : in which most savage torture hee ended his innocent life : for which barbarous act this bishop was for a time deprived , af●er which being restored , he went & fought with griffith king of south-wales , but with such successe that many of his souldiers were slaine , and the rest put to flight● which made the welchmen farre more bold , and rese the brother of griffith to make incursions to fetch preyes out of england , till at length hee was slaine at bulenden , and his head presented to king edward at glocester . not to mention wulstan , the . bishop of this see , surnamed reprobus , the reprobate , belike for his leude reprobate actions ; s. wulstan the . bishop , refused obstinatly to yeeld consent to his election a long time , protesting he had rather lay his head upon a blocke to be chopt off , then to take so great a charge as a bishopprick upon him . at last , undertaking it by the perswasion of one wullsius an anchorite ; he permitted publike drinking in his hall after dinner for whole houres together , and made as if he dranke in his turne , but in a lesser cup to make the guests the merrier , pompam ra●litum secum ducens , leading still a stately traine of souldiers with him , who with their annuall stipends , and dayly provision wasted a hugh masse of money . in his time edward the confessor falling sicke , and continuing speechlesse for two dayes space , on the third day rising as it were , from the dead , and groaning exceedingly , he began to speake thus . o almighty god , if it be not a fantasticall illusion which i have seene , give me leave to relate it to those that stand by : or if on the contrary it be false , i beseech thee substract from me the power of uttering it . as soone as he had ended his speech , speaking expeditely enough , and very articulately , he said , i beheld two monkes standing by me , whom when i was young , i saw live very religiou●lly in normandy , and i knew that they died most christianly . these affirming themselves to be gods messengers sent unto me , added ; because the chiefe men of england , duces , episcopi & abbates , non sunt ministri dei sed diaboli , the dukes , bishops , and abbots , are not the ministers of god but of the devill ; god hath delivered this kingdome in one yeare , and in one day into the hand of the enemy , and devills shall wander over this whole land. and when i answered , i would shew this unto the people , that so sinners having made confession and condigne satisfaction might repent , and obtaine mercy like the ninivites : they replied , neither of these shall be ; because neither shall they repent , neither shall god have mercy on them . and i demanding , when remission , of so great calamities might be expected ? to this , they answered , concerning this it shall be so , as in case of a greene tree , if it be cut in the midest , and the part 〈◊〉 off be carried farre from the trunke , when that without any helpe shall be reannexed to the trunke , and begin to flourish , and bring forth fruit , then a remission of such evills may be hoped for . the truth of which prophesie ( writes matthew wstminster ) the english soone after had experience of , in this , that england became the habitation of strangers , and the dominion of forreiners ; for a little after no english man was either a duke , bishop , or abbot ( upon the comming in of the conqueror , ) neither was there any hope of ending this misery . the conqueror comming to the crown , had some contests with this bishop , whom he would have removed from his bishoppricke for insufficiency in point of learning ; but being found more able than he was reputed , he held his bishoppricke , and recovered some lands from the archbishop of yorke , taken by the archbishops from this see , which some three or foure archbishops before had held in commendam with yorke . the cathedrall of worceter being stately built a new from the ground in his time , the monkes thereupon forsaking their old habitation built by oswald , which they pulled downe , betooke themselves to this new stately building . which wulstan seeing , burst out into teares , and being demanded a reason thereof , by some that told him , he had rather cause to rejoyce ; our predecessors ( saith he ) whose monuments wee deface , rather ( i doubt ) to set up the banners of our vaine-glory , than to glorifie god , they indeede ( quoth he ) were not acquainted with such stately buildings , but every place was a church sufficient for them to offer themselves a reasonable , holy , and lively sacrifice unto god : we contrariwise are double diligent in laying heapes of stones , so to frame a materiall temple , but are too too negligent in setting forward the building of that lively temple the church o● god. in king william rufus time , this bishop arming such an number of people , as the city of worceter could afford , caused to sally out , and set upon roger , earle of mountgomery and others , who attempted to take it , whom they discomfited , killing and taking a number of them prisoners . maugere , the . bishop of worceter , was one of those foure bishops , who anno. . upon the popes command excommunicated king iohn , and put the whole kingdome under interdict : whereupon his goods and temporalities were seised , and he inforced to flie the realme , dying at last in exile at pontiniac in ●rance : during the time of this interdict , the king ( writes matthew parts ) had most wicked councellors , qui regi in omnibns placere cupientes , cousiliura non pro ratione , sed pro voluntare dederunt ; who d●sirous to please the king in all things , gave counsell not according to reason , but will : among these he reckons up tres episcopi curiales , three court bishops , to wit , philip bishop of durham , peter , bishop of wincester , and iohn bishop of norwhich . walter de cantelupo the . bishop of worceter , as he stoutly opposed the popes exactions in england , so in the yeare . he * tooke great paines , to worke a peace betweene the king and the barons : in whose behalfe when he had offered the king conditions ( as he thought most reasonable ) which might not be accepted , he addicted himselfe unto their party , exhorted them to fight valiantly in the cause , and promised heaven very confidently to them that should die in defence of the same . for this he was after justly excommunicated by the popes legate , and being sicke unto death , repenting much this fault of disobedience unto his prince , he humbly craved and received absolution from that excommunication : whereupon ensued bloody warres and rapines so● as matthew paris writes , nec episcopi , nec ahbates , nec ulli religiosi de villa in villam progred● potuerunt , quin à vespilionibus praeda●ontur . and concludes this yeare thus . trans●it annus iste frugifer , benè temperatus , & sanus● sed in cunctis eventibus angliae dispendiosus , propter bellum commune , propter rerum coramunium & privatarum flebilem direptionem . most of the succeeding bishops of worceter ( as adam de orleton that arch-traytor and such like ) were translated to other sees , where i shall meete with them , and therefore pretermiting them here , i passe to those of hereford . the bishops of hereford . iune . an. . griffin king of wales having overthrowne the forces of the engishmen about two miles from hereford , immediatly assaulting the city tooke it , slew leovegar the bishop , and seven of the canons there , who denied him entrance into the church and held it against him , spoiled it of all the reliques and ornaments that were portable ; and lastly , fired both church , city , and all . this see continued voyd foure yeares after the death of leofuegar , after which * walter chaplaine to queene edith was consecrate at rome by the pope , in the yeare . his end was much more unhappy than his predecessors . he chanced to fall in love with a certaine comely woman that he met in the street . a long time he contended with this vile and unseemely affection , and he thought hee had quenched the same ; when a small occasion renewed it to his destruction ; having certaine linnen to cut out , this woman was commended to him for a very cunning seamster . he sent for her , and his old flame of filthy desire easily kindling by this little sparke , he found errands to send his men out of the way , while he set upon her first with words , and they not prevailing by force : she resisted what shee might , but finding him too strong for her , thrust her sheeres into his belly , and gave him his deaths wound . the king being desirous it should be esteemed false , forbid the report of it by a proclamation , which afterwards came to be chronicled . raynelmus the bishop of this diocesse , received that bishoppricke at the hands of king henry the first , who bestowed it freely on him , and was invested into it ( as the manner of those times was ) by the delivery of the ring and the crosier . anselme then archbishop refused to consecrate him and divers others , who received their investitures in this manner from the king : he was so farre from importuning him in this matter as being now perswaded this his election to be insufficient , he renounced the same , delivering againe unto the kings hands the ring & crosier that he had received . herewith the king was so offended ( as he had cause ) that presently he banished him the realme : after much ado betweene the king and anselme , a reconciliation was wrought and this man consecrated . * gyles de bruse the . bishop of hereford in the barons warres , was a great stickler wjth them against king iohn , and at last was glad to flie the realme with other prelates , the king seising on his and their goods and banishing him the kingdome . * peter de egueblancke the . bishop of that see ( cujus memoria sulphureum faetorem exhalat ac deterrimum , writes matthew paris ) an. . put king henry the . upon a strange and intolerable kinde of exaction , such , and so great , as even beggered all the clergie of that time : he got certaine authenticke seales of the bishops of england , wherwith he sealed indentures , instruments , and writings , wherin was expressed that he had received divers summes of money for dispatch of businesses for them and their churches of this or that marchant of florence or spaine , whereby they stood bound for payment thereof by the same instruments and writings so made by him their agent in their name . this shift was devised by the said bishop , with license of the king and pope , into whose eares he distilled this poysonous councell ; the maner whereof matthew paris relates at large . these debts being afterwards demanded the prelates denied them to be true , and said , there was a greater occasion for them to suffer martyrdome in this cause than of that of thomas becket of canterbury ; whereupon the bishops of london and worceter , protested they would rather lose their lives and bishopprickes than consent to such an injury , servitude , and oppression . haec & alta detestabilia à sulphurto fonte romanae ecclesiae , proh pudor , imo & proh dolor tunc temporis emanarunt , writes matthew paris of this and such like cheating projects to get mony an. . the barons arrested this bishop ( who plotted much mischiefe against them ) in his owne cathedrall church , seised upon his goods , devided his treasure unto their souldiers before his face , imprisoned him a long time in the castle of ordley , as a meere pest and traytor both to church and state. he was accursed of so many for his strange oppressions , treacheries● and extravagances , that it was impossible many calamities should not light upon him . long before his captivity , his face was horribly deformed with a kind of leprosie morphea , or polypus , which could by no meanes be cured till his dying day ; this disease made him hide his head , so that none within his diocesse knew where he lurked . some reported that he went to mount pessula to be cured of this his infirmity : tot in caput suum congessit imprecationes multipliciter à doraino meruit flagellari , ad sui , ut sperandum est , correctionem , * writes matthew paris , who further addes , episcopus herefordensis turpissimo morbo , videlice● morphea , domino percutiente , merito de●ormatur , qui totum regnum angliae proditiose damnificauit . about the yeare of our lord , . the archbishop of burdeaux being old and decrepit , began to be deadly sicke , and being thought to be dead , who was but halfe alive , this bishop of hereford , who most earnestly gaped after this archbishoppricke thinking to obtaine it● procured the kings letters , who was very favourable to him , because hee was his tax-gatherer , and went with them beyond the seas , but when the truth appeared , that the archbi●hop was still alive● hee lost both his journey , labour , travell , and expenses and received many scoffes , as one mr. lambin did in the like case , of whom these two verses were composed , aere dato multo , nondum pastore sepult● , lambi● ad optatum lambinus pontificatura . he to reimburse his expences not regarding the publike good , but his owne priva●e benefit , by license from the king and pope , collected a tith for himselfe in the borders of ireland● and the places adjoyning , which amounted to no small quantitie of money ; this he reputed the price of his paines , and the reward of his treason ; and he caused it to be so strictly exacted● that shame prohibites the relation of the manner of the extortion . and because fraud is not accustomed to want feare ; meticulosus armatus , armatus vallatus incessit ; being fearefull , he went armed , and being armed hee went with a guard about him . adara * de orleton , the . bishop of hereford , was a notable wicked traytor and rebell against his soveraigne , king edward the second , who advanced him , and was the chiefe cause both of his deprivation and murther : of whom you may read more at large in winchester , p. . . iohn bruton or briton was the . bishop of hereford , on him the king bestowed the keeping of his wardrobes which he held long time with great honour , as his regester saith . a wonderfull preferment that bishops should be preferred from the pulpit , to the custody of wardrobes● but such was the time , neverthelesse his humble custody of that charge is more solemnely remembred then any good sermon , that ever he made , which function peradventure hee committed to his suffragane , sith bishops in those dayes had so much businesse at court , that they could not attend to doctrine and exhortation . this bishop was * doctor of both lawes , and very well seene in the common lawes of the land and writ a great volume de juribus anglicanis , yet extant : but that he ever preached , or writ any thing of , or had any skill at all in the law of god , i finde nothing at all in story . iohn trevenant the . bishop of hereford , sided with king henry the th . against richard the second , who advanced him , and was sent to rome , to informe the pope , what good title king henry the th . had unto the crowne of england , which he usurped . so the bishop of duresme was then sent unto france , the bishop of saint asaph to spaine , the bishop of bangor to germany , armed with all ●orts of instructions for the justification of their new advanced king his title too , and usurpation of the crowne . so ready have prelates beene not onely to act , but to justifie , defend● and boulster out treasons , and rebellions of the highest nature , with the depositions and murthers of their lawfull princes● anno. . this bishop of hereford had a chiefe hand in deposing king richard the second , and was the second commissioner sent from the states in parliament , named in the instrument wherein they declare his voluntary resignation ; and he , with the archbishop of yorke made report to the parliament● of the kings voluntary resignation of his crowne and kingdome , the instrument whereof subscribed in their presence , was delivered unto thomas arundels hands then archbishop of canterbury , an arch-traytor , as i have formerly manifested . the most of the succeeding bishops of this see were translated to other bishopprickes , where you may meete with them who were most obnoxious , onely i observe , that in the generall pardon of . h. . c. . the bishop of hereford ( then charles booth ) is specially excepted out of the pardon of the premunire . it seemes his crime was very great . and for the present bishop of hereford , george cooke , he stands now impeached by the commons in parliament for the late canons , oath , and benevolence in the pretended synod , in which he had a finger ; which proceeding of our prelates , may justly induce us to passe the same censure on them now , as famous henry bullenger did of old on the bishops then , in his booke de episcoporum functione & iurisdic●ione tiguri , . ● . . . . . . to . and . and as mr. calvin after him did , in his notable booke de necessitate reformandae ecclesiae . edi. p. p. . . . . . . to which i shall referre the reader . as for dr. manwaring who had some relation to this church , we all know that he received a censure in the parliament house . caroli . for two seditious sermons , preached at the court before his maiestie , and then published in print by the now archbishop of canterburies meanes ; wherein he indeavoured to undermine the subjects liberties , and the proprietie of their goods ( ●etled in them by our lawes ) by false divinity● and to give the king an absolute power against law , to impose what taxes he pleased and to take away such a proportion of goods and treasure from his people as himselfe should thinke meete , upon any occasion . for which sermons , though he were censured by both houses to be never more capable of any future preferment in church or common-wealth , yet immediatly after the dissolution of the parliament , he was by canterburies meanes , in affront of that sentence● advanced , first to a great living granted formerly to another , then to a deanery , and soone after to the bishopricke of st. davids , where he so demeaned himselfe in advancing of superstition , prophanesse , and idolatry , that now he dares not shew his face in parliament , and lies lurking , in obscure places ( and ale ho●ses as some report ) fearing a deprivation from this usurped● dignity● given him in contempt of his former sentence in parliament . and thus much for the bishops of these sees , i now proceede to others . chap. v. containing the treasons , conspiracies , contumacies and disloyalties of the bishops of chichester , carlile , norwich , chester , coventry , and litchfield . not to mention how * agilricke bishop of the south-saxons , with divers other bishops and abots , were deprived by william the conqueror , anno . 〈…〉 in the councels of winchester and windsor , and after that committed to perpetuall prison upon suspition of treason , and rebellion against the conqueror , to deprive him of the crown . ralph the third bishop of chichester , a man of high stature , and no lesse high of mind● stood very stoutly in defence of bishop anselme , in so much that when king william rufus threatned him for the same , he offered him his ring and crosier , saying , it should better become him to loose his place● than his duety to the archbishop , whom he could never be induced to forsake , untill he seemed to forsake his owne cause , by flying the country . after this when king henry the first , was content to dispense with the marriage of priests , to which anselme was an heavy enemy , notwithstanding the canons lately made in the councell of london to the contrary , the priests granting him an yearely summe of money to defend them against anselme , this bishop resisted the collection of that money in his diocesse , calling it , the tribute of fornication ; and when notwithstanding his resistance it was payd , he interdicted his owne diocesse , commanding the church doores to be every where stopped up with thornes . the king whether not vouchsafing to contend with him , or taking his well meaning in good part , was not onely content to pardon this his contemptuous disobedience , but also bestowed the money so gathered in his diocesse upon him , saving , it was a poore bishoppricke and needed such helpes . this bishop went every yeare thrice about his diocesse , causa praedicandi , onely to preach the gospell to the people , exacting nothing from his provincialls by his episcopall power , but receiving onely what they willingly presented to him as a free gift , rebuking those who offended , which was the sole kind of visitation in those dayes , without any such visitation articles , procurations , presentments , fees , &c , as are this day practised , imposed , exacted , both against law and * canon too . hilary the fifth bishop of this see , though hee was content absolutely to allow of the declaration after published at claridon , without mention of that odious clause ( saluo ordine suo ) being shreudly baited of his brethren for his labour , yet afterwards hee had some contests with the king , and sought to impeach his prerogative royall , as appear●s by this notable passage , of the author of the holy table , name and thing p. . . sure i am , that [ according to this advice of eleuthe●ius ] the danish● and first norman kings have governed their churches and churchmen by capitula●s and mixed digests , composed ( as it were ) of common and canon law , and promulged with the advice of the counsell of the king , as w●e may see in those particulars set forth by * mr. lambard , * mr. selden ¶ dr. powell , and others . and i doe not beleeve there can be shewed any ecclesiasticall canons for the government of the church of england , untill long after the conquest , which were not either originally promulged● or afterwards approved and allowed by either the monarch , or some king of the heptarchy , sitting and directing in the nationall or provinciall synod . for all the collections that lindwood comments upon , are ( as theophrastus speakes ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but rough and rugged mony of a more fresh & later coyning : * and yet in those usurping times i have seene a transcript of a record , an. . o. henry the . wherein when the bishop of chichister opposed some late canons against the kings exemption of the abby of battells from the episcopall jurisdiction ; it is said , that the king being angry and much moved therewith , should reply . tu pro papae authoritate ab hominibus concessa , contra dignitatum regalium authoritates mihi à deo concessas , calliditate arguta niti praecogitas , ? doe you sir goe about by subtilties of wit to oppose the popes authority , which is but the favour or connivence of men against the authority of my regall dignities , being the charters and donations of god himselfe ? and thereupon requires reason , and justice against the bishop for this soule insolencie . a good evidence , that the canon law , had little esteeme or fo●ce among us in that age ; and not long after it was prohibited by speciall writ to be read among us , as appeares by the writ of . hen. . directed to the major and sheriefes of london , commanding them , * quod per totara civitatem london clamari faciant & firmiter prohiberi , ne aliquis scolas regens de legibus in eadem civitate de caetero ibidem leges doceat . * decembris● this was five yeares after the decretalls published , and it seemes most probable , that these leges were canon lawes , perhaps mixt ( as usually they were in the profession also , ) with the imperialls ( for both of them were it seemes , studied here under * henry the third by the clergy , more ●han any other part of learning , ) and therefore were forbidden , as being b●th in regard of their owne authority , against the supreme majestie , and independency of the crown of england . * and before this , in king 〈◊〉 reigne , in that great controversie in the synod of winchester touching the castles of newarke , sales●ury , and the vies , the king denied utterly censuram canonum pati , * that is , to have it determined by them● whether or no● the two bishops roger of salisbury and alexander of lincolne might lawfully kepe their castles that they had fortified . but while the rest of the bishops stood so much upon their canons , and even in the face of majestie , profest a rebellion , the king , and the lay subjects , it seemes grew so exasperated against them , that by publike command for the preservation of the liberty of the crowne and laity , they were forbidden to be of any more use in the kingdome : for so perhaps is that to be understood in * iohn of chartres , where he sayes ; that , tempore regis stephani a regno jussae sunt leges romanae quas in brittanniam domus venerabilis patris t●eobaldi bri●tanniarum primatis asciverat . ne quis etiam libros retineret , edicto regio prohibitum est . the canon law made by popes and prelates being inconsistent with the kings supremacy , and subjects liberty . * stephen berksteed the th . bishop of chichester , anno. . was excommunicated by o●tobon the popes legate , for rebelling and taking part with the barons against king henry the third , who thereupon repaired to rome for absolution . iohn de langhton , the th . bishop of chichister , anno. . excommunicated warren , earle of kent , for adultery : whereupon the earle came unto him with armed men , making some shew to lay violent hands upon him , unlesse he would absolve him . the bishops men perceiving it , by their masters command set upon them , and put both the earle , and his men in prison , whereupon ensued great combustions . thomas rushocke the th bishop of chichester , a lewde pernicious prelate . anno. . was driven away from the court by the barons , as a traytor , for his ill councells to richard the second , his lands and goods confiscated , he banished and deprived of his bishoppricke by * act of parliament , himself had suffered as a traytor , but that his guiltinesse made him flie before he could be apprehended . adam molins the . bishop of that see , falling at variance with richard duke of yorke was slaine at portsmouth by certaine marriners , iune . . richard sampson the th . of chichester . anno . hen. . was committed to the t●●●●●r for relieving certaine trayterous persons , who denied the kings supremacy . george day the . bishop of this see , october . . was deprived from his bishoppricke , for denying the kings supremacy , and maintaining the popes , and other misdemeanours , but was afterwards restored by queene mary , at whose coronation hee preached . iohn christopherson the . bishop of this diocesse , was deprived by act of parliament in the beginning of queene elizabeths happy reigne , for denying her supremacy , and refusing to take the oath of alegiance . to passe by the subsequent bishops of this see , richard mountague the last bishop thereof but one , was the principall abetter and reviver of those late arminian and popish doctrines , ceremonies , innovations which for sundry yeares have disquieted● both our church and state ; and that not onely in his booke , intituled appello caesarem , published in the yeare . complained against in three severall parliaments , and called in by his majesties speciall proclamation , as a booke that opened the way to those schismes and divisions which have since ensued in our church ; ( though for this very booke● he was advanced to this see , by the practise and confederacy of some swaying prelates ; ) and in his gagge ; but likewise in his visitation articles , his antidiatribae , his aparatus ad historiam eccles●asticam , and other workes , as you may rea● more largely in mr. bayly his canterburians se●fe-conviction , the last edition : which bookes of his have given great scandall to our church , much advantage to our popish adversaries , and much distracted● not onely our church , but state ; for which no doubt hee should have received his just demerits in the high court of parliament , had not hee died suddenly out of feare , ( being sent for to answer his old and new offences upon some fresh complaints ) to ease the parliament , and prevent a censure . of his successor in this see , i neede say nothing hee is so well knowne : wherefore i shall next visit carlile diocesse , and give you but a touch of some speciall acts of the bishops of that see. the bishops of carlile . * walter malclerke , in the yeare . was consecrated unto the bishoppricke of carlile , which hee acknowledged to have obtained by evill and corrupt meanes , and therefore resigned the same ( moved in conscience so to doe as hee alledged ) iune . . and tooke on him the habit of a fryer preacher at oxford , in which he continued till his death . being treasurer of england under king henry the third ; the king upon a sudden , at the instigation of peter , bishop of w●nchester , not onely displaced him from that office , but revoked certaine grants made unto him heretofore , & charged him with the debt of . pound . which hee acknowledged not . for redresse of these wrongs ( as he tooke them ) he determined to travell to rome , but was stayed at the waters-side by the kings officers ; whom roger , bishop of london excommunicated for the same ; and riding presently to worceter , where the court lay , renewed that excommunication in the kings presence● how he thrived with these businesses afterward i find not . but likely enough it is , that these troubles rather made him weary of the world , than any such scruple induce him to leave his bishoppricke . sylvester de everdon , the th . bishop of this see , was elected in the yeare , ●● . but not consecrated till february th . . because he refused to accept of the election , alledging his owne unworthinesse ; but at last upon better deliberation , yeelded : he was one of them that joyned with boniface the archbishop , and ethelma●re the elect of winchester in their request to the king that remembring his promise often made , hereafter he would not impeach the libertie of elections by interposing his armed requests , &c. the king acknowledged hee had indeede offended that way , and that especially ( quoth he ) in making meanes for you your selves , that thererefore of all other should least find fault with it . to this man particularly hee used these words . i remember how i exalted thee sylvester of carlile unto a bishoppricke , having hankered a long time about the chancery , and being a petty chaplaine to my chaplaines , preferring thee before many grave and reverend divines , &c. his conclusion was that if they would give over their places which they had obtained by so undue meanes , he would hereafter forbeare to commend any so unworthy . this was the yeare . the yeare following , may the th this bishop riding a horse somewhat too lusty for him , was cast , and so brused with the fall , as he died by and by , to wit , may ● . * thomas merkes the fiftenth bishop of this see , amongst many unworthy preferred to bishopprickes in those dayes , was undoubtedly a man well-deserving that honour ; for he was both learned and wise , but principally to be commended ; first , for his constant and unmoveable fidelity unto his patrone and preferrer king richard , then for his excellent courage in professing the same , when he might safely , yea , and honestly also , have concealed his affection . some other there were of the nobility that remembring their duety and allegiance , when all the world b●s●de forsoke this unfortunate prince , followed him with their best assistance , even till the time of his captivity . this man nothing regarding the danger might ensue , not onely refused to forsake him when he had forsaken himselfe , but defended him and his cause the best he could , when he might well perceive , his endeavour might hurt himse●fe much , without any possibility of helping the other , when the furious and unstable multitude , not contented that king richard had resigned his crowne to save the head that wore it , and their darling henry the fourth . seated himselfe in his royall throne , importuned the parliament assembled to proceed yet farther against him , desiring no doubt that to make all sure , his life might be taken from him . this worthy and memorable prelate stepping forth , doubted not to tell them , that there was none amongst them meete to give judgement upon so noble a prince as king richard was● whom they had taken for their soveraigne and leige lord , by the space of twentie two yeares and more , and proceeding further , i assure you , quoth he ( i report his words as i find them in our chronicles ) there is not so ranke a trayter , nor so arrant a theefe , nor yet so cruell a murtherer , apprehended or detained in prison for his offence , but he shall be brought before the justice to heare judgment ; and will you proceed to the judgment of an annointed king , hearing neither his answere nor excuse ? i say and will avow , that the duke of lancaster ( whom ye call king ) hath more trespassed to king richard and his realme ; the king richard hath done either to him or us : for it is manifest and well knowne , that the duke was banished the realme by king richard and his councell , and by the judgement of his owne father● for the space of tenne yeares , for what cause ye remember well enough● this notwithstanding , without licence of king richard , he is returned againe into the realme , and ( that is worse ) hath taken upon him the name , title , and preheminence of king : and therefore i say that you have done manifest wrong to proceede against king richard in any sort without calling him openly to his answer and defence . this speech scarcely ended , he was att●ched by the earle marshall , and for a time committed to ward in the abbey of st. albanes . continuing yet his loyall affection unto his distressed master , soone af●er his inlargement , he trayterously joyned with the hollands , and others in a conspiracy against king henry the th . which being bewrayed to the destruction of all the rest , he onely was pardoned , peradventure in regard of his calling ( for it had seldome or never been seene hitherto , that any bishop was put to death by order of law ; ) peradventure in some kind of favour and admiration of his faithfull constancy ( for vertue will be honoured , even of her enemies ; ) peradventure also to this end , that by forcing him to live miserably , they might lay a punishment upon him more grevious than death , which they well saw he despised . the pope ( who seldome denied the king any request that hee might afford good cheepe ) was easily intreated , to translate forsooth , this good bishop from the see of carlile , that yeelded him honourable maintenance , unto samos in greece , whereof he knew he should never receive one penny profit : he was so happy , as neither to take benefit of the gift of his enemy , nor to be hurt by the masked malice of his counterfeit friend , disdaining ( as it were ) to take his life by his gift , that tooke away from his master , both life and kingdome , hee died shortly after his deliverance , so deluding also the mockery of his translation , whereby ( things so falling out ) he was nothing damnified . hall reports , that hee died for feare , more than sicknesse , as one rather desirous to die by deaths dart , than the temporall sword , which this his treason deserved , being a great blemish to his former fidelity . * owen oglethorpe the . b. of this see , was deprived with divers other bishops for withstanding q. eliza. proceedings , and refusing to take the oath of allegiance , in the yeare . of other bishops of this see , since his dayes , i find little mention , most of them being translated to other sees ; i shall therefore proceede to the bishops of norwich . the bishops of norwich . iohn de gray , the fifth bishop of norwich ( if we beleeve * matthew paris , ) was one of those three court bishops who were consiliarios iniquissimos most wicked counsellors to king iohn , during the time of the inderdict of the realme : who desiring to please the king in all things , consilium non pro ratione , sed pro voluntate dederunt , gave the king counsell , not according to reason , but will , and thereby wrought much trouble both to the king and kingdome . * pandulphus the next bishop of this see , consecrated by the pope at rome , anno. . was the popes legate , and the chiefe instument , who perswaded king iohn , most ignominiously , and shamefully to resigne up his crowne and kingdome to the pope , to become his vassall , to his eternall infamy , and to submit himselfe to s●ephen langhton , and those other trayterly prelates who intardicted the realme , excommunicated this king , published the popes deprivation of him from his crowne , and instigated the french king to invade the realme of england , and usurpe the crowne , which the pope had conferred on him upon king iohns deprivation from it , of which you may read more at large before in stephen langhton , archbishop of canterbury , p. . to . onely let me informe you , that during the time of this inderdict ( aboue six yeares space ) all ecclesiasticall sacraments ceased in england , except confession , and the viaticum in extreame necessity , and the baptisme of infants ; so as the bodyes of dead men were carried out of townes and villages , and burried like dogges in highwayes and ditches without prayers , and the ministry of priests , as matthew paris and others testifie . such was the prelates piety and charity . about the yeare of our lord , . in the time of roger de skerwing , . bishop of norwich , there was raysed a dangerous sedition betweene the citizens of norwich and the monkes of the cathedrall church ; the history whereof is briefely this . at a faire that was kept before the gates of the priory , there hapned a fray , in which some servants of the covent , ●lew certaine citizens : a jury being empaneled hereupon , found them guilty , and the officers tooke order for the apprehending of the murtherers if they might be met withall . the monkes greatly offended herewith , first , excommunicated the citizens , then shutting the gates , not onely prepared themselves to defence . but also began to offend the other , shooting at the passengers first , and afterward issuing out of their gates , killing divers persons , and spoiling many houses : the citizens greatly incensed herewith , fired the gates , entred the monastery . and after a long conflict ( a great number being slaine on both sides ) prevailed , rifled the priory , and set fire on the same in divers places at once . this fire consumed not onely the cells and offices of the monkes , but the almes house also , the steeple , and greatest part of the cathedrall church . the king hearing of this tumult , with all speed posted thither , with the bishop of rochester , and others . the bishop of rochester , excommunicated all those who had consented to this wickednesse , and the king caused divers citizens to be hanged● drawne , and quartered ; amongst the rest that were executed● a woman that carried fire to the gates was burned . the monkes for their part appealed to rome , and so handled the matter , that they not onely escaped punishment but also forced the citizens to pay them . markes after . markes a yeare , toward the reparation of their church , and to present them with a pix or cup of gold of seven pound weight . this end was made by king edward the first ( his father being now dead ) at the request and solicitation of the bishop . but the prior ( saith holinshed ) was well enough borne out and defended by the bishop of norwich named roger , who ( as it is likely ) was the master of the mischiefe , though hands were not layde upon him , nor upon his adherents , perhaps for feare , peradventure for favour ; and no marvell , though the lesse faulty lost their lives , as most guilty ; for — rarus venator ad ursos accedit , tutos conservat sylva leones ; debilibus robusta nocent , & grandia paruis . ales fulminiger timidos infestat olores ; accipiter laniat turdos , mollesque columbas . verficoler coluber ranas miserasque lacertas ; irretit muscas , transraittit aranea vespes . so holinshed . after him anthony de becke , the th . bishop of this see attaining this dignity at the popes hands . behaved himselfe so imperiously in the place , * that he bereaved the monkes of divers ancient and long enjoyed priviledges suffering them to doe nothing in their house but what seemed good unto him , plucking downe and preferring amongst them whom he listed . neither could he onely be content thus to tyrannize over them , but scorning to have his actions reformed or called in question by any other , he openly withstood robert winchelsey , bishop of canterbury in his visitation ; affirming , that he would not answer to those things which were objected against him , unlesse it were at the court of rome . this boysterous and unruly dealing purchased him such hatred of all men , that at the last he was poysoned by some of his owne servants . william bateman the th . bishop of norwich● forced the lord morley for killing certaine deere in one of his parkes , and abusing his keepers , * to carry a burning taper in his hand , through the streetes of norwich unto the high-altar by way of pennance . and although king edward the third became an earnest intercessor for him to the bishop , mingling sometimes threates with requests , yet nothing could move the bishop following his determinate course ; such arrogant , malicious , dispitefull froward creatures are prelates for the most part , both towards kings and nobles . in his time there hapned a great pestilence , so that in many monasteries and religious houses , there were scarce two of twenty left alive , there died onely in norwich in one yeare , besides religious men persons . henry spencer , a gentleman of great valour and skill in martiall affaires , * serving the pope as generall in his , warres , in the yeere . was made bishop of norwich . and being a better butcher and souldier than a shepheard , he ( notwithstanding the kings commandement to the contrary ) procured the popes authority for levying of an army here in england , which he transported about the yeare . into the low-countries for the popes service in his war●es , where after hee had slaine above . men , in a set batt●ll ( wherein the priests and religious men that were with the bishop fought valiantly and most eagerly , some of them slaying sixteene men apeece in one battell against the ●lemmings : vanquished an army of . and burnt the townes of graveling , dunkirke , newport and others , returned againe into england , the king seising his temporalties into his hands & detaining them two yeares space for his contempt , in raising an army without , and against his expresse command . this martiall prelate , had forgotten what answer all the bishops , abbots , and clergy of england gave to king henry the third , anno. . in a parliament at st. edmonds berry , where the king demanding , that all clergy men holding baronies , or lay fee , should goe armed in person against the kings enemies , or should finde so many men to serve the king in his expidition , as pertained to so much land or tenement . to this they answered , quod non debent pugnare cum gladio raateriali ; that they ought not to fight with the materiall sword , but with the spirituall , naraely with teares , and sighes , and devout prayers ; and that for their benefices they were bound to maintaine peace not warre : and that their baronies were founded in pure franck-almoigne , where they owed no knights service but what was certaine ; neither would they begin any new : and when it was replied , that the prelates were obliged to grant all the kings requests ( there specified and contradicted by them ) whether they would or no , by reason of the oath they had taken at coventrie , where they swore , that they would ayde their lord the king by all meanes that they could . to this they gave this equivocating answer ; that when they made this oath , they understood it not of any other ayde , but spirituall and wholesome councell , denying to grant the king any mony at all . but it seemes that this was then the bishops received distinction , that they might lawfully beare armes , and fight with the materiall sword , and grant subsedias to ayde the pope against his enemies , as this bishop and the clergy in his time did ; but not to assist the king against his enemies● this martiall act of his warlike prelate is thus censured by * william swinderby , one of our martyrs in richard the seconds raigne . further i say , if the pope hold men of armes , in maintaining his temporalties and lordship to venge him on them that gilten and offend him , and gives remission to fight and to sley them that contrary him● as men say he did by the bishop of norwich , not putting his sword into his sheath , as god commanded peter mitte , &c. hee is antichrist , for he does contrary to the commandements of jesus , that bade peter forgive to his brother seventy times seventy . si peccaverit in me frater meus , quotiens dimittam ei ? septies ? &c & christus ; non dieo tibi septi●s , sed septuagesies sepcies . which walter brute another martyr in that time thus seconds , * againe , christ saith , you have heard that it is said , an eye for an eye , a tooth for a tooth , but i say unto you , see that you resist not evill . but if any man shall strike you upon the right cheeke , give him the other too ; and to him that will strive with thee for thy caate in judgement , let him have thy cloake also , and whosoever shall constraine thee one mile , goe with him also two other . hee that asketh of thee give him , and he that will borrow of thee , turne not thy self from him . by these things it may plainely appeare how that christ the king of peace , the saviour of mankind , who came to save , and not to destroy , who gave a law of charity to be observed of his faithfull people , hath taught us not to be angry , not to hate our enemies , nor to render evill for evill , nor to resist evill . for all these things doe foster and nourish peace and charity , and doe proceede and come forth of charity , and when they be not kept charity is loosed , and peace is broken . but the bishop of rome approveth and alloweth warres and slaughters of men in warre , as well against our enemies , that is , the infidells , as also against the christians for temporall goods . now these things are quite contrary to christs doctrine , and to charity ; and to peace , &c. and indeede if wee consider pope vrbanes commission and priviledges granted to this martiall prelate against clement the antipope and his complices , wee shall see how farre the popes practises are opposite to christs practi●e and precepts , and what mercifull , peaceable men lordly prelates are , i shall give you a taste hereof out of * walsingham . in the yeare of our lord . henry spencer bishop of norwich , received bulls from the pope his lord directed to him , to signe with the crosse all those who were willing to goe with him into france , to the distruction of the antipope , who called himselfe clement , and to sanctifie a warre against all who adhered to him . which bulls , because they conferred great power to him , hee caused to be published in parliament , and sent abroad coppies of them round about into every place , which he caused to be fixed on the doores of churches and monasteries in open view . these bulls relate at large the injuries that clement the antipope , and the cardinalls confederating with him , had offered to vrban , and that pope vrban , being unable without great offence of christ , and remorse of conscience any longer to endure so many great excesses , thought meet to rise up against those wicked ones in the power of the most high , and proceeding judicicially against them by a definitive sentence denounced and declared them to be scismatickes , and conspirators against the pope , and blasphemers , and that they should be punished like hereticks , and persons guilty of high treason , and did thereupon excommunicate and accurse them , and withall deprived them from all their benefices and o●fices whatsoever , making them uncapable to retaine or receive them , or any other , both for the present and future ; withall , he degraded all the nobl●s and knights who adhered to him from all their honours , dignities , and knightships , decreed all their goods , moveables and immoveables , rights , and jurisdictions to be confiscated , and their persons to be detestable , and so to be esteemed , and exposed them to be apprehended by all christians , and so apprehended to be kept in such sort , that they should not escape , and either be sent immediatly to the said pope , or else detained close prisoners in safe custody , till hee should give further order therein : moreover he excommunicated all those who should either beleeve , receive , defend , or favour any of them , so as they should not be absolved from this sentence without his privity , unlesse it were at the very point of death ; hee further decreed , that whosoever should wittingly presume to admit any of them to ecclesiasticall buriall , should be subject to the sentence of excommunication , from which he should not be absolved , unlesse at the very point of death ; except ( o barbarous cruelty ) they would first with their owne hands digge them out of their graves , et procul e●●ecrent ab ecclesiastica sepultura corpora eorundem ; and cast out their bodies far from the church-yard or ecclesiasticall burying place . moreover , he inhibited all christians wittingly to harbour any of them , or to presume to bring , send● or suffer to be brought or sent , any corne , wine , flesh● clothes , wood● victuals , or any other thing profitable for their use , to any place where any of them should dwell or abide , if it lay in their power to prohibit it ; he commanded likewise , that no man should presume in any wise to hinder the apprehention and detention of the said antipope and his adherents and their transmission to him , and commanded every man to be assisting to their apprehention . and if any did contrary to the premises , or wittingly name , believe in , or preach clement to be pope , if he were a single person he should be excommunicated , if a commonwealth or corporation , they should be interdicted , and their cities and lands , deprived of all commerce with other cities , places , and countries , and that the cities themselves should be deprived of their pontificall dignity , and that none but the pope himselfe should have power to absolve them from this interdict , or excommunication , unlesse it were at the very point of death , hee further granted to all persons truely penitent , and confest who would fight against the said antipope , and his confederates in their proper persons , or by others for one whole yeares space , from the day this bishop of norwhich should appoint , either continually , or by times if they were lawfully hindred , to all , as well clergy men as lay men who should follow the standard of the church , and likewise to all such that should contribute towards the expences of this warre according to their ability , either to the bishop or to his deputy , or should hire fit souldiers to warre and continue with him for the said space , the same indulgence that was usually granted to those who went to aide the holy land. moreover this pope grants these priviledges to this his generall the bishop of norwich , for the better promoting of this warre . first , that the said bishop might execute capitall punishments against the antipope , his adherers , factors , and councellours in any place , with strong hand . item that hee should have power to publish processe against the antipope and his adherents and any other , to be fulminated out by the said lord the pope himselfe , against them● and every of them . item , that he should have power summarily , and plainely to enquire of all and singular schismaticks , and to imprison them , and to confiscate all their goods , moveables , and immoveables . item , that he should have power to deprive lay schismatiques of all secular offices whatsoever , and to conferre their offices upon fit persons . item , that he should have power of depriving and declaring to be deprived all schismaticall clergy men , and of conferring their benefices with cure , or without cure , their dignities , personages , or offices to other idoneous persons . item , that he should have power over all exempt persons , clerkes or laicks , seculars or regulars , though they were brethren of the order of the mendicants , or professors , or professed of other houses , or of the hospitall of st. iohns of ierusalem , or of st. mary of the teutonicks , or professors of any other orders . item , that he should have power of dispensing with any beneficed secular clerks , with cure , or without cure , or such who had any dignities , parsonages , or offices , and with regulars exempt or not exempt , that every of them might be absent with him from their benefices , dignities , offices , and houses under the signe of the crosse , without any license of their prelates obtained , with the notice and reception of the fruits of their benefices , as if they personally had resided . item , it is granted to all , who goe oversea with him at their owne cost and expences , or at the charges of any other plenary remission of all sinnes , and so many priviledges , as are granted to those who goe to the aide of the holy land. item , they who out of their proper goods and meanes shall minister sufficient wages to fit souldiers , according to the discretion of the said bishop , or of any deputed by him , albeit he himselfe shall not be personally present in the execution of the said businesse , shall have like remission of sinnes and indulgence as aforesaid , as they had beene personally present with him . item , all shall be partakers of this remission who shall congruously minister of their goods to the said bishop towards the expugnation of the said heretickes . item , if any in following the same standard shall chance to die in the journey undertaken , or if the businesse it selfe shall chance to be finished in the interim with a convenient end , he shall intirely receive the same grace , who shall be partaker of the forenamed indulgence & remission . item , he hath power of excommunicating , suspending , interdicting all rebellious persons ; or those who hinder him to execute the power granted to him , of what dignity , state , degree , preheminence , order , place , or condition soever they shall be , allthough regall , queenely , or imperiall , or of what other ecclesiasticall or worldly dignity soever they excell in . item , he hath power of compelling all religious persons whatsoever , even the professors of the order of the mendicants , if it shall seeme expedient to him , to destinate or transmit them where he please for the execution of the premises . this bishop armed with this large commission , sends out his mandates , every where for the advancement of this holy papall warre ; and among other his precepts , directs this ensuing mandate to the clergy of the province of yorke . henry , by divine permission , bishop of norwich , nuncio of the see apostolicke , to our beloved in christ , all and singular the rectors , vicars , and chaplaines parochiall within the city and diocesse of yorke , greeting in the lord ; albeit wee have exhorted all , and every of you by apostolicall authoritie in the lord , and strictly commanded you , that you should publish the crosse committed to us and its vertue to your parishioners in the most opportune time and places , whose sustainers , fauters , and aiders according to ours , or our deputies discretion have plenary remission of sinnes granted , and besides this , have augmentation of eternall salvation permitted , as is more fully contained in the apostolicall bulls lawfully published throughout all england . and because we understand by the relation of credible men , that our exhortation and command hath taken none , or small effect , especially ( as is beleeved ) by reason of the negligence of curates , to the diminution of the catholicke faith , and danger of soules , who easily by your councell and exhortation might obtaine the foresaid priviledges and sempiternall grace . therefore wee much affecting the salvation and pofit of soules , lest the precious gift of this spirituall universall grace or our power , should not as much as in us lieth be unknowne to any of your parishoners , for time to come ; doe you cause the names of all your parishioners to be written , setting downe the summe and donations of those that pay upon their names , and those that pay not , from day to day , as often , and when it shall be most expedient , not onely the rich , but also the poore , according to the similitude of the poore widdow , the healthy , and those that are sicke , especially in confession , doe you prudently handle , and perswade to put their helping hands to this holy voyage , to the destruction and extermination of moderne heretickes , that so they may be partakers of the merit and reward granted in this behalfe , and your selves hereby very much eased from the burthen of your cure. moreover , the desturbers of this holy voyage , or rebells to our commands , or rather to the apostles , and fauters of the moderne schisme , you , or some of you shall peremptorily cite , that they personally appeare before us , or our commissioners by a certaine day perfixed by you , or some one of you in the cathedrall of st. paul in london , to shew cause , at a precise and peremptory time , wherefore they ought not to be pronounced to have fallen into the censures thundred out against those who perpetrate such things . and further to doe and receive what justice shall perswade . you or some one of you shall distinstly and wisely certifie us or our commissioners of the nam●●● and quantity of the almes conferred in this kinde● and also of the dayes of your citations , and of the manner and forme thereof : of all , and every of which we burthen every of your consciences , firmely injoyning you by vertue of that obedience you stand obliged to the see apostolicke● that you publish these our present letters among your parishioners , reteining the coppies of them with your selves , and that yee speedily transmit them to the next curate in the foresaid diocesse : in witnesse whereof wee have to these presents set to our usuall s●●le in this behalfe : given at our lodging ●t charing neare westmi●ster the th . day of the monesh of february , anno. dom. . and the th . of our consecration . and withall he granted this forme of absolution to all ayders and assistants to this holy warre . by the apostolicall authority committed to me in this behalfe , wee absolve thee , a. b. from all sinnes confessed with the mouth and sorrowed for with the heart , and which thou wouldst confesse if they came to thy memory , and we grant thee plenary remission of all thy sinnes , and promise thee retribution of just men , and augmentation of eternall salvation ; and we grant to thee so many priviledges as are granted to those who goe to the aide of the holy land , and we impart to thee the suffrages of the prayers and benefits of the synod of the vniversall church , and of the holy catholike church . by these recited letters and absolutions , you may clearely discerne , . the extraordinary insatiable malice , uncharitablenesse , cruelty , rage of popes and lordly prelates against their opposites . . their earnest desire and promotion of bloody warres by all manner of instigations and enforcements . . their exorbitant incroachments and usurpations upon emperors , kings , princes , subjects , and all sorts of men , who must be subject to their censures , excommunications , and deprivations , if they resist their wills and bloody designes . . their notable abuse of excommunications , and other ecclesiasticall censures to avenge their owne meere personall wrongs● and execute their owne malicious designes . . their politicke inventions to raise moneyes , and men to maintaine their warres . . the impiety and strange abuse of their pretended indulgences wherewith they grossely cheate poore silly people . . the industry of this martiall prelate of norwi●h to promote this holy warre , as he termed it , onely in maintenance of pope vrbans inurbanity . this bull and large commission of the pope to the bishop● was many dayes debated in parliament , and so his voyage : during which time the bishops foresaid letters & popes bull being published throughout the realme , the silly people , hearing the sweetnesse of so great a benediction to have arrived to the english , would neither reject nor receive in vain so great grace , but inflamed with the heat of devotion and faith , those who thought themselves fit for warre , prepared themselves with all speede , and those who seemed unable for the expedition , according to the councell of their confessors liberally contributed out of their goods towards the use of those who wentt , ●●t they might deserve to be partakers of so great remission and indulgence . and the hearts of all men were so generally inflamed with devotion , that there was almost no man found in so great a kingdome , who did not either offer himselfe to the said businesse or contribute something towards it , out of his estate : so that in a short space , divers great summes of money were brought to the bishop out of many parts of the kingdome , and multitudes of souldiers resorted to him : whereupon the bishop takes his journey with part of his army towards the sea-side , and comes to northborne in kent ; where making some small stay , he received the kings writ , commanding him to returne to speake with the king● and to know his pleasure . the bishop thinking that if he returned , the king would command him to stay his voyage , and so all his paines and provision should be lost , and himselfe exposed to derision , gathering together those souldiers he had present by the helpe of iohn philpot , transported both himselfe and them to chalis , from whence hee went and besieged graveling ; where in a set battell he vanquished the flemmins and schismaticks , and obtained a glorious victory , slaying at least . thousand of them in the battle and flight . the newes whereof comming over into england , so affected the people moved with the hope of the prey they should gaine , that many apprentices in london , and many servants tooke the crosse upon them without their masters consent , and against their wills , whose example others following throughout the kingdome , leaving their parents , kind red , and deare consorts , being unarmed , having onely swords , bowes , and arrowes went out to this war ; and many religious persons of all orders , ( who craved license to goe but could not obtaine it ) presumed to undertake that voyage , in magnum personarum suarum dedecus & detrimentum , quia non propter iesnm tantum peregrinare decreverunt sed ut patriam mundumque viderent . iohn philpot pro●●●●ng all these with necessaries , transported them to the bishop : whose temporalties the king seised and detained many yeares in his hands for undertaking this warre , and passing the sea with his subjects , contrary to his inhibition . a little before this warre , this martiall prelate had occasion given him of imploying his valour at home to better purpose . in the yeare the commons of suffolke , and norfolke made one iohn lister their leader , a dyer of norwich , called the king of the commons , endeavouring to joyne their forces with those notable rebells wat ●yler , and iacke straw . the bishop hereupon armed from top to toe , marcheth with such forces as he could raise against these rebells : meeting with some of them at ickingham , hee presently laid hold of the three chiefe of them , and without more adoe , cut off their heads , which hee caused to be set upon poles at newmark●t : thence hee marched towards norwich , where he understood the rebells had determined to make some stay . by the way divers gentlemen that had hid themselves● videntes episcopum militem induisse , & galeam assumps●sse raetalicam , & lor●cam duram quam non possent penetrare sagittae , nec non gladium ma●ertalem ancipitem arr●puisse ( as walsingham writes ) joyned with him ; so as by that time he came to norwich hee had a reasonable company about him . with that troope ( such as it was ) he set upon the rebells , who had fortified themselves with trenches , and barracadoes very strongly , having their carriages , and wagons behinde them . the martiall bishop without delay , about to give them open battell , moved with their audacity , commands the trumpets to blow , and the drummes to beate ; and taking a lance in his right hand , puts spurres to his horse , and is carried with so great animosity and impetuous boldnesse against them , that with a most speedy course hee pre-ocupies their trenches , before his archers could come up to him , neither was there neede of archers , they being come to fight hand to hand . the warlike prelate therefore , like a wilde boore gnashing his teeth , sparing neither himselfe nor his enemies , where hee perceives most danger thither hee directs his strength , running through this man , casting downe that man , wounding another , and ceaseth not to hurt the enemy most vehemently , untill all the troope which followed him● had gotten the trench , and were prepared to the conflict : the bishops party then fought valiantly , and so did the commons , donec infirmior conscientia partem terreret injustams & animum ab audacia & voluntate subtraheret moriendi . * hereupon the fearefull vulgar betake themselves to flight , and because they had no way left besides their carts and carriages which they had placed behinde them , they strove to leape over them , and so to escape . but the bishop , exercising every where the office of a circumspect generall● dashed these endeavours , and hindred those who thought to flee by killing them , and in hindring slayes them , till hee had taken their ringleaders , and iohn litcestere their king , whom he caused to be drawne , quartered , and beheaded . which done , this bishop rested not , untill having searched out the malefactors throughout the country , he caused justice to be executed on them , sicque pacem peperit regioni , & indicibile toto regno commodum , laudanda probitas , & audac●a commendanda pontificis bellicosi . this act was very commendable , i confesse yet unsuitable to his calling . there wa● great contention betweene him and the monkes of norwhich for fifteene yeares , concerning their priviledges and jurisdictions ; at last they gave him . markes to enjoy their priviledges . * alexander p●yor of norwich was next elected b. by the monks , but the king so misliked their choise , as he not only kept him from his dignity , but also imprisoned him at winsor almost a whole yeare after his election , yet afterwards at the request of thomas arrundell archbishop of canterbury , and divers other of the nobility , he was released , set at liberty , and afforded consecration , anno. . richard nyx . . bishop of this sea , had a report of a vicious and dissolute liver , and was blind long before his death . hilary h. . coram rege rot. . he was attainted in a praemun●re , * put out of the kings protection , his person imprisoned , lands , goods , and chattles forfeited to the king , for citing richard cockerall , major of thetford , and others into his spirituall court , and enjoyning them under paine of excommunication , to call a jury of the said towne before them , and cause them to revoke and cancell a presentment they had found upon oath touching their liberties , to wit , that none of the said towne ought to be cited into any spirituall consistory , but onely into the deane of thetfords court ; and that if any one cited any of that towne into another spirituall court , he ●hould forfeit sixe shillings eight pence for the same , the glasse-windowes of kings-colledge chappell in cambridge were bought and set up with part of this bishops fine and forfeiture upon this his attainder , as the author . of the catalogue of the chancellors and colledges of cambridge record● , in his collegi●m regis . * iohn hopton the th bishop of this sea , was a great persecuter , and a cause of putting many of our martyrs to death ; as you may read in mr. fox his acts and monuments . samuel harsnet bishop of this diocesse , a turbulent prelate and great opposer of godly ministers in the latter end of king iames , and the beginning of king charles raigne was questioned and proceeded against in parliament for divers oppressions , extortions , and superstitious innovations introduced in that dioces●e . of whom , see more in yorke , to which he was translated . dr. white , and dr. corbet his immediate successors , were men of the same straine with harsnet , and whereas dr. white had gained great fame and reputation in our church for his learning and bookes against the papists whilst he continued an ordinary minister , his carriage and change was such , that he soone lost all his honour and reputation after he became a bishop , and when as other men grow commonly white in their old age , he contrariwise like the * albanes ( who doe in senectute nigrescere ) waxed blacke in his declining dayes , and as some say , deserved the title of that popish treatise which he answered in his orthodox , white dyed blacke . a strange effect of a white rochet . but his successor in this see , matthew wren , a man of a more active spirit , thinking it a disparagement to him , not to transcend his predecessors in superstitious popish innovations , and extravagant oppressions , both of the ministers and people of that diocesse , hath beene so exorbitantly outragious in his proceedings , that upon the hearing of sundry petition● and complaints against him in parliament , the whole house of commons have transmitted to the lords these subsequent articles of impeachment against him ( already printed ) wherein the malicious venome of his spirit against piety and our religion , with his seditious , oppressive practises are anatomized to the full , and most elegantly displaied in their proper colours by sir thomas widdrington in his speech at their transmission , which articles and speech here i insert . articles of impeachment , of the commons a●sembled in parliament in the name of themselves , and of all the commons of england , against matthew wren , dr. in divinity , late bishop of norwich , and now bishop of ely , for severall crimes , and misdemeanors committed by him . that the said matthew wren , being popishly and superstitiously affected , did at his first comming to be bishop of norwich , which was in the yeare . endeavour by sundry wayes , and meanes , to suppresse the powerfull and painefull preaching of the word of god ; did introduce divers orders , and injunctions , tending to superstition and idolatry ; did disturbe , and disquiet the orderly , and settled estate of the ministers , and people , and churches of that diocesse , to the great prejudice of his majestie , the great griefe and disquiet , and hazard of the estates , consciences , and lives of many of his majesties loyall subjects there , to the manifest bringing in , and increasing of prophanenesse , ignorance , and disobedience in the common people , ( as by the particulars ensuing may appeare . ) i. whereas many chancels of churches , during all the time of queene elizabeth , king iames , and of his majestie that now is , had laid and beene continued , even and flat , without any steps ascending towards the east-end of the same , and are ordered to continue as they were , and so ought to have continued ; he of his own minde and will , without any lawfull warrant of authority , in the yeare . being then bishop of norwich , ordered and enjoyned , that the same should be raised towards the east-end , some two , some three , some foure steps , that so the communion table there placed altarwise , might be the better seene of the people . ii. he in the same yeare . ordered , that the communion table which is appointed by the said rubrick , at the time of the celebration of the holy communion , to be placed in the body of the church or chancell , where divine prayers are usually read , and where the people might best heare , should be set up close under the wall at the east-end of the chancell altar-wise , and not to be removed from thence ; whereby the minister , who is by the law to officiate at the north-side of the table , must either stand and officiate at the north-end of the table so standing altar-wise , or else after the popish and idolatrous manner , stand and officiate at the westside of the table with his backe towards the people . iii. he in the same yeare . enjoyned that there should be a rayle set on the top of the new raised steps before the communion table so set altarwise as aforesaid , which rayl should raise from the southside of the chancell to the north within , which the minister onely should enter , as a place too holy for the people ; and some of the people were punished for stepping into it , as namely daniel wayman , and others . iv. the more to advance blinde superstition , hee in the same yeare . ordered that all the pewes in the church should be so altered , that the people might kneele with their faces eastward , towards the communion table so set altarwise as aforesaid ; and that there should be no seats in the chancell above , or on either side even up with the said table . v. he in the same yeare . enjoyned that every minister after he had finished the reading of some part of the morning prayer , at the deske , should goe out from the same to the holy table set altarwise , as to a more holy place , and there , when no communion was to be administred , reade at the said table a part of the communion service , now commonly called the second service , whereby the consciences both of the minister , and people , have beene not onely very much offended , and grieved , but also the service it selfe was made very unprofitable to the people● who could not heare what was said , or prayed in that place . vi. that both he in his owne person , his chaplains , and others of the clergy as namely , master iohn novell , master william guest , master iohn dunckon , and others following his example , did ever after the table was so set altarwise , use and performe such , so many , and so frequent bowings and adorations before , and towards the said table as have beene dangerous examples to draw others to the like superstitious gestures , and have given great scandall● and offence to the sound , and sincere , and well affected christians . vii . hee in the said yeare , enjoyned all the people to come up to the rayle to receive the holy communion , and there kneele , and doe reverence before the holy table placed altarwise and gave directions to the ministers not to administer the communion to such people as should not so come up , and do such reverence as aforesaid , and that the minister should within the rayle deliver the bread to such people onely as should so come up and kneele before the said table as aforesaid . this was to the offence of the consciences of many good people , who for feare of idolatry and superstition , durst not come to kneele at the ●aid rayl before the table so placed altarwise ; and many people not comming up thither , though presenting themselves upon their knees in the chancell , have not had the communion delivered unto them , and afterward for not receiving have bin excommunicated , as namely , iohn shyming , samuel dunckon , peter fisher , thomas neuton , edward bedwell , edmund day , iohn frowar , and many others . viii . he did in the said yeare , . enjoyn and command , that there should be no sermons on the lords days in the afternoone or on the weeke dayes at all , without his licence . and also enjoyned that there should be no catechising , but onely such questions , and answers● as are contained in the booke of the common prayer . not allowing the ministers to expound or open the points of the same to the poople . he and his under officers affirming in publike places , that such an exposition might be as ill as a sermon . and the more to hearten , and confirme the people in prophaning the lords day , he enjoyned the ministers to read publikely in their churches , a book published touching sports on the lords day . for not reading whereof , some ministers were by the command and directions of the said bishop suspended , viz. master william leigh , mr. richard proud , mr. ionathan burr , mr. mathew brumwrigg , mr. mott , and divers others , some deprived master powell , mr. richard raymond , mr. jeremy borrowes , and some otherwise troubled . by all which , knowledge was suppressed , and ignorance and prophanenesse introduced in that diocesse . ix . there having beene formerly two kinds of ringing of bells , and calling people to the church in that diocesse ( viz. ) one kinde , when there were onely prayers to be read , and another kinde , when there were both prayers to be read , and a sermon preached , whereby the people did apply themselves to the service of god in those places , where both prayers , and preaching was to be ; he to hinder the people in their good desires of serving of god , and edifying their soules , did in the same yeare . command , and enjoyne that there should be no difference in ringing of bells to church when there was a sermon , and when there was none . x. whereas many godly ministers for the preventing of the great sinne in the people of unworthy receiving the holy communion of the lords supper● did use to preach two or three dayes before every communion , a preparation sermon to prepare , and instruct the people in the right and worthy receiving of the communion , he the said bishop did in the said yeare , . forbid ministers , to preach any such prepa●ation sermon in that diocesse , as namely , master devereux , master swayn , and other ministers . xi . whereas all gods ordinances are sanctified , and made fruitfull by the blessing of god upon them by prayer ; hee endeavouring to suppresse the power , and benefit of prayer in the yeare . enjoyned that no minister should use any prayer before his sermon , but move the people to pray onely in the words of the fifty fifth canon made anno dom. . which canon was not warranted by the law. and that no prayer should be used before or after the sermon . and he in his owne person having beene at the sermon in the towne of ipswich when the preacher did use or make any other prayer , did sit upon his seat without using , or giving any reverence of kneeling , or otherwise , thereby to discountenance such prayer . and he in the said yeere . enjoyned that no prayer should be made in the pulpit for the sicke , and that such as were prayed for in the reading deske , should be prayed for onely in the two collects prescribed for the visitation of the sicke in private houses . xii . he the more to alienate the peoples heart from hearing of sermons in the said yeare . commanded , and enjoyned all ministers to preach constantly in their hood , and surplice , a thing not used before in that diocesse , and much offensive to the people as a scandalous innovation . and the parishioners of knattshall wanting a surplice● he did by his officers in the yeare . injoyn the churchwardens there , that no prayers should be read in that church till they had got a surplice , which they not getting for the space of two lords dayes after , had no prayers during that time there . xiii . that during the time of his being bishop of norwich , which was about two yeares , and foure moneths , there were for not reading the service , at the communion table set● altarwise , for not reading the booke of sports● for using conceived prayers before and after sermons , and for not observing some other illegall innovations by him , and his under-officers , by and upon his directions , and injunctions , sundry godly painefull preaching ministers , that is to say , master william powell , mr. iohn carter , mr. pe●k● mr. william bridge , mr. william greene , mr. mott , mr. richard raymond , mr. thomas scot , mr. greenehill , mr. nicholas beard , mr. hudson , robert kent , jeremy burrow , mr. thomas allen , and others to the number of fifty , were excommunicated , suspended , or deprived and otherwise censured , and silenced , to the undoing of many of them , their wives , and children , and they could not be absolved without giving promise to conforme to his directions editis & edendis , by meanes whereof some ministers were enforced to depart this realme into holland , and other parts beyond sea , viz. the said mr. william bridge , mr. jeremy burrowes , mr. allen● mr. john ward , and others of norwich , to remove into other more peaceable diocesses , as namely , mr. edmund calamy , mr. broome , mr. beard and others , and some of them so pros●cuted , as hath bin suspected to be the cause of their deaths , as namely , mr. th●mas scot and others ; the terror of which proceedings , hath caused other ministers to leave their cures , and goe away , viz. mr. william kirington , m. thomas warren , mr. john allen and others ; & if a stranger preached at the cure of such person suspended , the church-wardens permitting such person so to preach , were enjoyned pennance , and otherwise troubled , as namely , the church-wardens of snaile-well , and the stranger for preaching , was also therefore molested , viz. mr. ash , mr. eades , mr. manning , and other ministers . xiv . that during the time hee was bishop of the said see of norwich , he did unlawfully compell the inhabitants of the severall parishes within that dio●esse , to raise the floors of the chancells , of their respective churches , to raile in their communion tables , to remove the pewes and seats , and to make other alterations in the respective churches ; in the doing whereof the said inhabitan●s , were put to great , excessive , and unnecessary charges and expences , amounting in the whole , to the summe of five thousand pounds , and upwards , which said charges and expences , hee did by unlawfull meanes and courses , enforce the said inhabitants to undergoe ; and such of the said inhabitants , as did not obey the same , hee did vex , trouble , and molest by presentments , citations , excommunications , tedious , and frequent journeyes , and by attendances at the court of his chancellor , and other his officialls , viz. the church-wardens of lin , ipswich , s. edmunds bury , and others . xv. that for not comming up to the raile , to receive the holy communion , kneeling there before the table altarwise , for not standing up at the gospell , and for not observing and performing of his unlawfull innovations , and injunctions , many other of his majesties subjects , viz. peter fisher , samuel duncon , iames percivall , john armiger , thomas king and others , have beene by him , his chancellors , visitors , commissaries , and officialls by his command and injunctions , much molested , disquieted , and vexed in their estates and consciences by citations to the courts , long attendance there , dismission , fees , excommunications , penances , and other censures . xvi . that by reason of the rigorous prosecutions , and dealings in the last precedent articles mentioned , and by reason of the continuall superstitious bowing to , and afore the table set altarwise , the suspending , silencing , driving away of the painfull preaching ministers , the suppressing , and forbidding of sermons , and prayer , the putting downe of lecturer , the suppressing meanes of knowledge , and salvation , and introducing ignorance , superstition , and prophanenesse , many of his majesties subjects , to the number of three thousand , many of which used trades of spinning , w●aving , knitting , and making of cloth , and stuffe , stockings , and other manufactures of woolls , that is to say , daniel sunning , michael metcalfe , john berant , nicholas metcalfe , john derant , busby , widdow mapes , richard cocke , john dicks , francis lawes , john senty , and many others , some of them setting an hundred poore people on worke , have removed themselves , their families , and estates into holland , and other parts beyond the seas , and there set up and taught the natives there , the said manufactures , to the great hinderance of trade in this kingdome , & to the impoverishing , and bringing to extreame want , very many who were by those parties formerly set on worke , to the great prejudice of his majestie and his people . xvii . that he the said bishop , finding the people to distaste his innovations , hath often in publike , and private speeches declared in the said yeare , . that what he did in the same , was by his majesties command , whereby hee contrary to the duty of his place , which he held under his majestie , being deane of his majesties royall chappell , and contrary to the duty of a good and loyall subject , endeavoured , to free himselfe of blame , and to raise an ill opinion of his royall majestie , in the hearts of his loving subjects . xviii . that hee the said matthew wren , being bishop of norwich in the said yeare , . in the tower church in ipswich , and other places , did in his owne person , use superstitious and idolatrous actions , and gestures in the administration of the lords supper , consecrating the bread and wine , standing at the west-side of the table with his face to the east , and ●is backe towards the people , elevating the bread and wine , to be seene over his shoulders bowing low , either to o● before them● when he after the elevation , and consecration , had set them downe on the table . xix . that he the more to manifest his popish affection in the said yeare . caused a crucifix , that is to say , the figure of christ upon the crosse to be engraven upon the episcopall seale besides the armes of the see. xx. that he hath chosen and imployed such men to be his commissioners , rurall deanes , and to be his household chaplaines , whom he knew to be , and stand affected to his innovated courses , and to popish superstition , and to be erroneous , and unsound in judgement and practise , as namely m. iohn novel . m. e●mond maple●of● , m. iohn dunkin . m. bo●ek , m. dun , and others . xxi . that he hath very much oppressed divers patrons of churches by admitting without any colour of title his owne chaplaines and others whom he affected into livings , which became void within his dioces● unjustly enforcing the true and right patrons to long and chargeable suits to evict such incumbents , and to recover their owne right , some of which he did against his priestly word given to the said patrons or their friends in verbo sac●rdotis not to doe the same . this he did in the case of one m. rivet . xxii . that he and others in the yeare , sould , granted away the profits of his primary visitation for five hundred pounds over and above the charges of the visitation● and for the better benefit of the farmer , s●t forth a booke in the yeare intituled , articles to be inquired of within the dioces of norwich , in the first visitation of mathew lord bishop of norwich , consisting of articles , and wherein are contained the number of eight hundred ninety seven questions , according to all which , the churchwardens were inforced to present upon paine of perjury . and some churchwardens , that is to say , robert langly , charles newton , richard hart , william bull , and zephany ford , and others not making presentments accordingly , were cited , molested , and troubled , and injoyned pennance● notwithstanding many of the said articles were ridiculous and impossible . xxiii . that the churchwardens , and other men sworne at the visitation , were inforced to have their presentments written by clarkes specially appointed by such as bought the said visitation● to whom they paid excessive summes of money for the same , some two and twenty shillings , as namely , richard hurrell , iohn punchard , and others , some more , some lesse , for writing one presentment , to the grievous oppression of his majesties poore subjects in his diocesse . xxiv . whereas by the lawes of this realme no tythes ought to be paid out of the rents of houses , nor is there any custome or usage in the city of norwich for such payment , yet the said bishop indeavoured to draw the citizens , and other inhabitants within the said city against their wills and consents to pay two shillings in the pound in liew of the tithes of houses within the severall parishes of the said city , unto the ministers there , of the said respective parishes . and the better to effect this his unjust resolution , he did by false and undue suggestions , in the fourteenth yeare of his majesties reigne that now is , procure his majestie to declare under his highnesse great seale of england his royall pleasure , that if any person , within the said city shall refuse to pay according to the said rat● of two shillings the pound unto the minister of any parish with in the said city , that the same be heard in the court of chancery , or in the consistory of the bishop of norwich . and that in such case no prohibition against the said bishop of norwich , their chancellors , or commissaries in the s●●d courts of consistory be g●anting the same upon ●ight of his highnesse said order , shall forthwith grant a consultation to the minister , desiring the same with his reasonable costs and charges for the same , which said order and decree under the great seale of england tended to the violation of the oathes of the judges● and was devised , contrived , and made by the said bishop . and afterwards by his evill counsels and false surmises he did obtaine his majesties royall consent thereunto , and by colour of the order aforesaid ; and other the doings of the said bishop , the citizens and inhabitants of norwich aforesaid , viz. iohn collar , judith perkeford , and others , have beene inforced to pay the said two shillings in the pound in liew of tythes , or else by suits and other undue meanes beene much molested , and put to great charges and expences , contrary to the law and justice . xxv . that he assumed to himselfe an arbitrary power to compell the respective parishioners in the said diocesse to pay great and excessive wages to parish clarks● viz. the parishioners of yarmouth , congham , tostocke , and others , commanding his officers , that if any parishioner did refuse to pay such wages , they should certifie him their names , and hee would set them into the high commission court for example of them . and that one or two out of ipswich might be taken for that purpose . and the said commons by protestation saving to themselves the libertie● of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other accusation or impeachment against the said matthew wren late bishop of norwich , and now bishop of ely , and also of replying to the answer to the said articles , or any of them , or of offering proofe of the premisses or any other impeachments or accusations that shall be exhibited by them as the case shall ( according to the course of parlia●ents ) require , doe pray that the said matthew ●ren may be called to answer the said severall crimes , and misde●eanours , and receive such condigne punishment as the same shall deserve , and that such further proceedings may be upon every of them had , and used against him , as is agreeable to law and justice . sir thomas widdringtons speech , at a conference betweene both houses , on tuesday the ● of iuly , . at the transmission of the impeachment against matthew wren doctor of divinity , late bishop of norwich , and now bishop of ely. my lords , i am commanded by the knights , citizens , and burgesses now assembled for the commons in parliament , to deliver to your lordships these articles against the bishop of ely. may it please your lordships first to heare them read . my lords , these articles are dipped in those colours , in which this bishop rendred himselfe to the diocesse of norwich , they neede no glosse , nor varnish . in them you may behold the spirit and disposition of this bishop , heare the groanes and cries of the people , see a shepheard scattering , ( i had almost said ) devouring his owne flocke ; he that was desired to paint hercules , thought he had done enough , when he had made a resemblance of the lyons skin , which he was wont to carry about him as a trophee of his honour . i will not say that in these you will finde a resemblance of the lyons skin , i am sure you will finde the resemblance of the skins ( that is to say , ) the tottered and ruin'd fortunes , of poore innocent lambs , who have extreamely suffered by the violence of this bishop . in the yeare . this man was created bishop of norwich : he is no sooner there , but he marcheth furiously . in the creation of the world light was one of th● first productions , the first visible action of this bishop after his creation into this see was to put out many burning and shining lights , to suspend diverse able learned and conscientious ministers● he that should have beene the golden ●nuffer of these lights , became the extinguisher , and when these are taken away , where shall poore men light their candles ? my lords , this was not all . he put out lights , and sets up firebrands in their places , suspends painfull ministers , and sets up idle factious and superstitious priests , ( to use their owne language ) in their places , yet it is the fortune of these men at this time , like rivers in the ocean , to be buried the in extreme activity of their diocesan . he made a scourge , not of small cords , but of new injunctions and numerous articles tyed about with a strong twist of a most dangerous oath ; and with this he whips not out buyers and sellers , but the faithfull dispensers of the word out of their churches , out of their estates , out of their deere country . this noah ( if i may so call him without offence ) assoone as he entred into the arke of this diocesse , he sends , nay forces doves to fly out of this arke , and when they returne unto him , with olive branches in their mouthes of peaceable and humble submissions , he will not receive them into this arke againe , unlesse like ravens they would feed upon the carrion of his new inventions , they must not have any footing there● he stands as a flaming sword to keepe such out of his diocesse . my lords , unlesse he had done this , he could never have hoped to have brought that great worke he undoubtedly aymed at to any perfection . whilst the palladium of troy stood , that citie was impregnable , the greekes had no sooner stollen that away but they instantly won the citie● so then he first put out the candles , then was the opportunity to shuffle in his workes of darknesse : h● first bea●s off the watchmen and seers , then was likely to follow that which the impiety of some was pleased to stile , the piety of the times . this being done , he then begins to dresse out gods worship according to his owne fancy , this he expresseth in injunctions and directions , the minerva's of his owne braine ; we find them stiled regales injunctiones domini episcopi : a stile too sacred to baptise his brats withall ; i shall be bold to ca●l them tyrannicas injunctiones do● episcopi ; stories afford not a more barbarous cruelty then to joyne a dead and a living body together , the one is miserable , killed with the stinch of the other . this bi. who like aaron should have stood between the living & the dead hath joyned to lively ordinances many dead & venemous ceremonies , which have no other life , than what they received from the breath of his injunctions● and these are pressed upon the consciences● even these must be observed as morall lawes . an arbitrary government in the church is more dangerous , more grievous than that in the state ; this is exercised upon men● conscien●es the most tender parts , and is the very pinacle of ●yranny , and of all other most intollerable ; tha● blow which will hardly be felt by the arme , will put out the eye . ( my lords ) in the time of king ri●h . . one of this mans predecessors , a valiant bishop went into the holy warre , this bishop hath raised a warre at home in his owne diocesse ; a warre not against sa●azen● , barbarians , turks or infidels , but against good & well disposed people . i know not what stile to give this warre : without doubt ( my lords ) this was no holy warre . the weapons of this warfare were . injunctions , ●● . articles containing ● . questions . the souldiers were chancellors , commissaries , officials , commissioners , rurall deanes , &c. himselfe commanded in chiefe . the wayes of assault and killing were by excommunications , suspensions , deprivations , — i stay here , mille modis mori●ur mortales . the magazin wherein all these were originally hatched and lodged , was the superstitious and malicious brest of this bishop . this dioces was the stage where the direfull tragedies of this warre were acted by the space of two yeares and upwards . thus did he trouble israel in the time of peace , nay by these he put some of the chariots and horsemen of israel to flight , out of these he raiseth a farme of . pounds for his primary visitation : if it be considered cum pertinentiis , it was not deere , yet well improved ; for formerly but . pound in the time of some of his predecessors . will it please your lordships with patience to cast your eyes upon the modell of this bishops zeale , piety , and religion : let his affection to prayer and preaching speake for all the rest . first , for prayer . it was his hap to finde a prayer which is no prayer , pretended to be prescribed by a canon which is no canon , i meane the . canon set forth in the yeare . and no other prayer must be used in his dioces before sermons . that monster of conceived prayer ( pardon the expression , it s not my owne ) seemed as bad to him as a spell or charme . it must not be used upon any occasion , without doubt he would never have beene so strait-laced , and severe in this particular , if hee had but dreamed of that strait which a minister a friend of his was put unto by this meanes ; the story is short . a butcher was gored in the belly by an oxe , the wound was cured , the party desired publike thanksgiving in the congregation , the minister finding no forme for that purpose , reads the collects for churching of women . next for preaching . that hee is most able in this kinde is agreed by all . but that he ever preached himselfe in this diocesse saving once , i never heard affirmed by any . his next care was that others should not preach too often ; if they did , they must be put into his blacke bill : he changed that golden sentence of ( vae mihi si non praedicavero ) into vae aliis si praedicaverint ; he was so farre from the practise of saint paul the great preacher of the gentiles , who ( we reade ) preached till midnight , that there must be no sermons in the afternoone ; there may be , nay there must be sports and pastimes then . and as if he had stood in feare of inarticulate language bells which might foretell a sermon , hee cannot endure to heare the noise of a sermon in the toll of a bell. in a word ; he adorned churches at the charge of other men , and spoyled pulpits , which ought to have beene the greatest part of his owne charge . ( my lords ) you have now presented to your lordships a brother , nay , one whose place ingaged him to be a father of the clergy , yet one who like iosephs brethren hath taken the coat from ioseph , nay they were forced to fly from him as ioseph from his mistris , or else they must taste of his forbidden waters , but in their going away he rents their skirts , nay their whole garments and livelihoods from them , hee hath taken the locks from many sampsons , and done what he could to put out their eyes , and to make them grinde in the mill of his pernicious and dangerous innovations . he should like moses have led his flocke . moses led the children of israel through the red sea , this man drives part of his flocke over the sea , but went not himselfe . like nimrod he hath invaded the lawes and liberties of the subject , he hath beene as great a robber as ever was presented to your lordships : he hath robbed the king of his subjects , the greatest glory of kings ; the kingdome of trade , of tradesmen , the supporters of it . he that deprives the king of one subject , you know his punishment● and what shall be the punishment of him who hath robbed the king of so many subjects ? in the time of king henry the third● we finde a tenant in dower punished in action of waste , because she had destroyed two rich villeynes , and made them beggers . i appeale to your lordships , what is his offence who hath committed so much wilfull waste and spoyle , beggered hundreds , not villaines , but free borne subjects . he robbed the soules of that sweet manna , which is pabulum animarum , the word of god. ( my lords ) i have not yet recounted all his robberies ; he hath robbed god of part of his day● makes part of that a day of sports ; he hath robbed the subjects of their indubitable birth-right , the lawes of the kingdome . the citizens of norwich must pay tythes for the rents of houses ; there 's no law in england , nor custome in norwich for it : nay and that they may be sure to be robbed of justice too , the suite for these tithes must be in his owne consistory , from whence there must be no appeale , no prohibition . the true● patrons of churches , they are robbed of their presentations● others who had none or small pretence of right are admitted upon this unhallowed maxim , that if hee should institute those who had right , the pretender was without remedy ; by this he inverted a fundamentall law of this nation , to invest remedilesse rights with unjust possessions . ( my lords ) i cannot tell you all , but you can measure a lyon by the paw . i am commanded to lay this great malefactour at your doores , one who hath beene a great oppugner o● the life and liberty of religion , and who set a brand of infamy ( to use his own words ) upon ipswich education . in summe , one who is a compleate mirrour of innovation , superstition , and oppression● he is now in the snare of those articles , which were the workes of his owne hands . the rod of moses at a distance was a serpent , it was a rod againe when it was taken into his hands : this bishop was a serpent , a devouring serpent in the diocesse of norwich ; your lordships peradventure will by handling of him make him a rod againe● or if not , i doubt not but your lordships will chastise him with such rods as his crimes shall deserve . ( my lords ) i am commanded by the house of commons to desire your lordships that this bishop may be required to make answer to these articles , and that there may be such proceedings against him as the course and justice of parliament doth admit . you see by this parlamentary impeachment what a regulus , tyrant , and serpent this wren hath beene , i shall say no more of him , but leave him to his legall triall . richard mountague who next succeeded bishop wren , in this sea , proceeded on in his extravagant courses , and popish innovations ; witnesse his strange visitation articles printed for the diocesse of norwich ; many whereof are directly popish , others unjust , absurd and strangely ridiculous ; as , of what assise is ●our surplesse ? what is your surplesse or lords table worth if it were to be sold ? is your communion table rayled in , so as cats and dogges ( he might as well have added , rats and mice ) cannot get through unto it ? &c. this bishop conscious to himselfe of his owne guiltinesse came not up to this last parliament for feare of questioning , and being complained of for suspending a lecturer in norwich without any just cause , even sitting this parliament , the house thereupon made an order , that a speciall committee should be appointed to examine all his offences old and new ; the newes whereof so affrighted him , that within few dayes after he died , to ease the parliament of that labour , of whom see more in chichester : since his decease this see hath continued vacant ; and the whole diocesse earnestly desire it may so remaine till doomesday , having beene almost ruined , and infinitely vexed by their late monstrous prelates ; of whom i shall now take my farewell , and shape my course to chester diocesse . the bishops of chester . the bishopricke of coventry and lichfield in former times , had three episcopall sees , chester , coventry , and lichfield , whence some of the bishops in our chronicles , were formerly called the bishops of chester , because they there resided , of some of whose acts i shall give you a taste : hugh novant bishop of chester ( whom * godwin reckons among the bishops of coventry and lichfield ) about the yeare . when king richard the first was taken prisoner by the arch-duke of austria , joyned with iohn earle of morton the kings brother against the king , to dispossesse him of his kingdome ; his brother went from this earle and the french king to the emperour with letters , & a message , promising him a great summe of money in their names to detaine the king still in prison , after the articles for his release and ransome were concluded ; for which treason and conspiracy after the kings enlargement , this bishop was indicted in a parliament at nottingham , that he being privy to the kings secrets had revolted from him to the king of france and earle iohn , his enemies ; & adhered to them plotting all mischiefe for the destruction of the king and of the kingdome , whereupon hee was peremptorily cited to appeare and answer this indictment within . dayes , which he failing to doe , was adjudged to be punished by ecclesiasticall censures as he was a bishop , and as an officer to the king , he was also by the laity banished the realme , and at last enforced to purchase his peace with a fine of markes to the king. anno . he having purchased the monastery of coventry from the king , came thither with a power of armed men to place in secular priests in stead of the monkes , who making resistance against him , he invaded them with forces , chased away some , lamed others of them● spoiled their house , burnt their charters and evidences , himselfe being wounded ( and that in the church before the high altar ) in this conflict , to the effusion of his blood . in the yeare of our lord , . in the purification of st. mary , king henry the third came to a conference at westminster , wherein he sharpely rebuked certaine bishops , et maximè alexandrū cestrensem epis●opum ; & especially alexander de savensby bishop of chester , that they were over-familiar with the earle marshall ; et quòd ipsum de regni solio depellere nitebantur ; that they indevoured to depose him from his royall throne . but this bishop clad in his pontificalibus , when hee knew such things were objected to him , and also that some had suggested to the king by way of exasperating , that the bishops favouring the party of the marshall would create another king , was exceedingly moved , especially against roger de catelu ; whereupon hee incontinently excommunicated all those , who imagined any such wickednesse against the king , or maliciously imposed such things upon the bishops , who were altogether folicitous of the kings honours and safety . the innocency of the bishops being thus manifested and proved , and the sowers of dissention confounded , catelu held his peace being not free , as it seemed● from the anathema . so the other bishops who were present intervening , alexander b● . of chester was pacified , and his spirit quieted , nimis antè amaricatus , being overmuch imbittered before . edmond elect archbishop of canterbury with many of his suffragans , were present at this conference , who all condoling at the desolation of the king and kingdome , came to the king , and as it were with one heart , mind and mouth said . o our lord the king , let us tell you in the lord , as your faithfull subjects , that the counsell which you now have and use● is neither wholsome nor safe , but cruell and dangerous to your selfe , and to the kingdome of england , to wit , the counsell of peter bishop of winchester ( of whom before ) peter de rivallis and their complices . fi●st of all , because they hate and contemne the english nation calling them traytors , and causing them all to be so called , and turning your minde away from the love of your owne nation , and ●h● hearts of your people from you , as appeares in the marshall , who is the best man of your land , whom they have perverted and estranged from you by lyes they have scattered abroad of him . and through this very counsell , to wit , by the said bishop , your father king iohn first lost the hearts of his people , after that normandy , afterwards other lands , and in the end exhausted all his treasure , and almost lost the dominion of england , and had never peace afterwards . by the same counsell in our times , the kingdome was troubled , and the interdict came , and finally , the kingdome was made tributary , and the prince of provinces ( alas for griefe ) is brought under tribute to ignoble persons , and warres begun , and long protracted , your father died like a banished man , neither in peace of the kingdome , nor of minde , and so by them he incurred a very perillous death . by the same counsell the castle of bedford was detained against you , where you lost much treasure , and many valiant men ; by meanes whereof in the interim you lost rochell , to the ignominy of the whole realme . item , the now imminent perturbation , perilous to the whole kingdome , comes to passe through their wicked counsell , because if your people had beene handled according to justice and the right judgement ( or law ) of the land● this perturbation had not hapned , and you should have had your lands undestroyed & your treasure unexhausted . likewise we tell you in that allegiance wherby we are obliged to you , that your counsell is not of peace● but of trouble to the land , because they that seeke to thrive by the trouble of the kingdome , and the disinherison of others , cannot doe it by its peace . item , because they have your ca●tles and your forces in their hand● as if you ought to distrust your owne people . item , because they have your exchequor , and all the grea●est wards , and escheates in their power , such an expectation pleaseth , and how they will answer you in the end , wee beleeve you shall prove . item , because by your seale or precept without the seale of peter de rivallis , scarce any great businesse is done in the realme , as if they accounted you not to be king. item , because by the same counsell the naturall borne subjects of your kingdome are expelled out of your court ; whence wee have cause to be fearefull both of you and the kingdome , when as wee see you to be more in their power , than they in yours , as appeares by very many examples . item , because they have a mayde out of brittany , and your sister under their power , with many other noble girles , and women who are marriageable , with wards and marriages , which they give to their owne creatures and disparage . item , because they confound and pervert the law of the land sworne and confirmed , and ratified , by excommunication , and justice likewise ; whence it is to be feared least they be excommunicated , and you also by communicating with them . item , because they keepe to no man , either their promise , faith , or oath , or writing , neither feare they excommunication : whence they who have receded , from the truth are desperate● as remaining diffident in feare . now these things we faithfully relate to you , and wee counsell , beseech , and admonish you before god and man , that you would remove such counsell from you , and as it is the custome in other kingdomes , that you governe your kingdomes , by your faithfull and sworne men of your realme . wee denounce to you in verity , that unlesse you correct these things , within a short time we will proceede against you , and all other contradictors by ecclesiasticall censure● expecting nothing but the consecration of our venerable father , the elect of canterbury . these things being thus spoken , the king humbly desired a short time of truce , saying , that hee could not so sodainely remove his counsell untill he had received an account of the treasure committed to him ; and so the conference was dissolved , all men departing , with confidence of a concord speedily to be obtained ; soone after the archbishop being consecrated upon the fifth of aprill , the king with his nobles being at westminster ; the archbishop taking all the bishops and other prelates that were present with him , whereof this bishop of chester was one , went to the king , and shewed him their counsell touching the imminent desolation and danger of the kingdome , repeating the former inconveniences mentioned in the conference ; and denounced to the king expresly , that unlesse hee would speedily reforme his error , and make a peaceable composition with the faithfull men of his kingdome , he with all the bishops who were present , would incontinently in ipsum regem sententiam ferre excommunicationis , pronounce a sentence of excommunication against the king himselfe , and against all others contradictors of this peace , and perverters of concord . the king hearing this , humbly answered , that hee would obey their counsels in all things . whereupon a few dayes after understanding his error , moved with repentance , he commanded peter , bishop of winchester , to goe to his bishopricke , to intend the cure of soules , and that from thenceforth regiis negotii● nequaquam interesset ; hee should by no meanes intermeddle with the kings affaires . * walter de langton bishop of chester lived in great authority , under king edward the first , who favoured him much ; but his sonne edward the second molested & disgraced him all that eyer he might . his fatherdying in the north country , he ●ommanded this bishop to conduct his corps up to london : and when hee had done so , for reward of his paines , hee caused sir iohn felton constable of the tower to arrest him , seased upon all his goods , and imprisoned him first , in the tower , then in the castle of wallingford , of which imprisonment he was not released in two yeares after . in his fathers life time , he had often reprehended the young prince for his insolent and dissolute behaviour , which good admonitions he taking in evill part , wronged and disgraced him many wayes , namely one time , he brak● downe his parkes , spoyled and drove away his deare , &c. the bishop complained of this outrage unto the king his father , who being greatly displeased therewith , committed the prince his sonne for certaine dayes . and this was the cause of the grudge between the yong king and him , for which he sent him from castle to castle as prisoner , seised his lands & tenements into his own hands , gave his moveables to pierce gaviston , and his lord treasurership to walter reignold . about the same time ( or i thinke a little sooner , to wit , in the yeare ● . ) hee was accused of certaine hainous crimes before the pope , and compelled to answer the accusation at rome in his owne person . though the proofes brought against him , were either none , or very slender , yet well knowing whom they had in hand ( noverant ipsum prae multis bovem valde pinguem , saith matth. westminster ) they were content to detaine him there so long , as it forced him to spend an infinite deale of mony & yet was never a whit the nearer atlast : for the pope remitted the hearing of the cause to the archbishop o● canterbury and yet reserved the determination of the ●ame unto himself at last . the tempests of these troubles being over-blowne , the rest of his time he lived ( for ought i finde ) quietly , and being happily dismissed from the court , attended onely the government of his charge . this bishop setling his see towards his later end at litchfield , i finde no mention at all of any bishops of chester after him , till towards the later end of king henry the eight his reigne , * who erected a new bishops see at chester , distinct from that of coventry and leichfield , and subjected it to the province of yorke , by act of parliament , to wit , . hen. . c. . * iohn byrd , the first bishop of this new erected see , was deprived in queene maries dayes , for being married . cutbert scot the third bishop of this diocesse in the beginning of queene elizabeths dayes was * displaced , and for his disobedience committed to the fleet : whence escaping he fled into loraine , and there died . to passe by the other prelates of this see , i shall give you onely a touch of iohn brigdman the present bishop of it . this man in his wives life time , seemed to be a favowrer of godly ministers , but since her decease , he hath turned a prosecutor , if not a persecutor of them , ●uspending and driving many of them out of his diocesse , especially in lancashire amidst the papists where was greates● neede of them , to pleasure the now archbishop of canterbury , whose great creature and intelligencer he hath been of late yeares : he * caused divers of the city of chester to be pursevanted & articled against in the high commission court at yorke , and there fined , censured , and almost ruined in their estates , onely for visiting mr. prynne at chester in his passage to carnarvan , whose pictures he caused to be publickly defaced , and the frames of them to be openly burnt at the high crosse in chester before the major and his brethren , in a most disgracefull manner ; and caused divers of chester to make a publike impious recantation both in the cathedrall church and towne hall , at chester , onely for visiting mr. prynne at his being there , with the license of his keepers , who had no warrant , nor authority to keepe any from him : in all which proceedings ( as appeares by his owne letters ) this bishop was both the informer , accuser , director , and judge in some sort . to comply with the times , he erected divers stone altars in his diocesse , one in the cathedrall at chester used in times of popery , which hee caused to be digged up out of the ground where it was formerly buried , which altar since this parliament for feare of questioning he hath caused to be taken downe and re-enterred : he ordered all the ministers in chester , not onely to read prayers but likewise to prea●h in their hoods and surplesses , for which there is neither law nor canon , but his lordly pleasure : he commanded all sermons there , to end before nine of the clock in the morning , because the major & alderman should dance attendance on his highnesse at the cathedrall , to which end he emplored the ayde of the archbishop of yorke , causing some to be troubled for not comming to the cathedrall , after they had beene at their owne parish churches . hee was a great stickler in the late warre against the scots , a vehement presser of the loane on the clergy to maintaine it , threatning to impose armes on those who refused it . he greatly promoted the new canons , and late &c. oath● which he both tooke , and enforced eagerly on his clergy . he hath divers great impropriations of good value , where he alloweth little or no maintenance at all to finde either a reading curate or preaching minister ; he hath caused divers to be excommunicated and vexed in his consistory , for going to heare sermons abroad when they had none at home . if any desire to know more of his episcopall vertues , i shall referre them , to a booke intituled , * a new discovery of the prelates tyranny , and to the petitions of the inhabitants of cheshire , chester , lancashire , wiggon , and others , already exhibited or ready to be preferred to the high court of parliament against him , and so passe to the bishops of coventry and lichfield , out of which this bishoppricke of chester was derived . the bishops of coventry and lichfield . of the first bishops of this see , there is little extant in our stories , but onely their names , with the time of their con●ecrations and deathes ; and the acts of some others of them , i have formerly related in chester , so as i shall be very briefe in those who remaine . roger de clinton the . bishop of coventry and lichfield , about the yeare ● tooke upon him the crosse , went to ierusalem to fight against the saracens , and died at antioch aprill . . richard peche , sonne unto rober peche , archdea●on of coventry in the yeare , . succeeded him in this bishoppricke : of this archdeacon and bishop perchance it was that i reade this merry passage in * giraldus cambrensis & in camdens brittannia p. . who relates it out of him . it hapned that a certaine iew travelling towards shrewsbury with the archdeacon of malpas ( in cheshire ) whose surname was peche , that is , sinne , and a deane named devill ; when he heard by chance the archdeacon telling , that his archdeaconry began at a place called ill-street , and reached as far as to malpas towards chester , he considering and understanding with all , as well the archdeacons surname as the deanes , came out with this merry and pleasant conceit : would it not be a wonder ( quot● he ) and my fortune very good , if ever i get safe againe out of this country , where sinne is the archdeacon , and the divell is the deane , where the entry into the archdeaconry is ill-streete , and the going forth of it malpas ? geoffery blithe bishop of this see , anno dom. . was attached for high treason . and to mention no more , robert wright the present bishop of this diocesse set up a goodly crucifix in a frame , with the pictures of men and women devoutly praying to it , in the cathedrall at litchfield , over the altar there : for oppo●ing whereof he caused the lady davis to be laid in ●edlam ; promoted the late innovations , and had a great hand ●n composing and imposing the late● canons , oath , benevolence and lone , for which he stands now impeached by the commons in parliament , to whose censure i remit him . chap. vi. comprising the treasons , conspiracies , seditions , contumacies , and disloyalties , of the bishops of rochester , st. davids , landaffe , bangor , asaph , bath and wells : with a short touch of the bishops of oxford , bristol , peterburgh , and glocester . rochester . pvtta the sixth bishop of rochester , waxing weary of his bishopricke , * was halfe determined to leave it , when edilred king of mercia , upon some displeasure conceived against him , burning his church and city , resolved and setled him in that determination . so hee went into mercia , where he accepted the charge of a parish church under saxulf bishop there , mending his living by teaching a singing schoole , ( for he was a great and cunning musitian . ) in that kinde of life hee spent the rest of his time , and could never abide to heare of returning to his bishopricke . malmesbury gives this verdict of him , quantum idoneus oti● eccle●iastico , tant●m hebes & segnis , forensi negotio : anno . ( as matth. westminster , * and others report ) king ethelrede be●ieged godwin the . bishop of rochester in his owne city a long time , and being warned by saint dunstane , he should take heed least he provoked against him saint andrew , patron of that church , yet he would not depart thence till he had wrung from the bishop . l. dunstan wondring thereat , sent this message to the king : because thou hast preferred silver before god , mony before an apostle , and covetousnesse before me , violent mischiefes shall come upon thee , which the lord hath spoken : yet for all this he continued his siege , and would not depart thence without the bishops submission , and unlesse he would likewise pay him an hundred pounds . gilbert de glanuyll was consecrated bishop of this see septem . . . * betweene this man ●nd his monkes of ro●hester was long and continuall debate , by occasion whereof , he tooke away from them all their moveable goods , all the ornaments of their church , their writings and evidences ; yea , and a great part of their lands , possessions , and priviledges : wanting mony to follow their suits against him , they were forced to coyne the silver of saint paulines shryne into mony . these controversies were ended no otherwise then by his death , which happened iune . . but their hatred against him was so farre from dying with him , as they would afford him no manner of obsequies , but buried him most obscurely , or rather basely , without either ringing , singing , or any other manner of solemnity . laurentius de sancto martino , the . bishop of this see , got a dispensat●on from the pope to hold all his for●er ●i●●ings , in ●ommendam with this bishopricke . * and yet alledging that his bishopricke● was the poorest of e●gland , much meaner then carlile , and therefore his living yet unable to maintaine the po●t of a bishop ; he never ceased till he had extorted from the clergy of his dio●es , a grant of a f●ft part of all their spirituall livings for five yeares , and appropriated unto his see for ever the parsonage of ●riendsbury . ●oniface the archbishop of canterbury used this man hardly , invading his possessions , and violen●ly taking from him without all right , divers things of old belonging ●o his bishopricke . hee complained unto the king , ●nto whose q●eene boniface was uncle . the king answered him in plaine 〈◊〉 , ●e ●new ●e should offend his wife much , if ●e should become a flickler betweene them , wishing him to seeke some other remedy ; and if by importunity he inforced him to interpose his authority , he should doe him more hurt then good ; which matth. ●aris thus expresseth . diebus sab ●isdem , a●chi●piscopus cantuariensis boni●acius , ecclesiam roffensem pr●gr●v●n● , ejusque invadens possessiones , t●ntam de facto suo ●o●am incurri● vitupe●i , u● ecclesia , c●●●● esse debet defens●v , per eum dicatur v●xari . epis●opus autem roffensis , cum domino regi ●u●us ●ltori lachrymabili●●r super tanta injuria conquerere●ur , rex demisso vultur● spondit , non possum eum ●●ectere ad ju●titiam vel humilitatem , ●e ipsum tam generosum & genus suum ●àm magnific●m , praecipue reginam , offen●a● vel contristem . hereupon he sought unto the pope , but he was so neere a neighbo●r to the d●ke of sav●y the archbishops brother , as perceiving quickly little good was to be done there , he was faine to take patience for an amends , and so sit him downe ; yet at last he obtained a citation from the pope against the archbishop , which matthew paris thus expresseth . interim episcopus roffensis , qui int●llerabil●s ab archi●piscopo cantuarien●i injurias sustinuerat , querimonias lach●y●abiles coram tota curia romana reposuit , & repositas continu●vit , cumque causa sua cond g●am expostul●ss●t ultionem , culpa enim gravis extitit , post mult●s admonitiones tandem ad regem factas , qui dicto archiepiscopo cornua praestitit , & au●aci●● delinquendi , mer●itidem archiepiscopus citari , ut pe●sonaliter ●ompareret coram papa , de ●ibi ●b●iciendis responsurus● & de illatis injuriis & damnis s●tisfact●r●s . iohn fisher , the . bishop of rochester was grievously questioned in parliament in king henry . his dayes by the house of commons for saying , that all their doings were for lack of faith ; of which you may see more in canterbury part. . p. ● . . after which he gave credit , and countenance to the forg●d visions and revelations of ●lizabeth barton , tending to the reproach , perill and destruction of the kings person , honour , fame and dignity , for whicsh he with others was afterwards condemned of high treason , and executed● not long after , this bishop for denying to acknowledge the kings supremacy in ecclesiasticall matters , was arraigned and condemned for high treason , and executed on tower hill iune . . being made cardinall about a month before . his head was set on london bridge , and his body buried in churchyard● he was a great per●ecutor of gods faithfull ministers , servants , gospell , and had this deserved reward of his disloyalty both to god and his soveraigne . not to mention all the late bishops of this see , many of whom were notorious in their generations ; doctor bols , the last but one , was a very active talkative man in the high commission , till he wearied most of his colleagues there , who commanded him to his bishoprick ; where he was very i●dustrious in setting up popish ceremonies , innovations , and in promoting the booke of ●ports in the lords day , breathing out nothing but threats and suspensions against those ministers , who out of conscience refused to publish ●t in proper person in their churches ; whom he intending to suspend and silence in his visitation , it pleased god , as he was riding towards it , to silence them , that himselfe was suddenly surprised with a dead palsie , which made him speechles for a long season ; by means whereof the ministers escaped for that season ; and he ( never able to recover his pri●tine health ) dyed no ●ong after , leaving a successor behind him , who followeth his foot-steps , had a vote in compiling of the new canons , and oath , which he inforced ; and hath beene a great fomenter of the late scotish warres , and differences , being now one of those prelates impeached in parliament by the commons . but of those prelates enough . i must now turne about my rudder , and take a short survey of our w●lch bishops , beginning with those of saint davids , once the * metropoli●anes of all that country , and of some of our english bishops too . saint davids . * gvido de mona , the bishop of saint davids , appointed treasurer by richard the . in the . yeare of his raigne , revolting to henry the fourth from his old master , was made his treasurer likewise in the . yeare of his raigne , but continued fo a very short time . this bishop ( saith walsingham ) while he lived was a cause of much mischiefe to the realme ; as others of his successors have beene whom i pretermit . landaffe . ovdotius the third bishop of landaffe anno . assembled a synod of a great part of his clergy and three abbots , and in full synod excommunicated his soveraigne mou●ice king of glamorgan for ●laying cynetu , and breaking the cov●nant , which he had made in his presence upon the altar of peter the apost●e , and of saint dubricius , and telianus , and then layed their crosses to the earth , and likewise intermitted baptisme throughout his country . 〈◊〉 communio christia●a , and the christian communalty accursed the king and his progeny , the synod confirming it , and saying ; let his dayes be few , and le● his child●en be orph●n●s , and his wife a w●ddow . whereupon the king with all his country remained for two yeares space & more , under the said excommunication : after which this king unable any longer to sustaine such a long lasting great excommunication , seeing the perdition of his owne soule , and damnation of his kingdome , went to landaffe , and craved pardon of saint oudotius , and powring out teares , with his head bowed downe , in the presence of three abbots , this bishop imposed the yoake of pennance upon him , according to the quality and quantity of his offence , commending to him , that hee should three manner of wayes amend his fault with god , and the church of landaffe ; to wit , with fasting , prayer , and almes ; whereupon this king for the redemption of his owne soule , and for the soule of synetu , gave foure villages to the church of land●ffe , the names whereof are mentioned in that synod . not long after another synod was assembled by the same bishop for the pennance and absolution of * king mor●ant , who slew frioc his vncle , contrary to his oath , they two having solemnely vowed that if one them should either kill or deceive the other , that he would not redeeme himselfe , either with lands or money , but would relinquish his kingdome , & spen● his whole life in pilgrimage . this k. confessing his fault before the bishop and his synod , and craving pardon both for his perjury and homicide● the whole synod decreed , ( least the kingdome should be destitute of a king , and of the p●otecting buckler of their naturall lord ) that he should redeeme his pilgrimage , and ●xpi●te his homicide , and perjury with fastings prayers and almes : which he swearing to doe , they injoyned pennance to him , according to his offence , and his quality greatnesse and power ; whereupon he was restored to christian communion , of which hee was formerly deprived by the bish●p , and gave three churches with other particulars to the church of l●nd●ffe . after this , a * third synod was held under the same bishop at land●ff● , wherein guidneth who slew his brother merc●ion in a contestation for the kingdome , was excommunicated by this bishop & synod , with crosses laid downe to the ground , and cymbals overturned● under which excommunication he remained three whole yeares without any communion of christians . af●er three yeares expired , he asked pardon of the bish●● ; who granting him remission , sent him in pilgrimage to the archbishop of dole in britany , where he promised to continue a yeares space in exile ; but returning thence within the yeare this bishop refused to absolve him , and put him under the first excommunication , because he performed not his first penance . but this bishop dying within a yeare after , and berthguin succeeding him , king morcant and guadnor●h with many elders , went to landaffe , and requested this new bishop with one mou●h , ( seeing ●he crosses yet laid downe upon the ground , together with the reliques and cymbals ) that he would absolve gu●dnorth from his excommunication , by lifting up the cros●es , and saints reliques from the earth . after which guednorth promising yet more to amend his life with fasting , prayer , and almes , and shedding teares with great devotion , was thereupon absolved by the bishop , who enjoyned him plenary penance , according to the manner of his fault : he afterwards mindfull of the divine saying , as water extinguisheth fire , so alms doth sinne , gave three manors with all their liberties & appurtenances to the church of landaffe . by this kind of indirect meanes , this church got so much lands , that had it now but the tenth part thereof , * godwin assures us , it would be one of the wealthiest churches in christendome . t●ud●ur king of brechiniau● ( or breckn●ck ) sonne of rese slew elgistill , * another king of that country treacherously , after ● league solemnly sworne betweene them● not to lye in waite one for another , and to maintaine a firme peace without deceit : hereupon gurcan the tenth bishop of landaffe , with his cleargy excommunicated him for his perjury and murther , by uncovering the altars of god , casting the crosses and reliques to the ground , and depriving him of all christian communion : whereupon te●dur unable to undergoe this malediction and rigour of justice , with a contrite heart , and teares powred out craved pardon , and submitted himselfe to the penance imposed on him according to his quality and greatnesse , recompencing his wickednesse with almes , prayer , and fasting , and for his absolution he gave this bishop lan. mich●●l , with all its lands , lib●rties and commons . * king clo●ri and l●ndguallaun made a solemne league , before berthgwin the . bishop of landaffe , and sware to main●aine fi●me peace betweene them in all things , w●thout fraud or damm●ge . and if either of them violated it , he was to leave his kingdome , and to goe on p●lgrimage all his life● neither should he redeeme himselfe , nor his kingdome with gold , nor silver ; a●ter which king clotri breaking the league , slew the other treacherously , committing both homicide and p●rjury . which ●his b●shop hearing of , assembled a synode of his clergy at landaff● , and in a full synod , excommunicated the king with al● his progeny and kingdome , by uncovering gods altars , and casting downe the crosses to the earth , and left the country without b●ptisme and the communion . whereupon the k. unable to endure so great an excommunication , with great devotion submitted himselfe to the bishop , left his kingdome , went on pilgrimage into forraigne parts ; from whence returning into his count●y , after a long ●pace , by ●he intercession of king morcant he obtained absolution from the bishop , to whose enjoyned penance he submitted ; & thereupon he gave helic , with other lands to the b●shop and his successors in the church of landaffe . in this b●shops time * gurcan the sonne of guin●n kept his owne stepmother ; for which the bishop excommunicated him , in such manner a● he did clo●ri , and upon his penance and absolution , the bishop wr●sted from him a pe●●e of land called marchinis . in the dayes of * cercenhir the . bish●p of land●ff● houel king of glevissig contrary to his solemne oath , circumvented , and slew gallun the sonne of cidrich , whereupon the b●shop summoning a synode excommunicated him ( in such sort , as the former kings were ) almost a yeares space ; at which time hee coming bare foot to the bishop , implored absolution with many teares , which he obtaining after publike pennance enjoyned , gave three mannors to the bishop and his church . after which this bishop excommunicated coubius for murthering c●mauc contrary to his solemne oath , and that in a publike synode ; who upon his pennance and absolution gave guliple to his church . aquod the sonne of ●ou●f falling out with this bishop , drave him and his men into the church of landaffe : for which hee was excommunicated by him , and to bee absolved was glad to give pennoun , with the church of lantil●l and certaine other lands . * loumarch the sonne of carguocaun was excommunicated by gulfridus the bishop of this see in a full synod , for violating certaine priviledges , and invading the goods of his church ; but upon his humble submission on his knees to the bishop with many teares , and his offer to acknowledge his offence , and to suffer any punishment the bishop would impose upon him : the bishop upon restitution of all the goods he had taken , and the gift of treficarn pont , absolved him . assac the sonne of m●rchiud having treacherously slaine one gulayguni , being excommunicated for it by this bishop , gave segan to his church , to expiate the murther , and for the soule of the slaine . s●●lferth , hegoi , and arguistil , the sonnes of belli , fell at variance in words with nudd the bishop of this see , * and proceeding at last from words to blowes , committed divers outrages upon his land and family ; but quickly remembring themselves , fearing excommunication , they asked pardon , and submitted themselves to pennance . after which performed , they gave unto the church for further confirmation of their unfeigned repentance , the territory of iulius and aaron . king brochvaile the sonne of mouric , and his family fell at variance with civeilliauc the bishop of landaffe and his family , to whom they offered some injury , wherewith the bishop being moved , assembled all his clergy together , even to the inferiour degrees , intending to excommunicate brochvaile and all his family ( as forfeited to him , and execrable to god ) before all the people in a full synod , for this injury : which brochvaile hearing of , sought for pardon and remission , which he could not obtaine from the bishop upon any termes , unlesse he would suffer a canonicall judgement . the cause being discussed , the bishop was adjudged to receive from him an image of his face both in length and breadth in pure gold , and that amends should be made by him to the condigne honour of his family and nobility of his parentage● which sentence borchvaile was forced to redeeme , by giving the towne of tref-peren , with six other pieces of land to the bishop and his church . one pater being the bishop of this see , anno . a certaine country fellow meeting a deacon with a sword by his side , asked him , what a coward should doe with weapons , and striving to take away the sword , cut the deacons finger , whereupon the deacon killed him ; and when he had done , tooke sanctuary in the church of saint iarman and saint febrie . thereby sixe of king gurialls houshould ( although there wanted not many that sought to defend the man , in regard of the place ) he was slaine even at the very altar of the church . these sixe men were delivered at the city of gwentonia ( now caerwent ) into the hands of pater the bishop , who kept them in straight prison sixe moneths , and then forced them to give all their lands and livings to landaffe , besides seven pound of silver to the church , which they had polluted . mouric king of glamorgan was excommunicated by ioseph the bishop of this diocesse , for putting out the eyes of etgum in a time of truce ; to have his absolution he gave to the bishop paniprise . another time he was faine to give gulich fabrus and foure pound of silver unto the bishop , beside other great gifts to the canons upon this occasion : hee had broken the sanctuary of the church of landaffe , by taking away thence violently the wife of his enemy , and hurting some of the bishops servants : for so doing he was publiquely excommunicated by the bishop in a synod , and by these gifts made way to obtaine his absolution . caratuc one of his company in the last recited action , was forced to give henriu in wencia . riugallan the sonne of rum being excommunicate for an assault made upon the bishop and his men , gave riu drein and the third part of the wood of yuisperthan , to be absolved . cutguallam the sonne of guriat strooke one in the consistory in the presence of ioseph the bishop , who kept him the said catguallam in prison till he had made amends for that fault , by giving the church of saint brides . calgucam the king of morganuc and his family was solemnly excommunicated by herewald the bishop of landaffe , in a synod of all his clergy ; who thereupon cast downe all the crosses and reliques to the ground , overturned their bells , and stopped up all the doores of the churches with thornes , so as they continued for a long time without divine service , and pastors day and night ; the king and his family in the meane time being sequestred from the society of all the faithfull , and all , because one of the kings followers being drunke , had laid violent hands upon bathutis the bishops physitian and kinsman on christmas day , anno . whereupon the king , though innocent , upon his submission to the bishop , to obtaine his absolution , was enf●rced to give henringumna , in the presence of all the clergy & people , to this bishop and his successors , free from all secular & regal services . after which one gistni excommunicated for a rape committed by a nephew and follower of his upon a virgin , whom he tooke violently out of the church of landaffe , was forced to give milne to the bishop and his successors to obtaine absolution . by these instances wee may partly discerne by what undue meanes bishops at first obtained their large temporalties and revenues , even by enforcing kings and great persons to buy out and expiate their offences by endowing their sees with lands and manors , without which they could not purchase their absolution : and we likewise learn hence that bishops in those dayes excommunicated none but in a synod , with the suffrage of all their clergy . * edmund de bromfeild the . bishop of landaffe , for procuring and bringing in the popes bulls of provision to make him abbot of bury , contrary to his owne expresse oath , and the statutes of the realme , was for this his contempt and disobedience committed to the tower by king richard the second , where he lay prisoner a long time ; neither durst the pope yeeld him any assistance , to justifie his owne bull. the late bishops of this see ( as feild and others ) have beene so notoriously peccant , that i need not mention them , wherefore i shall passe on to the bishops of bangor . bishops of bangor . * mauritius the third bishop of bangor most undutifully refused a long time to doe homage to the king of england for his bishopricke held of him , but at last was perswaded to doe it . robert of shrewsbury joyning with leolin prince of wales , against king iohn his soveraigne , was taken prisoner by the king in his owne cathedrall church , * and ransomed for . hawkes ; after this dying , he was buried , not in the church-yard , but in the market place of shrewsbury , by his owne appointment . richard the . bishop of bangor excommunicated david ap lhewelin , * prince of wales , for that contrary to his o●th he took his brother gryffith prisoner , who was content upon the bishops word to goe to his brother : and when he saw that course would not reforme him , he never lin complaining , first to the king of england , then to the pope , that he so incensed them , as the one excommunicated him , the other made warre upon him untill he delivered his said brother into the kings hands , who caused him to be kept in the tower of london , till he endeavoring there to escape , by misfortune brake his necke . the prince hereupon so wasted the bishopricke , that in the yeare . this bishop and the bishop of saint asaph were forced to beg their bread . whereupon this bishop came to the abbot of saint albanes , desiring that the bosome of mercy might be opened unto his poverty , and he abiding there untill his bishopricke wasted and spoiled with continuall warre , should recover some better estate , might together with his chaplaine there breath and rest themselves from those calamities wherewith they had beene long afflicted , in like sort as heretofore the bishop of hereford had done , who was honorably entertained there almost the space of twenty yeares . * richard young the . bishop of bangor , for some contempt and disobedience against the king , and confederating ( as is likely ) with that rebell owen glendor , was imprisoned two or three yeares , till the pope , anno . translated him to rochester by his bull. lewis the . bishop of bangor anno. . joyned with the earle of northumberland , * the lord bardolfe and others , in open rebellion against king henry the fourth . the earle was slaine in battell in the field , the lord bardolfe mortally wounded , and their heads set upon london bridge . the bishop was likewise taken prisoner in the battell , but obtained pardon from the king , because he had no armes upon him when he was taken , though the incendiary of the other two , and as great a traytor as they ; but the abbot of hayles was hanged , because hee had borne armes in that rebellion . so happy are traytorly and rebellious bishops , as to scape scot free in their treasons and rebellions , when all other sorts of men have execution done upon them . arthur bulkly bishop of bangor , and iohn lewis vicar of llain-geynwina , were attainted in a praemunire at the prosecution of william whorewood the kings attorney , for suing for the right of patronage and tithes of the said church , and for severall summes of money due on bond for tithes , in this bishops ecclesiasticall court , which had no cognisance of them being temporall , and belonging only to the kings civill courts , to the derogation of the imperiall jurisdiction of the king and his crowne , and subversion of the lawes and statutes of the realme . and hereupon judgement was given against them according to the statute . this bishop sold away five faire bells out of the steeple of his cathedrall church , which ma●d the musicke there . should i rip up the scandalous lives and actions of some of the late pilates of this see , one of whom published the practise of piety , ( which some say he never writ ) though neither he nor any of his successors , did ever much practice it in their lives , or should i recite the vile complaints of late against one of them in or late parliaments , i should be over tedious , and pollute my paper with such beastly actions , as would cause chast eyes to blush , and turne their aspect from them : wherefore i shall passe them over in silence , ( he being gone to answer them before the supreame tribunall ) informing you only , that he imposed armies upon his clergy , and provided an armory for them to be kept in within his cathedrall at bango● : and so i post on to assaph diocesse . saint assaph . * iohn trevaur bishop of saint assaph pronounced the sentence for deposing king richard the second , in which instrument he is first named , as appeares by this ensuing copy of it . in the name of god , amen . we iohn bishop of saint assaph , chosen and deputed speciall commissaries by the three states of this present parliament representing the whole body of the realme , for all such matters● by the said estates to us committed ; wee understanding and considering the manifold crimes , hurts , and harmes done by richard king of england , and misgovernance of the same by a long time , to the great decay of the said land , and utter ruine of the same shortly to have beene , had not the speciall grace of our god thereto put the sooner remedy ; and also further more adverting , that the said king richard by acknowledging his owne insufficiency , hath of his owne meere volunta●y and free will , renounced and given over the rule and governance of this land , with all rights and h●nours unto the same belonging , and utterly for his merits hath judged himselfe not unworthily to be deposed of all kingly majesty and estate royall : we , the premisses well considering by good and diligent deliberation , by the power , name , and authority , to us ( as aforesaid ) committed , pronounce , decer●e , and declare the same king richard , before this to have beene , and so to be unprofitable , u●a●le , unsuffi●ient , and unwor●hy of the rule and government of the foresaid realmes and lor●ships , and of all rights and other the appurtenances thereto belonging . and f●r the same causes wee de●rive him of all kingly dignity and worsh●p , and of all kingly worship in himselfe . and we depose him by our sentence definitive : forbidding expresly to all archbishops and bishops , and all other prelates , dukes , marquesses , earles , barons , and knights , and all other men of the foresaid kingdome and lordships , subjects and leiges whatsoever they be , that none of them from this day forward , to the foresaid richard , as king and lord of the foresaid realmes and lordships , be neither obedient nor attendant . immediatly as this sentence was in this wise passed , and that by reason thereof the realme stood voyd without head or governour for the same , the duke of lancaster rising from the place where before hee sate , and standing where all the house might behold him , laid claime to the crowne , to which the lords assented . after which the archbishop of canterbury ( arundel ) having notice of the minds of the lords , stood up and asked of the commons , if they would assent to the lords , which in their minds thought the claime of the duke made to be rightfull and necessary for the wealth of the realme and them all . whereto the commons with one voyce cryed , yea , yea , yea : after which answer , the said archbishop going to the duke , and kneeling downe before him on his knees , addressed to him all his purpose in a few words : which ended , he rose , and taking the duke by the right hand , led him unto the kings seat , the archbishop of yorke assisting him ; and with great reverence set him therein . when he was thus placed in his throne , the arch● . of canturbury began a briefe collation , taking for his theame these words written in the first booke of kings , the ninth chapter , vir dominabitur in p●pulo , &c. handling the same , and the whole tenour of his tale to the praise of the king. thus was this king deprived by the bishops meanes , who were chiefe actors in deposing him , and setting up king henry ; yet some of them ( especially yorke ) were the authors of that evill counsell , which was the cause of his deprivation . and no wonder , since in his reigne ( as holinshed writes ) such were preferred to * bishopricks ; and other ecclesiasticall livings , as neither did , nor could teach , nor preach , nor know any thing of the scripture of god , but onely to call for their tythes and duties ; so as they were most unworthy of the name of bishops , being lewd and most vaine persons disguised in bishops apparrell . furthermore , there reigned abundantly the filthy sinne of leche●y and fornication , with abominable adultery in the king , but chiefly in the prelacy ; whereby the whole realme , by such their evill example , was so infected , that the wrath of god was daily provoked to vengeance for the sinnes of the prince and people , and tooke so sharpe an edge , that it shred the king off from the scepter of his kingdome , and gave him a full cup of affliction to drinke . after which , this bishop was sent ambassador into spaine , to shew the king the rightfulnesse of henry the fourth his ti●le to the crown of england ; and soone after his returne thence , anno . ( as th●mas walsing●am reports ) perceiving owen glendor , that welch r●bell , to prosper in his wa●res against king he●ry the fourth ; conversus est in virum pravum factus transfuga ad owenum , hee turned a lewd traytour and rebell , flying away from the king to owen . what became of him upon owens defeate , i find not . thus this b●shop was a traytor and rebell to two severall kings ; and which was worst of all , to him whose title he thus tooke upon him publikely to defend but a little before . such faith and loyalty is there in lordly prelates . i shall not trouble you any more with our welch bishops ; only let me acquaint you for a farewell ; that the present bishops of asaph , bangor , and landaffe , are now complained against in parliament , and impeached by the commons house for the late canons , oath , malevole●t benevolence , and other crimes ; for which i suppose they will ere long receive their doome . the bishops of bath and wels. * giso the fifteenth bishop of bath and wels , had many conflicts with harold , before and after hee came to the crowne ; so that he was forced to fly the land all his time . * ioseline the one and twentieth bishop of this see , joyned with stephen langhton , that arch-rebell against king iohn , and had an hand in interdicting the realme , and excommunicating the king ; for which he was glad to fly the land for five yeares , the king seizing upon his goods and temporalties ; whereupon the monkes and prelates raised many vile reports of the king , which you may reade in * matth. westminster . robert stillington , the nine and thirtieth bishop of bath and wells , though highly advanced by k●ng edward the fourth , * sided with that usurper richard the third , and was a man specially employed in his coronation ; hee was a great enemy to king henry the seventh , being sent embassador to the duke of brittaine for apprehending him , whiles hee was earle of richmond , anno . h●e was accused of high treason , for yeelding assistance to lambert the counterfeit earle of warwicke , and some such other treacheries ; whereupon , having a guilty conscience , he fled to the vniversity of oxford , hoping that the priviledges of the same might be some shelter and defence unto him ; whereof the king having advertisement , sent one edward willoughby , his chaplaine , to the chancellor of the university , to require the bishop to bee delivered to his officers , as being one to whom the priviledges of the university could not extend ( being at the time no student there ) so farre at least as to protect him in a matter of treason , unto which no priviledge ought to yeeld any patrociny . after two or three refusals , at last by the connivence and permission of the chancellour , hee was there arrested and committed prisoner to the castle of windsor , where hee lay prisoner foure yeares space , till his decease , . * hadrian de castello the two and fortieth bishop of this see , though he conspired not against the king , yet being at rome , and there made a cardinall he entred into a conspiracy with cardinal alfonso petruccio , and others to murther pope leo the tenth , out of an ambitious conceit that surely he should be elected pope i● leo were once dead ; a witch having foretold him that a certaine old man named adrian , borne of meane parentage , as hee was , should be advanced to the papacy : this conspiracy comming to the popes eares , petruccio was thereupon apprehended and executed : the pope comming into the consistory , promised pardon to all the other cardinalls , who should then and there immediately confesse their faults : hadrian hereupon , and some other , falling downe on their knees before him , acknowledged what they had done , and humbly besought him of mercy . he promised to bee as good as his word . howbeit , hadrian●earing ●earing the worst , shortly after stole secretly away , and was neither seene or heard of ever afterward , and thereupon deprived of his bi●hopricke . william barlow , the six and fortieth bishop of bath and wells , incurred a praemunire , for presuming to visite the deane and chap●er of wells being a donative , for which he was glad to buy his peace , as appeares by brooke , praemunire . sect. . guilbert bourne the seven and fortieth bishop of bath and wells , in the first yeare of queene elizabeth , was deprived of his bishoprick for refusing to subscribe and take the oath of alleageance , and then committed to the custody of master cary , deane of the queenes chappell . the bishops since his time , i shall pretermit for brevity , and descend to william pierce the present bishop of this diocesse . this man having been vicechancellor in the university of oxford , wherein hee was over-busie and turbulent in persecuting good men , and in causing pareus his commentary on the romans to be publikely burnt in an ignominious manner ; was for his good service made bishop of peterborough , and from thence translated to bath and wells ; where his tyranny , oppression , impiety , and practises have been so excessive , that the whole county of somerset , with sundry particular persons , both ministers and people there , weary of his insupportable government and vexatious oppressions , have exhibited divers petitions against him to the high court of parliament now assembled , upon the full hearing whereof before a speciall committee for that purpose ; the committees have drawn up this following impeachment against him , reported to the commons house , and now ready for a transmission to the lords ; by perusall whereof you may in part discerne what a good prelate and carefull bishop he hath been , or rather a wolfe in a bishops rochet . articles of accusation and impeachment by the commons house of parliament against william pierce , doctor of divinity , and bishop of bath and wells . that he hath by his owne arbitrary power , against law , since he was bishop of bath and wells ( being about ten yeares space ) of purpose to keep the people in ignorance and hinder the salvation of their soules which hee should promote ; in and about the yeares of our lord , . . . and since , suppressed all lectures within his diocesse , both in market townes end elsewhere , aswell those that the ministers kept in their severall c●res , as others that were maintained by severall yearely stipends , given by the founders , out of their piety and devotion , for such good uses , or by the volentary assistance of neighbour ministers , some of which * lectures had continued for . . . and . yeares , without interruption , and were countenanced by his predecessors , who used to preach at some of them in their turnes . that insteade of incouraging , he hath suspended , excommunicated and otherwise vexed the sayd lecturers ; glorying in his so doing , and thanking god , that he had not a lecture left in his diocesse ; the very name whereof he sayd hee disliked , and affirmed unto master cunnant a minister who desired the continuance o● a lecture , that he would not leave one within his diocesse ; the bishop alleadging , that though there was neede of preaching in the infancy of the church in the apostles time , yet now there was no such need ; and thereupon required the said minister upon his canonicall obedience , not to preach : and in like manner he dealt with many other godly ministers within his diocesse . and in particular hee suspended master devenish the minister of bridgewater , for preaching a lecture in his owne church on the market day there , ( which lecture had continued from queene elizabeths time till then ; ) and refused to absolve him , till he had promised never to preach it more ; upon which promise , the said bishop absolved him with this admonition of our saviour , most prophanely applyed , * goe thy way , sin no more , l●st a worse thing happen to thee . and not content to put downe lectures in his owne diocesse , he hath endeavoured the suppression of them in others , by conventing some ministers of his dioces●e before him ( as namely one master cunnant and mr. strickla●d ) and threat●ing to suspend them , for preaching their turnes at lectures in other diocesses neere them . that in opposition to preaching , and the spirit●all good o● the peoples soules , he hath in and about the years aforesaid most impiously , and against law , put downe all afternoone sermons on ●he lords day , throughout his diocesse , and charged the ministers both publikely in his visitations , & privatly , † no● to preach at all on the lords day on the afternoon , upon any occasion under paine of suspension : * after which charge he suspended one mr. cornish a minister , only for preaching a fun●rall sermon on a lords day evening . that divers godly ministers of his diocesse , being restrained from preaching , did thereupon take great paines , to catechis●● the people in the principles of religion , on the lords day in the afternoone , in larging themselves upon the questions and answers of the catechisme in the common prayer booke , for the peoples better instruction , using some short prayers before or after that exercise : of which the sayd bishop having intelligence , in and about the yeares aforesayd , convented the sayd ministers before him , reproving them sharpely for the same , threatn●ng to punish them if they persisted in that way , which he sayd , was a catechising sermon-wise , and as bad as if they preached ; charging them , that they should aske no questions , nor receive any other answeres from the people , but such as were contained in the catechisme in the service booke : which some not observing , were convented thereupon before th● sayd bish●p , and punished , as namely master barret rector of barmicke , who was enjoyned penanc● for transgressing the bishop● sayd order● and likewise humphry blake , church-warden of bridg●water , was enjoyned penance by the bishop , for not presenting master devenish minister there , for that he expounded upon the church catechisme on the lords day in the afternoon● , and made a short prayer before he began the same ● the bishop alleaging , that it was against his order , and command , as is above sayd . that he hath in the yeares aforesayd both by precept and example , most prophanely opposed the due sanctification of the lords day , by approving and allowing of prophane wakes , and revels on that day , contrary to the lawes and statu●es of this realme : for which purpose he * commanded afternoone-service on the lords day not to be long , that so the people might not be hindred from their recreations ; pressed and injoyned al the ministers in his diocesse in their proper persons , to read the book of sports , in their severall parish churches , in the midst of divine service at morning prayer on the lords day , contrary to the words , and purport of the sayd booke , which some ministers ( as master h●mphry chambers , and master thomas ) refusing to doe , he thereupon suspended them both from their office and benefice , and kept them excommunicated for divers yeares , notwithstanding the sayd booke was by the bishops order published in their churches by others , he convented the minister of beerecrockeham before him , for having two sermons on the sayd parish revell day , alleaging * that it was a hinderance to the sayd revell , and to the utterance of the church ale , provided to be spent on that day . he convented and punished one master thomas elford a minister , for preaching at the parish of mountague , upon the revell day , upon the prophet ioels exhortation , mourning● charging him , that not onely his sermon , but his very text was● * scandalous to the revell , and gave offe●ce to the meeting . and for the same reason , the sayd bishop commanded the church-warde●● of the parish of barecom●e , to blo● out of the church wall , this text of scripture therein written , taken out of esay . . . * if thou turne away thy ●oo● from the sabbath , from doing thy pleasure on my holy day , and call the sabbath a delight , the holy of the lord honourable , and shal● honour him , not doing thy owne wayes , nor finding thine own pleas●re● nor speaking thine owne words , then shalt thou delight thy selfe in the lord● and i will ●ause thee to ride upon the high places of the earth , and feede th●e with the heritage of jacob thy father , for the m●●th of the lord hath spoken it . and he likewise cau●ed this clause in doctor bisse his monument in that church , formerly pastor there , to be rased out ; he was an enemy to heeathenish revels . to conntenance which revels , the sayd bishop ( in opposition ●o the orders of the judges of assi●e , and justices of peace of somerset-shire , for the suppressing of sports and revels , and their petition to the king , to that purpose ) did call before him divers ministers of his diocesse , and presented unto them a writing in approbation and commendations of the sayd sports and revells : whereunto many of the sayd ministers subscribed their names , by the bishops perswasions : which writing the sayd bishop sent up to the arch-bishop of canterbury , who after the receipt thereof suppressed the justices petition . and shortly after the book for sports and revels on the lords day was published . that he hath within the yeares forementioned both by his example and command , contrary to the lawes of the land , introduced into all or most churches in his diocesse sundry innovations in the rites and ceremonies of the church , and other new inventions of his owne , tending to popery and superstition : as namely , setting up of altars , and injoyning the seates about them to be taken away , saying , * none shall sit equall with or above god almighty : bowing and cringing to the altars , and reading the second and third service at the altar ) and enjoyned the strict observation of them under the heaviest censures of the church ; in so much that the communion table of stretton in his diocesse , which he had caused to be rayled in altarwise , being ●rought downe againe to its former place , and not turned to the east , thereupon no communion was there permitted to the parishioners on palme-sunday and easter day . the minister having received an order from the sayd bishop , *. not to administer the communion untill the table was againe set up altarwise : and caused divers to be punished for not standing up at the gospell and gloria patri . and he hath likewise forced divers parishes , as taunton , shepton mallet , and others , to their intollerable cost , to set up † organs , where there were none at all , or not a long time before ; causing the church-wardens to levy money towards the buying of them , upon the parishioners , against their wills , and punishing them in his ecclesiasticall court , that would not pay towards them , and that he hath put the country of sommerset to excessive expences , by reason of such innovations as aforesayd . that he hath within the time fore-specified contrary to law vexed and molested in his ecclesiasticall courts divers of the clergie and laity of his diocesse for triviall and small matters ; excommunicated and vexed divers church-wardens , for not rayling in the communion table , and placing it altarwise against the east wall of the chancell ; and by name , the church-wardens of beckington ; whom he not onely excommunicated , but likewise caused them and others to be unjustly indicted at the open assizes held in the country in lent , . as for a ryot in hindring the removing of the table in that church , putting the sayd parish to the expence of ● . pounds or more , and not absolving the churchwardens from their excommunication , till they had done such open and ignominious penance , as the sayd bishop enjoyned them , in three eminen● parish churches within his diocesse , as likewise at the market crosse at wells . the performance of which pennance wrought so farre upon iames wheeler one of the sayd church-wardens , that thereupon he fell into a consumption through griefe , and so dyed , saying often before his death , that the performance of the sayd penance being so ignominious , and against his conscience , was the cause of his death ; and by his vexatious suits in his ecclesiasticall courts , hee hath raised his registers office , in former bishops time not worth above ● . pound per annum , to the value of . or . pounds or more by the yeare . that the sayd bishop hath within the forenamed yeares unduely and against law , pressed the oathes ex officio upon divers inhabitants of wells without complaint or accusation , and likewise the oath of deanes rurall , with other unlawfull oathes , both upon the clergy and laity within his diocesse , and other places ; and suspended and excommunicated divers of them that refused to take the sayd oathes : and that not onely in his consistory court , but in his owne private chambe● , there being none but a register with him . that he hath in or about the times fore-recited for his owne lucre and gaine extorted divers summes of money against law , as of one fort , one of the churchwardens of south-pederton . pound . and also of one mr. franklyn the sum of . pound ( besides the sum of . pounds given in fees , and rewards to the bishops servants ) for instituting him into the parsonage of standerweeke . and hath likewise in the yeares aforesayd , and in the yeare . exacted the sum of . shillings . pence or more , of divers church-wardens and parishes within his diocesse , and namely of the church-wardens of dunkerton , onely for not ringring the bells when he passed through the bounds of their seveall parishes , in his visitation , though privately without giving them any notice of his comming that way . one long his surrogate openly averring in court , that by the . decre●all , they might justly take . pound for this offence . that he hath within the years forenamed against law de●erred and denyed institutions upon presentations to benefices , practising in the interim under hand to conferre the same upon his sonne , servants or other dependants , and to deprive the patrons of their rights ; and hath even by force , against all law and equity , con●erred some of the benefices upon his sonne , servants and dependants , viz. upon his sonne , the parsonage of buckland , and endeavoured by the like for●e to confer the parsonage of standerweeke upon his sayd son , and other parsonages upon his servants and allyes , & did against law and by force confer the vica●idge of hynstridge upon his servant flamsteed . that he hath in or about the foresayd yeares tampered with witnesses examined by and before him upon oath , to make them testifie untruths , and hath falsified their depositions , setting down his owne words and what he would have them depose , ins●eede of what they testified ; as namely in the case of the church-wardens of beckington , and in that of mr. ieanes minister of beercrocombe . that hee is a common vexer , persecuter and molester of worthy and painefull ministers , and a countenancer of those who are negligent , scandalous , and prophane , as namely he hath within the yeares fore-mentioned , vexed and persecuted mr. chambers , mr. thomas , mr. croake , mr. newton , mr. barnard , mr. cunnant , mr. roswell , with many other godly and painefull ministers of the diocesse , & countenanced his chaplaine mr. eglesfield , ●awler , mr. long , with other very vitious ministers , and mr. huish and others superstitiously affected . that the said bishop contrary to law did in the yeare . severely exact , and impose upon divers of the clergie within his diocesse , the new oath perscribed by the sixth canon of the late pretended synod , and caused and enforced them to take the sayd illegall oath , himselfe kissing the seale of the commission which authorized him to exact the sayd oath of his clergie , and kneeling downe upon his knees tooke the sayd oath first , and then administred it to others ; saying , that he was glad in his heart that this oath was imposed upon all the clergie of england , for now the true children of the church would bee knowne from the spurious and bastards . and further hee hath de●yed to conferre orders upon such who refused to take the said oath , as namely , upon one mr. gibbon● . and hath enforced the sayd oath upon divers he hath ordained ministers since the making thereof . that the sayd bishop hath beene a great fomentor and incourager of the late divisions and wars betweene the kingdomes of england and scotland , conventing and urging the clergie of his diocesse in the yeares of our lord . & . to contribute a liberall benevolence towards the maintenance of the sayd wars , using this speech as one motive to induce them to this contribution ; that it was * bellum episcopale , and saying , that what ever cause the king had expressed in hi● declaration , yet in truth this war was for vs , meaning vs the bishops . and whereas some of the clergie denyed the payment of so large a benevolence●s ●s the sayd bishop demanded , in regard of their poverty , and because they were still in their first fruites , when they were free from subsidies , the sayd bishop threatned by his power to put more armes and horses upon them , saying , that if they would not serve the king with their purses , they should serve him with their armes . and thereupon compelled them to pay the summes he demaunded of them against all law : as namely , mr. roswell , mr. ioanes , mr. abbot , and others . and not contented herewith , the sayd bishop pretending that there were divers poore vicars and ministers in his diocesse that were no● able to pay the benevolence , ●o as hee could not raise the summe he expected , thereupon directed his letters to divers of his wealthier cle●gie causing some of them to pay a * second contribution . . that the sayd bishop not content with this first benevolence , hath since that in the yeare of our lord . compelled divers of his clergie to pay all or part of the sixe illegall subsidies or benevolences imposed by the late pretended synod , without confirmation of parliament , threatning to excommunica●e and deprive them ipso● facto who fayled paymen● of it at the dayes prefixed by the synod , and sent out a processe to master newton minister of tau●ton ( even whiles the sayd ) town● was much visited by the pestilence ) long before the sayd subsidy ; or benevolence was due , to enjoyne him to pay it punctually at the day , or else he would inflict on him the penalties prescribed by this synod ; and used these speeches , that if they did not pay the sayd subsidie or benevolence , they should be ground to powder . and the sayd commons by pro●esta●ion s●●ing to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other accusation or impeachment against the sayd bishop ; and also of replying to the answeres that he the sayd bishop shall make unto the sayd articles , or to any of them , and of offering proofes also of the premisses or any of them , or any other impeachment or accusation that shall be exhibited by them ( as the cause shall according to the course of parliaments require ) doe pray that the sayd bishop may be put to answere to all and every t●e premisses . and that such proceedings , examinations , tryalls , and judgements may be upon every of them had and used , as is agreeable to law and justice . by these articles of impeachment you may easily discover what a prophane , impious , turbulent prelate this bishop is , even such a one , whom no age ( i thinke ) in many particulars is able to parallell ; whose prodigiously prophane speeches and actions proclaime to all the world , that our present prelates impieties have made them fit for judgement ; yea to be castout and trampled under feere of men , as the very excrements and off-scouring of all things . i have now runne through all our ancient bishoprickes , with that of chester lately revived , and given you a briefe account of the extravagant actions of some of those lordly prelates who possessed them ; i shall now in the close of this chapter give you but a touch of some of the late bishops of oxford , bristoll , peterborough and glocester ( which bishopricks were erected out of dissolved monasteries by king henry the eight towards the end of his reigne ) and so conclude . oxford . to passe by the first bishops of this see , none of the best , there have beene three successions of bishops in oxford , since i left the university ; houson , corbet , and bancroft ; all of them patriots of innovations , erronious , popish , arminian doctrines , superstitious ceremonies , prophane sports , revels , and bacchanals on the lords day , scandalous in their lives , notoriously given to the flesh , enemies to frequent preaching , and the true practise of piety . of the two first of them i have given a touch in durham , and norwich , page . to which i shall referre you , and for the last of them , a non-preaching prelate , who ( for ought i can learne ) never preached above one or two sermons ( if so many ) all his life time ; he had a finger in the late canons , oath , lone , in pressing whereof he was not negligent ; and had not death arrested him ( with the other two ) i doubt not but the parliament had bin troubled with many complaints against them all , which now being buryed together with them , i will not revive . bristoll . the bishopricke of bristoll was first possessed by paul bush , who was deprived in queen maries dayes for being married . iohn holy-man a papist succeeded him , after whose death the see continued voyd some foure yeares , anno . richard cheyny bishop of glocester , and iohn bullingham his successor , held bristoll in commendam , so as it stood void o● a bishop ( otherwise than as it was held by commendam● one and thirty yeares . richard fletcher next enjoyed it till he was translated to worcester , anno. . after which it stood vacant ten yeares to . and then iohn thorneborough bishop of limbrick in ireland and commendatory deane of york was translated to it . this bishop and some of his successors had great contests with the major , aldermen , and citizens of b●istoll , whom he would force to come every lords day morning , and solemne holiday , to the cathedrall sermon , to dance attendance , and doe their homage to their lordships ; which they for some yeares refused , till at last after sundry complaints to the king and councel , the bishops and they according , the major and citizens yeelded to come to the colledge , now and then on solemne days , if the weather were faire , and sometimes in the sommer season . robert wright , one of the late bishops of this see , had a great contestation with the deane and chapter of bristoll , and master george salterne , steward of the city , for opposing him in setting up images in the cathedrall and other churches , which gave great offence to the people : he was a great innovator and maintainer of superstitious ceremonies at bristoll to humor canterbury , by whose meanes he was translated to coventry and litchfield , where you may reade more of him . bishop cooke who succeeded him , was a more moderate and ingenuous man at first , but became too obsequious to canterburies wayes and innovations afterward . robert skinner , the present bp of this see , promoted to it by can●●rburies meanes , ( whose great creature he is ) hath bin very violent in railing in , and turning communion tables altar-wise , ( himself with his owne hands , and his men turning some : ) in magnifying the booke for sports on the lords-day ( which he hath * used to give others good example ) in bowing to altars , to the † bread and wine at the administration , and at the naming of jesus ; hee threatned to punish a church-warden for perjury in not presenting the minister for preaching twice on the lords day , commanding some able ministers to preach but once a fortnight , and not to preach on holy-dayes . he affirmed in his last visitation , that conceived prayers before and after sermons were never used till cartwright , that factious fire-brand brought them up . hee hath beene a great patriot of arminianisme , and stiled the doctrine of the saints ●inall perseverance in grace , a doctrine of devills ; enjoyning a minister to recant it , else he would vexe him in the high commission , and running violently at him , sayd , he would have no such vipers preach such doctrine in his diocesse : upon which ground he prohibited a schoolemaster to teach children mr. perkins his chatechisme ; and sayd of his booke entituled , a golden chaine , that he might stile it as one had done , a chaine of damnation . hee hath reviled divers ministers calling them vipers , dunces , devils , traytors , dogges , scottish-hearted-raskals , and the like , for teaching orthodox doctrine , and preaching out of their cures in his owne diocesse ; and commanded the ministers of bristoll not to suffer any strangers to preach in their churches , unlesse they first asked his leave , and shewed him the notes of their sermons . hee caused the kings armes to be taken down in a church in bristoll , onely because it stood over the altar . he tooke the late &c. oath at his visitation upon his knees , and imposed it upon others , assuring them , that if they did not take it , the church would not suffer her selfe to be at a losse . he hath forced ministers to pay in the benevolence money granted by the late pretended synod , and constrain●d them to pay for their very acquitances . he caused a minister to be brought up by a pursevant before the councel table , for omitting some words of the prayer against the scots , and praying god to discover more & more the kings enemies in this kingdom ; he hath excommunicated divers for denying to take an ex officio oath ; threatned to pul down a house built by a tenant of the dean and chapter , neare his palace , in such furious manner , that the tenants wife soone after with the feare fell distracted and dyed : neither will he permit another of their tenants who hath an house at the west end of the cathedrall to place a tenant in it , saying , he will not suffer so great a prophanation ; threatning to put the deane and chapter into the high commission , and there to fine them more than they had for the house , if they admitted of a tenant ; alleadging he could not looke the arch-bishop in the face as long as ●hat house stood : he was an active instrument in compiling the late canons , oath and benevolence , for which hee now stands impeached by the commons . he hath much disaffected , and censured late parliaments , and after the dissolution of the last parliament , was so confident we should never see another , as he openly said , we should go whoop when he saw another and should say the king was brought to a very low ebbe . he threatned to interdict a faire kept in the parish of s. iames in bristoll , if they would not set up a pair of de●ayed organs in that church . but of him enough . peterborough . iohn chambers , a doctor of physicke , and last abbot of peterborough , became the first bishop of it . it seemes the office was not then thought very spirituall , that a doctor of physicke and an abbot could supply it . * david poole , a doctor of law and deane of the arches , succeeded him , and was deprived the first yeare of queene elizabeth for popery , and denying her supremacy . will●am pierce , one of the late bishops of this diocesse , was a very turbulent man both to ministers and people , playing the same prankes there , as he hath since more plentifully exercised in his diocesse of bath and wells , whither hee was translated ; of his misdemeanors and impeachment for them by the parliament , you have already heard . doctor lyndsie , who succ●eded him ( a great creature and servant of la●d and neale ) was an earnest promoter of the booke of pastimes on the lords day , a great champion for the arminians , and all the late innovations in doctrine , ceremony or worship introduced among us , a bitter enemy to preaching , lecturers , lectures and godly people , whom he opposed all he might : being translated to hereford , hee would there needs visit the cathedrall , deane and chapter ( being a donative ) by his owne episcopall power , and would turne the communion table there altarwise ; the deane and chapter in defence of their priviledges with-stood him , and would neither turne their table , nor suffer him to visite : whereupon he fell into such a raging choler and passion as presently put him into a fit of the stone , whereof he dyed within few dayes after . iohn the present bishop of this s●e stands now impeached by the house of commons , for the last canons , oath , and benevolences made and granted in the late pretended synode . glocester . the bishoprick of glocester erected in king henry the eight his reigne , wa● first possessed by iohn wakeman , abbot of t●ukesbury , and by others since , some popish persecutors , as iames brookes in queene maries dayes , the popes commissioner who passed sentence of condemnation against cranmer , ridley and latymer at oxford , and represented the popes person there ; in which regard these eminent m●rtyrs would neither bend their knees , nor once move their caps unto him , whereat he was much offended . cranmer taxeth this bishop , for being perjured both to the king and pope , and violating his oath to both . the succeeding bishops of this see , i shall wholly pretermit , and give you onely a short account of godfrey goodman , the present bishop of this diocesse . this prelate hath beene ever ●eputed a papist in opinion , if not in practise . in his booke intituled , the fall of man , he maintaines some popish errors , and in parliament ti●e . ca●oli , broached no lesse then five severall points of flat popery in one sermon preached at white-●all before his majesty , and that impertinently , neither of them falling within the compasse of his text : of which complaint being made in parliament , the king enjoyned him publikely to recant those errors in a sermon at white-hall ; but he insteed of recanting , defended them againe ; whereupon the king threatned to make him recant in another manner , and to turne him out of his bishoprick : but the then duke of buckingham , and the other prelates procured his peace , and translated him from rochester ( where he then sate bishop ) to glocester . in which diocesse proceeding in his former courses , he turned communion tables , rayled them altarwise , set up an altar or two in his owne private chappell with tapers on them , ( one of which altars , many say , he dedicated to the virgin mary ) besides he set up diverse crucifixes and images in the cathedrall at glocester and elsewhere ; and after the popish manner , consecrated diverse altar-cloathes , pulpit clothes , which other vestments for the cathedrall , whereon crucifixes were embroydred , to the great scandall of the people . and as if this were not sufficient to proclaime his popery to the world ; he hath bestowed much cost in repairing the high-crosse at windsor , where he was a prebend : on one side whereof there is a large statue of christ in colours ( after the popish garbs in forraigne parts● hanging on the crosse , with this latine inscription over it , iesus nazarenus rex iudaeorum , in great guilded letters ; on the other side , the picture of christ rising out of the sepulcher , with his body halfe in , and halfe out of it . and to manifest that hee is not ashamed of this scandalous worke , it is thereupon ingraven , that this was done at the cost of godfry bishop of glocester , one of the p●●bends there . besides he suspended one master ridler minister of little deane , some miles from glocester , upon the complaint of some papists ( whom he favou●s ) of which there are many in that parish , for preaching , th●● a p●pist living and dying a papist in all points , could not be saved ; enj●y●ing him to make a publike recantation of this his scandalous and erroneous doctrine ( as he termed it , though caught by all orthodox protestant divines ) in the cathedrall church of gl●cest●r in a sermon there to be preached febr. . . which this minister not retracti●g in his sermon , according to the b●shops expectation , he thereupon dre● up a recantation himselfe , enjoyning master ridler to p●blish it in the open ca●hed●●ll on mat●hias day following● which hee refusing , was thereupon suspended , and his suspension openly read in the cathedrall , march the . . this strange recantation was marked in the front w●th the jesuits badge ( ●hs● ) and began thus . in the name of god amen . in which he stiles the church of rome , the catholike church : avers , that wee did separate from her only in point of policy ( for which he cites a sta●ute in king henry the . his raigne , as if there had beene no further separation from her sin●e ) not in point of d●ctrines , and in substance determines , that the church of rome and our ch●rch are both one , for we have both the sam● hierarchy and governement , the same liturgy , holy dayes , fasts , ceremonies , sacraments , &c. so as those who affi●m● that papists are damned , do but through the sides of the church of rome give a deadly blow to the church of england , & deny that we are saved . more such good romish stuffe is expressed in this r●can●ation , over-tedio●s to recite . since this , when the new canons were compiled in the late pretended synod , this bishop at first ref●sed to subscribe them only ( as most conceive ) because some of them made literally against popery , whereupon he was suspended from his bishoprick for a season ; since this , some citizens and a minister of glocester have exhibited a petition against him in parliament to prove him ( among other things ) to be a papist or popishly affected , he hath beene a great encou●ager of revells , m●ygames , morrices , and dauncing meetings on the lords day , both by his presence at , exhortations to , and rewards for them , causing one master workeman , a reverend minister of glocester to be questioned , suspended and censured in the high commission , only for preaching against those prophane sports , and images , in the very words of our homilies . he hath beene a great setter forwards of all late popish innovations and an open favourer of papists ; so that when the petitions against him come to be fully heard , as they have beene in part , i doubt his name and person will but ill accord : however , if he prove himselfe a g●od man , at the best he will fall out to be like his brethren , an [ ill-b●shop : ] i have now run cu●●orily over our bishops disloyall seditions , extravagant actions in particular , i shall give you but two instances more of their acts in their convoca●ion , in generall , in affront of our parliaments and lawes , the one ancient , the other moderne , and so conclude with our english prelates . the first is this . in king * edward the second his reigne hugh spencer the father and son , who seduced and abused the king & kingdome , were banished the realme by act of parliament for ever , as traytors and enemies of the king , and of his realme : the bishops consenting & pe●swading the k. to condescend thereunto . yet after this an. . hugh s●enc●r the younger and his father , petitioned the king against the award in parliament , whereby they were formerly banished and disinherited without consent of the prelates , desiring it might be reversed ; the king delivered this petition to the then archbyshop of canterbury , ( walter raynolds ) and his suffragans , assembled in their provinciall councell , requi●ing to have their advise and opinion ●herein . the prelates upon deliberation had ( to humour the king ) declared ; that in their opinion the said award as touching the disinheriting and ban●sh●ng ●he spensers , fa●h●r and son , was erroneous , and not rightly decreed ; and for themselves they deemed that they neither did or could think it reason to consent thereto ( though walsingham writes expressely , that they perswad●d the king to consent to this banishment ) and the●efore they required , that it might be repealed : whereupon the king disanulled the same , which afterwards occasioned much bloodshed , civill warres , and cost hugh spencer the elder his head , and the king his crowne and life , in conclusion . the later is yet f●esh in memory , to wit , the canons , &c. oath , and subsidies lately made and granted by our present prelates an. . in their pretended synod , held and continued against law , in affront of the parliament then dissolved . what strange kind of me●●●ll these canons and oath &c. were compounded of , appeares by the perusall of them in the printed booke ; and how culpable our prelates were in casting , mounting , and discharging them upon the inferiour ministers and people in contempt of our lawes and liberties , their late impeachment at the barre in the lords house , by the house of commons will best demonstrate , the true copy whereof here ensueth . august the . . the impeachment against the bishops , sent up by serjeant wilde , & delivered at the bar in the lords house verbally , by order of the house . my lords , the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the commons house of parliament , being sensible of the great infelicities and troubles which the common-wealth h●th sustained by the exorbitant courses of the bishops , and knowing well what the wiseman saith , eccles. . . tha● i● sen●●nce be not speedily executed against ●n evill w●rke , the h●arts ●f the son●e of men are set upon further mischiefe : * ( ●he timely r●dr●sse whe●eof doth better become the wisedome of parliament● then a too-late wofull r●pentance ; ) have commanded me to represent unto your lordships , that walter bishop of winchester , robert bishop of coventry and litchfield . godfry bishop of glocester . joseph bishop of ex●ester . john b●shop of asaph . william bishop of bath and wells . geo●ge b●shop of hereford . matthew bishop of ely. william b●shop of bangor . robert bishop of bris●oll . john b●shop of roch●ster . john bish●p of peterborough . morgan bishop of landaffe . together with willi●m archbishop of canterbury , and others of the clergie of that province , at a convocation or synod for the same province begun at london , in the yeare . did contrive , make , and promulg● severall constitutions and canons ecclesiasticall , containing in them divers matters contrary to the kings prerogative , to the fundamentall l●wes and statutes of the realme , to the rights of parliament , to the propriety and liberty of the subjects , and matters tending to sedition , and of dangerous consequence . and to adde the more weigh● and efficacie to this their monstrous designe , they did at the same synod under a specious and faire title , grant a ben●vol●nce or contribution to his majesty , to be paid by the clergy of that province , contrary to law : it rested not there , for though this had beene enough to have affrighted and terr●fied the kings people with strange apprehensions and feares , yet that these might not seem to be contrivancies of their brain or fancies o●ly● they were put in execution and were executed upon divers with animosity and rigour , to the great oppression of the clergy of this realme , and other his majesties subjects , and in contempt of the king , and of the law. whether these persons , my lords , that are culpable of these offences , shall be thought fit to have an interest in the legislative power , your lordships wisdome and justice is able to judge . but for these matters ●nd things , the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the commons house in parliament , in the name of themselves , and of all the commons of england , doe impeach the said bishops before-named of the crimes and misdemeanors before expressed , and do therefore pray that they may bee forthwith put to their answers in the presence of the commons , and that such further proceedings may bee had against them , as to law and justice shall appertaine . now that the world may take notice what power the clergy in their con●ocation have to make canons and constitutions to bind the subjects , and of what validity their late canons are ; i shall avouch the votes of the commons house concerning them , as i find them printed at the end of this impeachme●t of bishops . the votes concerning the bishops late booke of canons , in the house of commons . that the clergy of england convented in any convocation or synod , or otherwise , have no power to make any constitutions , canons , or acts whatsoever , in matter of doctrine , or otherwise , to binde the clergy or laity of this land without the common consent of parliament . that the severall constitutions and canons ecclesiasticall , treated upon by the archbishops of canturbury and yorke , presidents of the convocation , for the respective provinces of canterbury and yorke , and the rest of the bishops and clergy of these provinces , and agreed upon by the kings majesties licence , in their ●everall synods , begun at london and yorke , . doe not bind the clergy or laity of this land , or either of them . and thus i have don● with our english lordly prelates , whose only study is and hath been to support their lordly dignity , not true religion , devotion and piety● i shall conclude with them in saint * bernards words . vides omnem ecclesiasticum zelum fervere sola pro dignita●e tuenda : honori totum datur , sanctitati nihil , aut parum . nisi quod sublime est , hoc salutare dicamus ; & quod gloriam redolet , id justum . ita omne humile probro ducitur inter palatinatos . et tunc potissimum volunt dominari , cum professi fuerint servitutem . fideles se spondent , ut opportunius fidentibus noceant . ante omnia sapientes sunt ut facia●t mala , b●num autem facere nesciunt . hi invisi terrae & coe●o , utrique injecêre manus ; impii in deum , temerarii in sancta , seditiosi in invicem , aemuli in vicinos , inhumani in extraneos , quos neminem amantes , amat nemo . hi sunt , qui subesse non sustinent , praeesse non norunt , superioribus infideles , inferioribus importabiles . docuerunt linguam suam grandia loqui , cum operentur exigua , blandissimi adulatores , & mordacissimi detractores , simplicissimi dissimulatores , & malignissimi proditores . o miserandam sponsam talibus creditam paranymphis , qui assignata cultui ejus , proprio retinere quaestui non verentur . non amici profectò sponsi , sed aemuli sunt . erunt inquam hujusmodi maximo studio corrigendi , ne pereant ; aut ne perimant , coercendi . chap. vii . containing the severall treasons , rebellions , seditions , schismes , contumacies , warres , and disloyalties of the bishops of france , normandy , scotland , and ireland , with reference unto the kings of england . having thus passed through the treasons , rebellions , seditions , warres , and disloyall practises of our english lordly prelates , i shall here in the next place give you a taste of the like crimes and practises of some french , norman prelates against our kings , their soveraignes , either here or in normandy ; and likewise of the bishops of scotland , and ireland ; which i thought meet to couple with our english prelates , these kingdomes being now happily united under the government of our gracious soveraigne , and his deceased father . french and norman bishops acts of this kind . i shall begin with saint german bishop of a●xerre in france , of whom it is storyed , * that comming into england in king vortigerns time , and repairing to his court with his companions in a cold frosty night , the king shut him out and would give him no lodging ; which the kings herdsman seeing , taking pitty upon them , and commiserating their affliction , lodged them in his house , and killed a calfe , which they did eate at supper : whose bones saint german commanded to be brought to him when supper was ended , and putting them all into the calves skin , he miraculously rais●d up the cal●e againe from the dead , ( whereas christ and his apostles never raised any dead beast , but dead men onely ) and put him to his damme , where he sell a eating hay . and on the next day by command from god ( as some writers affirme ) german deposed vortigerne from his kingdome , and made the herdsman king in his place , to the great admiration of all men : and from thence forth the king● of the britaine 's descended from the race of this herdsman . but gildas in his history saith , that this happened not to vortigerne , but to king powes , named beuly , whose successors in t●at part of wales issued from this herdsmans race . our learned martyr * doctor barnes reciting this story and legend out of petrus de natalibus concludes thus . i thinke no man will binde me to prove this thing ( of the calfe ) a lye , and yet it must be preached and taught in each church , it must be written in holy saints lives , and he ●ust be a saint that did it , and why ? because hee deposed a king , and set in a nea●esherd . odo * bishop of bayeux , was at first in great estimation with his brother william the conquerour , and bare great rule under him ; till at last for envy that lanfranke was preferred before him , he conspired against him : who understanding thereof committed him to prison , where he remained , till the said prince then lying on his death bed , released and restored him to his former liberty . when the king was dead , william rufus took him backe into england , supposing no lesse than to have had a speciall friend , and a trusty counsellour of him in all his affaires . but ere long after his comming thither , he fell againe into the same offence of ingratitude , whereof he became culpable in the conquerours dayes . for perceiving that lanfranke arch bishop of canterbury was so highly esteemed with the king , that he could beare no rule , and partly suspecting that lanfrancke had beene chiefe cause of his former imprisonment , he suffered duke robert to bereave his brother king william rufus of the dominion of england all he might , and conspired with the rest , against his nephew : and thereupon writ sundry letters unto duke robert , counselling him to come over with an army in all h●ste , to take the rule upon him , which by his practise should easily be compassed ; duke robert , thus animated , pawnes the county of constance to his younger brother henry for a great summe of gold ; and therewith returned answer to the said bishop , that he should provide and looke for him upon the south coast of england , at a certa●ne ●ime appointed . hereupon odo fortified the castle of rochester , and began to make sore warres against ●he kings friends in kent , and procured his other complices also to doe the like in other parts of the realme . and first on the west part of england , geoffrey bishop of constans , with his nephew robert de mowbray earle of northumberland , setting forth from bristow , tooke and sacked bath and be●kley , with a great part of wiltshire , and brought the spoile to bristow , where they fortified the castle for their greater safety . robert de bygod over-rode and robbed all the countries about norwich , and hugh de grandwesuit spoyled and wasted all the coun●ries abou● leicester ; and robert mountgomery earle of shrew●bury , with william bishop of durham , and others , wasted the country with fire and sword , killing , and taking great numbers of people where they came . afterwards comming to worcester they assaulted the city , and burnt the suburbs : but bishop wolstan being in the towne , encouraged the citizens to resist ; who by his exhortation sallying out of the city , when the enemies waxed negligent , they slew and tooke above . men of them in one day . archbishop lanfranke in the mean● time , whilst the realme was thus troubled by odoes meanes on each side , writeth to , and admonisheth all the kings friends , to make themselves ready to defend their prince . and when they were assembled with their forces , he counselled the king to march into the ●ield speedily with them , to represse his enemies the king following his counsell , commanding first all unjust imposts , taxes and tallages to be laid downe , and promising to restore such favourable lawes as the people should d●sire , to ingratiate himse●fe with h●s subjects ; marcheth with a mighty army into kent , where the sedition began● takes tunbridge and horne-castle , and afterward b●seigeth bishop odo in the pemsey● which the b●shop had strongly fortified . robert landing with a great army in england during this siege , odo through want of victuall was glad to submit himselfe , and promised to cause the castle of rocheste● , to be delivered , but at his comming thi●her , they within the city suffred him to enter , and straightwayes laid him fast in p●●son . some judge that this was done under a colour by his owne consent . but the king besieging the city , they within were glad ●o deliver i● up into his hand● . thus lost b●shop odo all his livings and dignities in england , and so returned into nor●andy ; where under duke robert , he had the chiefe government of the country committed to him . anno * dom. . earle iohn , king richard the first his brother , with his forces riding forth into the country about beauvois , made havocke in robbing and spoyling all a●ore him . anon as phillip the bishop of beauvois ( a man more given to the campe then to the church ) had knowledge hereof , thinking them to be a mee●e prize for him , with sir william de merlow and his sonne , and a great number of other valiant men of warre , came forth into the fields , and encoun●ring with the enemies , fought very stoutly ; but yet in the end the bishop , the arch-deacon and all the chiefe captaines were taken , the residue slaine and chased ; after this earle iohn and marchades presented the two prelates with great triumph unto king richard earely in the morning , lying yet in his bed , as those that were knowne to be his great enemies , saying to him in french , rise richard , rise , we have gotten the great chantor of beauvois , and a good quire man ( as we take it ) to answer him in the same note , and here we deliver them unto you to use at your discretion . the king seeing them smiled , and was very glad for the taking of this bishop , for that he had ever found him his great adversary ; and therefore being thus taken fighting in the field with armour on his backe , thought he might be bold in temporall wise to chastise him , sith he ( not regarding his calling ) practised to molest him with temporall weapons . whereupon he committed him to close prison , all armed as he was . it chanced soone after , that two of his chaplaines came unto the king to roven where this bishop was detained , beseeching the king of license to attend upon their master now in captivity ; unto whom ( as it is of some reported ) the king made this answer : i am c●ntent to make you iudge● in the cause betwixt me and your master ; as for the evills which he hath either done , or else gone about to doe unto me , let the same be forgotten . this is true , that i being taken as i returned from my journey made into the holy land , and delivered into the emperours hands , was in respect of my kingly state , used according thereunto very friendly , and honorably , till your master comming thither ( for what purpose he himselfe best knoweth ) had long conference with the emperour . after which , i for my part , in the next morning tasted the fruite of their over-nights talke , being then loaden with as many irons as a good asse might not very easily have borne . iudge you therefore what manner of imprisonment your master deserved at my hands , that procured such ease for me at the emperours hands . these two chaplaines had their mouthes stopped with these words thus by the king uttered , and so departed their wayes . the bishop being still detained in prison , procured suite to be made to the pope for his deliverance , writing a letter to the pope against the king for this hard usage , recorded by hoveden ; whereupon the pope writ a letter to the king in his behalfe , to importune his release . but the pope being truely informed of the matter , and wisely considering , that the king had not taken the bishop preaching but fighting , and kept him prisoner rather as a rough enemy , then as a peaceable prelate , would not be earnest with the king for his deliverance , but rather reproved the bishop , in that hee had preferred secular warfare before the spirituall , and had taken upon him the use of a speare , insteed of a crosier , an helmet , insteed of a miter , an herbergean , instead of a white rocket , a targe● for a stoale , and an iron sword , in lieu of the spirituall sword ; and therefore he re●used to use any commandment to king ric●ard for the setting o● him at liberty : but yet he promised to doe what he could , by way of intreating , that he might be released . it is reported by some writers , that the pope at first not understanding the truth of the whole circumstance , should send to king richard , commanding him by force of the canons of the church , to deliver his sonnes , the bishop and archdeacon , out of their captivity . to whom the king sent their armour , with this message written in latine , vide an tunica filii tui si● , an non : that is , see whether these are the garments of thy sonnes or not : alluding to the saying of those that carryed iosephs coa●e to iacob : which when the pope saw , he said , nay by saint peter , it is neither the apparell of my sonnes , nor yet of my brethren , but rather they are the vestures of the children of mars ; and so he left them still to be ransomed at the kings pleasure . the bishop thus seeing no hope to be delivered without some agreement had betwixt the two kings , became now , through irkesomnesse of his bonds an earnest mediator for peace , whereas he had beene before an extreame stirrer up of warre . such a schoolemaster , is imprisonment , and plucker downe of lofty courages . but not prevailing , he plots how to make an escape . when queene elionor●ing ●ing richards mother came to rhoane , she sent for this bishops keep●rs , to permi the bishop to c●me to her lodging to sp●ake with her ; which although it were dangerous , yet they unwill●ng to resist the queenes sui●e , pe●mit●ed him to goe out of the towe ga●es fe●●e●ed , with themselves accompanying him : as they passed b● a church , the bishop ran to the doore th●ugh 〈◊〉 , as well as he cou●d , and laying hold on the ring of the chur●h● cryed out with a loud vo●ce saying , i demand the peace of god and the church . at which speech his keepers much troubled , laid hands on him , pul●ed him from the church doore , and brought him backe aga●ne to the tower , where they kept him more stricktly then before . which ●he king hearing of , sent him to chine , to be kept close prisoner . after this he offered king richard markes for his enlargement , which he refused . but k●ng iohn comming to the crown , at the popes request rel●ased h●m ●or . he taking a solemne oath before the cardinall and other ecclesiastickes , that he would never all his life after , beare armes against christians , as he had cause● now no● to doe . about the same time walter , arch bishop of roven , at the instigation of the french king , pu● all the country of normandy under sen●ence of in●erdiction , because king richard had begun to sort ●he a ca●●le at lisse dandely upon a peece of ground which the archbishop c●aim●d to appertaine unto hi● see. the archbishop would ●y no meane● release the interdict , so as the bodies ●f dead men lay unbu●yed through all the villages and streetes of t●e c●ties of normandy . hereupon , the king much troubled at the a●chb●shops dealing , whom he had advanced and much imployed , s●nds ●o rome to the pope to heare the cause betweene them ; the matter being brought before the pope , he perceiving the intent of king richard , was not otherwise grounded upon an● covetous purpose , to defraud the church o● her right , but one●y to bu●ld a fortresse in such place as was mo●t expedient for defence of the country about , to preserve it from invasion of the enemies , counselled the archbishop , no● to s●and against the king in it , but to exchange with him for some other lands , which was done , and the interdiction by the pope released . this archbishop was a great warriour , bore great sway in england , during king richards absence and captivity , and troubled the realme very much with taxes and warres . before i come to the prelates of scotland , i shall insert one story of a patriarch of hierusalem , who affronted our king henry the second to his face , in a shamefull manner . the story is this . heraclius * patriarch of ierusalem came into england in the thirtyeth yeare of king henry the second , and made busy request to him against the saracens , proffering him the keyes of ierusalem , and of our lords grave , with letters of pope lucius the third , charging him , that he should take upon him the kingdome of ierusalem , with the royall standard of the kingdome as due unto him , and likewise make a royall voyage thither in proper person with an army for the security thereof , and to have minde of the oath that he before time had made . the king deferred his answer , and baldwin the arch bishop preached , and exhorted men to take the crosse , by whose meanes many there were that avowed that journey . the king at last , by the advise of his whole councell and parliament , gave this answer , that he might not leave his land without keeping , nor yet leave it to the prey and robbery of the french men ; but he would give largely of his owne to such as would take upon them that voyage . with this answer hera●lius was discontented , and said , we seeke a man and not money , well neere every christian region sendeth to us money , but no land sendeth to us a prince . but the king laid for him such excuses , that the patriarch departed from him discontented and comfortlesse . whereof the king being advertised , entending somewhat to recomfort h●m with pleasant words followed him to the sea side . but the more the king thought to satisfie him with his faire speech , the more the patriarch was discontented , in so much , that at last he said unto him . hitherto thou hast raigned gloriously , but hereafter thou shalt be forsaken of him that thou at this time forsakest ; thinke on him what he hath given to thee , and what thou hast yeelded to him againe ; how first thou wert false to the king of france , and after slew thomas becket , and last of all , thou forsakest the protection of christs faith. the king was mooved with these word● and sayd unto the patriarch . though all the men of the land were one body , and spake with one mouth , they durst not speake ●o me such words . no wonder ( said the patriarch ) for they love thine and not thee , that is to meane , they love thy goods temporall , and feare the losse of promotion , but they love not thy soule . and when he had so said , he offered his head to the king , saying ; doe by me right as thou didst by thomas becket , for i had rather be slaine of thee , then of the sarasens , for thou art worse then any sarasen , and they follow a prey and not a man. but the king kept his patience and said , i may not wend out of my land , for my owne sonnes will arise against me when i am absent . no wonder ( said the patriarch ) for of the devill they came , and to the devill they shall , and so departed from the king in great ire . so rudely have prelates dealt with the greatest princes , as thus both in words and deeds , to revile and contemne them , as if they were their slaves to be at their command , though with the hazard of their lives , crownes and kingdomes , upon every humour . i now passe on to the scottish prelates . the bishops of scotlands acts in this kinde . to passe from normandy to scotland ; before i enter into a relation of any of the scotish prelates actions ; i shall inform you what a holinshed writes of king davids erection of bishoprickes in scotland , and his endowing of them with large temporall possessions . this church in the originall plantation of the gospell having beene governed onely by presbyters , and wanting bishops for some hundred of yeares , following herein the custome of the primitive church , as b iohn fordon , c iohn major , d bishop vsher , and spelman testifie ; david king of scots erected foure bishoprickes , within this realme , rosse , brochin , dunkeld and dublaine , indowing them with rich rents , faire lands , and sundry right commodious possessions . moreover , he translated the bishops see of murthlake unto aberden , for sundry advised considerations , augmenting it with certaine revenues , as he thought expedient . he was admonished ( as the report goeth ) in his sleepe , that he should build an abbey for a religious order , to live in together ; whereupon he sent for workemen into france , and flanders , and set them in hand to build this abbey of canons regular , as he was admonished , dedicating it in the honour of a crosse ( whereunto he bare speciall devotion ) for that very strangely it slipped into his hands on a time , as he was pursuing and following of a hart in the chase : but enough of these monkish devises . many prudent men blame greatly the unmeasurable liberality of king david ; which he used towards the church , in diminishing so hugely the revenues of the crowne , being the cause that many noble princes his successors , have come to their finall ends , for that they have beene constrained through want of treasure to maintaine their royall estates , to procure the fall of sundry great houses , to possesse their lands and livings ; also , to raise payments and exactions of the common people , to the utter impoverishment of the realme . and sometime they have beene constrained to invade england by warres , as desperate men not caring what came of their lives . other whiles they have beene enforced to stampe naughty money to the great prejudice of the common wealth . all which mischiefes have followed since the time that the church hath beene thus enriched , and the crowne impoverished . therefore king iames the first , when he came to king davids sepulcher at dunfirmling , he said ; that he was a sore saint for the crowne . meaning that he left the church over-rich , and the crowne too poore . for he tooke from the crowne ( as iohn major writeth in his chronicles ) . pound scotish of yearely revenues ; wherewith he endowed those abbyes . but if king david had considered how to nourish true religion , he had neither endowed churches with such riches , nor built them with such royalty , for the superfluous possessions of the church ( as they are now used ) are not onely occasion to evill prelates to live in most insolent pompe and corrupt life , but an assured net to draw gold and silver out of realmes . thus holinshed of the bishops and bishoprickes of scotland in generall . in a f convocation at fairefax under king gregory , anno , . it was decreed by the bishops of scotland , that ordinaries and bishops should have authority to order all men , both publike and private ( yea kings themselves ) as well for the keeping of faith given , as to constraine them to confirme the same , and to punish such as should be found in the contrary . this was a high straine of insolency and treachery against the prerogative of the king and nobles priviledges , whom these prelates endeavoured to enthrall to their lordly pleasures ; and perchance it was in affront of king davids law who ordained anno . ( but . yeares before ) that priests should attend their cures , and not intermeddle with secular businesses , or keepe horses , haukes , or hounds . a very good law , had it beene as well executed . anno g . the scots conspiring together against their soveraigne lord and king , iohn bailiol , rose up in armes against him , and inclosing him in a castle , they elected to themselves twelve peeres after the manner of france ; whereof the foure first were bishops , by whose will and direction all the affaires of the kingdome should be managed . and this was done in despite to disgrace the king of england , who set the said iohn over them against their wils . whereupon the king of england brought an army towards scotland , in lent following , to represse the rash arrogancy and presumption of the scots● against their owne father and king ; and miserably wasted the country , over-running it quite , and making both them and their king whom he tooke prisoner , to doe homage , and sweare feal●y , and give pledges to him as * walsingham reci●es more at large . among these bishops it seemes that the bishop of ●lascow was one of the chiefe opposites against the king of scotland and england , for anno . i finde this bishop one of the chiefe captaines of the rebellious scots , and leading an army in the field ; which being disbanded for feare of the english forces , upon promise of pardon , this bishop ne proditionis notam incurreret , lest he should incurre the brand of treason , rendred himselfe to earle warren sent into scotland with an army , who committed him prisoner to the castle of rok●burrow , for a rebell , where he was detained . william of * neubery records ; tha● david king of scots was divinely chastised by one wimundus , an english man of obscure parents , made bishop of the scottish islands ; who waxing proud of his bishopricke , began to attempt great matters : not content with the dignity of his episcopall office , he did now in his mind walke in great and wonderfull matters above himselfe , having a mouth speaking great things , with a most vaine heart . in conclusion , gathering together poore and bold men , no● fearing the judgement of verity , he gave out himselfe to be the sonne of count murrey , spoyled of the inheritance of his fathers , by the king of scots ; that he had an intention no● onely to prosecute his right , but likewise ●o revenge his wrongs ; that he desired to have them , the consorts both of his danger and fortune● that i● was a businesse verily of some labour and danger , but of great reputation , and much emolument . all of them therefore being animated by , and sworne to his words , he began cruelly to play rex through the neighbour islands , and he was now like nemroth , a mighty hunter before the lord , disdaining according to the duty of his episcopall office , to be a fisher of men , like peter , his millitary troopes encreasing dayly , amongst whom , he being taller than the rest , almost by the head and shoulders , like a great generall , inflamed the mindes of all the rest . he made excursions into the provinces of scotland , exterminating all things with rapines and murthers ; and when as a royall army was sent against him , retyring himselfe into remote forrests , or ●lying backe into the ocean , he eluded all their warlike preparations ; and the army retyring , hee brake out againe out of his lurking places , to infest the provinces . when therefore he prospered in all things , and became now terrible , even to the king himselfe ; a certaine bishop a most simple man , mi●aculously repressed his violence for a time ; to whom , when he denouncing warre , threatned utter devastation , unlesse he would pay him a tribute ; he answered , the will of the lord be done , for by my example , never shall any bishop be made the tributary to another bishop . therefore , having exhorted his people , he meetes him comming with fury , onely greater than he in faith , but farre unlike him in other things , and for the encouragement of his souldiers , he himselfe giving the first stroke of the battle , casting a small axe at him , by gods good pleasure prostrated the enemy marching in the front : with whose fall the people being encouraged , rann● violently upon the robbers , and slaying a great part of them , compelled the most fierce captaine unmanfully to fly . this , hee himselfe was wont afterwards to relate among his friends with mirth , as glorying , that onely god could over come him by the faith of a simple bishop . after this , resuming his forces , he wasted the i●lands and provinces of scotland , as at first : whereupon the king was compelled to appease this robber ; to which end using better counsell than formerly , he ●esolved , to deale wisely with a proud and cra●ty enemy , with whom he could not deale valiantly : therefore granting to him a certaine province , with the monastery of fornace , he suspended his excursions for a time . but when as he gloriously passed through the subdued province like a king , with a powerfull army , and became exceeding troublesome to the monastery it selfe of which he had beene a monke ; by the consent of the nobles ( who hated either his power , or his insolence ) some inhabitants of the said province laid waite for him : and having gotten a convenient time , when as hee followed the multitude he had sent before him to his lodging , with a slow pace , and a small guard , they apprehending him , bound him and put out both his eyes , because both were wicked : and cutting off the cause of a virulent race , they gelt him ( writes my author ) for the peace of the kingdome of scotland , not for the kingdome of heaven : this bishop , thus emasculated , afterwards came to belleland , and there continued quiet many yeares till his death ; yet he is reported then to have said , that if he had the eye but of a sparrow , his enemyes should no way insult off their acts against him . so neubrigens●s . if all our lordly bishops were gelt like this , for the peace of the kingdome , both of scotland and england , that we might be no more troubled with this their lordly virulent generation in ●uture ages , i presume it would be as great a blessing , as could befall both kingdomes and churches . * about the yeare . the men of cathnes , sore offended with their bishop , named adam , for that upon refusall to pay their tithes , he had accursed and excommunicated them , fel upon him within his owne house ; and first scourging him with rods , at length set fire upon him , and burnt him within his owne kitchin : which act being reported to the sco●tish king alexander , as then sojourning at edenburgh , he hasted forth with all speed to punish the offenders , not ceasing till he had taken ● . of them● all which number he caused to be hanged ; and for that he would have no succession to come of such a wicked seed , he appointed all their sons to lose their stones . the place where they were so gelded , is called even to this day the stony-hill . the ea●le of cathnes , for that he neither succoured the bishop in time of need , nor yet sought to punish the offenders that did this cruell deed , was deprived of his earledome , and the lands belonging to the same . the pope highly commended king alexander , for this punishment taken of them that had so cruelly murthered their bishop . thus was one small cruelty occasioned by this bishops covetousnesse , and perversenesse , punished with a farre greater ; yea , such a one as is hardly parralleld in story ; and that by the instigation of the prelates and pope , who applauded this barbarous cruelty . had all lordly , traytorly , rebellious , and seditious prelates beene thus gelded , that no succession migh● spring from their wicked seed , to infest both chu●ch and state , it had beene a more profitable and commendable action , than the gelding of these poore laymen . king * iames the fourth , anno . when he had formerly ministred justice so amongst his subjects , that they lived in great peace and quietnesse , william elfinstone bishop of aberdene , one of his counsell , devised wayes to win the king great profit and gaine , by calling his barons , and all those that held any lands within this realme , to shew their evidences by way of recognition ; and if they had not sufficient writings to shew , warrantabl● by the antecedent lawes of the kingdome , the lands should remaine at the kings pleasure . but when the king perceived his people to grudge herewith , and not without ca●se , as with a thing devised to disquiet his people and the whole country ; of his owne courteous nature he easily agreed with the possessors of such lands : for the which he purchased great love amongst his people , and the bishop , the deviser of this ordinance , wanne passing great hatred and malice . anno. . * a parliament was summoned to be kept at edenburgh , the . of ianuary , and a generall sommons of for●eiture proclaimed at the market crosse in edenburgh , wherein divers were sommoned to make their appearance in the said parliament , to be tryed for sundry great offences by them committed : whereupon gawin dowglasse bishop of dunkeld hearing of this proclamation ( though not named in it ) conscious to himselfe of great offences , fled into england , and remained a● london in the savoy , where he dyed . anno . * there was a great rebellion in the north by the earles of westmorland and northumberland and others : murray then regent of scotland , informed queene elizabeth , that the bishop of rosse , then in england was the authour of that rebellion , whereupon he was committed to the bishop of london , to remaine his prisoner . as the archbishops of canterbury primates of all england , have beene the greatest traytors and incendiaries of all other our prelates ; so have the bishops and archbishops of saint andrewes , primates of all scotland , beene the like in that realme , of which i shall give you a taste . * in the yeare of our lord . richard bishop of saint andrews deceasing , there arose a great schisme about the election of a new bishop ; for the canons of the church of s. andrews , elected iohn scot for their bishop , and william king of scots , made choyce of hugh his chaplaine , and caused him to be consecrated by the bishops of his kingdome , notwithstanding the said iohns appeale to the pope . whereupon pope alexander sent alexis a sub-deacon of the church of rome into scotland , to heare and determine the controversie betweene these two competitors : who after a long debate , finding , that the said iohn was canonically elected , and that hugh after the appeale to the pope , was violently intruded by the king into the bishopricke of saint andrewes , immediately deposed him from his bishopricke , and by his authority imposed perpetuall silence on him ; confirmed the election of iohn , and caused him to be consecrated bishop of saint andrewes , by the bishops of scotland , the king neither prohibiting nor contradicting it , yea , permitting it by the counsell of the bishops of his realme . but immediately after his consecration , the king prohibited him to stay within his kingdome : and hugh carryed himselfe as bishop , no lesse than he did before his deprivation ; and taking with him the episcopall chaplet , staffe , and ring , with other things , he unlawfully detaining them , and beginning his journey towards rome , departed . and because he would not restore the things he carryed away , allexis excommunicated him , interdicted his bishopricke , and the pope confirmed that sentence . hereupon the pope writes three letters ; one to the bishops , abbots , and prelates of all scotland , the prior of saint andrewes , and the clergy and people of that diocesse , honourably to receive iohn as their bishop , within dayes after the receipt of this letter , and to submit unto him as their bishop ; and putting on the spirit of fortitude to labour wisely and manfully for the preservation of ecclesiasticall justice , and to endeavour to appease the kings displeasure ; but if the king were averse , or inclining to the counsell of wicked men , then they ought to obey god and the holy church of rome more than men ; otherwise he must and would ratifie the sentence which hugh bishop of durham had pronounced against the contumacious and rebellious . another letter to all the bishops and prelates of scotland , to denounce hugh excommunicated , and to avoyd his company as an excommunicate person , till he restored to iohn , the goods of the church he had taken away , and given him competent satisfaction for the things he had destroyed . moreover , the pope granted to roger arch-bishop of yorke , a power legatine in scotland , and commanded him that he , together wi●h hugh , bishop of durham , should denounce a ●entence of excommunication against the king of scotland , and interdict his kingdome , unlesse he would permit the said iohn to hold his bishopricke in peace , and give security to him to keepe the peace ; and the same pope strictly commanded iohn , by vertue of his canonicall obedience , that neither act of love , nor feare o● any man , nor through any mans suggestion or will , he should rashly presume to relinquish the church of saint andrewes , to which he was consecrated , and in which he was confirmed by apostolicall authority , nor presume to receive another bishopricke ; adding , that if he should attempt it , he would take away both bishopricks from him without exception . after which , pope alexander writ a letter to king william himselfe , enjoyning him thereby within twenty dayes after the receipt thereof , to give peace and security to the bishop : and to receive him unto his favour , so that he ought not to doubt the kings indignation ; alioquin noveritis , &c. else he should know , that he had commanded roger archbishop of yorke , legate of the apostolicke see in scotland , to put his kingdome under interdict , and to excommunicate his person notwithstanding any appeale . and that he should know for certaine , that if he persisted in his violence , as he had formerly laboured that his kingdome might have liberty , so he would thenceforth doe his endeavour , vt in pristinam subjectionem revertatur , that it should revert unto its priestine subjection : ( he meant , i take it , not to himselfe but to england ; ) but the king obeying in nothing , his apostolicall mandates , expelled iohn , bishop of saint andrewes , and matthew , bishop of aberden , his uncle , o●t of his kingdome ; whereupon roger arch-bishop of yorke , hugh bishop of durham , and alexis prosecuting the popes command , pronounced a sentence of excommunication against the kings person , and a sentence of interdict against his kingdome . and iohn on the other side , fulminated a sentence of excommunication against richard de m●rtue constable of scotland , and other of the kings familiars , who disturbed the peace betweene the king and him ; and roger of yorke , and hugh of durham , likewise enjoyned the prior of saint andrewes , and all ecclesiasticall persons within the diocesse , to come to iohn their bishop , and yeeld due subjection to him ; else they would pronounce a sentence of suspention against them , as contumacious and rebellious . and when as certaine ecclesiastickes of the diocesse , for feare of the said suspension , came to the said iohn , the king cast them all out of his kingdome , with their children and kindred , and with their very sucking children , yet lying in their swathing cloutes and hanging on their mothers brests ; whose miserable proscription and exile , the foresaid roger of yorke , and hugh of durham beholding , reiterated their former excommunication and interdiction ; commanding all bishops , abbots , priors , and ecclesiasticall persons , firmely , and unmoveably to observe the same , and very warily to shunne the king himselfe , as an excommunicate person . not long after roger of yorke fell sicke and dyed , which the king of scot● hearing , rejoyced exceedingly thereat . and taking advise with the bishops , earles , and other wise men of his kingdome , he sent ioceline bishop of glascow , arnulfe abbot of melros , and others to pope lucius to absolve him from the foresaid excommunication and interdict ; and if they might by any meanes , to procure iohn to be deprived : by whose solicitation the pope released the excommunication and interdict , as appeares by his letter to the king , recorded at large by hoveden . after which the pope sent one rolland elect bishop of dole into scotland , to make peace betweene the king and iohn ; who after long debate made this accord ; that hugh should abjure the bishopricke of saint andrewe● ; and that iohn should also release all his claimes thereto , and in leiu thereof should have the bishopricke of dunkelden , and all the rents he had before the election , and the chancery of the king , and forty markes rent out of the bishopricke of saint andrewes . but hugh , when the king required him to renounce his bishopricke , answered , that he would rather receive his judgement in the court of rome , than thus abjure his bishopricke , to which he had beene consecrated . and forthwith he reproved the letters which iohn had impetrated from rome against him of falsehood , and appealed to the pope : whereupon rolland not able to proceed , certified the pope at large of the agreement and proceedings . after this iohn and hugh appearing before the pope and cardinals at velletris , their cause was fully heard and debated in their audience ; whereupon , by the common counsell of his brethren , he deprived both of them , and caused them to resigne the bishoprick into his hands , freely and absolutely ; and within ●ew dayes after , by the advise of all the cardinalls , the pope restored and confirmed the bishopricke of saint andrewes to hugh , and gave the bishopricke of dunkelden , with what ever the king formerly offered , to iohn . both the bishops returning home , received these severall bishoprickes ; but because the king would not restore to iohn the things taken from him ; he questioned hugh againe for the bishopricke of saint andrewes : for which purpose he went to rome , where he procured hugh to be deposed , ( though but newly setled there before ) and brought with him five severall letters from pope clement , touching this businesse : the first to iocelin bishop of glascow , matthew bishop of aberden , and others , declaring the deposition of hugh , and absolving all within his diocesse from his subjection and obedience ; and enjoyning them to elect iohn , and receive him for their bishop : the second to william king of scots , to receive iohn into favour , to remove hugh , and invest iohn in this bishopricke : the third to henry the second , king of england , beseeching , admonishing , and enjoyning him as he tendred the remission of his sinnes , and out of his reverence of saint peter , and him , diligently to admonish and perswade the king of scots , et si necesse fuerit , districtione regali , qua ei praemines , & concessa tuae regiae celsitudini potestate compellas , &c. and if need were , to compell him by his royall distresse , whereby he was above him , and by the power granted to his royall highnesse , to lay aside all his rancor against this bishop , conceived by the malice of some whisperers , and removing all excuses to pardon him , and to permit him quietly to enjoy the diocesse of saint andrewes , without any further trouble or suite , seeing he was ready , and prepared to be obedient to the king in all things : the fourth to all the clergy , and of the diocesse of saint andrewes , enjoyning them humbly and devoutly to receive iohn as their proper father and pastor , and fromthenceforth to give all due reverence and obedience to his wholesome admonitions , and mandates wi●hout any di●●imulation : declaring all elections of any other to the bishopricke , voyd , and threatning to put all the diocesse under interdict , if they presumed to conspire against iohn , untill they should acknowledge their offence , and submit unto him . the fifth to three scottish bishops , and sundry abbots , reciting how great persecutions , calamities , and pressures the church of saint andrewes had suffered under the shadow of the kings indignation ; and what great dangers and labours iohn had sustained ●or the preservation of the liberties of the church committed to him , confirmed by two popes his predecessours ; and requiring them after the receipt of this letter , to meete together like wise and provident men , and to goe to the kings presence , and diligently to admonish , and induce him to remit the rancor of his indignation against the said bishop , and not to contemne the church of rome herein , but without delay wholesomely to obey , and humbly to submit to her , and to their admonitions , as it was agreeable to his kingly glory and salvation , and quietly to permit the bishop to enjoy the bishopricke of saint andrewes . and that i● ( which god forbid ) he should resist these apostolicall monitions to the perill of his owne salvation , then they should promulgate an i●terdict against his highnesse kingdome , his person , and all his favorites and abettors , within twenty dayes , notwithstanding any appeale , by his apostolicall authority : and ●hould strike those with the like sentence , who were obedient to hugh , and fomented him in his obstinacy ( seeing the see apostolicke had perpetually removed from saint andrewes , and excommunicated him ) and should publickely pronounce them to be excommunicated as long as they did thus ; and should be carefully avoyded by others , untill they should returne to the churches obedience , and demaund the benefit of absolution from iohn as their bishop . enjoyning them farther , to purifie and sanctifie according to the custome of the church , all the altars , and chalices , in which hugh had celebrated , during his excommunication ; and to suspend all the clerkes of saint andrewes , both from their office and benefice , and knit them fast in the bond of excommunication , who should be contumacious and rebellious against iohn , untill they submitted to him . the king hearing these things , being at last overcome by the perswasion and intreaty of his friends , received io●n into his favour ; and granted him peaceably to enjoy the b●shopricke of dunkelden , and all the rents he formerly had before his consecration ; upon condition , that iohn should quite claime from all suite the bishopricke of saint andrewes ; which notwithstanding the popes letters wherewith he was furnished , he was content to doe , and to submit to the kings mercy ; knowing , that a morsell of bread is better with joy , than an house full of sacrifice with contention . hugh being degraded from saint andrewes , and excommunicated goes to rome , and giving caution to stand to the judgement of the church , he was mercifully absolved by the pope , and within few dayes after dyed at rome of the plague with most of his family ; whereupon the king of scotland gave the bishoprick of saint andrews to roger the earle of leicestors sonne , then his chancellour , iohn being present , and not contradicting it . the same * yeare . king william sent messengers to pope clement , and obtained of him letters of protection in this forme , touching the exemption of the churches of his kingdome . clemens episcopus , servus servorum dei , charissimo in christo filio , willielmo illustri scotorum regi , salutem & apostolicam benedictionem . cum universi christi jugo subjecti ad sedem apostolicam patrocinium invenire debeant & favorem , illos tamen specialius conv●nit munim●ne protectionis confoveri , quorum fidem ac devotionem in pluribus est experta , ut ad ipsius electionis favorem tanto amplius provocetur , & ejus reverentiae devotiori affectione subdantur , quanto benevolentiae ipsius & gratiae pignus se noverint certius assecutos . e● propter ( o charissime in christo fili ) reverentiam , ac devotionem , quam ad romanam te habuisse a longis retro temporibus ecclesiam novimus , attendentes , praesentis scripti pagina duximus statuendum , ut scoticana ecclesia apostolicae sedi , cujus filia specialis existit , nullo mediante debeat subjacere . in qua hae sedes episcopales esse noscuntur , ecclesiae videlicet , s. andreae , glascuensis , dunkeldensis , dumblinensis , brehinensis , aberdonensis , moraviensis , rosensensis , katinensis , & nemini liceat nisi romano pontifici , vel legato ab ipsius latere destinato , in regnum scotiae interdicti , vel excommunicationis sententiam promulgare , & si promulgata fuerit , decernimus non valere , adjicimus , ut nulli de caetero , qui de regno sco●iae non fuerit , nisi quem apostolica sedes propter hoc de corpore suo specialiter destinaverit , licitum sit in eo ligationis officium exercere . prohibemus autem ut controversiae , quae fuerint in regno illo de possessionibus ejus exortae , ad examen extra regnum positorum judicum non trabantur , nisi ad romanam ecclesiam fuerit appellatum . si qua vero scripta contra hujus libertatis statuta apparuerint impetrata , vel in posterum , istius concessionis mentione non habita , contigerit impetrari , nullum tibi , vel ipsi regno circa hujus praerogativae concessionem , praejudicium generetur● praeterea libertates , & immunitates tibi , vel eidem regno , vel ecclesiis in eo constitutis a praedecessoribus nostris romanis pontificibus indultas , & hactenus observatas , ratas habemus , & illibatas futuris temporibus statuimus permanere . nulli ergo hominum liceat paginam nostrae constitutionis , & prohibitionis infringere , vel ei aliquatenus contraire . si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit , indignationem omnipotentis dei , & beatorum petri & pauli apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurum . datum laterani tertia idus martii pontificatus nostri anno primo . not long after the same king procured the same letter verbatim from pope coelestine , in the first yeare of his papacy . but to returne to our bishops of this see. in the yeare of grace . robert de bruse , invader of anothers kingdome , * and a paricide , like adonias , caused himselfe to be crowned king of scotland , in the abbey of schone , after the manner of his country , by the bishops of saint andrewes , and glascow , the abbot of schone , and other conspirators , contrary to the oath they and he had taken to king edward the first : which was the occasion of a bloody warre , as you may read more at large in our historians . anno . the earle of * dowglas who ruled wholly about king iames the second , set the earle of crawford against the bishop of saint andrewes called iames kenedy , sisters sonne to king iames the first , who tooke a great prey out of the bishops lands in fiffe . whereupon the earle of crawford on the one part , and the earle of huntly with the ogilinde on the other , met at arbroth in set battle , where the earle of crawford , and . more on both sides were slaine : king iames the second , anno . by the advise of this bishop , dispatched out of the way , such as he any wayes mistrusted , of which number was the dowglasses , whose puissance and authority , not without cause , he evermore suspected ; he turned the earle of angus , and divers of the dowglasses blood that were of their faction from them , and made them to revolt from the other confederates , so as in the end he had them all at his pleasure● anno . all things at that season were ordered by the advice and counsell of this bishop , who governed the realme of scotland , as well during the minority of iames the third , as also in the dayes of his father , king iames the second . and was the occasion of many tumults and warres therein . the * scots●eeking ●eeking meanes to rid th●mselves from subjection of the bishop of yorke , who was anciently the metropolitane of scotland , did in the yeare of christ . obtaine of the pope , that they might have a metropolitane see within themselves , by reason of the continuall warres which were betweene the two nations , * during which they could neither use appellations to their metropolitane , nor have other bishops consecra●ed . whereupon the pope erected the church of saint andrewes into an arch-bishopricke in the time of king iames the third , touching which , thus writeth lesleus , li. . p. . hoc anno ( which was the yeare of christ ) patricius grahamus sedis andreapolitanae ecclesiae episcopus crebris literis ac nuntiis a papa efflagitavit , ut metropolitana potestas in divi andreae civitate figeretur ; iniquum esse enim contendit , ut scoti ab eboracensi episcopo tanquam primate penderent , cum propter crebra bella ( quibus se scoti & angli mutuo lacessunt ) scotis ad illum non pateretur tutus accessus , nec liberum jus , praesertim in appellationibus . annuit summus pontifex , ut andreapolitano deinceps episcopo potestas metropolitana incumbat ; dies indulto pontifici promulgandi mense septembri dicta est , atque maxima populi nobiliumque laetitia celebrata . episcopi reliqui grahami odio flagrantes illius authoritatem repudiant , regisque animum ingenti pecunia ( which was as other authours say eleven thousand markes ) occupant , ne grahami partibus studeret . interea praesules romam mittunt qui sui defensionem contra grahamum suscipiunt . but in the end they did not prevaile . graham was made arch bishop . patricke graham being bishop of saint andrewes , and the first archbishop of that see , was after his advancement to that title deprived in this sort . * in the yeare of christ ● pope xistus , the fourth of that name , sent a legate called husman , into scotland , which should displace this patricke the archbishop of saint andrewes , condemned by the sentence of the pope and the cardinals , for an heretique , schismaticke , simonicke ; whereupon he was deprived of all ecclesiasticall dignity , and commanded to perpetuall prison . in whose place was william schewes chosen , to whose custody and disposition this patricke was committed , after which graham being removed for his safe imprisonment first to saint colmes isle , then to dumfermling , and lastly to lochelevine , there in the end he dyed , and was buryed in saint sarffis , or servimanus isle in lochelevine , after that he had beene three yeares arch bishop . william * schewes being created archbishop of saint andrewes , in the yeare of christ , . as some have , or ● as others have it , in the holy-rood house in edenburgh , in the presence of king iames , and many of the nobility received the pall , as the ensigne of his metropolitane power , being declared legate and primate of sco●land ; at what time he was not withstood by any of the o●her bishops , who being estranged from shewing any favour to graham , did often in●ringe his authority , and in the end expelled the same graham from his archiepiscopall see. after which in the yeare of christ . this archbishop schewes , fled into his owne country , and after at the request of the king , resigned his archbishopricke , contenting himselfe with the bishopricke of murry . andrew * steward uncle to king iames the third , was upon the resignation of william schews made archbishop of saint andrewes ; after which in the yeare of christ . the king sent this archbishop embassadour to rome for the obtaining of certaine priviledges , which he brought to effect . in the * yeare of christ . in the time of king iames the fourth , about the third yeare of his raigne was great contention betweene the archbishops of saint andrewes and glascow touching both their authorities● which when it had drawne many of the nobility into divers factions , it was ceased by the king for a certaine time , untill all doubt thereof might be taken away by deciding the same by the canon law , before ecclesiasticall judges . then in the yeare of christ . being about the nineteenth yeare of iames the fourth , the bishop of saint andrewes with the earle of arrane were sent embassadors into france . alexander * steward , bastard sonne to king iames the fourth was made archbishop of saint andrewes in the yeare of christ . about the . yeare of the raigne of the same iames the fourth . this man having long studyed with erasmus in germany , and in the low countries , was advanced to this see of the arch bishopricke , when he was yet in flaunders ; who having intelligence thereof by his friends , came forthwith into scotland , where he was joyfully received by the king , the nobility and his kindred : he was slaine together with his father king iames the fourth , and a scottish bishop more , at ploden field in the yeare of christ . * the cardinall of scotland promised the scots heaven , for the destruction of england● perhaps they might obtaine it by their deaths , but they got no more english earth then would interre their slaine bodies . after which iohn hepburne prior of saint andrewes strongly besieged the castle of saint andrewes , and forced the same to be yeelded unto him ; the cause of whi●h besiege grew , that hepburne being chosen bishop of saint andrewes , by his canons of that church ( whereunto the whole nobility were helpers ) was hindered to possesse that archbishopricke by such stipendary people of gawine dowglasse , as kept the castle , * whereupon the queene , and the earle of angus , after that they understood how the castle was by force come into the hands of hepburne , did take in evill part , that he who was so troublesome unto them , should ascend to so high a dignity , and that g●wine dowglasse , so deerely to them beloved , and to whom they had given that bishopricke , should be helplesse of the recovery thereof . whereupon the queene , and the duke of albany , diligently laboured by embassadours sent to rome , that a third person ( sith gawin dowglasse could not obtaine it ) might be advanced thereunto ; which third man was andrew forman bishop of murry , further requiring therewithall ; that he might be abbot of dumfermling and aberbroth , which in the end with much intreaty they obtained of the pope . * andrew forman bishop of murry , was at edenburgh by the popes bulls on the eighth of the kalends of ianuary in the yeare of christ . being about the second yeare of the raigne of iames the fifth , declared archbishop of saint andrewes , and abbot of dumfermeling , and aberbroth . whereupon the prior of sain● andrewes before named , still contending that he was archbishop , both in respect of the election of the coven , and the consent of the nobility , did labour all he could against forman , appealing him to rome ; for which cause he with the lord hales and other his friends come to edenburgh to defend the matter , at what time the lord hume chamberlaine of scotland , and such others as openly assisted forman , did oppose themselves against the prior ; which nobility because they were great in the court , did the more molest and hinder hepburne ; shortly after by publike edict , and proclamation of the king , banishing the prior and his followers , proclaiming them rebels , and putting them to the home . hepburne being stricken with the sharpenesse of that precept , did privily depart the towne , and the prior went to rome , hoping by the popes authority to wrest from forman the archbishopricke , which he could not obtaine by violence . but how he sped at rome i doe not know , for i onely finde this , that in the yeare following , being the yeare of christ , . about the third yeare of the same iames the fifth , that the governour perceiving , that all these contentions , hatreds and divisions of the nobility did arise by these bralls , which were betweene forman and hepburne for the see of saint andrewes to the great di●quieting of the realme , by such part-takings as chanced thereabouts among the lords , desired to cure this grievous wound made in the common-wealth . wherefore he perswaded andrew forman , that he should resigne all his ecclesiasticall benefices into his hands in an open assembly at edenburgh , for by that meanes , the governour thought that he might pacifie the minds of the nobility , and utterly rout out those branches of dissention . whereupon there was a day appointed to the nobility to assemble , at what time andrew forman freely resigned to the governour the duke of albanie , all his ecclesiasticall promotions to be disposed at the dukes pleasure . in consideration thereof the duke bestowed the archbishopricke of saint andrewes , and the abbey of dumfermling upon the same andrew forman , and gave the bishopricke of murry to iames hepburne , ( greatly favoured of the earle bothwell , and the competitor of forman ) being thereunto substitute by iohn hepburne p●ior of saint andrewes in the place of the said iohn , to whom moreover the duke appointed a yeerely pension of . markes to be paid by the same forman out of the abbey of dumfermling ; after which about sixe yeares or somewhat le●●e , this forman departed this life , being in the yeare of christ . and the ninth yeare of king iames the fifth , to whom succeeded iames beton . iames * beton archbishop of glascow , was chancellor in the yeare of christ , . being the first yeare of king iames the fifth . this man being of great wisedome was appointed amongst others to assist the queene in the government of the realme , whereunto she was for a time advanced ; * but the woman not induring to be directed by others , taking quarrell against the bishop , did immediately after the marriage performed , the sixth of august , in the yeare of christ . betweene her and archibald dowglasse earle of angus ( which this bishop incountred as much as he could ) take the great seal● from the said bishop of glascow , at saint iohns towne ; whereupon the bishop got him to edenburgh , and assisted with many lords , kept the queene and her husband out of that towne ; whereby great dissention and part-taking was raised amongst the nobility of the realme . but as i gather , peace being made betweene them , he was againe made chancellor . after this , in the yeare of christ , . he commeth with the earle of arrane , who submitteth himselfe to the governour ; shortly following , the governour gave to this archbishop of glascow , the abbey of arbroth , assigning to the earle of murrey , a large pension out of the same ; which bishop being thus in favour with the governour , was ( in the yeare of christ . in may , when the governour went into france ) appointed amongst others , to have the rule of the realme , untill his returne . two yeares after which , the nobility being divided about the quarrell of the earle of angus and arrane , this bishop in the yeare of christ . being then also chancellor , with other noblemen of the realme , kept the towne of glascow ; but after that , this chancellour , who would not come to edenburgh , the king of england and of france , their embassadors came to sterling , where a peace was proclaimed amongst the nobility . but what can long continue in one stay , or what peace will be long embraced amongst ambitious mindes , sith in the yeare following , being the yeare of christ ● . the noblemen ●ell againe to factions ; for when divers of the peeres were come to edenburgh to aide the earle of angus against the earle of arrane ( this chancellor remaining then in the towne ) they pursued the earle and chancellour so hotly , that they were both constrained to forsake the towne and to fly through the north locke , about the thirteenth day of aprill . but as the events of quarrels be doubtfull , now up , now downe , so this archbishop , not long a●ter this disgrace , recovered breath , and in november following , did accompany the regent come out of france to edenburgh , where was a parliament holden to summon the earle of angus to appeare ; but he refusing , it was agreed , that the earle should passe into england , there to remaine . the bishop thus having the better of his enemies , andrew forman bishop of saint andrewes dyed in the yeare being about the ninth yeare of iames the first , by occasion whereof this chancellor iames beton bishop of glascow , was advanced to that see , and ●urther made abbot of dumfermling . upon which new honour in the yeare of christ . he was appointed one of the governours of the realme by parliament , but he not possessing this honour any long time , the earle of angus ( who had gotten the king into his usurped government , and denyed the delivery of the king : being sent for by this bishop , and the other nobility ) sent to the chancellor for the grea● seale , which was delivered to the messengers ; upon which this bishop not forgetting the same , hastened the sentence of divorce , sued before him between the queen and the earle of angus . whereof the earle to revenge the same , did with the king , in the yeare of christ . seeke for the queene and the bishop of saint andrewes ; but because they were kept secretly in their friends houses , so that they could not be heard of ; he spoyled the abbey of dumfermling , and the castle of saint andrewes , taking away all that the archbishop had . notwithstanding which , the archbishop keeping in favour with the old queene , and the young king , did in the yeare of christ , and in the sixteenth yeare o● james the fifth , christen james the king● sonne bo●ne at saint andrewes , and not long after surrendred his soule to god. anno . * immediately after the death of james the fif●h of scotland , david beton cardinall , and archbishop of saint andrewes , the speciall minister and factor of the french causes to the advancement and continuance th●reof , ●orged a will of the late king departed , in which , amongst other things , he established himselfe chiefe regent . the protestants to whom this cardinall was ever a cruell enemy and sharp● scourge , espyed forth his unjust dealing in this behalfe , and thereupon set the earle of arran against him , who by the helpe of his owne and ●heir friends he removed the cardinall and his adherents from their usurped roome and authority ; and therewith was the said earle proclaymed protector and governour of the realme . the next yeare at a convention of the lords at edenburgh , this archbishop was put in ward in the castle of dalkish , lest he should goe about to perswade the nobility , not to consent to the governours desires , and the king of englands match propounded to the scottish queene : which match of prince edward , with queene mary of scotland , though concluded on by a parliament in scotland , this arch●ishop beton hindred , f●aring lest scotland should change the church orders , and reforme religion , as england had begun to doe . whereupon ensued divers commotions in scotland , and a bloody war●e , king henry the eighth sending an army into scotland upon this breach and occasion on the one side , and the pope and french king sending aide to this cardinall archbishop and his faction on the other side . after this , this archbishop he was removed to his owne castle of saint andrewes , with warders about him , to see him safely kept . anno ● . the patriarch of hierusalem arriving in scotland , he was honorably received by this cardinall arch prelate , and the bishops of scotland , into the city of glascow , during whose abode there , great contentions arose betweene this arch prelate , and the archbishop of glascow , who should in that city be of greatest authority and honour ? which in the end came to this issue , that both families fell together by the ●ares , which of them should goe before , with his crosse borne upright . for the cardinall archbishop of saint andrewes , and primate of the kingdome , did affirme , that the archbishop of glascow should not have his crosse borne in his owne church so long as he was present : which the servants of the archbishop of glascow tooke so in disdaine , that they plucked downe the cardinals crosse , and threw it to the ground , whereupon the governour ( understanding the whole matter , and that it was now come from words to swords ) made haste to appease the factious commotion , and caused the patriarch therewith to be brought to edenburgh , accompanyed with the clergy , and so appeased the controversie . that done ; the patriarch , the popes legate comming to rome , procured the ●egantine power to be granted to the cardinall , which he long enjoyed not ; for being greatly envyed by reason of these honours and some grievous facts , by meanes whereof there fell continuall dissentions betweene the nobility , which ended not till this cardinall was slaine , who corrupting his keepers , whiles he was imprisoned in saint andrewes castle , he found meanes to escape thence ; and in the yeare . he came to the coronation of the young queene , and shortly after perswaded the earle of arrane the governour to leave the part of ●he king of england , and wholly to become french. at the coronation , the cardinall ordered all things , appointed every officer , and growing into credit , did in like sort at other times dispose of the common wealth , and bishoprickes , as seemed best liking unto him . whereupon the earle of leneux , taking part with the english , opposed himselfe against the cardinall , whereby ensued sharpe wars , the cardinall still supporting and counselling the governour . which troubles somewhat abated , when the earle of leneux went into england . the cardinall led the governour to saint andrewes , to the end ( if it were possible ) to binde the governour more firmely to him ; during the time they were there , the cardinall caused in the lent season all the bishops and prelates of the realme , to assemble at saint andrewes where a learned man named master george wisc●art , that had beene in the schooles of germany , was accused of heresie , which he had ( as was alledged against him ) publikely preached , and privately taught in dundee , brechin , and divers other parts of scotland since his returne home . this matter was so urged against him , that he was convict , and burnt there in the towne of saint andrewes during the time of that convention or assembly . when these things were thus done , the cardinall , although he greatly trusted to his riches , yet because he was not ignorant what were the mindes of men , and what speeches the common people had of him , determined to increase his power with new devices ; wherefore he goeth into angus , and marryeth his eldest daughter ( as saith buc●anan ) to the earle of crawfords sonne ; which marriage was solemnized with great preparation , almost answerable to kingly magnificence ; during which time the cardinall understanding by his spies , that the english did prepare to invade the scottish borders on the sea ( and specially did threaten those of fife therewith ) returned to saint andrewes , and appointed a day to the nobility , and such as dwelled about the sea coasts , to assemble together to provide in common for the defence thereof , and to prepare remedy for that hastened evill ; for the easier and better performance whereof he had determined , together with the lords of that country , to have sayled himselfe about the coasts and to have defended such places as were most convenient : amongst others , that came unto him , there was a noble young gentleman called norman lesle , sonne to the earle of rothseie . this man ( after that he had many times imployed his valiant and faithfull diligence in the behalfe of the cardinall ) grew to some contention with the said cardinall for a private cause , which for a time did estrange both their mindes the one from the other ; this same contention did norman ( being thereto induced with many faire promises ) afterwards let fall ; but certaine monthes afterward when he returned to demand the performance of such liberall promises , they began to grow from common speech to bra●lings , and from thence to bitter ta●nts and reproaches , not fit to be used by any of them both ; whereupon they departed with the grieved mindes of every of them ; for the cardinall being intrea●ed more unreverently than he would or looked for ; and the other threatning that being ove●taken by deceite , he would revenge it , they bo●h returned discontented to their owne people . whereupon norman , declaring to his partakers the intollerable arrogancy of the cardinall , they easily agreed all to conspire his death● wherefore to the end that the same might bee lesse suspected , they departed in sunder afterward . this no●man accompanied onely with five of his owne traine , entred the towne of saint andrewes , and went into his acc●stomed inne and lodging , trusting that by such a small traine hee might cunningly dissemble the determination of the cardinalls death ; but there were in that towne , ten of those which had consented to his conspiracy , which closed in secret corners , som● in one place , and some in another , did onely expect the signe which was to be given un●o them to execute this devise , with which small company this norman fea●ed not to adventure the death of the cardinall in the same towne , furnished in every place with the servants and friends of the cardinall . whereupon the . of may the cardinall being within his castle of saint andrewes , certaine of his owne friends ( as hee tooke them ) that is to say , the sayd norman , lord kirkandie● the young lord of grange , and kirkmichell with sixteene chosen men , entred the castle very secretly in the morning , tooke the porter and all the cardinalls servants , thrusting them out of the place by a posterne gate , and that done passing to his chamber where he lay in bed , as he got up , and was opening his chamber doore , they slue him , and seized upon the artillery and munition , where with that fortresse was plentifully furnished , and likewise with rich hangings , houshold-stuffe of all sorts , apparell , copes , jewels , ornaments of churches , great store of gold and silver plate , besides no small quantity of treasure in ready coyne . sir iames leirmouth provost of saint andrewes assembled all the people of that towne for the rescue of the cardinall after he had heard that the conspirators were entred the ca●●le ; but they shewed the dead body of the cardinall over the walls as a spectacle to the people , and so they made no further attempt , sith they saw no meanes how to remedy or revenge the matter at that present . the cause that moved the conspirators thus to kill the cardinall , was thought to be partly in revenge of the burning of mr. george wischart , ●●aring to be served with the same sawce , and in the end to bee made to drinke of the same cup. partly it was thought they attempted it through counsell of some great men of the realme that had conceived some deadly hatred against him . his body after he was slaine , was buried in the castle in a dung-hill . the governour considering that his deere coze● the cardinall was thus made away , assembled the great lords of the realme● by whose advice he called a parliament , and ●orfeited them who had slaine the cardinall and kept the castle of saint andrewes : and withall he beseiged those that murthered him in the sayd castle three moneths space ; but it was so strongly furnished with all manner of artillery and munition by the cardinall in his life time , that they within cared little for all the inforcements that their adversaries without could enforce against them . after his death the governour , anno. . promoted * iohn hamilton the abbot of parslew his brother to the bishopricke of saint andrewe● , and gave the abby of arbroth ( granted before to iames beton the slaine cardinals kinsman ) to george dowglasse bastard sonne to the earle of angus , which things were afterwards occasions of great troubles in the realme . to appease which anno . the queene by the advice of her counsell to stop all occasion of publicke dissention , ended the controversies moved about the archbishoprickes of saint andrewes and glascow , and the bishoprickes of dunkeld and brechine , by bestowing them upon noblemens children , and upon such persons as worthily deserved them . this arch-bishop . comming out of france passed through england , and having other learned men in his company , did visite the king of england , of whom hee was most honourably and courteously received : from whence going into scotland , he was made treas●rer ; which office hee kept as long as his brother was governour , whom he did further in all good counsells at home , and save and defend in the war●es abroade . anno . * in iuly , august , and march , there was an assembly of the prelates and clergie of scotland held at edenburgh , in which certaine men and women of edenburgh , were accused of heresie , and burned at the towne crosse with ●aggots on their backes , whereupon great tumults were raysed there : for appeasing whereof , the lord seton was made governour of the towne . in this councell of all the prelates and clergie of scotland , the temporalty proponed divers articles of re●ormation ; as to have the prayers , and administration of the sacrament in the scottish tongue , the election of bishops and all beneficed men to passe by the voyces of the temporall lords and people and parishes , &c. all which the bishops refused to grant , where through there arose shortly af●er great troubles in scotland . for they perswading the queene regent to sommon master iohn knox and others to appeare before them at striveling ; for lacke of appearance they were denounced rebels , and put to the home : whereupon they and the burgesses of perth , with others , pulled downe the images and altars in all churches , and suppressed the houses of priors , and other religious places and abbies , both in perth , s. andrewes , edenburgh , and other places : whereupon the queene-regent , with the arch-bishops of saint andrewes and glascow , the bishops of dulkenden , dublane , with many other chiefe of the clergie , came to perth , and raised an army against the reformers ; who thereupon gathered an army to resist them ; which being ready to mee●e on couper more in battle , by the labour of some noble men the battle was stayed , and articles of agreement drawne betweene the regent and the lords of the reformed religion , the contents whereof you may reade in * les●e , * buchanan , and * holinshed . anno . a parliament was holden , and a disputation appointed betweene the protestant divines , and popish prelates , at what time the roman prelates behaved themselves so well , that they were commanded not to depart the towne , but to be present at the sermons of the ministers . in the winter the lords of the counsell gave faculties of benefices to divers of their friends , who put forth the prelates and received the fruites ; the earle of argile disposed dunkeld and dublane ; the earle of arran had the ordering of the bishoprickes of saint andrewes , and divers abbies : the like was used by other noblemen through all parts of the kingdome . in the same yeare , being the . of queene mary , he was with the queene beseiged in leith . anno . superintendents serving for the election of other ministers were chosen at edenburgh , whereof iohn spursword was one , chosen by the suffrage of all the people . * anno . this arch-bishop of saint andrewes , because after an edict made thereof , hee did no● abstaine from hearing and saying masse , was commit●ed prisoner to edenburgh castle , this arch-bishop still following the queenes part , he with others meeteth her in the yeare of christ . at muskleburow , and so attendeth on her , who no● long after in the yeare of christ . being about the fourth yeare of iames the sixth , was taken in the castle of dunbritaine , and sent prisoner into sterling , where being examined by the regent , matthew earle of lenox , about the mur●her of henry king of scot● , sonne to the sayd matthew , he was there drawne , hanged , and quartered● being the first arch-bishop that i have yet heard of ( writes thin ) that suffered so ignominous a death ; the manner whereof holinshed and chytraeus doth thus more largely relate . * the regent comming to striveling , caused the arch-bishop of s. andrewes , to be examined upon certaine articles , as well ●ouching the murther of the la●e king henry , as also for the death of the earle of murrey the late regent , at what time there came in a priest without compulsion of any , and before the regent declared , that one iohn hamilton being in extreame sicknesse , under confession told him , that the bishop did send him with three others to the murther of the king : and as touching the murther of the earle of murrey , the bishops flat answere was , he might have letted it , if he would . therewith the people that heard him cryed , away with him , hang him : and so for these and other offences for the which he had been foresalted before that time , he was now executed on a gibbet set up in the market place of striveling . patricke adamson * alias constance next succeeded in the archbishopricke of saint andrewes ; in his time anno . there was a parliament in edenburgh , wherein divers were made , and articles agreed upon touching religion and against popery : ●he third whereof was , that none of the adversaries and enemies of gods truth , shall enjoy the patrimony of the kirke . afterwards anno. . the question touching the bishops power was disputed in many assemblies , and a● length , anno. . in an assembly holden at du●die , their office was found to be unlawfull , not grounded on gods word , but introduced by the folly and corruptions of mens inventions , and thereupon una voce condemned , and abjured . anno . and . there were many contentions betweene the prelates and presbyters of scotland touching the jurisdiction of bishops , * which the assembly condemned , and the setling and confirming of religion , to the great disturbance of the realme , which i pretermit for brevity sake . the next yeare . the presbytery ( as they had many times done before ) did excommunicate their metropolitane the archbishop of saint andrewes and the rest of the bishops also , because they would not in all their actions support and confirme the doctrine which the presbytery had established , and maintaine the use of their episcopacy , which they had ordered to be simply abjured and relinquished , as an office to which they were not called by god ; which excommunication the presbytery did the more boldly pronounce , because they were supported by the assistance of master lindseie , a great enemy to this patrick adamson bishop of saint andrews . but the king in the beginning did assist him against them , and the arch-bishop did in like sort thunder an excomunication against them , which division ( writes thin ) not being meete to be in the clergie , who ought to be as the apostles were , of one heart and of one minde , will in the end ( as christ saith ) bring that realme to confusion ; for , omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur . at last this bishop excommunicated by the assembly at edenburgh , was enforced to renounce his archiepiscopall jurisdiction , and to make this publike recantation ( which quite subverts the pretended ius divinum of the prelacy ) in the synod of fiffe , aprill the . . * i confesse with a sincere minde without colour or fraud , that i have formerly erred in this , that i thought the government of the church to be like the regiment of terrene kingdomes , expresly against the precept of christ our lord ; and that the monarchy whereby the church is governed did not rest in the person of christ our saviour alone ( as it doth in truth ) but likewise in the ministers , who yet are nothing else but vassalls and clarks under christ , et aequales inter se , and equall among themselves , &c. lastly , i confesse that the office of a bishop , ( as now it is used and claimed ) omni authoritate verbi dei destituitur , & solo politico hominum commento fundatur , is destitute 〈◊〉 all authority from gods word , and founded onely upon the politicke device of men ; out of which the primacy of the pope or antichrist hath sprung . et merito damnandum est , and it is deservedly to be condemned ; because the assembly of the presbytery , who have the power of iurisdiction and inspection , both in visitations and in ordinations performeth all these things with greater authority , piety , and zeale than any one bishop , whose care for the most part is intent , not upon god , or their function , but the world , which he principally ordereth . consider after what sort it hath beene usurped these . yeares last past , with how great cruelty and tyranny they have exercised it , and thou shalt finde , that it hath beene the principall originall of suppressing the word of god in every kingdome , which will evidently appeare to any one who shall survey the ecclesiasticall history . this arch-prelate held correspondency with our english bishops from whom ( asking leave of the generall assembly to goe into england about his civill affaires onely , as he pretented ) he received his consecration to this arch-bishopricke in a secret manner , anno. . and then returned into scotland where he durst nor exercise his archiepiscopall authority openly for a space . king iames after he was made archbishop brought him from saint andrewes to edenburgh , that he might preach there openly in the great church ; the king himselfe accompanying him with his guard to secure him from the people brought him into the church , sending halfe of his guard to convey the bishop to the pulpit doore , which master iohn cooper ( one of the ordinary ministers of edinburgh ) had prepossessed , who standing up to say prayer and preach assoone as he perceived the king in his seate , the king perceiving it sayd , master iohn cooper , i will not have you preach this day , i command you to goe downe out of the pulpit , and let the bishop of saint andrewes come up and preach to me : to the which the ordinary minister replyed , please your majesty this is the day appointed to me to preach , and if it were your majesties pleasure , i would faine supply the place my selfe . but the king replyed againe , i will not heare you at this time , i command you to goe downe , and let master patricke adamson come up and preach this day ; and beside , the king had remembred that he should not have stiled him a bishop by reason there were so strait acts against them ; then master john cooper sayd , i shall obey sir , and came downe from the pulpit , yet the rest of the ministers that were there sitting with him at the entry of the pulpit did not open the doore to the bishop , while the king commanded him , and then so soone as the bishop was entred into the pulpit and began with low becke to doe reverence to the king and to other inferiour magistrates , the whole people rose out of their places with a great out-cry and lamentation , and ranne out of the church , especially the women , and when the guard thought to have kept them in , they ran over the guard , and master iohn cooper going also out of the church went to mr. robert bruce his house , the women all going with him , and many men , and there heard his sermon , which he should have preached in the church ; the fearefull noyse yet continuing in the church many running out of the church and some comming in againe to see whereto the matter would returne , made the king to cry out and say , what a devill ayles the people that they may not heare a man preach ? but cry what he would cry for the space of a long time , not any audience could be given ; so with what feare the bishop preacht that day , and with how little audience , they can best tell that considered the matter rightly : alwayes the king set the bishop in the midst of the guard , and so tooke him downe to the abbey with him ; but so soone as he came to saint andrewes againe , the presbytery entred in proces against him , for taking upon him to be a bishop , which they proved by many reasons ; but chiefely for that the king called him so ; and albeit they had many hinderances , and the king caused a great delay to be made , devising meanes to save him from excommunication ; yet in the end he was excommunicated by the provinciall assembly , albeit by the kings earnest dealing his excommunication was not published in all churches , as it should have beene , upon some promises which he made , and yet never performed them . this arch-bishop by the instigation of our english prelates writ and preached in defence of episcopacy , as he afterwards confessed in the synod of fiffe , where he retracted this his doctrine as erronious , and being put from his bishopricke , excommunicated and hated of the people , who put him to the horne for his debts , he fell into a great sicknesse , called a dogges appetite , and wanting meate to satisfie his hunger he was in manner starved to death , confessing in his sickenesse , that his sentence of excommunication was justly pronounced , and desired the assembly to release him from it for christs sake ; whereupon he was afterwards absolved , after his forementioned recantation . after this the very calling of bishops having beene condemned and abjured in the assembly at dundy as unlawfull , anno. . the church of scotland , upon this adamsons death continued free from the government and tyranny of bishops till king iames was possessed of the crowne of england , and some yeares after : at which time some ambitious scottish ministers stealing secretly into england , procured themselves to be consecrated bishops by our english prelates , and by certaine insensible degrees , by the helpe of our english bishops , by perjury , forgery , and other indirect meanes , with much difficulty and opposition , set up episcopacy againe in the church of scotland , to the great disturbance of that church and state : whereupon , after the assembly at glascow an. . ( where episcopacy was againe revived , by admitting ministers to have vote in parliament , though with many a limitation , which they afterwards frustrated and eluded by degrees ) one gladstaine was ordained arch-bishop of saint andrewes , who is credibly reported to have made a solemne recantation at his death for his acceptance of such an unlawfull office , which recantation was suppressed . after him one sprotswood succeeded , a very vicious , false and crafty machiavilian , who confederating with laud , now arch-bishop of canterbury , by his meanes procured himselfe to be made chancellor of scotland , who by reason of this great temporall office , was the better able to introduce all canterburies innovations into that church with more facility . this arch-prelate with the other prelates of scotland con●ederating with canterbury , who had usurped a kinde of generall and papall superintendency over all his majesties three kingdomes , in the yeare . framed a booke of canons and constitutions for the government of ●he scotland , tending to the utter subversion of the established discipline of that church , and opening a doore for many doctrinall and disciplinary errours , and innovations . and to prevent all obloquy against them , they enjoyne none to speake either against these canons , or the booke of common prayer which was to be set forth , under heavie censures . the next yeare following in iune . the sayd arch-bishop and bishops by canterburies direction caused a new booke of common prayer to be prin●ed for the use of the church of scotland , which was appointed by his majesties letters to be received as the onely forme of gods worship ; whereunto all subjects of that realme civill or ecclesiasticall ought to conforme , and the contraveners to be condignely punished . to set on this designe the better , every minister was by proclamation enjoyned , and some charged with letters of horning to buy two of the sayd bookes for the use of the parish ; and to scare all men from opposing it , canterbury in the very same month of june caused doctor bastwicke , mr. burton , and mr. prynne to be severely censured in the starchamber , for opposing his innovations here in england , which hee then intended to introduce into the church of scotland , and to be set in the pillory at westminster , where all o● them had their eares close cut off ; one of them his cheekes ●eared ; & this barbarous execution finished , even before their wounds were cured he then sent them away close prisoners to three remote castles , dr. bastwick to lanceston castle in co●newall ; mr. burton to lancaster ; and mr. prynne to carnarvan castle in north-wales , where they were shut up close prisoners , so that neither their wives , children , nor any of their friends , could have accesse to speake with them ; nor they so much as enjoy the liberty of pen , inke , or paper to write for necessaries , or the liberty of any licensed books , except the bible , and some few other bookes for private devotion . and not content herewith by an extrajudiciall order o● the lords , he soone after caused them to be conveyed close prisoners into the isle of iersie , garnsey , and silly , there to be close imprisoned in three castles , giving strict order that no man should be admitted to speake with them there ; nor dr. bastwickes , and mr. burtons wives , permitted so much as once to come into the islands where they were , and that all letters to them should be intercepted , and no pen , inke , or paper allowed them to write upon any occasion . this transcendent new kinde of prelaticall tyranny wherewith canterbury imagined to terrifie and appale the scots , comming to their eares , wrought quite contrary effects , stirring them up with greater animosity to resist the prelates encroachments both upon their consciences , lawes , liberties , and established discipline . whereupon when the bishop of edenburgh accompanied with the two arch-bishops and some other prelates of scotland , began the use of their new service booke in the chiefe church of edenburgh the . of iuly next after this sentence and execution , the most part of the people ( much discontented with such a great and sudden alteration , as imported a change , both of the externall forme and nature of the former publicke wor●hip ) did at one instant rise and hinder the new service , calling it superstitious and idolatrous , and the same was also stopped in another church of edenburgh , where it was to be reade by the bishop of arguile . this notwithstanding , the prelates procured by act of councell , the paine of death without all favour or mercy to be denounced against all those who should any wayes rai●e or speake against the bishops , or any of the inferior clergie , or against the service booke . they discharged the ministers and readers of edenburgh ( who refused the book ) their wonted service , and interdicted the publicke evening and morning prayer , reading of scriptures , singing of psalmes , for a long time , still pressing the buying and practising of the sayd booke by all ministers ; which mooved the ministers first to petition , and next many of the nobility , gentry , burgesses , and ministers to meete and to supplicate the lords of the privie counsell against the sayd bookes of canons and common prayers , and the illegall way of introducing the same ; till at last the bishops violence and practises forced the whole kingdome into a combustion against them , and caused them in their generall assembly at ed●nburgh , anno . not onely to abjure , but to extirpate episcopacy and banish all their bishops as incendiaries out of their realme , except the bishops of dunkeld and of orcanies , who recanted and abjured their episcopacy . canterbury and the prelates of scotland and england storming at these proceedings , take occasion from thence to raise up a civill warre betweene england , ireland , and scotland , thinking to restore episcopacy againe in that kingdome by force of armes . and when as this warre was happily pacified and all differences fully accorded , canterbury with his agents caused the former pacification ●o be annulled , new armes to be raised , and a fresh warre to be undertaken to the unsupportable expence and great danger of all his majesties three kingdomes , which by the prelates practises are at this day still enforced to maintaine three armies in the field ; and had the prelates bu● their wish , we had long ere this embrued our hands deepely in one anothers blood , and made our kingdomes so many aceldamaes to maintaine their antichristian pompe and lordlinesse . but blessed and for ever honoured and praysed be our gracious god , who hath miraculously continued and preserved our peace in the midst of war , and ●rustrated the designes of our blood-thirsty prelates ; turning their bellum episcopale ( as themselves termed it ) into a warre not for , but against themselves , to a probable extirpation of them for ever out of all three kingdomes , which have a long time groaned under their tyranny ; england , and ireland now desiring and petitioning earnestly to the parliament to be eased of their in●olerable yoake of bondage , as scotland hath already exonerated themselves thereof . now to manifest that this present warre originally sprung from the scottish prelates , and from canterbury , ( the very fountaine of all late mischiefes in all three kingdomes ) i shall neede no further evidence than the charge of the scottish commissioners against canterbury , presented to our present parliament , the coppie whereof ( though already in print ) i shall here insert as pertinent to my inten●●d theame . the charge of the scottish commissioners against the prelate of canterbury . novations in religion , which are universally acknowledged to be the maine cause of commotions in kingdomes and states , and are knowne to be the true cause of our present troubles , were many and great , beside the bookes of ordination , and homili●s , . some particular alterations in matters of religion , pressed upon us without order and against law , contrary to the forme established in our kirk . . a new booke of canons and constitutions ecclesiasticall . . a liturgie or booke of common●prayer , which did also carry with them many dangerous errours in matte●s of doctrine . of all which we challenge the ●relate of canterbury , as the prime cause on earth . and first , that this prelate wes the author and urger of some particular changes , which made great disturbance amongst us , we make manifest● ● by fourteene letters subscribed , w. cant. in the space of two yeares , to one of our pretended bishops , bannatine , wherein he often enjoyneth him , and other pretended bishops , to appeare in the chappell in their whi●es , connary to the custome of our kirk , and to his promise made to the pretended bishop of edenburgh , at the corona●●on , that none of them after that time , should be pressed to weare these garments , thereby moving him against his will to put them on for that time , wherein he directeth him to give order for saying the english service in the chappell twice a day , for his neglect shewing him that he wes disappointed o● the bishopricke o● edenburgh , promising him upon the greater care of these novations , advancement to a better bishopricke , taxing him for his boldnesse in pr●aching the sound doctrine of the reformed kirkes , against master mitchell , who had taught the errours of arminius in the point of the extent of the merit of christ , bidding him send up a list of the names of counsellours and senatours of the colledge of justice , who did not communicate in the chappell in a forme which was not received in our kirke , commending him when he found him obsequious to these his commands , telling him that he had moved the king the second time for the punishment of such as had not received in the chappell : and wherein he upbraideth him bitterly , that in his first synod at aberdein , he had onely disputed against our custome of scotland , of fasting sometimes on the lords day , and presumptuously censuring our kirke , that in this we were opposite to christianity it selfe ; and that amongst us ●here were no canons at all . more of this stuffe may be seene in the letters themselves . secondly , by two papers of memoirs and instructions from the pretended bishop of saint androis , to the pretended bishop of rosse , comming to this prelate , for ordering the affaires of the kirke and kingdome of scotland , as not onely to obtaine warrants , to order the exchequer , the privy counsell , the great commission of surrenders , the matter of balmerino's processe , as might please our prelates , but warrants also for sitting of the high commission court once a weeke in edenburgh , and to gaine from the noblemen , for the benefit of prelates , and their adherents , the abbacies of kelso , arbroith , s. androis , and lindors , and in the smallest matters to receive his commands , as for taking downe galleries , and stone-walls , in the kirkes of edenburgh , and saint androis , for no other end but to make way for altars , and adoration towards the east : which besides other evills , made no small noyse , and disturbance amongst the people , deprived hereby , of their ordinary accommodation for publique worship . the second novation which troubled our peace , wes a book of canons , and constitutions ecclesiasticall , obtruded upon our kirke , found by our generall assembly to be devised ●or establishing a tyrannicall power , in the persons of our prelates , over the worship of god , over the consciences , liberties , and goods of the people , and for abolishing the whole discipline and government of our kirke , by generall and provinciall assemblies , presbyteries , and kirke sessions , which was setled by law , and in continuall practise since the time of reformation ; that canterbury wes master of this worke is manifest . by a booke of canons sent to him , written upon the one side only , with the other side blank , for corrections , additions , & putting all in better order , at his pleasure , which accordingly wes done , as may appeare by interlinings , marginalls , and filling up of ●he blanke page with directions sent to our prelates ; and that it wes done by no other than canterbury , is evident by his magisteriall way of prescribing , and by a new copy of these canons , all written with saint androis owne hand , precisely to a letter , according to the former castigations , sent backe for procuring the kings warrant unto it , which accordingly wes obtained ; but with an addition of some other canons , and a paper of some other corrections : according to which the book of canons ●hus composed , wes published in print , the inspection of the bookes , instructions , and his letters of joy , for the successe of the worke , and of others letters of the prelate of london , and the lord sterling , to the same purpose , all which we are ready to exhibite , will put the matter out of all debate . besides this generall , there be some things more speciall worthy to be adverted unto , for discovering his spirit . . the fourth canon of cap. . forasmuch as no reformation in doctrine or discipline can be made perfect at once in any church ; therefore it shall , and may be lawfull for the church of scotland at any time to make remonstrance to his majesty , or his successors , &c. because this canon holdeth the doore open to more innovations , he writeth to the prelate of rosse his privy agent in all this worke , of his great gladnesse , that this canon did stand behind the curtaine , and his great desire that this canon may be printed fully , as one that was to be most usefull . secondly , the title prefixed to these canons by our prelates . canons agreed upon to be proponed to the severall synods of the kirke of scotland , is thus changed by canterbury ; canons and constitutions ecclesiasticall , &c. ordained to be observed by the clergy . he will not have canons come from the authority of synods , but from the power of prelates , or from the kings prerogative . thirdly , the formidable canon , cap. . . threatning no lesse than excommunication agai●st all such persons whosoever shall open their mouthes against any of these bookes , proceeded not from our prelates , nor is to be found in the copy sent from them , but is a thunder-bolt forged in canterburies owne fire . . our prelates in divers places witnesse their dislike of papists . a minister sall be deposed if he be found negligent to convert papists . chap. . . the adoration ●f the bread is a superstition to be condemned , cap. . . they call the absolute necessity of baptisme an errour of popery . cap. . . but in canterburies edition , the name of papists and popery is not so much as mentioned . . our prelates have not the boldnesse to trouble us in their canons , with altars , fonts , chancels , reading of a long liturgy before sermon , &c. but canterbury is punctuall , and peremptory in all these . although the words of the tenth canon cap. . be faire , yet the wicked intentions of canterbury and rosse , may be seene in the poynt of justification of a sinner before god , by comparing the canon as it came from our prelates , and as it wes returned from canterbury , and printed ; our prelates say thus ; it is manifest that the superstition of former ages , hath turned into a great prophanenesse , and that people are growne cold for the most part in doing any good , thinking there is no place to good workes , because they are excluded from justification . therefore shall all ministers , as their text giveth occasion , urge the necessity of good workes , as they would be saved , and remember that they are via regni , the way to the kingdome of heaven , though not causa regnandi , howbeit they be not the cause of salvation . here rosse giveth his judgement , that he would have this canon simply commanding good workes to be ●reached , and no mention made what place they have or have not in justification . upon this motion , so agreeable to canterburies mind , the canon is set downe as it standeth , without the distinction of via regni , or causa regnandi , or any word sounding that way , urging onely the necessi●y of good workes . . by comparing can. . cap. . as it was sent in writing from our prelates , and as it is printed at canterburies command , may be also manifest , that he went about to establish auricular confession , and popish absolution . . our prelates were not acquainted with canons for afflicting of arbitrary penalties : but in canterburies booke , wheresoever there is no penalty expresly set downe , it is provided that it shall be arbitrary , as the ordinary shall thinke f●ttest . by these and many other the like , it is apparent , what tyrannicall power he went about to establish in the hands of our prelates , over the worship , and the soules and goods of men , overturning from the foundation , the whole order of our kirke , what seeds of poperie he did sow in our kirke , and how large an entry he did make for the grossest novations afterward , which hath beene a maine cause of all their combustion . the third and great novation wes the booke of common prayer , administration of the sacraments , and other parts of divine service , brought in without warrant from our kirke , to be universally received as the onely forme of divine service , under all highest paines both civill and ecclesiasticall ; which is found by our nationall assembly , besides the popish frame , & formes in divine worship , to containe many popish errors , & ceremonies , and ●he seeds of manifold and grosse superstitions , and idolatries and to be repugnant to the doctrine , discipline , and order of our reformation , to the confession of faith , constitutions of generall assemblies , and acts of parliament , establishing the true religion : that this also wes canterburies worke we make manifest . by the memoirs , and instructions sent unto him from our prelates ; wherein they gave a speciall account of the diligence they had used , to doe all which herein they were enjoyned , by th● approbation of the service booke sent to them ; and of all the marginall corrections , wherein it varyeth from the english booke , shewing their desire to have some few things changed in it , which notwithstanding wes not granted : this we finde written by saint androis owne hand , and subscribed by him , and nine other of our prelates . by canterburies owne letters , witnesses of his joy , when the booke wes ready for the presse , of his prayers that god would speed the worke , of the hope to see that service set up in scotland , of his diligence to send for the printer , and di●ecting him to prepare a blacke letter , and to send it to his servants a● edenburgh , for printing this booke . of his approbation of his proofes sent from the presse . of his feare of delay , in bringing the worke speedily to an end , for the great good , ( not of that church , but ) of the church . of his encouraging rosse , who wes entrusted with the presse , to goe on in this peece of service without feare of enemies . all which may be seene in the autographs and by letters sent from the prelate of london , to rosse , wherein , as he rejoyceth at the sight of the scottish canons ; which although they should make some noyse at the beginning , yet they would be more for the good of the kirke , than the canons of edenburgh , for the good of the kingdome . so concerning the leiturgy he sheweth , that rosse had sent to him , to have an explanation from canterbury , of some passage of the service booke , and that the presse behoved to stand till the explanation come to edenburgh , which the●efore he had in haste obtained from his grace , and sent the dispatch away by canterburies owne conveyance . but the booke it selfe , as it standeth interlined , margined , and patcht up , is much more than all that is expressed in his letters , and the change● and supplements themselves , taken from the masse booke , and other romish ritualls , by which he maketh it to vary from the booke of england , are more pregnant testimonies of his popish spirit , and wicked inten●ions which he would have put in execution upon us , then can be denyed . the large declaration professeth , that all the variation of our booke , from the booke of england , that ever the king understood , wes in such things as the scottish humour would better comply with , than with that which stood in the english service . these popish innovations therefore have been surreptitiously inserted by him , without the kings knowledge , and against his purpose . our scottish prelates doe petition that something may be abated of the english ceremonies , as the crosse in baptisme , the ring in marriage , and some other things . but canterbury will not onely have these kept , but a great many more , and worse superadded , which wes nothing else , but the adding of ●ewell to the fire . to expresse and discover all , would require a whole booke , we sall onely touch some few in the matter of the communion . this booke inverteth the order of the communion in the booke of england , as may be seene by the numbers , setting downe the orders of this new communion , . . . . . . . . . . . of the divers secret reasons of this change , we mention one onely ; in joyning the spirituall praise and thanksgiving , which is in the booke of england , pertinently after the communion , with the prayer of consecration before the communion , and that under the name of memoriall , or oblation , for no other end , but that the memoriall and sacrifice of praise , mentioned in it , may be understood according to the popish meaning . bellar. de missa , lib. . cap. . not of the spirituall sacrifice , but of the oblation of the body of the lord. it seemeth to be no great matter , that without warrand of the booke of england , the presbyter going from the north end of the table , shall stand during the time of consecration , at such a part of the table , where he may with the more ease and decency use both hands ; yet being ●ryed , it importeth much , as , that he must stand with his hinder parts to the people , representing ( saith durand ) that which the lord said of moses , tho● shalt see my hinder parts . he must have the use of both his hands , not for any thing he hath to doe about the bread and wine , for that may be done at the north end of the table , and be better seene of the people : but ( as we are taught by the rationalists ) that he may be stretching forth his armes , to represent the extension of christ on the crosse , and that he may the more conveniently lift up the bread and wine above his head to be seen and adored of the people , who in the rubricke of the generall confession , a little before , are directed to kneele humbly on their knees , that the priests elevation so magnified in the masse , and the peoples adoration may goe together . that in this posture , speaking with a low voyce , and muttering ( for sometimes he is commanded to speake with a loud voyce , and distinctly ) he be no● heard by th● people , which is no lesse a mocking of god , and his people , then if the words were spoken in an unknowne language . as there is no word of all this in the english service ; so doth the booke in king edwards time , give to every presbyter his liberty of gesture , which yet gave such offence to bucer , ( the censurer of the booke : and even in cassanders owne judgement , a man of great moderation in matters of this kind ) that he calleth them , nunquam satis ex●●randos miss● gestus , and would have them to be abhorred , because they confirme to the simple and superstitious ter impiam & exitialem missae fiduciam . the corporall presence of christs body in the sacrament , is also to be found here : for the words of the masse-booke serving to this purpose , which are sharpely censured by bucer , in king edwards liturgy , and are not to be ●ound in the booke of england , are taken in here ; almighty god is in called , that of his almighty goodnesse he may vouchsafe so to blesse and sanctifie with his word and spirit , these gifts of bread and wine , that they may bee unto us the body and blood of christ. the change here is made a worke of gods omnipotency : the words of the masse , ut fiant nobis , are translated in king edwards booke , that they be unto us , which are againe turned into latine by alesius , vt fiant nobis . on the other part , the expressions of the booke of england , at the delivery of the elements of feeding on christ by faith , and of eating and drinking in remembrance that christ dyed for thee , are utterly deleated . many evidences there be in this part of the communion , of the bodily presence of christ , very agreeable to the doctrines taught by his secretaries , which this paper cannot containe . they teach us that christ is received in the sacrament , corporali●er , both objective and subjective . corpus christi est objectum quod recipitur , & corpus nostrum subjectum quo recipitur . the booke of england abolishe●h all that may import the oblation of any unbloody sacrifice , but here we have besides the preparatory oblation of the elements , which is neither to be found in the booke of england now , nor in king edwards booke of old , the oblation of the body and blood of christ , which bellarmine calleth , sacrificium laudis , quia deus per illud magnopere laudatur . this also agreeth well with their late doctrine . we are ready when it shall be judged convenient , and we shall be desired , to discover much more matters of this kinde , as grounds laid for missa sicca , or the halfe messe , the private messe without the people , of communicating in one kinde , of the consumption by the priest , and consummation of the sacrifice , of receiving the sacrament in the mouth , and not in the hand , &c. our supplications were many against these bookes , but canterbury procured them to be answered with terrible proclamations . we were constrained to use the remedy of protestation ; but for our pro●estations , and other lawfull meanes , which we used for our deliverance , canterbury procured us to be declared rebels and traitors , in all the parish kirkes of england : when we were seeking to possesse our religion in peace , against these devices , and novations , canterbury kindleth warre against us . in all these it is knowne that he was , although not the sole , yet the principall agent and adviser . when by the pacification at berwicke , both kingdomes looked for peace and quietnesse , he spared not openly in the hearring of many , often before the king , and privately at the counsell-table , and the privy iointo , to speake of us as rebels and traitors , and to speake against the pacification as dishonourable , and mee●e to be broken . neither did his malignancy and bitter●e●●e ever suffer him to rest , till a new warre was entred upon , and all things prepared for our destruction . by him was it that our covenant , approven by nationall assemblies , subscribed by his majesties commissioner , and by the lords of his majesties counsell , and by them commanded to be subscribed by all the subjects of the kingdome , as a testimony of our duty to god , and the king , by him was it still called ungodly , damnable , treasonable ; by him were oaths invented , and pressed upon divers of our poore countrey men , upon the paine of imprisonment , and many miseries , which were unwarrantable by law , and contrary to their nationall oath . when our commissioners did appeare to render the reasons of our demands , he spared not in the presence of the king , and committee , to raile against our nationall assembly , as not daring to appeare before the world , and kirkes abroad ; where himselfe and his actions were able to endure tryall , and against our just and necessary defence , as the most malicious and treasonable contempt of monarchicall government that any bygone age hath heard of : his hand also was at the warrant for the restraint and imprisonment of our commissioners , sent from the parliament , warranted by the king , and seeking the peace of the kingdomes . when we had by our declarations , remonstrances , and representations , manifested the truth of our inten●ions , and lawfulnesse of our actions , to all the good subjects of the kingdome of england , when the late parliament could not be moved to ass●st , or enter in warre against us , maintaining our religion , and liberties , canterbury did not onely advise the breaking up of that high and honourable court , to the grea● grie●e and hazard of the kingdome , but ( which is without example ) did sit still in the convocation , and make canons and constitutions against us , and our just and necessary defence , ordaining under all highest paines , that hereafter the clergy shall preach foure times in the yeare , such doctrine as is contrary not onely to our proceedings , but to the doctrine and proceedings of other reformed kirkes , to the judgement of all sound divines , and politiques , and tending to the utter slavery and ruining of all estates and kingdomes , and to the dishonour of kings and monarches . and as if this had not been sufficient , he procured sixe subsidies to be lifted of the clergy , under paine of deprivation to all that should refuse . and which is yet worse , and above which malice it selfe cannot ascend , by his meanes a prayer is framed , printed , and sent through all the paroches of england , to be said in all churches in time of divine service , next after the prayer for the queene , and royall progeny , against our nation by name of trayterous subjects , having cast off all obedience to our annoynted soveraigne , and comming in a rebellious manner to invade england , that shame may cover our faces , as enemies to god and the king. whosoever shall impartially examine what hath proceeded from himselfe , in these two bookes of canons and common prayer , what doctrine hath beene published and printed these yeares by-past in england , by his disciples and emissaries , what grosse popery in the most materiall points we have found , and are ready to shew in the posthume writings of the prelate of edenburgh , and dumblane , his owne creatures , his neerest familiars , and most willing instruments to advance his counsels , and projects , ●all perceive that his intentions were deepe and large against all the reformed kirkes , and reformation of religion , which in his majesties dominions wes panting , and by this time had rendred up the ghost , if god had not in a wonderfull way of mercy prevented us ; and that if the pope himselfe had beene in his place , he could not have beene more popish , nor could he more zealously have negotiated for rome , against the reformed kirkes , to reduce them to the heresies in doctrine ; the superstitions and idolatry in worship , and the tyranny in government , wh●ch are in that see , and for which the reformed kirkes did separate from it , and come furth of babell . from him certainely hath issued all this deluge , which almost ha●h overturned all . we are therefore confident that your lordships will by your meanes deale effectually wi●h the parliament , that this great firebrand be presently removed from his majesties presence , and that he may be put to tryall , and put to his deserved censure , according to the lawes of the kingdome ; which fall be good service to god , honour to the king and parliament , terrour to the wicked , and comfort to all good men , and to us in speciall , who by his meanes principally have beene put to so many and grievous afflictions , wherein we had perished , if god had not beene with us . we doe indeed confesse that the prelates of england have beene of very different humours , some of them of a more hot , and others of them , men of a more moderate temper , some of them more , and some of them lesse inclinable to popery , yet what knowne truth , and constant experience hath made undenyable , we must at this opportunity professe , that from the first time of reformation of the kirke of scotland , not onely after the comming of king iames of happy memory into england , but before , the prelates of england have beene by all meanes uncessantly working the overthrow of our discipline and government . and it hath come to passe of late , that the prelates of england having prevailed , and brought us to subjection in the point of governement , and finding their long waited for opportunity , and a rare congruity of many spirits and powers , ready to cooperate for their ends , have made a strong assault upon the whole externall worship , and doctrine of our kirke . by which their doing they did not aime to make us conforme to england , but to make scotland first ( whose weak●nesse in r●sisting they had before experienced , in the novations of government , and of some poynts of worship ) and thereafter england conforme to rome , even in these matters , wherein england had separated from rome , ever since the time of reformation . and evill therefore which hath issued , not so much from the personall disposition of the prelates themselves , as from the innate quality and nature of their office , and prelaticall hierarchy , which did bring furth the pope in ancient times , and never ceaseth till it bringeth furth popish doctrine and worship , where it is once roo●ed , and the principles thereof fomented and constantly followed . and from that antipathy and inconsistency of the two formes of ecclesiasticall government , which they conceived , and not without cause , that one island united also under one head , and monarch , wes no● able to beare : the one being the same in all the parts and powers , which it wes in the times of popery , and now is in the roman church : the other being the forme of government , received , maintained , and practised by all the reformed kirks , wherein by their owne testimonies , and confessions , the kirke of scotland had amongst them no small eminency . this also we represent to your lordships most serious consideration , that not onely the firebrands may be removed , but that the fire may be provided against , that there be no more combustion after this . i shall close up all touching the prelates of scotland , with the late act of their generall assembly at edenburgh , for their utter extirpation out of that church ; and the recantation , and abjuration of two of their late bishops , to wit , the bishop of dunkelden , and of the orcanies . the generall act for abolishing of episcopacy , and all innovation● lately intended in the church of scotland . the kings majesty having graciously declared , that it is his royall will and pleasure that all questions about religion , and matters ecclesiasticall , be determined by assemblies of the kirke , having also by publique proclamation indicted this fr●e national assembly , for setling the present distraction of this kirke ; and for establishing a perfect peace against such divisions and disorders as hath beene sore displeasing to his majesty , and grievous to all his good subjects ; and now his majes●ies commissioner iohn , earle of traquaire , instructed and authorized with a full commission , being present , and sitting in this assembly , now fully conveened and orderly constitute in all the members thereof , according to the order of this kirke , having at large declared his majesties good will to the reformed religion , and his royall care and tender affection to this kirke where his majesty had both his birth and baptisme , his great displeasure at the manifold distractions and division of this kirk and kingdome , and his desires to have all our wounds perfectly cured with a free and fatherly hand : and although in the way approved by the kirke tryall hath beene taken in former assemblies before , from the kirke registers to our full satisfaction , yet the commissioners grace making particular enquiry from the members of the assembly , now solemnely conveened , concerning the reall , and true causes of so many and great evills at this time past , had so fore troubled the peace of this kirke and kingdome , it was presented to his majesties commissioner by this assembly , that beside many other , the maine and most materiall causes was : first , the pressing of this kirke by the prelates with a service booke , or booke of common prayer , without direction or warrant from the kirke , and containing ( beside the popish forme thereof ) diverse popish errours and ceremonies , and the s●eds of manifold grosse superstitions and idolatry , with a booke of canons without warrant or direction from the generall assembly , establishing a tyrannicall power over the kirke in the person of bishops , and overthrowing the whole discipline and acts of our kirke ; and with the high-commion erected without the consent of the kirke , subverting the jurisdiction and ordinary judicatories of this kirke , and giving to persons meerely ecclesiasticall power of both swords , and to persons meerely civill , the power of the keyes and kirke censures . a second cause was the articles of perth , viz. observation of festivall dayes , kneeling at the communion , confirmation , administration of the sacraments in private places , which was brought in by a civill assembly , and are contrary to the confession of faith , as it was meant and subscribed anno . . and diverse times since to the order and constitution of this kirke . thirdly , the change of the government of the kirke , from the assembly of the kirke , to the persons of some kirkemen usurping the priority and power over their brethren , by the way and under the name of episcopall government against the confession of faith . against the order set downe in the booke of policy , and against the intentions and constitutions of this kirke from the beginning . fourthly , the civill places and power of kirkemen , their sitting and voycing in parliament , and their sitting on the bench as justices of peace , which according to the constituons of this kirke , are incompatible with their spirituall functions , lifting them up above the brethren in worldly pompe , tending to the hinderance of the ministery . fifthly , the keeping and authorizing of corrupt assemblies at linlithgrow , . and . and at glascow . . at aberdin at saint andrewes . . at perth , ● . which are null and unlawfull , as being called and constitu●e quite contrary to the order and constitutions of this kirke , received and practized ever since the reformation o● religion , and withall labouring to introduce novation within this ki●ke against the order and religion established . a sixth cause is the want of the lawfull and free generall assemblies rightly constitute , of pastors , doctors , and elders , yearely or oftner pro re nata , according to the liberty of this kirke , expressed in the booke of policy , and acknowledged in the act of parliament , . after which his majesties commissioner having heard patiently and examined particularly , and all objections to the contrary , being answered to the full : the whole assembly with expresse consent of his majesties commissioner in one heart and voyce did declare , that these and such other , proceeding from the neglect and breach of the nationall covenant of this kirke and kingdome , made in anno . have beene indeed the true and maine cause of all our evils and distractions . and therefore ordaines , according to the constitutions of generall a●semblies of this kirke , and upon the grounds respective above specified , that the foresaid service booke , bookes of canon and ord●nation , and the high-commission be still rejected . that the articles of perth , be no more practised . that episcopall government , and the civill places and power of kirkemen , be holden still as unlaw●ull in this kirke . that the above named pretended assemblies at linlithgrow , . and . at glascow , . at aberdene , . at saint andrewes , , at perth . be hereafter accounted of , as null , and of none effect . and that for preservation of religion , and preven●●ng of all such evils in time comming , generall assemblies rightly constitute , as the perfit and competent judge of all matters ecclesiasticall , hereafter be kept yearely , and oftner , as occasion and necessity shall require . the necessity being first remonstrate to his majesty by humble supplication , as also of these occasionall assemblies . that kirke sessions , presbyteries , and synodall assemblies be constitute , and observed according to the booke of policy , and order o● this kirke . the bishop of dunkell his recantation . be it knowne to all men , me master alexander lindsay , minister of sinadois ; for so much as i , by my missive letter sent by me to the generall assembly of the kirke of scotland , holden at glascow the . of november last past , did freely submit my selfe , demit and lay downe at the foot of the assembly , my pretended office of episcopacy , as pretended bishop of dunkell , and by my letter promised to subscribe what ample forme of commission , there anent the said assembly should prescribe , and now the said reverent assembly hath found , and declared the said office of episcopacy , as it hath beene te●med and used within the said kirke of scotland , to be abjured by the comession of faith , . and , and . and therefore hath decerner the said office to be removed out of the said kirke of scotland , as also seeing the said reverent assembly hath decernet me according to my said letter , to subscribe a more ample forme of demission , of the said pretended office in presence of sir iohn montcrieff , of that ilke knight baronet , master robert murrey , minister at methuen , master iohn roberton , minister at perth , master alexander petrie , minister at rinde , and thomas durham , burgesse of perth , commissioners appointed by them for that effect . therefore , and for performance of my said letter , and in obedience to the ordinance of the said reverent . assembly ; wit ye me to have demitted quite , claim'd and simpliciter overgeven , like as i now in presence of the said commissioners , freely demits , quite claimes and simpliciter overgists the ●oresaid pretended office of episcopacy of dunkell , with the whole title , stile , name , and dignity thereof , power of ordination , jurisdiction thereof , voyce in parliament , and all usurpation of the same in time comming , and faithfully promises , and by these presents binds and obliges me never to exercise nor use the said pretended office in the said kirke of scotland , nor no power of ordination , jurisdiction , voyce in parliament , neither any other power ecclesiasticall belonging , usurped , and acclaimed to belong to the said pretended office , like as according to the act of the said reverent assembly , i acknowledge the said office of episcopacy to be abjured in the foresaid confession of faith , and therefore most justly ought to be removed out of this said kirke of scotland , and the whole premises , i heartily acknowledge , as i will answer to god : in testimony hereof , i have subscribed these presents with my hand . like as for further security hereof , i am content , and consent , that these presents be insert and registrate in the generall bookes of assembly , therein to remaine ad futuram rei memoriam . and to that effect constitute — my lawfull procutors , promittendo de rato . in witnesse whereof , written by robert readhench serviteur to patricke rosse , notaire in perth . i have subscribed the same with my hand , as said is , at saint andrewes , the . of ianuary , . before these witnesses , master iohn paterson , master alexander dundie , student in perth , and george boswell serviteur to the said sir george mont●rieff . the bishop of orkneyes recantation . to all and sundry whom it concernes , to whose knowledge these presents shall come , especially to the reverent and honorable members of the future assembly , to be holden at edenburgh , the . day of august , . i master george gryame , sometime pretended bishop of orkney , being sorry , and grieved at my heart , that i should ever for my worldly respect imbraced the order of episcopacy , the same having no warrant from the word of god , and being such an order as hath had sensibly many fearefull and evill consequences in many parts of christendome , and particularly , within the kirke of scotland , ( as by dolefull and deplorable experience this day is manifest ) to have disclaimed , like as i by the tenour hereof , doe altogether disclaime and abjure all episcopall power and jurisdiction with the whole corruptions thereof , condemned by lawfull assemblies , within the said kirke of scotland , in regard the same is such an order , as is also abjured within the said kirke , by vertue of that nationall oath , which was made in the yeare , and . promising , and swearing by the great name of the lord our god , that i shall never while i live , directly , nor undirectly exercise any such power within the kirke , neither yet shall i ever approve or allow the same , not so much as in my private or publike discourse . but on the contrary shall stand and adhere to all the acts and constitutions of the late assembly holden at glascow , the . of november , last by-past in anno ; and shall concurre to the uttermost of my power sincerely , and faithfully , as occasion shall offer , in executing the said acts , and in advancing the worke of reformation within this land to the glory of god , the peace of the country , and the comfort and contentment of all good christians , as god shall be my helpe . in testimony of the which premises , i have subscribed these presents with my hand , in bricknes in straines , the second of february , anno dom. . before these witnesses : master ●●●ter stewart , minister at sou● randsley , master iames cheynie minister at buckwall . master robert pee●sone , minister at firs● , and master patricke gryame minister a● holme my sonne . before i passe to the irish prelates , i shall close up this of the scottish prelates , with this merry story out of the booke of martyrs . * not long after the burning of david stratton , and master gurlay , in the dayes of david beaton , bishop , and cardinall of saint andrewes , and george tre●chton , bishop of dunkelden , a canon of sain● colmes inche , and vicar of delene , called deane thomas forret , preached every sunday to his parishioners out of the epistle or gospell , as it fell for the time , which then was a great novelty in scotland , to see any man preach , except a blacke fryer , or a gray fryer ; and therefo●e ●he fryers envyed him , and accused him to the bishop of dunkelden , ( in whose diocesse he remained ) as an heretique , and one that shewed the mysteries of the scriptu●es to ●he vulgar people in english , to make the clergy detestable in the sight of the people . the bishop of dunkelden , moved by the fryers instigation , called the said deane t●omas , and said to him . my joy deane thomas , i love you well , ( and ●herefore i must give you my counsell , how you shall rule and guide your selfe . to whom thomas said , i thanke your lordship heartily . then the bishop began his counsell on this manner . my joy deane thomas , i am enformed that you preach ●he epistle or gospell every sunday to your parishioners , and that you take not the cow , nor the uppermost cloath from your parishioners , which thing is very prejudiciall to the church men , and therefore my joy deane thomas , i would you tooke your cow , and your uppermost cloath , as other church men doe , or else it is too much to preach every sunday ; for in so doing you may make the people thinke that we should preach likewise . but it is enough for you , when you find any good epistle , or any good gospel , that setteth forth the liberty of the holy church , to preach that , and let the rest be . thomas answered , my lord , i thinke that none of my parishioners will complaine that i take not the cow , nor the uppermost cloath , but will gladly give me the same , together with any other thing that they have , and i will give and communicate with them any thing that i have , and so my lord we agree right well , and there is no discord among us . and where your lordship saith , it is too much to preach every sunday ; indeede i thinke it is too little , and also would wish that your lordship did the like . nay , nay , dean thomas ( saith my lord ) let that be , for we are not ordained to preach . then sayd thomas , where your lordship biddeth me preach , when i finde any good epistle , or any good gospell , truely my lord i have read the new testament and the old , and all the epistles and gospells , and among them all i could never finde any evill epistle , or any evill gospell , but if your lordship will shew me the good epistle , and the good gospell , and the evill epistle , and the evill gospell , then i shall preach the good , and omit the evill . then spake my lord stoutly and sayd , i thanke god that i never knew what the old and new testament was , ( and of these words rose a proverbe which is common in scotland , ye are like the bishop of dunkelden● that knew neither new nor old law ) therefore deane thomas , i will know nothing but my portuise and my pontificall . goe your way , and let be all these fantasies , for if you persevere in thes● erronious opinions ye will repe●t it , when you may not mend it● thomas sayd , i trust my cause be just in the presence of god , and therefore i passe not much what doth follow thereupon : and so my lord and he departed at that time . and soone after a summons was directed from the cardinall of saint andrewes , and the sayd bishop of dunkelden upon the sayd deane thomas forret , upon two blacke fryers , called fryer iohn kelow , and another called benarage , and upon one priest of striveling called duncane sympson , and one gentleman called robert foster in striveling , with other three or foure with them of the towne of striveling , who at the day of their appearance after their summoning were condemned to the death , without any place for recantation , because ( as was alleadged ) they were heresiarches , or chiefe heretiques and reachers of heresies , and especially because many of them were at the bridall and marriage of a priest , who was vicar of twybody beside st●iveling , and did eate flesh in lent at the sayd bridall , and so they were all together burnt upon the castle hill at edenburgh , where they that were first bound to the stake , godly and marvellously did comfort them which came behind . this bishop of dunkeld and david beton arch-bishop of saint andrewes , were very great persecutors of the true professors of the gospell whom they burnt and put to death ; the story of whose persecutions he that list may reade in master fox his act● and monuments , edit . ult . vol. . p. . to . to which i shall referre the reader . and thus much briefely touching the disloyall , seditio●s and schismaticall acts of the scottish prelates , i now proceed to those of ireland , in whom i shall be briefe . the irish bishops . in the yeare of grace . * hamo de wa●is , with the other gardians of ireland , and earle iohns men , offered some injury to iohn cumin , arch-bishop of dublin , whereupon the archbishop willing rather to be banished , then to suffer such great injuries to himselfe and his church to goe unpunished , excommunicated the foresayd presumers and passed a sentence of interdict against his arch-bishopricke and departed , commanding the crosses and images of the cathed●all church to bee taken downe and hedged about with thornes , that so those malefactors might be terrified , and recalled from their will of preying upon the goods of the church . but they still persisting in their maligne purpose , there happened a miracle not hea●d of in our times . there was a crucifix in the cathedrall church of dublin , wherein the image of christ was more exactly carved , than in all others in ireland or elsewhere , which they had in most veneration . this image being layd prostrate on the ground and hedged about with thornes , on the sixt weeke fell into a trance , and his face ( i doubt if true by the arch-bishops or priests legerdemaine ) appeared overspread with a vehement rednesse , as if it had beene in a fiery furnace , and a great sweate issued out of its face , and little drops fell down from its eyes , as if it wept , and on the sixth houre of that day blood and water issued out of its left side , and on the right side of its brest , which the ministers of that church diligently gathering up , sent an ambassie after their arch-bishop iohn c●min commanding him to certifie the pope the event hereof , under the testimony and seales of venerable men . yet the other bishops of ireland albeit they had often read en tua res agitur paries cum proximus arde● , notwithstanding passed by the dammages and injuries which the servants of iohn earle of morton had done to their fellow bishop , with closed eyes , and become like rammes not having hornes , they retired from the face of the pursuer . but iohn bishop of dublin , being in exile came to richard the first , king of england , and iohn earle of morton his brother , but could have no justice , nor restitution of the things taken from him . it seemes his cause therefore was not good . after which hee continued long in england , leaving both his chur●h and diocesse still under interdiction , and the others under the sentence of excommunication . o what impiety and malice is there in prelates who for a meere supposed injury from one or two , will interdict an whole kingdome or dioces●e , and wil rob god of his publicke service ( as they account it ) and me●s soules of all spirituall food and exercises of religion , to wrecke their malice upon an enemie or two ? but this hath beene their common atheisticall practise : god and men m●st suffer in the highest degree , rather than they lose their wills or the smallest punctilio of their usurped antichristian honour . anno. . this arch-bishop dying , henry condies succeeded him , who was called * scorch villeyn , by occasion of a certaine treacherous act of his ; for one day calling his tenants before him to answere by what tenure they held of him , those tenants shewing him their deedes and charters , he commanded their deedes and charters to be burned ( of purpose to disinherit them of their rights ) for which most unjust act , the freeholders ever called him henry scorch-villein : he was justice of ireland , and built dublin castle , bu● of his preaching to build men up in grace , i finde not one syllable . anno . * fryer roland ioce primate of armach arrived at the isle of houth the morrow after the annunciation of the ble●sed virgin mary , and rising in the night by stealth , tooke up his crosier , and advanced it as ●arre as the priory of g●ace dieu ; whom there encountred certaine of the arch bishop of dublins servants ( iohn leekes was then arch-bishop of this see ) debasing and putting downe that crosier ; and the primate himselfe o● armach they chased with disgrace and confusion out of lem●ter . anno. . alexander de bickner , arch-bishop of dublin being in england , joyned with th● arch-bishops and bishops of england in rescuing adam de arlton bishop of hereford even when he was openly arraigned for high treason against king edward the second at the parliament barre : the highest affront that ever i read offered to publicke justice ; the story whereof is formerly recited at large , p. . . & anno● . he * sided with the queene and other prelates against king edward the second his soveraigne , to his deposall and destruction , in which he was very active . anno. . on the * vigill of saint marke the evangelist , the o-tothely came to tavelagh , and robbed this alexander arch-bishop of dublin , * tooke away three hundred sheepe , and slew bichard white , and other men of his company , the retinue of the lord archbishop of dublin , were by a traine or ambush slaine by david o-tothill in culiagh . anno. . whiles iohn charlton was lord justice and held a parliament at dublin , * doctor david o-hirraghey arch-bishop of armach being called to the parliament made his provision for house-keeping in the monastery of saint mary neere unto dublin ; but because he would have had his crosier carried before him , he was impeached by alexander arch-bishop of dublin and his clerkes , and permit him they would not . anno. . the * arch-bishop of cassel● in ireland , came from rome , sent thither for certaine urgent causes , bringing backe with him a great power of binding and loosing from the pope ; when he came to london , preaching to the people , he denounced the king of franc● , and as many as adhered to the anti-pope , to be involved in the sentence of excommunication , affirming that even now it would be an acceptable time to england , as well in the cause of the king of england as of the pope , to invade the kingdome of france , especially since it was probable , that a king excommunicated would not have any confidence of resisting . thus this messenger of peace proves a publicke herald to proclaime warre . the king of france on the other side , makes proclamation through all his kingdome , that none should obey pope vrban , and if any did ●ee should be beheaded , and all his goods should be confiscated to the kings use : after which the confederates of pope clement and vrban , meeting in the field , above . were slaine on clements part in one battle , with bernard decksale their generall , and many more afterwards . anno. . there was a parliament , held at dublin , at which time * richard o-hedian bishop of cassell was accused by iohn gese bishop of lismore and waterford , upon . articles layd to his charge . after all that , he charged him that he made very much of the irish , and loved none of the english ; that he bestowed no benefice upon any english man , and gave order likewise unto other bishops that they should not conferre the least living tha● was ●pon them . that he counterfeited the king of englands seale , and the kings letters patents , that he went about to make himselfe king of mounster ; also that he tooke a ring away from the image of saint patricke , which the earle of desmund had offered , and bestowed it upon an harlot of his , beside many other enormities , which he exhibited in writing : and the lords and commons were much troubled betweene these twaine . now in the same parliament there was debate betweene adam pay bishop of clon , and another prelate , ●or that he sayd adam went about to unite the others church unto his , but the other would not ; and so they were ●ent and referred unto the court of rome , and this parliament lasted . dayes . anno● . iohn allen arch-bishop of dublin , chaplaine to cardinal wolsie and his creature , put the earle of * kildare to great trouble wrongfully , to take away his life , and that out of affection to his lord and master the cardinall . this arch-bishop , anno. . h. ● was specially and by name excepted out of the kings generall pardon of the premunire and other offences , granted to all the clergie that yeare , as appeares by the act it sel●e . . h. . c. . no doubt it was because the king tooke speciall notice of some great injuries and mis-demeanors by him committed , which he meant to question him for . after this , meaning to sayle into england , anno. . and that secretly lurking● as tartajus , thomas fitzgerald and others apprehended and haled him out of his bed , brought him naked in his ●hirt , bare footed and bare headed to their captaine , whom when the archbishop espied , incontinently hee kneeled , and with a pitifull countenance and lamentable voyce he besought him for the love of god , not to remember former injuries , but to weigh his present calamity , and what malice so ever he bare his person , yet to respect his calling and vocation , in that his enemy was a christian , and he among christians an arch-bishop . as he spake thus , bequeathing his soule to god , his body to his enemies merc● , thomas stibon without compassion , and withall inflamed wi●h desire of revenge , turned his horse aside , saying in irish , away with the churle , meaning the arch-bishop should be detained as prisoner● but the caitifes present , mis●onstring his words , murthered the arch-bishop without further delay , brained and hackt him in gobbets , his blood withall crying to god for revenge ; the place ever since hath beene hedged and imbarred on every side , ungrowne and unfrequented for the de●estation of the fact ; rough and ●igorous justice , deadly hatred of the giraldins for his masters wolsies sake , and his owne , as he had much crossed and bridled them in their governments , promoted their accusations , and forged a letter against them to their prejudice and danger as was likely , was the cause of his ruine . anno. . marice a runne gate priest going to rome was consecrated arch-bishop of cashell by the pope : * arriving in ireland , he made challenge to the same see ; which being denyed to him by the arch-bishop placed there by the queene , the sayd supposed bishop sudainely with an irish scaine , wounded the bishop , and put him in danger of his life . * anno● . the lord chiefe justice of ireland upon suspition of treason , committed the chauncellor of liviricke to prison , for which he was indicted and found guilty ; and the bishop likewise upon the same su●pition was committed prisoner to his owne hou●e . anno. . * the rebells of mounster by their agents , a certaine spaniard elect arch-bishop of dublin , the bishop of clonfort , the bishop of killaloe , and archer a jesuite , had obtained at leng●h with praying , intreating and earnest beseeching at the king of spaines hands , that succour should be sent into mounster to the rebels , under the conduct of don iohn d' aquila , upon assured hope conceived , that all mounster would shortly revolt , and the titular earle of desmond , and floren● mac-carti joyne great aydes unto them ; but sir george carew the lord president of mounster , had providently before intercepted them , and sent them over into england . whereupon d' aquila arrived at kinsale in mounster with two thousand spaniards , old souldiers , and certaine irish fugitives , the last day of october , and straight wayes having published a writing wherein he gloriously stiled himselfe with this title ( master generall and captaine of the catholike king in the warre of god , for holding and keeping the faith in ireland ) endeavoureth to make the world beleeve , that queene elizabeth by the definitive sentences of the pope , was deprived of her kingdomes , and her subjects absolved and freed from their oath of allegiance , and that he and his men were come to deliver them out of the devills clawes and the english tyranny . and verily with th● goodly pretence , he drew a number of lewd and wicked persons to band and side with him through these prelates meanes . i have now given a short account of some of ●he irish prelates disloyall and seditious actions in ●ormer ages ; which i shall close up with the accusations and proceedings against some of them within the limits of this last yeare . on the fourth of march last the whole house of commons in ireland , sent up these articles of high treason against iohn bramham bishop of derry and others , to the upper house of parliament there , which i finde printed with captaine aud●ey mermin his speech , who presented them , at the time of their transmission . articles of the knights , citizens and burgesses in the parliament assembled , against sir richard bolton knight , lord chancellour of ireland , iohn lord bishop of derry , and sir gerard lowther knight , lord chiefe iustice of the common pleas , and sir george ratcliffe knight in maintenance of the accusation , whereby they and every of them stand charged with high treason . first , that they the sayd iohn lord bishop of derry , &c. intending the destruction of the common-wealth of this realme , have trayterously confederated and conspired together , to subvert the fundamentall laws and government of this kingdome , and in pursuance thereof , they and every of them , have trayterously contrived , introduced , and exercised an arbitrary and tyrannicall government against law , throughout this kingdome by the countenance and assistance of t●omas earle of strafford , then chiefe governour of this kingdome . that they and every of them , the sayd iohn lord bishop of derry , &c. have trayterously assumed to themselves , and every of them regall power over the goods , persons , lands , and liberties of his majesties subjects of this realme , and likewise have maliciously , perfidiously and trayterously given , declared , pronounced , and published many false , unjust , and erronious opinions , judgements , sen●ences , and decrees , in extra judiciall manner against law , and have perpetrated , practised , and done many other trayterous and unlawfull acts and things , whereby as well divers mutinies , seditions and rebellions have beene raised , as also many thousands of his majesties liege people of this kingdome , have beene ruined in their goods , lands , liberties , and lives , and many of them being of good quality and reputation have beene utterly defamed by pillory , mutilation of members and other infamous punishments : by meanes whereof his majesty and the kingdome have beene deprived of their service in juries , and other publique imployments , and the generall trade and traffique of this island for the most part destroyed , and his majesty highly damnified in his customes and other revenues . that they the sayd iohn lord bishop of derry , &c. and every of them the better to preserve themselves , and the sayd earle of strafford , in these and other trayterous courses , have laboured to subvort the rights of parliament and the ancient course of parliamentary proceedings : all which offences were contrived , committed , perpetrated , and done at such time as the sayd sir richard bolton , sir gerard lowther , and sir george radcliffe knights , were privie counsellours of state within this kingdome , and against their and every of their oathes of the same , at such times as the sayd sir richard bolton knight , was lord chancellour of ireland , or chiefe baron of his majesties exchequer within this kingdome , and sir gerard lowther knight , was lord chiefe justice of the sayd court of common pleas , and against their oathes of the same , and at ●uch time as the sayd iohn lord bishop of derry , was actuall bishop of derry within this kingdome , and were done and speciated contrary to their and every of their allegiance , severall and respective oathes taken in that behalfe . for which the sayd knights , citizens , and burgesses doe impeach ●he sa●d iohn lord bishop of der●y , &c. and every of them of high treason again●t our soveraigne lord the king his crowne and dignity● what proceedings will insue upon this accusation against this prela●e , time will discover . not to mention ●he lewd , beastly , sodomiticall life and most detestable actions of aderton bishop of wa●e●ford●n ●n ireland , for which he was lately a●●aigned , condemned and hanged as a bishop without any preceding degradation , to the great dishonour of his rochet ; i shall close up this historicall epitome of the irish bishops , with a petition and remonstrance of many thousand protestan● inhabitants in severall counties of ireland , against episcopacy , presented lately to the high court of parliament here in england ; whe●ein the evill ●ruites , and seditious , oppressive ungodly practises of the present irish prelates , are fully anatomized . to the honourable assembly of knights , citizens , and burgesses , in this present parliament . the humble petition of some of the protestant inhabitants of the counties of antrim , downe , tyrone , &c. part of the province of ulster , in the kingdome of ireland ; humbly representeth unto your grave wisedomes , and judicious considerations , that your petitioners having translated themselves out of the severall parts of his majesties kingdomes of england and scotland to promote the infant plantation of ireland , wherein your petitioners by their great labour and industry so much contributed to the settlement of that kingdome , as they were in a most hopefull way of a comfortable abode , and when they expected to reape the ●●uite of their great and long labour , partly by the cruell severity and a●bit●ary proceedings of the civill magistrate , but principally through th●●nblest way of the prelacy with their faction , ou● soules are starved , our estates undone , out famil●es impoverished , and many lives among us , cut off and destro●ed . t●e prelates ( whose pretended authority , though by some pub●●shed to be by divin● right , as we humbly conceive is directly against the same ) have by their canons of late , their fines , fees , and imprisonments at their pleasure , their silencing , suspending , banishing and excommunicating of our learned and conscionable ministers , their obtruding upon us ignorant , erronious and prophane persons to be our teachers , their censuring of many hundreds even to excommunication , for matters acknowledged by all , to be indifferent , and not necessary , their favouring popery , ( in this kingdome a double ●ault ) their persecuting purity , and indeavouring to bring all to a livelesse formality , divers of them being notorious incendiaries of the unquietnesse and unsetled estate betweene these kingdomes with many the like too tedious to relate , as more fully in our ensuing grievances doth appeare . these our cruell taske-masters have made of us who were once a people , to become as it were no people , an astonishment to our selves , the object of piety and amazement to others , and hopelesse of remedy , unlesse hee with whom are bowels of compassion , worke in you an heart to interpose for your petitioners reliefe . they therefore most humbly pray that this unlawfull hierarchicall government with all their appendices may be utterly extirpated , such course layd downe , as to your great wisedomes shall ●eeme meete for reparation in some measure of our un-utterable dammages , ●ustained by the parties thus injuriously grieved , your petitioners setled in a way whereby their persecuted ministers may have leave to returne from exile , and be freed from the unjust censures imposed on them , ●●d an open doore continued unto us for provision of a powerfull and able ministry , the onely best way to promote plantation , and settle the kingdome in the profession and practise of true religion . which as it is the earnest expectation , so it shall be the dayly prayer of many thousands besides your petitioners who will ever ent●eate the lord for your direction herein , and in all other your waighty , and important affaires , as becommeth your poore petitioners , &c. a particular of manifold evills and heavie pressures , caused and occasioned by the prelacy , and their dependants . before they had so much as a pretended canon for their warrant the prelates urged their ceremonies with such vehemency , that divers of our most learned and painefull ministers for not obeying them were s●lenced , and many of us for the like oppressed in their courts . in the yeare ● . they made such canons and constitutions ecclesiasticall as enjoyned many corruptions in the worship of god and government of the church , which exceedingly retarded the worke of reformation , animated papists , and made way for divers popish superstitions . our most painefull , godly and learned ministers were by the bishops and their commissaries , silenced and deprived , for not subscribing and conforming to the sayd unlaw●ull canons , yea through the hotnesse of their persecution ●orced to flee the land , and afterward excommunicated , to the danger of all , and losse of some of their lives . in their places others were obtruded , not onely ignorant lazie , and lukewarme , but many of them unsound in doctrine , prophane in life , and cruell in persecution . many , though sufficiently furnished , were not admitted to the ministry , onely for not swallowing downe their groundlesse innovations , yea some though conforme , yet for appearing strict in life , were likewise kept out . good and painefull ministers are not suffered to exercise the function which god hath called them unto , nor suffe●ed to enjoy any living , whereas the bishop , doe hold by commendam many livings , besides those proper to their bisho●rickes , and doe confer●e livings upon ●●●ir child●en 〈…〉 studendi gratia ( as is pre●ended ) and diver● 〈…〉 five , sixe , or more upon their favorites . hence the care of soules are committed to hirelings , who ●eceive . . ● . l. by yeare for their cures , divers of which are put together , to the charge of some illiterate curate , by which meanes the people perish for want of food , though the parson or vicar through connivence of the bishop , is utterly non-resident , and by each one of the many benefices he enjoyeth and hath a competent allowance for a moderate minded man to maintaine himselfe and family upon . whereas the bishops should give all good example by painfull preaching and holy conversation , ●hey preach very rarely themselves , and like those in the gospell who will neither enter ●hemselves nor suffer others to enter , they have supprest divers others from preaching both on the afternoone on the lords day , and in many places where weekely lectures were maintained either by the free will of the m●nister , or cost of the people , they have utterly forbidden the same , and showne all manner of discountenan●e to those who were forward therein , so that a lecturing minister appeared before them under more prejudice rhan a popish priest or undermining jesuite . lest those who could not be admitted into the ministry , undertaking to teach schoole should there lay impressions of piety and good learning , they urge on the very schoole-masters a subscription beyond what is injoyned by their owne canon , and punish by excommunication and otherwise the refusers thereof : so as the schooles formerly much frequented , are now utterly desolate , to the spoyle of youth and promoting of prophanenesse and ignorance . thus whiles they proceede so severely and unjustly in punishing the refusers to their unlawfull commands , though otherwise never so honest and able men , they favour popery , to the continuance and great increase thereof . hence , titular bishops are by them winked at , in the exercise of jurisdiction from forraigne power , masse priests are frequent , and pretend a title to every parish in the kingdome , masses publiquely celebrated without controlement to the great griefe of gods people , and increase of idolatry and superstition . they permit fryeries and nunneries to be within their diocesses , whereby they continue and increase of late in many places , yea divers of them suffered to remaine in the very places where some of the bishops have their speciall residence . in many places of the land where protestants are forbidden and restrained , papists are permitted to keepe schooles , unto some whereof such multitudes of children and young men doe resort , that they may be esteemed rather universities , teaching therein not onely the tongues , but likewise the liberall arts and sciences . they set forth and suffer to be published wicked libells and ungodly pamphlets , tending to sedition faction and disunion of the brittish inhabitants , such as examen conjurationis scoticae , lysimachus nicanor , &c. and in their sermons , prayer and ordinary table talke , divers of the bishops , in matters quite besides their calling have not desisted to rayle , curse and most bitterly inveigh against the kingdome of scotland , and all their proceedings , labouring to make them odious , thereby proving themselves fire-brands of sedition , betweene the two nations , yea proclaiming their prophanity by drinking healths to the confusion of that nation . the most learned and seemingly moderate and pious of the prelates publiquely in sermons at dublin , exclaimed against , and condemned the scottish covenant , and religion profest in that kingdome with most invective termes . and in the starchamber in dublin , at the censure of henry stewa●d esquire , his wife and two daughters , and iames g●ay , for refusing to take an oath , for which there was no other ground than the earle of straffords command , which was against the covenant of scotland , uttered these words , viz. these people with cora● dathan and abiram doe withstand the ordinance of god ; and therefore i leave them to the judgement of corah , dathan and abiram , and agree to their censure though deeper . they have frequently made symonicall pactions and bargaines in the conferring of benefices , and ordinarily permit ministers to exchange their livings , thereby to nullifie leases of tythes , which the former incumbent ministers have set at certaine rates . the prelates have usually appointed such men to be their commissaries , officialls and registers , who altogether neglecting the punishment of vices cognizable in their courts , looke onely to their owne game . hence , though they pretend themselves the advancers of vertue and punishers of vice , yet they usually without further satisfaction absolve the most scandalous persons for a summe of money , and often question not at all , such from whom they privately before-hand receive such a summe , which is a cause that many wickednesse doe more and more abound . if any be presented by their apparitors ( who are usually papists ) if it be but for non-payment of the clerkes groate , or not observing some one of their frivolous injunctions , yea though the party presented be not found culpable , yet they require most excessive and unjust fees. and if their demands be not satisfied ( though never so great poverty might plead for mercy ) they presently proceed to the censure of excommunication , thus vainely and blasphemously abusing the high ordinance of god , so many hundred of us , remaine under that censure , and multitudes constrained to runne out of the land , to the undoing of them and thers . the prelates , that they might mannage peters sword as well as his keyes , have some of them procured that most unlawfull writ of assistance , whereby his majesties officers and ministers , are required to yeeld assistance unto the bishop , his officiall , or any deputed by him ; which writ is by their officers most notoriously abused , and many times put into the hands of their apparitors , who under colour thereof , apprehend honest men and women , casting them into prison , untill they be forced to free themselves by an heavie composition . they charge church-wardens with articles farre beyond their understanding to every particular whereof , if they refuse to answere or present , then are they bound to answere for it at councell table , or high commission court , or both : and though there acquitted , yet no remedy left them for their great dammages . they force church-wardens to attend all their visitations and circular courts ; and there , for their articles , oathes , admissions and discharges , they make them pay most excessive and undue fees , never before practised or required . the commutations for penance , which either should not be at all , or if exacted , then set apart for the poore , and other pious uses , commeth either to the prelates kitchin , the commissaries purse , or both . the prelates and their faction as they inherit the superstition of the papacy , so of late they exact with all severity the absolute customes of saint mary-gallons , mortuaries , portions , &c. which as they were given by superstition and used to idolatry , so now they are taken by oppression , and applyed to riotousnesse . they have also constantly practised and suffered , the buying and selling of the sacraments , which is an heavie burden . and where the poore have not to pay the minister and clerks fees , they will not marry them , nor suffer their dead to be buried . in the high commission court , against all law and equity they sit as judges in their owne cause , and take cognizance of the highest and smallest matters , going therein without controll . hence , in the sayd court they usurpe with an high hand the judicature of civill causes , impose fines beyond all bounds , and imprison at their pleasure ; whereby many have beene utterly undone . they proceede in the sayd court by way of most cruell and lawlesse inquisition , not onely into mens actions and words , but reaching even to their very thoughts , in imposing the most unlawfull oath ex officio , to force to accuse not onely others , but likewise their owne selves , contrary to law , and the very maximes of nature . and if any refuse to take this oath , then are they imprisoned and fined beyond measure , to the ruine of all that fall under the waight of their indignation . divers of the prelates did joyntly frame and wickedly contrive with the earle of strafford , that most lawlesse and scandalous oath , imposed upon the scottish-brittish among us who were protestants , for receiving all commands indefinitely . and some of the prelates were the occasion , that women and maides should be forced thereunto . hence , commissions issuing to all places , for the exacting of it , they were prosecuted with so much rigour , that very many , as if they had beene traytors in the highest degree , were searched for , apprehended , examined , reviled , threatned , imprisoned , fettered by threes and foures in iron yoakes , some in chaines carried up to dublin in starchamber fined in thousands beyond ability , and condemned to perpetuall imprisonment , divers poore women but two dayes before delivery of children were apprehended threatned and terrified , others of them . or . dayes af●er child-birth , so narrowly searched ●or , that they were faine to fly out of all harbour into wood● , mountaines , caves , and cornefields , and man● da●es and nights together absent themselves to the impairing of the heal●h of very many , and death of divers , and losse of their goods , which the enemie at their pleasure made havocke of . these with many more unexpressible , have beene the woefull effects of the oath drawne up by advice of the prelates , and so unjustly prest by authority of the earle of strafford . the prelates with their faction have been injurious not onely to the spirituall , but also to the temporall estates of most men , for under colour of church-lands , they have injuriously seized into their hands , much of the best lands in every county , so that there is scarce a gentleman of any worth , whom they have not bereaved of some part of his inhe●itance , fewdaring to oppose their unjust demands , and if any did , none were able to maintaine their just titles against their power and oppression . by these wayes have they ruinated and undone many families , destroyed and cast away thousands of soules , and moreover in their owne persons have beene a scandall to the gospell and a stumbling blocke even unto the common enemy , by their sweating , cursing , drunkennesse , sabbath-breaking , &c. having such servants usually in their families as are the most prophane in the kingdome , ●ew others countenanced by them but such . and if any seeme to be of an holy life , he is scorned and persecuted by them . thus they publishing and proclaiming themselves children of ishmael and esau , we most humbly beseech you as the true sons of israel , to take order with them , as god shall direct , whom we shall ever pray to be ayding , and assisting unto you , in this great and glorious worke of reformation . and thus much in briefe for the norman , scottish , and irish prelates , which i thought convenient to annex to our english , being all birds of the same feather , that i say not wolves of the same litter . chap. viii . containing certaine conclusions deduced from the premises ; with the judgements and resolutions of divers of our ancient writers and martyrs , and some of our learnedst bishops and authors in queen elizabeths raigne , touching the pretended divine iurisdiction of bishops , their treasons , rebellions , temporalities , large possessions ; and the uselesnesse , unprofitablenesse , and mischeivousnesse of lorldy bishops , and their government in our church . you have now seen a large black catalogue of the treasons , rebellions , conspiracies , seditions , contumacies , state-schismes , wars , vproares , and antimonarchicall practises of our prelates against their soveraignes , with their severall stratagems to undermine the lawes and liberties of the subjects , and worke the ru●ine and disturbance of our state in all ages ; give me leave now in the close of this relation , to draw some usefull undeniable con●lusions from the premises , worthy his majesties , and the parliaments most serious considerations . the first is this , that our lordly prelates in all ages since they became such , have been the greatest rebels , traytors , conspirators and opposites to our princes ; the chiefest incendiaries and firebrands of all warres , seditions , state-schismes , and disturbance● which have infested our realm● ; and the archest tyrants , oppressors of the people , and invaders of our lawes and liberties , of all other callings and professions of men , severally or joyntly considered . secondly , that the prelates lordly jurisdiction over their fellow-brethren , contrary to christs institution : the greatnesse of their wealth and temporall possessions ; their admission to temporall offices of greatest authority and trust : their sitting as peeres in parliament , and judges in some tempo●all courts ; their residence in or about the court , and advancement to be counsellors of state ; their neare relation to● and privy intelligence with the pope , whose sworne vassals they were of old : the antichristianity of their calling , which depends wholly upon the selfe-same grounds and principles as the romish heirarchy doth ; and the secret curse of god upon those princes and kingdomes who have erected , supported , and countenanced these antichristian lords , and imployed them in the greatest state-offices , against the expresse inhibition of christ ; wi●h the pride , avarice , malice and ambition , which insep●rably accompany their lordly chaires of pestilence , are the cheife grounds of our prelates forementioned treasons and extravagances ; and that as long as they and these grounds continue , we must ever expect the selfesame examples , fruits and effects from this generation of vipers , what politick courses soever shall be excogitated to prevent them . thirdly , that our english lordly prelacy , stands in direct opposition to regall monarchy and civill vnity ; and that our prelates maxime , no bishop , no king , is a false and idle paradox , refuted by the premised histories , and the experience of all ages . fourthly , that the calling of lordly prelates is neither divine nor apostolicall ; but rather antichristian and diabolicall , as these fruits thereof demonstrate . and to speak ingenuously ; the first thing that caused me to suspect our prelates calling , not to be divine , ( and thereupon induced me to search into the bottome of it , as farre as my poore abilities and leasure would permit , till i found it to be so i●deed ; ) was the pravity of their actions , and enormities of their lives : in which if i have erred , it is in following my saviours infallible rule , matth. . . to . beware of false prophets which come to you in sheeps cloathing , but inwardly they are ravening wolves ; ye shall know them by their ●ruits . a good tree cannot bring forth evill fruit , neither can a corrupt tr●e bring forth good fruit : wherefore by their fruits ye shall know them . fifthly , that it can neither be safe for king nor state , to tolerate lordly prelates , or to admit them to manage the chiefe offices , councels , and affaires of the kingdome , to which th●ir consultations and imployments for the most part , have ●v●r proved pernicious , as ancient and present experience abundantly testifie . and that the readiest way to provide for our kingdoms and churches future security and tranquillity , will be utterly to suppresse and remove them from all such offices and consultations . sixthly , that those who have beene so perfidious and rebellious to our kings and kingdome , will hardly prove faithfull and trusty in matters of religion , in which they have extraordinarily prevaricated in all ages ; and not a little of late yeares , as is too manifest by sundry evidences and complaints in parliament . and here give me leave to recommend ●n● serious consideration to you , how dangerous it is to intrust our religion in the prelates hands , grounded upon these words of our famous * occham who writing against the pop●s monarchy , alleadgeth this reason among others against it ; that there is greater danger of poysoning ●he people and whole church by one supreame head , then by many . we know all the bishops of england are to be consecrated by the archbishop of canterbury for the time being , and are subject to him , as primate and metropolitan of all e●gland , taking an * oath of canonicall obedience to him ; so as they all , in a manner , depend on him : againe , we know that no minister can be ordained , or admitted to preach , or instituted to any living as an incumbent , or curate , but by these bishops ; who take upon them to visit● silence and suspend them at their pleasure ; yea , and to dispose of most patrons benefices to whom they please : as we see by late wofull experience . suppose then ( which i trust shall never happen ) that any to whom the crowne of england shall descend should be ill affected to our religion ; if he should make choice of such an archbishop ( and he of other inferiour prelates ) sutable to his disaffecti●on , who must ordaine all other bishops , ministers , and may suspend and silence them , or deny to admit those that are orthodox at his pleasure ; how easily might our church and religion by one over-potent arch-bishop , or prelate , backed by his soveraigne , be undermined , suppressed , and eradicated in a short space ? whereas if this jurisdiction were devested from the bishops , ( which are but . and depend on one arch-prelate ) and setled in the ministers which are many , and more independent on the prince then they , our religion would be farre more secure , and the ministers and people lesse subject to be infected with romish innovations , which one archbishop of canterbury is now able sodainly to poyson our church and people with . seventhly , that these bishops were the chiefe instruments to introduce , advance and support the popes antichristian authority , usurped jurisdiction , and erronious doctrines among us ; and to revive them again , when diminished or extinguished ; the pope and popery still raigning among us , till the prelates attainted by king henry the eight in a praemunire , were inforced , sore against their wils , to renounce the popes authority , to acknowledg him the supreame head on earth of our english church ; and by speciall letters patents and * acts of parliament , to confesse all their episcopall jurisdiction to be derived not from god , or the pope , but onely from , by and under him their soveraigne . and i dare further averre ( for ratification of this conclusion ) that the prelates of italy , germany , france , spaine , hungary , and poland , are the maine pillars , which support the popes monarchy , false doctrines , ceremonies , and superstitions in those countries and kingdomes ; which would soone turne protestants , were but the bishops suppressed , and their great temporall revenues taken away ; the enjoyment of which antichristian dignities and possessions , engageth them to maintaine and uphold the pope , and popery against their consciences . the truth of which will appeare by most of the transmarine reformed churches , who could never utterly abandon the pope with his doctrines and superstitions , till they had extirpated their lordly bishops . ● . that as long as our lordly prelates continue , there will not onely be a possibility , but a probability of bringing in popery and the pope againe among us ; since their lordly hierarchy is supported onely by popish doctrines , canons , ceremonies , and principles , which they are engaged to maintaine , to preserve their tottering thrones from ruine . how farre the pope his doctrines and superstitions had of late in a little time serued themselves into our church , almost to the utter ruine of our religion , and of the ministers and professors of it ( persecuted and driven out into forraine countryes , ) and that onely by the bishops and their instruments machinations , is so well knowne to all , and so abundantly discovered to and by this present parliament , that i need not relate it● onely this i dare say , that if ever they get head and life among us againe ( as they did in queene maries dayes , and that principally by the prelates meanes ) it will be by our lordly bishops activity ; who if once totally suppressed , both pope and papists would utterly despaire of ever reducing england to their vassallage . eighthly , that bishops have done a world of mischiefe to our kings and kingdomes , as appeares by all the premises , but little or no good that i can read off ; and as for the diligent preaching of gods word , and publishing christs true religion , the chiefe and almost onely duty of bishops ; from augustine , the first archbishop of canterbury ( and first introducer of the popes authority , errours and superstitions among us● ) till cranmers time , which is above yeares , i thinke there was not one archbishop guilty of it ; the like i may say of other seas ; and i presume i may justifie , that some two poor country curats or lecturers in our dayes , have converted more soules to god by their diligent zealous preaching , then all the archb●shops of canterbury put together , most of whom i read to have been rebels , traytors , state-officers , & persecutors of religion ; but very few of them soule-converting preachers . why then should ●hese * popes of another world ( as the pope of rome once stiled them ) be still tolerated , when they have done so much mischiefe , and so little good to our state and church ? ninthly , that the endowing of the prelates , with great temporall revenews , was the very bane and poyson of religion , and one principall cause of the bishops rebellions , treasons , and exorbitances forementioned ; and therefore they may both with good conscience and reason be substracted from them and put to better us●s ; and they like other ministers , be confined to one comp●tent living with cure , there con●●antly to reside and instruct the people , like bishops in the primitive times . tenthly , that our lor●ly prelates will be still undermining the lawes● and lib●r●ies of ●he subjects , his majesties royall p●erog●tive , his eccle●●asticall and temporall jurisdiction , and vexing his subject● in their courts , till both their usurp●d authorities● and consistories be better regulated , or totally abolished . eleventhly , that the very spirit of insolency , contumacy , t●eachery , sedition , rebellion , ambition , pride , covetousnesse , vaineglory , malice , hypocrisie , tyranny , and oppression is almost inseparably united to the chaires of lordly prelates , since they infect almost all who once sit in them ; and either infuse these vices into them , or augment them in them ; none growing better men , but most farre worse by their sees . twelfthly , that the government of our church in common , by a presbytery or synod of ministers● or any other way used in the primitive church and other refo●med churches can no way be so pernicious or inconvenient to our kings and kingdomes as the government by lordly prelates is and hath been . our prelates chiefe objection in point of monarchy , against a presbyteriall or synodall government , is , * that if this forme should be introduced , the king and nobles must submit ther●to , and be liable to their excommunications . but this is a foolish bugbear , which recoyles and lights heavily on their owne heads . for the archbishops and bishops of england ( and those of forraine countrys too ) have many times , not onely excommunicated their soveraignes , but also interdicted their kingdomes , enjoyned hard penances to them , absolved their subjects from their allegiance , and oathes , armed their people and strangers against them , and deprived them of their crownes ; offering them more and greater affronts , and requiring more submission from them , then all other their subjects whatsoever . did ever any presbytery doe the like , or take so much upon them ? or did they ever deal so with their princes , as our prelates did with king iohn , or with edward , and richard the second ? if yea , then prove it : if no , then this is no solid objection , but a malicious suggestion against the presbyteriall and synodall government . in a word , i would demand this question of the objectors , whether kings , and great men , when they scandalously offend , be subject to the censures of excommunication by the law of god ? if so , then why may not the presbytery and synode of ministers anathematize them , as well as lord bishops and popes ? if not , then there is no feare of such a censure , to which they are not liable by gods law or mans . these twelve conclusions are sufficiently warranted by the premises ; yet for the readers better satisfaction , i shall back them with some passages and authorities of our owne approved ancient and moderne writers , martyrs , prelates , and authors of speciall note , and so conclude . caelius sedulius scotus , one of the ancientest of our owne writers , flourishing about the yeare of our lord . determines thus of the parity of bishops and presbyters by divine right , against our lordly prelates doctrine in these dayes , in his exposition on titus , chap. . for a b●shop must be blamelesse , &c. he calleth him a bishop , whom before he named a presbyter . before by the devils instinct parties were made in religion , and it was said among the people , i am of paul , but i am of apollo , and i am of cephas , the churches were governed with the common councel of the presbyters : but after that every one thought those whom he baptised to be hi●● not christs , it was decreed throughout the world , that one chosen 〈◊〉 of the presbyters should be set over the rest , to whom all the care of the church should appertaine , and that the seeds of schismes should be taken away . in the acts of the apostl●s it is written , tha● when the apostle paul● came to miletus , he sent to ephesus and called the elders of that church , unto whom among other things he spake thus : take heed to your selves , and to all the flocke over which the holy ghost hath made you bishops , to feed the church of god which he hath purchased with his owne blood . and here observe more diligently , how that he calling the elders of but one city ephesus , doth afterwards stile them bishops ; these things i have alleadged that we m●ght shew how that among the anc●●●ts , fuisse presbyteros quos episcopos , pr●sbyters to h●ve been the same that bishops were : but by little and little , that the seeds of dissention might be utterly extïrpated , the whole cure was tra●sferred to one . and on the timothy . ●● . it is demanded ( writes he ) why paul here makes no mention of presbyters , but onely of bishops and deacons ? sed etiam ipsos in episcoporum nomine comprehendit : but truely he also compreh●ndeth th●m in ●he name of bishops . to him i might annex our famous gildas , in his acris correptio cleri angliae ; our venerable * beda , in acta apostolorum , cap. . tom. . col. . and alcuinus , de d●vinis officijs cap. . , epistola . . ad sparatum : and comment . in evang. ioannis , l. . to . . col. , , . who maintaine the selfe same doctrine of the parity of bishops and presbyters , declaime much against the pride , lordlin●sse , ambition , domineering power , and other vices of prelates ; and conclude , that a bi●hopricke is nomen operis , non honoris ; a name of labour , not of honour ; a worke , not a dignity ; a toyle , not a del●ght . but i rather passe to anselme archbishop of canterbury , a man without exception , and the greatest scholler in his age ; who neare yeares since , in his enarration on the epistle to the phillippians . cap. . vers . . resolves thus . with the bishops , that is , with the presbyters and deac●ns : for he hath put bishops for elders , after his custome . for there were not many b●shops in one city , neither would he intermit presbyters , that he m●ght desc●nd to deacons : but he declares the dignity and excellency of the presbyters , whil●s he manifests the same men who are presbyters to be bishops . but that afterward one was elected , who might be preferred before the rest , it was done to prevent schisme , le●t every one drawing to himselfe the gospell of christ , should divide it : constat ergo apostolica institutione omnes presbyteros esse episcopos . it is therefore manifest by apostolicall institvtion , that all presbyters are bishops , albeit now those greater ones have obtained that title . for a b●shop is called an overseer ; and every presbyter ought to attend the cure over the flock committed to him . in his commentary on the first chapter of titus v. , . he hath the selfesame words that hierom and sedulius used before him , concluding from acts . , . and phil. . . apud veteres cosdem fuisse presbyteros quos episcopos . that among the ancients presbyters were the very same that bishops were ; and that the churches were then governed by a common councell of the presbyters . as therefore presbyters know , that they out of the custome of the church , are subject to him who shall be set over them ; so bishops must know ; se magis consvetvdine , quàm dispositionis dominicae veritate presbyteris esse majores , et in commvne debere ecclesiam regere : that they by cvstome , rather then by truth of divine disposition are greater then presbyters , and * ovght to rvle the chvrch in common with them . from which pregnant authority , even of an old archbishop of canterbury . i observe : first , that by apostolicall institution , bishops and presbyters are both one and the same ; and originally continued so for a season . secondly , that the imparity now between them ●s onely by custome , not by divine institution , and crept in by little and little by degrees , after the apostles time . thirdly , that every presbyter is still truely and properly a bishop over his owne flock . fourthly , that the church of god at first was governed onely by a common councell or synode of presbyters , not by bishops . fifthly , that presbyters even at this day not onely may , but ought to governe the church in common with the bishops ; as they did both in ignatius , b tertullians , c cyprians , and d irenaeus time , as others have proved at large . see the answer to bishop hals remonstrance . sect. , . sixthly , that bishops were first e elected , created , and instituted by the presbyters ; * therefore by their owne maxime , ( ordinans est major ordinato ) are greater and better then bishops ; the rather , because presbyters quatenus such are of divin● , and bishops quatenus bishops but of humane institution : and presbyters as such , by anselmes owne resolution in his commentary on tim. . . may of right ordaine elders , as well as bishops . neither is anselme singular in his opinion , in avouching the parity and identity of presbyters and bishops , since athanasius , * ambrose , hierome , chrysostome , theodoret , primasius , remigius , rabanus maurus , haym● , theophylact , bruno , in their commentaries on phil. . . acts . , . tim. . tit. . , . and on ephes. . , . with sundry * other fathers delivered the same opinion in their writings before his time . a truth so cleare , that learned * cassander , though a papist , confesseth , convenit autem inter omnes , olim apostolicorum aetate , inter episcopos et presbyteros , discrimen nvllvm fvisse , sed postmodvm ordinis servandi , & sch●smatis vitandi causa episcopum presbyteris fuisse praepositum , cui soli chyrotomi● , id est , ordinandi potestas servata sit . that then this truth which is granted on all hands by all ( both theologues and canonists ) among the papists , should now be questioned , nay contradicted and and damned for heresie by our prelates , seemes strange and monstrous unto me . but to proceed on in our owne writers . in the * canons of aelfrick to wulfinus a bishop , about the yeare of christ , . sect. . there is no more difference between a masse-priest , and a bishop , then that a bishop is constituted to confer orders , and to visit , or oversee , and to take care of those things which belong to god , which should be committed to too great a multitude , if every presbyter should doe it . for both vnvm tenent evndemqve ordinem have one and the selfesame order ; although that part of the bishop be the worthier . and in certaine old saxon chapters of incertaine edition about the same time . know that your degree is next to ours , & penè conivnctvm esse , and to be almost the same or conjoyned to it . for as bishops supply the place of apostles in the church , so doe presbyters of the other disciples of the lord : whence we ought to be mindfull of so great a dignity . john salisbury our famous country-man flourishing about the yeare of christ , . de nugis curialium . li. . c. . and . writes thus of the pride and sedition of bishops . thou must admire to see the various houshold-stuffe and riches , as they say , of croesus among them that preach poore christ : they live of the gospell without preaching the gospell , and it is well if they live onely , so , as they doe not also ryot . they so gape after gaine , that they contemne the things that are jesus christs ; and are neither worthy the honour nor name either of a pastor or hireling . they d●● that which makes them to be feared of all , to bee beloved of none ; they preac● peace , yet make division ; they shew and counterfeit humility , that they may challenge pride . in fulnesse they dispute of fastings ; and what they build up with words , they pull downe with deeds . the workes they doe , beare witnesse of them ; you may know them by their fruits . it is not sufficient for them to sheare and devoure the flocke by liberty of a divine law , unlesse they also implore the ayde of secular lawes : and being made officers to prince● , they feare not to commit those things , which any other publican would easily be ashamed of . in the meane time they are servants to pleasure or avarice ; and those who have chosen and admitted them to their custody , they spoyle and oppresse ; and desire the death of those whom they ought to foster both in flesh and spirit : truly they beare in mind ●hat of the prophet . behold i have set thee over the nations and over kingdomes , to pull up and to destroy , to pull downe and to scatter , &c. nor they doe not onely contend but fight for a bishoprick . the ancients heretofore were dragged against their wils to a bishoprick , and went willingly to martyrdome : they feared the chiefe chaire , worse then a prison or crosse . but now the prelates sp●●ke quite contrary ; we will not , say they , be martyrs , but the glory of our sees we will not give to another . yet there is something in which they seeme to imitate the constancy of martyrs , to wit , if they are to contest for a bishoprick . it is reported by some , and it is true , that ambitious men have sometimes , yea often contended for the bishopricke of rome , and not without brotherly blood , hath the high priest entred into the holy of holies . this verily is to succeed romulus in paricide , not peter in feeding the flock committed to him . more then civill warres are againe stirred up betweene caesar and pompey , and whatsoever was presumed , wha●ever was impiously done at philippi , lucade , murina , in aegypt , or in spaine , a prelaticall warre accomplisheth . doe they therefore procure the effusion of christian blood , that it may be lawfull for them above other men , according to their pastorall duty , to lay down their lives for the flock ? doe they therefore pull down the churches , prophane holy things , that there may be some thing for them to build up and sanctifie ? perchance they dash nations one against another , disquiet kingdomes , violently take away the goods of churches , that they may make matter of promeriting to themselves ; that they may compose al things , that other things concu●ring they may lay hold on a necessity of commiserating and providing for the poore . but if they doe it , that they may safely doe any thing without punishment , that they may collect mony ; that they may foster , dilate , and corrupt flesh and blood ; trouble their family , or seek their owne glory , domineering over the lords heritage , and not being exanimo , an example to the flock , although with their lips and in simulation of office they put on a pastor , yet they are more like to tyrants then princes . philophers say , nothing is more pernicious to man then man ; and among men a secular , or ecclesiasticall tyrant is most pernicious , yet verily in both kinds the ecclesiasticall is worse then the secular . for if salt hath lost its savour , it is good for nothing , but to be cast out and troden under feet of men . so he long since determined . petrus blesensis , archdeacon of bath , flourishing about the yeare of our lord . writes thus to the bishop of bangor , concerning the wealth and state of bishops : * the title of poverty is glorious with christ ; and that which hath becomed the sonne of god , ought not to misbeseeme you : the prince of the apostles and prelates saith . * gold and silver have i none . yea , that great famous * augustine ( bishop of hippo ) therefore made no will , because the poore servant of christ had nothing at all , whereof to make any bequest . it is your duty to live of the gospell , as the lord hath appointed , not to goe pompously in the ornament of cloathes , in the pride of horses , in the multitude of attendants . it becomes you as a professour of priestly and episcopall holynesse , to ●ut of all footsteps of your ancient conversation : * and in his treatise of the institution of a bishop , dedicated to john bishop of worcester , he thus declaimes against the lordlinesse , cour●ship , and secular imployments of bishops , especially those , which concerne the exchequer . certaine bishops abusively , call the liberty and almes of ancient kings bestowed on them , baronies and royalties , and themselves barons , it being an occasion of most sham●●full servitude . i am afraid , least the lord complaine of them and say , * they have raigned , but not by me , they have made themselves princes , but i knew it not . thou must know , that thou hast taken upon thee the office of a shepheard , not of a baron : certainely * ios●ph being in aegypt , instructed his father and brethren to say to pharaoh , we are shepheards : he would rather have them professe the office of a shepheard , then of a prince or baron . christ saith , i am the good shepheard : but thou art made by him a shepheard or a steward : a stewardship is committed to thee ; and know , that thou must give an accoun● of thy stewardship . the husbandry of god is committed to thee , thou hast need of a weeding-hooke , as an husbandman ; of a sta●●e as a shepheard ; of a weeding-hooke , that as the sonne of a prophet , * thou mayst pull up and destroy , build up and plant ; use thy staffe by driving the wolves from the sheep-fold , by sustaining the weake sheep , by raising up those ●ha● are fallen , by reducing those that have st●ayed . but among the fruits of thy episcopall office , let eternall things be ever preferred before temporall . let another guide and dispatch thy temporall cares and affaires for thee ; but doe thou diligently attend the salvation of soules . the mind consecrated to the discharge of divine service , ought to be free from worldly imployments . thou art addicted to great things , be not taken up with the smallest . these things what ever they are , which ●end to the gaine of the world , and pertaine not to the gaining of soules , are small and vile . * if you shall have secular businesse , saith the apostle , appoint those who are most contemptible among you to be iudges . thou therefore , o good prelate , set all things after the salvation of soules ; for soules are as far more worthy then bodyes , and all things else that humane ambition causeth , as heaven it selfe excels earth in dignitie . yet at this day , with many , episcopall authority consists onely in this , that their plowlands are fatted with chalke and dung , that th●ir fishponds bee multiplyed , that their parkes and the ground of their possessions be inlarged ; in building palaces , mils and ovens . all the care of prelates is in increasing their rents : what ? is it the voice of our saviour to the prince of the apostles and prelates , if thou lovest me , till thy lands , build high houses ; we read that he said to peter : * if thou lovest me , feed my sheep . thou art the heire and vicar of peter , feed my sheep by preaching ; doe the worke of an evangelist and shepheard : thou must not be ashamed of the gospell ; if thou beleevest , thou oughtest not to be ashamed of thy pastorall office . * be instant therefore in season , out of season , fulfill thy ministry : thy ministry hath more burthen , then honour . if thou affectest the honour of it , thou art an hireling ; if thou imbracest the burthen of it , the lord is able to increase his grace , that thou maist receive gaine out of gaine , and profit out of profit . if thou shalt drowne thy selfe in the labyrinthes of court affaires , especially of the exchequer , thou shalt suffer great losses of spirituall exercise . * no man can serve two masters , god and mammon . let it not slip out of thy mind , how in the tonsure of thy head , when as thou wast elected into the lords portion , how thou hast renounced , the ignominy of lay-imployments . yea , in the day of thy consecration , thou hast made solemne vowes to renounce all secular things and imployments ( as our * bishops and ministers yet doe in the presence of god , and the whole congregation ) which have bound up thy lips ; thou art obliged with the words of thy owne mouth , when upon the interrogation of him that consecrated thee , thou hast published without any exception , that from hence forth thou wouldst wholly discharge and sequester thy selfe from all worldly businesses , and dishonest gaines , and wouldst alwayes bend thy whole study and care upon divine affaires . what hast thou to doe with the revennues of the exchequer , that thou shouldest neglect the cure of soules , but ●or one short houre ? what , hath christ elected thee to the receipt of custome ? matthew being once taken from thence , never returned thither againe . be not therfore in the number of those , who prefer worldly imployments before spirituall , swallowing a camell , and straining at a gnat. we read that in the dayes of * constantine , there were certaine bishops , flattering the prince , who gave greater reverence and heed to royall edicts , then to evangelicall precepts . and there are some bishops now a dayes , to whom the dispensation of gods word is committed , who are silent from good things , dumbe dogges , neither able , nor yet willing to barke ; they are turned into an evill bow , giving themselves up as weapons of iniquity unto sinne . this exasperates gods wrath , and accumulates the danger of eternall damnation on many , that certaine of the chiefe priests and eld●rs of the people , although they pronounce not judgement in cases of blood , yet they handle the same things by disputing and debating of them , and thinke themselves therefore free from blame , that in decreeing judgement of death , or truncation of members ( which some of them of late have judicially given sentence of ) they absent themselves onely from the pronunciation and execution of this penall sentence . but what is more pernicious then this dissimulation ? is it lawfull to discuss● and determine that , which it is not lawfull to pronounce ? verily saul did many wayes handle and plot the death of david , and that he might palliate his malice under the shadow of innocency , he said , let not my hand be upon him ; but the hand of the philistims be upon him . truely as much as this dissimulation did excuse him with men , so much did it the more damnably accuse him with god. we have an expresse forme of similitude in that consistorie wherein christ was condemned to death : the scribes and pharisees said , it is n●t lawfull for us to put any man to death ; and yet when they cryed , saying , crucifie him ; they pronounced a sentence of death against him with bloody malignity , whom they slew with the sword of the tongue , they protested it was not lawfull for them to slay , and their iniquity was in this very thing so much the more detestable , because that they might escape the censure of men , they covered it with a simulation of innocency . thou art set over the soules of men , not over their bodies ; the prelate hath nothing that is common with pilate . thou art christs steward and the vicar of peter , neither oughtest thou to give an account of the jurisdiction committed to thee , to caesar , but to christ : yet some bishops by usurped offices and administrations of the world , make themselves obnoxious to the bent of the court , and as if they had renounced the priviledge of their dignity , expect the sentence of an harder event . he adds this more against the lordlinesse and dominion of prelates in the same treatise . there are some who repute honours , vertues and ascribe the glory of their eminency to their merits , which peradventure they have obtained in gods wrath . the assumption of honour , becomes a temptation , and an occasion of subvertion unto many . therefore thou must so preside , as thou mayst profit . woe to those who rule over men , if god set not president over them . paul glories not of his dominion , but of his ministration . in labours more abundant , in prisons more frequent , in stripes above measure , in deaths often . in these things a forme of glorying is prefixed thee , not in precious aray , not in much houshold-stuffe , not in heaping up money , not in edefices or cultures , not in enlarging possessions , not in multitudes of horses , not in pompous rayment , not in a numerous traine : for after all these things doe the gentiles seeke : but as the doctor of the gentiles glories , in * the crosse of our lord jesus christ , whereby the world was crucified to him , and he unto the world. repute thy selfe an humble and abject servant : let not humility be a disgrace to thee , which adorned the sonne of god. of prelacy thou mayest have glory , but not with god , but if thou gloriest of humility , thou shalt not be unwise . * the kings of th● gentiles exercise lordship over them ; but ye shall not doe so● therefore thou mayst not make thy selfe a lord , but a servant . the apostle peter saith ; * not lording over the clergie , but being examples to the people . it is pernicious to a prelate , gladly to heare of himselfe , above that he discernes to be within him . it is frequent to find one among the bishops who may chance to dedicate the first yeare of his promotion to sanctity ; and when in his novelty he became a lamb , inveterated for some dayes , he is made a most ravenous wolfe . the same author in his . . , . . & . ●pistles hath sundry notable passages against the lordlinesse , pride , and o●her vices of the prelates in his age , and of the danger of episcopacy . a lord prelate ( writes h●e there ) observes not the face , but hand of him who repaires to him , as being alwayes ready to receive gifts : he is of a shamelesse brow in demanding , ingratefull when hee hath received , inhumane if he receive not something ; he is unmercifull to the afflicted ; meeke to the most cruell ; unstable , untractable ; tolerable to none , hatefull to all , an enemy of peace , a contemner of faith , an adversary of unity ; unfaithfull in his councels , negligent in his actions , furious in anger , remisse in mercy , dissolute in words , gluttonous in banquets , haughty in prosperity , fearefull in adversity . he doth nothing according to reason , but all things according to will ; and as if he were degenerated into a beastiall sense , casting away from him the counsell and judgement of reason , he followes his owne appetite . for man being in honour understandeth not , but is compared unto the brute beasts , and became like to them : his ascent is pleasing neither to god nor man : his whole study , whole honour , whole glory , is the whole and sol● authority of his usurped episcopall dignity , the stretching out of his breast ; elevation of his necke , statelinesse of his going , distorsion of his eyes , vultuosity , and thundring of his threatning countenance ; and that i may include many things in few words , t●tum datur elationi , nibil sanctitati , &c. all is addicted to pride , nothing to sanctity , nothing to chastity● nothing to amity ; and finally , nothing at all is left to h●nesty . behold him speaking , behold him walking quas gerit ●re min●s ? quanto premit omnia fas●u ? what threatnings beares he in his mouth , with how great pride treads he upon all things below ? o curas hominum ! o quantum est in rebus i●ane ! o cares of men ! o how much emptinesse and vanity lord prelates mindes possesse ? o vaine glory ! o bloody ambition ! o the unsatiable desire of terrene honour ! o the canker of hearts , the subversion of soules , the desire of dignities ! whence hath this plagu● crept up ? whence hath this execrable presumption prevailed ; that unworthy men , should covet dignities ? and by how much the lesse they deserve to ascend to honours , by so much the more importunately they thrust themselves into them . at this day by right and wrong , at this day to the hazard of soule and body unhappy men runne to the pastorall chaire : and doe not consider that it is a * chaire of pestilence to them , whiles they are the cause of ruine to themselves and others . in flocks and heards , witnesse hierome , the ramme and bull which excels in corpulency and animosity , goeth before the rest . but a man more beastiall then all bea●ts , presumes so much more indiscreetly and audaciously to be above his betters , by how mnch lesse he confides to the titles of vertues , or sincerity of conscience ; he who hath learned nothing is made the teacher of others , and like sounding brasse and a ●inkling cymball , usurpes the office of preaching , when as he is an unprofitable ●tock , and a dumbe idoll . this is it which ecclesiastes deploringly complaines of ; * i have seene ( saith he ) an evill under the sunne , a foole placed in high dignity , and wise men sitting in low places . an illiterate bishop is a dumbe preacher . it is a prelates duty to instruct the people under him , to render a people acceptable to god , by opening the mystery of the scriptures . but at this day , such as the people are , such is the priest ; as hi● darknes is , so also is light . blush o sidon at the sea ; a prela●e may blush and grieve , to rule over people , not to profit them ; to have taken upon him the office of a teacher , and to be mute in instructing the people . it is the word of the lamenting prophet : * my people is become a lost flock ; their pastors have seduced them , they are dumb● dogges not able to barke● they ought to drive the wolves from the flocks , but they themselves are wolves to their owne ; taking care neither of their owne nor theirs salvation , they preci●itate the●selves with their flocks , into the pit of eternall death . thus and much more he . not to mention * grostheads booke de ignavia praelatorum ; or halredus de praelatorum moribus ; nigellus wireker de abusu rerum ecclesiae . gualther mapes his complaint against the pr●l●tes ; ad mal●s pastores , & ad ●mpios praelatos● robert baston , de sacerdotum luxuriis , or ●ohn purvey de obliquo cleri statu , all declaiming against the lordlinesse , pompe , pride , wealth , and v●●es of prelates ; the most of which bookes the prelates have suppressed , their titles onely being left upon record : nor yet to mention the passages of robert holkot our famous clerke , in lib. sapientiae . lect . . . and lect . . in proverbia solomonis , to like purpose . richardus armachanus archbishop of armagh , flourishi●g in the beginning of wicklif● time , about the yeare of christ . de questionibus armenorum . l. . ● . . determines thus . that neither the dominion nor ministry of temporall things belongs to ecclesiasticall dignity , but rather deminishes i● . for the lord prohibited the dominion of temporall things to his apostles and disciples , saying ; possesse neither gold nor moneys in your purses ; mat. . . if thou wilt be perfect , go● and sell all thou hast ; & give to the poore . now it cannot bee of ecclesiasticall dignity , which the head of the church hath prohibited to his members : or at least would not have them to po●sess●● whence it appeares , that the dominion or possession of temporall things doth in no wise essentially appertaine to ecclesiasticall dignity , but rather diminisheth it . in the second chapter he averres , that these states and degrees of patri●rch , archbishop , bishop , &c. were invented onely out of the devotion of men , not instituted by christ and his apostles . that no prelate of the church , how great soever ; hath any greater degree of the power of order , then a simple priest. in the fourth chapter , hee proves , that the power of confirmation and imposition of hands that the holy ghost may be given thereby , appertains to the jurisdiction of th● presbytery , which he manifesteth by acts . & . tim. . and by the practice of the primitive church after the apostles time . in the fourth and fifth chapters he demonstrates , that priests are called bishops by the apostle . phil. . . tim. . titus . and acts . . et quod ordine succedant apostolis , and that they succeed the apostles in order . in the sixth chapter he proves , that all priests and bishops are equall as to the power of order : and in the fourth chapter he punctually determines , that there is no distinction found in the evangelicall , or apostolicall scriptures , betweene bishops and simple priests called presbyters ; whence it follow●s , quod in omnibus est una potestas & aequalis ex ordin● ; that in all of them there is one and equall power by reason of order : and that for ought he can find , the apostle paul doth not in any of his epistles distinguish between the order of presbyters ( that is ) of apostles , and bishops . that every one who hath the cure of others , is a bishop . which the name of a bishop importeth and manifesteth . for a bishop is nothing else , but a superintendent , or watchman : from whence it is evident● that besides the power of order , hee hath nothing but a cure. our famous english apostle john vvicklife , ( as master fox oft stiles him ) delivers the selfesame doctrine of the identity of presbyters and bishops , dialogorum . l. . c. . de sacramento ordinis . f. , . some men ( saith he ) multiply the character in orders : but i consider whether their foundation or fruit be in the scripture . but one thing i confidently averre ; that in the primitive church and in pauls time , two orders sufficed : the presbyter , and the deacon . likewise i say , that in pauls time a presbyter and bishop suit idem , was the same . this appeares by the first of timothy , chap . and t●tus chap. . and herein that profound divine hierome justifies the same , as appeares distinct. . cap. olim. for then was not invented that distinction of pope and cardinalls , patriarchs and archbishops , bishops , archdeacons , officials , and deanes , with other officers and private religions , of which there is neither number nor order . concerning the contentions about these things , that every one of these is an order , and that in the reception thereof , the grace of god and a character is imprinted , with other difficulties , which ours babble about , it seeme● good to me to be silent , because they neither establish , nor prove what they affirme but out of the faith of scripture , it seeme●h to me to suffice , if there be presbyters , and deacons , keeping the sta●e and office which christ hath imposed on them . * because it seemes certaine , that caesarian pride invented these other degrees and orders . for if they had been necessary to the church , christ and his apostles had not been silent in the expression of them , and description of their office , as those blaspheme who magnifie the popes laws above christ. but a catholicke ought to receive the office of these clergy-men out of the scriptures authority , out of the epistles to timothy and titus ; neither ought he under paine of sinne to admit these new caesarian inventions . thomas waldensis , wickliffes professed antagonist . tom. . l. . artic. . c. . . , . tom. . c. , . and tom. . c. . , , . brings in wickliff● , proving by many arguments , that bishops and presbyters are all one and the same by divine institution and gods law. that the ordination of presbyters belongs not onely to bishops , sed etiam ad simplic●m sacerdotem , but even to a meere priest as well as to them ; that one ordained a minister , by a meere priest alone , ought not to doubt of his priesthood , or to seeke ordination elsewhere , if he rightly discharge his ministeriall office ; that a bare priest may supply the place of a bishop in conferring orders , &c. and * thomas walsingh●m with others testifie : that in his time one lollard , that was a priest , did commonly ordaine and create another . and o●●er that every priest had as great power to conferre the sacraments of the church , as the bishops had . in a word , wickliffe affirmed , that there were twelve disciples of antichrist which plot against the church of christ ; to wit , popes , cardinal● , patriarchs● archbishops , bishops , archdeacons , officials , deanes , monks , canons , friers , pardoners : all these twelve ( writes he ) et specialiter praelagi caesarij , and specially caesarean prelates , are the mani●est disciples of ant●christ , because they take away the liberty of chri●t , and burthen and hinder the holy church , that the law of the gospell should not have free passage as in former times it had , so that he d●emed the calling of bishops , antichristian : and as for their temporalties and s●cular offices , he posit●vely maintained , that popes , cardinals , bishops , and other priests , might not civiliter dominari , rule like temporall lords , or beare any civill office , without mortall sinne ; that it is a sinne to endow them with temporall possessions : that no prelates ought to have any prison to punish or restraine offendors , nor yet to purchase large temporall possessions or riches : and that no king ought to impose any secular office upon any bishop or curate : for then both the king and clerke should be , proditor iesu christi ; a betrayer of jesus christ. which he manifests at large . dialog . l. . c. , , , . , . where he proves , that the temporall lords , have grievously sinned in endowing the bishops and church with large temporall possessions ; that warres and contention have risen thence : that this endowment hath reversed christs ordination and procreated antichrist , to the manifold deturbation of christs spouse . whence chronicles note , that in the dotation of the church , an angels voyce was then heard in the ayre , this day is poyson powred into the whole church of god. and from constantines time , who thus endowed the churches , the roman empire and secular dominion in it hath still decreased . therefore if kings would preserve their dominions intire , and not have them diabolically torne ; if they would reforme and preserve the peace of the church , and keepe their subjects ●oyall , and not have them rebels , let them study to reforme the church according to christs ordinance● under whose government it will be most prosperously regulated , an● all warres , symony , with other misch●ifes will cease . concluding , that it is not onely lawfull for them to take away these temporalities from the church which abuseth them , but that they ought to doe it under paine of eternall damnation in hell , seeing they ought to repent of this their folly , and to satisfie for the same , wherewith they have defiled the church of christ. finally , * hee stiles the bishops , lesser antichrists , who following the great antichrist , forsake and banish the office of preaching which christ hath designed to them , and bring in th● office of spoyling those that are under them , feeding upon the sheep of christ. william swinderby , a martyr under richard the s●cond , had thi● article obje●●ed to him , that hee held . * that all priests are of like power in all ●hings , notwithstanding that some of them in this world are of higher and greater honour , degree , or preheminence . and concerning the wealth , possessions , and lordships of prelates he thus affirmed before the bishops who convented and examined him . as anen●t the taking away of temporalities , i say that it is lawfull for kings , princes , dukes and lords of the world to ta●● away from popes , cardinals , fro bishops and prelates possessions of the church , their temporalities , and their almes they have given them , upon condition they should serve god the better , when they verily seen , that their giving and their taking , beene contrary to the law of god , to christs living and his apostles ; and namely in that they take upon them ( that shoulden be next followers of christ and his apostles in poorenesse and meeknesse ) to be secular lords , against t●e teaching of christ and saint peter , luke reges gentium : et . pet. . neque dominantes in cle●● ; and namely when such temporalities makes ●hem the more proud both in heart and array , then they shoulden been else , more in strife and debate against peace and charity , and in ●vill ensample to the world , more to be occupied in worldly businesse ; omnem solicitudinem pro ijcient●s in ●um : and drawes them from the service of god , from edifying of christs church , in impoverishing and in making lesse the state and power of kings , princes , dukes , and lords that god hath set them in , in wrongfull oppression of commons for unmightfulnesse of realmes . for paul saith to men of the church ( whose lore prelates shoulden so●veraignely follow . ) habentes victum & vestitum hii● contenti simus . if men speaken of wordly power and lordships , and worships , with other vices that raigne therein , what priest that insues and has most hereof ( in what degree so he be ) he is most antichrist of all the priests that been in earth . this hee thus ●urther backes and seconds . truely me seemeth that all christian men , and namely priests , shoulden take keepe , that their doing were according with the law of god , either the old law , either the new . the priests of the old law weren forbidden to have lordships among their brethren ; for god said , that he would be their part and their heritage . and christ that was the highest priest of the new testament forsook worldly lordship , and was here in forme of a servant , and forbade his priests such lordships , and said , reges g●ntium dominantur eorum , &c. vos autem non sic , that is , the kings of the heathen beare dominion and rule , &c. but you ●hall not doe so . and as saint peter saith , neque dominantes in clero , &c. not bearing rule and dominion of the clergy , &c. so it seemeth me , that it is against both lawes of god , that they have such lordships , and that their title to such lordships is not full good . and so it seemeth me , that if they have been thereto of evill living , it is no gre●● perill to take away from them such lordships , but rather needfull , if the taking away were in charity , and not for singular covetousnesse ne wrath● and i suppose that if friers , that been bound to their founders to live in poverty , would breake their rule , and take worldly lordships , might not men lawfully take from them such lordships , and make them to live in p●verty as their rule would ? and forsooth it seeme●h me , that priests oughten all so well to keep christs rule , as friers owen to keepe the rul● of their founder . ieremy witnesseth how god commendeth rechabs children , for that they would not break their faders bidding in drinking of wine ; and yet ieremy proffered them wine to drink . and so i trow , that god would commend his priests if they woulden forsake worldly lordships , and holden them apayd with lifelot , and with cloathing , and busie them fast about their heritage of heaven . and god saith , numer . . that is , you shall have no inheritance in their land , nor have no part amongst th●m ; i will be your part and inheritance amongst the children of israel , deut. . the priests and levites , and all that be of the same tribe , shall have no part nor inheritance with the rest of israel , because they shall eate the sacrifices of the lord and his oblations , and they shall take nothing of the possession of their brethren : the lord himselfe ●s their possession , as he spake unto them . and the fourteenth chap●er of luke : even so every one of you which forsaketh not all that he possesseth , cannot be my disciple . and ierome in his epistle . hath the like words : and bernard in his booke to eugenius the pope . and a●so hugo in his booke de sacramentis , the second part of his second booke the chapter . and also in the . q. first chapter , duo sunt . and in the chapter clericus . and againe , bernard in sermone de apostolis upon this place ; ecce nos reliquimus omnia ; behold we leave all , &c. chrysostome upon the gospell of saint matthew , &c. * walter brute , this swinderbyes disciple , was * articled against before the prelates , for maintaining the same positions his master did ; namely , that all priests are of like power in all points , notwithstanding that some of them are in this world of higher dignity , degree , or preheminence . and touching the wealth and temporalties of prelates and clergy men , and the taking away of tbem ; he thus concludes in his examination before the bishop of hereford . as touching the taking away of temporall goods from those that are ecclesiasticall persons offending habitualiter , by such as ●re temporall lords , i will not affirme any thi●g to be lawfull in this matter ( as in other matters before ) that is not agreeable to charity ; and that because it is a hard matter for a man to take another mans goods from him without breaking of charity ; because peradventure hee that taketh away is the more moved to such manner of taking away , by reason of the desire he hath to those goods , which he endureth to take away ; or else because of some displeasure or hatred to the person from whom he goeth about to take away those goods , more then that he from whom those goods be tak●n ●●ould be amended . therefore unl●sse he that taketh away be onely moved of charity to the taking away of such goods , ● dare not affirme that such taking is lawfull : and if such taking away proceed of charity , i dare not judge it unlawfull ; because that the bishop of rome which received his temporall dominion of the empe●our , when the emperour rebelled and was not obedient unto him , deprived him from his t●mporall jurisdiction : how much more then may temporall lords doe the same , which have bestowed upon them many temporall dominions and lordships , onely to the intent that they might the better intend to serve god and ke●p● his command●ments ? now if they perceive , that they be against the lawes of god , and that they be ove● busily occupied about wordly matters , i cannot see but that they may well enough take from them those temporall goods which to a good purpose they gav● them . but if in time to come after this , those that be● temporall lords shall take from ecclesiasticall persons such temporalties , let him that desireth to understand this , read the prophet ez●kiel , in the chapter of the shepheards of israel , which fed themselves in stead of their flock ; and so let him read the apocalyps of the fall of babylon : let him also read the popes decretal● against hereticks ; and in those he shall find , that the taking away of the temporalties from the clergy shall come to pas●e for the multitude of their sinnes . this opinion , that the temporall lords might t●ke away the temporall goods from church●● , offending habitually ; w●s likewise maintained about the same time by * nicholas hereford , philip r●●●ington , john as●●on , and generally by all the wicklivists of that age ; and that without any danger at all of sacriledge or sinne , with walter brute his limitations ; which opinion the lordly prelates of england 〈◊〉 very importunate to cause them to recant by force , and flattery . william thorpe a martyr in henry the fourth his raigne : averred : * that the covetousnesse of priests and pride , and the boast that they have and make of their dignity and power , destroyeth no● onely the vertues of priesthood in priests themselves , but also over this , it stirreth god to take great vengeance both upon the lords , and upon the commons which suffer these priests charitably . whereupon arundel the archbishop said to him ; thou judgest every priest proud that will not goe arayed as thou doest , * by god i deeme him to be more meek that goeth every day in a scarlet gowne , then thou in thy thredbare blew gowne : whereby knowest thou a proud man ? and hee said , sir , a proud priest may be knowne when he denyeth to follow christ and his apostles in wilfull poverty and other vertues , and cove●eth worldly worship , and taketh it gladly , and gathereth together with pleading , menacing or with flattering , or with simony any-worldly goods , and most , if a priest ●usy him not cheifly in himselfe , and after in all other men and women after his cunning and power to withstand sinne . and finally he adds , that the viciousnesse of these foresaid named priests and prelates hath been long time , and yet is , and shall be cause of wars both within the realme and without ; and in the same wise these unable priests have been , and yet are , and shall ●e chiefe cause of pestilence of men , and murren of beasts , and the barrennesse of the earth , and of all other mischiefes , to the time that lords and commons able them through grace to know and to keep the commandements of god , inforcing them then faithfully and charitably by one assent , to redresse and make one this foresaid priesthood , to the wilfull , poore , meeke , and innocent living and teaching , specially of christ and his apostles . so hee . iohn purvey a martyr about the same time , in a treatise of his declared , how the king , the lords , * and commons may without any charge at all keepe fifteene garrisons , and find souldiers ( having sufficient lands and revenues to live upon ) out of the temporalties gotten into the hand● of the clergy , and ●ained religious men , which never doe tha● which pertaineth to the office of curats to doe , nor yet to secular lords . and moreover the king may have every yeare pound to come freely into his coffers and above ; also he may finde or sustaine fifteene colledges more , and . priests and clarks with sufficient living , and an hundred hospitals for the sick , and every house to have a hundred markes in lands : and all this may they take of the foresaid temporalities , without any charge to the realm● whereunto the king , the lords , and th● commons are to be invited . for otherwise there seemeth to hang over our heads a great and marvellous alteration of this relme , unlesse the same be put in execution : and if the secular priests and fained religious , which be simoniacks and hereticks , which faine themselves to say masse , and yet say none at all according to the canons , which to their purpose they bring and alledge , . q. . audivimus , & cap. pudenda , & cap. schisma : by which chapter such priests and religious doe not make the sacrament of the altar , that then all christians , especially all the founders of such abbies , and endowers of bishopricks , priories , and chaunte●ies , ought to amend this fault and treason committed against their predecessors , by taking from them such secular dominions which are the maintenance of all their sinnes . and also that christian lords and princes are bound to take away from the clergy such secular dominion as nous●eth and nourisheth them in here●ies , and ought to reduce them unto the simple and poore life of christ jesus and his apostles . and further that all christian princes ( if they will amend the malediction and blasphemy of the name of god ) ought to take away their temporalities from that shaven generation which most of all doth nourish them in such malediction . and so in like wise the fat tithes from churches appropriate to rich monks , and other religious , fained by manifest lying and other unlawfull meanes , likewise ought to debarre their gold to the proud priest of rome which doth poyson all christendome with simony and heresie . further , that it is a great abhomination , that bishops , monks , and other prelates be so great lords in this world , whereas christ with his apostles and disciples never tooke upon them secular dominion , neither did they appropriate unto them churches , as these men doe , but lead a poore life , and gave a good testimony of their priesthood . and therefore all christians ought to the uttermost of their power and strength , to sweare that they will reduce such shavelings to the humility and poverty of christ and his apostles ; and whosoever doth not thus , consenteth to their heresie . also that these two chapters of the immunity of churches are to be condemned , that is , cap. non minus . & cap. adversus . because they doe decree , that temporall lords may neither require tallages nor tenths by any ecclesiasticall persons . he writes much more to the same effect . the noble martyr , sir * iohn old castle , lord cobham professed , that the will of god is , that priests being secluded from all worldlinesse , should conforme themselves utterly to the examples of christ and his apostles , be evermore occupied in preaching and teaching the scriptures purely , and giving wholesome examples of good living to others ; being more modest , loving , gentle , and lowly in spirit then any other sorts of people . where doe ye finde ( said hee to the prelates ) in all gods law , that ye should thus sit in judgement of any christian man , or yet give sentence of any other man unto death , as ye doe her● dayly ? no ground have ye in all the scriptures , so lordly to take it upon you , but in annas and caiphas , which sate thus upon christ , and upon his apostles after his ascension : of them onely hav● y● taken it to judge christs members as ye doe , and neither of peter nor iohn : since the venom● of iu●as was shed into the church , yee never followed christ , nor yet stood in the perfection of gods law : ●y venome , i meane your possessions and lordships : for then cryed an angell in the ayre ( as your owne chronicles mention ) woe , woe , woe , this day is venome shed into the church of god : before that time all the bishops of rome were martyrs in a manner : and since that time we reade of very few : but indeed one hath put downe another , one hath cursed another , ●n● hath poysoned another , one hath slaine another , and done much more mischiefe besides , as all chronicles tell . and let all men consider this well , that christ was meeke and mercifull ; the pope ( and his prelates ) is proud and a tyrant : christ was poore and forgave ; the pope is rich and a malicious manslayer , as his dayly acts do prove him . rome is the very nest of antichrist , and out of that nest cometh all the disciples of him ; of whom archbishops , bishop● , prelates , priests , and monks be the body , members ; and these pild friers the tayle . though priests and de●cons for preaching gods word , ministring the sacraments , with provision for the poore , be grounded on gods law , yet have these sects no manner of ground thereof . hee that followeth peter most nighest in pure living , is next unto him in succession . but your lordly order esteemed not greatly the behaviour of poore peter , what ever ye prate of him . pierce plowman , * an anci●nt ●nglish poet writes to the same effect . if knighthood and kinduite and commons by conscience , together love lelly , leeveth it well ye bishops , the lordship of lands for ever ●all ye lese and live as levitici , as our lord ye teacheth . deut. . numb . . per primitias & decimas , &c. and the author of the same treatise , in his * plowmans complaint of the abuses of the world : writes thus against the lordlinesse and wealth of b●shops and priests . lord thou saydst kings of the heathen men be lords ●ver their subjects , ●nd they that usen their power be clepen well doers . but lord thou saydst , it should not bee so among thy servants , but he that were most , should be as a servant . and lord thy priests in the old law had no lordship among their brethren , but houses and pastures for their beasts : but lord our priests now have great lordships , ●nd put their brethr●n in greater thraldome , than lewdmen that be lords : thus in meeknesse forsaken . the deed sh●weth well of th●se masters , that they desiren more maistery for their owne worship , then for profit of the p●ople . for wh●n they be masters , they n● pre●che● not so often as they did before . and gif they preachen , commonly it is before rich men , there as they mowen beare worship and also profit of their preaching . but b●fore poore men they preachen but seldome when they b● masters : and so by their workes we may seene that they are but false glossers . o lord deliver the sheepe out of the ward of these shepheards , and these hired men , that stond●n more to keep their riches that they robben of thy sheep , than they stonden in keeping of thy sheep . and lord geve our king and his lords heart to defenden thy true shepheards and sheep from out of the wolves mouthes , and grace to know thee that art the true christ , the sonne of the heavenly father , from the antichrist , that is , the son of perdition , &c. sir geoffry * chaucer our renowned poet , writ●s much the same effect . the emperour ga●e the poet sometime , so high lordship him about , that at last the sely kyme , the proud pope put him out ; so of his realme is in doubt : but lords b●ware and them defend for now these folk been wondrous stout . moses law forbade i● th● , that priests should no lordships weld : christs gospell biddeth also that they sho●ld no lordship● held , ne christs apostles were never so bold no such lordships to them embrace , but ●●neren her ●●eep and keep her fold : god amend hem for his grace , &c. this booke of chaucer was authorised to be printed by act of parliament , in the . and ● . hen. . c. . when the prelates by the same act prohibited both the printing and reading of the bible in english , such was their piety . about the same time there was a device or counterfeit letter fained under the n●●e of lu●ifer prince of darknesse , written to the pers●cuting pr●l●tes of england in those times , and transcribed by master fox out of the register of the bishop of hereford and written ( as some thinke ) by william swinderby or some other lollard ; the coppy whereof i shall here insert , because it lively sets sorth the use and benefit that the devill makes of our lordly prelates , and the ill effects of their great wealth and power , to the great prejudice both of our church and state. * i lvcifer prince of darknesse and profound heavinesse , emperour of the high misteries of the king of acharo●t , captaine of the dungeon , king of hell , and controuler of the infernall fire ; to all our children of pride , and companions of our kingdome , and especially to our princes of the church of this later age and time ( of which our adversary jesus christ , according to the prophet saith , i hate the church or congregation of the wicked ) send greeting , and wish prosperity to all that obey our commandements , as also to all those that be obedient to the lawes of satan already enacted , and are diligent observers of our behests and the precepts of our decree . know ye that in times past certaine vicars or vicegerents of christ , following his steps in miracles and virtues , living and continuing in a beggarly life , converted in a manner the whole world from the yoake of our tyranny unto their doctrine and manner of life , to the great derision and contempt of our prison-house and kingdome , and also to the no little prejudice and hurt of our jurisdiction and authority , not fearing to hurt our fortified power , and to offend the majesty of our estate : for then received we no tribute of the world , neither did the miserable sort of common people rush at the gates of our deepe dungeon as they were wont to do with continual pealing and rapping , but then the easie , pleasant , and broad way which leadeth to death , lay still without great noyse of trampling travellers , neither yet was trod with feet of miserable men : and when all our courts were without suitors , hell then began to howle : and thus continuing in great heavinesse and anguish , was robbed and spoyled . which thing considered , the impatient rage of our stomack could no longer suffer , neither the ugly rechlesse negligence of our great captain● generall could any longer endure it . but we se●king remedy for the time that should come after , have provided us of a very trim shift ; for in stead of these apostles and other their adherents which draw by the same line of theirs , as well in manners as doctrine , and are odious enemies to us ; wee have caused you to be their successors , and put you in their place , which be prelates of the church in these later times by our great might and subtilty , as christ hath said of you ; they have raigned but not by me . once we promised unto him all the kingdomes of the world , if he would fall downe and worship us ; but he would not , saying , my kingdome is not of this world ; and went his way when the multitude would have made him a temporall king. but to you truely which are fallen from the state of grace , and that serve us in the earth , is that my promise fulfilled , and all terrene things by our meanes which wee bestowed upon you , are under government . for he hath said of us ye know , the prince of this world cometh , &c. and hath made us to raigne over all children of unbeleife . therefore our adversaries before recited did patiently submit themselves unto the princes of the world , and did teach , that men should doe so ; saying , be ye subject to every creature for gods cause , whether it be to the king as most chiefest . and againe . obey ye them that are made rulers over you , & ● . for so their master commanded them ; saying , the k●ngs of the heathen have dominion over them , &c. but i thinke it long till we have powred our poyson upon the earth , and therefore fill your selves full . and now be ye not unlike those fathers , but also contrary unto them in your life and conditions , and extoll your selves above all other men : neither doe ye give unto god that which belongeth to him , nor yet to caesar that which is his ; but exercise you the power of both the swords● according to our decrees , making your selves doers in worldly matters , fight●ng in our quarrell , intangled with secular labours and businesse : and clime ye by little and little from the miserable state of poverty unto the highest seats of all honours , and the most princely places of dignity by your devised practises , and false and deceitfull wiles and subtilty , that is , by hypocrisie , flattery , lying , perjury , treasons , decei●s , simony , and other grea●er wickednesse , then which our internall furies may devise . for after that ye have been by us advanced thither where ye would be , yet that doth not suffice you , but as greedy starvelings more hungry then ye were before , ye suppresse the poore , scratch and rake together all that comes to hand , perverting and turning every thing topsie ●urvey ; so swolne , that ready ye are to burst for pride , living like lechers in all corporall delicatenesse , and by fraud directing all your doings . you challenge to your selves names of honour in the earth , calling your selves lords , holy , yea , and most holy fathers . thus , either by violence ye raven , or else by ambition , subtilly ye pilfer away and wrongfully wrest , and by false title possesse those goods which for the sustentation of the poore members of christ ( whom from our first fall we have hated ) were bestowed and given , consuming them as ye your selves list , and wherewith ye cherish and maintaine an innumerable sort of whores , strumpets , and bawdes , with whom ye ride pompously like mighty princes , farre otherwise going , then those poore beggarly priests of the primitive church . for i would ye should build your selves rich and gorgeous palaces ; ye fare like princes , eating and drinking the most daintiest meates , and pleasantest wines that may be gotten ; ye hoard and heape together an infinite deale of treasure , not like to him that said , gold and silver have i none ; ye serve and fight for us according to your wages . o most acceptable society or fellowship , promised unto us of the prophet , and of those fathers long agoe reproved ; whilest that christ called thee the synagogue of satan , and likened thee to the mighty whore , which committed fornication with the kings of the earth , the adulterous spouse of christ , and of a chast person , made a strumpet . thou hast left thy first love and cleaved unto us , o our beloved babylon , o our citizens , which from the transmigration of hierusalem come hither ; we love you for your deserts , we rejoyce over you , which contemn● the lawes of simon peter , and imbrace the lawes of simon m●gus our friend , and have them at your fingers ends , and exercise the same publickly , buying and selling spirituall things in the church of god , and against the commandement of god : ye give benefices and honours by petition , or else for money , for favour , or else for filthy service : and refusing to admit those that be worthy , to e●clesiasticall dignity ; you call unto the inheritance of gods sanctuary , bauds , liers , flatterers , your nephews , and your owne children ; and to a childish boy ye give many prebends , the least whereof ye d●ny to bestow upon a poore good man : ye esteeme the person of a man and receive gifts ; ye regard money , and have no regard of soules . ye have made the house of god a denne of theeves . all abuse , extortion , is more exercised an hundred fold in your judgement seats then with any secular tyrant . ye make lawes and keepe not the same , and dispence with your dispensations , as it pleaseth you , you justifie the wicked for reward , and take away the just mans desert from him . and briefely , yee perpetrate or commit all kinde of mischiefe , even as it is our will yee should . and ye take much paines for lucres sake in our service , and especially to destroy the christian faith . for now the lay people are almost in doubt what they may believe , because if yee preach any such to them , at sometimes ( although it be but seldome seene , and that negligently enough , even as we would have it ( yet notwithstanding they believe you not , because they see manifestly , that ye do clean contrary to that yee say ; whereupon the co●mon people d●ing as yee doe which have the government of them and should be an example unto them of well doing ; now many of them lea●●ing to your rules , doe runne headlong into a whole s●a of vices , and continually a very great ●ultitude flocketh at the strong and well fenced gates of our dungeon . and doubtlesse● yee send us so many day by day of every sort and kinde of people , that we should not be able to entertaine them , but that our insatiable ch●os with her thousand ravening jawes , is sufficient to devoure an infinite numbe● of soules . and thus the soveraignty of our empire by you hath beene reformed , and out intolerable losse restored . wherefore , most specially we commend you and give most hearty thankes , exhorting all you , that in any wise yee persevere and continue as hitherto yee have done ; neither that you slacke henceforward your enterprise . for why ? by ●our helps wee purpose to bring the whole world under our power and dominion . over and besides this , we commit unto you no small authority to supply our places in the betraying of your brethren ; and we make and ordaine you our vicars , and the ministers of antichrist our sonne , now hard at hand ; for whom ye have made a very trim way & passage . furthermore , we counsell you which occupy the highest roomes of all other , that you worke subtilly , and that yee faignedly procure peace betweene the princes of the world , and that yee cherish and procure secret causes of discord . and like as craftily yee have destroyed and subverted the roman empire , so suffer yee no kingome to be overmuch enlarged or enriched by tranquillity and peace , lest perhaps , in so great tranquillity ( all desire of peace set aside ) they dispose themselves to view and consider your most wicked workes , suppressing on every side your estate ; and from your treasures take away such s●bstance as we have caused to be reserved and kept in your hands , untill the comming of our welbeloved sonne antichrist . we would you should doe our commendations to our entirly beloved daughters , pride , deceit , wrath , avarice , belli-cheere and lechery , and to all other my daughters , and especially to lady simony , which hath made you men , and enriched you , and hath given you suck with her owne breasts , and weaned you ; and therefore in no wise-see that yee call her sinne . and also be yee lofty and proud , because that the most high dignity of your estate doth require suck magnificence . and also be yee covetous ; for whatsover yee get and gather into your fardell , it is for saint peter , for the peace of the church , and for the defence of your patrimony and the crucifix ; and therefore yee may lawfully doe it ; you may promote cardinalls to the highest seat of dignities without any ●et in the world , in stopping the mouth of our adversary jesus christ , and a●leaging againe , that he preferred his kinsfolkes ( being but of poore and base degree ) unto the apostle●hip ; but doe not you so , but rather call as yee doe , those that live in arrogancy , in haughtinesse of mind , and fil●hy lechery , unto the sta●e of wealthy riches and pride ; and those rewa●ds and promotions which the followers of christ forsooke , do yee distribute unto your friends . therefore , as you shall have better understanding , prepare yee vices cloaked under the similitude of vertues ; alleage for your selves the glosses of the holy scripture , and wrest them directly for to serve for your purpose . and if any man preach or teach otherwise than yee will , oppresse yee them violently ; with the sentence of excommunication , and by your censures heaped one upon another by the consent of your brethren , let him be condemnned as an heretique , and let him be kept in most strait prison , and there tormented till he die , for a terrible example to all such as confesse christ. and setting all favour apart , cast him out of your temple , lest peradventure the ingrafted word may save your soules , which word i abhorr● as i doe the soules of other faithfull men . and doe your endeavour , that yee may deserve to have the place which we have prepared for you , under the most wicked foundation of our dwelling place : fare yee well with such felicity , as we desire and intend finally to reward and recompence you with . given at the center of the earth in that darke place where all the rablement of devills were present , specially for this purpose ca●led unto our most dolorous consistory , under the character of our terrible seale , for the confirmation of the premises . divers other writings of like argument ( saith master fox ) both before and since , have beene devised : * as one bearing the title , luciferi ad malos principes ecclesiasticos ; ●mprinted first at paris in latine ; and under the writing thereof , bearing this date , anno á p●latij nostri fractione , consortiumque nostrorum substractione , . which if ye count from the passion of the lord , reacheth well to the time of wickliffe , . which was above six yeares before the examination of this walter brute . there is also another epistle of luci●er prince o● darknesse , ad praelatos , mentioned in the epistle of the schoole of prague to the vniversity of oxford , set forth by huldericus huttenus , about the yeare of our lord ( as is there dated ) . which seemeth to be written before this epistle . also vincentius in speculo , h●stor . lib. . cap. . inferreth like mention of a letter of the fiends infernall to the clergymen , as in a vision represented , before foure hundred yeares . in which the devils gave thankes to the spirituall men , for that by their silence and not preaching the gospell , they send infinite soules to hell , &c. divers other letters also of like device have been written , and also recorded in authors . whereunto may be added , that one iacobus carthusiensis , writing to the bishop of w●rmac● , alleageth out of the prophecy of hildegard●● , in these words ; therefore , saith he , the devill may say of you priests in himselfe ; the meates of banqueting dishes , and feasts of all kind of pleasure , i finde in these men : yea also mine eyes , mine eares , my belly , and all my ●●ines be full of their frothing , and my breasts be full stuffed with their riches , &c. furthermor● , saith he , they labour every day to rise up higher with lucifer , but every day they f●ll with him more deep●ly . hereunto also appertaineth a story , written , and commonly found in many old written bookes : in the yeare of our lord , . at paris in a synod of the clergy , there was one appointed to make a sermon ; who being much carefull in his minde and solicitous what to say , the devill came to him , and asking him why he was so carefull for his matter what he should preach to the clergy ; say thus ( quoth he ) the princes of hell salute you ( o yee princes of the church ) and gladly give you thanks , because through your default and negligence it commeth to passe , that all soules goe downe to hell. adding moreover , that he was also enforced by the commandement of god to declare the same : yea , and that a certaine token moreover was given to the said clarke for a signe , whereby the synod might evidently see that he did not lye . ex catal. illyr . fol. . a●exander fabritius a popish english writer , flourishing about the yeare , . in his destructorium vit●rum , part . cap. . prosecutes the same argument thus , who are more horribly inthralled to the devils servitude then those who are constituted in the sublimity of honour ? ecclesiasticall men ought to be the light of the wo●ld , yet where is more abundant darknesse of vices , where more abundant gaping after earthly things then in moderne prelates who are fatted in both powers , as well temporall as spirituall ? where is greater pompe in all appendicles ? yea , and that so much , that having left the poverty of the primitive church , they are now rather to be tearmed princes of provinces , then pastors of soules : in part . ● . . hee addes , these negligent prelates , though they be remisse in correcting delinquents against god , yet about their owne proper and personall injury , or derogation of their proper honour , they are found most sharpe and rigid , and willing to remit nothing unpunished ; but if any thing be done touching injury offered to god , or touching the diminution of divine honour , there are they most remisse , and take no care at all . chrysostome speakes well against these . a bishop ( saith he ) if he receive not due honour from a presbyter , is angry and troubled . but if a bishop behold a presbyter , negligent of his duty to the church , or finning in any other wise , against god , he is neither angry nor heares it ; because all are solicitous of their owne honour , but have no care at all of gods honour . and part . cap. . a bishopricke is a title of worke , not of honour ; whence a bishop is called as it were an overseer , and one taking the care of his flocke , and seeing such intention is a good worke , it appeares the apostles words speaking thus are true , hee that desires a bishoprick , desires a good worke . but from hence it followeth not , that this desire , or the worke of the desire is good , as ambitious men commonly object , desiring to be pompously exalted in worldly dignity , and it rather followeth , the thiefe who would steale a good cap desires a good thing , therefore his desire unto this is good ; but the contrary rather followeth , for he who desires the state of a pastorall office ambitiously , by this disables himselfe to take it , witnesse saint gregory : and it is found in cap. . qu. . as the place of government , saith he , is to be denyed to those who desire it , so it is to be offered to those who flie from it . many bishops enter not into the sheepfold by the doore which is christ ; but by the devill who is a lyer : and if man placed by god in paradice could not there stand long by himselfe , but fell grievously ; what wonder is it if our moderne pastors placed in the church not by god , but symoniacally by the devill , fall horribly . so this english author though a papist . * about the yeare . reynold peacocke bishop of chichester preached at pauls crosse , that the office of a christian prelate cheifly above all other things , is to preach the word of god : that the riches of bishops by inheritance are the goods of the poore : that spirituall persons by gods law ought to have no temporall possessions . and moreover hee writ a booke , de ministrorvm aeqvalitate , wherein he maintained wickliffs opinion of the equality of ministers and bishops : for which and other articles he was accused and convicted of heresie , forced to abjure at pauls crosse , had his bookes burnt by his brethren the prelates , and was then imprisoned in his owne house during life . so dangerous is it even for bishops themselves to write or preach any thing against the wealth , pompe , pride and jurisdiction of their ambitious lordly brethren . anno . thomas archbishop of canterbury , edward archbishop of yorke , iohn bishop of london , cuthbert bishop of durham , stephen bishop of winchester , robert bishop of carleile , iohn bishop of exeter , iohn bishop of lincolne , iohn bishop of bath , rowland bishop of coventry and lichfeild , thomas bishop of ely , nicholas bishop of salisbury , iohn bishop of bangor , edward bishop of hereford , hugh bishop of worcester , iohn bishop of rochester , richard bishop of chichester , william bishop of norwich , william bishop of st. davids , robert bishop of assaph , robert bishop of landaffe , richard wolman archdeacon of sudbury , william knight arch-deacon of richmond , iohn bell , arch-deacon of glocester , edmond bonner arch-deacon of leicester , william skip arch-deacon of dorcet , nicholas heath arch-deacon of stafford , cuthbert marshall arch-deacon of nottingham , richard curren arch deacon of oxford , william cliffe , geoffry dowes , robert oking , ralph bradford , richard smith , simon mathew , iohn pryn , william buckmaster , william may , nicholas wotton , richard cox , iohn edmunds , thomas robertson , iohn baker , thomas barret , iohn hase , iohn tyson , doctors and professors in divinity , and of the civill and canon law , with the whole convocation house and clergy of enland in their booke intituled , the institution of a christian man , dedicated by them to king henry the eight ; printed cum privilegio , subscribed with all their names , and ratified by the statute of . henry the eight , cap. . chap. of the sacrament of order . fol. . &c. and king henry . himselfe , in his booke inscribed , a necessary erudition for any christian man , published with the advise and approbation of all the prelates & clergy of england in their convocation , and of the lords spirituall and temporall , and nether house of parliament ; with the kings owne royall epistle to all his loving subjects before it , anno . by vertue of the satute of henry the eight . c. . chap. of the sacrament of order : doe all thus joyntly determine of the calling , jurisdiction , lordlinesse , and secular imployments of bishops . the truth is , that in the new testament , there is no mention made of any degrees or distinctions in orders , but onely of deacons and ministers , and of priests or bishop● . and of these two orders onely , that is to say , priests and deacons , scripture maketh expresse mention , and how they were conferred of the apostles by prayer and imposition of their hands : and to these two the primitive church did add and conjoyne certaine other inferior and lower degrees . and as concerning the office and duty of the said ecclesiasticall ministers , the same consisteth in true preaching and teaching the word of god unto the people i● dispensing and ministring the sacraments of christ , in consecrating● and offering the blessed body and blood of christ in the sacrament of the altar , in loosing and assoyling from sinne such persons as be sorry and truely penitent for the same , and excommunicating such as b● guilty in manifest crimes , and will not be reformed otherwise ; and finally in praying for the whole church of christ● and specially for the flocke committed unto them : and although the office and ministry of priests and bishops stand c●iefly in these things before rehearsed ye● neither they , nor any of them may exercise and execute any of the same offices , but with such sort and such limitation as the ordinances and lawes of every christian realme doe permit and ●uffer . it is out of all doubt that there is no mention made neither in scripture , neither in the writings of any authentical doct●r or author of the church , being within the time of the ●postles , that christ did ever make or institute any distinction or difference to be in the preheminence of power , order , or jurisdiction between the apostle● themselves , or between the bishops themselves , but that they were all ●quall in power , author●ty , and jurisd●ct●on . and that there is now and since the time of the apostles any such diversity or difference among the bishops . it was devised by the ancient fathers of the primitive church for the conservation of good order and unity of the catholique church , and that either by the consent and authority , or else at least , by the perm●ssion and suff●rance of the pr●nces and civill powers , for the time ruling : for the said fathers considering the great and infinite multitude of christian men , so l●rgely encreased through the world , and taking examples of the old testam●nt , thought it expedient to make an order of degrees to be among bishops , and spirituall governours of the church , and so ordained some to be patriarks , some to be metropolitans● some to be archbishops , some to be bishops ; and to them did limit severally , not on●ly their certaine diocesse and provinces , wherein they should exercise their power , and not exceed the same ; but also certaine bounds and limits of their jurisdiction and power , &c. and lest peradventure it might be thought to some persons , that such authorities , powers and jurisdictions , as patriarks , primates , archbishops and metropolitans , now have or heretofore at any time have had justy and lawfully over any other bishops , were given them by god in holy scripture ; we think it expedient and necessary that all men should be advertised and taught , that all such lawfull powers and authority of one bishop over another , were and be given to them by the consent , ordinance & positive lawes of men only , and not by any ordinance of god in holy scripture : and all other power and authority which any bishop hath used or exercised over another which hath not been given to him by such consent and ordinance of men ( as is aforesaid ) is in very deed no lawful power , but plaine usurpation and tyranny . and therefore whereas the bishop of rome hath heretofore claimed and usurped to be head and governour over all priests and bishops of the holy catholique church of christ by the lawes of god ; it is evident that the same power is utterly fained and untrue . vvee thinke it convenient , that all bishops and pastors shall instruct and teach the people committed to their spirituall charge ; that christ did by expresse words prohibit , that none of his apostles , nor any of their successors should under the pretence of authority of the sword , that is to say , the authority of kings , or any civill power in this world , yea , or any authority to make lawes or ordinances in causes appertaining ●●to civill powers : if any bishop of what estate or dignity so●ver he be , be he bishop of rome , or of any other city , province or diocesse , doe presume to take upon him authority or jurisdiction in causes of matters which appertaine unto kings and the civill pow●rs and ●heir courts , and will maintaine or thinke that he may so doe by the authority of christ and his gospel , although the kings and princes would not permit and suffer him so to doe , no doubt , that bishop is not worthy to be called a bishop , but rather a tyrant , and a usurper of other mens rights , contrary to the lawes of god , and is worthy to be reputed none otherwise than he that goeth about to subvert the kingdome of christ ; for the kingdome of christ in his church is spirituall , and not a carnall kingdome of the world , that is to say , the very kingdome that christ by himselfe , or by his apostles and disciples , sought here in this world , was to bring all nations from the carnall kingdome of the prince of darknesse unto the light of his spirituall kingdome , and so himselfe raigne in the hearts of the people by grace , faith , hope and charity : and therefore , sith christ did never seeke nor exercise any worldly kingdome or dominion in this world , but rather refusing and flying the same , did leave the said worldly governance of kingdomes , realmes and nations to be governed by princes and potentates ( in like manner as he did finde them ) and commanded also his apostles and disciples to doe the semblance , whatsoever priest or bishop will arrogate or presume upon him any such authority , and will pretend the authority of the gospel for his defen●e therein ; he doth nothing else ( but as in a manner as you would say ) crowne christ againe with a crowne of thornes , and traduceth and bringeth him forth againe with his mantle of purple upon his back , to be mocked and scorned of the world , as the jewes did to their owne damnation , &c. the truth is , that god constituted and ordained the authority of christian kings and princes , to be the most high and supreame above all other powers a●d officers in this world , in the regiment and government of their people , &c. but specially and principally to defend the faith of christ and his religion , to conserve and maintaine the true doctrine of christ , and all such as be true preachers and setters forth thereof , and to abolish abuses , heresies and idolatries , and to punish with corporall payne● such as of malice be the occasion of the fame : and finally , to over-see and cause that the said bishops and priests doe execut● their pastorall office truly and faithfully , and specially in those points which by christ and his apostles was given and committed unto them ; and in case they shall be negligent in any part thereof , or would not diligently execute the same , or cause them to redouble and supply their lacke ; and if they obstinately withstand their princes kind motion , and will not amend their faults , then and in such case , to put others in their roomes and places . and god hath also commanded the said bishops and priests , to obey with all humblenesse and reverence , both kings and princes , and governours , and all their lawes , not b●ing contrary to the lawes of god whatsoever they be , and that not onely propter iram , but also propter conscientiam , that is to say ; not onely for feare of punishment , but also for discharge of conscience . whereby it appeareth well , that this pretended monarchy of the bishop of rome , is not founded upon the gospell , but it is repugnant thereto . and therefore it appertaineth to christian kings and princes for the discharge of their office and duty toward god , to endeavour themselves to reforme and reduce the same againe unto the old limits and pristine estate of that power which was given to them by christ , and used in the primitive church . for it is out of doubt , that christs faith was then most firme and pure , and the scriptures were then best understood , and vertue did then most abound and excell ; and thererefore it must needs follow , that the customes and ordinances then used and made , be more conforme and agreeable ●nto the true doctrine of christ , and more conducing unto the edifying and benefit of the church of christ , than any custome or lawes used and made by the bishop of rome , or any other addic●ed to that see and usurped power sith that time . thus all the prelates , clergie , king and parliament in king henry the eighth his dayes . cuthbert tonstall bishop of duresme , and iohn stokerley bishop of london , in a certaine letter sent unto reginald poole cardinall , then being at rome , concer●ing the superiority of bishops over other min●sters , * resolve thus : saint cyprian saith , undoubtedly all the rest of the apostles were the same that peter was , indued with like equality of of honour and power . and saint ierome saith thus all the apostles received the keyes o● the kingdome of heaven , and upon them as indifferently and equally is the strength of the church grounded and established . which saint ierome also as well in his comentaries upon the epistle unto titus , as in his epistle to evagrius , sheweth , that these primacies long a●ter christs assention , were made by the device of men , where before , by the common agreement of the clergie , every one of the churches were governed , yea , the patriarchall churches . the words of saint ierome be these : let the bishops understand , that they be greater than other priests , rather of custome , than by the vertue and verity of the lords ordinances . and in his epistle to evagrius , hee hath like sentence , and addeth thereunto : whereso●ver a bishop either at rome or at eugubinis , or at constantinople , &c. hee is of all one worthinesse , and o● all one priesthood ; and that one was elected which should be pr●ferred before other , it was devised to the redresse of schismes , left any one challenging too much to themselves should rent the church of christ. these words onely of saint ierome be sufficient to prove , that christ by none of these three texts which be all that you and other doe alleage for your opinion ( the three texts are these , thou art peter ; and upon this rocke i will build my church . peter , i have prayed for thee , that ●hy faith should not faile : and thou being once converted , confirme thy brothers , feed my sheepe ) gave not to peter any such superiority , as the bishop of rome by them usurpeth ; and that peter , nor no other of ths chiefe apostles did vind●cate or challenge such primacy or superiority , but utterly refused it . so these two popish prelates . why then shoulld our bishops challenge any such primary or superiority over their fellow ministers ? there is a notable dialogue intituled a disputation betweene a clerke and a knight ( or a souldier ) concerning the power committed to the prela●es of the church and to the princes of the earth ; written by our famous schooleman wil●i●m ocham about the yeare of our lord , . as * iohn bale records ; printed at london in latin by thomas b●rthlet , cum privileg●o , in king henry the eight h●s raigne . wherein the clerk complaining , that the church which in his age was had in great honour with kings , princes , and all nobles , was now on the contrary made a prey to them a●l : many things being exacted f●om them , many things given by them ; and that if they gave not their goods ( by way of subsidie or supply to the●r princes ) they were violently t●ken from them ; that the●r lawes were trampled und●r feet , their liberties infringed , &c. the knight proves first ; that clergy men can make no lawes nor canons touching temporall things , but princes onely , because they have no dominion of temporall things : and that the pope is chiefe vicar , not to those things which christ now doth in glory , but to imitate those things which christ did in his state of humility here on earth , because those things are necessary to us . that he committed to his vicar that power which he exercised on earth as a mortall man , not that hee received being glorified● for christ said to pilate , that his k●ngdome was not of th●s world ; and that he came not to be ministred to , but to minister : this testimony is so manifest , that it may confound the man who resisteth it , and make the stiffest ●ecke to submit . and when one of the multitude spake thus to christ , master , command my brother to divide the inheritance with me : he said , unto him , o man , who made me a divider or judge over you ? luke . you heare therefore manifestly , that christ was made neither a judge nor a divider in temporall things . th●refore in that state of his received dispensation , he neither had a temporall kingd●me , nor yet affected it ; yea , hee fled from ●t , when multiplyin the ●read , the people would have made him a k●ng . and in the commission g●ven to peter , hee delivered him , not the keyes of the kingdome of earth , but the keyes of the kingdome of heaven● and it is apparant , that the high priest of the hebrewes were subject to their kings , and deposed by them ( which be farre from you ) and that thou mayst know that christs vicar is assumed to a spirituall regiment , not to a temporall dominion , receive from paul himselfe no lesse cleare a testimony . for he saith thus , every high priest assumed from among men , is ordained for men in those things which appertaine unto god ; not to governe a terrene dominion , but to offer gifts and sacrifices for sinnes . thou seest therefore , that the high priest is set over those things , which appertaine to god ; whence panl writes to timothy . no man that goeth a warfare to god , intangleth h●mselfe in the affaires of this world . it is manifest then , that christ exercised no earthly kingdome , nor committed any such to peter , for peter himselfe saith . acts . it is not meet for us to leave the word of god , and to serve tables , that is , to dispense temporall things . and although some temporall things may bee dispensed by high priests themselves ; yet it appeares sufficiently , that they ought not to be occupied in governing earthly kingdomes and principalities , and in managing secular affaires . after which hee proves at large ; that clergy-men are lyable to pay tribute to princes ; and that princes may take away their lands and possessions when they abuse them to luxury , pomp , and their owne private ends , and imploy them for the defence and peace of their realmee , which he proves by severall testimonies of scripture . first , by the example of king ioas , kings . who prohibited the priests to take mony of the people , and converted the money which they were to receive from the people towards their maintenance , to the repairing of the temple . which act of his god himselfe commends , that he might shew , he was not offended thereat , because he did it not out of covetousnesse , but piety , not out of ambition but religion . secondly , by the example of the same ioas , kings . . who tooke all the hallowed things that iehosaphat , and iehoram , and azariah his fathers , kings of iudah , had dedicated , and his owne hallowed things , and all the gold that was found in the treasures of the house of the lord and in the kings house , and sent it to haza●el king of assyria , to divert him from ierusalem . thirdly , by the like example of king hezikiah , kings . , . who to preserve his people from the king of assyria his invasion , gave him all the silver that was found in the house of the lord and in the treasures of the kings house ; and at that time did hezechiah cut off the gold from the doores of the temple of the lord and from the pillars which hezekiah king of iudah had over-layd , and gave it to the king of assyria . now if any say , hezechiah did ill in this ; he answers , that it is said in the chron. . that hezekiah was blamelesse in all things but onely in the embassy of the princes of babylon . fourthly , of david , who in case of necessity , did eate the priests shew-bread , which was lawfull for th●m onely to eate , and yet offended not therein . sam. . , . matth. . . then he addes , that all the revenews of clergy men , but that which is sufficient to provide them food and rayment , with which they ought to be content , as paul saith , ought to be spent in pious uses , and in feeding the poore , which if they be not imployed in this sort , kings ought to take care of them , ne animas mortuorum salut emque vivorum defraud●tis : and he concl●des thus , nee est parcendum materiali templo , ne● his quae dedicata sun● templo , ut salus reddatur , & pax periclitanti populo christiano . nec est blandiendum ecclesiarum superfluitati , imò succurrendum ●anta● gentis necess●●ati . hoc non est , quae deo data sunt revocare , sed illis usibus ( q●●bus fuerunt data ) applicare . quae enim sunt de● data ea ipsa sunt piis usibus dedicata● quid enim pot●rit sanctius esse quàm christiani populi sal●s ? es qiud prec●●●lus domino , quàm hostes , rapto●es , & intersect●res arce●e à popul● christiano ? et p●cem subjecti● & fidelibus emere ? cum ergo in his bona . ecclesiae expendanur , veris usibus ( quibus suerunt dedicat● ) redduntur . thus and much more oc●am against the secular jurisdiction , employment , and great● temporall revenues of prelates , which he thought might lawfully be taken away , and put to other good publik● uses without any danger of sacriledge . what this our learned ockam thought of the parity of bishops and presbyters , you may easily guesse by this his determination . quod sacerdotes oma●s , &c. that all priests of whatsoever degree they be , are of eqval avthority , power and ivrisdiction by christs institvtion ; but that the pope is superiour by the emperours institution , who may likewise revoke this . which opinion was about the same time justified for truth by michael ceenas , petrus de corbaria , ioannes d● castilione , franciscus de arcatara and others ; some whereof were excommunicated , others slaine and burnt by the pope for this verity , as master fox and others relate . but what ockam thought of this position ; of the power and errability of the pope , of the temporall possessions of clergy men , and of the incompatibility of secular jurisdiction with bishops and spirituall men ; the learned may reade at large in his owne compendium errorum ioannis . . in his opus , dierum , & super potestate summi pontificis octo quaestionum decisiones , printed by iohn treschsel in civitate lugdunen : anno , . to which i shall referre you , for brevities sake . onely i shall observe this memorable passage out of his opus . . dierum cap. ● . we reade in chronicles that since the church of rome was endowed with temporall riches , about twenty seven called bishops of rome have beene insnared in most great , publike and notorious wickednesses , after they were assumed to the papacy , or in the very assumption to the papacy ; as the crime of heresie , idolatry , intru●ion , fostering of hereticall pravity , blasphemy , fornication : and in many other crimes and enormities have they beene involved . these were the fruits of their lordly power , great possessions , and temporall riches heretofore . i reade in our rare historian * matthew paris , thomas walsingham ypodigma neustriae , anno . pag. . and iohn bale , centur. . script . britan. sect. . . pag. . . that in the yeare of our lord , . certaine sowers abroad of wicked doctrine at oxford , were brought into judgement before the king and the bishops of the kingdome , who being devious from the catholique faith , and overcome in tryall : facies cauteriata notabiles cunctis exposuit , qui expulsi sunt aregno ; they were stigmatized in the face which made them notable to all , and then banished out of the kingdome : vvhat this pravum dogma , or wicked opinion was for which these men were thus stigmatized and exiled , i finde not specified in paris and walsingham ; but iohn bale out of gu●do perpin●anus de haeresibus , relates , that those men were certaine waldenses who taught ; that the church of rome was the whore of babylon , and the barren fig-tree whom christ himselfe had long agoe accursed ; and moreover said , non obediendum esse pap● et episcopis . ordinesque characteres esse magnae bestiae ; that men are not to obey the pope and bishops , and that orders ( to wit , popish orders ) are the characters of the great beast . had these waldenses lived in our dayes , they should not have beene branded onely in the face by our lordly prelates procurement , but set ●n the pillory , and had both their eares cut off , then banished into forraigne islands , and there been shut up close prisoners so strictly , that neither their wives , children , friends should have any accesse unto them , nor they enjoy so much as the use of bookes , pen , inke , or paper , onely for opposing episcopacy , as we know some others have lately been for this very cause . expertus loquor . so dangerous , so fatall is it for any to oppose our lordly prelacy , as these men did in their generation , though ●hey smarted for it : yet this could not deterre our most learned ● gualter mapes archdeacon of oxford , flourishing in king iohns raigne , about the yeare of our lord , . from following their footsteps ; who in his satyrs , doubted not to stile prelates , animalia bruta & stercora , bruit beasts and dung : and in his books ad impios praelat●s , and ad malos pastores , complaines ; that alegis doctoribus lex evacuatur , dilatatur impii regnum pharaonis ; comparing the bishops to wicked pharaoh for their tyranny and oppression . but of him before . this doctrine of his and other our martyrs , was this seconded by sir iohn borthwike knight , martyred in scotland , anno , . as appeares by his answers in the sixth and seventh articles objected against him by the prelates . the sixth article . agreeable to the ancient errors of iohn wickliffe and iohn hus , arch-heretiques , condemned in the councell of constance , hee hath affirmed and preached ; that the clergy ought not to possesse or have any temporall possessions , neither to have any jurisdiction or authoritie in temporalties , even over their owne subjects , but that all things ought to bee taken from them , as it is at this present in england . borthwicke . the lord in the eighteenth chapter of the booke of numbers said thus unto aaron , thou shalt possesse nothing in their land , neither shalt thou have any portion amongst them , i am thy portion and inheritance amongst the children of israel : for unto the sonnes of levi i have given all the tithes of israel , that they should possesse them for their ministry which they doe execute in the tabernacle of the congregation . albeit i doe not doubt , but that the order of the levites and of the clergy is farre different and variable . for the administration of their sacred and holy things , after their death , passed unto their posterity , as it were by right of inheritance , which happeneth not unto the posterity of our clergy in these dayes . furthermore , if any heritage be provided or gotten for them , i doe not gain●-say , but that they shall possesse it , but still i doe affirme , that all temporall jurisdiction should be taken from them : for when as twice there arose a contention amongst the disciples , which of them should be thought the greatest , christ answered , the kings of nations have dominion over them , and such which have power over them are called beneficiall ; you shall not doe so , for hee which is greatest amongst you , shall be made equall unto the youngest or least , and hee which is the prince , or ruler amongst you , shall be made equall unto him that doth minister ; minding thereby , and willing utterly to debarre the ministers of his word from all terrene and civill dominion and empire : for by these points he doth not onely declare , that the office of a pastor is distinct , and divided from the office of a prince and ruler ; but they are in effect , so much different and separate , that they cannot agree or ioyne together in one man. neither is it to be thought that christ did set or ordaine an harder law then hee himselfe did take upon him : for so much as in the twelfth of luke , certaine of the company said unto him , master , command my brother that he divide his inheritance with mee . hee answered , man , who made me a judge , or a divider amongst you ? wee see therefore , that christ even simply did reiect and refuse the office of a judge , the which thing hee would not have done , if it had beene agreeable unto his office or duty . the like thing also hee did in the eighth chapter of iohn , when as hee refused to give iudgement upon the woman taken in adultery , which was brought before him● whereas they doe alleage ●hat moses did supply both offices at once . i answer , that it was done by a rare miracle . furthermore , that it continued but for a time , untill things were brought unto a better state ; besides that , there was a certaine forme and rule prescribed him of the lord , then tooke hee upon him the civill governance , and the priesthood , he was commanded to resigne unto his b●other ; and that not without good cause , for it is against nature , that one man should suffice both charges , wherefore it was diligently fore-seene and provided for in all ages . neither was there any bishop so long as any true face or shew of the church did continue , who once thought to usurpe the right and title of the sword : whereupon in the time of saint ambrose , this proverbe tooke his originall , that emperours did rather wish or desire the office of priesthood , then priests any empire . for it was all mens opinions at that time , that sumptuous palaces did pertaine unto emperours , and churches unto priests . saint bernard also writeth many things which are agreeable unto this our opinion , as is this his saying , peter could not give that which hee had not , but hee gave unto his succes●ours that which hee had , that is to say , carefulnesse over the congregation ; for when as the lord and master saith , that he is not constituted or ordained judge betweene two , the servant or disciple ought not to take it scornfully , if that he may not judge all men . and lest that hee might seeme in that place to speake of the spirituall judgement , hee straightway annexeth , therefore , saith hee , your power and authority shall be in offence and transgression , not in possessions . for this purpose , and not for the other , have you received the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , why then doe you invade other mens bounds or borders ? the rest i will passe over for brevities cause . the seventh article . falsly and against the honour , state , and reverence of the sacred majesty of the king of scots , hee hath said , holden , and affirmed , that our most noble king of scots , defender of the christian faith , would appropriate unto himselfe all the possessions , lands and rents of the church , given and granted by his predecessors , and also by himselfe , and convert them unto his owne private use . and for this end , and purpose , as hee hath many times written unto him , so hath he with his whole endeavour perswaded our said noble lord and king thereunto . it is no marvell though these mad dogs doe so barke against mee , whom they thinke to have counselled the kings majesty ( i would to god i had also throughly perswaded him ) that hee should take away from these unjust sacrilegious possessors , the riches wherewith all they are fatted and ●ngreased like swine . for this is the nature of dogs ; if any man goe about to take away the bone out of their mouth , by and by to snatch at him , and teare him with their teeth . it is out of all controversie , unto such as have any wit at all , that such men were very childish , that is to say , ignorant of all learning and judgement , which did so fat and feed with their possessions , these belly beasts ; for who would not judge it more then childish , to bestow the kings victuals or meate upon the bellies of the prophets of baal and iesabel ? but all they which at this present doe endowe such filthy sinks ( i will not call them dens of thieves ) with such revenues , they doe follow the steps of iesabel ; for what other thing doe they , when as daily they are bleating and lowing before their images , burning of incense , and fall flat downe before their altars , but that which in times past the prophets of baal did , when as they transported the worship of god unto an idoll ? wherefore , if daniel and elias were spotted with heresie , when they would have destroyed the priests of baal , i grant that i also must bee an heretique . but for so much as then hee did nothing but which was commanded him of the lord , that was able to kill the prophet which had allured the people to follow strange gods , he could not truly and justly be accused of heresie ; so neither can my adversaries spot mee therewithall , except , peradventure , they will condemne me , that ( whereas elias dealt more rigorously with the prophets of baal , for he cast them into the brooke kidron ) i required or desired no more , but that the riches which was wickedly bestowed upon them , and their possessions might be taken from them . the ninth article . he hath openly holden , said , and affirmed , preached , and taught , that the lawes of the church , that is to say , the sacred canons , approved and allowed by the holy catholique and apostolique church , are of no force , strength , or effect ; alleadging therefore and affirming , that they are made and intended contrary to the law of god. god forbid that i should say , that those things which are approved by the holy catholike church , should be of no effect or value . for well i know , that the holy apostolique church hath never been allowed , ordained or taught any thing which shee hath not learned of the lord : the apostles are witnesses therof , peter and paul , whereof the one of them dared not freely utter or speake of any of those things which christ hath not wrought by himselfe for the obedience of the gentiles . the other exhorteth , that if any man speake , he should speake the praises of god : but i condemne those lawes which the bishops of rome have made according to their owne will and mind , and say that they are spirituall , pertaining unto the salvation of the soule , and necessarie unto everlasting life ; for so much as the writings of the apostles doe evidently declare , that there was no authority knowne amongst them to make or ordaine any ordinances or lawes . furthermore , the scriptures doe manife●tly shew the same , how oftentimes , even by the lords owne mouth , this foresaid authority is taken from the ministers of the church , so that no excuse for them remaineth , but that they be plaine rebels against the word of god , how many soever doe presume or take upon them to appoint or set any new lawes upon the people of god. which thing is more manifest and evident , than the light it selfe , in many places of the scripture . for in the three and twentieth chapter of ioshua , it is written ; you shall observe and doe all that is written in the law of moses , neither shall you swarve from that , either to the right hand or to the left hand . but that which is written in the ●welfth chapter of deuteronomy ought to move them somewhat the more . what soever i command , saith the lord , that shall you observe and doe ; thereunto you shall adde nothing , neither shall you take any thing from it , &c. this point hee there excellently prosecutes at large ; where yo● may read more at your leisure . m. william tyndall , our famous martyr , in his obedience of a christian man , printed c●m privilegio at london , . p. . writes thus of bishops and their practises . god promised david a kingdome● and immediately stirred up king saul against him , to persecute him , to hunt him as men do hares with greyhounds , and to ferret him out of every hole , and that for the space of many yeares to tame him , to meere his lusts , to make him feele other mens diseases , to make him mercifull , to make him understand , that hee was made king , to minister , and to serve his brethren , and that he should not thinke that his subjects were made to minister unto his lusts , and that it were lawfull for him to take away from them life and goods at hi● pleasure . oh that our kings were so nurtured nowadayes , which our holy bishops teach of a farre other manner , saying ; your grace shall take your pleasure ; yea , take what pleasure you list , spare nothing : wee shall dispense with you , wee have power , wee are gods vicars , and let us alone with the realme , wee shall take paine for them , and see that nothing be well : your grace shall but defend the faith onely . after which he proceeded thus * : kings were ordained then , as i before said , and the sword put in their hands to take vengeance of evill doers , that others might feare , and were not ordeined to fight one against another , or to rise against the emperour to defend the false authority of the pope that very antichrist : bishops they onely can minister the temporall sword ; their office , the preaching of gods word laid apart , which they will neither do , nor suffer any man to do , but slay with the temporall sword ( which they have gotten out of the hand of all princes ) them that would . the preaching of gods word is hatefull and contrary ●nto them : why ? for it is impossible to preach christ except they preach against antichrist , that is to say , them which with their false doctrine and violence of sword enforce to quench the true doctrine of christ. and as thou canst heale no disease except thou begin at the roote : even so canst thou preach against no mischiefe except thou begin at the bishops . kings they are but shadowes , vaine names , and things idle , having nothing to do in the world , but when our holy father needeth their helpe . the pope contrary to all conscience , and against all the doctrine of christ , which saith , my kingdome is not of this world ( ioh. . ) hath usurped the right of the emperour . and by policy of the bishops of almany , and with corrupting the electours or choosers of the emperour with mony , bringeth to passe , that such a one is ever chosen emperour that is not able to make his party good with the pope . to stop the emperour that hee come not at rome , he br●ngeth the french king up to milane , & on the other side , bringeth he the venetians . if the venetians come too nigh , the bishop of france must bring the french king. and the socheners ( that is , the switzers ) are called and sent for to come & succour . and for their labor he giveth to some a rose , to another a cap of maintenance . one is called most christian king , another , defender of the faith , another , the eldest sonne of the most holy seate . he blazeth als● the armes of other , and putteth in the holy crosse , the crown● of thornes , or the nayles and so forth . if the french king goe too high , and creep up either to ●ononie or naples , then must our english bishops bring in our king. the craft of the bishops is to entitle one king with anothers realme . he is called king of denmarke , and of england : hee , king of england , and of france . then to blind the lords , and the commons , the king must challenge his right . then must the land be taxed , and every man pay , and the treasure borne out of the realme , and the land begger'd . how many a thousand mens lives hath it cost ? and how many an hundred thousand pounds hath it carried out of the realme in our remembrance ? besides , how abominable an example of gathering was there ? such verily as never tyrant since the world began did , yea such as was never before heard or thought on , neither among jewes , saracens , turkes or heathen , since god created the sunne to shine ; that a * beast should breake up into the temple of god , that is to say , into the heart and consciences of men , and compell them to swear every man what he was worth , to lend that should never be paid againe . how many tho●sands * ●orsware themselves ? how many thousands set themselves above their abilities , partly for feare lest they should be forsworne , and partly to save their credit ? when the pope hath his purpose , then is peace made , no man wo●teth how , and our most enemy is our most friend . now because the emperour is able to obtaine his right , french , english , venetians , and all must upon him● o great whore of babylon , how abuseth shee the princes of the world ? how drunke hath shee made them with her wine ? hee further addes , p. . they that are sworne to ●e true unto cardinalls and bishops , that is to say , false unto god , the king , and the realme , may breake their oathes lawfully without grudge of conscience by the authority of gods word . in making them they sinned , but in repenting and breaking them they please god highly , and receive forgivenesse in christ. let kings take their duty of their subjects , and ●hat is necessary unto the defence of the realme . let them rule their realme , themselves , with the helpe of lay men that are sage , wise , learned , and expert . is it not a shame above all shame● , and a monstrous thing , that no man should be found able to governe a worldly kingdome save bishops and prelates , that have forsaken the world , and are taken our of the world , and appointed to preach the kingdome of god ? christ saith , that his kingdome is not of this world , ioh. . and luke . unto the young man that desired him to bid his brother to give him part of the inheritance , hee answered , who made thee a iudge , or a divider among you ? no man that layeth his hand to the plough and looketh backe , is apt for the kingdome of heaven . luk. . no man can serve two masters , but he must despise the one . mat. . to preach gods word is too much for halfe a man. and to minister a temporall kingdome is too much for halfe a man also . either other requi●eth an whole man. one therefore ca●●ot well do bot● . he that avengeth himself● on every 〈◊〉 is not mee● to preach the patience of christ , how that a man ought to forgive and to suffer all things . he that is overwhelmed with all manner riches , and doth but seeke more daily , is not meere to preach poverty . hee that will obey no man , is not meete to preach , how we ought to obey all men . pe●e● saith , act. ● it is not mee●e that we should leave the word of god and serve at the table . paul saith in the . chapter of the ●●rst corinth ; w●● i● m●● if i preach not : a ●errible saying verily , for popes , cardinals , and bishop● . if he had said , woe be unto mee , i● i fight no● , ●nd move● princes unto warre , or if i increase nor saint pe●ers pa●rimony ( as they call it ) it had beene a more 〈◊〉 saying for them , christ forbiddeth his disciples , and that oft ( as thou mayst 〈◊〉 , matth. & and also . marke . and also . luk. . and also ●●● even at his last supper ) no● onely to clime above ●ords , kings , and emperours in worldly rule , but also to exalt themselves one above ●nother in the kingdom● of god : b●t in vaine , for the pope , would not heare it , though he had commanded it ten thousand times . gods word should rule onely , and not bishops decrees , or the popes pleasure . that ought they to preach purely and spiritually , and to fashion their lives after , and with all ensample of godly living and long suffering , to draw all to christ , and not to expound the scriptures carnally and worldly , saying , god spake this to peter , and i am his successor , therefore this authority is mine onely : and then bring in the tyranny of their fleshly wisedome , in praesentia majoris , cessat potestas m●noris , that is , in the presence of the greater , the lesse hath no power . there is no brotherhood where such philosophy is taught . after which , speaking of kings , the prelates canon law , and the bishops treacheries , he proceedes thus . pag. . , alas , kings be captives to the prelates ere ever they be kings , yea , almost ere they be borne . no man may be suffered about him but flatterers , and such as are first sworne t●ue unto our most holy fathers the bishops , that is to say , false to god and man. if any of the nobles of the re●lme be true to the king , and so bold that hee dare counsell him , that which should be to his honour , and for the wealth of the realme ; they will wait a season for him ( as men say ) they will provide a ghostly father for him . god bring this wickednesse to light . there is no mischiefe whereof they are not the roote , nor bloodshed , but thorough their cause , either by their counsell , or in that they preach not true obedience , and teach not the people to feare god. if any faithfull servant be in all the court , hee shall have twenty spies waiting upon him ; hee shall ●e cast out of the court , or , ( as the saying is ) conveyed to calice , and made a captaine , or an ambassador , hee shall be kept farre enough from the kings presence . the kings ought , i say , to remember , that they are in gods stead , and ordained of god , nor for themselves , but for the wealth of their subjects . let them remember that their subjects are their brethren , their flesh and blood , members of their owne body and even their owne selves in christ. therefore ought they to pity them , , and to rid them from such wily tyranny , which encreaseth more and more daily . and though that the kings by the falsehood of the bishops and abbots be sworne to defend such liberties : yet ought they not to keepe their oathes , but to breake them ; for as much as they are unright , and cleane against gods ordinance , and even , but cruell oppression , contrary unto brotherly love and charity . moreover the spirituall officer ought to punish no sinne , but if any sinne breake out , the king is ordained to punish it , and they not , but to preach and exhort them to feare god , and that they sinne not . and let the kings put downe some of their tyranny , and ●urne some unto a common wealth . if the tenth part of such tyranny were given the king yearely , and layd up in the shire townes against the realme had neede , what would it grow to in certaine yeares ? moreover , one king , one law ; is gods ordinance in every realme . therefore ought not the king to suffer them to have a severall law by themselves , and to draw his subjects thither . it is not meete will they say , that a spirituall man should bee judged of a worldly or a temporall man : o abomination ! the king is in the roome of god , and his law is gods law , and nothing but the law of nature and naturall equity , which god graved in the hearts of men ; yet antichrist is too good to be judged by the law of god , he must have a new of his owne making . it were meete verily that they went to no law at all . no more needed they , if they would study to preach gods word truely , and be contented with sufficient , and to be like one of their brethren . moreover when the spirituall officers have excommunicate any man , or have condemned any opinion for heresie , let not the king nor temporall officers punish and slay by and by at their commandement ; but let them looke on gods word , and compare their judgement unto the scripture , and see whether it be right or no , and not beleeve them at the first chop , whatsoever they say , namely in things that pertaine unto their owne authorities and power . for no man is a right judge in his owne cause . the emperour and kings are nothing now adayes but even hangmen unto the pope and bishops , to kill whatsoever they condemne , without any more adoe , as pilate was unto the scribes and pharisees and the high bishop , to hang christ. for as those prelates answered pilate ( when he asked what he had done ) if he were not an evill doer we would not have brought him unto thee . as who should say , we are too holy to doe any thing amiss●● thou mayst beleeve us well enough : yea and his blood on our heads sayd they , kill him hardily , we will beare the charge , our soules for thine ; we have also a law by which hee ought to dye , for he calleth himselfe gods sonne . even so say our prelates , he ought to dye by our lawes , he speaketh against the church . and your grace is sworne to defend the liberties and ordinances of t●e church , and to maintaine our most holy fathers authority● our soules for yours , ye shall do● a meritorious deede therein . neverthelesse a● pilate escaped not the judgement of god , even so is it to be feared lest our temporall powers shall not . wherefore be learned ye that judge the earth , lest the lord be angry with you , and ye perish from the right way . who slew the prophets ? who slew christ ? who slew his apostles ? who the martyrs , and all the righteous that ever were slaine ? the kings and the temporall sword at the request of the false prophets . page . . he goes on thus . behold the monsters how they are disguised with miters , croses , and hats , with crosses , pillars and pollaxes , and with three crownes ? what names have they ? my lord prior , my lord abb●t , my lord bishop , my lord arch-bishop , cardin●ll and legate : if it please your father-hood , if it pleas your lordship , if it please your grace , if it please your holinesse , and innumerable such like● behold how they are esteemed , & how high they be crept up above al , not into worldly seates onely , but into the seate of god , the hearts of men , where they sit above god himselfe . for both they and whatsoever they make of their owne heads is more feared and dread than god and his commandements . in them and th●ir deservings put we more trust than in christ and his merits . to their promises give we more ●aith , than to the promises which god hath sworne in christs blood . the hypocrites say unto the kings and lords , these heretickes would have us downe first , and then you , to make of all common . nay , ye hypocrites and right heretickes approved by open scripture , the kings and lords are down● already , and that so low that they cannot goe lower , ye tread them under your feete , and lead them captive , and have made them your bond servants to waite on your filthy lusts , and to avenge your malice on every man , contrary unto the right of gods word ; ye have not onely robbed them o● their land , authority , honour , and due obedience , which ye owe unto them , but also of their wits , so that they are not without understanding in gods word onely , but even in worldly matters that pertaine unto thei● offices , they are more than children ; ye beare them in hand what ye will , and have brought them even in case like unto them , which when they dance naked in nets , beleeve they are invisible . we would have them up againe , and restored unto the room● and authority which god hath given them , and whereof ye have robbed th●m . and your inward falshood we doe but utter onely wi●h the light of god● word , that your hypocrisie might be seene . be learned therefore ye that judge the world , lest god be angry with you , and ye perish from the right way , page . . he proceeds thus ? when all men lose their lands , they remaine alwayes sure and in safety , and ever win somewhat for whosoever conquereth other mens lands unrightfully , ever giveth them part with them : to them is all things lawfull● in all councels and parliaments are they the chiefe , without them may no king be crowned , neither untill he be sworne to their liberties . all secrets know they , even the very thoughts of mens hearts . by them all things are ministred . no king nor realme may thorough their falshood live in peace . to beleeve they teach not in christ , but in them and their disguised hypocrisie and of them compell they all men to buy , redemption and forgiven●sse of sinnes . the peoples sinne , they eate , and thereof wax fat . the more wicked the people are , the more prosperous is their common wealth . if kings and great men doe amisse , they must build abbies and colledges , meane men build chauntries , poore finde trentalls and brotherhoods and begging fryers . their owne heires doe men dis-herit to endote them . all kings are compelled to submit themselves to them . read the story of king iohn , and of other kings . they will have their causes avenged , though whole realmes should therefore perish . page . . he addes . what signifieth that the prelates are so bloody , and cloathed in red ? that they may be ready every houre to suffer martyrdome for the testimony of gods word . is that also not a false signe ? when no man dare for them once to open his mouth to aske a question of gods word , because they are ready to burne him . what signifieth the pollaxes that are borne before high legates a latere ? whatsoever false signe they make of them , i care not● but of this i am sure , that as the old hypocrites when they had slaine christ , ●et pollaxes to keepe him in his sepulcher , that he should not rise againe : even so have our hypocrites buried the testament that god made unto us in christs blood , and to keepe it downe , that it rise not againe , is all their study , whereof these pollaxes are the very signe . is not that shepheards hooke the bishops crosse , a false signe ? is not that white rotchet that the bishop and channons weare so like a nunne , and so effeminately , a false signe ? what other things are their sandals , gloves , miters , and all the whole pompe of their disguising , then false signes , in which paul prophesied that they should come ? and as christ warned us , to beware of wolves in lambes skins , and bad us , looke rather unto their fruites and deedes , than to wonder at their disguisings ; runne throughout all our holy religious , and thou shalt finde them likewise all cloathed in falsehood . againe , page . he writes thus ; but christ saith , mat. . by their fruites shalt thou know them , that is by their filthy covetousnesse and shamelesse ambition , and drunken desire of honour , contrary unto the example and doctrine of christ and of his apostles . christ sayd to peter , the last chapter of iohn , feede my sheepe , and not sheare thy flocke . and peter saith , pet. . not being lords over the parishes , but these sheare , and are become lords . paul saith , cor. . not that we be lords over your faith : but these will be lords and compell us to beleeve whatsoever they lust , without any witnesse of scripture , yea cleane con●rary to the scripture , when the open text rebuketh it . and page . ( saith he ) as for that solemne doubt , as they call it , whether iudas was a priest or no : i care not what he was then , but of this i am sure , that he is now not onely priest , but also bishop cardinall and pope . page . he addes . confession is there held , thereby know they all secrets , thereby mocke they all men , and all mens wives , and beguile knights and esquires , lord and king , and betray all realmes . the bishops with the pope have a ce●taine conspiration and secret treason against the whole world . and by confession know they what kings and emperours thinke . if ought be against them , doe they never so evill , then move they their captives to warre and to fight , and give them pardons to s●ay whom they will have taken out of the way . they have with falsehood taken from all kings and emperours their right and duties , which now they call their freedomes , liberties , and priviledges , and have pe●verted the ordinances that god left in the world , and have made every king sweare to defend their falsehood against their own selves . so that now if any man preach gods word truely , and shew the freedome and liberty of the soule which we have in christ , or entend to restore the kings againe unto their duties and right , and to the roome and authority which they have of god , and of shadowes to make them kings indeed , and to put the world in his order againe , then the kings deliver their swords and authority unto the hypocrite● to slay him . so drunken are they with the wine of the whore . page . . . . he there thus farther proceedes . on the other side i have also uttered the w●ckednesse of the spiritualty , the falsehood of the bishops an● juggling of the pope , and how they have disguised them●elves , borrowing some of their pompe of the jewes , and some of the gentiles , and have with subtile wiles turned the obedience that should be given to gods ordinance unto themselves . and how they have put our gods testament and gods truth , and set up their owne traditions and lyes , in which they have taught the people to beleeve , and thereby sit in their consciences as god , and have by that meanes robbed the world of lands and goods , of peace and unity , and of all temporall authority , and have brought the people into the ignorance of god , and have heaped the wrath of god upon all realmes , and namely upon the kings , whom they have robbed ( i speake not of worldly things onely ) but ●ven of their very naturall wits . they make them beleeve that they are most christian , when they live most abominably , and will suffer no man in their realmes that beleeveth on christ , and that they are defenders of the ●aith , when they burne the gospell and promises of god , out of which all faith springeth● i ●●●wed how they have ministred christ , king and emperour ou● of their roomes , and how they have made them a severall kingdome , which they got at the first in deceiving of princes , and now pervert the whole scripture to prove that they have such authority of god. and l●st the l●y-men should see how falsely they alleadge the places of the ●●ripture , is the greatest , c●use of this per●ec●t●on . they have 〈◊〉 confession for the same p●●pose to ●●●●blish t●eir kingdome withall . all secrets know they thereby● the bishop knoweth the confession of whom he ●usteth throughout all his diocesse . yea , and his c●●ncellour comm●●deth the ghostly father to deliver it writt●●● the pop● , his ca●dinal●●nd bishop● know the confession 〈…〉 kings , and 〈◊〉 all lords , a●d by confession ●hey know all 〈◊〉 cap●●●e● . ●f ●ny ●●leeve in chri●t by co●f●ssion , ●hey know him . 〈…〉 where thou wilt : wh●ther at sion , charter-house or at the observants , thy con●ession is knowne well enough . and thou , if thou beleeve in christ , art waited upon . wonderfull are the things that thereby are wrought . the wife is fear●d and compelled to utter not her owne onely , but also the secrets of her husband , and the servant the secrets of his master . besides that , through confession they quench the faith of all the promises of god , and take away the effect and vertue of all the sacraments of christ. they have also corrupted the saints lives , with lyes and fained miracles , and have put many things out of the sentence or great curse , as raising of rents and fines , and hiring men out of their hou●es , and whatsoever wickednesse they themselves doe ; and have put a grea● part of the stories and chronic●es out of the way , lest their falshood should be seene . for there is no mischiefes or disorder , whether it be in the temporall regiment , or else in the spirituall , whereof they are not the chiefe causes , and even the very fountain●●nd springs , and as we say , the well head so that it is impossible to preach against any mischief except thou begin at them , or to set any reformation in the world , except thou reforme them first . now are they indurate and tough as pharaoh , and will not bow unto any right way or order . and therefore persecute they gods word and the preachers thereof ; and on the other side , lye awaite unto all princes , and stirre up all mischiefe in the world , and send them to war , and occupy their mindes therewith or with other voluptuousnesse , lest they should have leisure to heare the word of god , and to set an order in their realmes . by them is all things ministred , and by them are all kings ruled : ( marke that which ●olloweth ) yea in every kings conscience ●it they ere he be king , and perswade every king what they lust , and make them both to beleeve what they will , and to doe what they will. neither c●● any king or any realme have ●est for their businesses . behold king hen●y th● . whom they sen● ou● , for such a purpose , as they sent ●ur king that now i● . see how the realme is inhabited . a●ke where the goodly townes , and their walls , and the people that was wont to be in them a●● become , and where the blood royall of the realme is become also . turne thine eyes whither thou wilt , and thou shalt see nothing pro●perous but their subtle polling , with th●● it is flowing water , yea and i trust it wil● be shortly a full sea. in all their doings , though they pretend outwardly the honour of god or the common wealth , their int●nt and secret counsell is onely to bring all under their power , and to take out of the way whosoever letteth them , or is too mighty for them . as when they send their princes to ierusalem to conquer the holy land , and to fight against the turkes , whatsoever they pretend outwardly , their secret intent is , while the princes there conquer them more bishopricke● , to conquer their land in the meane season with their false hypocrisie , and to bring all under them ; which , thou mayst easily perceive by that they will not let us know the faith of christ. and when they are once on high , then are they tyrants above all tyrants , whether they be turk● or saracens . how minister they proving of testaments ? how causes of wedlocke ? or if any man dye intestate ? if a poore man dye and leave halfe a dozen young children , and but one cow to finde them , that they will have for a mercilesse mort●●ry , let come of wi●e and children what will. yea , let any thing bee done against their pleasure , and they will interdict the whole realme , sparing no person . read the chronicles of england [ out of which yet they have put a great part of their wickednesse ] and thou shalt finde them alwayes both rebellious and disobedient to the kings , and also churlish and unthankefull , so that when all the realme gave the king somewhat to maintaine him in his right , they would not give a mi●e . consider the story of king iohn , where i doubt not but they have put the best and fairest for themselves , and the worst for king iohn . for i suppose they make the chronicles themselves . compare the doings of their holy church ( as they ever call it ) unt● the learning o● christ and of his apostles . did not the legate of rome assoyle all the lords of the realme of their due obedience , which they ought to their king by the ordinance of god ? would he not have cursed the king with his solemne pompe , because he would have done that office which god commandeth every king to doe , and wherefore go● hath put the sword in every kings han●● that is to wit , becau●e king iohn would have p●●ished a wicked clarke that had coyned false money . the lay men that had not done halfe so great faults must dye , but the clarke must goe & escape free . sent not the pope also unto the king of france remission of his sinnes to goe and conquer king iohns re●lme ? so ●ow ●emission of sinnes commeth not by faith in the testament that god hath made in christs blood , but by fighting and murmering for the popes pleasure . last of all , was not king iohn faine to deliver his crowne unto the legate , and to yeeld up his realme unto the pope , wherefore we pay peter-pence ? they might be called the polling-pence of false prophets well enough . they care not by what mischiefe they come by their purpose● warre and conquering of lands is their harvest . the wickeder the people are , the more they have the hypocrites in reverence , the more they feare them , and the more they beleeve in them . and they that conquer other mens lands , when they dye , make them their heires , to be prayed for , for ever . let there come one conque●t more in the realme , and thou shalt see them get yet as much more as they have [ if they can keepe downe gods word , that their jugling come not to light . ] yea , thou shalt see them take the realme whole into their hands , and crowne one of themselves king thereof . and verily i see no other likelihood , but that the land shall be shortly conquered . the starres of the scripture promise us none other fortune , in as much as we deny christ with the wicked jewes , and will not have him raigne over us : but will be still children of darkenesse under antichrist , and antichrists possession , burning the gospell of christ , and defending a faith that may not stand with his holy testament . if any man shed blood in the church , it shall be interdicted , till he have payd for the hallowing . if he be not able , the parish must pay , or else shall it stand alwayes , interdicted . they will be avenged on them that never offended . full well prophesied of them paul in the second epistle to timothy . some men will say , wouldst thou that men should fight in the 〈◊〉 unpunished ? nay , but let the king ordaine a punish●●●●●or them , as he doth for them that fight in his palace , and le● not all the parish bee troubled for ones fault . and as for ●heir hallowing , it is the juggling of antichrist . a christian man is the temple of god and of the holy-ghost , and hallowed in christs blo●d . a christian man is holy in himselfe by reason of the spirit that dwelleth in him , and the place wherein he is , is holy by reason of him , whether he be in the field or towne . a christian husband sanctifieth an unchristian wife , and a christian wife an unchristian husband , [ as concerning the use of matrimony ] saith paul to the corinthians . i● now while we seeke to be hallowed in christ , we are found unholy and must be hallowed by the ground , or place , or walls , then dyed christ in vaine . howbeit antichrist must have wher●with to fit in m●ns consciences , and to make them feare where there is no ●eare , and to rob them of their faith , and to make them trust in that that cannot helpe them , and to seeke holinesse of that which is not holy in it selfe . after that the old king of france was brought downe out of italy , marke what pageants have ●e●ne played , and what are yet a playing to seperate us from the emp●rour , ( least by the helpe or ayde o● us he should be able to recover his right of the pope ) and to couple us to the french men , whose might the pope ever abuseth to keep the emperour from italy . what prevaileth it for any king to marry his daughter or his sonne , or to make any peace or good ordinance for the wealth o● his realme ? for it shall no longer l●st than it is profitable to them : their treason is so secret that the world cannot perceive it . th●y dissimule those things which they are onely cause of , and simule discord among themselves when they are most agr●ed . one shall hold this , and another shall dispute the contrary : but the conclusion shall be that most maintaineth their falshood , though gods word be never so contrary . what have th●y wrought in our dayes , yea and what worke they yet to the perpetuall dishonour of the king , and rebuke of the realme , and shame of all the nation in whatsoever realmes they goe ? i uttered unto you partly the malicious blindnesse of the bishop of rochester , his juggling , his conveying , his fox wilenesse , his ●opeepe , his wresting , renting and shamfull abusing of the scripture , his oratory and alleadging of heretickes , and how he would make the apostles authors of blind ceremonies without signification , cont●ary to their owne doctrine , and have set him for an ensample to judge all other by . the cause why laymen cannot rule temporall offices , is the falshood of the bishops . their polling i● like a consumption wherein a man complaineth of fe●●l●ne●se and of faintnesse , and worteth not whence his disease commeth it is like a pocke that fretteth inward and consumeth the very marrow of the bones . there seest thou the cause why it is impossible for kings to come to the knowledge of the truth . for these spirits lay awaite for them , and serve their appetites at all points , and through con●ession buy and sell and betray both them and all their true friends , and lay ●aites for them and never leave them till they have blinded them with their sophistry and have brought them into their nets . and then when the king is captive , they compell all the rest with violence of his sword . for if any man will not obey , be it right or wrong , they cite him , suspend him , and curse or excommunicate him : if he then obey not , they deliver him to ●ilate , that is to say , unto the temporall officers to destroy him . all this and much more he ●ully proves and more largely prosecutes in his booke intituled the practise of popish prelates . concerning bishops interm●dling with temporall matters he thus writes . our saviour jesus christ answered pilate , ioh. . that his kingdome was not of this world . and mat. . he saith : the disciple is not greater than his master● but it ought to suffice the disciple that he be a● his master is . wherefore if christs kingdome be not of this world , nor any of his disciples may be otherwise than hee was , then christs vicars which minister his kingdome here in his bodily absence , and h●ve the over-sight o● his flocke may be none emperours , kings , dukes , lords , knight● , temporall iudges , or any temporall officer , or under false names have any such dominion , or minister any such office as requireth violence . and mat. . no man can serve two masters ; where christ concludeth saying , yee cannot serve god and mammon ; that is , riches , cove●ousne●se , ambition and temporall dignities . and christ called his disciples unto him , and sayd● ye know that the lords of the heathen people have dominion over them , & they that be great do exercise power over them : howbeit , it shal not be so among you , but whosoever wil be great among you , shall be your minister , and he that will be chiefe , shall be your servant ; even as the son of man came not that men should minister unto him , but for to minister and give his life for the redemption of many : wherefore the officers in christ● kingdome may have no temporall dominion or jurisdiction , no● execute any temporall authori●y or law of violence , nor may have any like manner among them . but cleane contrary they must cast themselves downe under all and become servants unto all , suffer o● all , and beare the burthen of every mans infirmities , and goe before them , and ●ight for them against the world with the ●word of gods word , even unto the death , after the example of christ. and mat. . when the disciples asked , who should be greatest in the kingdome of heaven , christ called a young child unto him , and set him in the midst among them , saying : except ye turne backe and become as children ye shall not enter into the kingdome of heaven . now young children beare no rule one over another , but all is fellowship among them ; and he sayd moreover , whosoever humbleth hims●lfe , after the ensample of this child , he is greatest in the kingdome of heaven , that is , to be ( as concerning ambition and worldly desire ) so childish that thou couldst not heave thy selfe above thy brother , is the very bearing of rule , and to be great in christs kingdome . and to describe the very fashion of the greatnesse of his kingdome , he sayd : he that receiveth one such child in my name receiveth me . what is that to receive a childe in christs name ? verily to submit , to meeke and to humble thy selfe under all men , and to consider all mens infirmities and weakenesses , and to helpe to heale their diseases with ●he word of tru●h , and to live purely , ●hat they see no contrary ensample in thee to whatsoever tho● teachest them in christ , that tho● put no stumbling blocke before them to make them ●aile while they be yet young and weake in the faith : but that thou abstaine as paul teacheth , thes. . ab omni specie mala , from all t●at might seeme evill , or whereof a man might ●urmise amisse ; and that thou so love them , that whatsoever gift of god in them is , thou thinke the same theirs , and their food , and for their sakes given unto thee , as the ●ruth is ; and that all their infirmit●es be thine , and that thou feele them , and that with all thy power to helpe to amend them , and cease not to cry to god for them neither day nor night : and that thou let nothing be found in thee that any man may rebuke , but whatsoever thou teachest them , that be thou ; and that thou be not a wolfe in a lambes skin , as our holy father the pope is , which commeth unto us in a name of hypocrisie , and in the title of cursed cham o● ham , calling himselfe serv●s servo●um , the servant of all ●ervants , and is yet found tyrannus ●yrannorum , of all tyrants the most cruell . this is to receive young children in christs name , and to receive young children in christs name is to beare rule in the kingdome of christ. thu● ye see that christs kingdome is altogether spirituall , and the bearing of rule in it is cleare contrary unto the bearing of rule temporally : wherefore none that be●reth rul● in it may have any temp●rall jurisdiction , or minister any temporall office that requireth violence to compell withall . thus and ●arre more mr. tyndall . all whose passages are very remarkable , and worthy serious consideration . iohn fri●h our learned english martyr , in his answere to the prefac● of mr. moores book . pag. writes thus of bishops an● their great possessions ; this canker then began to spread in the congregation , and did full sore annoy the body , insomuch that within foure hundred yeares , there were very many sects scattered in every coast . notwithstanding there were faithfull fathers that diligently subdued them with the sword of gods word . but surely since silvester received such possessions , hath the canker so crept in the church , that it hath almost left never a sound member . and as cistercensis writeth in the eighth booke , that day that hee received revenues was a voyce heard in the ayre , crying over the court , which sayd , this day is venome shed into the church of god. before that time there was no bishop greedy to take a cure. for it is no honour and profit as it is now , but onely a carefull charge which was like to cost him his life at one time or other . and therefore no man would take it , but he that bare such a love and zeale to god and his ●locke , that hee could be content to shed his blood for them . but after that it was made so honourable and profitable , they that were worst both in learning and living , most laboured for it . for they that were vertuous would not entangle themselves with the vaine pride of this world , and weare three crownes of gold , where christ did weare one of thorne . and in conclusion it came so farre● that whosoever would give most money for it , or best could flatter the prince ( which he knew well all good men to abhorre ) had the preheminence and got the best bishopricke , and then instead of gods word , they published their owne commandements , and made lawes to have all under them , and made men beleeve they could not erre whatsoever they did or sayd , and even as in the roomes & stead of moses , aaron , eliazer , iosue , caleb , and other faithful folk , came herod , annas , caiphas , pilate and iudas , which put christ to death● so now in the stead of christ , peter , paul , iames , and iohn and the faithfull followers of christ , we have the pope , cardinalls , arch-bishops , bishops , and proud prelates with their proctors● the malicious ministers of their master the devill , which notwithstanding transform●● themselves into a likenesse , as though they were the ministers of righteousnesse , whose end shall bee according to their workes . so that the body is cankered long agone , and now are left but certaine small members which god of his puissant power hath rese●ved uncorrupted● and because they see that they cannot be cankered as their owne ●lesh is , for pure anger they bu●●e them● lest if they continued there might seeme some deformity in their owne cankered carkasses , by the comparing of these whole members to their scabbed body . our godly martyr , d. barnes , in his articles , pag. , , , . writes thus of bishops ; i will never beleeve , nor yet i can never beleeve that one man may be by the law of god a bishop of two or three cities , yea of an whole country : for it is contrary to saint paul , which saith , i have left thee behind , to set in every city a bishop . and if you find in one place of scripture , that they be called episcopi , you shall find in divers other places , that they be called presbyteri . i was brought before my lord cardinall into his gallery , and there he read all my articles till he came to this , and there he stopped , and said , that this touched him , and therefore he asked mee if i thought it wrong , that one bishop should have so many citties underneath him ? unto whom i answered , that i could no farther goe , than to saint pauls text , which set in every city a bishop . then asked hee mee , if i thought it now unright ( seeing the ordinance of the church ) that one bishop should have so many cities ? i answered , that i knew none ordinance of the church ( as concerning this thing ) but saint pauls saying onely : neverthelesse i did see a contrary custome and practice in the world , but i know not the originall thereof . then said hee , that in the apostles ●ime there were divers citie● , some seven miles , some sixe mile● long , and over them was there set but one bishop , and of their suburbes also . so likewise now , ● bishop hath but one city to his cathedrall church , and the country about , is as suburbs unto it . mee thought this was farre fetched , but i durst not deny it , because it was great authority , and of so holy a father , and of so great a divine . but this date i say , tha● his hollinesse could never prove it by scripture , nor yet by any authority of doctors , not yet by any practice of the apostles , and yet it must be tr●e , because a pillar of the church hath spoken it● but let us see what the doctors say to my article : athanasius doth declare this text of the apostle . i have left thee behind ; &c. hee would not commit unto one bishop a whole isle , but hee did enjoyne , th●t every city● should have his proper pastor , supposing that by this meanes they should more diligently oversee the people , and also that the labour should be more easie to beare , &c. also chrysostome on that same text . hee would not that a whole country should be permitted unto one man , but hee enjoyned unto every man his cure ; by that meanes hee knew , that the labour should be more easie , and the subjects should be with more diligence governed , if the teachers were not distracted with the governing of many churches , but had cure and charge of one church onely , &c. mee thinketh these be plaine words , and able to move a man ●o speake as much as i did . but grant that you may have all these c●●ies , yet can you make it no heresie . for my lord cardinall granted , that it was but against him , and against you , who be no gods . but i poore man must be an heretique , there is no remedy , you will have it so , and who is able to say nay ? not all scripture , no● yet god himselfe . sure i am , that they cannot by the law of god have any jurisdiction secular , and yet they challenge both powers , which if they have why do ●hey not put them both in use ? for they must say , as the jewes said , wee may kill no man. this is the article that did bite you : for you cannot be content with the office of a bishop , but you will be also kings . how that standeth with gods law , and with your oat● , i have declared it to our noble prince . i doubt not , but he will put you to the tryall of it . have you not this many yeares condemned many a poore man , and then delivered him to the temporal power to be put to death , which knew nothing of his cause ? and if he would , that yee should put him to dea●h your selves , ●hen answered yee , how you might kill no man. so that they were always your hangmen . they say they b●●he successors of christ and of his apostles , but i can see them follow none but iudas . for they beare the purse , and have all the money . and if they had not so great possessions , i am sure an hundred would speake against them , where now dare not one , for losse of promotion . and for this article , i will overcome you with the witnesse of all the world , you may well condemne it for here●ie , but it is as true as your pa●er noster , iudas sold our master but once , and you ●ell him as often as he● commeth in your hands . but i would it were that yee could prove mee a lye● , and that you followed ●ny of the apostles ●aving iudas onely , yet i would that yee were in certaine points as good ●s iudas was . these ordinary bishops and prelates do follow that ●●lse prophet ba●a●m , for they would curse the people , but by the provision of go● they were compelled to blesse them , that is to say , to ●each them to live well , though they themselves live most mischievously . and so the asses which they ride upon , that is , the common people , have their lives in abominat●on . this is the hainous here●ie . for it speaketh against the holy fathers , which be almost as holy as balaams asse , that did once speake the word of god to a good purpose . and so do they never . but i grant that i did offend in calling you ordinary bishops , for i should have called you inordinate butchers . and as ●or that that i compared you to balaam , it is your owne law. . quest : . secuti sunt . and cap. nos si . and as for your living , all the world knoweth it . i could tell here many holy points of bishops living , as keeping of mens wives , and daughters , but i will not , for i should be reckoned uncharitable . but you may do them breaking not your holy charity . so he . the namelesse author of a supplication to king henry the eight , printed . writes thus of bishops , their calling , practises , and great revenues ; how cruelly do the bishops punish all them which pretend to have learning , and especially in gods word ? such ●hey call heretiques , and persecute with putting them to open shame , with imprisonment , and in conclusion with death most fea●efull and painfull . all this they do to discourage all men from the study of gods word , fearing lest that by such studious braines which learne gods word and publish the same , their iniquity should be made manifest . what study and pains do they take to keep the light from the people● but no man which knoweth the scriptures will marvell of ●his their policie and cruelty . for saint iohn declareth their practice plainly , saying . hee that doth evill hateth the light , and why ? bec●use his workes which be evill should not be reproved by the light . and for as much as our bishops coun●enance of living their great possessions , and lordly dominions in them agreeth with gods word , ●s death with life , god with the devill , light with darknesse , therefore they hate the light which declareth the same , and study 〈◊〉 ●uppresse the same by all ●ra●t and poli●y . also they be enemies 〈◊〉 all men which can and doe preach gods word sincerely and truly , because they live ●ontrary to the same . and ●his i● the originall ground , and ca●se of the ab●ndance of ●nd i●cr●●se of darkenes , and of sinne , 〈◊〉 ●lso of the long contin●●nce o● popish blindnesse , which hath ●aigned in this realme so l●●g . after which he proceeds thus , most dread soveraigne lord , i see two foule deformities● and great lamentable mischiefes annexed to the vocation and office of bishops , which not reformed will poyson and utterly corrupt the godly vocation and election of the said bishops . the onely infection , and pestilent poyson is their great lordships and dominions with the yearly provents of the same , which hath so fashioned them in proud countenances , and worldly behaviour , that now they be most like the heathen princes , and most unlike unto christ , although they would be esteemed of all men to be his true successours : yet poore christ saith , the f●xes have holes , the birds have nests , but the sonne of man hath not wherein to lay his head . but our bishops have gorgeous and sumptuous builded houses , mannors , and castles pleasantly set about with parkes well replenished with deare , warrens swarming full of conyes , and pooles well stored with divers kinds of fishes . and not onely these commodities and pleasures , but also divers other pleasures . how doth this lordly and worldly bishoplike estate agree with christs words ? i thinke a man cannot reasonably conjecture or imagine by their countenance and living that they be christs true disciples . the other mischiefe , and evill is , that they have too many worldly cares and businesses . for to these mannors and lordships belong many tenants , for whose leases to be made fines and haryots to be appointed and taken , amerciaments to be assessed , taxed and also forgiven and dispensed , there be no few suits made to my lord bishop : also the hearing of testamentary causes , divorces , causes of matrimony , causes of slanders , of lechery , adultery and punishment o● bawdery , and such other bumme court matters ( whereof not one belong to his office and vocation appointed by gods word ) my lord bishop is so occupyed and unquieted , that he hath no leasure to study , nor to preach gods word . but such affaires and worldly businesses , nothing pertaining to his vocation , be very great hinderance and let to my lord bishop that hee can not apply him to exercise his owne office . for no man can serve two masters , saith christ. the apostles thought it not just and equall to provide for the necessary living of the poore , leaving gods word untaught . but my lord bishop doing these things nothing pertaining to his office thinketh that he hath exactly done his office . from these great mannors commeth yearly great rents , pleasures , and profits , which although they be the good creatures ●f god , yet the abundance of them ( being where they be more impediment than helpe ) be a great occasion of corruption in the user of them . and peradventure they would allure and intice a bishops heart to trust in them , and so corrupt him , as the scripture saith : blessed is the rich which is found without blemish , hath not gone after gold nor hoped in mony and treasures ; where is ●here such a one , and wee shall commend him and call him blessed , for great things doth hee among his people . and if my lord bishop should give the superfluity of his goods to the poore ( whose goods justly they be ) as the proph●t esay saith ; then my lord should lacke them to furnish his lordly countenance , and so my lord should lose his lordly honour and prayse of the world . wherefore as these superfluous possessions be annexed to estates of bishops by mans vaine fantasie , and not by gods word , so my lord bishop will either keepe them to make him more friends ( remembring that riches maketh many friends ; but the poore is forsaken of his neighbour , ) or devise the expence of them contrary to gods word , either to make sure friends in the court about the king to obtaine more promotions and benefices , or in curious building , sumptuous and delicate fare , well apparelled servants , trimme decked horses to ride pompeously like a lord. although there were no authority to prove this , yet the lordly countenance , and fashion of bishops , yea their common exercise , and practise can well prove and testifie this plainely before the face of all men , which knoweth the lordlinesse of bishops , as the prophet esay saith . the changing of their countenance bewrayeth them ; yea they declare their owne sinnes themselves at sodomites , and hide them not . do no● these things faintly agree with the saying of their predecessour paul the apostle , which saith , when wee have food and rayment , wee must be contented . is not this lordly honour directly against christs words , which saith , the kings of nations raigne over them , and they that have authority over them are called gracious lords : but you shall n●t be so . also peter speaketh to his true successors , saying , feed you christs flocke as much as lyeth in you , taking the oversight of them , not as compelled thereunto , but willingly after a good sort , nor for the desire of filthy lucre , but of a good mind , not as though you were lords over the parishes , but that you be an example to the flocke and that with good will. but our lordly bishops estate and proud countenance of living ( as it is now used ) is contrary to gods word , as it appeareth by these words , but you shall not be so . and also by these sayings . not at though you were lords over the parishes . and christ saith , hee that is not with mee is against mee . wherefore so long as they raigne so lordly in the clergie contrary to gods word , so long be they against god and so long as they be against god , they be not sent from god , and then can they not preach truly and si●cerely his word : for , how can they preach except they be sent ? saith paul. christ was s●nt to preach , as it appeareth , mar. . luk. . and isay . and christ saith to all his true disciples . as my father sent mee , so do i send you . and commandeth also all his apostles and true successors of the apostles , to preach the gospel to the whole world , and not lordly to raigne in the clergie . whom paul teacheth to be as ministers , saying● let a man this wise esteeme us even as the ministers of christ , and the stewards of the secrets of god. to preach the gospel therefore ( most gratious and prudent lord ) is the true vocation and office of all godly bishops , parsons , vicars and of other shepheards , and not to be ambassadors to princes , not to be judges to heare matters of contention , testamentary causes , divorces , slanders , baudery , and such other . your grace hath of your lay see sufficient both in learning and wisedome , and of good conscience to heare , and judge such causes and variances , remitting bishops to attend their office and vocation by god ( and not by man ) appointed . and therefore they should not exercise any other office than god hath appointed to them : for no man can serve two masters . and if bishops and other pastors would diligently execute their vocation & office , much ●ewer of those matters of contention shall be in ure , & experience either to be heard or judged . seeing the scriptures commandeth so earnestly every man to walke as hee is called . many christian men marvell greatly why the bishops desire and procure so greedily to exercise the office pertaining to another vocation , and to leave their vocation and office ( appointed by god to them , to be exercised ) not executed , nor performed and done : verily because they love the glory of men , more than the glory of god. and surely , even as caiphas and annas being bishops and exercising the office of secular and temporall judges did judge christ to be crucified , so our bishops so long as they contrary to their calling , do exercise the office of temporall judges , so long shall they persecute christ and his members , and study to suppresse his word , and not to preach the same . have not they businesse sufficient wherewith to occupie them in their owne office ? if they would looke well thereunto , do not they see on every side detestable sinne to raigne throughout all this your realme ? detestable vices raigne in this your realme , against the which our bishops and other pastours should continually cry out , as the prophet saith ; cry now as loud as thou canst , leave not off , lift up thy voyce like a trumpet , and shew my people their offences , & the ●ouse of iacob their sins . but alas they be become both blind and dumbe , as the prophet saith . his watchmen are all blinde , they have altogether no understanding , they are all dumbe dogges , not able to barke , they ●re s●●epy , foolish are they , and lye snor●ing , they are shamelesse dogges that ●e never satisfied . the shepheards also in like manner h●ve no u●derstanding ●ut every man turneth to his owne way , every out after his owne covetousnesse withall his power . what is the cause that they do not execute this their office ? other beca●se they cannot , or because they have so much worldly businesse , that they will not apply ●hemselves to performe both . or else they be afraid to spe●ke the truth lest they should displease men , whom paul reproveth saying : if i should please men , i should not be the servant of christ. also the prophet saith , god breaketh the bones of them which study to please men● they be confounded because the lord 〈◊〉 th●m . our bishops love so well their great dominions● whereby they maintaine their lordly honour , th●t they will ●ot disple●se men with pre●ching the ●ruth lest they should ●h●n loose their great po●●essions , and consequently their lordly glory . but surely , as long as they possesse their great dominions , so long they will continue and maintaine their pride : and so long as they continue in pride , so long they shall not receive the holy ghost , which shall reach them to speake the truth . for upon whom shall my spirit rest ( saith the prophet esay ) but upon the m●●ke and lowly , and upon him which feareth my sayings ? also the prophet saith , god res●steth the proud , and unto the m●●ke and lowly h●e giv●th ●is grace . wherefore so long as the bishops conti●●e in this worldly wealth and honour , so long will they 〈◊〉 their du●y and office , but ra●her pers●cute the word of go● , which declareth and sheweth what is their office ●nd their duty . and so long as they do not e●ercise their off●●e ●nd voc●●ion , but ●o pe●secu●e ●he word , and such as sinc●●ely p●each the same so long shall sinne incr●ase . for if the eye be wicked , all the body shall be ●ull of darknesse . for even as at such time , when the bishop of rome was first endowed with great possessions , a voice was heard , saying , now venome and poyson is cast and shed forth into the church of god. in like wise no doubt , most godly governour , semblable voyce and saying may be verified in , and upon all the church of england , sith your bishops were endowed with so great possessions and lordly dominions . no doubt , gracious lord , so long as great lordly dominions , worldly honours , and wealth be annexed and knit to the vocation and offices of bishops and other pastours , these mischiefes and inconveniences shall ever ensue and follow . first the most proud and ambitious , the most covetous and wicked which other by mony , friendships , or flattery can obtaine the benefice , will labour with all studie and policie to get the benefice , onely for the worldly honour , and not for the zeale and love which he should have to instruct and teach the people committed to his cure and charge . and for the profit which belongeth and appertaineth to the same benefice , they will dissemble humility , and despection , of all worldly profits and pleasures so colourably and subtilly , that it shall be very hard for your majesty , or any other having authority to give benefices to perceive them . and when they have obtained the benefice , then every christian man shall well perceive , that he hath not entred in by the doore ; that is , for the zeale and love to do and execute the office , but hath climed up and ascended by another way , that is , for the lucre and honour annexed to the office . and then certainly , whosoever ascendeth and entereth in by another way , cannot be but a theefe by day , and by night , whose study and labour must be to steale , kill and destroy , as christ ( whose words must ever be true ) saith . the theefe commeth not but to steale , to kill , and to destroy . so that so long as so much worldly profit and honour belongeth to the benefice , so long will hee that for want and lacke of learning cannot doe the office , and also the most covetous and proud will labour to have th●●●fice , whereby the people committed to his cure shall not on●● be untaught , and not learned in gods word , but also all they which can preach and teach gods word , and love the same , by such a worldly wolfe shall be extremely persecnted and tormented . for hee cannot but steale , kill , and destroy , and utterly abhorre and hate the godly , as christ saith , if you were of the world , the world would love his owne . but because you be not of the world , but i have chosen you from the world , therefore the world doth hate you . no doubt a man shall much rather upon thornes gather grapes , and upon brambles , and bryers gather figges than of such greedy theeves to have any christian religion , either set forth , preached , or stablished . wherefore ( most redoubted prince ) seeing that their great possessions , riches , wordly offices , cures and businesse be the impediment , and let that they do not execute their vocation and office , which is so godly , profitable & necessary for this your commonwealth ; you , being our soveraigne lord and king ( whom god hath called to governe this your realme , and to redresse the enormities , and abuses of the same ) by all justice , and equity are bounden to take away from bishops , and other spirituall shepheards such superfluity of possessions and riches , and other secular cures , businesse , and worldly offices which be the cause of much sinne in them , and no lesse occasion whereby they be letted to execute their office to the great losse and hindrance of much faith , vertue , and goodnesse , which might be administred to your subjects through the true preaching of gods word . and that done , then circumspectly to take heed that none be admitted to be pastours , but such as can preach and have preached sincerely gods word : and all such as will not , to remove them from their cures . this godly order observed in the election of spirituall pastours , & the pestilent poyson removed , and taken away from their vocation ; faith shall increase , and sinne shall decrease , true obedience shall be observed , with all humility to your majesty , and to the higher powers by your grace appointed in office : civill quietnesse , rest , and peace shall be established . god shall be feared , honoured , and loved , which is the effect of all christian living . o lord , save our most soveraigne lord king henry the eight , and grant that hee may once throughly feele and perceive what miserable calamity sorrow and wretchednesse we suffer now in these dayes abroad in the country by these unlearned , popish , and most cruell tyrants , even the very enemies of christs crosse , whose paine shall be without end , when wee shall live in joy for ever : grant yet once againe , i say , good lord , and most mercifull father , through thy sonne jesus christ , that when his grace shall know and perceive ( by thy gift and goodnesse ) their most detestable wayes in misusing thy heritage , that hee will earnestly go about to see a redresse among them , and to the penitent and contrite in heart , to shew his accustomed goodnesse , and to the other his justice according to saint pauls doctrine , and his graces lawes . and most dread soveraigne ( with all humility , and humblenesse of heart ) i beseech your grace ( according to your accustomed goodnesse ) to take this my rude supplication to the best as a fruit of my obedience , wherein i have not dissembled , but have opened fully unto your grace the ground and very bottome of my heart , not of any grudge , evill will or malice that i beare to any spirituall shepheard ( god i take to record ) but onely for the glory of god , the honour of your grace , and the wealth and profit of your most naturall and loving subjects . thus this namelesse supplicant . our learned martyr iohn lambert , alias , nicholson , anno . in his answer to his . and . articles , thus determins of the parity and identity of bishops and ministers . as touching priesthood in the primitive church , when vertue bare ( as ancient doctors do deeme , and scripture in mine opinion recordeth the same ) most roome , there were no more officers in the church of god than bishops and deacons : that is to say , ministers , as witnesseth , besides scripture , full apertly ierome in his commentaries upon the epistles of paul , whereas he saith , that those whom we call priests , were all one and none other but bishops , and the bishops none other but priests ; men ancient both in age and learning so neere as could be chosen . neither were they instituted and chosen as they be now adayes , with small regard of a bishop , or his officer onely , opposing them if they can construe a collect ; but they were chosen not onely by the bishop , but also with the consent of the people among whom they should have their living , as sheweth saint cyprian . and the people ( as hee saith ) ought to have power to chuse priests , that bee men of good learning , of good and honest report . but , alacke for pity , such elections are now banished , and new fashions brought in ; which if wee should conferre with the forme of the election shewed of christ by his apostle paul , wee should find no small diversity , but all turned upside downe . in the ● . where you demand , whether i beleeve that it is lawfull for all priests freely to preach the word of god or no : and that in all places , at all seasons , and to all persons to whom they shall please , although they be not sent ? i say , that priests are called in scripture by two distinct words , that is to wit , presbyteri and sacerdotes . the first is to say , ancient men , seniors and elders : and by that word or vocable are the secular judges , or such like head officers sometimes also signified ; as wee read in daniel , of these that defamed and wrongfully accused susanna ; but this is seldome , and nothing so customeablely , as those be called presbyteri , which are set to be prelates in the church , to guide the same by the word of god and his blessed doctrine , that is the rod of direction , and the foundation of christs faith . and priests thus called presbyteri in the primitive church ( what time we●e but few traditions and ordinances to let us from the straight trade or institution made by christ , and his apostles ) were the same and none other but bishops , as i have shewed you in the first part of mine answer , by authority of saint hierome , and paul recordeth the same right evidently , and tit. . in this forme . i left thee titus ( said blessed paul ) behind mee in crete , that thou shouldest correct , or set in a due order such things as lacke , or be not else perfectly framed , and that thou shouldest set priests in every towne , like as i did appoint thee , such as are without reproach or blamelesse , the husband of one wife , having faithfull children , not subject to the vice of riot , or that hee be not unruly : for so ought a bishop to be , &c. these are not my words , but of saint paul in the epistle to titus ; where you may see , that a priest called presbyter , should be that same that a bishop , whom he requireth a little after , to be able by wholsome doctrine of gods scripture to exhort the good to follow the same doctrine ; and those that shall speake against it , to reprove them thereby . and marke you how hee would have a bishop , otherwise called an ancient man , and a priest , to make exhortation by holy scripture , and thereby to reprove them that shall speake against the truth , & not to condemne them by might or authority only , or else by traditions of men made in generall councels . and as many as are these wise priests which are called commonly presbyteri , otherwise bishops , such as in the church are set to take cure of soules , and to be spirituall pastors , ought to preach freely the word of god , in all places and times convenient , and to whomsoever it shall please them , if they suppose , and see that their preaching should edifie and profit . and whereas you adde this particle , though they were not sent . i say , that all such are chosen to be preachers , and therefore sent , for of this speaketh s. gregory in his pastorals , in this wise● praedicationis , quippe officium suscepit , quisquis ad sacerdotium accedit , &c. so hee , who much condemned ex officio oathes and proceedings ; the canon law ; and inequality of bishops and ministers , as contrary to christs institution , who made all his apostles of equall authority , in his answers to the . . . and . articles , too large and too common to transcribe . the booke intituled : the image of a very christian bishop , and of a counterfeit bishop , ( written & printed cum privilegio regali , in henry the eight his raigne , though by the bishops practice called in by this * kings injunctions , an. . with sundry other orthodoxe bookes , ) determins thus both of the bishops callings , and practices in those times . the booke being very rare , i shall transcribe more of it than otherwise i would doe . over and besides this , the ministers of the word of god are principally bound hereunto , that they shall more sharpely rebuke the bishops and the primates of the church , than the worldly princes and rulers , and that for many causes ; first , because that ecclesiasticall highnesse and dignity , as it is now , is not of god ; for god doth not acknowledge , not elect this disguised , and painted deceitfull people , and these childish , and in a manner counterfeit , and nicholaicall bishops , forasmuch as they do neither teach , no● yet do execute any point belonging to the office of a bishop . secondly , these shadows of bishops have not beene constituted by men , but they have exalted their owne selves , and they have catched unto themselves empire , dominion , and lordships , against both god and men , against reason , common sense or judgement ; after the nature and property of tyrants , which doe rule onely by the wrath , and great indignation of god. the temporall , or worldly governours , and officers are constituted by the gracious favour , and mercifull ordinance of god , to the chastisement , and punishment of evill men , and to the protection , defence , and maintenance of good men . besides this , the worldly governours , although they do injury and wrong never so much , and do unjustly and wickedly , yet for all that , they doe but onely hurt the temporall goods , and the body . but these great estates , and prelates of the church , if they be not good and vertuous , and do not promote , and ●e● forwards the course of the word of god unfainedly , and with their hearts , they are meere wolves , and most cruell murderers of soules . and it is much like in evill and wicked bishops as if satan having a miter on his head , and rings on his fingers , did ●i● in a chaire and did rule the people . wherefore even the bishops also which doe not teach the pure word of god , are no lesse to be eschewed than the devill himselfe . for wheresoever the word of god is not , there without doubt is nothing else but humane errour , meere doctrine of devills , and butchery and slaughter of soules ; for the consciences or soules without the word of god can neither live no● bee delivered from the devill . but here i know well enough they will object and say ; that it is jeopardy , lest sedition might be raysed up against those bishops and prelates of the church . loe i make answer , shall the word of god ( i beseech you ) for this your fained objection be neglected , and shall therefore the whole people perish ? and is it ( i pray you ) right and convenient , that all soules should perpetually perish and be slaine , that the temporall and most vaine pompe of such men might be preserved and maintained , and might endure and continue in her peace and quietnesse ? nay , it were better ( for spirituall harmes are most to be weighed ) that sixe hundred times all the bishops should perish for ever in their pride and dignity , and that all the churches collegiate , and al monasteries were plucked up by the rootes , were overthrowne and utterly destroyed , ( so it were done by the authority of the higher powers ) th●n that one soule should perish : because i will not in the meane season say , that infinite soules ; yea , that all soules shall perish for any thing that such as they doe . i pray you tell me , what profit commeth of many of the bishops that now are , or wherefore serve they , but onely to live in voluptuousnesse and pleasures , and to play the rioters and wantons of other mens labour and sweat , and in the meane season with much grievo●s threatnings , and with dreadfull feares to condemne , to hisse out , to cast out and to warre against the word of god ? good men , they take exceeding great thought and care for themselves , and with marvellous great unquietnesse of minde , feare and dread seditions in the temporall common-wealth ; but as for the death of soules , being thereof all carelesse and without any manner of fea●e , or unquietnesse of minde , they doe neglect and passe nothing upon it , i beseech thee good reader , are not these goodly , wise and exceeding bold and manly heardsmen of the church ? if they did receive the word of god and of truth , and did principally search for the life and safeguard of soules , then the god● ( as the apostle saith ) of patience and of comfort and hope would be with them , that they should not neede to feare any seditions or risings of the people , which is but their crafty cloaked excuse to blind the eyes of the princes ; but in as much as they like deafe serpents stopping their eares will not heare the word of god , but ( such is their fury and madnesse ) doe rage against it with excommunications , cursings , imprisonments , with the sword , and finally with fire ; i beseech you what other thing doe they , as concerning their part , with this their extreame woodnesse , then ( which god defend ) even willingly provoke that there should rise up a very great sedition , and that some certaine tempest and storme should violently and suddenly come upon them which should rid them at once out of the world : and surely if any such thing did chance unto them , yet were they nought else but to be laughed and scorned , as wisedome saith in proverbs . because i have called and you have refused to come , i have stretched forth my hand and there was none of you that would looke to me , and you have despised all my counsell , and have set at nought my rebukings , i also will laugh in your destruction , and i will mocke and scorne when that thing which you did feare shall be chanced and come unto you . the word of god doth not stirre or raise up seditions and strifes , but the stubborne aud obstinate disobedience of them which doe rage against it , is the cause that trouble and sedition is stirred up among the people , and that then by such seditions that thing should happen unto them which they had deserved through their owne unbeleefe and frowardnesse and wicked blindnesse ; for whosoever receiveth the word of god , that man raiseth up no manner of seditions at all , albeit that he doth no longer feare those vaine ●ugges , neither doth worship those episcopall puppets , now since that he doth know the word of god , and because that men doe not feare and reverence their vaine imaginations , as heretofore they have done , that same is the thing ( if i be not beguiled ) which they doe call seditions ; and this is the thing that those persons doe so greatly feare , which have hitherto suffered themselves to be worshipped and feared like gods , as though they had beene true bishops or true hear●smen of the church . after which he addes ; s. pe●er saith of these , the lord knoweth how to keepe the unrighteous persons unto to the day of judgement for to be punished ; namely , such as following the flesh , doe walke in the concupiscence and lust of uncleannesse , and doe despise the governors , and rulers ; being presump●uous , stubborne , and which doe no● feare to raise and speake evill words on them which are in high authority . our delicate bishops doe ●ot beleeve that this was spoken of them . but i beseech thee good read●r marke here , how well the words of peter doe agree with paul , when he describeth their filthy and uncleane life : for where he saith presumptious , stubborne ; there are scantly any men to whom those words doe sooner agree . for it is they which of all men doe most set by themselves , insomuch that they doe despise all worldly rulers and officers , and whatsoever other person is of high dignity and authority in the world in comparison of themselves , and doe also rayle upon them and speake opprobrious words against them : for the pope hath many yeares agoe taken this monstrous tyrannie unto himselfe , that hee hath not beene afraid to tread kings and princes under his feete , to depose them , to excommunicate them , to curse them unto the . . and . generation , and after their owne pleasure to exercise all things which any manner of way whatsoever it may belong and helpe unto extreame and wonderfull tyranny , none otherwise than if the princes and governours were swine or else dogges , notwithstanding that the scripture willeth all men , to ●e subject and obedient unto the princes and governours of the publicke peace and tranquillity of this life● namely , forasmuch a● they 〈…〉 and ordained to serve the divine ordinance as ministers of the sword : and yet neverthelesse there are found some kings and princes so faint-hearted , and of so little manfulnesse , and courage , that they doe feare these harmelesse thunders , and vain● curs●●g , and doe humbly beseech and obtaine the ex●reame and ●●termost foolishnesse and insen●ibility , that they may be blessed againe ( for so they call it ) of the pope i wo● n●t with what charmes or conjurations and words appointed for the same purpose onely , that is to wit , to the end that that cruell p●●sumption , and that wonderfull tyranny of his ( a● though he were not m●d enough of his owne swing ) might by the reason hereof the sooner gather power and strength , and with those most vaine decei●es of cursings might deceive all the whole world . besides this , the bishops d●e stoutly and man●●lly helpe the pope , and so all the great l●rds belonging to the pope , and they be in very deede the dispisers of all rulers and potestates which will in no wise be subject to any manner of high power , neither in body nor in goods , but onely they being presumptuous and stubborne and more than wood doe on every side make businesse , and rage to excommunicate and curse all kings and princes and others which are in authority . tell me i beseech you , hath not our peter here largely and plainely touched our most delicate and tender bishops ? i pray you of what other persons may these words be understood , that they are not subject nor obedient unto the rulers , that they speake evill of kings and princes ; briefely , that being presumptuous and stubborne they doe feare no man ? is it not knowne openly to the world who they be that commit these lewd deedes ? why then should i be affraid to touch and rebuke these coloured and painted bishops , which by the tyranny of the pope , by the favours of men , and by holy gold have invaded bishoprickes , without the commandment either of god or men ? but for as much as these delicate and tender bishops have foreheads of iron , and neckes of brasse , as it is sayd in the prophets , and will not feare , they cannot be perswaded , and they runne forth on according to their owne madnesse , their owne course , and their owne swing ; and whereas they ought to spend their blood and their life ( i meane not in any worldly fight ) for the maintenance of the word of god against the doctrines of men ; they sleepe all carelesse , and give their mindes altogether to pleasures and to fare well , and the soules of which they boast themselves to be the pastours and feeders , they doe most sloathfully neglect , and nothing care for . but such is their negligence : they doe onely thinke and study how they may bring in the dreadfull wrath of god upon men , and draw soules unto the deepe pit of hell , and that they may at the last carry the consciences of men cleane overthwart from the word of god into lyes and devillish errours , and the doctrines of men ; wherefore wee ought here so much the more diligently to take good heede and to looke well about , that we may shew and utter unto the world these so cruell and so bloody wolves , which doe lye hid under forked miters , set with pearles and precious ●tones : i doe therefore exhort all christian men in our lord , that they will here con●ider and ponder the wrath of god. and therefore likewise as you would doe with a visible idoll , even so do now with the bulls of these romish balaam , the tormentor and slayer o● soules . consider , how pleasant a thing you shall doe unto god , if you doe breake and dash in peeces ( with the word of god , and not with the sword ) these idolls , and doe sanctifie his glorious name , and doe deliver it from the filthy abomination of idolatry . after which he addes , that a bishop ought to abhorre and to be farre a way from filthy lucre , but the bishop of rome and his clients , and other bishops of their complexion , have infinite crafts , and most shamefull meanes of getting money . and here it is not unknowne to me what they doe object . i● i● not enough , not sufficient for a prince ( say they ) to have meate , drinke , and cloathing , except he have also sufficiently whereof he may keepe and maintaine a guard , or band of men , according to the condition and estate of a prince ? what princes doe in this place object and alleadge for themselves of the princely state , and of princes courts advise them , the apostle speaketh not of princes , but of bishops , as for these princely bishops and bishoply princes he utterly knoweth nothing of , which doe beguile the world with the name of bishop , and with the most vaine colours of ceremonies and gloves and miters . but therefore paul and the spirit of god which spake in him , shall not change their words , neither attemper themselves un●o these princes , but these princelike bishops shall be faine to attemper and apply themselves in their living according to the minde of s. paul , and his word●● or else they shall not be bishops , nor pastours , but meere puppets and v●surs . i cannot here refraine ( although i list not now greatly to bourd in the rehearsall of these things ) but i must rehearse a pleasant and merry history . it happened upon a time that a certaine princely bishop , ( of colen in germany , ) did ride with a royall pompe and goodly company of horsemen ( as commonly such bishops are wont to shew themselves set forth gayly and gorgeously , * even above any worldly or temporall princes ) through the fields that lay neere unto a certaine village , whom when a certaine shepheard had haply espied , as he rode over the fields , he left his flocke , and did run unto him , and staring and gazing upon him , as it had beene one amazed , he marvelled greatly at the riches , pompe , and gorgeousnesse which he saw about him . the bishop seeing him so gazing , sayd unto him ; what dost thou see here , that thou dost marvell so greatly ? then he , as he was an homely rusticall fellow , made to him this plaine answer . i mervaile ( said he ) whether * s. martin did use this same pomp or like gorgeousnesse and superfluity . to whom the bishop said , forsooth , thou art a starke foole , and takest thy marke amisse , for s. martin was scarcely one of the vile and rascall people : but i am also a prince of high and noble birth . then sayd the shepheard againe , i beseech you my lord , will you give me leave to speake a word ? yea marry sayd the bishop● i give thee good leave , demand what thou wilt . then said the shepheard , what if the devill should take and beare away the prince shall there remaine any thing of the bishop ? at these words that good princely bishop being confounded and ashamed , depar●ed from the man , and rode his way . so the apostle paul in comparison of those dukes and nimrods , was a plaine simple craftsman , living by the worke of his owne hands . and therefore he went sometime on his feete and preached the gospell all abroad , he could play the apostle ; but such a poore and lewd person as he was , could never have played the royall and princely bishop after this fashion . let no man thinke it is to be sayd or done against the heads and governours of christs church : whatsoever is sayd or done against these sloathfull , idle and sluggish beasts , given all to the belly . for they are not bishops , but plaine idols and dumbe images , idle puppets , visurs , blockes , shadowes , disguised game players , which doe not so much as know what this word episcopus , that is to say , bishop doth signifie : so farre off they be from knowing what is the office or duty of a bishop . wilt thou● that i tell thee at one word what they are ? wolves they are , tyrants , traytors , manquellers , monsters of the world , burdens of the earth , the apostles of antichrist , graven and made to corrupt and destroy the gospell . and to utter at once what i thinke . loe i will here play the bedell or common cryer . be it knowne to all men , that the bishops of rome with their clients bishops , which doe now exercise tyranny upon so many cities in most ample and large dominion , are not bishops by the ordination of god , but by errour and by ●he seduction of the devill , and by the traditions of men , wherefore without doubt they are the messengers and vicars of satan . if i doe not shew and prove this , by so evident testimonies , that mine enemies shall be constrained to confesse this verity , and that even themselves ( so that they doe meanely repent and waxe wise ) cannot deny it , then let them be bishops , then let me be thought to doe injury unto them . first , paul writeth unto * titus , that he should constitute and ordaine presbyters in every towne . here i suppose that no man can deny , that all one thing is signified by this word preshyter , and by this word episcopus , in saint pauls writings ; for as much as he doth bid titus , that he should in every city constitute presbyters . and because a bishop ought to be unreproveable , therefore he calleth him presbyterum . it is evident therefore what paul doth signifie and meane by this word episcopus , bishop ; that is to say , a man excellently good and vertuous , of ripe age , which also hath a chaste wife and children , obedient in the feare of the lord. and the apostle will that he should have the oversight and government of the congregation , in the ministery of the word and the administration of the sacraments . all men whosoever they be , which by all honest and lawfull meanes , doe spend and bestow their goods , honour , blood and life , to the end that these bishoprickes so pompous and courtly , so farre unlike and contrary to all the office and duty of an apostle , namely to the ministration of the word , and that all this devillish kingdome of the bishop of rome may be overthrowne and destroyed , or if they cannot in very deede destroy it● doe cry against it , doe dispraise and condemne it , and doe avoyde it as abhomination● all those persons that so doe , are the sonnes of god , and true christian men fighting and helping the faith of the gospell in spirituall barraile against the gates of hell ; contrariwise whosoever doe favour the kingdome of the popes bishops so wicked , and that so tyrannous and devillish cruelty , and doe willingly and gladly submit themselves and obey unto it , those persons are the ministers of the devill , fighting as enemies against the words , the lawes , and ordinances of god. this sentence of mine , nay rather of gods judgement , i prove with strong effectuall arguments in this wise . the apostle paul commandeth titus , that he should ordaine and constitute a bishop in every city , such one as was the husband of one wife , a man vertuous and unreproveable , &c. this is the word , this is the will and sentence of god. against this sayd will of god these men doe now strive , which have taken quite away all true bishops ou● of all cities , and insteed of true bishops have constituted shops or worke-houses of most cold ceremonies , monasteries and churches collegiate , and have brought in themselves in their steed , that by this meanes they might be made bishops or over-seers of many cities , and also of many provinces . now the sentence of paul , or rather the words of the holy ghost doth continue firme , stable , and not able to be moved or stirred of the gates of hell , and doth stand as stiffe as a brasen wall , which saith plainely and evidently , that in every city there ought to be constituted and ordained one bishop , and these then shal be every one of them of equal power with the other . for paul speaketh plainly of every city , & he giveth to every bishop full power & authority in his own city . go to therforenow ye worldly bishops . why doe ye not here rise ? why do ye not boldly & manfully resist ? why do ye not break forth all of you together ? here you have to doe not with me , but with the apostle paul. here you resist ( that i may say with the holy martyr stephen ) not me , but the holy ghost , which likewise againe of his part doth mightily resist you . ●oe to then , what will you say here , i beseech you ? will you all hold your peace , and say nothing at all ? loe your sentence is given and pronounced against you , you have the matter judged , that is to wit , that unto all christian men it belongeth of their part ( with the word of god ) againe to destroy , to plucke up by the rootes , and utterly to extinct both you and your kingdome , which you doe tyrannously exercise , to extinct and destroy the gospell ; you have heard now that they be in the indignation of god , whosoever favoureth you , and on the otherside that they are in the favour of god , whosoever overthroweth and destroyeth you . but i will not in any wise these words which i doe speake of the destruction and utter subversion of the kingdome of false bishops , so to be understood or taken , as though it ought to be done with the hand , or with sword , or with violence , or bodily invasion of them , for with this destruction of the men , we shall be nothing further in this so great a matter , that is to wit , gods cause or businesse : but as daniel prophecied in the . chapter , the kingdome of antichrist is to be broken all to peeces without any hand of man. saint peters words , you are a regall priesthood and a priestly kingdome , are meant of spirituall bishops , who are all the preachers of the word of god in cities , townes , and villages , although they doe neither buy pall nor gowne , nor yet any other garment of those bawdes the romanists : the corporall bishops are you which bearing ●orked miters on your heads under the apparell of aaron , doe in very deede play the very tyrants , and are fellowes unto nero and caligula , riding upon fat and well fed pal●ries and sleeke mules , and afterwards with your rings onely , and your gloves , and your silver sheephooke ( if god be pleased ) you doe play the bishops . and here againe i guesse what they will object . for all that ( say they ) oftentimes many saints have beene bishops , not onely of one city , but of many cities . i make answere , as many as have beene ●oly bishops in very deede , and called pastours by the calling of god , all those for the most part were the bishops of one city alone , as cyprian , hilary , ambrose , augustine , ireneus , and these observed the tradition of the apostles ; it is found in deede in his●oriographers , that there have beene certaine ( such was holy boniface , and such also tite unto paul ) which did after their own judgement constitute other bishops in the cities , as titus did , but yet w●re they not therefore the bishops of many cities ; and albeit that such manner of example could be shewed of the saints , shall the examples of holy men be prejudiciall to the word of god ? is not god greater than all saints ? how oftentimes doe we finde that holy men have sinned & erred ? god saved daniel in a dungeon of lyons , and he saved ananias , azarias and misael in the flaming furnance of babylon . is the hand or power of god now shortned and minished ? is it any doubt but that be might preserve and keepe his elect and chosen persons , if it should happen them by any meanes to be seduced , and led out of the right way ( as christ prophecied ) even in the middest of mens ordinations and traditions , and of the errours of the devill ? we ought not to put confidence in any ensample , deed , or word of saints , but our consciences ought to leane , and to be grounded onely upon the word of god , which onely is he ( as paul saith ) that cannot lye . but let us furthermore heare paul , what he saith of this ordinance of god , for in this wise luke writeth of him in the . chap. of the acts , and sending messengers from miletum to ephesus , he sent for priests of the church , which when they were come to him , he sayd unto them , take heede to your selves and to all the flocke in which the holy ghost hath set or ordained you bishops to governe the church of god , which he hath purchased and gotten with his owne blood . goe to now , is here any new thing ? is paul a foole , and doth he not know what he doth ? ephesus was but one city alone , and paul calleth openly all the priests or elders by one common name episcopos , bishops . but peradventure paul had not read those bookes , and those apologies wretchedly patched together of papists , nor the holy decretals . for how would he have bin bold else to make many bishops overseers to one city , & to call al the priests of one city bishops , in as much as they were not all princes , neither kept a gard of men , and goodly palfries , but were certaine rascall persons , and of the most abject and vile sort of men , after the worldly estimation . for paul peradventure was ignorant of that , which is growne in use now in our time , that no man can be a great bishop in very deed , unlesse he doe ( as the poet saith ) keepe an hundred horses in goodly stables , unlesse he have a gorgeous house full of royall pompe , unlesse he have many royall titles of lordships . for this alone is sufficient now in our time , to that that knights and princes ( be they never so much unlearned and foolish , yea and though their minds other whiles doe stand nothing towards it ) may by the commendations of their parents and kinsfolkes , and otherwhiles by gifts and rewards be suddainely made bishops . but in good sadnesse thou seest plainly that the apostle paul doth call these onely bishops , which doe preach the gospell unto the people , and doe minister unto them the sacraments , as now in our time be the parish priests and the preachers . wherefore i doe not doubt but these , although they doe preach the gospell , but to very little villages and granges , and if they be the faithfull and true ministers of the word : i doe not doubt ( i say ) that they have by good right the title and name of a bishop . contrariwise , those valiant horsemen a●d tyrannous bishops have no point of the office of a bishop , saving onely those bare goodly titles , and certaine disguised apparell , in like manner as those bishops which are painted on a wall , have indeed the shape and likenesse of bishops , but they are without life and speech : for even such dead and idle stockes and blockes are the popes bishops in every point : albeit that then they are evermore strong and quick when they doe exercise tyrannous cruelty against the very pastours , which doe busily governe cities in the ministration of the word of god , and by more than devillish tyranny doe forbid them holy wedlocke , and to the open slander of the church doe winke at the keeping of whores , doe blaspheme the gospell , doe extinct the word of god , and under the pretence and colour of vertue and godlinesse , doe with incredible woodnesse exercise continually extreame tyranny upon the silly poore people . by the reason whereof we doe see in the courts and palaces of some bishops , likewise as in the fountaine of all vice and mischiefe in the court of rome , not so much as one crum , not so much as the least shadow to bee found of christian manners : we see also all the cities of priests , and namely those noble ●eates of priests to be nothing else but schooles of uncleanelinesse and bodily plesures , ware-houses of vices , so much that in comparison of their houses the courts of their secular princes may be accounted monasteries and holy schooles of vertue and godlinesse , yea and sodome and gomorrah in comparison of them , may seeme temperate , measurable and thrifty . for out of their courts or houses commeth forth neither the gospell , nor any other holy doctrine , but onely citations , excommunications , exactions , interdictions , citations ( i say ) in very deed peremptory , that is to say , slayers both of goods and of soules . for such as the bishops are themselves , such also is their doctrin . and though thou do never so much cloath an asse with a lyons skin , yet he continueth still an asse ; and an ape is still an ape although he be clad in purple . besides this , s. paul writeth to the philippians in this wise : paul and timothy the servants of iesus christ , to all the saints in christ iesu which are in the city of philippi , and to the bishops also and the deacons , &c. lo● philippi was but onely one city , and yet s. paul saluteth all them that beleeveth , together with the bishops● undoubtedly the bishops whom he meaneth there , were the priests , likewise as he was wont to constitute and ordaine in all the other cities . this is now the third place of paul , in which wee doe see , what god and the holy ghost hath constituted and ordained , that is to wit , that they onely are called bishops in very deede , and by right , which doe take and beare the charge of the people in the administration of gods word , in caring for the poore ●locke in the administration of the sacraments ; as are now in our dayes the christian cu●ates or parish priests , if they might be suffered for those mi●red horsemen . and that this belongeth to the office of a bishop , the very word it selfe doth very well declare ; for this word episcopu●● , is derived of two gre●ke words , epi , and scopin , which signifie , to give attendance , to oversee , to give diligence , to play the keeper or watchmen over the people , in like manner as watchmen doe keepe watch upon the walls of a citie , or as shepheards doe keepe watch upon their sheepe . and episcopos in greeke doth properly signifie in english an overseer , and in the hebrew it signifieth a visi●our , that is to say , one which visiteth men at their owne house , and doth diligently enquire and search the condition of them , and the state of their life , being readily and indifferently to helpe and comfort all men . so christ saith in the nineteenth chapter of matthew , because thou hast not knowne the time of thy visitation . that which is there called time of visitation , we call the time of thy bishopricke . but ou● papisticall bishops have found and devised a certaine new proofe and declaration of that episcopall office , seemely for such as they are , that is , to set themselves a high in a chaire guilded , clad in purple , with cushions of cloath of ●issue under their buttockes and their el●owes , having abundance and plenty of all manner of delights and pleasures , as much as any king can have , and in the meane season to offer and set forth the men belonging to their governance , to be pilled , tormented and slaine of their officials , to whom they make their flockes subjects ; men for the most part wicked , ungodly , and which doe thinke that there is no god , which then may also with their commandements at their owne pleasure by compulsion cause to appeare at those ●heir holy consistories , persons that dwell very farre off , not without dammage and hurt both in goods , and in their soules , and may exercise and use all manner of extreame tyranny upon them . for as much then as now it is evident & open of these three places of the apostle , that those bishops , which are so far away from ministration of gods word , and be negligent about their duety , are not onely no true bishops , but rather the people of malediction before god , as the men which have setled their minds against the statutes and ordinances of god to extinct the gospell , and doe exalt themselves to destroy soules . it is every christian mans duty by all lawfull a●d honest meanes that he may , to procure that their tyrannous and sinfull traditions may once be utterly contemned and come to confusion : it belongeth ( i say ) to every christian mans duty manfully , and with great confidence , and boldnesse , where charity will suffer , without offending the weake , to endeavour himselfe to doe all things which are contrary to their traditions , none otherwise than he would doe against the devill himselfe . and also to treade under the feete and utterly despise the obedience of them by which they desire to have their owne traditions greatly regarded and observed , the word of god neglected and nothing set by , even as they would tread under their feete the very devill himselfe . all we therefore ( if it be so that we have pitty of so many soules which doe perish for ever ; if we be earnestly moved and stirred with the word of god ) owe ( pray ma●ke this passage well ) with our uttermost diligence to goe about and with very great contentation and strayning of our selves to labour about this , that there may againe according to the institution of the apostle , very bishops and shepheards be constituted every where in cities , which be men pure and vertuous , and well learned in holy scripture , and in spirituall things , which have chaste wives , and children obedient ( as the apostle saith ) in the feare of the lord. wherefore seeing that the bishops and pastours every where in the cities , which are now adayes , have hitherto rather obeyed the devill than god , banded themselves against the scripture , to this wicked vow of living single , or sole , ( if there be any point of christian breast or minde in us ) we ought to give diligence and bestow labours , for a reformation of the same to be had by the king our onely supreame head of the church , in whom onely the reformation lyeth , so that once such a reformation had , the poore captive soules may boldly , to contempt of the devill and his papisticall ●●aditions , revoke those vowes , as being through errour made with the devill , and with the very gates of hell , and that they may according to the word of god wed wives , or rather to be willing ( according to the institution of s. paul ) to be good married men in the sight of god , then for the pleasure of those bauds the romanists to be adulterers and whore-keepers . fo● the very time it selfe doth now in so great revelation of the gospell require that once at the last the holy ordination of the spirit of god , which can●not be but very good , should be restored and set up against those prophane and abominable traditions of men . loe this is my decree against those proud puffed bulls of the devill , and of the devillish romanists and their factors . neither doe they heare and obey me , but they heare and obey god , and the spirit of god , whosoever doe heare and obey this . and therefore i can also in very deede promise both everlasting life , and also the favour of god to all those , whatsoever they be , that doe in faith observe and keepe it . and because this shall not bee judged the ordination of paul alone ( for it is reported that the deane and canons of a certaine cathedrall church , did say after a blasphemous manner and fashion , openly to a preacher , whom they did expulse for the gospell sake , what of paul , what of paul ? the pope hath received more power of christ than ever paul did : and for the pleasure of those so swee●e and gentle men , and excellently devillish priests , let us see what peter and what christ himselfe did say concerning this matter . in the fifth chapter of ●he first epistle of peter it is thus written , the priests that are among you i beseech ( which am also my selfe a priest , and a record of the afflictions of christ , and also a partaker of the glory , which shall be shewed ) feede , as much as lyeth in you to doe , the flocke of christ , taking the charge and oversight of them not by compulsion , but willingly , not for the desire of filthy lucre , but of a good favourable and loving mind , neither as men exercising dominion in their inheritances , but that you may be your selves ensamples to the flocke , and when the head shepheard shall appeare , you shall receive an incorruptible crowne of glory . here thou seest that peter even likewise as paul did , doth use these two words presbyter and episcopus , both for one thing , that is to wit , that they are episcopi , which doe teach the people , and doe preach the word of god● and he maketh them all of equall power one with another , and he fo●biddeth them to behave themselves so , as if they were lo●ds or had dominions over those whom they have charge of . he calleth himselfe a fellow priest , ( that i may so say ) by these words evidently declaring and proving , that all parish priests and bishops of cities are of equall power among themselves ; and as touching the authority of a bishop , that one is nothing superiour to another , and that he himselfe also is fellow priest with them , and hath no more power & authority in his own city , then have the other or every one of them in their owne congregation● loe peter maketh himselfe equall and not superiour to the bishops , what i beseech you will those beasts alleadge here against these things , which doe not cease nor onely to be lords and have dominion , but also to exercise most cruell tyranny upon our soules and our goods ; which also doe never cease with exceeding mad brawlings and suites to contend and strive among themselves about the difference , and degrees of power and authority . and that i may once make an end , christ himselfe in the . chapter luke saith , the princes of the paynims are lords over them , and they which have power and authority over them , are called beneficiall and gracious ; but it shall not be so among you , but he that is eldest among you , let him be made as youngest . hereunto hearken and give good attendance you pompous and lordly bishops ; loe all the holy christian people require of you a reason and cause of your domination and lordship , which you have hitherto with so many titles , and also with so many tyrannous deedes taken , violently usurped , and challenged unto your selves : loe , i say , the christian world requireth a cause of this your doing , for this you cannot deny which is so open and evident afore the eyes of all men , that your kingdome is an outward and a worldly kingdome , yea and that more worldly , than the kingdome of any worldly prince . for you play the lords openly both upon the bodies , and also the minds , and that not by the word of god , but by exteriour pompe , by exteriour and worldly tyranny , as other princes and rulers of the heathen people doe : i say , goe to therefore now and tell me , how those words of christ , vos autem non sic , that is , but so shal not you doe , how do t●ey agree with that your kingdome ? goe to now , because you shall not ( as you are very slippery ) slip from me , let us ensearch and ponder well the signification of the words . what is the meaning of these words : but you not so ? for here undoubtedly is rebuked your kingdome● & your condition & state , for this ought not to be such a one as it is , if it were a christian state . now let it be whatsoever manner one you will , yet for all that christ speaking of the domination of those worldly princes saith plainely unto you ( for you will seeme to be bishops ) but ye shall not doe so . which words hee largely prosecutes , and afterwards proceedes thus . you doe ●eede and nourish your selves most delicately and ●enderly in riot and pleasures with the blood and sweate of poore men● besides impoverishing and beggering the world with your gu●●es and deceipts ; you doe with your excommunications and interdictions vex and tosse all things up and downe , afflicting and tormenting poore men both in soule , in body , and in their goods ; you doe extinct and destroy the gospell , and not onely your selves doe no manner of worke belonging to the office of a bishop , but also you will not suffer any other men to preach the word of god ; you doe pursue the preachers from city to city , as it was prophesied in matth. . and you do expulse them as knaves , and vild wretches out of all your dominions , dest●●ction● i verily ( to give you good and faithfull counsell ) would advertise you , that you should purchase and get unto your selves the favour and love of the people with mildnesse , with mercifulnesse , with softnesse , with patience and apostolicall sincerity , that is to wit , with those vertues , with those holy means , which s paul did use ; goe forth and hold on as you have begun , this is even the right and next way to undoubted destruction , whereunto you do so greatly make haste ; for even so did your fathers the iewes , into whose hypocrisie you are succeeded , who when they had slaine the lord and author of life jesu● christ , and had by degrees promulged , and published the gospell to be for bidden , yet could they not rest untill they had provoked the romans , and so had sought their owne undoubted mischiefe , which said romans at the last setting violently upon them , slew them , and utterly destroyed them ; for how could you better observe and fulfill that which becommeth your personages to do , than if you do goe about and endeavour to prove , and shew your selves the very right and true sonnes and heires of such manner of parents ; but here ( i see ) they will put upon them all the whole episcopall armour , that is to say , a purple pall , and a forked miter upon their heads , their gloves and their rings with precious stones to fence both their hands withall , they s●all also have their feet shod , not with the preparation of the gospel of peace , but of the sandall of vanity , and a silver crosse , hanging downe to the midst of their breast , and if i be not deceived , a roman pall also covering their shoulders , and a shepheards staffe to measure their pace , and so then having this armour upon them , with a stately and solemne gate , they shall come forth , &c. who hath commanded that bishops should so play the gallants , and use such pompe and gorgeousnesse of the court ? christ did openly forbid them to be as the kings and princes of the gentiles , where ●ee dot● by expresse and open words separate and divide t●em from princes of the world , a●d saith , the kings and r●lers of the gentiles are lords over them , but you shall not do soe : these words , that prince of princes , and king of kings , and that lord of majesty will not revoke ; hee will not abolish them , nor suffer them to be thrust out of place and made void for thy peevish excuses wherewith thou dost in thy conscience coldly and faintly com●ort thy selfe , why dost thou not rather forsake thy lordly port be it never so pleasant ? if thou ca●st not e●ecute and fulfill the offi●e of a bishop , why dost thou for transitory and most vild honour forget thine owne health and salvation ? yea moreover wittingly , and willingly dost cast away thine owne soule for the most deceitfull pleasure of this life ? why dost thou ( i say ) wittingly a●d wilfully perish ? even those men are scantly saved at the last , which with couragious faith continually wrestling and fighting with their flesh and the devill do live in a good and a vertuous kind of life : why dost thou then hope in vaine , ●hat thou shalt be saved among so many je●pardies , among so many voluptuous plaasures ? what doth it profit ( saith christ himselfe ) if hee do possesse all the world , and all the kingdomes , and do cast away his owne soule ? but whereof , or which way ( will some say ) should kings , princes , earles , barons , knights , briefely all the nobles of the world provide for their younger children , if these bishopricks , if those cathedrall and collegiate churches were not ? and therein first we may openly see the exceedinge foolishnesse and blindnesse of all christendome , which hitherto have bought commonly of the romanists , the benefices and prebends founded by themselves with the blood of their children . loe here i doe speake unto thee whosoever thou art , who dost wittingly so cast away thy children , if any ploughman or smith did wound or kill thy sonne or did defile thy daughter , or thy sister , thou wouldst for anger goe about to doe the uttermost mischiefe that thou couldst to overthrow and destroy even whole cities , whole provinces , for the revenging thereof would seeme but a small matter unto thee , thou wouldst thinke in thy minde it to be so high and so hainous an offence that was done unto thee : but i beseech thee here open the eyes of thy minde , and looke whether there can be a more sure homicide and murtherer of thy children , any more grievous and more cruell enemie unto them than thou art thine owne selfe , advancing and promoting them to a bishopricke , or thrusting them downe into such a church ( as they doe call it ) for thou makest thy sonne a bishop , which state , as it is now far away from the ministration of the word and from all godlinesse , thou knowest undoubtedly to be a devillish state , in which thy sonne can in no wise be saved . sith it is so , that thou dost know this , tell me i beseech thee whether thou dost not more sore rage and use more cruelty against him than if thou cut him into gobbets and didst throw his flesh unto dogs to be devoured ; if thy sonne through his owne mis-understanding , ignorance or error had stumbled , and falne into such a certaine kind and manner of living , thou oughtst with all diligence , and with all thy power to labour and goe about ( if there were any wisedome , or any point of a christian mind in thee ) to rid him out of it , although thou hadst but onely one loafe of bread to live on thy selfe , whereof thou shouldst be faine to give him the one halfe : but here i beseech thee looke upon thy selfe somewhat more neere , and more narrowly , whosoever thou art which dost cast downe thy children headlong into these kindes and manners of living , and consider what manner of father thou art , onely to keepe thy dominion , and thy riches upright , and from decay , onely lest thy gold and silver should be diminished if it were divided among many heires : thou dost thrust downe , & willingly cast headlong thy sons , and kinsmen into the deep dungeon of hell ; neither doth it move or stirre thee any whit to see thine owne blood supped and swallowed up in the throate of the devill , and perpetually to perish , so that thou be not compelled to diminish or debate any thing of thy superfluity , or any parcell of thy pompe and royalty . lo this most ungracious opinion , this custome is crept in and used in many places , that as oftentimes as any great mans sonne , being meete rather for any other thing than for a bishopricke , is chosen and ●lected bishop , or is brought into the temple ; then with solemne pompe , and a solemne company set in their array , are madde cries and loud shouts , as it were in a triumph ; then all the halls and courts doe sound and ring with the noise of trumps , with trumpets , with ●●bre●s● then are in every place lighted tapers and torches ; then that solemne song , te dewn laudamus is thundered out , so that these triumphs do plainly represent unto us the image of those foolish kings of israel which did burne up their sonnes and daugh●ers for a sacrifice in the honour of the idol molo●● , and with the divers loud sounds of trumps did bring to passe , that the lamentable crying ou● and wayling of them , that were in the midst of the fire , could not be heard . the author of this booke hath many such like passages against bishops . and as for cathedrall churches , hee stiles them : stewes , and the gates of hell , a certaine unsatiable bottomlesse whirle poole which swallowes up the riches of kings , of princes , of dukes , of earles , of the common people , and of all the world . but i passe from this old treatise . about the same time there was a treatise expressing the causes of the divisions betweene the spiritualty , and the temporalty . printed , londini in aedibus thom● bartheleti , prope aquagium sitis sub intersignio lucretiae romanae , excus . cum privilegio . i shall transcribe no passages out of this treatise , but onely the table of the chapters at the end thereof , wherein the causes of the division betweene the spiritualty and the temporalty are summarily expressed . chap. . that the division among spirituall men themselves , hath beene one cause of the division that is now betweene the spiritualty and temporalty in this realme . chap. . that the omitting of divers good lawes , with certain defalts & disorders in men of the church , which among others be recited , and declared by john gerson , have been another occasion of this division . among these he numbers the neglect of these two canons . that bishops should have poore apparell , lodging , and table , and should not strive for transitory things : and the clerkes shall not take upon them the acts or procurations of spirituall men . chap. . that certaine lawes made by the church , wherein it is recited , quod laici sunt clericis infesti : that is to say , that lay men be cruell to clerkes , hath beene another cause of this division . chap. . that the extreme lawes made by the church for laying violent hands upon clerkes have beene another cause of this division . chap. . that the disordering of the generall sentence of excommunication , hath beene another occasion of the said division ; which ( saith hee ) will never be appe●sed , till the heads spirituall will reforme themselves , and shew a fatherly affection to the people , and not extend the sentence o● the church upon so light causes , and upon such partiality , as they have done in times past . chap. . that another occasion of this division hath partly risen by temporall men through disordering of their chaplaines and chauntry priests . chap. . that suits taken in the spirituall courts ( ex officio ) have beene another occasion of this division : which suits together with oathes ex officio , whereby a man shall be condemned , and not know the names of them that be causes thereof ; he termes a sore law , and much declaimes against them . chap. . though after the determination of doctors , a man is not an hereticke , for that onely that hee erreth , but for that hee opinatively defendeth his errour : and that neverthelesse the spiritualty as a common voyce goeth among the people , have in time past punished many for heresie upon light causes and offences , whereupon many people have grudged , and that grudge hath beene another occasion of this division . chap. . that the partiality that hath beene shewed upon suits taken in the spirituall court by spirituall men , hath beene another cause of this division . chap. . that the extreme and covetous demeanour of some curates with their parishioners , hath beene another cause of this division . chap. . that the granting of pardons for money , as it were to some charitable use , that hath not after followed , hath raised another grudge among the people , which hath beene another occasion of this division . chap. . that making of lawes by the church which they had no authority to make , hath beene another occasion of this division . in which chapter he cites divers lawes made by the clergie , and executed contrary to the lawes of the realme , touching tythes of wood , exemption of clerkes from secular jurisdiction , and the like : which lawes while spirituall men , sticke fast to , and stifly maintaine , temporall men by reason of common use and custome that they have seene to the contrary , have resisted them , whereupon have risen great strife , and variances , and expences in the spirituall law. chap. . the lacke of good visitations hath beene another occasion of this division : wherein hee shewes that bishops keepe their visitations onely to gaine money , and procurations , not to refraine vices . chap. . that the great multitude of licenses , and dispensations made by the spiritualty for money , upon light suggestions , hath beene another cause of this division . chap. . that the great laxenesse and worldly pleasures of religious persons , whereby the people hath beene greatly offended , hath beene another occasion of this division . chap. . then for a conclusion of this treatise , it is somewhat touched , how good it is to have a zeale of soules , and how perilous it is to do any thing whereby they might be hurt : and that if zeale of soules , pitty , good doctrine , and devout prayer were abundantly in this world , mist specially in prelates and spirituall rulers , that then a new light of grace , and tractability would shortly shew and shine among the people . the summe of the whole treatise is to prove ; that the bishops and prelates , are the authors of much division , trouble and dissention both in church and state , and that by their episcopall practises and unjust usurpations , lawes and proceedings . william wraughton , who wrote about the same time , in his rescuing of the romish fox , dedicated to king henry the . writes thus : wee have put downe some of your orders of the world , there remaine yet two orders of the world in england : that is , the order of pompous and popish bishops : and gray fryers . which if they were put downe as well as the other put downe before , i reckon that there should be no kingdome wherein christ should more raigne than in england . and there hee proves at large , the canon law to be the popes law , and that as long as the bishops maintaine it in england , they maintaine the pope in his soveraignty and legislative power in england , and that the reading of this law makes men papists . roderick●●ors , sometimes a gray fryer , in his complaint to the parliament house of england , about the . yeare of king henry the eight chap. , . writes thus of our prelates . no doubt one bishop , one deane , one colledge , or house of canons , hath ever done more mischiefe against gods word , and sought more the hinderance of the same , than tenne houses of monkes , fryers , canons , or nunnes . the kings grace began well to weed the garden of england : but yet hath he lest standing ( the more pitty ) the most fowlest , and stinking weedes , which had most need to be first plucked up by the rootes , that is to say , the pricking thistles , and stinging nettles ; which still standing , what helpeth the deposing of the petty members of the pope , and to leave his whole body behind , which are the pompous bishops , canons o● colledges , deanes , and such other ? surely it helpeth as much as to say , i will goe kill all the foxes in saint iohns wood , because i would have no more foxes breed in england which well pondered , wee may say and lye not , that the pope remaineth wholly still in england , save onely that his name is banished . for why his body ( which be bishops and o●her shavellings ) do●h not onely remaine , but also his tayle , which be his fil●hy traditions , wicked lawes , and beggerly ceremonies ( as saint paul calleth them ) yea and the whole body of his pestiferous canon law , according to which judgement is given throughout the realme● so that we be still in eg●pt , and remain in cap●ivity , most grievously laden by observing and walking in his most ●ilhy drosse aforesaid , which is a mistie and endlesse maze . and so long as yee walke in those wicked lawes of antichrist the pope , and maintaine his knights the bishops in such inordinate riches , and unlawfull authority : so long say i , yee shall never bani●● that monstrous beast the pope out of england● yea and it shall be a meanes , in processe of time to bring us into temporall bondage also againe , to have him raigne as he hat● done , like a god , and that know our forked caps right well , which thing maketh ●hem so boldly , and shamelesly to right in their gods quarrell against christ and his word , &c. the bishops by their subtil●es , and most crafty wiles make the people to abhor●e the name of the pope of rome for a face , and compell them to walke in all his wicked lawes ; and the word of god which wee say we have received , is not , nor cannot be suffered to be preached a●●●aught purely and sincerely , without mixing it with their inv●nted traditions and service . wherefore to open the conclusion o● this little lamentation : ●f ●ee will banish for ever the antichrist , the pope out of this realme ; yee must fell downe to the ground those rotten poasts the bishops , which be clouds withou● moysture● and utterly abandon all and every of his ungodly lawes , traditions and ceremonies . now will i speake no further against the particular pope , for as much as every bishop is now a pope , and yee may plainly see by all the premises , that the proud prelates ( the bishops i meane ) be very antichrists , as is their father of rome . so he , and much more . henry stalbridge , in his exho●tatory epistle to his deerly beloved country of england , against the pompous popish bishops thereof , as yet the true members of their filthy father the great antichrist of rome . printed at basill in king henry the eighth his dayes , thus seconds him . i say yet once againe , and that in the seale of the lord , as hee is my judge , i wish ( if his gracious pleasure so were ) that first the kings majesty , and so forth all those to whom god hath given power and authority upon earth under him , may throughly see and perceive● how that no● onely the bloody beare-wolfe of rome , but also the most part of the other bishops , and stout sturdy canons of cathedrall churches● with other petty pronlers and prestigious priests of baal● his malignant members , in all realmes of christendome ( especialle here in england ) doth yet roare abroad like hungry lyons● fre● like angry beares , and bite as they dare like cruell wolves , clustering together in corners , like a swarme of adders in a dunghill , or most wily subtill serpents ; to uphold and preserve their filthy father of rome , the head of their bawdy brood● if it may be . no lesse do i iudge it , than a bounden duty of all faithfull ministers to manifest their mischiefes to the universall world● eve●y man according to his talent given of god , some with pen , and some with tongue ; so bringing them out of their old estimation , lest they should still raigne in the peoples consciences to their soules destruction : an evident example have they of christ thus to do , which openly rebuked their filthy forefathers , the scribes , lawyers , phari●ees , doctors , priests , bishops , and hypocrites , for making gods commandements of no effec●● to support their owne traditions . mark● . luk. . paul also admonisheth us , that after his departure should enter in among us such ravenuing wolves as should no● spare the flocke . these spirituall manhunters are the very off-spring of cain , children of caiphas● and successors of simon magus , as their doctrine ●nd living declareth , needing no f●rther probation : most cruell enemies have they beene in a lages to the verity of god , ever since the law was first given , and most fierce persecutours of christ and his church ( which hee there proves at large by severall examples● ) ● no where could the verity be taught , but these glorious gluttons were ever at hand to resist it . marvell not yee bishop● and prelates , th●ugh i thus in the zeale of helias and p●ineas stomacke against your ●●urdie stormes of stubbornenesse , for never was any tyranny ministred upon christ● and his mysticall members , but by your procurements , and now in our dayes , where are any of the lords true servants burned , or otherwise murthered for true preaching , writing , glossing , or interpretting the gospell , but it is by your cruell calling upon &c. if you be not most wicked workers against god and his verity , and most spitefull traytors to the king , and his realme , i cannot thinke there be any living upon the earth . be this onely spoken to you that maintaine such mysteries of madnesse ; never sent christ such bloody apostles , nor two horned warriours , but the devils vicar antichrist , which is the deadly destroyer of faithfull beleevers . what christian blood hath been shed betweene empire and empire , kingdome and kingdome , as between constantinople and almaine , england and france , italy and spaine ●or the bishops of rome ? and how many cruell watres of their priests calling on , were too much either to write , or to speake : alwayes have they beene working mischiefe in their idle generation to obscure the verity of god. i say yet once againe , that it were very necessary for the kings worthy majestie with earnest eyes to marke how god hath gratiously vouchsa●ed to deliver both him and his people from your troublesome termagaunt of rome , which afore made all christian kings his common slaves , and to beware of you hollow hearted traytors , his spirituall promoters , considering that your proud predecessours have alwayes so wickedly used his graces noble progenitors , the worthy kings of this realme , since the conquest , and a●ore . who overthrew king herald , subduing all his land to the normans ? who procured the death of king william rufus , and caused king stephen to be throwne in prison ? who troubled king henry the first , and most cruelly vexed king henry the second ? who subdued and poysoned kings iohn ? who murthered king edward the second , and famished king richard the second most unseemingly ? besides that hath been wrought against the other kings also to him that shall read , and throughly marke the religious acts of robert the archbishop of canterbury of old , egelwinus , anselmus , randolfe of durham , ralfe of chichester , alexander of lincolne , nigelus of ely , roger of salisbury , thomas becket , stephen langhton , walter stapleton , robert baldocke , richard scrope , henry spencer , thomas arundell , and a great sort more of your anointed antecessors , pontificiall prelates , mit●ed mummers , mad mastry workers , ringed ru●●lers , rocheted rutters , shorne sawcy swilbols , it will evidently appeare , that your wicked generation hath done all that , and many other mischiefes more . by these your filthy ●orefathers , and such o●her , hath this realme beene alwayes in most miserable captivity , either of the romans or danes , saxons or normans , and now last of all , under the most blasphemous behemoth , your romish pop● , the great antichrist of europe , and most mighty maintainer of sodome and gomorrah : how unchristianly your said predecessors have used the rulers of all other christian realms , it were too long to write . i reckon it therefore high time for all those christian princes , which pretend to receive the gospell of salvation , and accordingly after that to live in mutuall peace and tranquillity , for ever to cast you out of their privy councels , and utterly to seclude you from all administrations , till such time as they find you no longer wolves , but faithfull feeders ; no destroyers , but gentle teachers . for as saint peter doth say , pet. . yee ought to be no lords over the people of your diocesse , but examples of christian meeknesse . who seeth not that in these daies your bloody bishops of england , italy , cycell , france , spaine , portugall , scotland , and ireland , * be the ground and originall foundation of all controversies , schismes , variances & wars betwixt realme and realme at this present &c. consider your beginning● never came yee in with your miters , robes , and rings by the doore , as did the poore apostles , but by the window unrequired , like robbers , theeves , and manquellers , with simon magus , marcion , and menander , never was your proud pontificall power of the heavenly fathers planting , and therefore it must at the last up by the rootes , yee must in the end be destroyed without hands dan. . &c. * i thinke ●he devils in hell are not of a more perverse mind , nor seek no more wayes to the soules destruction than you . yee play pharaoh , caiphas , nero , trajanus , with all tyrants parts besides : oh abominable scorners and theeves , which practise nothing else but the utter destruction of soules . if any thing under the heavens hath need of reformation , let them thinke this to be one which minded any godlinesse for never did cruell pharaoh hold the people of israel in so wicked captivity , as doth ●his superstitious sort idle sodomites , the most deerly redeemed heritage of the lord. if they be no spirituall theeves , soule murtherers , heretickes of and schismatickes● church-robbers , rebels , and traytors to god , and to man , where are any to be looked for in all the world ? another thing yet there is , which causeth mee sore to lament , the inconveniences thereupon considered : and that is this , although the scriptures , chronicles , canons , constitutions , councels , and private hystories , with your manifest acts in our time , doth declare your fore●athers , and you such heretickes , thee●es , and traytors to the christian commonwealth , as hath not beene upon the earth , but you , yet you are still taken into the privy councels both of emperour and king. but what a plague it is , or miserable yoke to that christian realme , whereas yee beare the swinge , i thinke it truly unspeakable , though it be not seene . o eternall fa●her , for thy infinite mercie sake graunt thy most faithfull servant the kings majestie , our most worthy soveraigne lord and governour under thee , cleerly to cast out of his privie coun●ell house these ●echerous locusts of egypt , and daily upholders of sodome and gomorrah , the popes cruell cattle , tokened with his owne proper marke , to the universall health of his people , as thou hast now constituted him an whole compleate king , and the first since the conquest . for never shall hee have of them , but deceitfull workemen , and hollow hearted gentlemen , and not onely that ( good lord ) but also deprive them of their usurped authority and power , restoring againe hereunto his temporall majestra●es , whom their proud pope hath hitherto most tyrannously thereof deprived . finally , to take from them their inordinate pompe and * riches , and more godly to bestow them , that is to say , to the aide of his pove●ty , as for an example the noble the noble germans have graciously done before him . after a farre other sort defended the apostles , the spirituall kingdome of christ then they : their armour was righteousnesse , poverty , patience , m●eknesse , tribulation , contempt of the world and continuall suffering of wrongs ; their strong shield was faith ; and their sword the word o● god , eph. . wi●h the gospell preaching drove they down all superstitions , as you by your lordlinesse have raised up againe in the glorious church of antichrist . the kingdome that hee ●orlooke ioh. . and the lord●hip , that hee so straitly forbad you , luke . have ●ou received of the devill , with that ambitious raigne of covetousnesse which hee left behind him on the high mountaine , matth. . what ruinous deca●es hath chanced to all christian region● , and their babylonish b●ood , it we●e much to write● it shall be therefore necessary for our most wor●h● king to looke upon in time , and both to diminish you authority and riches , lest yee hereafter put all his godly enterp●ises in hazard . for nothing else can yee doe of your spiritual na●ure , but worke da●ly mischiefe . as well may yee be spared in the commonwealth , as may kites , crowes , and buzzards , p●l●ats , wesels , and rats , o●ters , wolves , and foxes , bodilice , fleas , and fleshflies , with other devouring and noysome verm●ne ; for a● unprofitable are yee unto it as they , and as li●●le have yee in the word of god to uphold you in these vaine offices of papistry as they . this uncommodious commodity hath en●land had of you alwayes , when yee have beene of the kings privie councell , and i thinke hath now at this present hower , that whatsoever godly enterprize is there in doing , be ●hey never so privily handled , yet shall the popish prelates of i●aly , spaine , france , flanders , and scotland have sure knowledgde thereof by your secret messengers , and you againe their crafty compassings to deface it if may be . * neither shall th●se ●ealmes con●inue long after without wa●●e , special●y if an earnest reformation of your s●●ainefull abuses be sought there , and never shall the originall grounds of that warre be known but other causes shall be laid to ●olour it with ; as that the king seekes his rig●● , his princely honour , the maintenance of his titles , or the realmes commonwealth , ●e●●g nothing lesse in the end , but an upholding of you in your mischiefes . so long as you beare rule in parliament ho●se , ●●e gospell shall be kept under , and christ persecuted in his ●aith●ull members . so that no godly acts shall come out from ●hen●e to the glory o● god , and christian commonwealth , but you will so sawce them with your romish sorceries ; that they be ready to serve your turne . although the kings majestie ha●h pe●mitted us the scriptures , yet must the true ministers thereof at your most cruell appointment either suffer most tyrannous death , or else with open mouth deny christs veri●y , which is worse than death thus give ye strength to his lawe● , & nourish up his kingdome , whom ye say with your lips yee have refused , your pestilent pope of rome . ye play altogether hick-s●o●ne● under the figure of ironia . that yee say , yee hate , yee lov● , and that yee say , yee love , yee hate . late all faithfull men beware of such double day dreamers , and hollow hearted traytors , and thinke , whereas they beare the rule , nothing shall come rightly forward either in faith or commonwealth . what other workes can come from the devills working tooles than commeth from the hands of his owne malignant mischiefe ? who can deny the bishops to be the instruments of satan , understanding the scriptures , and beholding their daily doings ? thinke yee ●here can be a greater plague to a christian realme than to have such ghostly fathers of the kings privie councell ? if wise men do judge it any other than a just plague for our sinnes , and a yoke laid upon us for our unreverent receiving of that heavenly treasure , the eternall testament of christ , to have such hypocrites , theeves , and traytors to raigne over us , truly they judge not aright . if wee would earnestly therefore repent of our former being , and un●ainedly turne to our everliving god , as wee find in the testament , i would not doubt it , to jeopard both my body and soule , that wee should in short space bee delivered of this popish vermine rising out of this bottomlesse pit ; apoc. . which eateth up all that is greene upon earth , or hath taken any strength of the living word of the lord : for the heart of a king is alwayes in the hands of god , and at 〈◊〉 his pleasure hee may evermore turne it , prov. . take mee not here that i condemne any bishop or priest that is godly , doing those holy offices that the scripture hath commanded them , as preaching the gospell , providing for the poore , and ministring the sacraments right ; but against the bloody butchers , that murther up gods people , a●d daily make havocke of christs congregation to maintaine the jewes ceremonies , and the pagans superstititions in the christian church . those are not bishops , but bite-sheepes , tyrants , tormenters , termagaunts , and the devils slaughter men . christ left no such disciples behind him to sit with cruell caiphas at the sessions upon life and death , of his innocent members , but such as in poverty preached the gospell , rebuking the wicked world for idolatry , hypocri●ie , and false doctrine . episcopus is as much to say , as an overseer , or superintendent , whose office was in the primitive church , purely to instruct the multitude in the wayes of god , and to see that they were not beastly ignorant in the holy scripture , as the most part of them are now adayes . presbyter is as much to say , as a senior or elder , whose office was also in godly doctrine and examples of living to guide the christian congregation , and to suffer no manner of superstition of jew nor gentile to raigne among them . and these two offices were alone in those dayes , and commonly executed of one severall person . they which were thus appointed to these spirituall offices did * nothing else but preach and teach the gospell , having assistants unto them , inferiour officers called deacons , act. . cor. . rom. . no godly man can despise these offices , neither yet condemne those that truly execute them : not onely are they worthy to have a competent living , cor. . but also double honour after the doctrine of saint paul , tim. . * but from inordinate excesse of riches , ought they of all men to be sequestred , considering that the most wicked nature of mammon is alwayes to corrupt , yea the very elect , if god were not the more mercifull , matth. . which might be an admonition to our lordly bishops when they be in their worldly pompe , that they are not gods servants beleeved they his sayings , as they do nothing lesse . master fish●● in his supplication of beggers , thus complaines to king henry the eight of the inconveniency of the prelates greatnesse and sway both to himselfe , and his subjects , worthy his majesties most serious consideration ; oh the grievous shipw●acke of the common-wealth , which in ancient time before the comming of these ravenous wolves , were so prosperous , &c. what remedy ? make lawes against them ? i am in doubt whether yee be able . are they not stronger in your owne parliament house than your selfe , what a number of bishops , abbots , and priors , are lords of your parliament ? are not all the learned men of your realme in see with them , to speake in the parliament house for them , against your crowne , dignity and common-wealth of your realme , a few of your owne learned counsell onely excepted ? what law can be made against them that they may be availeable ? who is hee ( though hee be grieved never so sore ) that for the murther of his ancester , ravishment of his wife , of his daughter , robbery , trespasse , maihme , debt , or any other offence , dare lay it to their charge by way of action ? and if hee doe , then is he by and by , by their * wilinesse accused of heresie , yea they will so handle him ere hee passe , that except he will beare a faggot at their pleasure , he shall be excommunicated , and then be all his actions dashed . so captive are your lawes unto them , that no man whom they list to excommunicate may be admitted to sue any action in any of your courts . if any man in your sessions dare be so hardy to indite a priest of any such crime , hee hath ere the yeare goe about such a yoake of heresie layd in his necke , that it mak●th him wish he had not done it . your grace may see what a worke there is in london , how the b●shop rageth for indi●ing certaine curates of extortion , and incontinency the last yeare in the ward-mote quest. had not richard hunne commenced action of premunire against a priest , hee had yet beene alive● and no hereticke a● all , but an honest man. and ●his is by reason that the chiefe instrument of your law , yea the chiefe of your counsell , and hee which hath your sword in his hand , to whom also all the other instruments are obedient , is alwaies a spirituall man , which hath ever such an inordinate love unto his owne kingdome , that hee will maintaine that , though all the temporall kingdomes and common-wealths of the world should therefore utterly be undone : after which he s●●wes the intolerable exacti●ns of the prelates on the people , and how much wealth and money they extort from their post●rity . you have heard now the opinion of our martyrs , prelates , and godly writers touching episcopacie , lordly prelates , their trayterly practises , t●mporalties , and perniciousnesse to our church and state both before and in k. henry the eighth his raigne , in the very in●ancie of reformation , many then desiring and earnestly writing for their utter exterpation , as most pernicious instruments of mischiefe both to king , church and kingdome : i shall now proceed to give you some briefe account , what hath beene ●hough of these particulars by our writers , and martyrs in king edward the sixth , queene maries , and queene elizabeths subsequent raignes . learned martyn bucer , professor of divinity in the university o● cambridge , in king edward the sixth his raigne● in his booke * de regno christi ( dedicated to this king ) and devi & usu sancti ministerii , determines thus of lordly prelates , and their temporall offices : first , i doubt not , most noble king , that your majesty discernes , that this reformation of christs kingdome which wee require , yea which the salvation o● us all requires , ab episcopis nullo modo expectandum , is by no meanes to be exspected from the bishops , since there are so few among them ( even in this kings raigne when they were best , which is worthy noting ) which do clearly know the power of this kingdome , and the proper offices thereof ; yea , most of them by all meanes they may and dare , do either oppugne it , deferre or hinder it : and thereupon hee adviseth the king not to make use of doctors bishops , who had the greatest titles , and largest revenues in this reformation , but of other godly ministers , and lay-men , wherein the knowledge and zeale of god did most abound ; & to choose them for his counsellours in this great worke who b● knew the power of christ kingdome , and desired with all their hearts that it might prevaile and raign first in themselves , & then in all others . and because ( writes he ) it is the duty of bishop to govern the churches , not by their owne sole pleasure , but with ●he counsell of presbiters , and ministry of deacons , there will be a nececessity , as al the offices of churches are now dissipated , and perverted , to adjoyne to every one of the bishops , though never so approved , a councell of presbyters , and ministry of deacons , who also ought to be most holily examined and tryed , whether they have received of the lord , both ability and will to be assistant to their bishop in the administration and procuration of the churches : the presbyters in councell , and assistance , the deacons in observance , and ministration , &c. but now there are some of the bishops , whose service your sacred majesty useth in the administration of the kingdome . but sith nothing in this world is commended to the care of men by the most high ; which ought more solicitously & religiously to be looked to and managed , then the procuration of religion , that is , of the eternall salvation o● the elect of god ; summum est nefas , it is the highest impiety to preferre any other businesse before this care , or for any cause whatsoever to hinder them , so as their ministeries be lesse ●ully adhibited to their churches . moses was most amply endued with the spirit of god , and excelled with incredible wisedome , and he altogether burned with a most ardent study of planting and preserving the true religion ; yet seeing hee ought to governe the whole common-wealth of i●rael , hee by gods command set aaron his brother with his sonnes over matters of religion , that they might wholy bestow themselves in them . the maccabees truly joyned the civill administration to the ecclesiasticall , but with what successe their histories testifie , wherefore it is to be wished that bishops according to gods law , religionibu● solis vacent procurandis , should onely addict themselves to matters of religion , and lay aside all other businesses from them , though beneficiall to mankind , and leave them to those who should wholly bestow themselves on them , being chosen thereto by god. there is no office that requires more study and care ●han the procuration of soules . * satan knowing this very well , hath brought to passe , that bishops and chiefe ecclesiasticall prelates should be sent for by kings & emperours unto their courts to manage publike affaires , both of warre and pe●ce . hence these mischiefes have ensued ; first , a neglect of the whole sacred ministry , the corruption of doctrine , the destruction of discipline . after as soone as prelates began to usurpe the place of lords , they challenged their luxury & pomp to themselves to which end since the wealth of princ●s was requisite , that which they ought to bestow out of their ecclesiasticall revenues , upon the faithfull ministers of churches , upon schooles , upon the poore of christ , all these things being taken from them by horrible sacriledge , they spent them upon riot , and princely pompe . and when as the goods of the church were not sufficient to maintaine this luxury and pompe , they flattered away , and begged , and by various frauds tooke from kings goodly rich po●sessions , and great lordships : * by which accessions their luxury and pride was thenceforth not onely fostered and sustained , but likewise infinitely increased : which afterwards so farre prevailed , that the spoyles of single churches would not suffice each of them , but they brought the matter to this passe , that one at this day may fleece or spoyle three or foure bishoprickes , abbies , and other prelacies , and such a multitude of parish churches as is horrible to name ; for they say there is one lately dead in this kingdome who fleaed above . parishes . so bucer , who held bishops & ministers to be all one , and that the power of ordination ( resting originally in christ , derivatively in the whole church , and ministerially onely in bishops , and presbyters as servants to the church ) belonged as well to presbyters as to bishops ; with whom peter martyr his fellow regius professor of divinity in the university of oxford fully concur●es , in his commonplaces , printed at london cum privilegio : ann. . class . . loc. . sect. . p. . to which i shall referre you for brevity sake . to these i might adde ; the image of both pastors , written by huldricke zwinglius , translated into english by iohn veron , dedicated to the duke of somerset , lord protector , and printed at london , cum privilegio , an. . wherein he proves the parity and identity of bishops and presbyters : condemnes the lordly and sec●lar dominion , wealth , pompe , pride , tyranny , nonpreach , and rare preaching of prelates ; and manifests lord bishops , as then they stood ( and now ) to be false pastors , and meer papall and antichristian officers , not warranted by gods word ; but because zwinglius was a forraigner , i shall passe it by without transcribing any passage thereof . mr. iohn hooper , both a bishop , and martyr of our church , a great * opposer of ceremonies , episcopall rochets , and vestments in which hee would not b● consecrated , * writes thus of the secular imployments , wealth , and calling of bishops . for the space of . yeares after christ , the bishops applyed all their wit only to their owne vocation , to the glory of god , and the honour of the realmes they dwelt in : though they had not so much upon their heads as our bishops have , yet had they more within their heads , as the scripture and histories testifie . for they applyed all the wit they had unto the vocation , and ministry of the church , whereunto they were called . but our bishops have so much wit that they can rule and serve ( as they say ) in both states , in the church , and also in the civill policie , when one of them is more then any man is able to satisfie , let him doe alwayes his best diligence . if hee be so necessary for the court , that in civill causes he cannot be spared , let him use that vocation , and spare the other : it is not possible hee should doe both well . * it is a great oversight in princes thus to charge them with two burthens : the primitive church had no such bishops as wee , they had such bishops , as did preach many godly sermons in lesse time , than our bishops horses be a bridling . their house was a schoole , or treasure house of gods ministers , if it be so now let every man judge . the magistrates that suffer the abuse of these goods be culpable of the ●ault ; if the fourth part of the bishopricke remained to the bishop , it were sufficient ; the third part to schoolemasters : the second to poore , and souldiers were better bestowed ; if any be offended with me for this my saying , he loveth not his owne soules health nor gods laws , nor mans ; out of which i am alwayes ready to prove the thing i have said to be true . further , i speake of love , not of hatred . and in his apologie hee saith , it is both against gods laws & mans , that bishops and clergie men should be judges over any subjects within this realme , for it is no part of their office , they can do no more but preach gods word , and minister gods sacraments , and excommunicate such as god● lawes do pronounce to be excommunicated ; who would put a sword into a madmans hand ? and in his exposition on psal. . . f. . although bishops ( saith hee ) in the raigne of constantine the great obtained , that among bishops some should be called archbishops , and metropolitans , &c. yet this preheminencie was at the pleasure & discretion of princes , & not alwaies tyed to one sor● of prelates , as the impiety of our time beleeveth , as we may see in the councell of calcedon & africke . so that it is manifest , that this superior preheminency is not of divine , but of humane right , instituted out of civill policie . so hooper . the booke of ordination of ministers , and consecraation of bishops , compiled by the bishops in king edwards dayes , ratified by * two acts of parliament , and subscribed to by all our ministers , hath this notable passage , and charge against the lordlinesse , and secular imployments of prelates and ministers , prescribing all bishops , when they ordaine ministers , archbishops , or bishops , to use this exhortation to them . have alwayes printed in your remembrance , how great a treasure is committed to your charge , for they be the sheepe of christ which hee bought with his death , and for whom he shed his blood● the church and congregation , whom you must serve , is his spouse and body ; and if it shall chance the same church , or any member thereof to take any hurt or hinderance by reason of your negligence , yee know the greatnesse of the fault , and also of the horrible punishment which will ensue . where●ore consider with your selves the end of your ministry towards the children of god , towards the spouse and body of christ ; and see that you never cease your labour , your care , and diligence , untill you have done all that lyeth in you , according to your bounden duty to bring all such as are or shall be committed to your charge , unto ●hat ripenesse or perfectnesse of age in christ , that there be no place left among them either for errour in religion , or for vitiousnesse of life . ( and what prelate or minister hath done this ? ) and for this selfe same cause , yee see how yee ought to forsake , and se● aside ( as much as you may ) all worldly cares and studies . wee have good hope , that you have well weighed , and pondered these things with your selves long before this time , and that you have cleerly determined by gods grace to give your selves wholly to this vocation , whereunto it hath pleased god to call you ; see ●hat ( as much as lyeth in you ) you apply your selves who●ly to this one thing , and draw all your care and study this way , & to this end ; and that you will continually pray for the heavenly assistance of the holy ghost , that by daily reading and weighing of the scriptures , you may so waxe riper , and stronger in your ministry . and ●hat this your promise shall more move you to doe your d●ties , yee shall answer plainly to these things which we in the name of the congregation shall demand of you touching the same . will you give your faithfull diligence alwayes to ●inister the doctrine and sacraments , and the discipline of christ , as the lord hath commanded , and as this realme hath received the same , according to the commandements of god ; so that yo● may teach the people committed to your cure and charge , with all diligence to keepe , and observe the same ? i will so doe by the helpe of god. will you be diligent in prayers , and in reading of the holy scriptures , and in such studies as helpe to the knowledge of the same , laying aside the study of the world , and the flesh ? i will endeavour my selfe so to doe , the lord being my helper . and at the consecration of every archbishop and bishop , this charge by the direction of the said booke is given to him . bee thou to thy flocke a sheepheard , not a wolfe ; feed them , but devoure them not . and it is worthy observation , that the same chapters and epistles are read at the ordination of ministers , and consecration of bishops ; which proves their office and function both one and the same by divine institution . the third part of the homily , of the perill of idolatry , ratified by the . article of our church ; subscribed unto by all our prelates and ministers , published in king edward●he ●he . his dayes , and reprinted by king iames his speciall command . determines thus against the courtship , and secular imployment of prelates . that bishops in the primitive church did most diligently , and sincerely teach and preach , for they were then preaching bishops , and more often seene in pulpits than in princes palaces ; more often occupied in his legacie , who said , goe yee unto the whole world and preach the gospell unto all men ; than in ambassages and affaires of princes of this world . and in the . and . part of the homily against wilfull rebellion , and the second part of the homily for whitsunday , notably paints forth at large the treasons , conspiracies , practises , aud rebellions of popes , and our prelates against the emperours and our kings in former ages , which hee that will may there read at his leasure , being too common and large to recite . m. hugh latimer ( who gave over his bishopricke out of conscience , in k. hen●y the . his raigne , and never resumed it againe ; skipping for joy , h●e was rid of that heavie burthen , ) in his * sermon of the plough preached thus , god saith by the prophet ieremy , maledictus qui facit opus dei fraudulenter , guilefully , and deceitfully : some bookes have , negligenter , negligently , or slackly . how many such prelates , how many such bishops ( lord for thy mercy ) are there now in england ? and what shall wee in this case do ? shall wee company with them ? o lord , for thy mercy shall we not company with them ? o lord , whither shall wee flee from them ? but cursed be hee that doth the worke of the lord negligently or guilefully : a sore word for them that are negligent in discharging their office ill ; yee that be prelates looke well to your office : for right prelating is busie labouring , and not lording , therefore preach and teach , and let your plough be doing . ye lords ( i say ) that live like loyterers , looke well to your office , the plough is your office and charge ; if yee live idle , and loyter , you doe not your duty , &c. they have to say for themselves long customes , ceremonies , and authority , placing in parliament , & many things more and i fear mee this land is not ripe to be ploughed , for as the saying is , it lacketh withering . this land lacketh withering , at least it is not for mee to plough . for what shall i looke for among thornes , but pricking and scratching ? what among stones , but stumbling ? what ( i had almost said ) among scorpions , but stinging ? but thus much i dare say , that since lording , and loytering hath come up , preaching hath gone downe , contrary to the apostles times ; for they preached and lorded not , and now they lord and preach not ; for they that bee lords will ill goe to the plough , it is no meete o●fice to them , it is not seeming for their estate : thus came up lording loyterers : thus crept up unpreaching p●elates : for how many unlearned prelates have wee now at this day ? and no marvell , for if the ploughmen that now be , were made lords , they would cleane give over ploughing , they would leave their labour and fall to lording outright , and let the plough stand ; & then both ploughs not walking , nothing should be in the common-wealth but hunger : for ever since the prelates were made lords and nobles , their plough standeth , there is no worke done , the people starve : they hawke , they hunt , they card , they dice , they pastime in their prelacies with gallant gentlemen , with their dauncing minions , and with their fresh companions , so that ploughing is set aside , and by their lording , and loytering , preaching and ploughing is cleane gone . and thus if the ploughmen in the country were as negligent in their office , as prelates be , wee should not long live for lacke of sustenance . and as it is neces●ary to have this ploughing for the sustenta●ion of the body , so must wee have also the other for the ●atisfaction of the soule , or else we cannot live long ghostly : for as the body wasteth and consumeth away for lacke of bodily meate , so doth the soule pine away for want of ghostly meate ; and as diligently as the husband man plougheth for the sustentation of the body , so diligently must the prelates and ministers labour for the feeding of the soule : both the ploughs must still be going , as most necessary for man : they have great labours and therefore they ought to have good livings , that they may commodiously feed their flocke ; for the preaching of the word of god is called meate : scripture calleth it meate , not strawburies that come but once a yeare : and tarry not long , but are soone gone : but it is meate , it is no dainties : the people must have meate that must be familiar , and continuall and daily given unto them to feed on , &c. and wherefore are magistrates ordained , but that the tranquillity of the common-wealth may be confirmed , limiting both ploughes ? but now for the fault of unpreaching prelates , mee thinkes i could guesse what might be said for excusing of them : they are so troubled with lordly living ; they be so placed in palaces , couched in courts , ruffling in their rents , dauncing in their dominions , burthened with embassages , pampering of their paunches like a monke that maketh his iubilee , mounching in their maungers , and moyling in their gay mannors and mansions , and so troubled with loytering in their lordships , that they cannot attend it : they are othe●wise occupied , some in kings matters , some are embassadours , some of the privie counsell , some furnish the court , some are * lords of parliament , some aree presidents , and controllers of mints . well , well , is this their duty ? is this their calling ? is this a meere office for a priest , to be controllers of mints ? is this a meete office for a priest that hath cure of soules ? is this his charge ? i would here aske a question , who controlleth the divell at home at his parish whiles hee controlleth the mint ? if the apostles might not leave the office of preaching to be deacons , shall one leave it for minting ? i cannot tell you ; the saying is , that since priests have beene minters , money hath beene worse than it was before . and they say , that the evilnesse of money hath made all things deere . and in this behalfe i must speake to england : heare my country england , as saint paul said in cor. . ( for paul was no sitting bishop , but a walking and a preaching bishop ) is there ( saith hee ) congregation● which hee speaketh in rebuking them , ●or saith hee , ad e●ubescentiam vestram dico ; i speake it to your shame . so england i speake it to thy shame , is there never a nobleman to be a lord president , but it must be a prelate ? is there never a wise man in the realm to be a controller of the mint ? i speake it to your shame , i speake it to your shame : if there be never a wise man , make a water-bearer , a tinker , a cobler , a slave , a page controller of the mint : make a meane gentleman , a groome , a yeoman , make a poore begger lord president . thus i speake , not that i would have it so ; but to your shame . is there never a gentleman meete nor able to be lord president ? for why are no● the noble men , and young gentlemen of england so brought up in the knowledge of god , and in learning , that they be able to execute offices in the common-wealth ? the king hath a great many wards , and i heare there is a court of wards ; why is there not a schoole of wards , as well as there is a court for their lands ? why are they not set to the schooles where they may learne ? or why are they not sent to universities , that they may be able to serve the king when they come to age ? the onely cause why noble men be not made lord presidents is , because they have not beene brought up in learning , yet there be already noblemen enough , though not so many as i could wish , able to be lord presidents ; and wise men enough for the mint : and as unmeet a thing it is for bishops to be lord presidents , or priests to be minters , as it was for the corinthians to plead matters of variance before hea●hen judges : it is also a slaunder to the noblemen , as though they lacked wisedome , and learning to be able for such offices : a prelate hath a charge and cure otherwise , and therefore he cannot discharge his duty● and be a lord president too , for a presidentship requireth a whole man , and a bishop cannot be two men ; a bishoop hath his office ; a flocke to teach , to looke unto , and therefore he can●ot meddle with another office which requireth an whole man● hee should therefore give it over to whom it is meete , and labour in his owne businesse , as paul writeth to the thessalonians , let every man doe his owne businesse , and follow his calling : let the priest preach , and the noblemen handle temporall matters . well , i would all men would looke to their duty as god hath called them , and then wee should have a flourishing christian commonweale , &c. you may read all the sermon to this purpose . in the close whereof he proves the devill to be the best bishop in england , because hee alwaies followes his plough night and day , is never a non-resident : and manifests our bishops , even in king edward● dayes when they were best , to be as bad or worse than the devill , and chargeth the king in many of his sermons to out with them , and make them all quondam● . in his fift sermon before king edward , f. , . he thus prosecutes the same argument . though , i say , that i would wish more lord presidents , i meane not , that i would have prelates lord presidents , no● that lord bishops should be lord presidents . as touching that , i said my mind and cons●ience the last yeare . and although it is said , praesint , it is not meant that they should be lord presidents , the office of a president●hip is a civill office , and it cannot be that one man shall discharge both well , &c. in his sermon at stanford . p. . christ was not the emperours treasurer , therefore he meddled not with that point , but left it to the treasurer to define and determine . hee went about another vocation to preach unto the people their duty , and to obey their princes , kings , emperours , and magistrates , and to bid them give that the king requireth of them , not to appoint a king , what hee shall require of them . it is meete for every man to keepe his owne vocation , and diligently walke in it , and with faithfulnesse to study to be occupied in that god hath called him unto , and not to be busie in that god hath not called him unto , &c. in his sermon on s. iohn evangelists day . f. . but it is a thing to be lamented that the prelates and other spirituall persons will not attend upon their offices , they will not be amongst their flockes , but rather will run hither , and thither , here , and there , where they are not called , and in the meane season leave them at adventure of whom they take their living ; yea and furthermore , some will rather be clerkes of kitchins , or take other offices upon them , besides that which they have already : but with what conscience these same doe so i cannot tell , i feare they shall not be able to make answe●e at the last day for their follies , as concerning that matter : for this office is such a heavie and mighty office that it requireth a whole man , yea and let every curate or parson keepe his cure to w●ich god hath appointed him , and let him doe the ●est that he can , yet i tell you he cannot chuse but the devill will have some , for he sleepeth not , he goeth about day & night to seek whom he may devoure . therfor● it is neede for every godly minister , to abide by his sheepe , seeing that the wolfe is so neere , and to keepe them , and wit●stand the wolfe . indeed there be some ministers here in england which doe no good at al , and therefore it were better for them to leave their benefices , and give roome unto others . finally , in his sermon preached before the convocation iune . in the . of henry . he thus speaketh to the clergie of england , and lordly prelates touching the utilitie of their councels and assemblies for the churches good : the end of your convocation shall shew what ye have done , the fruite that shall come of your consultation , shal shew what generation ye be of . for what have ye done hitherto i pray you these . yeares & more ? what have ye engendred ? what have yee brought ●orth ? what fruite is come of your long and great assembly ? what one thing that the people of england hath beene the better of an haire ? or you your selves , either accepted before god , or better discharged toward the people , committed unto your cure ? or that the people is better learned and taught now , then they were in time past , to whether of these ought we to attribute it , to your industry , or to the providence of god , and the foreseeing of the kings grace ? ought we to thanke you , or the kings highnesse ? whether stirred other first , you the king that ye might preach , or he you by his letters , that ye should preach oftner ? is it unknowne thinke you , how both ye and your curates were in manner by violence enforced to let bookes to be made not by you , but by prophane and lay persons , to let them i say , be sold abroad and read for the instruction of the people ? i am bold with you , but i speake latine and not english to the clergie , no● to the laity : i speake to you being pre●ent and not behind your backes . god is my witnesse , i speake whatsoever is spoken of the good will that i beare you , god is my witnesse which knoweth my heart , and compelle●h me to say , that i say . now i pray you in god his name what did you , so great fathers , so many , so long a season , so oft assembled together ? what went you about ? what would ye have brought to passe ? two things taken away , the one , that ye ( which i heard ) burned a dead man : the other , that ye ( which i le●t ) went about to burne one being alive . him because he did , i cannot tell how , in his testament withstand your profit , in other points , as i have heard , a very good man reported to ●e of an honest life , while he lived , full of good workes , both good to the clergie , and also to the laity ; this other , which truely never hurt any of you , ye would have ●aked in the coales , because he would not subs●ribe to cer●aine articles , that tooke away the supremacie of the king. take away these two noble acts , and there is nothing else left , that ye went about , that i know , saving that i now remember , that somewhat ye attempted against erasmus , albeit as yet nothing is come to light . ye have oft sit in consultation , but what have ye done ? ye have had many things in deliberation , but what one put forth , whereby either christ is more glorified , or else christs people made more holy ? i appeale to your owne conscience . how chanceth this ? how came this thus ? because there were no children of light , no children of god among you , which setting the world at nought , would studie to illustrate the glory of god , and thereby shew themselves children of light . so this godly martyr , who hath sundry such like passage in his sermons . in the conference , anno. . betweene our religious martyr iohn bradford and doctor harpesfield arch deacon of london . master bradford complaines , that the pillars of the church were persecuters of the church , and tells him you shall no●●●nde in all the scripture this your essentiall part of succession of bishops : whereupon harpesfield sayd , tell me , were not the apostles bishops ? to which bradford replyed : no , except you will make a new definition of a bishop , that is , give him no certaine place . harpesfield , indeede the apostles office , was not the bishops office : for it was universall , but yet christ instituted bishops in his church as paul saith : he hath given pastors , prophets , &c. so that i trow it be proved by the scriptures the succession of bishops to be an essentiall point . brad. the ministry of gods word and ministers be an essentiall point . but to translate this to the bishops and their succession is a plaine subtilty . and therefore , that it may be plaine i will aske you a question ; tell me , whether that the scriptvre knew any difference betweene bishops and ministers , which ye called priests ? harps . no. ( so that by the joynt confession of papists and protestants in queene maries time bishops and ministers by the scripture are both one . ) brad. well , then goe on forwards , and let us see what ye shall get now by the succession of bishops , that is of ministers , which can be understood of such bishops as minister not , but lord it . lord bishops than are none of christs institution , nor of the apostles succession . master fox his acts and monuments of our martyrs lond. . p. . i finde this dialogue betweene dr. iohn baker , collins his chaplaine , and edmund allin a martyr . baker , i heard say , that you spake against priests and bishops . allin , i speake for them , for now they have so much living and especially bishops , arch-deacons , and deanes , that they neither can nor will teach gods word . if they had a hundred pounds a peece , then would they apply their study , now they cannot for other affaires . collins , who will then set his children to schoole ? allin , where there is now one set to schoole for that end , there would be . because that one bishops living divided into . or , parts , would finde so many as well learned men as the bishops be now , who have all this living ; neithe● had peter nor paul any such revenue . baker , let us dispatch him , he will mar all . collins , if every man had a hundred pounds , as he saith , it would make more learned men . baker , but our bishops would be angry if that they knew it . allin . it were for a commonwealth to have such bishoprickes divided , for the further increase of learning . infinite are the declamations and complaints of our godly martyrs in queene maries and king henry●he ●he . his raigne against the prelates● which because they are ordinary , and every man may reade them in master f●x his acts and monuments , i shall therefore passe them by in silence , and proce●de to some other authorities . our learned io●n bale determins thus of our lordly bishops . * the bishops compasse every where about with tyranny and malice possible , the holds , the dwelling houses and places of resort pe●taining to the ●aith●ull brethren : they vexe their bodies on every side with rebukes , sco●nes , blasphemies , lyes , scourgings , imprisonments , open shames of the world , and all manner of kindes of death : seldome escape any from the terrible hands of the prelates and priests , that sincerely ●avour the truth : every where have they their spies , their judasses , their false accusers , their sommoners , their bayliffes , and their pick-thankes , with o●her officers to bring th●m in . in all places are they diligently watched , fiercely examined when they are taken , and cruelly enforced to accuse so many as they know of that beleefe . every where have they spirituall prisons and bishops dungeons , with plenty of ropes , stockes , and irons , and as little charity else as the devill hath in hell . this hath beene their order from the time of satans liberty , and this have they taken for an high point of christian religion . for this is the houre that christ prophecied of , wherein men should thinke to doe god great service when they put one of his unto death . none other caused herod and pilate to put christ to death , but ann●s & caiaphas . none other moved felix the president of iury to imprison paul , but the puffed up prelate ananias . trajanus the emperour would never so extreamely have persecuted the christian church , nor yet o●her cruell tyrants ever since , had they not beene propped forward by such pampred palfryes of the devill , the beastly bishops . whose calling and trayterly practises he much declaimes against both there , and in his centuries , to which i shall referre you . matthew ●ar●er archbishop of canterbury in the life of hubert his predecessor , writes thus of bishops intermedling with secular offices and affaires : * that about the yeare of our lord ● . there was nothing ●ound and sincere in the christian republike , that the whole clergie under a feigned and counterfeit shew of religion , did wallow without punishment in wickednesse , in bribes , in honours and rapinesse , neglecting utterly the preaching of gods word . the originall ( saith he ) of this evill sprung from this , that the clergie did too much intermeddle with worldly affaires , contrary to the decrees of the orthodox fathers . for at that time the deane of pauls was made lord treasurer ; who carrying that office , quickly hourded up a great treasure ; at last falling into a deadly disease past recovery , he was exhorted by the bishops and great men to receive the sacrament of christs body and blood , which he trembling at refused to doe : whereupon the king admonished and commanded him to doe it , he promised him thereupon to doe it the next day : being admonished to make his will , he commanded all to voyd the roome but one scribe . who beginning to write his will in the accustomed forme ; in the name of the father , of the sonne , &c. the deane perceiving it , commanded him in a rage to blot it out , and these words onely to be written ; * i bequeath all my goods to my lord the king , my body to the grave , and my soule to the devill ; which being uttered , he gave up the ghost . the king hereupon commanded his carcasse to be carried in a cart , and drowned in the river . this kinde of examples ( writes he ) are therefore to be produced , that clergie men may be de●erred from being lord treasurers , collectors of the kings customes , and from civill and publicke imployments . in huberts time all secular offices almost were in clergie mens hands , for some of them were chauncellours , some justices , some treasurers of the kingdome , others had other o●fices in all the kings courts and pluralities of many great livings besides : which wealth , honours , offices , and dignities , as it made them like to kings in state and magnificence , so it puffed them up with such pride and arrogance , that in the . yeare of king henry the third , they were removed from all civill offices and honours , at the instant request and desire of the greatest noblemen to whom the same offices were committed . hence some of all orders in our present times have most sharpely reprehended the clergie for this very thing , that being advanced to the degree of divinity , than which nothing in humane life ought to be deemed more holy , they should bee hindred there-from with secular businesses , as with servile workes , and being with●drawne from divine things , should give themselves to pecuniary and exchequer affaires which are most estranged from the dignity of their life , by which some ( as appeares by the example of that deane of pauls ) have made shipwracke both of conscience and soule to . willielmus nubrigensis speaking of hugh bishop of duresine , for intermedling with the procuration of temporall affaires , hath these words . that office ( to wit of lord chauncellor or chiefe justice ) was committed by the king to the bishop of duresine , who did not so much as refuse , but cheerefully imbrace it , who verily contenting himselfe with his proper office , had much more decently beene a minister of gods law , than of mans ; since no man can serve both , as hee ought . and that saying of our lord to the apostles , ye cannot serve god and mammon , did principally respect the apostles successors . for if a bishop that he may please both the heavenly and earthly king , at once wil devide himself to both offices ; verily the heavenly king , who wils that men should serve him with all the heart , with all the soule , and with all the strength , doth neither approve , nor love , nor accept his divine ministry . what then will he doe , if a bishop doth not give peradventure not so much as halfe of himselfe , to execute the things which are of god , and become a bishop , but commits his cures to unworthy and remisse executioners , that he may wholly serve an earthly court or palace ? for no halfe man can sufficiently administer the offices of an earthly prince . by which sentences and examples we verily are admonished , that assiduous care and study of clergie men , in worldly and civill affaires , which makes them prove slow and unfit to divine things , is by all meanes to be reproved , and that the complaint of those is very unjust , who taxe them for not intermeddling with temporall affaires , and studie to call them backe from divine things , to which they ought with all their might to apply themselves . he further addes out of roger hoveden and others , * that the pope enjoyned hubert archbishop of canterbury , without delay to lay downe all his temporall offices , as being contrary to the canons ●o enjoy them , and against his honour and dignity ; and further diligently admonished king richard the . with a ●atherly admonition , that as he tendred the salvation of his soule , he should not permit the sayd arch-bishop any longer to enjoy his secular office under him , and that he would neither admit him nor any other bishop or clerke to any other secular administration : and hee likewise commanded all prelates of churches , by vertue of their canonicall obedience ; ne ipsi ausu temerario seculares administrationes susciperent ; that they should not rashly attempt the managing of any worldly imployments ; because being intangled in secular affaires , they could nor sufficiently attend their ecclesiasticall cures , seeing the wise man saith , pluribus intentus , minor est ad singula sensus . and hence * roger de hoveden , thus exclaimes against huber● for resuming his temporall offices againe , after he had seemingl● informed the king that he would give them over ; seeing ●h● charge of his church ( as he sayd ) was worke enough ●or one man , whereunto onely he would gladly dedicate himselfe . o in●●licem praesulem ! licet saepius legisset , neminem posse doubus deminis se ruire , aut enim umun odio habebit , & alterum diliget , au● unumsustinebit , & alterum contemnet ; praeelegit tamen officium sacerdotale postp●nere , quam regi terreno non adhaerere : & si● accepta regn● regiminis potestate officii administrationem ecclesias●ici , cui professionis voto ast rictus fuerat , parvi pendens , pro castris regis angliae stare non recusavit . so this historian . thus this bishop . thomas beacon a prebend of canterbury and a fugitive ●or religion in queene maries dayes in his catechisme in the first volume of his workes printed at london , cum privilegio , anno , . dedicated to both archbishops and all the bishops of england , f●● . . and in his supplication ( written in queene maries time ) vol. . fol. . ●● . resolves thus of the parity of bishops and ministers , and the antichristianity , cruelty , wealth , and secular imployments of our lordly prelates . father . what difference is there betweene a bishop and spirituall minister , or presbyter ? sonne . none at all , their office is the same , their authority and power is one ; therefore s. paul calls spirituall ministers sometimes bishops , sometimes presbyters , sometimes pastors , sometimes doctors , &c. father . what is a bishop in english ? sonne . a watchman , or superintendent , as paul saith to the presbyters or bishops of ephesus , acts . . &c. then hee addes that the first and principall point of a bishops spirituall ministers office is to teach and preach the word of god. and concludes , that such a bishop as either doth not , or cannot preach , is a nicholas bishop & an idoll , and indeed no better than a painted bishop on a wall : yea , he is as the prophet saith , a dumbe dogge , and as our saviour christ saith , unsavory salt , worth nothing but to be cast out , and to be trodden under foote of men . woe be to such rulers that set such idols and white daubed walls over the ●●ocke of christ , whom hee hath purchased with his precious blood . horrible and great is their great damnation . our saviour christ saith to his disciples , as my father sent me , so send i you . now who knoweth not , that christ was sent of his father to preach the gospell ? if they preach not ( the case of many of our lord prelates ) it is an evident token that christ sent them no● , but antichrist and the devill . after which he thus proceedes in his supplication ; thou callest thy selfe a jealous god , why then dost thou suffer thy people , thy congregation , thy flocke , thine heritage , to be thus seduced and led away from thee unto all kinde of spirituall fornication and abominable whoredome by that antichrist of rome , that great baal , that stout nemroth , that false prophet , that beast , that whore of babylon , that sonne of perdition , and by his abhominable adherents , cardinalls , arch-bishops , bishops , suffragans , arch-deacons , deanes , provosts , prebendaries , commissaries , parsons , vicars , purgatorie-rakers , priests , monkes , fryers , channons , nunnes , anckers , anc●eresses , pardoners proctors , scribes , officialls , somners , &c. with all the ●able of beastly hypocrites that have received the beasts marke , which doe nothing else than seeke how they may establish their an●ichristian kingdome by suppressing thy holy word , and leading the people into all kinde of blindnesse , errours and lyes , &c. but now the shepheards , yea rather the wolves , which are burst into thy sheepefold ; and with violence have unjustly thrust out the faithfull and fatherly pastors out of their cures , are lordly , cruell , bloodthirsty , malicious and spitefull against thy sheepe . they are such wolves as spare not the flocke , but scatter and destroy the flocke . they are theeves , robbers , murtherers and soule slayers . they feede themselves with the fattest , and cloath themselves with the finest wooll , but thy flocke they nourish not . the foode wherewith they pasture thy sheepe , is the drowsie dreames and idle imaginations of antichrist . in steede of the preaching of thy lively word , they feede thy flocke with latine mumblings , with dumbe images , with heathenish ceremonies , with vaine sightes , and such other apish ●oyes . in steede of the ministration of the holy and blessed communion , they feede thy sheepe with vile stincking , abominable , devillish , blasphemous and idolatrous masses . and unto these unwholesome , pestilent , and poysonfull pasturs , they drive the sheepe will they , nill they ; and if any of thy flocke refuse to come and to taste of those their pestilent poysons , and poysons full of pestilences , him they accite to appeare before the great wolfe , whose face is like unto the face of a she beare that is robbed of her young ones , whose eyes continually burne with the unquenchable flames of the deadly cockatrice , whose teeth are like to the venemous tushes of the ramping lyon , whose mouth is full of cursed speaking and bitternes , whose tongue speaketh extreame blasphemies against thee and thy holy anoynted , whose lippes are full of deadly poyson , whose throate is an open sepulcher , whose breath foameth and bloweth out threatning and slaughter against the disciples of the lord , whose heart without ceasing imagineth wickednesse , whose hands have a delight to be embrued with the blood of the saints , whose feete are swift to shed blood , whose whole man both body and soule goe alwayes up and downe musing of mischiefe . this wolfe o lord is so arrogant , haughty , and proud , seeing the government of the whole realme is committed unto him , that he hath cast away all feare of thee . he maketh boast of his owne wit , learning , and policy ; his wayes are alway filthy , thy judgements are farre out of his sight , hee defieth all his enemies . for he saith in his heart , tush , i shall ne●er be cast downe , there shall no harme happen unto me . he sitteth lurking like a lyon in his den ; that he may privily murther the innocent and sucke his blood . when such , o lord god , as will not obey their popish and devillish proceedings , are brought before that grievous wolfe , they are miserably taunted , mocked , scorned , blasphemed , as thy deerely beloved sonne was in bishop caiphas house , and afterward cruelly committed to prison , to the tower , to the fleete , to the marshalseys , to the kings bench , to the counters , to lollardes tower , to newgate , &c. where they are kept as sheepe in a pinfold appointed to be slaine . and as this cruell and bloody wolfe dealeth with the poore lambes , even so doe the residue of that lecherous litter . he with all other of that wolvish kind , hunger and thirst nothing so greatly as the devouring of the bodies , and the sucking of the blood of thy poore and innocent lambes . ah lord god , under that most wicked queene iezabel , were not the prophets , more cruelly handled , than thy faithfull ministers be now ? for as in the days of the wicked queen iezabel the priests of baal were had in great honour , & were chiefest and of highest authority about the queen , none bearing so much rule in the court as they , none having so much reverence done unto them , as they had ; even so now is it with the idolatrous priests of england ; they alone be chiefest and of much estimation with the queene . they alone ●uffle and raigne ; they alone beare the swing in the court ; they alone have all things going forward as they desire ; they alone be capped , kneeled , and crowched to ; they alone have the keyes of the english kingdome hanging at their girdles : whatsoever they binde or loose , whispering and trayterously conspiring among themselves , that same is both bound and loosed in the starre chamber , in westminster-hall , in the parliament house , yea in the queenes privie chamber , and throughout the realme of england . the very nobility of england are in a manner brought to such slavery , that they dare not displease the least of these spitefull spirituall limmes of antichrist . it is writ , that certaine men gave their judgements , what thing was most mighty and strongest upon earth . the first sayd wine is a strong thing . the second sayd the king is strongest . the third sayd , women yet have more strength , but above all things the truth beareth away the victory . but we may now say ( unto such an height is the tyranny of the spirituall sorcerers growne ) that priests in england are mightier , than either wine , king , queene , lords , women , and all that is there besides . but how agreeth this with the example of christ , which fled away , when the people would have made him a king or a temporall governour ? christ refused to meddle with any worldly matters , as the history of dividing the inheritance betweene the two brethren doth declare . christ willed his disciples to refuse all worldly dominion and temporall rule . when they strove among them , who of them should be taken for the greatest : christ sayd unto them , the kings of the gentiles reigne over them , and they that beare rule over them are called gracious lords , but ye shall not be so , for he that is greatest among you , shall be as the least , and he that is chiefe , shall be as the minister . christ sent not his disciples to be lords of the councell , lords of the parliament , lord president , lord chauncellour , lord bishop , lord suffragan , lord deane , master queenes amner , mr. comptroller , mr. steward , mr. receiver , sr. iohn massemonger , &c. but to be ministers and disposers of the mysteries of god , to be preachers of the gospell , to bee labourers in the lords harvest , to be pastors and feeders of the lords flock , to be the salt of the earth , and the light of the world , to be an example to the faithfull in word and conversation , in love , in spirit , in faith and in purenesse , to feede christs flocke so much as lyeth in their power , taking the oversight of them , not as though they were compelled , but willingly , not for the desire of filthy lucre , but of a good minde , not as though they were lord● over the parishes , but that they be an ensample to the flocke , that when the chiefe shepheard shall appeare they may receive an uncorruptible crowne of glory . but these things o lord , have they all forgotten . these ambitious antichrists are so drowned in vaine glory , and in the desire of filthy lucre and worldly promotions , that they neither regard god , nor the higher powers , that they neither esteeme their office , nor any one point of godlinesse & honesty , that they neither think upon the dreadfull day of judgement , nor yet remember themselves to be mortall . their whole study in the time of this their lucifer● like pride is nothing else but to suppresse thy holy truth , and to advance and set up their antichristan kingdome , that they as gods may sit alone in the consciences of men . but o lord god , though thou sufferest these priests of baal for our unthankefulnesse a while to prosper , to raigne , to rule● to ruffle , to flourish , to triumph , and to tread downe thy holy word under their ●eete , yet are we certaine , that thou wilt at the last arise , defend thine owne cause against these antichrists , bring thine enemies unto confusion , and set thy people ( after they have unfainedly repented ) in a quiet and blessed state. so he , and blessed be god that he after , and we now , live to see this verified in part . miles coverdale once bishop of exeter in king edward the sixth his reigne , being deprived of it in queene maries , would * not returne thereto againe in the beginning of queene elizabeths raigne , but led a private life in london , where he writ a booke intituled an apologie in defence of the church of england printed at london . wherein he writes thus of bishops intermedling with secular affaires , and of their treasons against our kings , by the popes instigation . the old canons of the apostles command that bishop to be removed from his office , which will both supply the place of a civill magistrate , and also of an ecclesiasticall person . these men for all that both doe and will needes serve both places ; nay rather the one office which they ought chiefely to execute , they once touch not , and yet no body commandeth them to be displaced , &c. and as ●o●u● , we of all others most justly have left him . for our kings , yea even they which with greatest reverence did follow and obey the authority and faith of the bishops of rome , have long since found and felt well enough the yoake and tyranny of the popes kingdome . for the bishops of rome took the crowne off from the head of our king henry the second , and compelled him to put aside all majesty , and like a meere private man to come unto their legate with great submission and humility , so as all his subjects might laugh him to scorne : more than this , they caused bishops and monkes and some part of the nobility to be in the field against our king iohn , and set all the people at liberty from their oath whereby they owed allegiance to their king , and at last wickedly and most abominably they bereaved the king not onely of his kingdome , but also of his life . besides this , they excommunicated and cursed king henry the eight the most famous prince , and stirred up against him sometime the emperour , sometime the french king , and as much as in them was , put in adventure our realme to have beene a very prey and spoyle , yet were they but ●ooles and mad , to thinke that either so mighty a prince could be scared with bugges and rattles , or else that so noble and great a kingdome , might so easily even at one morsell be devoured and swallowed up . and yet as though all this were too little , they would needes make all the realme tributary to them , and exacted thence yearely most unjust and wrongfull taxes . so deere cost us the friendship of the city of rome . iohn ponet sometimes bishop of winchester , which hee afterwards deserted , in his apologie against doctor martin , in defence of priests marriage , c. . . p. . . . . expressely reckons up popes , cardinals , bishops , priests , monkes , cannons , fryers , &c. to be the orders of antichrist , taxing them likewise severely , and comparing them with the eustathian he●etickes for refusing to weare usuall garments , and putting upon them garments of strange fashions , to vary from the common sort of people in apparell : likewise of the name bishop and superintendent . and ●urther whereas it pleaseth martin not onely in this place , but also hereafter to jest at the name of superintendent , he sheweth himselfe bent to condemne all things that be good , though in so doing he cannot avoyde his open shame . who knoweth no● that the name bishop hath so beene abused , that when it was spoken , the people understood nothing else but a great lord , that went in a white rotche● , with a wide shaven crowne , and that carrieth an oyle box with him , wh●●● he used once in . yeares riding about to confirme children , &c. now to bring the people from this abuse , what better meanes can be devised than to teach the people their errour by another word out of the scriptures of the same signification ? which thing by the terme superintendent would in time have beene well brought to passe . for the ordinary paines of such as were called superintendents , ●hould have taught the people to understand the duty of their bishop , which your papist● would faine have hidden from them . and the word superintendent being a very latine word made english by use ; should in time have taught the people by the very etymologie and proper signification , what things were meant , when they heard that name which by this terme bishop , could not so well bee done , by reason that bishops in the time of popery were over-seers in name , but not indeed . so that their doings could not ●each the people their names , neither what they should looke for at their bishops hands . for the name bishop , spoken amongst the unlearned , signified to them nothing lesse than a preacher of gods word , because there was not , nor is any thing more rare in any order of ecclesiasticall persons , than to see a bishop preach , whereof the doings of the popish bishops of england can this day witnesse ; but the name superintendent should make him ashamed of his negligence , and afraid of his idlenesse , knowing that s. paul doth call upon him , to attend to himselfe and to his whole flocke : of the which sentence our bishops marke the first peece right well , that is , to take heede to themselves , but they be so deafe , they cannot hearken to the second , that is , to looke to their flocke . i deny not but that the name bishop may be well taken ; but because the evilnesse of the abuse hath marred the goodnesse of the word , it cannot be denied , but that it was not amisse to joyne for a time another word with it in his place , whereby to restore that abused word to his right signification . and the name superintendent is such a name , that the papists themselves ( saving such as lacke both learning and wit ) cannot finde fault withall . for peresius the spaniard and an arch-papist ( out of whom martin hath stollen a great part of his booke ) speaking of a bishop saith ; primum episcopi munus nomen ipsum prae se fert , quod est superintendere , episcopus enim superintendens interpretant , visitans aut supervidens , &c. that is to say : the chiefe office of a bishop by interpretation signifieth a superintendent , a visitor , or an over-seer . why did not martin as well steale this peece out of peresius , as he did steale all the common places that he hath for the proofe of the canons of the apostles , and of traditions in his second and third chapters ? martin in the . leafe is not ashamed in his booke to divide the significations of the termes ( bishop and super-intendent ) as though the one were not signified by the other . but it may be that martin , as the rest of the popish sect , would not have the name of ( superintendent ) or minister used , least that name which did put the people in remēbrance of sacrificing and blood sapping , should be forgotten . thus , and much more he . walter haddon , vice-chancellour of the university of cambridge for sundry yeares in king edward the . and deane of the arches in queene elizabeth raigne , in his booke against hierome osorius , l. . fol. , writes short but sharpe , of the treasons of our english prelates against our kings . there have beene few princes in this our britaine for the space of hundred yeares to whom most sordid monkes , but especially those who have possessed the see of canterbury , have not procured some troubles . anselme , how insolently opposed he himselfe to william rufus and henry the first ? theobald how proud was hee against king stephen ? how great tragedies did thomas of canterbury , whom you have canonized for a saint for sedition , raise up against henry the second ? william of ely , and also thomas arundell of canterbury , a nefarious traytor , what wonderfull troubles procured he , not onely to king richard the second , but to all estates of the kingdome ? what king iohn suffered from langton and other bishops , ( who procured him to be judicially deprived of his crowne and kingdome by the pope ) is unknowne to none : neither was edmund of canterbury lesse opposite to king henry the third : edward the first succeeded henry his father in the government , whom iohn peckham of canterbury resisted with incredible boldnesse , leaving winchelsie his successor , who nothing degenerating from his footsteps , had wonderfull contentions with the king : both of them an archbishop , each of them an arch-contemner of majesty . what shall i say of arch-bishop walter , to whom it was not sufficient by force to rescue adrian ( or alton ) bishop of hereford in despite of king and parliament from his legall tryall in open court , and to send him away uncondemned , unlesse he likewise conspired with queene izabel against king richard the second . that i may in the interim omit the furies and bitter concertations of others with their princes . so he . wil. alley bishop of exeter in his poore mans library : par . . miscellanea . praelect . . p. . . printed cum privilegio . iames pilkington bishop of durham , in his treatise of burning of the pauls church : and in his exposition on agge . ch . . v. . . . . ● . . c. . v. . . . . . . and on abdyas . v. . . and mr. alexander nowel deane of pauls in his reproofe of dormans proofe london . . f . . . conclude , that bishops and presbyters by gods word , are one and the same , citing s. hieromes words on titus , . and to euagrius , and declaime much against the pompe , wealth , and secular imployments of bishops : their words for brevity i shall pretermit . mr. elmer , afterwards bishop of london , in his harborow for faithfull subjects , printed at strasborough , writes thus against bishops civill authority , lordlinesse , and wealth . christ saith luke . who made me a iudge betweene you ? as though hee would say , it belongeth not to my office to determine matters of policy and inheritance , that belongeth to the civill magistrate . if he had thought it had beene within the compasse of his function , why and with what conscience refused he to set them at one , who were at strife , and to put that out of doubt which was in suite ? if he might doe it , and would not , he lacked charity , and did not his duety . if it belonged not to him , how belongeth it to any of his disciples or successours ? had he not as large a commission as he gave ? or could he give that he had not ? but he knowing his office , as the prophet esay had foretold ; to preach the gospell , would doe nothing without warrant . and therefore being asked if he were a king , answered simply and by a plaine negative , my kingdome is not of this world . if his kingdome was not here , neither the ordering of policies ; yea when they would have taken him up to have made him a king , as one that refused that belonged not to him , he conveyed himselfe from among them . if imperiall jurisdiction belonged to him , why refused he his calling ? if it did not , where had paul , peter , or any other , any authority to meddle with that which he refused : seeing he saith , as my father sent me , so send i you . in another place , christ knowing the bounds of his calling , would not meddle with externe policy . hence bishops me thinkes by his example , should not give themselves too much the bridle , and too large a scope to meddle too farre with matters of policy . if these two offices , i meane ecclesiasticall and civill be so jumbled in both functions , there can be no quiet or well ordered common-wealth . christ saith to his disciples : princes of the nations doe beare rule like lords , it shall not be so with you . it falleth not into an apostles or church-mans office , to meddle with such matters . for none going to warre , intangleth himselfe with the affaires of this life , it is enough for them to attend upon one office ; to attend as sole priests nor as errant bayliffes . ( and elsewhere in that booke he proceeds thus . ) come off ye bishops , away with your superfluities , yeeld up your thousands , be content with hundreds , as they be in other reformed churches , where there be as great learned men as you are . let your portion be priest-like , not prince-like . let the queene have the rest of your temporalties , to maintaine warres , and to build schooles throughout the realme , that every parish church may have its preacher , every city her superintendent to live not pompously , which will never be unlesse your lands be disposed and bestowed upon many , which now feede and fat but one . remember that abimelech , when david in his banishment would have dined with him , kept such hospitality , that he had no bread to give him but the shew-bread . where was all his superfluity to keepe your pretended hospitality ? for that is the cause that you alleadge , you must have thousand thousands ; as though you were commanded to keepe hospitality , rather with a thousand than with an hundred : remember the apostles were so poore , that when the lame man who lay at the temple gate called beautiful● asked an almes of peter and iohn as they went about to goe , into the temple ; peter answered him in this manner , silver and gold have i none ; and paul was so far from having lordships , that his owne hands ministred oft times to his necessities . if the apostles of our saviour had so small possessions and revenues , why should our prelats , who boast themselves to be their proper successours enjoy or covet so great : when as paul , enjoynes them , if they have but food and rayment , * therewith to be content , godlinesse alone with contentment being great gaine , and a sufficient portion . nicholas bullingham after bishop of lincolne , in his printed letter to master bull decemb. . . writes thus from embden , where he arrived after many stormes : would god master bull , that all the prelates of england had beene with me , when we fell to cutting of cables , & riding at anchor in the raging seas . there would have beene tearing of square caps , renting of rotchets , defying of bishoprickes , despising of pompe , promising of new life ; crying for mercy ; o what a tragedy would there have beene ! well , well , though now they walke dry shod in their palaces , there is a god that will try them and all his people by fire or by water , unlesse we heartily repent . grace to repent , grant us , o lord , without delay , amen , amen . iohn bridges deane of salisbury afterwards bishop of oxford and a great stickler for episcopacy , in his booke entituled , the supremacy of christian princes , ●ver all persons throughout their dominions , in all cases so well ecclesiasticall at temporall . printed at london , . p. . to ● writes thus of the parity and identity of bishops and presbyters , and of clearing aeriaus from heresie in this point● first , that aerius said , there was no difference betweene a priest & bishop , and ye aske ( mr. stapleton ) how say we to him . whatsoever we say to him , we have first to say to you , that saving the reverence of your priesthood , there is no difference betweene you and a lyer , to object aerius herein to us , whereas ( ye know well enough ) our church doth acknowledge in the ministry , a differen●e of deacon and elder , from a bishop , although not according to your popish orders : for as neither epiphanius , nor yet augustine ( quoted by you ) speaketh there of any sacrificing priest , so he never knew any such pontificall prelates as your popish church breedeth ; and yet of those that were even then in epiphanius time , and of their difference from the elders or priests , if yee know not how it came , * hierome that lived in the same age will tell you ; or if ye have not read him , your owne canons will tell ye what he saith . idem est ergo presbyter qui episcopus , & antequam diaboli studia , &c. an elder or priest therefore is the same that a bishop , and before that the studies of the devill were made in religion , and that the people sayd , i hold of paul ; i of apollo , i of cephas , the churches were governed by the common councell of the elders ; but after that every one did account those to be his , and not to be christs , whom hee had baptized , in all the world , it was decreed , that one of the elders being chosen , should be placed above the rest : to whom all the care or charge of the churches should belong , and the seede of schismes be taken away . and a little after , sicut ergo presbyteri , as therefore the elders know that they by the custome of the church are subject to him , that is set over them : so let the bishops know , that they more by custome , than by the truth of the lords dispensation , are greater than the elders . this was the judgement of the ancient fathers , and yet were they no arians nor aerians therefore . yea pe●er lombard the master of the sentences , citing also isidorus to witnesse , saith . * apud veteres idem episcopi & presbyteri fuerunt . among the the ancient fathers , bishops and elders were all one . and againe alleadging the apostle s. paul , he saith , qualis autem , &c. but what manner an el●er ought to be chosen , the apostle writing to timothy declareth where by the name of bishop he signifieth an elder , and a non after ; cumque omnes , and when all of them ( he meaneth his false seven orders ) are spirituall and holy , yet the canons account onely two orders to be excelling holy , that is to say deaconship and eldership . because the primitive church is read to have these alone , and we have the apostles commandement of these alone , for the apostles in every city ordained bishop and elders . neither the master onely writeth thus ; but almost all your schoolemen , yea though they be themselves of the contrary opinion , yet they write this was the ancient opinion . and so durandus , though he make a difference betweene the power of jurisdiction , and the power of order , yet he sheweth that both the scripture , and s. hierome maketh no difference , but onely the custome and institution of the church . the apostle ( saith he ) writing to the philippians cap. . saith , with the bishops and the deacons , by them understanding the elders , sith in one city as in philippos , many bishops oug●t not to be . againe , act. . he saith , looke to your selves and to all the flocke in which the holy ●host hath placed you to be bishops . and he spoke unto them of the onely city of ephesus . but this appeareth more expressely to titus the . where he saith , for this cause i have left thee at crete , that thou shouldst correct those things that want , and ordaine elders throughout the cities , even as i have appointed to thee , if any be blamelesse , the husband of one wife . and straight he setteth under it , a bishop must me blamelesse : and whom before he named an elder hee calleth now a bishop : and in the . of the . to timothy , despise not ( saith he ) the grace of god which is given to thee through the imposition of the hands of an elder , that is to say of a bishop . s. paul called himselfe an elder , when he was the bishop that ordained him . thus farre and more at large durandus , concluding at length sic ergo , thus therefore saith s. hierome , that a bishop and an elder , olim fuerunt synonyma , &c. were in the old time diverse names betokening one thing indifferently , and also of one administration ; because the churches were ruled by the commune counsell of the priests . but for the remedy of a schisme , lest each one d●awing the church after him , should breake her , it was ordained that one should be above the rest , et quoad nomen , &c. and so farre forth as stretcheth to the name , that he onely should be called bishop , and that so farre as stretcheth to the administration of some sacraments & sacramentals , they should be reserved to him by the custome and constitution of the church : and this would hierome , expressely . dist. cap. legimus , in esa & super epistolam ad tit. & recitatur . dist. . cap. olim presbyteri , &c. consuetudo aut institutio ecclesiae potest dare iurisdictionem , sed non potestatem ordinis aut consecrationis , quare &c. he therefore that counteth this erronious or perrilous let him impute this to hierome , out of whose saying in the fore alleadged chapter legimus in esa , the foresayd authorities are taken . where also he putteth an example . that is of a bishop in respect of priests , as of an arch-deacon in respect of deacons : unlesse the deacons chuse one among themselves whom they call arch-deacon , &c. in the end , durandus reconciling hierome , saith , and the authorities alleadged by hierome withstand it not , because according to the name and the truth of the thing , every bishop is an elder , and on the other part , so farre as stretcheth to the name , every elder having cure , may be called a bishop , as super-attendent on other , although the consecration of a bishop , or the chiefe priest , be larger than of a simple priest or elder , but peradventure in the primitive church , they made not such force in the difference of names as they do now ; and therefore they called a bishop every ●ne that had a cure . thus writeth durandus of the ancient fathers opinions . and will you count him or them aerian● too ? and this also doth your institution in colonie councell confesse : non est tamen putandum . wee must not for all this t●inke , that hee ordained bishops another order from priests , for in the primitive church bishops and priests were all one . the which the epistles of peter and paul the apostles ; saint hierome also and almost all the ancient ecclesiasticall writers do witnesse . and chiefly that place of the first epistle of saint peter the fift chapter , is evident to declare this : for when peter had said , the elders that are among you , i also an elder with you beseech , which am also a witnesse of the passions of christ , and partaker of the glory to come that shall be revealed : he joyned under it , feed or guide the flocke of christ that is among you , and oversee it , not by compulsion , but willingly , according to god , wherein it is spoken more expressly in the greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , super-attendent , from whence also the name of bishop is drawne . wherefore priesthood is esteemed the highest order in the church . in the meane time , no body is ignorant , that this order is distinguished againe , by a certaine order of offices , and dignities . thus do your scholemen , and divines wi●nesse . first , that in the substance , order or character as they terme it , there is no difference betweene a priest and a bishop . secondly , that the difference is but of accidents , and circumstances , as degrees of dignity , jurisdiction , honour , &c. thirdly , that in the primitive church this difference was not knowne , but they were meerely all one and the same . fourthly , that this difference was taken up by custome , consent and ordinance of the universall church , when it once began to be dispersed in all the world. fifthly , that it was done for the avoiding of factions and sects , that grew in the time of the ministers equality , even anon after the primitive church . and some of them in the apostles time but quite con●rary , to this judgment of your divines are all your canonists , your divines make seven orders ; et in hoc , saith , * angelus de clavisio , concordam communiter theol. on this the divines agree commonly , but the canonists hold that there are nine orders , according to nine hierarchies , that is to wit , the first notch or psalmist , and the order of a bishop , & that the first notch is an order , the text is in c. cu● contingit & ibi do . anto. & canonistae de aeta . & quali or similiter quod episcopatus est ordo , & quod imprimatur character judicio meo , facit inconvincibiliter , te●t . in c. i. de ordinatis ab episcopo , &c. and so according to the canonists there shall be nine orders . great adoe your schoolemen & canonists make about this , insomuch that aerius heresie will draw very neere to one of you , light on which side it shall . but your selfe may hold on both sides m. stapleton , being both a batchelor in the one , and a student in the other . but as for your popish clergy , there is indeed little difference in this point or none , which barrell is better herring , bishop o● priest ; both starke nought , or rather , neither of them , either true priest or bishop by saint pauls description . af●er this , p. . . he writes thus concerning bishops intermedling with temporall affaires . you say m. sanders , the temporall kingdome and the heavenly did indeed once ja●●e , but now they agree , the heavenly and the earthly kingdome● are conjoyned together . agreement is a good hearing m. sanders , but what meane you by this conjunction that the one is become the other , and not still distinguished from it ? or that your pope may be king , and his bishops princes of both ? nay m. sanders , you finde not that agreement and conjunction . for christ hath put such a barre between them , that his spiritual ministers cannot have earthly kingdomes , nor that earthly kings should in the estate of their earthly kingdomes , become subject in such wise to his spirituall ministers , otherwise than to yeeld their obedience to their spirituall ministry , representing the power and mercy of god unto them , &c. the objection you made was this . whether bishops and pastors of the sheepe of christ may rule temporall kingdomes ? you answer , properly and of it selfe in no wise : but as those kingdomes do subject themselves to the christian faith . this is a proper elusion , m. sanders , thinke you to escape thus ? is it all one to subject their kingdomes to the christian faith , and to subject their kingdomes to the bishops ? good right it is that the faith should beare the chiefe rule ? but the objection was , whether the bishops should or no ? and therefore this distinction serveth not . for christ simply without this or that respect debarreth all his spiritual ministers from ruling of temporall kingdomes . who knoweth not that properly , and of their owne nature temporall kingdomes should not be ruled of spirituall pastors , but of temporall kings ? none is so simple to move such a fond objection : but the objection is , whether the one be coincident to the other ? whether a bishop , to whom properly by his bishoply office a kingdome belongeth nor , may take upon him the government of a kingdome , that properly by his kingly office belongeth to a king ? this is the question . and you say properly he cannot , i say much lesse unproperly , but properly or unproperly , christ hath cleane debarred it ●vos autem non sic : but you shall not do so . these words strick dead , m sanders , & therefore your ●nproper distinctions may goe pike him . page ● he writes that the deposings of princes have not come so much by the violence of their unnaturall subjects : as by the practises of the popish bishops , as the ensamples of king iohn in england , of childericke in france , the henries , and other in germany , and in other countries , do testifie , yet were these dealings of those bishops not allowable , but detestable : yea though it were granted that those princes had deserved them ; and broken their faith and prom●se , which ( if it were a good faith , and promise ) was no doubt an evill breach of it , and god will take the vengeance of it , it belongeth not to the people , nor to the bishops vengeance is mine , saith god , and i will render it he saith not my bishop shall , but i will render it . he addes p. , . christs kingdome is spirituall and not earthly , and his ministers may not exercise in secular causes , an earthly kings authority . m. saunders pretendeth this is to promote the church of christ , but such promotion confounds devotion , and hath poysoned the church of god , as they say , a voyce was heard what time constantine ( although falsely ) is supposed to have endowed the church with such royall honour , hodie venenum intravit in ecclesiam , this day entred poyson into the church . but christ hath flatly forbidden it , and told his disciples when they asked such promotion , that they knew not what they asked . but afterward , they knew and found the saying of christ to be true , that their promotion lay in their affliction , and not in their kingly honour , &c. and this your owne glosse out of your owne pope gregory might have taught you . sicut ●isit me pater , id est , ad passiones , &c. as my father sent mee , that is to say , to troubles and afflictions , so send i you to suffer persecution , not to raigne like kings , and rule kingdomes . and therefore sith this sentence of christ is true , that he sent them as hee was sent , and he was not sent in his humane nature to depose kings , nor to dispose of their kingdomes , nor to governe them . therefore his disciples were not sent thereto . but the pope saith he was sent thereto , and takes it upon him , therefore he is neither minister of christ , nor successor of his disciples ; but his disciple that hath offered him worldly kingdomes , if hee would fall downe and worship him● as he hath done , and s● hath gotten his kingdomes &c. hofmeister one of your stoutest champions hath these words : truly those things that have beene spoken and heard from the beginning of this gospell do enough declare the kingdome of christ , not to be of this world , neither that hee would raigne temporally in the world , sith hee taketh not souldiers that can oppugne others , but fishermen , readier to suffer than to strike . and so in this place , with most manifest words christ decla●eth , that hee came not for this purpose , to take upon him the office of a magistrate , but rather , that hee might raigne in our hearts , so that it might be our hap to come to the ●ternall goods , whatsoever happened of our temporall goods . therefore when hee was interrupted of a certaine jew , that hee would helpe him in recovering his inheritance , hee answered , man , who hath made mee a judge or divider over you ? as though he should say , hath not this world judges that may decide so base controversies ? it is not appointed unto mee , that this or that man should waxe rich by inheritance , but that all men should come to the inheritance of life immortall . but in these words , christ would be token many things , to wit , that he which hath an apostolicall office , ought not to be wrapped with prophane and filthy affaires : for so the apostle saith otherwhere , no man going warfare under god entangleth himselfe with worldly businesse . and the apostles say all at once , it is not meete for us to leave the word of god and attend on the tables . christ also by this reproving , would declare that this doctrine taketh not away the magistrates offices , but rather confirmeth them . whereupon hee saith also elsewhere , render to cesar that that is cesars . and when his disciples strived for preheminencie , he said , the kings of the nations governe them , and so forth . whereby he declared , that neither hee himselfe , nor his , ought ( as they call them ) to be secular judges : neither did hee by this refusing abolish the order of the magistrate , but much more ( as we have said ) confirme it . thus farre your owne doctor , hofmeister against you , that the intent of christ refusing to be a judge herein was chiefely against such usurpation of worldly magistracie , as the pope and his prelates too , exercise . pag. . he concludes , that a bishop may in some cases lawfully excommunicate a wicked prince . but who denieth this ( m. sanders ) that a godly bishop may upon great and urgent occasion , if it shall be necessary to edifie gods church , and there be no other remedy , to flee to this last censure of excommunication against a wicked king. the bishops need not therefore calumniate presbyteries , upon pretence , that they hold it lawfull to excommunicate kings , since they themselves averre , that bishops may lawfully doe it , and de facto , have sundry times put it in practise , both at home and abroad . so bishop bridges . our laborious historian m. iohn fox in his acts and monuments ( highly applauded by the whole convocation in their canons , . and enjoyned to be had in every cathedrall and collegiate church , and in every archbishops , bishops , deanes , arch-deacons and canons residentiaries house for their servants , and strangers to read in ) doth every where disco●er condemne the treasons , conspiracies , seditions , warres , wealth , pride , calling , and secular imployments of our bishops : of which hee writes thus in particular . p. . this hath bin one great abuse in england these many yeares : that such offices as beene of most importance and weight have commonly beene committed to bishops and other spirituall men : whereby three devilli●h mischiefes , and inconveniences have hapned in this realme , to the great dishonour of god , and utter neglecting of the flocke of christ , the which three be these : first , they have had small leasure to attend to their pastorall cures , which hereby have beene utterly neglected and left undone . secondly , it hath also puft up many bishops , and other spirituall persons into such haughtinesse , and pride , that they have thought no noble man of the realme worthy to be their equall or fellow . thirdly , where they by this meanes knew the very secrets of princes , they being in such high offices , have caused the same to be knowne in rome afore the king could accomplish , and bring his intents to passe in england . by ●his meanes hath the papacy b●ene so maintained , and things ordered after thei● wills and pleasures , that much mischiefe ha●h happened in this realme , and others , sometimes to the destruction of princes ; and sometimes to the utter undoing of many common-wealths . so he . who page . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . of the said acts and monuments . london , . writes often in the magent , that bishops and presbyters are all one and the same , and that there was no difference betweene them in the primitive times , which was the common received opinion of our martyrs : yea of our learned d. humfrey regius professor of divinity in the university of oxford puritanopap . confut. ad rat. . p. . . and of d. william fulke against bristow motive . . against gregory martyn , p . and confuration of the rhemish testament notes on titus . sect . . and on philip. i. sect . . iohn iuell the incomparable bishop of salisbury , in his defence of the apology of the church of england part. . cap. . disp . . p. , , , . writes thus of the equality of bishops and ministers . * saint ierome saith , all bishops wheresoever they be , be they at rome , be they at eugubiu● , be they at constantinople , be they at rhegium , be all of like preheminence , and of like priesthood . and as * cyprian saith , there is but one bishopricke , and a peece thereof is perfectly & wholly holden of every particular bishop . what saint ierome meant hereby ; erasmus , a man of great learning , and judgement expoundeth thus . ierome seemeth to match all bishops together , as if they were all equally the apostles successors , and hee thinketh not any bishop to be lesse than other for that hee is poorer , or greater than other , for that hee is richer : for hee makes the bishop of eugubium ( a poore towne ) equall with the bishop of rome . and farther hee thinketh that a bishop is no better than any priest , saving that the bishop hath authority to order ministers . hereto m. harding answereth thus . erasmus saith within five lines following , that the me●ropolitan hath a certaine dignity , and jurisdiction above other bishops ; take the one ( saith hee ) with the other ; i am contented m. harding : erasmus saith , the metropolitan had a dignity above other bishops ; but hee saith no● , the bishop of rome had jurisdiction over all bishops throughout the world. in saint hieromes time there were me●ropolitans , archbishops , archdeacons and others . but christ appointed not these distinctions of orders from the beginning . these names are not found in all the scriptures . this is the thing that we de●end . s. ierome saith , let bishops understand ( whereunto wee adde further , let the bishops of rome themselves undestand ) that they are in authority over priests more by custome than by order of gods truth . these be hieromes words truly translated : what he meant thereby i leave to the judgement of the reader . erasmus likewise saith in the selfe same place above alleaged , whereas saint ierome yeeldeth lesse dignity and authority unto bishops , than nowadayes they seeme to have , wee must understand he spake of that time wherein he lived . if hee had seene our bishops that now bee , hee would have said otherwise . for now the pope claimeth a power above all the powers in heaven and earth , as it is written in the councell of lateran . againe , ●rasmus in another place speaking hereof , saith thus . this holy man saint ierome saith plainly and freely , and as hee thinketh , that the bishop of rome is above other bishops , not by bishopricke● but onely by riches . by riches onely , m. harding , erasmus saith , the pope is above other bishops . by riches onely ( hee saith ) not by right of gods word , not by vertue , not by learning , not by diligence in preaching , but onely by riches . now it may please you to follow your owne rule , and to lay the one saying to the other . but saint ieromes words are plaine of themselves , and have no need of other expositor . thus he writeth . * what doth a bishop saving onely the ordering of ministers , but a priest may do the same ? neither may wee thinke that the chu●ch of rome is one● and the church of all the world beside is another , france , england , affrica , persia , levante , india , and all barbarous nations worship one christ , and keepe one rule of the truth . if wee seeke for authority , the whole world is greater than the city of rome . wheresoever there be a bishop , be it at eugu●ium , be it at rome , be it at constantinople , be it at rhegium , be it at alexandria , be it at tanais , they are all of one worthinesse , they are all of one bishopricke ; the power of riches , and the basenesse of poverty maketh not a bishop either higher or lower , for they are all the apostles successors : what bring you mee the custome of rome , being but one city ? here m. harding findeth great fault , for that i have translated these words , of one bishopricke , and not as hee would have it , of one priesthood . god wo● , a very simple quarrell . let him take whether he liketh best , if either other of these words shall serve his turne . erasmus saith , * bishop , p●iest , and presbyter , at that time were all t●ree all one . but m● harding saith , the primates had authority over other in●eriour bishops : i graunt they had so . howbeit , they had it by agreement and custome , but neither by christ , nor by peter , nor paul , nor by any right of gods word . saint● ierome saith , * let bishops understand that they are above priests , rather of custome than of any truth or right of christs institution , and that they ought to rule the church altogether . and againe , * therefore a priest and a bishop are both one thing , and before that by the inflaming of the devill , parts were taken in religion , and these words were uttered among the people , i hold of paul , i hold of apollo , i hold of peter , the churches were governed by the common advice of the priests . saint augustine saith , * the office of a bi●hop is above the office of a priest , ( not by the authority of the scrip●ures , but ) after the names of honour , which the custome of the church hath now obtained . so part . . cap. . divis. . p. he brings in m. harding the papist writing thus . even so they which denyed the distinction of a bishop and a priest , were condemned of heresie as we , find in saint augustine , in the booke and chapter aforesaid . and in epiphanius lib. . cap. . in the councell of constance , the same is to be found . to whom he answers in the margent . vnt●uth ; for hereby both saint paul , and saint ierome , and other good men are condemned of heresie . and p. . he gives this further answer . but what meant m. harding here to come in with the difference betweene priests and bishops , thinkes hee that priests and bishops hold onely by tradition ? or is it so horrible an heresie as hee maketh it , to say , that by the scriptures of god a bishop and a priest are all one ? or knoweth hee how farre , and unto whom , he reacheth the name of an hereticke ? verily chrysostome saith , * betweene a bishop and a priest , in a manner there is no difference . saint hierome saith somewhat in rougher sort : i heare say , there is one become so peevish , that hee setteth deacons before priests , that is to say , before bishops : whereas the apostle plainly teacheth us , that priests and bishops he all one . saint augustine saith : * what is a bishop but the first priest , that is to say , the highest priest ? so saith saint ambrose . * there is but one cons●cration of a priest and bishop ; for both of them are priests , but the bishop is the first . in his sermon upon haggai p. . he writes thus , against the temporall possessions and secular offices of clergy men : when constantinus the emperour endowed the church with lands and possessions , * they say there was a voyce of angels heard in the ayre saying : this day poyson is powred into the church . if there were poyson powred into church then ; i doubt there was nover treacle powred into it since . this wee see , that from that time shee hath done worse and worse . augustine findeth fault with the multitude of ceremonies , and saith , the church in ●his time was in worse case by mans devises , than was the church of the iewes . bernard said , there is no part sound in the clergie . and againe , they which chuse t●e first places in the church , are chiefest in persecuting christ. and againe , they be not teachers , but deceivers ; they are not feeders but beguilers ; they be not prelates , but pilates . which hee thus further prosecutes in his sermon on matthew . p. . and what shall i speake of bishops ? their cloven miter signifieth perfect knowledge of the new testament , and the old ; their crosiers staffe signifieth diligence in attending the flocke of christ ; their purple bootes and sandals signifie that they should ever be booted and ready to goe abroad through thicke and thinne to teach the gospell ; and thereto they applyed the words of the prophet , how beautifull are the feete of them which bring glad tydings of peace , which bring glad tydings of good things ? but alas , in what kind of things do they beare themselves for bishops ? these mysticall titles and shewes are not enough to ●e●ch in the lords harvest ; they are garments more meete ●or players , than for good labourers . saint bernard writes thus to eugenius the bishop of rome , who sometime had beene his scholler . * thou which art the shepheard ●ettest up and downe shining in gold , and gorgeously attired : but what get thy sheepe ? if i durst speake it , these things are not the fodder for christs sheepe , but for devils . whatsoever apparell they have upon them , unlesse they will fall to worke , christ will not know them for labourers . how then can the bishop of rome be taken for the chiefe pastor of christ , which these . yeares hath not opened his mouth to feed the flocke ? these . yeares i say ? since gregory the first of that name , it can hardly be found , that ever any bishop of rome was seene in a pulpit . one of themselves adrianus the fourth a bishop of rome was wont to say , wee succeed not peter in teaching but romulus in murthering . and in the canon of ●he apostles it is decreed , that the bishop that teacheth not his flocke , sh●uld be deposed : to which purpose they alleage * saint augustine : a bishops office i● a name of labour , not a name of honour : that hee which coveteth the place of preeminence , and hath not a desire to do good , may know hee is not a bishop . thus saith origen ; thus saith chrysostome : thus say divers others of the old fathers , whom it were long and needlesse to rehearse . * there be many priests , and few priests , ( saith chrysostome ) many that beare the name , but few that be priests indeed . thus the harvest is great and plentious , but the labourers are but few . the labourers are but few , but the destroyers and wasters are exceeding many ; yea , such as should be the harvest men , most of all destroy the corne . i will not here report that i am well able , that your eyes have seene , and that many of you have felt ; the state of our time hath beene such . saint bernard saw it in his time , and therefore saith , * all are ●riends , and all are enemies ; all are helpers , and all are adversaries and hinderers . againe , * alas , alas , o lord god , they are the chiefest in persecuting thee , that seeme to love the highest roomes , and to beare rule in thy church , ( he cites their latin , which i omi● . ) and in his defence of the apologie ●f the church of england , part . . c. . div. . p. , . hee writes thus of bishops intanglement in worldly affaires , and bravery in apparell . our princes never tooke upon them the office of bishops , but your bishops have taken upon them the office of princes . of your bishops it is written in your owne * councels , behold there is now in a manner no worldly affaire , but priests and bishops have it in hand . such bishops be they of whom saint chrysostome writeth thus , they that neither beleeve , nor feare the judgement of god , abusing their ecclesiasticall dignity in secular sort , turne the same into secular dignity . such bishops they be of whom saint hierome saith thus , they themselves be to themselves both laymen and bishops too . and againe , * they worship the lord and melchom both together , thinking that they may serve both the world and the lord , and satisfie two masters at once , god & mammon ; who fighting under christ , bend themselves to worldly affaires , and offer up one image , both to god and cesar. and therefore cardinall cu●am●● saith , * hereof groweth a great deformity , that bishops are bent only to worldly cares . marke these words m. harding , hee saith , * your bishops are bent onely to worldly cares . if yee will beleeve none of these , * yet your popes owne legates , in your late chapter at trident , speaking of your priestlike apparell say thus : * our priests differ nothing from laymen , saving only in apparel , nay indeed they differ not so much from them , as in apparell . yee say your bishops be gay and gallant , attended and guarded with princelike routs both behind and before : and therefore yee make no small account , specially in respect of our estate , which you call beggerly . in such disdaine the heathen sometimes said , * that christ was the beggerliest and poorest of all the gods that were in heaven . howbeit our bishoprickes saving that certaine of your fathers have shamefully spoyled them , are now even as they were before● certainly the poorest bishopricke in england , as it is reported , is better in revenues than three of your popes italian bishoprickes in the kingdome of naples : howbeit the gospell of christ standeth not by riches , but by truth : in comparison of the one , wee make small reckoning of the other . neverthelesse the wise and godly have evermore sound fault with the ecclesiasticall bravery of your roman clergy . * saint bernard saith , therehence commeth their whorelike finenesse , their players weed , their princely apparell : therehence commeth their gold in their bridles , in their saddles , and in their spurres . againe hee saith , * they goe trimly and finely in their colours , as if a spouse should come from her chamber : if thou shouldst suddenly see one of them jetting a farre off , wouldst thou not rather thinke it were a spouse , than the keeper of the spouse ? * laurentius valla , although bitterly , yet not unpleasantly thus expresseth your lordly bravey . * i thinke if the devill in the ayre have any games among them to make sport withall , they are most busily occupied in counterfeiting the apparell and tire , and pride and riot of priests , and have greatest pastime . pope bonefacius the . in a great iubilee ; and in a solemne procession , went apparelled in the empe●ours robes , and had the crowne imperiall on his head , and the sword of majestie borne before him as an emperour . this spirituall jolity m. harding liketh you well . notwithstanding saint bernard saith , * these be pastures for devils , not for sheepe ; no doubt even thus did peter . euen such pastime plaid saint paul. yee tell us further : though they teach not , though they say no● , though they do not , though they live not as becommeth bishops , nor as becommeth a christian man , yet be they bishops notwithstanding . hereat wee will not greatly strive : for so the wolfe , if hee once get a sheep-hooke , and a cloke , may be a shepheard : and a blind man , if hee get once into the watch-tower , may be a spie ; but miserable are the poore sheepe that so are fed : miserable is that poore castle that so is watched . saint augustine saith (a) a bishops office is a name of labour , and not of honour , that who so loveth to rule , and not to profit , may understand himse●fe to be no bishop . againe hee saith of such a one , (b) hee ought rather to be called a shamelesse dogge than a b●shop . as for that yee say , your bishops be duly ordinated and consecrated . saint augustine replieth ; (c) touching the outward consecration of a bishop , many give it to wolves , and be wolves themselves . saint bernard speaking of your priests and bishops saith , (d) in their apparell they are souldiers , in their gaines they are priests and bishops : but in effect and in deed they are neither of both : for neither do they fight in the field as do souldiers , nor do they preach as priests and bishops . of whether order therefore be they ? whereas they would be of both orders , they forsake both , and confound both . saint paul saith , every man shall rise againe in his owne order : but in what order shall these rise ? whether forasmuch as they have sinned without order , shall they perish without order ? i feare me they shall be ordered none otherwhere , but whereas is no order , but disorder , and horror everlasting . againe , in his defence of the apologie of the church of england , par. . chap. . divis. . he writes thus concerning bishops voting , and authority in parliament in settling matters in religion . where yee would seeme to say , that the parliament holden in the first yeare of the queenes majesties raigne was no parliament : for that your bishops refused wilfully to agree unto the godly lawes there concluded , yee seeme therein to bewray in your selfe some want of skill : the wise and learned could soone have told you , that in the parliaments of england , matters have evermore used to passe not of necessity , by the speciall consent of the archbishops and bishops , as if without them no statute might lawfully be enacted , but onely by the more part of the voyces , yea alt●ough all the archbishops and bishops were never so earnestly bent against it . and statutes so passing in parliament onely by the voyces of the lords temporall , without the consent and agreement of the lords spiri●uall , have neverthelesse alwayes bin confirmed , and ratified by the reall assent of the prince , & have bin enacted & published under the names of the lords spirituall & temporall . read the statutes of king edward the first ; there shall yee finde that in a parliament solemnly ho●tlen by him at s. edmundbury , the archbishops and bishops were quite shut forth : and yet the parliament held on ; and good and wholsome lawes were there enacted , the departing , or abs●nce , or malice of the lords spirituall notwithstanding . in the records thereof it is written thus (e) the king keeping the parliament wi●h his barons , the clergy ( that is to say , the archbishops and bishops ) being shut forth , it was enacted , &c. likewise (f) in provisione de martona in the time of king henry the third . whereas matter was moved of bastardy , touching the legitimation of bastards , borne before marriage ; the statute past wholly with the lords temporall , whether the lords spirituall would or no : yea , and that contrary to the expresse decrees and canons of the church of rome . the like hereof ( as i am informed ) may be found , (g) rich. . an. . c. . howbeit in these cases ( i must confesse ) i walke somewhat without my compasse . touching the judgement hereof , i re●erre my selfe wholly unto the learned . further , whereas yee call the doctrine of christ , that now by gods great mercy , and to your great griefe is universally and freely preached , a parliament religion , and a parliament gospell ( for such sobriety becommeth you well , and may stand you in stead when learning fayleth ) yee might have remembred that christ himselfe at the beginning wa● universally received , and honoured through this realm by assent of parliament ; and further , that without parliament your pope himselfe was never received , no not in the late time of queene ma●y . yea and even then his holinesse was clogged with parliament conditions , that whatsoever had beene determined in parliament , and was not repealed , were it never so contrary to his will and canons , should remaine still inviolable and stand in force . otherwise his holinesse had gone home againe . such , m. harding , is the authority of a parliament : verily if parliaments of realmes be no parliaments , then will your pope be no pope . therefore as you now call the truth of god , that wee professe a parliament religion , and a parliament gospell , even so with like sobriety and gravity of speech yee might have said , our fathers in old times had a parliamen● christ. and your late fathers and brethren had of late , in the time of queene mary , a parliament faith , a parliament masse , & a parliament pope . neither is it so strange a matter to see ecclesiasticall causes debated in parliament . read ●he lawes of k. inas , k. elfred , k. edward , k. ethelstane , k. edmund , k. edgar , k. canute ; and yee shall find that our godly fore-fathers , the princes and peeres of this realme , never vouchsafed to intr●at of matters of peace , or warre , or otherwise touching the common state , before all controversie● of religion , and causes e●clesiasticall had beene concluded king , (h) canut● in his parliament holden at winchester upon christmas day , after sundry lawes and orders made touching the faith , the keeping of h●ly-dayes , publik● prayers , learning of the lords prayer , receiving of the communion thrice in the yeare , the manner and ●orme of baptisme , fasting , and other like matters of religion , in the end thereof saith thus : iam sequitur institutio legum secularium : now followeth an order of temporall lawes . in a parliament holden by king william the conquerour , it is written thus . rex , quia vicarius summi regis est , ad hoc constituitur , ut regnum & populum domini , & super omnia sanctam ecclesiam regat & defendat &c. the king for as much as hee is the vicar of the highest king , is thererefore appointed to this purpose , that hee should rule and defend the kingdome and people of the lord , and above all things the holy church , &c. hereby it appeareth that kings and princes are specially and of purpose appointed by god , not onely to defend , but also to governe and rule the holy church . thus farre bishop iewell , who here clearly affirmes , that parliaments may be kept , and matters of religion there determined without bishops . neither is this any strange doctrine , for not onely m● . richard crompton in his iurisdiction of courts . fol. , . ( who cites this passage of bishop iewell ) is of the same opinion ; but in the famous (i) case of doctor standish in the . yeare of king henry the eight , at a meeting at blacke fryers before the king himselfe , the whole temporall councell , and a committee of both houses of parliament , it was resolved by all the judges , (k) that our lord the king may very well hold his parliament by himselfe , his temporall lords , and by his commons , altogether without the spirituall lords , for the spiri●uall lords have no place in the parliament chamber of reason of their spirituality but only by reason of their temporall possessions or baronies . and if this be not sufficient evidence● bishop latimer in his fourth sermon of the plough , p. , . complaines against bishops placing in , & being lords of the parliament ; & makes this one chiefe cause , that they be unpreaching prelates , lazie loyterers , and idle ministers . yea , thomas bilson bishop of winchester , a great patriot of episcopacie , resolves and proves as much in his booke intituled , the true difference betweene christian subjection and unchristian rebellion part . . p. , , . if her majes●y receiv●d and ●stablished nothing but the truth of christ in her pa●liament , in vaine do you barke against god and the magistrate for lacke of competent courts , ecclesiasticall judges , and legall meanes to debate and decide matters of religion . wh●n god commandeth , all humane barres and lawes do cease : if they joyne with god ; they may be used , if they impugne the truth , they must be despised . and yet in our case the scepter united and adjoyned it selfe to the word of god , and therefore if princes may command for truth in their owne dominions , as i have largely proved they may ; why should not the prince having the full consent of her nobles and commons restore and settle the truth of god within her realme ? phil. lay men may not pronounce of faith. theo. but laymen may choose what faith they will professe , and princes may dispose of their kingdomes , though priests and bishops would say nay . phi. religion they may not dispose without a councell . theo. not if god command . phi. how shall they know what god commandeth unlesse they have a councell . theo. this is childish wrangling , i aske , if god command , whether the prince shall refuse to obey till the clergy confirme the same ? phi. you may be sure a wise and sober clergy will not dissent from gods precepts . theo. what they will doe , is out of our matter . but in case they doe ; to which shall the prince hearken , to god or those that beare themselves for priests . phi. in case they doe so , you need not doubt , but god must be regarded and not men . theo. and hath the prince sufficient authority to put that in ●re which god commandeth , though the priests continue their wilfulnes ? phi. there is no councell nor consent of men good against god. theo. hold you there ; then when ch●istian princes are instructed and resolved by learned and faithfull teachers what god requireth at their hands , what need they care for the backward disposition of such false prophets as are turned from the truth and preach lyes ? phi. in england when her majesty came to the crowne , it was not so . the bishops that dissented were grave , vertuous and honourable pastors , standing in defence of the catholicke and ancient faith of their fathers . theo. you say so , wee say no. phi. those be but words . theo. you say very right ; and therefore the more to blame you , that in both your bookes doe play on that string with your rhetoricall and thrasonicall fluence , and never enter any point or proofe , that my profi● your reader : you presume your selves to have such apparent right and rule over the faith , over the church , over christian princes , and realmes , that without your consent they shall neither conclude , nor consult what religion they will professe . their acts shall be disorders , their lawes injuries , their correction tyranny , if you mislike them . this dominion and jurisdiction over all kingdomes and countries , if your holy father and you may have for the speaking ; you were not wise if you would not claime it , but before we beleeve you , you must bring some better ground of your title then such magnificall and majesticall florishes . the prince and the parliament , you say , had no power to determine , or deliberate of those matters● and why so ? you ( to wit bishops ) did dissent . may not the prince command for truth within her realme , except your consents be first required and had ? may not her highnesse serve christ in making lawes for christ , without your liking ? claime you that interest and prerogative , that without you nothing shall be done in matters of religion , by the lawes of god , or by the liberties of this realme ? by the lawes of the land you have no such priviledge . parliaments have beene kept by the king and his barons , the clergy wholly excluded , & yet their acts and statutes good . and when the bishops were present , their voyces from the conquest to this day were never negative . by gods law you have nothing to do with making lawes for kingdomes and common●wealths : you may teach , you may not command . perswasion is your part , compulsion is the princes . if princes imbrace the truth , you must obey them . if they pursue truth , you must abide them . by what authority then claime you this dominion over princes , that their lawes for religion shall be void unlesse you consent ? phi. they be no judges of faith . theo. no more are you . it is lawfull for any christian to reject your doctrine , if he perceive it to be false , though you teach it in your churches , & pronounce it in your councels , to be never so true . phi. that proveth not every private mans opinion to be true . theo. not yet to be false , the greater number is not ever a sure warrant for truth . and judges of faith , though princes be not , yet are they maintainers , establishers and upholders of faith with publike power , and positive lawes , which is the point you now withstand . phil. that they may do when a councell is precedent to guide them theo. what councell● had * asa the king of judah when he commanded his peopl● to do according to the law , and the commandment , and made a cov●nant , that whosoever would not seeke the lord god of israel should be slaine ? phi. he had azariah the prophet . theo. one man is no councell , and he did but encourage and commend the king , and that long after hee had established religion in his realme . what councell had * ezechiah to lead him , when he restored the true worship of god throughout his land , and was faine to send for the priests and levites , and to put them in mind of their duties ? what councell had iosiah , when ten yeares after his comming to the crowne he was forced to send for direction to huldath the prophetesse , not finding a man in iudah that did or could undertake the charge ? phi. these were kings of the old testament , and they had the law of god to guide them . theo. then since christian princes have the same scriptures which they had , and also the gospell of christ , and apostolike writings to guide them , which they had not , why should they not in their kingdomes retaine the same power , which you see the kings of judah had and used to their immor●all praise and joy ? phi. the christian emperours ever called councells , before they would attempt any thing in ecclesiasticall matters . theo. what councell had * constantine , when with his princely power he publikely received and settled christian religion throughout the world , twenty yeares before the fathers met at nice ? what councels had iustinian for all those ecclesiasticall constitutions and orders , * which hee decreed● and i have often repeated ? what councels had charles for the church lawes and chapters which he proposed and enjoyned as well to the pastors as to the people of his empire ? phi. they had instruction by some godly bishops that were about them . theo. conference with some bishops , such as they liked , they might have , but councells for these causes they had none . in . years after christian religion was established by christian laws , i mean from constantine the first , to constantine the seventh , there were very neere forty christian emperours , whose lawes and acts for ecclesiasticall affaires were infinite ; and yet in all that time they never called but sixe generall councels , and those for the godhead of the sonne , and the holy ghost , and for the two distinct natures and wills in christ. all other points of christian doctrine and discipline they received , established , and maintained without ●ecumenicall councels , upon the private instruction of such bishops and clerkes as they favored or trusted . * theodosius , as i shewed before , made his owne choyce what faith he would follow , & had no man , nor meanes to direct him unto truth , but his owne prayers unto god , and private reading of those sundry confessions that were offered him , &c. pag. . he thus proceeds , had you beene in the primitive church of christ , you would have gallantly disdained these & other examples of christian kings and countries converted and instructed by merchants , somtimes by women , most times by the single perswasion of one man without all legall meanes or judiciall proceeding● : the poore soules of very zeale imbracing the word of life when it was first offered them , and neglecting your number of voyces , consent of priest● , and competent courts , as frivilous exc●ptions against god , and dangerous lets to their salvation● † frumentius a christian child , taken prisoner in india the farther , and brought at length by gods good providence to beare some sway in the realme in the non-age of the king , carefully sought for such as were christians among the roman merchants , and gave them most free power to have assemblies in every place , yeelding them whatsoever was requisite , and exhorting them in sundry places to use the christian prayers . and within short time he built a church and brought it to passe , that some of the indians were instructed in the faith and joyned with them . the † king of iberia neere pontus , when he saw his wi●e restored to health by the prayers of a christian captive , and himselfe delivered out of the suddaine danger that he was in , onely by thinking and calling on christ , whom the captive woman named so often to his wife , sent for the woman , and desired to learne the manner of her religion , and promised after that never to worship any other god but christ : the captive woman taught him as much as a woman might , and admonished him to build a church and described the forme ( how it must be done ; ) whereupon the king calling the people of the whole nation together , told what had befallen the queene and him , and taught them the faith , and became as it were the apostle of this nation , though he were not yet baptized . the examples of england , france , and other countries , are innumerable , where kings and common wealths , at the preaching of one man , have submitted themselves to the faith of christ , without councels or any synodall or judiciall proceedings . and therefore each prince and people without these meanes have lawfull power to serve god and christ his sonne , notwithstanding twenty bishops as in our case , or if you will , twenty thousand bishops , should take exceptions to the gospell of truth , which is nothing else but to waxe mad against god , by pretence of humane reason and order . by all which it is evident that parliaments may not onely be held and determine secular matters , but likewise ecclesiasticall and religious , without the presence of bishops which is no wayes necessary , if expedient . touching the parity of bishops & presbyters by divine institution & their difference only by custom , he determins thus , * the title and authorithy of arch-bishops and patriarkes was not ordained by the commandment of christ or his apostles , but the bishops long after , when the church began to be troubled with dissentions , were content to lincke themselves together , and in every province to suffer one ( whom they preferred for the worthines of his city and called their metropolitane , that is , bishop of the chiefe or mother city ) to have this prerogative in all doubts of doctrine and discipline to assemble the rest of his brethren or consult them absent by letters , and see that observed , which the most part of them determined . * before there began schismes in religion the churches , saith s. hierome , were governed by the common councill of the seniors . and therefore let the bishops understand that they be greater than ( ministers or ) elders rather by custome , than by any truth of the lords appointment , and that they ought to governe the church in common : and in his epistle to evagrius having fully proved by the scriptures that the apostles called themselves but presbyters , elders or seniors , he addeth . * that after their times , one was chosen in every church and preferred before the rest to have the dignity of a bishop , this was provided for a remedie against schismes , lest every man drawing some unto him should rent the church of christ in peeces . for what doth a bishop , except ordering of others , which an elder may not doe ? and lest you should thinke he speaketh not as well of the chiefe as of the meaner bishops , he compareth three of the greatest patriarkes with three of the poorest bishops he could name . * a bishop of what place soever he be , either of rome , or of eugubium , or of constantinople , or of rhegium , or of alexandria , or of tajus hath the same merit and the same ( function or ) priesthood , abundance of riches or basenesse of po●erty doth not make a bishop higher or lower , for they all be successours to the apostles . so that the bishop of rome by commission from christ and succession from the apostles is no higher than the meanest bishop in world . the superiority which he and others had as metropolitanes in their owne provinces came by custome , as the great councell of † nice witnesseth , not by christs institution . let the old use continue in egypt , lybia and pentapolis , that the bishop of alexandria be chiefe over all those places , for so much as the bishop of rome hath the like custome . likewise at antioch , and in other provinces , let the churches keepe theer prerogatives . the generall councell of ephesus confesseth the same . † it seemeth good to this sacred and oecumenicall synod to conserve to every province , their right priviledges whole and untouched , which they have had of old according to the custome that now long hath prevailed . next their authority was subject not onely to the discretion and moderation of their brethren assembled in councell , but also to the lawes and edicts of christian princes , to be granted , extended , limited and ordered as they say cause . for example , the first councell of constantinople advanced the bishop of that city to be the next patriarch to the bishop of rome , which before he was not . and the councell of * chalcedon made him equall in ecclesiasticall honours with the bishop of rome , and assigned him a larger province than before he had . so iustinian gave to the city in africa , that he called after his owne name the see of an archbishop . touching bishops secular jurisdiction , imprisonment , and temporall affaires he writes thus , * bishops be no governours of countries , princes be , that is , bishops beare not the sword to reward and revenge , princes doe : bishops have no power to command and punish , princes have . this appeareth by the words of our saviour , expressely forbidding his apostles to be rulers of nations , and leaving it to princes . * the kings of nations rule over ( their people ) and they that be great ones , exercise authority ; with you it shall not be so , that is , you shall neither beare rule , nor exercise authority over your brethren . phi. the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they over-rule their subjects with injustice and violence , you shall not doe so . theo. so your new translation over-ruleth the word , howbeit christ in that place doth not traduce the power of princes , as unjust or outragious , but distinguisheth the calling of his apostles frō the manner of regiment which god hath allowed the magistrate . christ saith not , princes be tyrants , you shall deale more curteously than they doe , but he saith , princes be lords and rulers over their people , by gods ordinance , you shall not be so . againe the word which saint luke hath is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without any composition . they be lords and masters , and s. paul confesseth of himselfe and other apostles , not that we be lords or masters of your faith : yea the compound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is with power and force to rule men whether they will or no , not with wrong and injury to oppresse them , and therefore the conclusion is inevitable , that princes may lawfully compell and punish their subjects which bishops may not . this distinction betweene them is evident by their severall commissions which god hath signed : the prince , not the priest , * beareth the sword , ergo the prince not the priest is gods minister to revenge malefactors . peter himselfe was sharpely rebuked by christ for using the sword , and in peter all pastors and bishops are straitely charged not to meddle with it . all that take the sword shall perish with the sword . and of all men a bishop must be no striker , for if he that should feed his masters houshold fall to striking , he shall have his portion with hypocrites . the servants of god must be gentle towards all , instructing those that resist with mildnesse , not compelling any with sharpenesse . their function is limited to the preaching of the word , and dispensing the sacraments , which have no kinde of compulsion in them , but invite men onely by sober perswasions to beleeve and imbrace the promises of god. to conclude , pastors may teach , exhort , and reprove , not force , command or revenge , onely princes be governours , that is , publicke magistrates to prescribe by their lawes , and punish with the sword such as resist them within their dominions , which bishops may not doe : which he thus further prosecutes . * the watch-men and shepheards that serve christ in his church , have their kinde of regiment distinct from the temporall power and state , but that regiment of theirs is by counsell and perswasion , not by terrour or compulsion , and reacheth neither to the goods nor the bodies of any men , much lesse to the crownes and lives of princes , &c. princes may force their subjects , by the temporall sword which they beare , bishops may not force their flock with any corporall or externall violence . chrysostome largely debateth and fully concludeth this matter with us . if any sheepe , saith he , goe out of the right way , and leaving the plentifull pastures graze on barren and steepe places , the sheepeheard somewhat exalteth his voyce to reduce the dispersed stragling sheepe , and to compell them to the ●locke . but if any man wander from the right path of the christian faith , the pastour must use great paines , care and patience . neque enim vis illi inferenda , neque terrore ille cogendus , ●erum suadendus tantum , ut de integro ad veritatem redeat . for hee may not be forced , nor constrained with terrour , but onely perswaded to returne to the truth . and againe , a bishop cannot ●ure men with such authority , as a sheepheard doth his sheepe , for a sheepeheard ●ath his choyce : to binde his sheepe , to dyet them , to seare them and cut them● but in the other case the facility of the cure consisteth not in him that giveth but onely in him that taketh the medicine . this that admirable teacher perceiving sayd to the corinthians ; not that we have any dominion over you under the name of faith , but that we are helpers of your joy : for of all men christian ( bishops ) may least correct the faults of men by force . iudges that are without ( the church ) when they take any transgressing the lawes , they shew themselves to be endued with great authority and power , and compell them in spite of their hearts to change their manners . but here ( in the church ) we may not off●r any violence , but onely perswade . we have not so great authority given us by the lawes , as to represse offendours , and if it were lawfull for us so to doe , we have no use of any such violent power , for that christ crowneth them which abstaine from sinne , not of a forced , but of a willing minde and purpose . hilary teacheth the same lesson : † if this violence were used for the true faith , the doctrine of bishops would be against it . god needeth no forced service , he requireth no con●trained confession , i cannot receive any man , but him that is willing , i cannot give ●are but to him that intreateth , i cannot signe any but him that ( gladly ) professeth . * origen agreeth with them both . see the wisedome of the holy ghost ; because that other faults are judged by the lawes of princes , and it seemed superfluous now to prohibite those things by gods law , which are sufficiently revenged by mans , he repeateth those and none else as fit for religion , of which mans law saith nothing ; whereby it appeareth that the iudges of this world doe meddle with the greatest part of gods law. for al the crimes which god would have revenged , he would have them revenged not by the ●pp . & r●lers of the church , but by the iudges of the world , and that paul knowing , rightly calleth ( the prince ) gods minister and judge of him that doth evill . phi. bishops may not offer force with their owne hands , but they may command others to doe it for them . theoph. a grosse shift . as though temporall princes or judges did execute malefactours with their owne hands . bishops by vertue of their vocation cannot claime the sword , and consequently they cannot command , or authorize any man to take the goods or touch the bodies of christians o● infidels , which being a cleere conclusion it is most evident they can much lesse licence you to take the crownes and take the lives of princes , to whom god hath delivered the sword to judge the earth , and made them servants onely to himselfe , since all other soules must be subject to them by the tenor of his owne prescription and their first erection as the scripture witnesseth . and touching bishops having conusans in their courts of tythes , &c. he writes thus . † for tythes , testame●ts , administrations , servitude , legitimations , and such like , you went beyond your bounds , when you restrained them to your courts , and withou● caesar , made lawes for things that belonged unto caesar. the goods , lands , livings , states and families of lay men and clerkes are caesars charge , not yours , and therefore your decrees , judgements and executions in those cases , if you claime them from christ as things spirit●all , not from caesar as matters committed of trust to you by christian princes , are nothing else but open and wif●ull invasions of other mens rights , you changing the names , and calling those things spirituall and ec●lesiasticall , which indeede be civill and temporall , and shouldering pri●ces from their cushins , who first suffered bishops to sir judges in those causes , of honour to their persons and favour to their sunctions , which on your part is but a bad requitall of their princely graces and benefits ; he addes . † s. paul expressely writeth of the prince that he beareth the sword not without cause , and is gods minister to revenge him that doth evill : and our saviour severely forbiddeth pe●er and the rest of the apostles to meddle with the sword . all that take the sword shall perish by the sword , and to them all , you know that kings of nations raigne ●ver them● and they that be great exercise authority , with you it shall not be so . the sword is but the signe of publicke and princely power , and where the thing is not lawfull the signe is unlawfull . since then the lord interdicteth his apostles and messengers all princely power , it is evident , the sword which is ●ut a signe th●reof is likewise interdicted them . thus much bernard sticketh not to tell pope eugenius to his face , it is the lords voice in the gospell , kings of nations are lords over them , and they that have power over them are called gratious , and the lord inferreth , you shall not be so . it is a cleare case , the apostles are forbidden dominion . g● thou then , saith bernard to the pope , and usurpe if thou d●re , either an apostleship , if thou be a prince , or dominion if thou be apostolike . thou art expresly forbidden one of them . if thou wilt have both , thou shalt lose both . the patterne of an apostle is this , dominion is interdicted , service is enjoyned , gird thy selfe with thy sword , the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god. and this pope * nicholas fairely confesseth , the church of god hath no sword but the spirituall , wherewith she quickneth , shee killeth not . your owne law saith , * it is easily proved of bishops and other clergy m●n whatsoever , that they may not either by their owne authority , or by the authority of the bishop of rom● , take weapon in hand ( and excercise the materiall sword : ) and addeth his reason , for every man besides him , and his authority which hath lawfull ●●wer , and which , as the apostle saith , beareth the sword not without cause , to whom every soule ought to be subject , every man i say , that without his authority taketh the sword , shall perish with the sword . he that beareth the sword may lawfully put malefactors to death , and wage warre with his enemies , when need so requireth , which bishops may not doe . (a) the weapons of our warfare are not carnall , saith saint paul. (b) quid episcopis cum bello ? what have bishops to doe with battle , saith athanasius : and (c) a●brose , pugn●re non deb●o , i ought not to fight . if they may not fight , much lesse kill , if they may do neither , they cannot beare the sword , which is appointed by god , and received of men to do both . the words of our saviour are cleare with us for the negative , my kingdome , saith hee , is not of this world : if then your priests , prelates , and popes will be the servants of christ , they must challenge no worldly kingdome as from him , or in his name . (d) the servant is not above his master . if the master with his owne mouth have denyed it , the servants may not affirme it , or usurpe it . the souldiers of christ must not (e) intangle themselves with secular affaires , much lesse make themselves lords , (f) and judge ; of ear●hly matters , which office properly belongeth to the sword , and must be sustained of all those that beare the sword . the popes themselves be●ore their power and pride grew so great , were of this opinion with us . thus , and much more bishop bilson to the same effect . not to trouble you with more quotations of this nature , which are infinite , i shall conclude onely with two more au●horities of men of greatest eminence , and learning in our church , in queene elizabeths later dayes . the first of them , is dr. whitakers , regius professor of divinity in the university of cambridge ; he , in his booke contra du●eum . l. . sect . . & controvers . . de ecclesiae regimine . quest. . c. . sect . . . c. . sect . . quest. . c. . sect . , , , , , , . de notis ecclesiae , qu. . c. . p and contr. . concil . qu. . c. . p. , . reciting saint ieromes words at large on titus . and to euagrius , concludes with him ; that in former times bishops and presbyters were all one and the same : that every where a presbyter was the same that a bishop is : that all churches were not under the government of one man , but were governed by the common counsell of their presbyters ; ecclesiae , inquit jeronymus , gubernabantur , &c. id est , vbiqve omnes , fuit hi● mos ecclesiarum gubernandarum . that this custome was not changed by the apostles , sed post , ecclesie judicto . that bishops are greater now than ministers not by divine institution , but custome , and that humano , non divino jure totum ●oc discrimen constat : the whole difference betweene them is by humane , not by divine law , or right . that by ancient , and divine right a presbyter was lesse than a bishop nihilo , in nothing : after which he proceeds thus . if the apostles had changed that order ( as sanders pretendeth ) what had it profited hierome with so great diligence to have collected testimonies out of the apostles , whereby to shew , that they were sometimes the same ? it might easily come into his memory , that this order was changed by the apostles themselves , after the church was disturbed and torne with discords . but wherfore then saith hierom : before it was said , i am of paul , &c. the church was governed by the common councell of presbyters , &c. i answer , this might deceive sanders . hierome onely alluded to the place of the apostle , that hee might shew , that schismes were the cause of changing this order , as hee saith elsewhere , that this was done to remedy schismes . but this remedy was almost worse than the disease . for as at first one presbyter was set above the rest , and made a bishop , so afterwards , one bishop was preferred before the rest : and so this custome brought forth the pope with his monarchy by little and little , and brought it into the church . ierome so openly oppugneth the pontificall hierarchy , that the papists know not what to determine or answere concerning hierome . † michael medina doubts not to affirme , that ierome was an hereticke in this kinde , and that he held the very same opinion that aerius did : verily hierome was of the same opinion with aerius ; whereby we may the lesse regard that aerius is so often objected to us , ab insulsis hominibus , by foolish men . if aerius was an hereticke in this thing , he had ierome a companion of his heresie : and not onely him but also many other ancient fathers both greeke and latine , as medina confesseth . † alphonsus de castro saith , that the church was sarre enough off from the minde of hierome ; and a certaine man hath written in the margin , that ieromes opinion is to be dissembled , not to be urged . * pighius writes that ierome is involved in such difficulties , out of which he could not winde himselfe , and that he fell into perplexed absurdities , no wayes cohearing and fighting among themselves . it is no wonder if they speake evill of us , who thus petulantly insult over ierome : * marianus victorius endeavours to excuse ierome , and writes , that he speakes not of bishops and presbyters , but o● bishops onely ; and that verily all these are equall , and that many did ill interpret hierome otherwise . but ierome most manifestly compares presbyters with bishops , and that marianus had most easily seene unlesse he had beene miserably blinde ; yet at length by the opinion of marianus , all bishops are equall . † turrianus otherwise and more acutely answers : hieronymum non dicere presbyterum idem , sed eundem esse cum episcopo ; what knots doth this jesui●e here seeke in a rush ? if a presbyter be the same that a bishop is , and the bishop the same that a presbyter is , what at last good jesuite canst thou thinke to be between a presbyter and a bishop ? thus verily our adversaries ( yea bpp ) finde not how they may defend themselves from this sentence of hierome ; and truely all of them sticke in the same mire , albei● some of them are more foulely plunged than others . the matter now returnes to bellarmine as to the triary , he most confidently pronounceth , that ierome differeth as much from aerius , as a catholick from an hereticke . i most firmely averre the contrary , that their opinions concer●ing this thing can by no meanes be disjoyned nor distinguished . aerius thought , that a presbyter differed not ●rom a bishop by divine right and authority : hierome contends this very thing , and defends it by the same testimonies of scriptures as aerius doth . now quam inepte & pueriliter , how foolishly and childishly * epiphanius answereth to those testimonies , all may perceive . for he saith , that the apostle was wont to write thus , because that at that time , there were not any presbyters in many c●urches by reason of the paucity of presbyters . i admire so great a theologue , who tooke upon him to refute all heretickes , saw not how shamefully he was mistaken . for what ? was the●● at that time greater plenty of bishops than of presbyters , that whereas there were many bishops in one city , yet there were no presbyters there . the notable absurdi●y of this an●were bellarmine himselfe acknowledged . and yet this is that epiphanius who first of all proscribed aerius as an hereticke , absque synodi aut ecclesiae judicio , without the judgement of a synod or of the church . but what saith bellarmine ? he propoundeth a double difference betweene aerius and hierom. the first is that ierom writes everywhere , that a bishop is greater than a presbyter as to the power of order . i answere , that it is most false ; hierome never writ so , neither doth he by any meanes acknowledg a bishop to be greater than a pre●byter , unlesse it be by custome , which he distinguisheth from divine disposition . and if there were so great a difference , wherefore doth ierome , that he may revok deacons to modesty , & reduce them into order , affirme that presbyters are bishops ? whence doth he admonish that this contention taken up against presbyters , belongs to b ps themselves , seeing presbyters by the first institution of this order and ministry are b ps ? now if there were the greatest difference between these in the power of order , had not ierome bin very sottish in his argument ? now whereas , he saith , * what doth a b p except ordination , which a presbyter may not do ? he speaks of the custome of those times ; that not even the when by the custome of the church , a bishop was greater then a presbyter , could a bishop doe more then a presbyter in any thing , except in ordination : yea elsewhere hierom himselfe attributes ordination to presbyters : ( and indeed so he doth , for in zoph . . . tom. . pag. . d. he writes thus ; sacerdotes , &c that priests who baptize and consecrate the lords supper , which is the greater ; manvs imponvnt , levitas et alios constitvvnt sacerdotes ; lay on hands , ordaine levites and other priests , which is in truth but the lesse : ) the second is , that although ierome doth not acknowledge any difference jure divino betweene the jurisdiction of a bishop and presbyter , yet he grants that this was lawfully introduced by the apostles , and that necessarily to avoyd schismes . i answere first , that bellarmin hath resolved out of the opinion of ierome , that there is no difference in the jurisdiction of a bishop and presbyter : whence it is manifest , what ierome thought of the jurisdiction and primacy of the pope . for seeing the primacy of the pope consists in jurisdiction , & ierome thinks that iure divino the jurisdiction of a bishop is not greater than that of a presbyter , it followes from ieromes opinion , that the papacy ( and prelacy ) divino mullo ju●● nitatur , rests upon no divine law. secondly , ●●llarmine fights with himselfe , and makes ierome to speake contradictions . for if ierome thought that jurisdiction of a bishop not to be iuris divini , how the● was that difference introduced by the apostles ? or how could ierome prove out of the apostles writings , that there was not any difference betweene them ? certainely , that which the apostles instituted and introduced , hath the force of divine right : finally , this profound doctor , in his ad● ● . * rationem campiani . p. . concludes thus of aerius●is ●is opinion . and ●ruely , if to condemne prayers for the dead● et episcopo presbyteros aequare sit h●●reticum , nihil catholicvm esse potest ; and ●o equall presbyters to a bishop he hereti●all , nothing can be catholike : thus this great doctor , william whitaker ; with whom his coaetaneans doctor willet , in his synopsi● papismi , controversie generall . . part . . in the appendix . p. . to . in the last edition ; and master william perkins in his reformed catholicke . cont. . c. . concurre . i wonder therefore with what impudency and shamelesse brow * bishop hall and others dare condemne the defenders of the identity and parity of presbyters and bishops by divine right for aerian heretickes , schismatickes , novillers , and oppugners of the received doctrine of the church of england ; when as the learnedest prelates , martyrs and writers of our church ( as appeares by the premises ) have pro●essedly justified this opinon as apostolicall , orthodox , ancient , and catholike , warranted by the unanimous consent both of scriptures and fathers ; ●s will further appear● by the next authority , with which i shall conclude . and that is our incomparably learned doctor iohn rainolds once professor of divinity in the university of oxford ; who in his letter to sir francis knoles , sept. . . ( concerning some passages in doctor bancrof●s sermon at pauls crosse ) printed in king iames his time , and now reprinted , writes thus , both touching the pretended heresie of aerius , and the divine right of episcopacy . * it appeareth , by the aforesayd words of doctor bancroft , that he avoucheth the superiority which bishops have over the clergie to be of gods owne ordinance , for he improveth the impugners of it , as holding with aerius , that there is no difference by the word of god , betwixt a priest and a bishop , which he could not doe with reason , unlesse he himselfe proved the bishops superiority , as established by gods word ; and he addeth , that their opinion who gainsay it is heresie , whereof it ensueth he thinketh it contrary to gods word , sith heresie is an errour repugnant to the truth of the word of god , as ( according to the (a) scriptures ) our owne church (b) doth teach us . now the arguments which he bringeth to prove it an heresie , are partly over-weake , and partly untrue . overweake , that he (c) beginneth with , out of epiphanius : u●true , that he adjoyneth of the generall consent of the church . for though epiphanius doe say , that aerius his assertion is full of folly , yet he disproveth not the reason which aerius stood on , out of the scriptures ; nay he dealeth so in seeking to disprove it , that bellarmine the jesui●e , (d) though desirous to make the best of epiphanius , whose opinion herein he maintaineth against the protestants , yet is forced to confesse , that epiphanius his answere is not all of the wisest , nor any way can fit the text . as for the generall consent of the whole church which doctor bancrof● saith , condemned that opinion of aerius for an heresie & himself for an here●ick , because he persisted in it , that is a large speech , but what proofe hath he , that the whole church did so ? it appeareth he saith in epiphanius . it doth not , & the contrary appeareth by s. ierome & sundry others , who lived some in the same time , some after epiphanius , even saint augustine himselfe , though doctor bancroft cite him , as bearing witnesse thereof ; likewise i grant saint augustine in his booke of (g) heresies , ascribeth this to aerius , for one ; that he sayd pres●yterum ab episcopo nulla differentia deberi discerni ; but it is one thing to say , there ought to be no difference betweene them , ( which aerius saying condemned the churches order , yea made a schisme therein ) and so is censured by s. austin , counting it an heresie as epiphanius from whom he tooke it recorded , himselfe , as he (h) witnesseth ; not knowing how farre the name of heresie should be stretched , another thing to say , that by the word of god there is no difference betwixt them , but by the order and custome of the church : which s. austin saith in effect himselfe ; so farre was he from witnessing this to be heresie by the generall consent of the whole church : (i) which untruth how wrongfully it is fathered on him , and on epiphanius ( who yet are all the witnesses , that doctor bancroft hath produced for the proo●e hereof , or can for ought that i know ) it may appeare by this that our learned country man of godly memory , (k) bishop iuel , when harding to convince the same opinion of heresie , alleadged the same witnesses , citing to the contrary chrysostome , ierome , austin and ambrose , knit up his answere with these words : all these , and other holy fathers , together with the apostle s. paul , for thus saying , by hardings advice must be held for heretickes . and (l) michael medina , a man of great account in the councell of trent , more ingenuous herein than many other papists , affirmeth not onely the former ancient writers alleadged by bishop iuel , but also that another ierome , theodoret , primasius , sedulius , and theophylact , were of the same mind touching this matter with aerius : with whom agree likewise (m) oecumenius , and (n) anselmus arch-bishop of canterbury , and an other (o) anselmus , and (p) gregory , and (q) gratian , and after them how many● it being once inrolled in the canon law for sound and catholike doctrine , and thereupon publickely taught by learned (r) men . all which doe beare witnesse against doctor bancroft of the point in question , that it was not condemned for an heresie by the generall consent of the whole church . ( and the rather which is observable , because isiodor hispalensis , originum lib. . c. . and gratian himselfe caus. . qu. . reciting the heresie of aerius , omits his equalizing of bishops and presbyters , out of the li●● of his errours , because an orthodox truth , approved by themselves and other fathers ; which is worthy observation . ) if he should reply , that these latter witnesses , did live a . yeares after christ , and therefore touch not him , who sayd , it was condemned so in the time of s. austin , (t) and of epiphanius , the most flourishing time of the church that ever hapned since the apostles dayes , either in respect of learning or of zeale . first , they whom i named , though living in a latter time , yet are witnesses of the f●rmer . oecumenius the greeke scholiast treading in the steps of the old greeke fathers , and the two anselmes , with gregory and gratian , expressing s. ieromes sentence word by word . besides that , perhaps it is not very likely that anselme of canterbu●y , should have bin canonized by the pope of rome , & worshipped for a st , that the other anselme & gregory●hould ●hould have such place in the popes library , and be esteemed of as they are ; that gratians workes should be allowed so long time , by so many popes for the golden foundation of the canon law , if they had taught that for catholike , and sound , which by the generall consent of the whole church , in the most flourishing time that ever happened since the apostles dayes , was condemned for heresie , chiefely in a matter of such waight and moment , to the popes supremacy● which as they doe claime over all bishops by the ordinance of god , so must they allow to bishops over priests by the same ordinance , as they saw at length , and therefore have not onely decreed it now in the (v) councell of trent , but also in the (x) new edition of their canon law , have set downe this note ; that one hughs glosse allowed by the arch-deacon ( saying , that bishops have differed from priests alwayes as they doe now in government , and prelateship , and offices , and sacraments , but not in the name and title of bishop , which was common to them both ) must be held hereafter for s. jeromes meaning ; at least , for the meaning of the canon taken out of s. ierome , though his words be flat & plaine against this glosse , as (y) bellarmine himselfe confesseth . whereto may be added , that they also who have laboured about the reformation of the church these . yeares , have taught that all pastours be they entituled bishops or priests , have equall authority and power by gods word . first the (z) waldenses , next (a) marsilius patavinus : then (b) wickliffe and his scholars ; afterwards (c) husse , and hussites ; last of all (d) luther , (e) calvin , (f) brentius , (g) bullinger , (h) musculus and other , who might be rec●koned particularly in great number , sith as here with us , both (r) bishops , and the queenes (s) pro●essors of divinity in our universities , and (t) other learned men doe consent therein : so in ●orraigne nations , all whom i have read treating of this matter , and many more ( no doubt ) whom i have not read . the si●ting & examining of the trent councell , hath beene undertaken by onely two , which i have seene ; the one a divine , the other a lawyer kemnisius , and (x) gentilletus : they both condemne the contrary doctrine thereunto , as a trent errour , the one by scriptures , and fathers ; the others , by the canon law. but what doe i further speake of severall persons ? it is the common judgement of the reformed churches of helvetia , savoy , france , scotland , germany , hungary , po●on , the low countries , and our owne , witnesse the harmony of confessions . wherefore si●h doctor bancroft , i assure my selfe , will not say that all these have approved that as sound and christian doctrine , which by the generall consent of the whole church in a most flourishing time , was condemned for heresie : i hope he will acknowledge , that he was overseene , in that he avouched the superiority which bishops have among us over the clergie to be of gods owne ordinance . thus doctor rainold● : of whom you may reade more to this purpose , in his conference with hart , aug. . london . . p. ● . . . . ● . . . i could recite many more of our owne writers and records to the same effect , but because i have published , a catalogue of them , and of such testimonies in all ages , as plainely evidence bishops and presbyters to be both one and the same in iurisdiction , o●●●ce , dignity , order , and degree , by divine law and institution , and their disparity to be a meere humane ordinance long after the apostles times , &c. and because i have at large manifested this tr●th , in my vnbishoping of timothy and titus ; and in my breviate of the prelates intolerable vsurpations , both upon the kings prerogative royall and the subjects liberties , i shall for brevity sake referre you to them ; and proceede to answere some principall objections in defence and maintenance of episcopacy , and then cast anchor . chap. ix . comprising an answer to the principall objections alleadged by the prelates in defence of the divine pretended institution , and for the continuance of their episcopacy in our church . having thus given you a taste what our owne authors ancient and mode●ne , protestants and papists , martyrs , and prelates have formerly written touching the pretended divine jurisdiction , the treasons , conspiracies , seditions , antimonarchicall practises , lordlinesse , secular imployments , courtship , and great temporall possessions of our prelates , i shall onely answere two a●guments , or rather bare allegation● now principally insisted on , for the maintenance of episcopall superiority by a divine right , with three more objections for the continuance of episcopacy still in our church , and so conclude . the first allegation for episcopacies divine institution ; is taken ●rom the angel of the church of ephesus , whom (a) b●shop hall , (b) bishop vsher (c) and others will ne●d●s have ●o be a bishop superiour in authority and jurisdiction to other ministers , because he writes onely in the singular number to the angel , not to the angels of that church , which say ●hey implies a sup●riority of one speciall minister in that church , to whom this epistle is principally directed , over the other presbyters not once mentioned in this epistle . to which i answere : first , that ●his word angel is but a metaphoricall title , proper onely to the heavenly spirits in strictnesse of speech , and in a large sense , as it signifies a * messenger , or servant , it may as aptly deno●e a minister or presbyter , as a bishop . the ti●le therefore of it selfe , as it is used by s. iohn , makes nothing ●or episcopacy , since ordinary presbyters are in scripture sometimes stiled * angels , but bishops ( distinct ●rom presbyters ) are never so named there . secondly , our bishops themselves if not the whole church of england with our late famous king iames , in the contents annexed by them to the bibles of the last translation , now onely used & permitted in our churches , in expresse termes , expound the angels of ●he . churches to be the ministers of them , the contents of the second chap. of the revelation running thus . what is commanded to be written to the angels , that is , the ministers of the churches of ephesus , smyrna , pergamus , thiatyra , &c. had these angels beene such as you now call bishops , you would have rendred the contents thus , what is written to the angels , that is , to the bishops of ephesus , &c. but since you expound angels thus , to be the ministers of these churches , who in vulgar appellation and acception are distinct from bishops , and as you hold inferiour to them ; you must now either renounce your owne and our churches exposition , or your episcopacy : for if the angels of these churches be the most eminent persons and rulers in them , as you argue ; and these , as the contents testifie , be not bishops , but minister● , it followes infallibly , that ordinary ministers and presbyters , are superiour to bishops , not bishops to them . and that these angels were the ministers of these chur●hes , is evident by the expresse resolution of our owne learned iames pilkington , late bishop of durham , in his exposition upon the prophet aggeus . cap. . v. . london . . where he writes thus : that more worshipfull names are given to the preaching minister , than to any sort of men . this name angell , is given to the preachers for the heavenly comfort that they bring to man from god , whose messengers they be . in the revel . of s. iohn , he writes to the . angels , ● . to the . ministers ( not bishops ) of the . congregations or churches in asia . by this bishops resolution then , and by * pope gregory the firsts too , these seven angels are seven preaching ministers , not lordly non-preaching prelates . and master fox in his meditations on apoc. c. , p. . . concurres with them ; averri●g , that by the seven angels , is meant either the ministers of the seven churches , or the churches themselves ; which exposition is as ancient as (f) aretas , (g) primasius , and (h) ambrosius ansbertus , who in their commentaries on apocalypsis , write thus . septem stellae angeli sunt septem ecclesiarum . nec putandum est quod hoc loco angeli singuli singulis deputentur hominibus , quod incongrue ab aliquibus aestimatur , sed potius angeli eccles. hic intelligendi sunt rectores populi , qui singulis ecclesiis praesidentes , verbum vitae cunctis annunciant . nam & angeli nomen , nuncius interpretatum dicitur . et angelo ecclesiae ephesi scribe . darivo hic casu angelo posuit , non genitivo . ac si diceret , scribe angelo huic ecclesiae , ut non tam angelum & ecclesiam separatim videatur dixisse , quam quis angelus exponere voluisset , unam videlicet faciens angeli ecclesiaeque personam . quamvi● enim sacramenti dispensatione praeponatur , compaginis tamen unitate connectitur . nam hanc regulam a principio servans , non septem angelis , sed septem ecclesiis scripsisset ; iohannes , inquiens , septem ecclesiis quae sunt in asia , & dominus quem vidit ; scribe , inquit , in libro quae vidisti , & mitte septem ecclesiis . postea tamen angelis jubet scribi , ut ostenderet , unum esse . sed etiam siqua singulis partiliter ecclesiis praedicat , universam generaliter conven●re docetur ecclesiam . neque enim dicit , quid spiritus dicat ecclesiae , sed ecclesiis . angelum ergo ecclesiam significans , duas in eo partes ostendit , dum & laudat & increpat . in consequentibus autem manifestatur non eandem increpare , quam laudat , sic ut dominus in evanglio omne praepositorum corpus , unum servum dixit beatum & nequam , quem veniens dominus ipse dividet , & non tantum servum sed partem , inquit , ejus cum hypocritis ponet : yea , ludovicus ab alcasar a late iesuite , in his commentary on the apocalyps . * antu . . proem . in c. . k . notatio . . p. . . writes , that andreas , aretas , ansbertus , anselmus , pererius , victorinus , ticinius , ambrosius , haymo & beda are of this opinion . augelarum & stellarum nomine designari ecclesias ipsas ; that by the name of angels the c●urches themselves are signified ; not the lordly prelates in them , not one ancient commentator on this that i finde , and few moderne expounding these angels to bee bishops , as our prelates against all sense will make them : yea , andreas cesariensis , comment . in ioan● apoc. c. . p. . writes , probabile fit per . angelos totius universi gubernationem , quae in dextera christi , sicut omnes qu●que terrae fines , sita est , hoc loco significari . since ●hen by angels is here meant either the ministers of the church of ephesus , or the whole church it selfe , or christs government over the universe , as these authors a v●●re ; this text makes nothing at all for our prelates hi●rarchy . thirdly , it is observable that saint iohn neither in his gospel nor epistle , nor in his booke of ●he revelation , doth so much as once use the name or word bishop , but the name of elder , or presbyter very often , both in his epistle , and in the apocalyps . i then appeale to any reasonable creature , whether it is not more probable , that saint iohn by this word angell , should rather meane the elders or presbyters of those churches ; ( a title which he gives himselfe , iohn . iohn . ) and which title and office he so (c) frequently mentions in the . and . and . (k) chapters of the apocalyps next ensuing , rather than the lordly bishops of those churches superiour to presbyters , whose office ( for ought appeares ) he never knew , and whose title he never useth in his writings ? fourthly , it is rem●●ke●ble , that s. iohn doth ●ever place the . elders , sitting on so many seates , next unto the throne of christ himselfe ; and the angels standing further off from the throne without the elders . if then by the elders ( as is generally agreed by all ) be meant the presbyters or ministers of the church , and by angels as you pretend , be meant bishops ; then the presbyters must needes be more honourable by divine institution than bishops , because they are next to the throne of christ , and (l) sit on seates or chaires whiles the angels (m) stand about them . adde to this , that these elders are still introduced by s. iohn in this booke , (n) worshipping and adoring god and christ , and giving thankes , honour , praise , and glory unto them : that they onely are sayd to have crownes of gold upon their heads ( the badge of soveraignty and superioriority ) and (p) harpes 〈◊〉 golden vials in their hands , full of odours , which are the prayers of saints : that they (q) sing the new song ; and among other passages prayse christ for this in speciall manner . rev. . . and hast made vs ( not bishops ) unto our god kings and priests , and we shall raigne on the earth . there●ore presbyters doubtlesse are the chiefe and principall ministers and priests in the church of christ by divine institution ; and being thus made kings and priests , and adorned with crownes , to the end that they may raigne upon the earth ; no prelates or lord bishops ought to rule over them , or climbe paramount them , as they doe . besides , these elders no● bishops informed s. iohn himselfe and instructed him in the things hee doubted of revel . . . . c. . . . . . therefore these elders must certainely be the better , the most emin●nt scient men , and so paramount the angel-bishops . fifthly , though the angel be here put in the singular number , yet the elders are still mentioned in the plurall . and as for the church of ephesus in those dayes , it is most certaine by acts . . . tim. . . that there were divers elders , of equall authority ●uling in it , whom the holy ghost expressely not onely calleth , but made bishops and overseers of that church , both to rule and feede it . to make therefore one speciall bishop and superintendent in this church , superiour to all the rest , and he onely graced by the name of an angel , is but a crazie conceipt of a proud episcopall braine , contrary to apparent texts . sixthly , this angel is not sayd to have any jurisdiction or superiority over other ministers or presbyters in the church of ephesus , nor to be the supreame or generall superintendent prelate of that church , neither is there any thing spoken of him with reference to any other minister of ephesus : what then can this poore title make for episcopall priority and jurisdiction ? the spirit writes to the angell of the church of ephesus : ergo this angell was a bishop , and sup●riour to all other ministers of ephesus , is a strange non sequitur , and yet this is all this ●ext affords you . seventhly , bishop hall and other contenders for episcopacy , grant that there were divers particular churches & congregations in and about ephesus , every one of which had its severall minister or presbyter to instruct them ; else they could prove no episcopacy or diocaesan superintendency from one particular congregation . this being granted by him and his party : let them then tell me seriously , whether this angell , ( which they will not have taken collectively and plurally , for the whole presbytery and ministery of that church as many ancient and moderne commentators expound it , but individually for one particular person ) should not rather be one particular pastor of one of the churches of ephesus onely , who had lost his first love , and therefore was worthily reprehended , then a diocaesan bishop or arch-bishop of that church to whose jurisdiction all other presbyters and bishops of that nationall church were subordinate ; for which there is no ground in scripture . eighthly , our * prelates all plead very hard , that timothy was ordained the first bishop of ephesus , and dyed bishop of that see : which if i admit ( though i thinke untrue ) then it is cleare that this angel of ephesus , who lost his first love , was famous and zealous , timothy not dead when this epistle was written , as (r) pererius and (s) alcazar both jesuites , with lyra , ribera , (t) p. halloix , and others confesse . and who dare be so presumptuous as to thinke timothy a man so eminent , famous , zealous , and so much applauded in scripture , would prove an apostate or backeslider ; and lose his first love ? either therefore you must deny timothy , or this angell to be the bishop of this church . ninthly , grant this angell to be a bishop , yet it was onely such a bishop as was all one and the same with presbyters , (u) and of which there were many in one church ( no● one over many churches ) according to the holy ghosts and the apostles owne institution as appeares by act. . . . phil. . . tit. . . . compared with the pet. . . . iam. . . act. . . tim. . . which maketh nothing for , but directly against that episcopacy , you contend for . tenthly , and finally , grant him such a bishop as you would make him ; yet at the best he was an apostate , who had fallen from , and lost his first love , by being made a lord bp : and it will be but little credit for our prelates , to found their hierarchy upon an apostate : and if i conjecture not amisse , this may bee one probable reason , why so many ministers prove turne-coates , and apostates , losing their first love and zeale to god when they are made lord bishops , because they have an apostate angel , both for their foundation , and imitation ; happy man be their dole ; let them make the best of this apostate ; i will not hinder but rather pitty them in this folly . the second allegation for the divine right of episcopacy is , that timothy and titus were bishops ( such as our lordly prelates now are , the one of ephesus , the other of crete ) which (v) bishop white , and others endevour to prove , especially by the post-script of the second epistle to timothy . the second epistle unto timotheus , ordained the first bishop of the church of the ephesians was written from rome , when paul was brought before nero the second time : and by this postscript to the epistle to titus : it was wri●ten to titus , ordained the first bishop of the church of the cretians , f●om nicopolis of macedonia ; which post-scripts they say are very ancient , if not canonicall and irrefragable . i shall not here enter into a large discourse to prove timothy neither a bishop● nor first , nor sole , nor any bishop at all of ephesus ( who as some say preached the gospell in our island of britaine , whiles our prelates would crea●e him the apost●ate angel residing in the church of ephesus to whom christ writ an epistle by s. iohn rev. . . . ) or to disprove titus to be lord bishop , or rather lord arch-bishop of crete , which had an hundred cities in it in homers dayes , and no lesse than . arch-bishops , and . bishops in former times ; since i have sufficiently manifested this long since , in the vnbishopping of timothy and titus , not hitherto answered . and indeede were there no other arguments but two , first , that though paul in his epistles , mentions timothy and titus more frequently than any other persons ; yet we never finde him so much as once stiling them bishops , no not in the epistles to them . secondly , that paul doth never write to them in the ordinary stile of our lordly prelates ( which it seemes he was not then acquainted with , and so not with their office ) viz. to the right reverend father in god , timothy , lord bishop of ephesus : to the most reverend father in god titus , lord arch-bishop of crete his grace , primate and metropolitan of all that island ; which doubtlesse he would have done had they beene such bishops as ours are , and this stile had beene due or fitting for them ; but onely : to timothy my owne sonne , or dearely beloved sonne in the faith . to titus mine owne sonne after ●he common ●aith , &c. these were sufficient to satisfie any indifferent man , that neither of them was a bishop or arch-bishop of these places ; or at least , that they were no such lordly prelates as ours now are , who may well be ashamed of these pompous swelling titles , which no apostle nor apostolicall bishop ever usurped . but the onely thing i shall here insist on , shall be to take away ●he grounds of this false allegation , to wit , the pretended authority and antiquity of these two post-scripts , wi●h which the world hath beene much abused . for their authority , it is confessed by all : first , that they are no part of the text or canonicall scripture . secondly , that they are not of infallible truth , many of them being dubious , others directly false as baronius , the rhemists , estius , mr. beza , mr. perkins , and sundry others prove . thirdly , that they were not added to the epistles paul b● himself , when he writ the epistles , as some have dreamed , but by some third pe●son since , as the whole frame of the words , running on●ly in the third person imports . for their antiquity , when , and by whom they were first added ? will be the sole question . to cleare this doubt , i shall have recourse to the post-script of the first epistle to timothy , which runnes thus : the first to timothy , was written from laodicea , which is the chiefe city of phrygia pacatiana . this post-script of the first epistle , no doubt was written either before , or at the same time when the post-script of the second epistle was penned , and that must needes be after phrygia was commonly stiled pacatiana , since it is thus named in this post-script . now we shall not finde phrygia so stiled in any authors , till about . yeares after christ , in the reigne of constantine the great , at which time it begun to be called pacatiana , and that as some conjecture from pacatianus , who ( as the code of theodosius , m. cambden and speede affirme ) was vicegerent of brittaine some . yeares a●ter christ. who it was who first annexed these post-scripts to pauls epistles onely [ ●or the other apostles epistles have none ] will be the greatest question . for resolution whereof , i take it somewhat cleare , that theodoret was the man , who flourished about the y●are of our lord . . for i finde these post-scripts added to his commentarie upon pauls epistles , and in no other commentator before nor in any after him till oecumenius , his ape , and transcriber , who lived about the yeare . theodoret then being the first in whom post-scripts are extant , and oecumenius his follower , the next , it is probable that he was the first author of them . and that which puts it out of doubt is this , that theodoret in his preface to his commentaries on pauls epistles , is the first who doth modestly undertake ( with scriptum esse existimo onely ) to shew both the time when , and the place from whence paul writ his severall epistles , which preface fully accords with the post-scripts placed , not after the text it selfe , but after the end of his commentaries on every epistle . since then this preface and post-scripts both accord : and see●ng there are no post-scripts in any ancient latine authors or coppies of the new testament , nor in any greeke ones , but those who followed theodoret , and no post-scripts added to any but pauls epistles on which hee onely commented , not to peters or iohns which he interpreted not , i presume i may safely conclude , that theodore● was the originall author of these post-scripts . but then i pray take notice of these materiall observations . first , that these post-sc●ipts were added to pauls epistles at least . yeares after christ and not before . secondly , that they are extant onely in theodore● , and not found in any commentator or ancient coppy of the new testament succeeding him till oecumenius time , anno. . thirdly , that these post-scripts both in him , and oecumenius are placed , not immediately after the originall text , as now they are in our bibles , and some late commentators ; but after the end of their commentaries , as a part thereof , and no part or appurtenance of the text it selfe . fourthly , that these clauses ( ordained the first bishop of the ephesians , and ordained the first bishop of the cretians ) whereon our prelates found the episcopacy of timothy and titu● , and their owne hierarchy too , are not extant in theodorets post-scrips to the epistles of timothy and titus : which runne onely thus , the second to timothy was written from rome , when paul was brought before nero the roman emperour the second time . the epistle to titus was written from nicopolis : his post-scripts therefore will no wayes ayde but confound their cause , since i may well argue , neither paul in his epistles , nor theodoret in his post-scripts terme timothy or titus bishops of ephesus or crete , therefore they were no bishops of these places , un●●sse better proofe than these epistles and post-scripts be produced to evidence it . the rare ancient manuscript parchment coppy of the greeke bible , sent to his majesty by cyrillus late patriarch of constantinople , remaining in his majesties library at saint iames , supposed by some to be as ancient as tecla : but undoubtedly one of the ancientest copies this day extant ; hath no other post-script to the first epistle to timothy , but this ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : no other to the second to timothy , but this ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : not from rome : and no other post-script to titus but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( all written in capitals ) with which the syriac coppies accord . so that all the residue is but a late spurious addition . the first man i finde these additionall clauses ( ordained first bishop of th● ephesians , and ordained the first bishop of the church of the cretians ) extant in , is oecumenius , who flourished not till the yeare . being a patcher together onely of other mens commentaries and none of the orthodoxest writ●rs . and withall , this is observable , first , that oecumenius placeth these postscripts after his commentaries , as a part of them , not immediately after the text as a part , or appendant thereof . secondly , that he first cites his owne additions to these post-scripts after his commentaries in one distinct line , and then placeth theodorets post-script in another different line some good distance under it , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thirdly , from oecumenius till about . yeares after that those additionall clauses are not extant in any commentators or translations of the epistles into any other language , and but in few greeke coppies , and those taken out of oecumenius . therefore doubtlesse he was the first author of them . and so they are of no great antiquity or credit . now that you may more clearely discerne what a sandy foundation these post-scripts are to build the weighty hierarchy of our lordly prelates on , give me leave to informe you of some observable particulars touching these post-scripts upon mine owne search and observation . first , that athanasius , ambrose , ierome , sedullus , chrysostome , primasius , remig●us , beda , raba●us maurus , haymo , hugo cardinalis , bruno , aquinas , nicholaus de lyra , ghorran , dionysius carthusianus , iohn salesbury , anselme , and peter lombard , the ancientest commentators on the epistles of paul , have no postscripts at all extant in them , neither after the text , nor after their commentaries ; no nor yet erasmus , melancton , zuinglius , zanchius , alfonsus salmeron , benedictus iustinianus , ambrosius caterinus , cornelius a lapide , claudius espencaeus , antonius scaynus , estius , hemingius , ioannis arboreus , sotto major , nor any other commentator almost , whether protestant or papist . secondly , that in sundry ancient english and latine manuscripts , new testaments and bibles which i have seene ; in the printed new testament , set forth in greeke and latine by franciscus xemenez , in academia complutensi ; in the bible of isiodor clarius venetiis , . in all the latine vulgar bibles , attributed to saint ierome ; in the new testament , set forth by erasmus ; in the latine bible printed at rome by command of pope sixtus the fifth , anno . in the new testament , comprising the latine vulgar translation , that of guido fabricius out of the syriacke , that of arias montanus and erasmus , set forth altogether by laurentius bierlinke an●werpiae , . in the new testament set forth by miles coverdale in latine and english , anno. . in master tyndalls english bible , and in the english translation , which doctor fulke followes in his answer to the rhemish testament , and in many ancient greeke coppies , there is no postscript at all to be found . thirdly , that in the latine bible , set forth and printed by robert stephen , parisiis . and in the latine bible of ioannis benedictus , parisiis , the postscripts are thrust out and put into the margin , as nor worthy to stand under the text , and being of small or no account . fourthly , that in the latine bible set forth by robert stephen parisiis . in the latine and greeke bibles of philip melanctons edition tiguri . and basileae . in sebastian castalio his edition of the bible , basileae . . in the translations of the new testament out of the syriacke both by guido fabritius , and emanuell tremelius , in the dutch bible set forth by david walderus , hamburgae . in the frenc● bible set out by the doctors of louvaine a paris . in the latine bible of ioannis benedictus , parisiis , . in the bible translated into english by thomas matthew . anno. . in ●he english bible set forth by diverse excellent learned men , printed cum privilegio , by thomas petit and robert redman . london . in the english bible appointed to be read in churches , printed at london , ● and in sundry other bibles and new testaments which i have seene , these clauses ( ordained the first bishop of the church of the ephesians , and ordained the first bishop of the church of the cretians ) are not to be found in the postscripts to the epistles to timothy and titus ; and indeed , you shall seldome finde them in any but master beza , and in those that follow his edition , ( as master calvin and some few others doe in their commentaries ) whereas both he and they are professed enemies to episcopacy , and disclaime those postscripts as false and spurious . fi●thly , master beza , and the ●et●ers forth of the greeke bible , printed by the heires of andrew , francofurti . . passe this sentence upon these postscripts : and this clause , ordained the first bishops of ephesus , or , of the church of the ephesians . non exta● in quibusdam vetustis codi●ibus , & sane supposttum fuisse pu●o . and guilielmus estius , a famous roman doctor , in his commentary on tim. . . writes thus of the postscript to it . grae●a subscriptio post finem epistolae sic habet ; scriptae roma ad timotheum secunda , cum paulus iterum sisteretur caesari neroni , ( where he omits this addition ephesiorum ecclesiae primus episcopus ) and then passeth this verdict upon it , sed hujusmodi graecae subscriptiones , ut incerti sunt authoris , ita non magnae authoritatis . and thom●s de vio cajetanus , andreas hyperius , estius with others , de●● the subscription to titus ; that this epistle was written from nicopolis of macedonia ; and the century writers with others , that the second to timothy was written from rome a● pauls second appearing before nero , a meere falshood and mistake : all which considered , i wonder our great learned prelates , b●shop downeham , bishop white , and bishop hall , and especially our great antiquary , bishop vsher , should so much insist upon these spurious false postscripts , and draw a maine argument from , to prove their episcopacy of divine institution ; when bellarmine and those papists , who write most eagerly for the prelates hierarchy , are ashamed to produce such a false and impotent proofe for their groundlesse episcopall jurisdiction . if these answers satisfy not this objection from these postscripts , you may receive more full satisfaction and further answers to it in my vnbishoping of timothy and titus . p. . to . to which i shall remit the reader . from these two arguments for the pretended divine right of episcopacy , i shall next proceed to answer the most considerable reasons produced for the continuing of lordly prelates in our church . the first , for order and moment , is the antiquity of lordly bishops in our church , who ( if we credit a bishop hall , and b others ) are not onely of divine institution , but their episcopall government hath continued in this our island , ever since the first plantation of the gospell , without contradiction : therefore , it will be neither decent , nor expedient , but dangerous and inconvenient to remove them now . to this i answer ; first , that though bishops have been very ancient in our church , yet how ancient , and what kinde of bishops these were , will be the question . c metraphrastes writes , that saint peter continued long in britaine , constituted churches , and ordained bishops , presbyters , and deacons , and then returned to rome , the yeare of nero caesar. but as this authour is very fabulous in other things , so without doubt he is false and singular i● this , as i could easily manifest , did not bishop d vshers , siquidem symeoni metaphrastae credimus ; and e baronius his sicut in aliis multis ibi a se positis errare metaphrastum certum est , ita in his hallucinatum esse constat , f iohn speed his , for a dreame we leave it , &c. and francis godwin bishop of landaffe , in his discourse of the first conversion of this island of britaine unto christian religion , p. , , , . ( where he largely and professedly proves against this impostor , that peter was never in britaine ) ease me of this labour , and sufficiently refute the vaine confidence of g those , who have lately produced this branded authority to derive the antiquity of our lordly prelates from the apostles themselves , as if they had first planted them in our church . that which is likewise alledged out of the greeke martyrologe and dorotheus his synopsis , h that aristobulus was ordained bishop of the britaine 's by paul , and by him sent bishop into england ; seemes to be of the same stampe with the former in i bishop godwins judgement , who rejects it as fabulous , because none of our owne authors or histories so much as once mention his so memorable labour and martyrdome among us . but grant it true , ye● since the word bishop , is here used onely for an ordinary minister or preacher of the gospell , and aristobulus ( sent onely to convert our nation being pagans ) had no bishopricke or diocesse here , nor any inferiour presbyters under him for ought appeares , over whom to play the lord , as our lordly prelates have , this authority will stand those in small steed , who with more confidence then judgement have objected it in defence of our lordly bishops , which by the common consent of all our writers , began not till king lucius his raigne , about the yeare of christ . so that from the preaching of the gospell in our island k by iacobus zebedeus , anno christi . of simon zelotes , anno . of ioseph of ara●at●aea , anno . of saint paul anno . of philip the apostle and his twelve associates . anno . till lucius erected bishops and bishoprickes ; to wit , for the space of about one hundred and forty yeares after the first preaching of the gospell here , our church of britaine had no bishops at all to governe it , but onely presbyters , for ought app●ares by any credible authour , the christian faith all this while continuing un-extinguished among us at glastenbury , and in some other places ; as our antiquaries manifest . if then that rule of tertullian be infallible , l that is best and truest which is first : and that of m hierome most certaine : that the church of god , immediately after the apostles times , before the erection of lord bishops , was governed by a common councell of presbyters , not by bishops ; and our church , as is probable , and the church of scotland ( as n some authors write for certaine ) was governed in this manner by presbyters , for above an hundred yeares , together ; it will rather follow , that our lord bishops should now be totally suppressed , and a presbyteriall government re-erected in our church , because it is ancienter than that of bishops , and planted among us by the apostles when our island first received the gospell ; then that the government of our lordly prelates should be perpetua●ed among us , because ancient onely , yet not so old as that of presbyters , by above one hundred yeares . touching the first erection of arch-bishops , bishops , and bishoprickes among us , there is great variance , obscurity and incertaine●y in writers ; yet this is the generall verdict , both of our owne and forraigne authours ; that in king lucius his time , before the conversion of our island to christianity , there were in it * flamines and three arch flamines , to whom the other iudges of manners and priests were subject ; that upon the conversion of king lucius and his people to the christian faith , by fagan and de●wan , they by command from pope eleutherius , with the kings consent , placed bishops where there were flamines , and three archbishops where there were arch flamines , turning the three arch●flamines sees in the three chiefe cities , into arch-bishoprickes , and the . flamines sees into bishoprickes . this is punctually averred for truth by geofry monmoth : histor. brit. l. . c. . edit . ascent , & l. . c. . edit . heidelb . by gild●s in his booke , de victoria aurelii ambrosii , by gervasius tilburiensis , de otiis imperialibus ad othonem imperatorem , historiolae wintoniensis ecclesiae , alphredus beuer lacensis , radulphus de diceto , bartholomaeus de cotton , gerardus cornubiensis ranulphus cestrensis , the authors of the history of rochester , of the chronicles of hales , and dunstaple , of the booke of abingdon , of the geneologicall chronicle of the monastery of hales , and of the abbreviated chronicle of the britaines , thomas rudburne , thomas stubs , thomas harfield , ponticus virunnius , polydor virgil , martinus polonus , p●olomaeus lucensis tuscus , cited by ioannis leydensis in chronico belgico , l. . c. . ioannis b●ptista platina , in vita eleutherii , iacobus philippus bergomiensis . suppl . chron. l. . nauclerus . vol. . chronograph . gen . . & vol. . gen. . tritemius compend . l. . pope leo the ninth epist. . guilielmus durandus , rationale● l. . c. . n. , . polydorus virgilius , de jnvent● rerum● l. . c. . all quoted to my hand by that excellent learned antiquary , bishop vsher. de britannicarum ecclesiarum primordiis . c. . p. , , , . . . to whom i might adde matthew parker his antiquitates . ecclesiae , brit. p. . iohn f●x his acts and monuments : edit ult . vol. . p. , . iohn speed in his history of great britaine , p. . richard grafton in his chronicle , part . p. . william harrison in his description of england . l. . c. , . with many more of our owne writers , and generally all the canonists and glossers on gratian , dictinctio . and the schoolemen on peter lombard , sent . l. . distinct . , who concu●re in this opinion . for in gratian distinct . . f. . i find these two decrees cited ; the one of pope lucinus with this rubricke prefixed . in what places primates and patriarches ought to be ordained . the cities and places wherein primates ought to preside , were not ordained by moderne times , but long before the comming of christ , to whose primates even the gentiles did appeale for their greater businesses ; in those very cities after the comming of christ , the apostles and their successors placed patriarches and primates to whom the businesses of bishops ( yet saving the apostolicall authority in all things ) and the greater causes after the apostolike see are to be referred . on which iohn thierry and others make this glosse . primates are constituted there , where heretofore the proto-flamines of the gentiles were placed , arch-bishops , where there were arch-flamines , bishops where their flamines were , and this for the most part ( if wee may credite them ) was done by saint peters appointment . the second is this decree of pope clemens , which warrants this glosse . in those cities wherein heretofore among the ethnickes , their chiefe flamines and prime doctors of the law were placed , saint peter commanded ( but god knowes when and where ) primates or patriarches of bishops to be placed , who should agitate the causes of the rest of the bishops , and the greater businesses in faith. but in those cities in which in times past among the foresaid ethnickes , their arch-flamines were , whom yet they held to be lesse than their foresaid primates , he commanded arch-bishops to be iustituted ; but in every other particular city● he commanded one sole bishop and not many to be ordained , who should onely ●btaine the name of bishops , because among the apostles themselves , there was the like institution , sed unus praefuit omnibus , but one had authority over the rest , ( which is most false : ) on which the glosse thus descants . the gentiles had three orders of priests : to wit proto-flamines , arch-flamines , and flamines . in the place of the proto-flamines , peter commanded patriarches to be placed , who should take conusance of the greater causes of other bishops ; in the place of arch-flamines , arch-bishops , in the place of flamines , bishops , of whom there ought to be but one in every city . which grai●an himselfe thus backes in his distinction . there is a certaine distinction observed among priests , whence others are called simply priests , others arch-priests , others chorall bishops , others bishops , oth●rs arch-bishops or metropolitanes , others primates , others chiefe priests ; horum discretio a gentibus maxime introducta est ; the distinction of these was principally int●oduced by the gentiles , who called their flamines , some simply flamines , others arch-flamines , others proto-flamines . all which peter lombard the father of the schoolemen affirming after gratian in his lib. . senten●iarum dist. . made this to passe as an undubitable verity among all the canonists and schoolemen . there is onely one thing needs explanation in these popes d●crees , and that is what is meant by saint peter , who is made the author of this institution ? for this we need resort no further then to the decree of pope nicholas recorded by the same gratian : distinct , . c. omnes f. . omnes sive patriarchae cujuslibet apicem , sive metropoleon primatus , episcopatuum cathedras , vel ecclesiarum , sive cujuscunque ordinis dignitatem instituit romana ecclesia . by which it is evident , that by saint peter , is meant the church and popes of rome , who stile themselves oft times peter , in their bulls and writings , as well as his successors . by all these authorities compared together , it is evident , that our arch-bishops and bishops had their originall institution from the church and popes of rome , and that not out of their imitation of any divine patterne , or forme of government prescribed by christ in scripture , and setled in those primitive churches of the gen●iles , which the apostles planted , and to whom they directed their epistles , but out of an apish imitation of the heathenish hierarchicall government of the idolatrous proto-flamines , arch flamines , and flamines used among the pagan gentiles , and britaines before their conversion to the christian faith , in whose very places , sees , and forme of government they succeeded ; eleuther●us instituting and ordaining , that all , or the most part of the arch-flamines , which is to meane arch-bishops , and bishops of the pagan law , which at that day were in number , three arch flamines , and flamines should be made arch bishops and bishops of the church of christ , as o graf●on and others write in positive termes : which if it be true , ( as this cloud of witnesses averre ) it will thence necessarily follow , that our arch●bishops and bishops are not of divine and apostolicall , but rather of papall and e●hnicall institution , and a meere continuance of the diabolicall , heathenish hierarchy , exercised among the idolatrous priests in times of paganisme , within our i●land ; and so by necessary consequence they and their government , are rather to be utterly extirpated then perpetuated in our christian reformed church , which ought p wholly to abandon all reliques of idolatry , and to have no fellowship nor communion with infidels and unbeleavers in their discipline or church government . wherefore to avoid this dangerous rocke and necessary consequence , some of our prelates ( as q bishop iuell , bishop r godwin , s bishop vsher , together with doctor t sutcliffe , and that learned knight , sir v henry spelman , reject this originall of our archbishops , bishops , and bishoprickes as false and fabulous , informing us : first , that roger de wendover , matthew paris , matthew westmin . william of mal●esbury , the poet under the name of gildas , giraldus cambrensis and radulphus niger ( to whom i may adde william caxton in his chronicle . part . . in the life of king lucie ) omit this figment of the arch flamines and flamines , ( which they say , was first invented wi●hout any ground by monu●etensis● ) and relate onely that lucius erected bishops and three arch bishops among us , but record not that it was done in imitation of the arch flamines or flamines , or that they were substituted in their places , and enjoyed their lands , and sees , as the former historians write . but this is no argument to disprove the premised authours , farre more in number , since these few historians silence of what sundry others record expressely , is no conviction of their falshood , seeing one may relate , what another pretermits , either out of brevity , ignorance , or negligence . wherefore in the second place x bishop godwin affirmes ; that there is nothing more absurd in this history , then the imagination of ●itting the sees of bishops and arch bishops , according to the place and number of flamines for sooth , and arch flamines of the pagans . a devise ( writes he ) so childish and ridiculous as i cannot but wonder , that any man of learning and judgement should approve it , and yet i perceive not ( saith he ) any that have gainsaid it before master sutcliffe , but contrariwise dive●s , both ancient and learned are to be found , that have partly broached and partly applauded the same ; among whom he reckons up two , especially ; fenestella de sacrif . rom. c. . and gratian distinct. . & . to confute whose mistakes he produceth these two reasons . first , that not so much as the name of proto flamin , or arch flamine is to be found in any authour or monument of credit , before gratians time . secondly , that it is manifest , that divers cities had many colledges of priests and consequently many flamines , which he proves at large . therefore it is not possible that there should be any manner of proportion at all , betweene our bishops and their flamines , they having divers flamines to almost every towne , and we one bishop not so much as for every whole shire . to which sir (y) henry spelman addes in the third place : that the flamines were no other but ordinary priests among the romanes , so called , a filo , quasi filamines , or a pilo , quasi pilamines : that every one of them received his name from the god hee served , as flamen dialis , flamen martialis , flamen quirinalis , vulcanalis , floralis , volturnalis , pomalis , furinalis , falacer , caesaris flamen , and the like . that none of these had any priestly jurisdiction over any certaine province , or did solely administer in any one cure , but that every cure or parish had two flamines at least set over it . neither were these subject to any superiour flamin who from thence might be called an arch - flamin or proto-flamin , ( whose names are no where to bee found among the ancients unlesse it be in fenestella , which author he proves to be spurious ) sed toti pontificum collegio , but to the whole colledge of pontifs , and to the chiefe priest that governed it , not to an arch-flamin : and though some flamines were called greater , others lesser , yet this ( writes he ) was not from their power , but from their antiquity , the three first being instituted by numa and the senators , the others afterwards by the people . admit then these their reasons true , that the flamines were but ordinary priests among the pagans , and not in nature of arch-bishops or bishops : that they were all of equall authority and had no jurisdiction one over another : that there were many of them in every city , and not one of them set over an whole city , much lesse a diocesse ; and that they were subject onely to the whole colledge of priests , and not to any arch - flamin , or proto-flamin : i● our arch-bishops and bishops bee derived from them , and successors to them in our island , as the first recited authors affirme ; this quite overturnes their archiepiscopall and episcopall , pretended jurisdiction over other ministers , and their sole episcopacy and jurisdiction in or over one city and province ; since the flamines were all equall , and many in each parish and city ; and directly proves , that there ought to be a parity betweene arch-bishops , bishops and our ministers now , and no disparity , because there was none among the flamines , & that no ministers ought to be subject to our arch-bishops and bishops but onely to the whole synod or convocation of presbyters , because the flamines were so : and that there ought to be not one sole , but many bishops of equall authority in every city , because it was so among the flamines their predecessor● , yea in the first christian churches , ( planted by the apostles ) as appeares by act. . . c. . . . phil. . . tit. . . . tim. . , jam. . . with other texts . if they be not these arch - flamines and flamines successors , as these last authors testifie , then i feare our prelates can hardly derive their pedegree as high as king lucius , nor yet certainely define at what time , or by whom arch-bishops and bishops were first erected in our island : for bishop godwin , ( who rejects the conceipt of king lucius his erecting of arch-bishops and bishops in steede of arch - flamines and flamines ) gives these three very probable reasons against his erecting of three arch-bishoprickes , and . bishoprickes in this isle , or any bishoprickes at all . first , because he saith and proves by histories , that lucius was never king of all britaine , but rather some petty king , or king happily of some principall part thereof ; therefore hee could not erect archbishoprickes and bishoprickes throughout the island , as the recited authors fable . secondly , because the multitude of bishops and bishoprickes sayd to be ordained at that time , seemeth unlikely , and that they had any fixed sees : for in the councell of arles in the yeare . mention is made of one restitutus a british bishop , not intituled to any certaine see , but onely called bri●anniarum episcopus ; and even so likewise after him fastidius , is mentioned by gennadius by the same stile , which being considered ( saith he ) together with the rare and seldome mention that we finde of brittish bishops , whose antiquities i have hun●ed a●ter with all diligence , i cannot but rest perswaded , that our brittaines had very few bishops untill the comming over of germanus and lupus to suppresse the pelagian heresie ; which after they had rooted out , the history of landaff saith , they consecrated bishops in many places of brittaine , and over all the brittaines dwelling on the right side of brittaine , they consecrated for arch-bishop , saint dubritius who was chosen for the supreame doctor by the king and all the diocesse : which dignity being bestowed upon him by germanus and lupus , they with the consent of maurice the king , the nobility , clergie and people , appointed his see to be at the manner of lantani , and founded his see there● this was about the yeare of christ . about which time also , or somewhat later , palladius , did first appoint bishops and ordaine bishoprickes in scotland , as buchanan hath delivered . upon these testimonies , i reason thus : if before these times we had so many bishops , and bishoprickes , how commeth it to passe , that in no monument whatsoever , wee finde any name or mention of any bishop of this land , saving some few that ( as we say ) had their see at london ? and if so many sees had beene furnished before , what occasion had germanus and lupus to consecrate so many bishops ( and erect new bishoprickes too ) as is before mentioned in the history of landaff ? thus bishop godwin argues , against the pretended first erection of our bishoprickes and arch-bishoprickes , most of which now extant , ( london onely excepted ) were erected long after king lucius reigne , (a) above . yeares after christ , and five of them in king henry the . his raigne ; so that william of malmesbury one of our most juditious writers , and the most diligent searcher out of the antiquities of our bishops sees , who writ the history of our bishop● and their sees above . yeares since could finde no arch-bishops see in our island ancienter than canterbury ( erected (b) about the the yeare of christ . or . ) and determines positively (c) ibi prima sedes archiepiscopi habteur , qui est totius angliae primas & patriarcha . caeterum ubi fuerit archi-episcopa●us ( if there were any such ) tempore britonum , cognitio l●hat , quia vetustas consumpsit nostri seculi memoriam ; whence our most diligent antiquary (d) sir henry spelman concludes thus , concerning the originall of our arch-bishops and bishops , ( the certaine time of whose primitive institution among us he cannot determine ) sufficit quidem , &c. truely it is sufficient that we had many bishops here , and some metropolitans ; either under lucius himselfe , or soone after his age , licet de ipsorum sedibus a●que numero lucide satis non constiterir ; although their sees and number doe not plainely enough appeare . so that upon the whole matter , when all things are throughly scanned , we can finde no undoubted bishops at all in our british church till restitutus his time , who was present at the councell of arles about the yeare of christ . and hee a bishop without any particular see or diocesse knowne onely by the name of britanniarum episcopus , as godwin writes ( though (e) others stile him civitate londinensi restitutus episcopus ) who for ought we finde had no presbyters at all under his jurisdiction , and was no more than an ordinary minister as the bishops in the apostles time were . act. . . . phi. . . tit. . . . and so by this computation , our church after the first preaching of the gospell among us continued without lord bishops and archbishops , about . yeares or more . and if she remained and flourished without bishops for so many yeares then , why may she not without any great soloecisme or prejudice remove , and flourish without them now ? yea , why should she not ( by the objecters owne argument from antiquity ) now quite abandon them , and set up a presbyteriall government without any scruple , since presbyters by some hundred● of yeares , are the ancientest , and those by which our church , and the church of scotland were first governed , for so long a space before any lord bishops were instituted in them ? secondly , grant our bishops as ancient as king lucius , yet these ancient bishops , no doubt , were farre different from ours . for first , i conceive it cannot be proved , that they had any diocesse , parishes or presbyters under them : for there was no division of parishes made in england (f) till archbishop theodores time , who first divided the province of canterbury into parishes about the yeare of christ . and for ought appeares they were no more than ordinary presbyters . secondly , they had no great but very small revenues , as appeares by three of the british bishops present at the councell of ariminum , under constantius , anno . who were so poore (g) that they were maintained at the emperours cost , inopia proprii publico usi sunt , cum collatam a caeteris collationem respuissent , sanctius putantes fiscum gravare , quam singulos . by the bishopricke of rochester , (h) putta and quichelmus the . and . bishops of this see , being forced to leave it through want and poverty ; and by other of our ancientest bishops , who lived commonly upon almes , or contribution , and had no temporall lands or possessions . thirdly , they had no stately palaces and cathedralls , as is evident by the first bishops of yorke and lindisfarne , who lived in i poore cottages , and had either no cathedralls a● all , or some built onely of wattle or boords , and covered over with reede ; stately stone churches being not in use among the britaines , scots , or irish , for many hundred yeares , as (k) bishop vsher proves out of beda , eccles. hist l. cap. . . and s. bernard in the life of malachy . therefore stone altars ( no doubt ) were not then in use , when as the very walls of their churches were but wattle or timber . fourthly , they had no stately coaches and palfryes as our lord bishops have , neither were they unpreaching , or rare-preaching prelates , but they went about the country on foote from place to place ( as (l) christ and his apostles did at first ) and preached the gospell to the people day by day : witnesse aidan the first bishop of lindisfarne ( now durham and a count palatine ) who purposely avoyding the pompe and frequency of yorke chose the little island of lindisfarne for his see , and for . yeares space together travelled up and downe the country 〈◊〉 , even (m) on foote , to preach the gospell to the people , not seeking nor having any thing in this world , and giving whatsoever he could get unto the poore : so (n) paulinus , the first arch-bishop of yorke for . dayes together never rested one moment , but either instructed the people by preaching that flocked continually about him , or else imparted christ unto them in baptisme , and that in the open field● and rivers , there being then no churches built . fifthly , they intermedled not with any secular affaires ; and when some began to tamper with them they made this canon in the (o) councell of cloueshow under cuthbert anno. . that bishops should follow their pastorall cure with their uttermost indeavour , and instruct the people with wholesome doctrine , and not addict themselves to secular affaires more than to gods s●rvice , as most of our lordly prelates doe now . sixthly , bishops in those dayes were not reputed very necessary nor usefull in the church : for after the death of (p) paulinus the first bishop of yorke , that see continued voyd of a bishop . yeares . so after the translation of mellitus to canterbury , anno. . that see continued voyd neere yeares : and how these and other bishoprickes have continued voyd in severall ages , . . . . . . . and . yeares together without any prejudice , i have (q) elsewhere manifested more at large . if then our bishoprickes may want bishops for so many yeares space without any inconvenience to our church ( when as no parish church by our (r) common , and the canon lawes , ought to be voyd above sixe moneths at most ) i presume by the selfe-same reason , our church may well subsist without for all future times , especially now when there are so many complaints and petitions against them , and so many bishoprickes voyde of prelates already . finally , in those primitive times , bishops were not so great but that some of them , were subject unto presbyters : for our venerable (s) beda informes us of an island in ireland , which in those dayes had an abbot presbyter for its governour , to whose jurisdiction the whole province , et etiam episcopi sunt subjecti , and even bishops themselves were subject , according to the example of the first teacher thereof , who was no bishop , but a presbyter and a monke . so the abbot of * glastonbury exempt from all episcopall jurisdiction , had a kinde of superiority above the bishop of bath and wells , which bishop by the charter of king ina , was bound with his clerkes at wells every yeare , ipsam matrem suam glastoniensem ecclesiam feria secunda post ascensionem domini cum litania recognoscere , to doe his homage to his mother church of glastonbury with a letany ; quod si superbia inflatus distulerit , and if he refused to doe it out of pride , then hee was to forfeite two houses which this king gave him . and in the (t) excerptions of egbert archbishop of yorke , anno. . i finde these canons of the fourth councell of carthage revived here among us , as ecclesiasticall lawes , that bishops and presbyters should have hospitiolum , a little cottage ( not a lordly palace ) neare the church . that the bishop in the church by the consent of the presbyters should set somewhat above them , but within the house , collegam presbyterorum se esse cognoscat , should know himselfe to be the colleague ( or companion ) of the presbyters . that a bishop should not ordaine clerkes without a councell of his presbyters . that a bishop should heare no mans cause without the presence of his clerkes , except the cause of confession , because a decree cannot be firme which shall not seeme to have the consent of many . all which considered , it is evident , that our bishops in those dayes had no lordly jurisdiction over other ministers , no such sole power of ordination and judicature as our present lord bishops now claime and exercise as their peculiar right . therefore their antiquity and episcopacy , can be no warrant at all for the lawfulnesse or continuance of our lordly prelacy . thirdly , admit our bishops as ancient as king lucius dayes , or there abouts , yet this is no good plea for their continuance . first , because our abbots , priors , monkes could make as good if not a better prescription for themselves as our lordly prelates , who can alleadge nothing for their continuance but what these either did or might have done when they were suppressed . for first our monkes , abbots , priors and their abbeyes were every way as ancient , if not elder then our lordly bishops and bishoprickes , the monkes and abbey of (v) glastonbury deriving their pedegree from ioseph of aramathea ( which church and abbey our writers call , prima ecclesia ; fons & origo totius religionis , &c. the first church , the fountaine and originall of all our religion . ) and many other of our other abbies [ as that of winchester , s. albans , westminster with others ] being ancienter than all or most of our bishoprickes . secondly , most of them were confirmed by more acts of parliament , bulls of popes , and charters of our kings , endowed with greater priviledges than any of our bishoprickes whatsoever , as is evident by the (x) charters , bulls , and exemptions , granted to glastonbury , saint albans , berry , redding , westminster , saint augustine , of canterbury , abingdon and w●●●●●●ster . thirdly , many of our abbots and priors , ( sometimes above an hundred ) were mitred , had episcopall iurisdiction , and sate in (y) parliament as barons and peers of the realme as well as bishops ; yet notwithstanding they were all (z) suppressed by acts of parliament even in time of popery , though double in number to our bishops ; therefore our bishops and bishoprickes being now found by long experience not onely unprofitable , but pernitious to our kings and state , as here i have manifested , and to our church , our religion , as our booke of martyrs largely demonstrates , may lawfully be extirpated , notwithstanding this plea of antiquity , as well as they . fourthly , the bishops in other reformed churches , could and did plead as large antiquity and prescription for their continuance , as our prelates doe : yet that could not secure them from dissolution , but these churches wholly suppressed them : therefore it is no good plea for us to continue our prelates ; yea , in my weake judgement it is an argument not for , but against our bishops continuance , that they have beene tolerated so long , since evils and grievances [ as our lordly prelates have ever beene to our church and kingdome ] are so much the more speedily and carefully to be suppressed , by how much the more inveterate and lasting they have beene . in a word , the government of our church by a presbytery hath beene more ancient , more profitable , and lesse prejudiciall to our state , kings , church , than the government of our lordly prelacy : therefore it is most reasonable that it should be revived , reestablished , and the prelacy suppressed . all which i hope , may suffice in answere to the first part of this grand objection , which hath stumbled many . to the second branch of it , touching the danger and inconvenience of this change in suppressing episcopacy . i answer : first , that there can bee no danger or inconvenience at all therein , because the people generally most earnestly desire , pray for , expect it , and have preferred many petitions to the high court of parliament to effect it . secondly , because all things are now prepared for this alteration , the wickednesse , misdemeanors , prophanenesse , superstition , oppression of our present prelates , with the great troubles and combustions they have raised in our church , our state , to their intolerable charge and molestation , deserve and call for this alteration ; the present constitution of our church , state , people : yea our correspondency with scotland , with other reformed churches requires it : the divisions and distractions in our church ( which in many wise mens apprehensions cannot be reconciled , nor any unity or uniformity in gods worship established among us without it ; ) call for it episcopacy being now growne such a roote of bitternesse , and wall of partition , as there is little hope of any unity , peace , or harmony in our church if it continue . thirdly , admit some petty inconveniences may arise by such an alteration and extirpation of episcopacy , yet these are nothing comparable for weight or number to those mischiefes which will certainely accrue by its continuance : since therefore of two evils the lesse is ever to be elected , it will bee farre more expedient to our church and state totally and finally to suppresse , then to support our lordly prelacy . and thus much for this capitall objection . the second allegation for the continuance of episcopacy is this , (a) that if bishops be taken away , we shall have nothing but sects , schismes , and divisions in our church , and almost as many religions as men . to this i answere . first ; that the tyranny , lordlinesse , prophanenesse , superstition and innovations of our prelates both in ceremones , doctrine , worship , have beene the originall , principall , if not onely cause of all those sects , divisions , and separations lately sprung up in our church ; for proofe of which i appeale onely to every mans conscience and experience , it being a most knowne undubitable truth : the removing therefore of our bishops ( the (b) cause of all our schismes and devisions ) must needes be a meanes of future peace and unity , not cause of schismes , or divisions in religion , as is vainely suggested . secondly , episcopacy it selfe is now a (c) maine ground of separation from our church , the great stumbling blocke which causeth many dayly to fall off from us , and hinders others from closing with us ; all other grounds of separation and division depending on , or arising from episcopacy . and unlesse this be removed , in my poore apprehension , there can be no hopes at all of any reconciliation of those who are fallen off from us , or keeping others from separation , but the rent will still grow greater , what ever course else be taken to effect a union . therefore questionlesse the abolishing of episcopacy cannot be a meanes of increasing schismes or divisions , but the best , and readiest way to remedy and prevent them . thirdly , saint (d) ierome and others informe us , that episcopacy was first instituted to prevent and extirpate schismes ; but it hath beene so farre from effecting this , that it hath on the contrary occasioned all or most of those (e) schismes and divisions that ever happened in the church of god since its first institution , both at home and abroad , as is evident by all ecclesiasticall histories , by the severall schismes of the popes and other prelates in forraigne parts ; of canterbury , yorke , and other lordly prelates at home , which if god send life and opportunity , i shall irrefragably manifest in a peculiar treatise of that subject , if there be occasion . it cannot be then , but that their suppression should rather remedy than procure sects and schismes . fourthly , in the reformed churches of france , and geneva , where there are no bishops , there are no sects , or schismes at all , or at least not so many as where there are bishops . and though im germany and the netherlands there bee many sects , yet this is not through want of bishops , but by reason of the connivance of the temporall magistrates who permit them , and wil neither suppresse them themselves , nor suffer their presbyteries to doe it , out of i know not what state policy , permitting all religions and sects . fifthly , our bishops ever since the reformation , and before , have beene the greatest opposers and hinderers of the reformation of those abuses and fooleries , the introducers and maintainers of those ceremonies and superstitions which have beene the grand occasions of schismes and separation . how often have pluralities , non-residence , abuses of excommunication , ex officio oathes and proceedings , visitation , fees and extortions , abuses of ecclesiasticall courts and processes , selling of orders , of licenses to preach , keepe schoole , and the like , commutations of penance , admission of prophane and scandalous persons to the sacrament , toleration of scandalous , superstitious , lasie , non-preaching , rare-preaching and insufficient ministers , altars , images , tapers , cathedrall chaunting and musicke , bowing at altars , and to the name jesus , with those superfluous ceremonies of the crosse , ring , surplesse , and kneeling at the sacrament , which scandalize many , and may be better omitted than retained , beene complained against from time to time in parliament and elsewhere , without any the least redresse or reformation ; and all by reason of our prelates obstinacy , who peremptorily maintaine , and will not suffer them to be either amended or removed to the glory of god , the honour of our religion , the satisfying of tender consciences , the peace of our church and state ; and doe they not now in this present parliament , which threatens ruine to their lordly chaires , oppose with all their might● the reformation of all or most of those corruptions which are the occasions of our schismes and distractions ? yea did they not in their late new canons , in affront of the whole parliament and kingdome , not onely justifie , but establish as much as in them lay , and that for perpetuity , all those innovations , extravagances and grievances which were chiefe occasions of our late unhappy divisions , and of many thousands separations from our church ? this being then an experimentall knowne ●ruth , the removing of these incorrigible prelates , who will neither refo●me themselves , nor suffer any abuses in our church to be redressed , must of necessity be the onely cure of our ren●s and divisions for the present , and the best meanes to prevent them for the future . sixthly , i appeale to all indifferent men , whether schismes and diversities in matters of religion may not be better prevented , suppressed by good lawes , by godly magistrates and ministers , specially authorized to suppresse them , than by a company of corrupt prelates and their officers , who for their owne private lucre ( as experience manifests ) will bee content to tolerate , and connive at any erronious doctrines , sects and schismes ( especially papists and arminians , the chiefe patriots and supporters of their hierarchy ) but those who directly oppose their prelacy and corruptions , as ●hose they nickename puritanes doe , who shall be sure to smart and feele the bishops severity to the uttermost , how ever others scape . if so ; then i hope there is no neede at all to continue our lordly prelates to suppresse these mischiefes , which may be better reformed , and suppressed by others , than by our bishops and their officers . i shall conclude this point with the words of learned * antonie sadeel , in his answere to turrian the jesuite , who made the same objection for the defence and continuance of bishops , as our prelates doe here . i answere in few words , that this superiour degree of bishops is an ancien● , but yet onely a humane institution , whereby the pious ancients intended to prevent schismes . and although perchance considering those times , this remedy was not unusefull , yet experience hath taught us , that these good fathers while they desired to shun● charybdis , fell into scylla . for the ambition of prelates which followed soone after , was no lesse pernicious to the church than those schismes . and to speake truely : this was the most perniciovs schisme of all others , when a divorce was made from the parity and true doctrine of the gospell , and the spirituall discipline of the church changed into a kinde of regall authority , and terrene power . this i hope will abundantly answere this second objection for episcopacy . the last objection is this . that by the statute of . r. . cap. . (f) bishops are declared to be profitable and necessary to our lord the king and to all his realme , and that by the removall of them the realme should be destitute of counsell . that they are (g) one of the greatest states of the land● setled by many acts of parliament , which cannot well be held without them . that the removall of them will breede a great confusion both in the common and statute law ; and that the king is sworne to defend and protect them to his power : therefore it must needes be dangerous and inconvenient to remove them . this objection consists of severall heads , to all which i shall give a particular answer , with as much brevity as may bee . first , for the words of the statute of richard the d. i doubt not but they were inserted into that act by the bishops themselves , or by their procurement , who ought not to be trumpeters of their owne prayses , nor witnesses in their owne cause . secondly , i hope the premised histories of their treasons , rebellions , oppressions , and desperate counsells in all times , will manifestly declare the contrary to this act , that bishops are neither necessary , nor profitable to the king , nor to all his realme , but pernicious to both , and that the kingdome will be no wayes destitute of counsell if they should ●e removed , especially in our dayes when there are so many learned lords , lawyers , and gentlemen of all sorts , to counsell and advise his majestie in all state affaires . thirdly , the prelates in this very king ricard the second his time , were so farre from being profitable and necessary to him , as their lord and king , and to all his realme , that some of them were the chiefe men that miscounselled him , as appeares by the statut● of . r. . c. ● . . which recites ; that for cause of great and horrible mischiefes and perills , which were fallen by evill governance which was about the kings person by all his time before , by alexander late arch-bishop of yorke , thomas bishop of chichester and other their adhaerents , thereby the king and all his realme were very nigh to have beene wholly undone and destroyed , for which cause these prelates were attainted , removed from the king , and their lands confiscated by this act. and the residue of them were the principle agents that opposed , deprived , and thrust him ( as they did king edward the second before him ) from his crowne and royall dignity , as appeares by the premises . now if this were to be profitable and necessary to our soveraigne lord the king , let all men judge . how necessary they were to all the kingdome in his time , let the histories of this kings life , and the treasons of arch-bishop arundell , fore related declare . how well they used the people and their tenants , you may see by a commission granted about this time , to enquire of ●he bishop of winchesters oppressions and abuses of the kings people , recorded in the register of writs , part . f. . b. * rex vicecomiti salutem . ex clamosis quer●mon●is diversorum hominum de comitatu tuo ad nostium saepius pervenit auditum , quod a episcopus wintoniensis , nec no● ballivi , c●nstabulari● & alii ministri & servientes ipsius episcopi , plu●imas & diversas oppressiones , extortiones , duritias , damna , excessus , & gravamina intolerabilia , dictis ●ominibus in diversis partibus comita●us praedicti , tam infra liber●ates quam extra multipliciter & diversimode intulerunt , & de die in diem inferre non desistunt , plures de dictis hominibus vi & armis multotiens verberando , vulnerando , eosque capiendo , imprisonando , & in prisona forti & dura super terram nudam & absque alimento , fame , frigore , & nuditate fere ad mortem cruciando , & eos in prisona ●ujusmodi , donec fines & redemptiones ad voluntatem suam fecerint , null● modo deliberari permittendo , nec non domos quorundam hominum hujusmodi vi armata , & bona & catalla sua capiendo & asportando , eosdemque uxores & servientes suos verberando , vulnerando , & male trac●ando , & hominibus super hujusmodi duri●iis conqueri volentibus in tantum comminando , quod iidem homines in hundredis & aliis curiis dicti episcopi vel alibi negocia sua inde prosequi metu mortis non sunt ausi , & alia hujusmodi mala , damna , & excessus inhumaniter indies perpetrando , in nostri dedecus & contemptum , & populi nostri partium praedictarum destructionem & depressionem manifestam , unde plurimum conturbamur , nos oppressiones , dur●●ias damna & excessus ac gravamina praedicta , si perpetrata fuerint nolente● relinquere impunita , volentesque salvationi & quieti dicti populi nostri in hac parte prospicere ut tenemur , assignavimus dilectis & fidelibus nostris , &c. sciri poterit , de oppressionibus , exto●tionibus , duritiis , damnis & gravaminibus praedictis , per dictos episcopum , ballivos , constabularios , ministros & servientes suos & alios quoscunque de confederatione sua in hac parte existentes qualitercunque perpetratis , & de praemissis omnibus & singulis plenius veritatem , & ad querelas omnium & singulorum pro nobis vel prose ipsi● inde conqueri & prosequi volentium , nec non ad praemissa omnia & singula tam ad sectam nostram quam aliorum quorumcunque audiendum & terminandum secundum legem & consuetudinem regni nostri angliae , et ideo ti●i praecipimus quod ad certos &c. quos , &c. tibi scire facias , venire facias coram , &c. tot & tales probos & legales homines de balliva tua tam infra libertates quam extra , per quos rei ver●tas in praemissis melius sciri poterit & inquiri , et habeas , &c. for their profitablenesse and necessary use in our church in that kings raigne , let the statute of . r. . c. . * surreptitiously procured by t●e prelates , and complained against by the commons the next parliament , and with severall bloody persecutions of the true christians● in that age under the name of lollards by william caurtney , thomas arundell and other our prelates ( related at large by master fox in his acts and monuments ) testifie to the world . for mine owne part i could never yet finde any good at all that our lordly prelates ever did in our church or state , quatenus prelates . if any o● them have done any good by their preaching and writing ( as some of them have , which is rare , ) i answere , that the most of them who have done any good in this kind , did it not as , or whiles they were p●elates , but as , or whiles they were private men , their episcopacy making none of them to preach , or write more than otherwise they would have done , but lesse , as experience manifests . so that their bishoprickes made them not to doe more good , but rather hindred them to doe so much good as they would have done , had they still continued private ministers onely . for the second , that they are one of the greatest states of the land , setled by many acts of parliament , and necessary members of the parliament , which cannot well be held without them . i answere , first , that our lord abbots and priors might and did pleade this as well as bishops , yet this was held no plea at all , no not in times of popery , and shall we allow it now in times of clearer light ? secondly , the wohle body of popery it selfe , together with the pope , his popish clergie , orders and ceremonies were all setled among us by sundry acts of parliament , and the statutes of magna charta , c. . with all (g) other acts of parliament since , enacting , that holy church , ( or the church of england ) bishops and churchmen shall enjoy● all their ●ranchises , rights , liberties , priviledges , & c● are meant onely of our popish prelates , abbots , priors , monks nunnes , masse-priests ; and of exemption from secular jurisdiction , sanctuaries , with other anti-monarchicall priviledges granted to them by kings , popes , or parliaments in times of popery ? shall then our popish recusants or any other argue thence , therefore it is fit that popery , with all popish orders , bishops , sanctuaries , and exemptions should be now revived and perpetuated among us , because established by so many lawes ? if this be no argument for the continuance of popery , or popish prelates , who were principally established by these objected lawes , then certainely it can be no good plea for the continuance of such of our prelates who are true protestants , whom most of these acts never established , nor intended to continue . thirdly , it is a rule in philosophy and law , eodem modo quo quid constituitur , dissolvitur : since therefore our lordly bishops were first erected and constituted such bishops and states of the land by acts of parliament onely , not by any divine institution , which prohibits them all such secular lordly soveraignty , and dominion , as i have largely manifested in the premises , they may lawfully without any injury or inconvenience , by an act of parliament , be unbishopped , unlorded againe , and thrust out of our church as well as the pope , abbots , priors , monkes and masse-priests were , upon the reformation of religion , both at home and in forraine parts . as for our prelates necessity of sitting in parliament ; i answer . first , that though they have beene anciently admitted to ●it in parliament , yet there is no necessity of their sitting there , seeing it hath beene long since resolved , and bishop iuell , with bishop bilson , confesse and prove at large , that a parliament may be , and some parliaments have beene kept without bishops , as i have h formerly demonstrated . secondly , many ●imes all , some , or a great part of our bishops have beene secluded the parliament , and yet this hath beene no impeachment to the proceedings there . in the parliament 〈◊〉 i saint edmonds-bury , anno . all the bishops were brought in a premunire , and secluded the house . in king edward the sixt his time , k stephen gardner bishop of winchester , and bonner bishop of london were sequestred and kept out of the house : in the first yeare of q●eene mary all the married protestant bishops ; and in the first of queene elizabeth , many of the popish prelates were secluded and thrust out of the parliament . yea , many parliaments have beene held when one , or both the arch-bishoprickes , with many other bi●hoprickes have beene voyd , and no proxies admitted to supply their places : all which proves , that there is no necessity of their session there , and that all of them may be excluded thence at all times as well as all of them at sotimes , and most of them at others . thirdly , our bishops sit not in the parliament , bishops● but as they a●e (l) barons , and hold by barony , as is cleere both by our histories , law bookes , and their owne confessions : now most of them at this day are no barons , nor hold of the king by barony ; therefore they have no legall right to sit there , being no peers of the realme nor yet to be tryed by their peers in case of treason or felony , but onely by an ordinary jury , as hath been adjudged in our law bookes , & practised in point of experience . fourthly , (m) abbots and priors who were spirituall lords of parliament as well as bishops , and more than treble in number to them , have beene long since suppressed and cast out of the house without any prejudice : therefore bishops by the same reason may be suppressed and put out of parliament without any inconvenience , being sewer in number ●han they . fifthly , in cases of (n) felony and treason , the bishops by their owne lawes and practise neither are nor ought to be present in the house , nor to give any vote at all but onely the temporall lords ; and in cases of lands and possessions , or in passing of lawes for the civill government of the realme , they have no judiciary nor legislative power at all , as bishop bilson and others (o) forecited prove at large ; therefore their session in parliament is not necessary nor expedient by way of vote . sixthly , the temporall lords and prelates make but one house , and if all the bishops be dead or absent , or if present , if all the temporall lords vote one way , and the bishops , the lesser number , another : the vote is good . therefore their presence and votes in parliament are nor simply necessary , and may be spared withou● any mischiefe or inconvenience . seventhly , if reason might determine this con●roversie , i suppose every man will grant , that it is farre more necessary , reasonable , and expedient , that the judges , sergeants , and kings councell , learned in the lawes of the realme , and best able to descide all legall controversies , and to make good lawes to redresse all mischiefes , should have votes in parliament than bishops ; yet we know they have no votes at all by way of descition , because no barons nor peers of the realm , but onely by way of direction and advice , when their judgements are demanded . why then our bishops ( especially those who are no barons , as few or none of them are ) should not now be ranked in equipage with the judges , and have no other but a directive , not voting , descitive or legislative voyce in parliament , i thinke no reason can be given ; and indeede many thinke there is little reason why they should have any votes at all , since ancient , that i say not present , experience manifests , that they crosse or oppose all , or most good bills , and motions , for the advancement of religion and reformation of ecclesiasticall abuses ; and for the most part vote with the popish lords , or worser side against the better ; and so by pope (p) gregory his owne rule , approved by (q) bishop iewel , ought to lose their priviledge of voting : quia privilegium meretur amittere , qui abutitur potestate . now whereas some object that if the bishops were put out of the upper house of parliament , the clergie could not grant subsidies to the king. i answere , it is a most grosse mistake , for the clergie ever grant their subsidies in the convocation , not in the lords house , and if the major part of the clerkes in convocation grant subsidies without the bishops , and then send their bill by which they grant them , to the commons and lords house to be confirmed , ( as they usually doe ) if the commons and temporall lords , without the bishops passe it , this , with the kings royall assent , will binde all the clergie and bishops too . so as their presence and votes in parliament is no wayes necessary for the granting of subsidies . wherefore they may be thence excluded without any prejudice to the king or subject , if not with great benefit unto both . for the third clause of the objection ; that the removall of them will breede a great confusion in the common and statute law. i answere , first , that the same objection might have beene made for the continuance of the pope , and popery ; yea against the severall statutes for creating estate tayles , levying of fines , vses , devises , ioyntures , and the like , which bred greater alterations in the common and former statute lawes , than the removing of bishops can doe . secondly , that one act of parliament , ●nabling certaine commissioners to execute all those legall acts which bishops usually did , will prevent all this pretended confusion ; so that this part of the objection is scarce worthy answere . for the fourth clause , that the king by his coronation oath , is sworne to preserve to the bishops and their churches all their canonicall priviledges , and to protect and defend to his power the bishops and churches under his government . i answere , first , that this oath was at first cunningly devised and imposed on our kings by our bishops themselves , out of a policy to engage our princes to maintaine them in their usurped authority ; possessions , and jurisdictions , which had no foundation in the scripture , and to captivate our kings to their pleasures , as the popes by such a kind of oath enthralled the emperours to their vassallage . secondly , that this oath was first invented by popish prelates , and meant onely of them and their popish church and priviledges , and so cannot properly extend to our prelates if protestants . thirdly , this oath doth no way engage the king to defend and maintaine our bishops , if the parliament see good cause to extirpate them . for as the king and judges who are obliged by their oathes to maintaine and execute all the lawes of the realme , are not bound by their oath to continue former inconvenient lawes from alteration , or repeale , or to execute them when repealed , for then all ill lawes should be unalterable and irrepealeable : so the king by this his oath , is no wayes obleiged to defend , protect , and preserve the bishops , if there be good cause in point of piety and policy to suppresse them , especially when any of them prove delinquents : for as bishops and other subjects by their misdemeanours may (r) put themselves out of the kings protection , and forfeite both their goods , lives , and estates , notwithstanding this coronation oath ; so by the same reason when bishops ( and bishoprickes , by their misdemeanours ) prove intolerable grievances both to church and state ( as now they have done ) they have thereby deprived themselves of the kings protection and de●ence specified in this oath● and thereupon may be justly suppressed by the king and state , without the least violation of this most solemne oath , as abbots , monkes , and sanctuaries were . having thus removed all the principall objections for the continuance of our lordly prelates ; i shall in the last place answere one evasion whereby our present lord bishops thinke to shift off this antipathy from themselves , as having no relation at all to them ; they (s) say , that those prelates whose treasons , rebellions , seditions , oppressions , and antimonarchicall practises , i have here collected , were popish bishops , limbes of that body whose head they all abjure ; the fault of their wickednesse was in the popery , not in the episcopacy , in the men , not the calling ; and so utterly unconcerneth them , and haveth no reflection at all on them , who are generally taxed for being excessive royalists , and siding too much with the king and court. to this i answere , first , that most of all the premised rebellious , disloyall , seditious , extravagant actions of our bishops have proceeded from them onely as lordly , not popish prelates , and issued from their episcopacy , not their popery , their prelaticall functions , not personall corruptions , as the histories themselves sufficiently demonstrate . secondly , i answer , that some of the recited bishops were no papists but protestants , who were no limbes of that body of rome , whose head our bishops say they have abjured therefore it is evident , that their episcopall function , not their religion , was the ground both of their disloyalties and extravagancies . thirdly , i suppose our prelates will not renounce arch-bishop laud , bishop wren , peirce , mountague , and other of their fellow bishops yet alive , or lately dead , as popish prelates , and members of the church of rome , as some account them : yet their impious , seditious , oppressive , prophane , not trayterly actions , equall or exceede many of our popish arch-bishops and bishops , as he that will but compare them may easily discerne . it is not then the leaven of popery , but of the lordly prelacy it selfe which infected our bishops , and made them so treacherous and impious in all ages . it is true indeed , that popery ( some of whose (t) positions are treasonable ; and seditious ) and dependency upon the pope , hath made some of our bishops more disloyall and rebellious than otherwise they would have beene , as is evident by the first proceeding of stephen langhton and his confederates against king iohn ; (v) but yet afterward when the pope sided with king iohn and henry the third , against langton , and the other bishops , who stirred up the barons warres , these bishops continued as trayterous and rebellious to these kings as ever they were before whiles they adhered to the pope , and the pope to them ; therefore their hierarchy ( the cause of all these stirs ) not their popery was the ground worke of their treachery and enormities . now because our present prelates boast so much of their loyalty to his majestie , whose absolute civill royall prerogative , they have lately overmuch courted and endeavored to extend beyond due limits to the impeachment of the lawes and subjects hereditary liberties , not out of any zeale to his majesties service , but onely to advance their owne episcopall power and jurisdiction , and to usurpe a more than royall or papall authority over all his majesties subjects for the present , and over himselfe at last ; i shall make bold to present them with some particular instances , whereby i shall demonstrate , that all or most of our present lordly bishops have beene more seditious , contumacious , disloyall and injurious to his majesties royall prerogative , more oppressive to his loyall subjects , and more destructive to the fundamentall lawes of the realme , and liberties of the subject , than all other professions of men whatsoever . for first , they have presumed to keepe consistories , visitations , synods , and exercise all manner of episcopall jurisdiction in their diocesse without his majesties speciall letters patents , or commissions under the great seale of england , authorizing them to doe it , contrary to the statutes of . hen. . c. . . hen. . c. . ed. . c. . . eliz. c. . eliz. c. . and . eliz. c. . secondly , they have dared to make out all their processes , citations , excommunications , suspensions , sentences , probates of wills , letters of administation , writs of iure patronatus , accounts of executors , and the like in their owne names and stiles , and under their owne seales alone , not the kings , as if they were the onely kings , the supreame ecclesiasticall heads and governours of the church of england , not his majesty , contrary to the statutes of . h. . c. . ed. . c. . eliz. c. . jac. c. . thirdly , they have presumed in (x) printed bookes to justifie these proceedings to be lawfull ; and not content herewith , they have most audaciously caused all the judges of england to resolve , and moved his majestie to d●clare and proclaime these their disloyall unjust usurpations on his crowne to be just and legall ; when as i dare make good the contrary , against all the prela●es and lawyers of england , and have done it in part , in my breviate of the prelates intolerable incroachments upon the kings prerogative royall and the subjects liberties . this resolution of ●he judges against the kings prerogative the prelates have caused to be (y) ●nrolled both in the high commission at lambeth and yorke and in all their ecclesiasticall courts throughout england in perpetuam rei memoriam , the arch-bishop of canterbury keeping the originall certificate of the judges among the records of his court , as a good evidence against his majesty and his successors . fourthly , they have pillored , stigmatized , banished , close imprisoned , and cut off the eares of those who have opposed these their encroachments upon his majesties prerogative royall , according to their oath and duty , to deterre all others from defending his majesties title . fifthly , they have taken upon them to make , print and publish in their owne names , by their owne authorities , without his majesties or the parliaments speciall license , new visitation oathes , articles , injunctions , canons , ordinances , rites , and ceremonies ; enforced them on ministers , church wardens , sidemen and others , and excommunicated , suspended , silenced , f●ned , imprisoned and persecuted his majesties faithfull , and loyalest subjects for not submitting to them , contrary to the statutes of . h. . c. . . . h. . c. . ed. . c. . . eliz. c. . eliz. c. . magna charta , c. . and the petition of right . sixthly , they have presumed to grant licenses to marry without banes , and to eate flesh on fasting dayes in their owne names ; a prerogative peculiar to the king alone ; who onely can dispense with penall lawes , and the booke of common prayer , which (z) enjoyne no marriages to be solemnized , unlesse the banes be first thrice asked in the church . seventhly , they have adventured to hold plea of divers cases in their consistories of which the conusance belongs onely to the kings temporall courts ; which the formes of pro●ibitions , and ad iura regia in the (a) register , determine , to be a dis-inheriting of the kings crowne and royall dignity , a contempt , derogation , and grievous prejudice to his royall authority , and intolerable rebellion , affront , disloyalty and contu●acy to his soveraigne iurisdiction . eighthly , they have stopped the current of the kings owne prohibitions to their ecclesiasticall spitefull courts , in cases where they have beene usually granted in former ages , even in times of popery , and of the most domineering prelates ; and oft questioned , threatned , convented the kings judge● before the king and lords of the councell for granting them . an insolency and affront to soveraigne justice , which no former ages can parallell . ninthly , they have disobeyed his majesties prohibitions , proceeded in contempt and despite of them ; yea they have committed divers to prison who have sued for , and delivered prohibitions in a faire dutifull manner in the high commission court , and articled against one mr. iohn clobery in the high commission , onely for suing out of a prohibition to that court , as if it were a capitall o●fence . for which contum●cy and rebellion their temporalities might bee justly seised into the kings hands , and themselves attainted in a pre●unire adde to this , that the now archbishop of canterbury hath many times openly protested in court ; that he would breake both the necke and backe of prohibitions . (b) and matthew wren whilst bishop of norwich , in the . yeare of his m●jesties reigne , procured his majestie to declare under his highnesse great seale of england , his royall pleasure ; that if any person within the sayd city of norwhich should refuse to pay according to the rate of two shillings the pound in lieu of the tithes of houses , unto the minister of any parish within the sayd city , that the same should be heard in the court of chancery , or in the consistory of the bishop of norwich . and that in such case no prohibition should be granted against the said bishop of norwich their chancellors , or commissaries in the sayd courts of consistory . tenthly , they h●ve disobeyed and contemned his majesties just and lawfull-commands , in a most p●remptory and insolent manner , of which i shall give onely one memorable instance . his majesty about the yeare of our lord . taking notice of the bishops non-residence from their bishoprickes , and how they lived for the most part idlely in london , hunting after new prefe●ments , to the ill example of the in●erior cl●rgi● , the delapidation and ruine of their mansion houses , the decay of hospitality , the impairing of their woods and temporalties , the increase of popery and decrease of religion ; was pleased to send a letter to doctor abbot , then arch-bishop of canterbury for the redresse of the sayd inconveniences , commanding him in his royall name , to enjoyne every bishop then residing about london , upon his canonicall obedience , under paine of his majesties displeasure forthwith to repaire to his bishopricke , and no longer to abide about london . the arch-bishop hereupon , sends his secretary with this his majesties letter , to the bishops then in london and westminster ; charging them upon their canonical obedience , according to this letter , presently to depart to their several bishoprickes . his secretary repaired with this letter and the arch-bishops instructions to dr howson , the bp of durham lodging on snowhill , neare sepulchers church , and required him in the arch-bishops name by vertue of his canonicall obedience , to repaire to his bishoprick according to his majesties command . he hereupon in a great rage giving the secretary some harsh words , told him plainly , that he neither would nor could obey this mandate , for he had many great suits in law with sr henry martyn , and others , of which be would ●ee an end ere he departed london ; besides he had not as yet furnished his house at durham , for his entertainment , that it was a great way to durham , the wayes somewhat foule , the weather cold , and ●imself aged ; wherefore he neither would nor could goe out of towne till the next summer , if then , come what would : and bid him returne this answere to the arch-bishop . neither could the secretary ( who perswaded him to send a milder answere , and to sue to his majestie for license to abide in towne ) obtaine any other resolution from this cholericke prelate . from him he repaired to doctor buckeridge , bishop of ely , at ely house in holburne , acquainting him with this his majesties letter , and commanding him by his majesties order upon his canonicall obedience , to repaire forthwith to his bishopricke , according to his majesties command . but this dutifull prelategrew more cholericke than the former , answering him to this effect : let who would obey this command , yet he would not : what , sayd he , have i lately bestowed almost . l. in repairing and furnishing my house , here in london , to make it fit for my habitation , and must i now be commanded to depart from it , and sent into the cold wa●●y rotten fens of ely , to impaire my health and kill me up quite ? i will not be so served nor abused . and therefore tell your lord from me , that i take it ill ●e should send me such a command , and that i will not goe from my house to ely for his or any other mans pleasure . the secretary thereupon desired his lordship to take notice , that it was his majesties pleasure he should depart to his bishopricke , as well as the arch-bishops , who did no more than he was enjoyned by the king , whose mandate hee hoped his lordship would obey , however he neglected or disobeyed the arch-bishops command , which yet was not to be slighted , being his metropolitan . in conclusion , the bishop told him plainely , he would obey neither the one nor other , and that he would not stirre out of london all the winter till the spring , if then . the secretary wondring at these two bishops strange disobedience , and contumacy both in words and deeds , departes from them to bishop harsnet , and bishop field , with his letter and instructions , who gave him the like answers in effect , though in calmer termes , not one of them stirring from london , either upon the kings letter , or arch-bishops command , for all their oath of allegiance to the king , and of canonicall obedience to the arch-bishop . if then these late prelates have beene so rebellious , so contumacious , both against his majesties and their metropolitanes commands , when they required them onely to reside on their bishoprickes , as the law of god , the statutes of the realme , the canons of the church in all ages , yea the very canon law it selfe , enjoyne them to doe , under paine of mortall sinne ; what rebels , and disobedient varlets would they have proved , thinke you , in matters and commands lesse reasonable ? eleventhly , our prelates have beene strangely rebellious , contumacious , and disloyall above all other subjects , in slighting , vilifying , affronting the kings owne letters patents , and frustrating his subjects of the benefit of them . thus doctor young deane of winchester was put by the mastership of saint crosses , though granted him by patent , that doctor lewis , who left his provostship in oriel colledge in oxford with other preferment , and fled into france for buggery as was reported ; might be thrust in . so doctor manwering , publickely censured in parliament for a seditious sermon , and made uncapable of any preferment , by the sentence of the house , was immediately after the parliament ended , thrust into a living of three hundred pound per annum , by our prelates ; and hee who had the grant of the next advowson by patent put by . thus divers others have beene thrust by such places as the king himselfe hath granted them by patent by our omnipotent prelates , to advance those of their own saction , yea one of them hath not stucke to say , that had the king himselfe granted a patent for the execution of writs of capias excommunicatum to some who had long sued for it , that he would make the king recall it , or in case he would not , he would withstand and not obey it . nay , we know , that though the lord majors of london , by patent , and prescription time out of minde , as the kings leiutenants and vicegerents , have used to carry up their swords before them in pauls church-yard and church , yet a proud ambitious prelate , not long since● questioned him for doing it before the lords of the privie councell , as if the kings sword of iustice , had nothing to doe within that precinct but onely the bishops crosier . neither hath the city of yorke scaped scotfree : for the bishops and pre●ends of that city have contested with the citizens of yorke , even in his majesties presence , about those liberties which both his majestie himselfe but five yeares before , and his royall ancestors had anciently granted to them , by severall charters in expresse words ; endeavouring to nullifie and repeale their patent , and caused the major of yorke not to beare his sword within the close , as he and his predecessors had usually done , ( and that by speciall charter ) from richard the seconds time , till of late . since that the now arch-bishop of canterbury hath had contests with the university of cambridge touching their charters and priviledges which must all stop to adore his greatnesse , contesting even before the king and lords with that universitie and oxford too , whether he as arch-bishop , or his majestie as king , should be their visitor . now what greater affront almost can there be to royall majestie , than thus publikely to nullifie , oppose and spurne under feete the kings owne charters and patents , as things of no value or moment . twelfthly , they have most contemptuously affron●ed his majesties owne late royall declarations to all his loyall subjects , both before the . articles of religion , & concerning the dissolution of the last parliament , in the very highest degree , and that , first , in their court sermons before his majesties face . secondly , in bookes lately written , or publickely authorized by them and their chaplaines for the presse . thirdly , by their visitation oathes and articles . fourthly , by their late injunctions , censures , orders and instructions , by , and in all which they have notoriously oppugned , innovated , altered both the established doctrine and discipline of the church of england sundry wayes , caused an apparent back●liding to arminianisme , popery , superstition , schisme , oppressed and grieved his majesties good subjects , and deprived many of them both of their livings , liberties , and freedome of their consciences , contrary to the expresse provision , letter and purport of these his majesties royall decla●ions , as hath beene lately manifested in sundry new printed bookes , and voted by the present parliament . thi●teenthly , they have caused some grand juries , and the judge himselfe as well as the prosecutor , to be pursevanred into the high commission , onely for finding a verdict upon an indictment for the king● against innovating clergie men , as they were bound to doe both in law and conscience . witnesse the case of master aske , late recorder of colchester , mr. burroughs , and the grand jury of that towne , who were thus vexed for finding an indictment against par●on newcoman , for refusing to deliver the sacrament to those who came not up to his new raile . and no doubt the bishops secret commands and instructions , were the originall cause that moved sir * robert berkely knight , one of the judges of the kings bench at the generall sessions at har●ford in ianuary . . to fine mr. henry browne , one of the grand jury men at that sessions , and lay him in irons one night , onely for finding an indictment for rayling in the communion table at hartford altar-wise , which indictment he caused the said brown openly to teare & trample under his feete , and one tha● stayed other indictments of this nature , in high affront bo●h o● law and justice , onely to please the prela●es , whose commands , threates , and persecutions , have beene the originall causes of most of the judges irregular proceedings . fourteenthly , they have not onely cited , but censured some of his majesties officers in the high-commission , for executing his lawes according to their oath and duty , as the major of arundell for punishing a drumken minister : and likewise ci●ed mr. staple a justice of peace in sussex into the high-co●mission for giving in charge at the quarter sessions his 〈…〉 against innovations , and deaucht clergie men . fift●●n●hly●●hey have most unjustly caused some posters to be ●●opped af●●r ●●●dicts ●ound for the plaintiffes and dammages given by ●he jury upon ●ul● hearing , for actions justly bro●ght agai●s● 〈◊〉 of ●h●ir officers , for dafamations , and other 〈…〉 , so that the plaintiffes could never get judgement● w●●nesse ●he case of master bayton , against doctor martyn com●●ssary of tomes and others . sixtee●●hly , they haue caused some solliciters , atturnies and pla●n●iffes to be imprisoned , untill they gave over such just actions as they had commenced and prosecuted against their office●s , for extortions , opressions , and unjust excommuni●ations , witnesse the case of ferdinando adams , whose atturny master letchford was committed to the kings bench , by judge iones and some other judges , only for bringing an action of the case , against dade the the bishop of norwich , commissary at ipswich for excommunicating him maliciously and unjustly , because he re●used to blot out this text of scripture written over the commissaries court in saint maries church in ipswich , it is written , my house shall be called an house of prayer of all nations , but ye have made it a den of theeves : detaining him in prison till he gave over the prosecution and discontinued the suite : sundry others having since beene served in this kinde , by the prelates sollicitation . seventeenthly , they have beene the originall occasions of the late unhappy warre and differences betweene scotland and england , which they stiled bellum episcopale , the bishops warre , to which they liberally contributed themselves , and enforced others to do the like , when these differences were comprimised , and this warre happily concluded in peace , they were the chiefe authors of the breach of the pacifica●ion formerly made , and of a second warre , to the great danger , trouble , and unsupportable charge o● his majesties three kingdomes . eighteenthly , they have beene the prime causes of all , or most of the grievances , pressures , distractions , schismes in our church and common-weale , and chiefe instruments of the unhappy breaches of our former parliaments , to the infinite prejudice both of king and subject . ninteenthly , when as they had caused the last parliament but this to be dissolved , to manifest their omnipotency , disloyalty and tyranny , they caused a new convocation to be immediately assembled without a parliament , wherein they compiled and prescribed new canons , with an &c. oath , tending highly to the derogation of his majesties prerogative royall in ecclesiasticall matters , the subversion of the ●undamentall lawes of the realme and liberties of the subject , the affront of parliaments , the suppression of all faithfull ministers , and ayming onely at the perpetuating of their owne episcopall lordly power , and popish innovations . and as if this were not sufficient , they tooke upon them to grant sundry subsidies without a parliament , for the maintenance of a new war against the scots , and enjoyned all ministers to pay these subsidies peremptorily at the dayes assigned by them , under paine of present deprivation for the first default , omni appellatione semota , without any benefit of appeale , one of the highest straines of tyranny and injustice , that ever i have met with . for which canons oath , and subsidies , they now stand impeached by the whole house of commons , as delinquents in a high nature , and are like ere long to receive condigne punishment . twentiethly , it is very suspicious , that they or some of them , had a hand in the late dangerous treason and conspiracie , since the * first clause of the oath of se●recy administred to the conspirators was , to maintaine the bishops in their functions , and votes in parliament , and the clergie would at their owne charge ( as serjant major wallis confesseth in his examination ) maintaine a thousand horse to promote this trayterous designe , and have now ( as some report ) an hundred thousand pound ready for such a service . in the twentieth one place , they have oppressed and ruined divers of his majesties loyall subjects , ministers and others , both in their bodies , estates , credits , families ; caused many thousands of them to forsake the realme , and to transport their families into forraine parts , to the great decay of trade , and impoverishing of the realme . in which they have done his majestie great dis-service , whose honour and safety consists in the multitude and wealth of his people , and his destruction in want of people . in the twenty second ranke , they have most undutifully and disloyally cast the odium of all their late innovations in religion , their new canons and tyrannicall exorbitant proceedings , on his majestie , proclaiming it openly to the people , that all they did , was onely by his majesties speciall direction and command , of purpose to alienate the hearts of the people from his majestie , as much as in them lay . in the twenty third place , they and their officers have sorely fleeced and impoverished his majesties subjects in such sort by exacted fees , and vexatio●s suites in their visitations , high-commissions , and other ecclesiasticall courts , and by putting them to unnecessary costs for raising and rayling in comm●nion tables , and new adorning their churches , that they are unable to supply his majesties and the kingdomes necessities in that liberall proportion as they have formerly done ; the late subsidies scarce amounting to halfe that summe , as they did in former times . finally , in their last high-commission pa●ent they obtained this strange non-obstante ( which robs the king of his supremacy , and the subjects of their lawes and liberties ) namely , that their lordships in all ecclesiasticall causes specified in that commission might proceede in a meere arbitrary manner , as they list themselves , notwithstanding any appellation , provocation , priviledge , or exemption , in that behalfe to be had , made , pretended or alleadged , by any person or persons ( therefore by lords and peeres as well as others ) resident or dwelling in any place or places , exempt or not exempt within the realmes of england and ireland and principality of wales ( for no les●er circuite would content them ) and all lawes , statutes , proclamations , or other grants priviledges , or ordinances , which be or may seeme contrary to the premises notwithstanding . what * matthew paris writes of the popes non-obstantees in his bulls , which first begar them , per illud verbum & adjectionem detestabilem non obstante , omnem ●xtinguit justitiam praehabitam : i may more truely affirme of this , that it extinguisheth all iustice ; yea his majesties supremacy , our fundamentall lawes , statutes , and the subjects liberties , since it robs the king of the regall right of * receiving appeales as supreame head of the church of england , for releese of his oppressed subjects , and of the honour of his royall lawes , proclamations , grants , exemptions , which must all stoope to the prelates pleasures ; and strips the subjects naked of the benefit and protection of all lawes , statutes , proclamations , and other grants , priviledges , ordinances or exemptions whatsoever , which might shelter them from the prelates tyranny and oppressions . so that you have here the very height of treason , conspiracy , and contumacy , against his majestie , the lawes of the realme and hereditary liberties of the people . in all these respects ( to omit other particulars ) our prelates if they be not direct traytors to his majestie and the realme , so farre as to incurre a capitall censure , as is more than probable , or at least a praemunire , of which there is no question ; yet i dare averre they are the most notorious rebels , the obstinatest contemners , enemies and oppugners of his majesties royall prerogative , the fundamentall lawes of the realme , and just liberties of the subject , this day breathing ; inferiour to none of their predecessors in contumacy and disobedience to their soveraigne and our lawes ( what ever they prete●d ) and exceeding them in many particulars . having thus i hope sufficiently answered all our prelates arguments for the supportation , and continuance of their lordly prelacy in our church , and their evasions to shift off this antipathy as no way pertinent unto them ; give me leave onely to observe these sixe remarkeable circumstances in our prelats premised treason , conspiracies and rebellions , which highly aggravate their offences , and make them farre more execrable traytors , rebels , and delinquents , than all other rankes of men ; and then i shall conclude . first , they have presumed to justifie their treasons and rebellions , against their soveraignes , as pious , religious , holy and commendable actions , and to canonize these episcopall arch-traytors and rebells , not onely for chiefe pillars , patriots and defenders of the churches liberties , but even for holy saints and martyrs , as appeares by the examples of * dunstan , anselme , becket , edmund of canterbury , hugh of lincolne , s. germain 〈◊〉 , richard scroope of yorke , with others : no laymen having yet beene so happy , as for their treasons and rebellions onel● , or especially , to bee sainted and adored , as many bishops and clergie men have beene . hence doctor barnes in his supplication to king henry the . p. . writes thus , i would not speake how damnable it is to institute masses , for a willing traytor , and murtherer , there was never no learning that could allow this . but there is no remedy , he that dyes against his king , and for the maintaining of your treason , must needes be a saint , if masses , blessings , and miracles will helpe ; for all these bee at your commandment , to give where your list . so that we poore men , must be accused of insurrection and treason , and we must beare all the blame , we must be driven out of the realme , we must be burned for it , when as god knowes there is no people under heaven , that more abhorreth and with earnester ●eart resisteth , and more diligently doth preach against disobedience than we doe : yea , i dare say boldly , let all your bookes be searched , tha● were written this . yeares , and all they shall not declare the authority of a prince , and the true obedience toward him , as one of our little bookes shall doe , that be condemned by you for heresie , and all this will not helpe us . but as for you , you may preach , you may write , you may doe , you may sweare against your princes , and also assoile all other men of their obedience towards their princes , you may compell princes to be sworne to you , and yet are you children of obedience and good christian men . and if ye dye for this doctrine then is there no remedy , but you must be saints , and rather than faile ye shall doe miracles : which he proves by the example of thomas becket & of germane formerly cited , who was made a saint for deposing king vortiger , and making his neat-heard king in his steed . these shamefull and abominable things doe ye prayse and allow , and in the meane time condemne us for heretickes and traytors . secondly , in interceding for , saving , rescuing , protecting , rewarding trayterous and rebellious bishops , after their treasons and rebellions committed , and warding off the sword of justice from their mitred pates ( though worthy of ten thousand deaths ) when as all others peeres or commons whom they have drawne into their treasons , rebellions , and conspiracies have beene sure to suffer the rigor of justice , without any mitigation or pardon ; this most of the premised instances witnesse , especially that of adam de tarlton , part. . p . . . . . . thirdly , in mincing , extenuating , excusing , and patronizing the treasons , conspiracies and rebellions of prelates , and referring them to the pope or their owne ecclesiastical-tribunalls , that so they might scape unpunished● a priviledge and tricke of episcopall leger-de-maine , that no layman was capable of , but onely bishops and clerkes . fourthly , in slandering , reviling , censuring , excommunicating their princes , together with ●heir judges and officers , for the execution of justice on bishops , who have beene arch-rebells , traytors and conspirators ; as appeares by the examples of * richard scroope and others : which story of scroope doctor barnes thus descants on in his supplication to king henry the . p. . . doe you not remember , how that in the dayes of henry the fourth , a captaine of your church , called richard scroope archbishop of york , did gather an host of men , and waged battle against his king ? but god the defendor of his ruler , gave the king the victory , which caused the traytor to be beheaded . and then your fore-fathers with their devillish cra●t , made the people beleeve by their false chronicle , that at every stroke that was given at the bishops necke , the king received another of god in his necke . and whereas the king was afterward stricken with a sickenesse , you made him and all his subjects beleeve , that it was gods punishment , because he had killed the bishop : and not thus content , but you fained after his death , that he did miracles . is not this too much , both to be traytors to your king , and also to faine god to be displeased with your king for punishing of treason ? finally , to make him a saint , and also that god had done miracles to the defending of his treason ? how is it possible to invent a more pestilent doctrine than this is ? here is gods ruler despised , and hereby is open treason maintained : thinke you that god will shew miracles to fortifie these things ? but no doubt the proverbe is true , such lippes , such lettuce , such saints , such miracles . fifthly , in persisting most peremptorily in treasons , rebellions , contests and conspiracies against their princes , without yeelding or intermission till they had obtained their demaunds and desires of them insteed of craving pardon of them , all which the premises evidence to the full in anselme , becket , langton , stafford and others . sixthly , in enforcing their soveraignes against whom they conspired , rebelled , and practised divers horrid treasons and contumacies , to submit , nay seeke to them for pardon , and to undergoe such sharpe censures , such ●orbid , infamous , harsh punishments , covenants and conditions , as are inconsistent with monarchy , honour , soveraignty , as in the case of henry the se●cond , king iohn and others . in these sixe respects , our lordly bishops have transcended all other traytors , rebels , conspirators , and seditious persons whatsoever ; as also in censuring loyalty * for heresie , true subjects to their princes for heretickes ; and canonizing high treason , rebellion against emperours , kings , princes , for orthodox faith ; notorious traytors and rebels , for good christians and true beleevers ; as appeares in the case of hildebrand and his hellish crew of bishops , who branded henry the emperour and those who sided with him , for heretickes , and their loyalty for heresie , in the case of henry the second and king iohn in their difference with anselme , becket , and langhton . in imitation of whom our present prelates now slander those who oppugne a●d withstand their encroachments upon the kings prerogative royall , with odious termes of puritans , novellers , seditious persons , schismatickes , rebels , and brand loyalty , and true allegiance to the king , with the termes of faction , schisme , sedition , novelty , and rebellion . you have seene now a large anatomy of our lordly prelates desperate treasons , conspiracies , rebellions , contumacies , warres , disloyall oppressive practises in all ages against our kings , kingdomes , lawes , liberties : which duly pondered , we may easily conclude , there is little cause any longer to tolerate them in our church or state , but great ground eternally to extirpate them out of both . it is storyed of the people of * biscany in spaine , that they have such a naturall enmity against bishops , that they will admit no bishops to come among them , and that when fe●dinand the catholicke came in progresse into biscany , accompanyed with the bishop of pampilone , the people rose up in armes , drove backe the bishop out of their coast , and gathering up all the dust they thought he or his mule had trod on , threw it into the sea with curses and imprecations . i dare not say , that our people should rise up in armes like these biscaners , and drive out our bishops , god forbid any such tumultuous , or seditious practise : but this i dare confidently averre , that his majestie and our high court of parliament , have farre greater reason to drive , and extirpate them out of our realme and church , even with curses and execrations , and to subvert their sees in an orderly , just , and legall way , than these biscaners had to repulse this bishop , who entered thus into their country , onely to accompany ferdinand in his progresse , not to play the lord bishop among them . i shall close up all with the words of musculus , a learned forraigne protestant divine ; who after he had largely proved by scriptures and fathers , that bishops and presbyters by divine right are both one , and of equall authority , and that the difference betweene them was onely a humane institution to prevent schismes , concludes thus . * whether o● no this counsell hath profited the church of god , whereby such bishops who should be greater than presbyters were introduced , rather our of custome ( that i may use the words of hierome ) than out of the truth of the lords institution , is better declared in after ages , than when this custome was first brought in ; to which we owe all that insolency , opulency and tyranny of princely and lordly bishops ; imo omnem corruptionem ecclesiarum christi ; yea all the corruption of the churches of christ ; which if hierome should now perceive , without doubt he would acknowledge this , not to be the counsell of the holy-ghost , to take away schismes , as was pretended ; but of the * devill himselfe , to waste and destroy the ancient offices of feeding the lords ●locke ; by which it comes to passe , that the church hath not true pastors , doctors , elders , and bi●hops , but idle bellies , and magnificent princes under the vizors of these names , who not onely neglect to feede the people of the lord in proper person with wholesome and apostolicall doctrine , but also by most wicked violence take speciall care , that no man else may doe it . this verily was done by the * counsell of satan , that the church in stead of bishops should have powerfull lords and p●inces , elected for the greatest part out of the order of the nobles and princes of the world , ( as they are in germany ) who under-propped with their owne and their kindreds power , may domineer over the flocke of christ at their pleas●re . and with the complaint of the emperour lewis the fourth , and the german princes against the italian and german lordly prelates , which i may justly accomodate to ours . * flamines isti babyloniae soli regnare cupiunt ; ferre parem n●n possunt ; non desistent , donec omnia pedibus suis conculcaverint , atque in templo dei s●deant , ext●llanturque supra omne id quod colitur . sub pontificis titulo , pastoris pelle , lupum saevissimum , nisi caeci sumus , sentimus . cum nostri servi sint , ipsi dominari contra jus gentium , adversus leges , auspicia & oracula divina , dominos , sibi servire volunt . caesarem italia , roma , christum terris exclusere : illi coelum quidem permittunt , inferos atque terras sibi asseruere . bernard epist. . quid spirituali gladio , quid censurae ecclesiasticae , quid christianae legi & disciplinae , quid denique divino timori relinquitur , si metu potentiae secularis nullus mu●ire jam audeat contra insolentiam praelatorum ? finis . kind reader , i shall desire thee to recti●ie these presse-errours , which in my absence in the country hapned in many copies in some pages of the first and second part , besides those forementioned , after the table of chapters . in the first part. page . l. . departing p. . l. . their , this , p. . l. . largely , lately● p. . l. . del● , as . p. . l. . we , ●e . p. . l. . marred l . kings . p. . l. . dele th● p. . l. . and , the p. . l. . still , stile . p● . l. . be , he p . l. . his , this p. . l. . no , hot p. . l. . against the p. . l. . . . read thus : he was smitten mortally w●th a d●ngerous d●sease , for which he repaired to the bath for reliefe , and ret●rning from thence , dyed by the way at morton hinmast in glocester shire , the very night before he had resolved to silence and suspend some godly ministers , convented before him ●re his departure to the bath , and summoned to appeare before him , the morning after his decease , had he returned alive by that time ; which being more briefely expressed in the booke , hath caused some to question the truth , of what i long since received from good information . in the second part. page . l. . dele in the p. . l. . traytor , tower p. . l. . liberty . p. . l. . ● . p . l. . our● the. p. . l. . which she . p. . l. . ●ne of l. . spend . p. . l. . prelates . l. . armes , p. . l. . hearing , fearing p. . l. . one , out . p. . l. . arrane , p. . l. same . p. . l. . . p. . l. . doth , doe , p. . l. . div●rs acts. l. . dundy , p. . l. . from , of l , ordereth , adoreth , l. . p. . l. . church of scotland , p. . l. i●●es , p. . l. . nul , p. . l. . habetur , p. . l . without them , p. . l. . westminster , winchester , p. . l. . if not , p. . l. . debaucht , p. . l. . dele , and others , p. . l. . harmony sect. ii. in hel●●t . post gallia , gallia , b●lgia , anglia , &c. should have beene put in the margin . omissions . page . l. . in the ancient italian bible set forth by antonius bruciolus , venetiis , . in the french bible set forth by iohn crespin ; and that printed at lyons . in the latine testament printed at lundon , . and dedicated to king h●nry the . are omitted . page . l. : in the patent rols of . h. . m. . and cookes institutes f. . a : i finde this notable record : mandatum est omnibus episcopis qui conventuri s●●t apud gloucestriam die sabbath● in crastine sanctae katherinae , firmiter inhib●nd● , quod sicut baronias suas qua● de rege tenent , diligunt , nullo modo pr●sumant conciltum t●nere a● aliquibus qua ad coronam regis pertinent , vel qua personam regis vel statum suum , vel statum concilit su● contingunt ; scituri pro c●rto , quod si fecerint ; rex inde se capie● ad baronias suas . teste rege apud hereford . n●vemb● by which it appeares , that our bishops by their late pretended synodicall proceedings , have forfeited , and giv●n the king and parliament just occasion to seize upon their bishoprickes , and baronies , and so to thrust them out of the parliament house , where th●y ●it onely as baron●●●ot as bishops , cookes institutes f. . a. directions for the booke-binder . a : b : aa : bb , bb a halfe sheete , cc : dd : ee : e a single leafe , ff : gg : hh : ii : kk : ll : mm* mm : . cap. . nn : * arti - ¶ ¶ bri - ¶ ¶ ¶ : toge - a single leafe : oo cap. . pp : qq : rr : ss : tt : vv : xx : yy : rr * . cap. . ss* : tt* : vv : xx* : yy* : zz* : aaa : bbb : ccc : ddd : eee : fff : ggg : hhh : iii : kkk : lll : mmm : nnn : ooo : ppp : qqq : rrr : sss : ttt : vvv : xxx : yyy . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e (a) h. . h. . c●r●ne . . s●●nford . pl●●● del coro●● , f. . ● . . (b) an answere to sir t●omas moores dialogue , what the church is in his workes . p. . (c) the true difference between christian subjection & unchristian rebellion . p. . (d) acts . . c. . cor. . . . . tim. . . ● . sed & ubitres ecclesa ●st licet laici . te●tul . exhort , ad cast. p. ● * c●nt●r . . scr●pt . brit. p. . * see a new discovery of the prela●es tyranny . * est●r . . . * mal● , ● . * mat. . . l●k . . . * heb. ● . * ●pi●t . . * see c●ap . ● . * see bishop● whites preface before the book of the sabbath . dr. h●ylin● antid●tum , linc●linensi . and his modera●e answer to henry burton , lysimacus nican●r and others . * fox acts and monuments . passim . . r. , c. . , h. . c. . . h. . c. . sermon . . . and . before king edward . * haddon and fox contr. osorium . l. . f. . * haddon and fox contr. osorium . l. . f. . (a) cent. magd. . col. . (b) see a new discovery of th● prelates tyranny . (c) cant●rburi●s speech in star-chamber the epist. dedicat. h●ylin an●id . lin● . and a moderate answer to henry burt●n . du●k●rs sermon see a new discovery of the prelates tyranny● p. ● . (d) see a breviate of the prelates intolerable usurpations both upon the kings prerogative royall and the subjects liberties . (e) optatus adver . parmin . l. r. p. . (f) mat. . . . (*) see ●alaeus de vitis pontificum . (h) cap. . . see the unbishoping of timothy and titus . and a catalogue , &c. (i) this is the summe of the remonstrance newly set out by sir thomas aston , though written by some other divines and lawyers , who have contributed their best assistance to it . (k) see sir tho. a●tons remonstrance . (l) eliz. c. . (m) fitz. n. br. f. . register . f. . b. ● . . (n) see h●z● . chap. ● . (o) qui● obs●ero laicorum , avidius clericis quaerit temporalia , & in●ptius utitur acquisitis ? bernard . ad clerum , & ad pastores serm● . (p) archbishop lauds speech in starchamber , bishop hals remonstrance , and his defence thereof ; and whitgift . (q) tim. . . (r) hieron . com. in soph. c. ● . & in tim. . s●dulius , primasius , theodoret , b●da , rabanne maurus , haymo , anselmus cantuariensis , o●cumenius , theophylactus ; and others ; in tim. . origen . in mat. hom. . augustinus de civitate d●i , l. . c. . & enar. in psal. . chrys. lib. . de sace●d●●io . in epist. ad eph●s . hom. . opus imperf . in matt. hom. . isiodor . hispal●nsis de ●ff●ciis ecclesiast . lib. . c. . gratian. caus. . quast . . concil . aquisgr . sub lud. pi● . ● . . . ●● & parisi●ns . sub lud & loth●ri● l. . c. . (s) concil . par●siens . sub lud. & l●th●ri● , l. c. . & . surtus . concil . tom. . p. . . (t) praedicationis munus , quod episcoporum praecipuum est . &c. concil . trident. sess. . de reform . c. . p. , . (u) see sh●lford and others . (x) iob. . . (y) see m. latim●rs . sermon of the plough to this purpose . (z) fox act and monum . p. . (a) mat. . , . c. . . mar. . . c. . c. . . luk . , , . , . act. . , . c. . . . . . c. . . rom. , . c. . . cor. . . c. . . ga. . . eph. . . tim. . , . act. . . ioh. . , . (b) see prov. . , . (c) see chapter . where this is largely proved by sundry testimonies . (d) matt. . ● . c. . . to . c. . . to . mar. . . to . c. . . to . luk. . , , . c. . . to . iob. . . (e) pet. . . to . ioh. . ● . iob. , . cor. . . (f) quic undqu● de●ideraverit prim●tum in terra , inveniet in coelo con●usionem ; ut jam inrer servos christi , non sit d● primatu certamen . opus imper● . in matt. hom. . see more to this purpose there . (g) see vita bernardi before his workes . cl. espencaus digres . in tim. l. . c. ● p. . (h) erubesce o superbe cinis , deus se humiliat , tu t● exaltas ? deus se hominibus subdit , tu dominari gestiens tuo te praeponis authori , vtinam tale me quid cogitantem deus , uti suum olim apostolum increpare dignaretur , vade post me satana , non sapis quae dei sunt . quotiens hominibus praeesse defidero , totiens deum meum praeire contendo , & tunc quae verè dei sunt , non sapio bernard . homil. . de laudibus mariae virginis . p. . (i) augustin . de gestis cum emerita donatist . epis . lib. tom. . pars● . p. . an vero redemptor noster de coelis in humana mem●bra des● endit , ut membra ejus essemus , & nos ne ipsa ejus membra crudeli divisione lanientur , de cathedris descendere formidamus ? episcopi propter christianos populos ordinamur . quod ergo christianis populis ad christianam pacem prodest , hoc de nostro episcopatu fac●amus . quod sum propter te sum , si tibi prodest ; non sum , si tibi obest , si servi utiles sumus , cur domini aeternis lucris pro nostris tem●poralibus ●ublimitatibus invidemus : episcopalis dignitas f●uc●uosior nobis erit , si gregem christi deposita magis collegerit , quam retenta disperserit ; fratres mei , si dominum cogitamus , locus ille altior specula vinitoris est , non fastigium superbientis ; si cum volo retinere episcopatum meum dispergo gregem christi ; quom●do est damnum gregis honor past●ris ● n●● qua fronte in futuro seculo promissum à christo sperabimus hono●em , si christianam in hoc seculo noster honor impedit unitatem ? (k) see the booke of com●mon prayer in publike baptisme . (l) ad cl●ru● & ad pastores serm● in concil . rh●m●ns . (m) esay . . notes for div a -e * the relator of the conference at hampton court , p. . * see antiq. eccles. brit. p. . to . notes for div a -e * virg. ecl●g . . p. . * zuidas , h●lioke , natal●s comes , diod●●us siculus , va●●o , and others , thus describe him . odo . * wil. malms . de gestis pontificum angl. l. . p. . mat. west . flores hist. an. , , . antiq. eccl. brit. odo sev●rus , p. . , , . speeds history of great brittaine , l. . monarch . . p. . fox acts and monuments , p. . godwyns catalogue of bishops , p. , , . * see antiq. eccl. brit. p . . holinsh . hist. of england . l. . c. . p. . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. . . see part . . p. . . dunstan . * in vita sanct● editha . * history of great brittaine , l. c. . sect . . p. . c. . sect . . p. . antiq. eccles. brit. p , . holinshed . hist. of england . l. . c. p. . l. . c. . p. . . l. . c. . p. . c. . p. . fox acts and monuments , vol. . p. . . * an impudent audacious a●● . * malmsbury de reg. angl. l. . c. . p. . speed l. . c. , . p. , . * math. westm. an. . p. . speed● p. . ant. eccles. brit. . malms . de gestis regum angl. l. . c. . p. . holinshed history of engla●d l. . c. . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. , . holinshed hist. of england , l. . c. p. . siricius . * malms . de g●st . po●tif . l. . f. . de gestis r●gum ang. l. . c. . p. . he●ry h●●tingdon , hist. l. . p. . antiq. eccl. brit. p. . godwins catal. of bishops , p. . h●linsh●d hist. of engl. l. . c. . p. . * m. tindall obedience of a christian man , p. . . robert . wil. malms . de gestis ponti●icum angl. l. . p. . antiq. eccl. brit. p. . to . godwyns catalogue of bishops , p. , , . speed. l. . c . p. . . . holinshed . hist. of england . l. . c. . . † see here the pride , malice , desperate ambition and impietie of arch-prelates , thus injuriously to set the sonne against the mother . † loe how bishops lord and tyrannize it over kings themselves . * malmes . de gest●s regum angl. l. . c. . p. . * malmes . de gest. pont. angl. l. . p. . de gestis reg. a●g . l. . p. . ant. eccl. brit. p. . . speeds history l. . c. . p. , , . polichron . l. . c. . l. . c. , , , . mat. west . an. , . god●●ns catal. of bishop● p , . hol●nshed vol. . p. , . hist. of engl. l. . c. ● . stigand . * mat. paris hist major , p. . speed hist. l. . c. . p. . . hol●nsh . p. , . lanfrank . * ma● . west . au. , , . mat. pari● p. . . wil. mal●s . de gest. reg. a●gl . l. p. . , . antiq. eccl. br●t . p. . god●i●s catal. of bps , p. . . speed , l. . c. . p. . . to . holinsh. vol. . p. ●● . , . † speed , l. . c. . sect. . p. . † antiq. eccl. brit. p. . † eadmerus hist. no●orum , l. . . . speed , l. . c. . sect . . , . p. , , malms . de gestis pontif. an●l● ●● . . to . antiq. e●●les . brit. p. ● , &c. god●●n● catal. of bishops , p. . &c. for acts and monument . p. , . , &c. holinsh. vol. ● f. . to . wal●●●●ham , ypodigma n●ustr . p. . anselme . * anno . p. . * mat. paris hist. major , p. , . caxton pars. . in his life . wil. ma●ms . de gestis● r●g . angl. l. . p. . . eadmerus hist. nov●rum . l. , . huntingd. hist. l. . p. . mat. westm. an. p. . godwins catal. p. . * mat west . an. . . . eadme●u● hist. l. , , . & vita anselm . malms . de gestis pontif. angl. l. . in vita anselm . mat. paris hist. major , p. , ● . antiq. eccl. brit. p. . to . godwins catalogue of bishops , p. , , . m. tindals practise of the popish prelates , p. . speeds hist. of great brit. l. . p. , , . * de ge● . 〈◊〉 angl. l 〈◊〉 . ralph . * eadmerus , hist. novorum , l. ● . p. . rogerus d● de costrias antiq. eccl. btis . p. , . polichron . l. . c. . speeds history of great britaine , p. . * polich●on . l. . c. . * speed , p. . † antiq. eccl●s . brit. p. . william . * polychron . l. . c. . fabian . pars . c. . pag. . &c. malm●b . hist. l. . p. , . matth. paris hist. major , p. . antiq. eccl. brit. p. . godwins catalogue of bishops , p. . speeds hist. l. . p. , , . fox acts and monuments , p. . hov●d . annal● pars prior , p. . will●lmus cantuariensis archi-epi●copus qui primus sacramentum fecerat , cum , pro●dolor , in regem benedixit , hoved●n , p. . * in his chronicles . vol. . p. . in the l●fe of king stephen . note this , theobald . * n●ubrigensis , l. . c. . an● . eccl●s . brit. p. . . godwin catalogue of bishops , p. . . speedes hist. p. , . * h●li●sh●d , vol. . p. , . beckey . antiq. eccl●s . brit. p. . to . godwins catal. . to . fox acts and monuments , p. . to . . . speede hist. p● . to . holinsh●d , p. . to . r●ger de h●veden . annal. posterior , p. . to . matthew paris , p. . to . math. west . an. . p. . . . * neubrigensis hist. l. . c. . speedes hist. l. . p. . . bishop i●wel , defence of the apologie , par . . c. . divis. . p. , . * lo● th● picture of our late times , and the cause of the in●rease of scandalou● ministers● * roger h●veden , an. . * note this policie and auswer . roger de h●veden a●nal . pars . posterior , p. . . matthew paris , p. ● . sylvester giraldus cambrensis of the conquest of i●eland . l. . c. . in h●linsh . tom. . p. . fox acts and monuments , p. , . speedes hist. p. . sect . . godwin , p. see surius , ribadeneira , and eadmerus in his life . * apolog. l. . c. . sect . . * ho●a beatissima v●rginis maria secundum usum sarum , parisiis , ● . fol. . bishop iewel , defence of the apologie , par● . c. . divis. . p. , . * constitut. f. . giraldus cambi●n●is of the conque●t of ireland , l. . c. . p. . * fox acts and monuments , p. , . * fox acts and monuments , p. . * speeds hist. p. , , , . holinshed , p. , , ● , , . hubert . * see antiq. eccles. brit. p. , . mat. paris , an. . p. . matth. west . an. . p. . * ●●e h●l●ns●●d , p. . . * lo● the pride of a prelate mixed with treche●y . * mat. pari● hist. major , p. . † mat. paris , in. . p● antiq. e●cl●s . brit. p. . h●linsh . p. . speed , p. . † holinshed , p. ● , ● . 〈◊〉 . an●al● pars p●s●●ri●r . p. , . . 〈◊〉 . eccl. brit. p. . ●o . speeds hist. p. . * note this . * hoveden , an. pars posterior p. . . * mat. paris hist. major . p. . an● . eccles. brit p. godwins catal. of bishops , p. * see a breviate of the prelates intolerable usurpations , the epistl● to the king. * mat. par. hist. major , p. . , . to . sparsim . antiq. eccles. brit and godwins in the life of steph. langh . mat. west● an. . . to . speed , how holinsh●d , hoveden , hu●tingdon , grafton , caxton , polychronicon , fabian , martin , and others in the life of king iohn . mr tindalls practise of popish prelates , p. , . doctor barnes his supplication to king henry the . p. . mr. fox acts and monu●ments , p. . to . reginald . * oh the impiety of popes and prelates , thus to preferre their wills before gods service & the peoples soules . † matth. paris , ann. . * fox acts and monuments , p. . to . . . * ●dem ann. . * idem ann. . * mat. paris , hist. min. * mat. west●n . hist. . and mat. paris , an. . † mat. paris . loc . cit . p. . * mat. westm. loc . cit . ex part● dom. papae regi franc●r●m al ●isq● inju●●●run● & idem nit paris . p. ● † paris . loc . c●t● * paris . & westm. loc . cit . * paris . a●n . . * paris . in loco cit . dum aut●m , &c. * matth. w●stm . paris . lo● . cit . holinshed , p. . . * mat paris , and mat. west . an. . doctor craking ther p● up●on the popes temporall monarchy , p. . to ● . * v●rbae epist. ioh● ad innoc. ci●●n●●● in resp . ad apoll. bellar. c. . see holins . p. . . * in illum insu●gunt postqu●m ecclesia satisfecit ●ui assist●bant ●●dem quando eccl●siam off●nd●bat . in epist. innoc. . apud mat. paris . an. . innoc. p. . * d●risionibus mu●●●plicatis subsannando dix●run● mat. paris , an● . 〈◊〉 p●ractis . idem an. . ho●●nsh p. . * i●ti commun●s conjura●● & confad●rati capitalem censent●n●um ha●u●runt , & juraverunt omnes in prasentia archi●piscopi , quod viso ●emper e● congruo , propriis libertatibus , si necesse fu●rit , d●c●rtabunt u●qu● ad mort●m . id●m . * holin●●ed , p. , , . * oh , to what base slavery was this king brought by these trayterly prelates ? * mat. paris , p. , . speed l. . ● . . s●ct . . p. , . * all●gaba●t archiepis●●pum cant●ariensem regis anglia h●stem esse ●ublicum , ut qui bar●nibus angliae inconti●um c●ntra reg●m ●undem pr●buit , & consensum ; quodqu●●psius favore & ●●nsili● ii●●m bar●n●● dictum r●g●m ● s●l●● d●p●ll●r● molir●●t●r . &c : matth. paris , hist. major , p. , . * see here the doubling and juggling of the pope . † fo● acts and monuments , p. . with the authors th●re cited , and speeds historie of great brittain , l. . c. . sect . . p. , . * holinsh. p. , , . * mat. paris , an. . p. ● mat. parker , antiq. eccles. brit. p. . g●dwin p. , . holinsh. p. . richard . † see holinsh. p. . mat. paris , ann. . edmund . † antiq. eccles. brit. p. . to . godwyn , . . fox acts and monuments , p. ● , . h●lins . p. ● , . * lib. . c. . f. . f●x acts and monuments , p. . , , * antiq. eccles. brit. bonifaciu● , p. . &c. godwin . p. . to . boniface . * antiq. eccle. brit. p. . stow , p. . * holinshed , p. . * ioh. d● aton . c●nstit . l●gitima eccl●siae , t●tuisque regionis angliae , ( stiled in the title , divinum opus ) f. . , , . gu●l . lindwode provinc . l. . tit. de p●nis , f. . . . l. . competenti● f. . &c. * see the prelates insolency here against their kings . * regist. of writs , par . . f. . to . turba●●ur , nec immerito & mov●mu● , &c see the breviate , p. ● , ● , . john peckam . † antiqu. eccl. brit. p. , , , . fox acts and monuments , p. , . goodwin his catalogue of bishops , p. . * ioha● de at●n constitut. . † holi●s● . p. . b. * regist. of w●its par . . f. , b. . . robert winchelsy . * antiq eccles. brit. robertus winchelse , p. , to . godwin p. , , . walsingh . hist. angl. p. , . . math. west . an. . , , . , . fox acts and monuments , p. , , . holinsh. p. , . see . a. † see bishop iewels defence of his apologe , pa. . c. . p , , cromptons jurisdiction of cou●ts , f. . * a dutifull answer of an arch prelate to his prince . * see holinsh p. , ann● * see mat. west . an. ● . p. . an. . p. . * pag. , . * antiq. eccl●s . bri● . p. , ● . * m. . e. . fitz. iurisdicti●n , . walter raynolds . fox acts ●nd monuments , p. . a●t . ec●l●s . p. . . godwins gatal . p. . , walsingham . hist. angl. p. . , , , , . speed , hist. l. . c. . p. , , , , , . h●lin . p. . * a dutifull speech of a prelate . * the presumptuous d●meanour of pre●ate● . * hanging was too good for him and his complices . * see holins●ed , p. , , , . antiq eccl●s . brit. p. . to . god●in , p. . to . walsing . p. . ●s . . fox acts & monuments , p. , , . john stratford . spe●d● , hist. l. . c. . sect. , ● p. ● . fox● acts and monum●nts p. . * antiq. eccels . brit. p. . h●linsh . p. . † i wish our present s●cular prelates would observe this . † an insolent act of a trayterly prelate . * ant. eccles. ●rit . p. . to . walsing . p. . ●s . . fox acts and monuments , p. , , . * not● this proud in●olent answere . * so his present successour and our other prelates argued in dr. bast●●ckes c●se . * fox acts and monuments , p. . edit . ● simon islip . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. ● . ● ● fox acts and monu●●●●● . p. antiq. eccles. brit. p. ● . 〈◊〉 . simon langham . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. . to . walsing . hist. angl. ann. . p. . et ypodigma neust●●● , p. . * see holins●●d , p. . caxton . part . an. . ed. . william witlesey . * see antiq. eccles. ●rit . p. . simon sudbury . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. . to . * walsing . hist. angl. an. . p. , , . ypodigma neust. p. . godwins cat. of bi●hops , p. . . graft●n , p. . william courtney , * ant. eccles. br●t . p. . . † antiqu. ec●l . brit. p. , to , &c. holin . p. , . * ant. eccl. brit. p. , ● * therfore they sit there only by their tenure , as barons , not as bishops . * fox acts and monuments , p. , &c. see walsing . hist. ang. p. , to . holinsh●d , p. , &c. * see master full●rs argument , p. , . * note here the prelates forgery of an act of parliament . note here the injustice , treachery , and bloody practises of the prelates . * thomas walsin . ●ist . aug , p. anti. e●cl● . brit. p. . † anti. eccle. bri. p. , to . godwin p. , &c : fox acts & monuments , p. ● grafton p. , , holin . p. . &c. to . polychronicon , l. ult . c : . walsingham hist. an●● p : , to . thomas arvndel * see fabian , par . , p. . * fox acts and monuments , p. . to . * see i●annes de aton . constit. prov. f. . † tho. gascon . in dict. theol. antiq. eccles. brit. p. . fox acts and monuments , p. . the old edition . godwin , p. . holinsh●d p. ● . it was spoken like a prelate . * thomas walsing . hist. aug. an. . . . holin●●●d , p. . antiq. eccles. brit. p. . p. . speed. p. . walsingham yp●dig . n●ustr . p. . he spake like ● lord. * tho. waldens●● hist. a●g . ● . p. . ypodig . neu●● . p. . h●lin . p. . fabian , ann. . part . . p. , . henry chich●ly . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. . god●ins catal. p. . walsingh . hist. aug. p. . * antiq. eccl●s . brit. p. . to . where the ●opes b●ll and ●he arch-bi●hops lettersare ●t large recited . * antiq. eccl●s . brit. p. . † lindwood pr●vinc . const. . tit. de clericis conjugatis p. . . * . h. . cap. . intituled , a● act that doctor● of civill law , being married , may exercise eccl●siasticall iurisdiction . * meaning our engli●h prelates . * note this . * to wit , under henry chich●ly , fore-cited . * not● this . * where then is ●ur bishops pretend●d superiority and jurisdiction by divine right● * not th● bishops . not by bishops . to wit , by speciall pate●t which bishop●●hen had , and none have ●o● . see bishop halls . late ●ookes of episcopacy . * see the breviate of the prelates intolerable usurpations , both upon the kings prerogative royall , and the subjects liber●ies . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. . and li●dwood his epistle dedicatory before his institutions . † fabian . part . . p. . . hall. an. . h . f . . & c● holins● . p. ● . , &c. . * antiq. eccl●s . brit. p. . to . john stafford . * st●ph●n ●ardi●●r his letter from the fleete to the lord protector , oct. . fox acts and monuments , p. . in the old edition , quite omitted i● the ne● . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. . john kemp . antiq. ec●les . brit. p. . to . thomas bourgchier * h●lin . p. . to . hall , in edw. the . ● . . to . speed. p. ● . to . * holinsh. p. . to . speed , p. . . * holinsh. p. . . hall , f. . . † pag. . john morton . * hall , f. . to . h●linshed , p. . to . spe●d , p. . . to . antiq eccles. brit p. . to . godwin in his life . * speed p. . see hall , holin●●●d , polyd●r● virgill , stow , and bacon in the life of henry the seventh . * antiq. eccles. bri● . p. . . . godwin p. . * antiq. eccles. bri● . p. . . . godwin p. . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. . . * halls chron. an. . h. , f. . . holin●●●d , p. ● . * see stam●ord his plees of the crowne . l. . c. . to . * . h. . c. . henry deane . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. . . . . godwin p. . . are not such then like to prove faithfull counsellours of state to princes . are not such then like to prove faithfull counsellours of state to princes . * limina or lumina . * therefore their owne kings , if the pope adjudge them such . * mauritiu● de alzedo , de praecellen●ia epis● . dignitatis , l. . sect . . fo● acts and monuments , p. . halls chronicle , a●● . h● . f. . . d. burnes his suppli●ation to king henry the . p. ● . to . * dr. barnes , ibid. * see . h. . c. . . hen. . c. . . hen. . ● c. . * . h. . c. . see . h. . c. . to the like cl●use and oath . * the bishops naturall pedegree . * as our bishops in imitation of him pretend their episcopacy to have . (m) in his workes p. . to . (n) in vi . lib. . t it de jurej●●and● c. ego episc●pus . * the same may be sayd of the oath of canonicall obedience to bishops . the holy workes of bishops . (o) in pr●●● . . ● . quoniam in ●●rbo papa . (p) pet. . . . bishop fisher answered , that he was sworne to the pope , and and therefore would not sweare to the kings supremacy . (q) pet. . (r) cor. . (s) cor. . (t) mat. . * note this . (v) in . lib. . d●sent . & ●● . judicata cap. pastoralis in verb● homagi● . excuse the bishops perjury who can . * di. . qui episcopus ex concilio cartha . (y) tim. . tit. . who is lawfull to be pope . the popes wickednesse described at large . the pope dot● practise counsels against th● honorable state of princes . (z) quest. . c● aliu● . h●re is specially to be noted the practise of p●●lates . for 〈◊〉 are the doing● of the holy ●●ther of rome , that for rebellion against princes he would give absolution , but for matter against his popedome there was never absolution might be obtained . the popes regals . peter was acquainted with his nets but not with regals . in verb●s ●●lus 〈◊〉 . these articles be now granted and are no heresie . the prelates cannot abide to use obedience to their prince . we have been● led by blind guiders . the kings power is immediately of god. . pet. . rom. . he that defendeth the pope against his soveraigne lord or lady is an unnaturall subject . saving of order hath two significations . the pope will hold a councell when and where it pleaseth him . iu. . l. . de majoritate & obedientia : delecti ●ili● de iureiu●ando c. ego , in verbo singulis . the prelates will obey the pope but not the prince . a devilish practise of prelates the bishops sweare to visit the pope yearely . the pope taketh sure order with his bishops quest. . ● . quantu : & de reditibus , &c. mos est . quest. . cap. non liceat pap● . in . tit. . c. ad apost . in verbo co●tin●tar . this is the clause that m●intaineth the popes pompe and glory , and this is that that giveth him liberty to say and doe what he will. dist. . c. non nos . glo●s● in verbo quis . the preachers of the doctrine of christ must needs be heretickes , for the sayd doctrine is against the pope joh. . they preach against the pope & therefore are heretickes . the writers petition to the kings grace . (a) antiquit eccles . brit. f. . to . . godwin p. . to . holinshed . p. . . to . william warham . * for which office of execution he had an annuall fee from the arch-bishop worthy so great an arch-bishop , and so great a man. antiqu. eccl. bri● . p. . (b) antiquit. eccles. brit. p. . . . . (c) holinshed , p. . (d) holinshed . p. . . hall. . h. . fol. . . whose words are here but transcribed . * note the mischiefe of prelates being great temporall officers . * what ever makes against the bishops gaines , be they never so unjust , must be said to tend to the churches destruction . * a silly and false evasion of a prelate . (e) see these acts yet in force , viz. . h. . c. . . (f) . h. . c. . * it is no new thing for priests to rayle against parliaments for making good lawes to order them . (g) . h. ● . c. . (h) see fox acts and monuments : p. . and in the pages before . (i) h●lins●ed , p. , . hall an. . h. . f. . b. speed , p. . thomas cranmer . (k) fox acts and monuments pag. . (l) antiq. eccl●s . brit. p. . to . fox act● and monuments . p. . to ●● . (m) . h. . c. . . h. . c. 〈◊〉 acts & monuments , p. . to , ● . , . (n) fox acts and monuments , pag. . antiquit. eccles. brit. pag. . (o) holinshed , p. . . (p) cr●mptons jurisdic . of courts . f. . b. (q) holinshed . p. . (r) see fox acts and monuments in their histories (s) speed history , p. . (t) thomas cranmer . (u) iohn fisher. (x) iohn long●and . (s) acts and monuments , p. old edition . (t) halls chronicle . . h. . f. . holinshed . p. . speed. p. , . (u) acts & monuments , p. ● , . . . . old edition . (x) antiq. eccl. brit. p. , . . (y) . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . (z) ● antiq : eccles . brit. p. ● . ● (a) fox acts and monuments , vol. . p. , . in the last edition . antiq. eccles : brit. p. . (b) holinshed , p. . (c) fox acts and monuments , old edition . p. . , . speed. p. . cardinal poole . (d) antiq. eccles. brit. p. . to . godwin . p. , . speed , p. , . fol. , . (f) recorded in m. fox acts and monumens , pag. . and thomas bacons reports of certaine men , vol● f. . . the manifold ingratitude of p●●le . (g) in his reports of certaine men : vol. . f. , . the madnesse of the pope against england . reginald pole , & his unnaturalnesse to the realme of england . the pope mover of wa●res . breakers of peace , and sowers of discord , are the children of the devill . (h) ant●q . eccles. brit. p. . (i) 〈…〉 (k) antiq. eccles. brit. p. qua supr●● (l) god●●● , pag. . to . see speed , p. , . martin● hist : p. , to . (m) . & . phil. & mary , ch . . see holinshed , p. ● ● , . the submission of the whole realme to the pope . schisme and disobedience against the se● apostolike . . h. . c. . . . h. . c. . . . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . . h. . c. . . . h. . c. , , . . h. . c. . . & . h. . c. . . . h. . c. . . . h. . ● . . * more care is here taken for the popes , than queenes supremacy . * restored here to their jurisdiction , together with the pope , as members of his body . * see the br●viate of the prelates encroachments , &c. p. . ● . . . ● . . . to ● * fox acts and monuments , in the old edition . p. . . ● . in that of . p. . . * fox acts and monuments old edition . p. p. ● * fox acts and monuments p. . * see the hi●●ory the councill , of trent . p . to ● . sir iohn davis irish reports . f. . . see the br●via●● p. . to . & cooke ca●dries case f. ● . * see i new discovery of the prelates tyranny . p. . &c. * antiqu. eccles. brit. p. . fox acts and monuments p. . in the old edition . * antiq. ecclesiae brit. p. . . * holins●ed p. . antiq. eccles. brit. p. . * see martins chronicle p. . . g●dwin p. . . ● * speedes history p. . * hollinshed p. . * speed p. . godwin , p. . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. . matthew parker . * antiq● eccles. brit. p. . &c. . . martin● history . p. . ●●● . * marti●s history , p. . . . . * sp●●d . p. . to . martins chron. p. . to . edmvnd grindall . * martyns history . p. . , . continuation of holinsh●d . pag. . to . iohn whitegift . * see sr g●orge paul in the life of whitegift . martyns hist. p. . . , . , , , . iohn penry his supplication to the parliament : the petition to qu. elizabeth . the register● . the abstract of certaine acts of parliamen● . the demonstration of discipline . m. cart●rights reply , mar●in marpr●lat● , and others . richard bancroft . * in his sermon at pauls crosse , by d. reynolds in his letter to sr. francis knoles . * martyns chron. p. . p. , . * in his certaine grievances well worthy the consideration of the right honourable court of parliament . p. , . george abbot . avgvstine . * see antiq. eccles , brit. p. . to . & . to . fox acts & monuments , p. . to . malmesde gestis pontif. l. . william harrisons description of england . l. . c. . . * see greg. epist. l. . epist. . . and morney his mystery of iniquity sect. . p. , . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. , , , . matth. westm. an. . p. , , . beda eccles. hist. l. . c. , . fox ac●● and monuments , p. , . polichron . l. . c. . f. , . fabian , part . . c. , . malmesb. l. . de regibus h●●ric● spelman●● concilia tom . . p. . to . godwin● catalogue of bi●hops , p. , . iacob . vsserius de britannicarum ecclesiarprim●rdiis , pag. . ● . . malmes . de gestis , regum a●gli● . l. . c. . * epitom . chron. * amandus xi●●ixiensis . * antiq. eccles. ●rit . p. , . where hee notably inveighs against ceremomonies , and the ●igorous pres●●ng of them . wiliam laud . * sunday no sabbath , p. . , . altare christianum . * see d. r●●nald● conference with ha●● . c. . divil . . p. . to . christopher c●rlil● , his st peters life and peregrination , proving that peter was never at rome● m. b●rnard his fabulous foundation of the popedome . * see m. r●us● his speech to the lords at the transmission of m. smarts cause . mr. pimmes speech . see th● charge of the sc●ttish commissioners against canterbury . * which doctor pierce bishop of bath and wel● in his speech to hi● clergy to set on this contribution , stiled bellum episcopale , adding , that what●●ver his majesty had expressed in his declaration● t● be the cause of this warr● , yet in truth this warre is for vs , bishops● chapt●● . * the relation of his conf●rence with fisher p. . . ●● . . * relation of his conferenc● with fi●●er p. . * ibidem p. . . * see antiq. eccles . brit. p. . godwin . p. . malmesbur . d● gestis pontif. lib. . p. . antiqu. eccles. brit. p. . . . godwin . p. . theodorus . malmesbur . de gestis pontif. angl. l. . p , . . birhtualdus . * malmes . de gestis pontif. l. . p. . to . antiq. eccl. bri● . p. . . . tatwin . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. . godwin pag. . * antiqu. eccles. brit. p. . . cutbert . lambert . * matth. westm. an. . p. ● . malmesburiensi● , de gestis pontif. l. . p. , . ant. eccl●s . brit. p. . . godwin p. ● . athelardus * antiq. eccles. brit. p. , to . malmes . de gestis pontif l. . p. . matth. west . an. . p. . godwin p. . * epistola ad hegibaldum , episc. ant. eccles. brit. p. . * beda e●el . hist. l. . c. . antiqu. eccl●s . brit. p. . * camde●s britannia , p. . elnothvs . speed hist. l. . ● . . p. . . holinshed . history of england . l. . c. . p. * william h●●rison description of england . ● . . . we have seene the like of late i●● like prela●icall quarrell . * i would o●● secular lordly prelates would consider this . * william harrison description of england , pag. , . * sermo . in convers . s. pauli , & super cant. serm● . hee writes it principally of the popes of rome , but t is as true o● the popes of canterbury , * rev. . . . * rev. ● . ● . syl●●s●●r ●●raldu● . wilfrid . * will : mal●sb . de gest●s pontif. l. . p. . to . antiqu●t . ecc●●s : brit. p. . to . godwin . p , , . math , westm. anno . florentius wigorniensis , an. . ● . holinshed hist. of brit. l. . c . , . l c. . henrici spelm. concil tom. . p. , , , . , , , , , , to . antiqu ecc●es . brit p . * matth wes●m . anno . henri●i spelm. co●cil . tom. . p. . * matb . westm. an . godwin . p. . vlferus . malmsb. de gestis pontif. l. . p . godwin , p . holin●hed hist. of england . l. . c. . p. . math. w●stm . ann. . . wolstan . * math. westm. hov●den & florentius wigorni●sis , an. , , . * holinshed hist. of england , l. . c. . p. . osvvald . elfrick . malmsb. de gestis pontif. p , . godwin , p . florentius wigo●niensis , an. , . math westm. an holinsheds hist. of england . l. . c . p. . speed , p. ● aldredus * will : malmsb. de gest●s pontif. l. . p. . godwin . p. . to . speed , p. . polichro● . l. . c. , . l. . c. . math. w●stm . ann. . wig●rniensis , an. ● . holinshed , ●ist . of england , l . c. . p. . thurstan * polichron . l. . c. . malmsb● de gestis ponti . l. . p. , . antiqu. eccles. brit. p. , . eadmerus hist. novorum , l , . p. . to . godwin p. . . . walfingh . and holtnshed , p. , , . murdac : * nenbrig●nsis hist. l. . c. . godw. p. . plantaginet * godw. p. , neubrig . l. . c. . mat● paris hist maior , p. . , , , , holinshed , p. , , . * matth. westm. anno . * holinshed , p . godfrey de kinton . godwin p. . * godw p. . see . ed. . ●n the fleas of the parliament , plac . . & dors●clauso , p. . e. . m. . iohn roman . * godw. p. . . thomas de corbridge . walsing● hist. angliae p● , . holinsh. . william de melton * holinsh●d hist. of scot. p. . alexander nevel . * godwin . p. , , grafton , p. . holi●shed , p. , , , . walsingh . hist ang p , . speeds p. , . * alexan. nevel ●roditor● & ●usur●one translato ad● episcopatum s. andr●ae in scotia , hist. ang. p. . thomas arundel . godwin , p. ● gra●ton , p. . wals●●gh . hist. ang. p , , . y●●dig . na●st . p. . * holinshed , p . * holinshed , p. . * godwin , p. , , . polychron , lib . c. . f . walsingh . ypodigm , n●ust . a● . ● f. . . caxton , pars . h●n . p. . stow , martin , fabian an. . hen. . speeds hist. l . c. . p. . sect . . halls chron. par . . an. . h. . f. . walsingh . hist. angliae , p. , . holinshed , p. . , . richard scroope . stamford plecs of the crowne , l. . c. . f. . a cromptons i●risdiction of courts● f. . b. pag. . * walsingh hist. & ypodigm . an. . p. . * an . h●● . . f. . iohn kemp . holinsh●d , p. ● to . george nevill . godwin , p. , , , halls chron. an. & . ed. . f. , , , . grafton , . & . ed. . f. . . speeds hist. l. . c. . p. . sect . holinshed , p. . . thomas rotheram . godwin . p. . speeds hist. l . c . p . . thomas savage . godwin , p. . christopher bambridge . godwin , p. . , holinsh●d p. . thomas wolsie . antiqu eccles. brit. p ● to . godw. p. . to . mr. tyndalls practise of popish prelates , p. . to . hall , graf●on , holinshed , stow how in the life of henry the . speed hist. p. , . to . fox acts and monuments , p. . to ● . see holinshed , p. . to . * he was afraid of poysoning , it should seeme . * see . ● . c. , and the brevia●e of the ●relates encroachments . * richard stanihurst his continuation of the chronicles of ireland , in holinshed , vol. . p. . to ● . * holinshed , p. . * practise of popish prelates , p. . to . note this ensuing policie which our prelates now practise . note this policie wh●ch cant●rbury of late imitated . * practise of popish prelates , p. . to . nota. note this . note this note this * pag. . note this . * halls chron. . h. . f. , , , . * practise of popish prelates , p. . * holinshed , p. , . * holinshed , p. . godwin , p. . speed hist. l. . c. . p. . to . grafton , an . h. . p. . to . edward lee . robert holgate . godwin , p. . * fox acts and monuments , p. . to . godwin . p. . harsn●t● epist. . f. . richard neale . see a new discovery of the prelates tyranny , p. . to . in his description of england , l. c. . p. . vodinus speeds hist l . c . p. . godw. p. . * math. west an. . henricus huntindon , h●st l. . p. . polychron . l. . c. . * ●olychron l. ● , c. . f. ● . iacobus vsserius de brit. ●ccles . primordiis , p. . ant nini chron tit. . c . sect . f. . b. vincent●i spec . hist. l. . c. . robert de sigillo . william harrisons description of england , l . c . p. . . * the bishop refused to sweare fealty to the king , onely to please the pope . william de sancta maria. * matth w●stm . ann . matth. paris an. p. . . godwin p. . fabians chron. part . anno . p. . polichron . l. . c. holinshed p. . . martins history . p. . . . roger niger . * matthew paris p . godwin p. . . mathew westm. an p. . * matth. paris . p. . . matth. westm. an● . p. . . . speed. p. . * matth. paris p . . matth. westm. an. p. . speed p. . fvlco bsset . * matth. paris p . . . and godwin p. . . henry sandwich . * matth. w●st . anno. . p. . matth. westm. anno. . . p. . . . . . . matth. paris p. . . godwin p. . speed p. . holinshed . p. . richard wenworth * holinshed , p. . yh● walsingham . hist. angl. pag. . . william covrtney . * holinshed p. . . walsingham . hist. angl. p. . . . * walsingham . hi. angl. p . . holinshed p. , . robert braybrooke stout words of the bishop of london . * walsingham hist. angl. . p. . . nicholas ridly . * holinshed . p. . edmond bonner . * holinshed . p. . . * fox acts and monuments , ediit . ult vol. . p. . l. . . . . . to . vol. p. . . . . . to . , . martins history p. . godwin . p. . richard fletcher . martins hist. p. . godwin . p. . richard bancroft . o● whom see more before in cante . see lew●s hughes his grievances , p. . . * see p. . . wil●iam lavd . william ivxon . * see the articles of the scottish commissioners against canterbury . * william harrison● his de. scrip . engl. lib. . c. . p. wina . matth wes●m . an. p. . godwin p. . . * matth west . an. . p. . godwin . p . herrefirdvs . edsinvs . * matth. westm. an. . p. . polichron l. . c. . holinshed . hist. of england . l. . c. , . p. . . speed p. . . alwyn . * antiq. eccl. brit p to . speed , p. . . ● godwin p . holinshed hist. of engl l. . c. , . * polichr●n . l . ● . ● stigand . godwin p . holinshed p. godwin p. , . math. west a. ● . p. . & an. . p. , . william giffard . henry de bloys . * malms● novel . l. . & . p. to . matth. paris p. . to . matth westm. an. . to . speed l. c. . p. , , , , godwin , p. , , , neuhrig . hist. l. . to . fox acts and monuments , p. . hoveden an. pars prior , p. , . holinshed , p. . peter de la roche . * math paris p. . , , . to . mat. west● an. . p. , &c. speed , p. to . holinshed . p. . the king by advancing strangers discont●nts his nobles the english peeres confederate against the strangers . the ●arons contemne the kings summons . * paris calls him● bacum . the frank speech of a preacher . * that is rockes and stones . * in iuly . the barons second contempt to the kings command . the traiterous errand to the king. in august nex● . rog. de wend. m. s. in august new . rog. de wend. m. s. the earle marshall in armes . * matth. paris . confederates himselfe with lewelin prince of wales . rog. wend , m. s. math. pa●is . * the sunday after michaelmas . * math westm. roger wend. math● paris . hubert de b●rgo escapes into wales , ypod. neust. a an. p. , see godwin , p . antiqu. eccles. brit p. , ● roger wendever . the king gives way to the fury of the rebellious . a practise to ruine the earle ma●shall . the pestilent tenour of the letters . * rog. wend. m. s. matth. pari● . alexander bishop of chester cleareth himselfe from disloyalty . the eng●ish bishops d●ale with the king about red●esse of the the common evils . objections against the b●shop of winton and the poictouines . the outrages of ●he ma●shalline faction . * note th●s . * edmond afterwards canonized antiqu. eccles. brit. p. . . * antiqu. eccl. brit p. . ● * rog. de wend. m.s. matth. maris . * matth. west . an. . p. . antiq. eccles. brit. p. . * antiqu. eccle● brit. p. . mat. paris . an. . p. . to . william de raley . william raley . matth. wes●m . anno. . p. ● . an. . p. . . matth. paris p. . . . . godwin p. . . holinshed . p. . . * matth. ●aris p. . . . . . . . . to . . . . . . . , godwin . p. . . ethelmarvs : gernsey . * matth. west . and matth. paris an. . holinshed p . godw●n , p. . see mat. paris p. . . henry woodlock . antiqu. eccles. brit p. . godwin p. . adam tarleton . * walsingham hist. angliae p. . . antiq. eccles. brit . godwin p. . . speeds histo. l. c. . . p. . . walsingh . ypodigma neustriae , anno. . . hist. angl p. ● . . holinshed p. . . . p. . . * holinshed . p● . . see the statut● of ● r. . c. . william edingdon . * holinshed . p. . to . * godwins cat. p. . william wicham . * godwins cat p. . . antiquit , eccles. br. p. . holinshed p. . . * godwin . p. . henry beavfort● * holinshed . p. &c hal . h. f . to ● fox . vel . ● p. to . * see holi●shed p. . . hall . h. . . . . . * holinshed . p. . to . hall , an. . h. . f. . to . fox . vol . p. . to . * an. . h. . f. . to . * see holinshed p. . to . * the second sermon bifore king edward . f. . stephen gardiner . * hall . h. . f. . fox acts monuments , vol. . edit ult . p. . . . . . . . . . . antiqu. eccles brit. p. . * hall h. . f. . . . ● . ● . . holinsh●d . p. . . . . . to . . . ● . . * fox acts and monuments , the old edition p. . ●. . . . . and vol. . edit . vlt. p. . . * fox acts and monuments ed●t . ult vol. . p. ● to . vol. . p . . . . old ●dit● p. . . . a. ● . b. * fox acts and monuments , old edition , p. . & . . * holinshed p. . * holinshed . p. . . * holinshed . p. . . . . . * fox acts and monuments edi. ult vol. . p. . iohn white * william harrison description of england . l. . c● . p. . martins hi●● . p. . . * cent. . scrip. brit. sect . . p. . . * see bilson of church govenement andr●wes ; for ex officio oathes , &c. * cincio . . . . . . * eccl●siasticae . histor. l . c. . where this historian notably inveigheth against dancing . * de virgini●us l. . tom. . operum p. . . nota. iob . ecclesiasticus . . . hi●ronimus epist . ● c. . esay . . oratio pro muraena . oratio pro cn. plaucio & post r●ditum in senatum . eph●s . . de vi●ginibus● l. . tom . p. . . * see. e●ist see hom. . gen. . . in matth. de ebrietate & luxu sermo . tam. . p. . . nota. esay . . . . ier. . . matth. . . . luke . . . ● . . . nota. see vincentii speculum . morale l. . par ● distinct. * cor. . . . . (b) mat● . w●st . an . p. . hoveden . annal. pars prior . an. . p. . kenvlphvs . (c) malmesb. d● g●st . pont. angl. l. . p. . godwin , p. . mat. paris p. . an. . godwin . p. . ●gelric . (d) matth. par●● hist. major . an. . . p. ● . . mat. westm , & fl●rentius wigor●i●nsis , ann. , . h●veden . an. . . p. , . . godwin , p. . . egelwyn . walcher . (e) malmesbur . l. . hist. angl. p. . h●v●den . annal. pars prior . an. . . . p. . . . mat● . paris , an. . p. . godwin pag. , , , . (f) m●● . paris , hist. major an. . p. . (g) malmes . de gest . reg. angl. l. . p. , ● de gest . pont. ang. l. . p. ● . mat. paris , an. . p. , . wig●r● . matth. we●●m , hoved. an. , . walsingh● ypodigma n●ustri● an. . p. . holinshed . p. , . william kairlipho . (h) matt. paris p. . . malmes . de gest . pontif. angl. l. . p. , . godwin . p. , , . ranulph flambard . holinshed . hist. of scotl. pag. . hvgh pvsar . nu●rigens . hist. l. . c. . l. . c. . godwin . p. , , . holins . p. . . nubrigensis . l. . c. . l. . c. . holinsh p. . roger de h●veden . annal. pars pos●●●ius . p. . * hoveden a●n●l . p●rs posterior . pag. . , . h●v●d●n . a●nal . pars posterior pag. , , , , , . richard de marisco . godwin cat. p. anthony b●ak● . godwin . p. . . * holins● . p. ● . lew●s beavmont . antiq. eccles. brit. p. , . godwin , p. , . richardde bvry . godwin . p. . * godwin . p. . iohn forham . walsingham hist. angl. an. . p. . speedes history p. . godwin . p. . iohn sherwood . * antiq. eccles. brit. p. . godwin p. . * holinshed , p. . . cvtbert tonstall . * fox acts and monuments , p. . godwin p. . * rastall abridg. stat. f. . durham , cambdens brit. p. . . godwin . p. . martin hist. p. . . . holinshed p. . practise of popish prelates . p. . tunstall bishop of durham burnt the new testament . * and out of him by m. fex acts and monuments edit . ult vol. . p. . a bishopricke is superfluous honour , and a lewd liberty . see a late pamhlet wherein this is expressed . alstane or adelstane . * mat. west . an. . pag. . . holins . hist. of england , l. . c. . p. . c. . p. . c. . p. . malms . de gestis regum angl. l. . c. . p. . antiq. eccles. brit. p. . speed. hist. l. . c. . sect. . p. . godw. p. . roger . * neubrigensis hist. l. . c. . mat. paris , hoveden , higden , fabian coxton , speed , stow , grafton , martin in the life of king steph●n . godwin . p. . . . fox acts and monuments p. . holinshed p. . ● wil. mal. hist. novel . l. ● p. . . . to . * wil. malm●sb . hist. novella . l. . p. . . * hist. novellae l. . p. . . . * will. malms . hist. n●v●lla . l. ● . p. . . robert bingham matthew pari● p. . . holinshed . p. . w●lliam of york mat. paris● hist. angl. p. . ● godwin . car. p. . . john waltham . holinsh●d . p. . . fox act● a●d monumen●● , ●dit . ult . vol. . p● . . walsin● hist. angl. a●● . pag. ● . , . yp●dig . neu●●r . . ●olinsh . p. : richard milford . godwin . p. . walsingham , hist. angl. p. . &c. & ypodigma naustr . a. . p. . william ayscoth . fabian . par● . , an. . pag. . caxton . pars . an. . graft . an. , p. . godwin . p. . holinsh. p. : aldred . * matth. west . an. . godw. p. . eadnoth * math. west . an. . p. . godwin . p. . * matth. west . an. . p. . godwin . p. . ulfe . alexander * matth. paris . hist. angl. an. . p. . holinshed . p. . matth. westm. an. p. . remigivs . * hen. huntin . hist. l. . p. . l. . p. . matth. west . an. . . godwin . p. . . . will. malm●s● de gestis pontif. l. p. . . alexander . * nubrigensis hist. l. . c. . huntindon . hist. l. . p. . . hoveden . annal. pars . prior . p. . to matth. par. p. . to . matth. westm. an. . to . holinshed . p. . fox acts and monuments . p. . speed. p. . . . &c. godwin . p. . geoffry plantagenet . hoveden . annal. part . posterior . p. . godwin , p. . † annal. pars poster . p. . * ann●lium pars posterior , p. ● , , to , , , , , , , , , to , , , , , , , , , , to . matth. paris : hist. angl. p. . . note his fury . * annal. par● poster . p. . , , , ● , , , , , , , , , , , . * math. westm. an. . p. . s. hvg●● matth● paris . hist. angl. p. , , . roger hoveden , annal. pars posterior , p. , . holinshed , p a presumptuous part in a bishop . * see willets synop . papis . contr . . qu. . p. . * ●leurs des vies des saincts part . p. , . * roger hoveden . annal. pars posterior . p. . godwin , p. , . * godwin ibid. matth. paris hist. ang. p. . hoveden . anna. pars posterior , p. , . hvgh wallis . * matthew paris hist. angl. p. , . fox acts and monuments , vo . . p. . c. . willets synopsis papism . contr . . quaest . p. . antiq. eccles. brit. p. . * holinshed , p. , . grosthead . holinshed , p. * matth. paris , hist. major , p. . * quod nunquam antea fieri consueverat ( saith the authour . ) * matth. paris , hist. major , p. * antiquit. eccles . brit. bonifacius , p. . * lindew . prov. constit. l. . de jurejurando , ● . . * pars . fol. . b. . . * nat. bre. fol. . . * abrid . of statutes . tit. prohibition . henry lexinton * matthew paris hist. ang● . p. , . godwin , p. , . henry bvrvvash godwin , p. . * hist. angliae , anno , . p. , . speeds history of great brit. l. . c. . p. , , . * wa●singham hist. angl. anno , . p. . * antiq. eccles. brit. p . godwin , cat . p. . john synvvall . thomas watson . * martin hist. p. . godwin , p. . john williams . * see the kings proclamation for calling in his appe●lo caesarem : and his majesties declaration concerning the dissolution of the last parliament but one , p. , . * matth. . . * i●hn . * math. . . to . luk. . , , . * pet. . . . . * the very words of the license of iohn lincolne deane of westminster before that booke . * regul . fusior . reg. . pag. . * synes . ep . . epist. . lib. . but epist . 〈◊〉 pamelius his edition . notes for div a -e * virg. georg. l. . * mat. . . * psal● . . notes for div a -e * some coppies have most for more , through the printer● mistake . * see part. . p. . * plutarchi apoph . notes for div a -e * godwin cat. p. holinshed . p. . rog●re de hoveden anna●lium pars prior p. . matth. paris hist. ang. p. . matth. west . an. . p . eadmerus . hist. novorum . l. . p. . . & iohannes se●deni spici●egium , ibid. p. . ●o ● & ● to . hervaevs . nig●llvs● * godwin . ca● . p. . * matth west . anno. . p. . * hist. ang. p. . * matth. paris hist. ang p. ● . godwin . ca● p. . geoffry rydel . william lon●champ . * h●veden . annal. pars ●esterior p. . to . . . . . &c. nubrigen . hist. l. c. . . . . matth. paris hist. major . p. . . . . ● fox acts and monum●n●● . p : : ● . . godw. cat p. . to holinshed . p. . . . . . speed. p. : &c. the fruit of clergy mens , having both temporall and spirituall jurisdiction . * it was treason then to resist this proud prelates will. note the m●schiefe of prelates temporall and secular iurisd●ction combined . * matth. west . an. p. ● . this is the common fate of ill officers wh●n in disgrace . see fox , vol. . p. . . . * hoveden , annal pars p●stirior . p. ● evstachivs . * matth west . anno. . p. . matth. paris anno. . p. . . god. ●at . p. . holinsh p. . &c. * matth● paris hist. aug. pag. . . . godw. cat. p. . hvgh balsam . * matth. paris p. . * matth. paris p. . thomas lilde . * godw● cat p. . . . . * william harison hist. l. . c. . p. . . godw. cat. p. . . . . antiq. eccles. brit. p. . . . . holinsh. p. . . ●hom . walsing● . anno. . hist. a●gl . p. . ypodigma ne●●triae . p. . iohn hordham th●mas wa●si . hist. ●ngl . p. . ypodigma . n●ustriae , p. nicholas west . god. p. . thomas thirlby . godwin . p. . . martius hist. p. . walter bronescome . godw ●at . p. . . holinsh . p. . . peter qvivill . godwin . p. . . . * holinshed p. . . fabian part . . p. . . walsingh . hist. ang p . godwin . p : ● walter stapleton . iohn grandison * antiquit. eccles . brit p. . . walsingham hist angl. p. . godw. cat. p. . holinsh p . * iohannes exoniensis cum mi●itari , ●anu prohibu●s ; cumque archie●is●opus armis ●um exoniensi cong●edi statuit , re regi nunciata literis regiis revocatus , infectovisitation●s negotio ●x illa diocaesi turpiter & ignominiose recessit . thomas brentingham . * godw. p. . ant. eccles brit. p. . . walsingham . hi. angl. p. . . edmvnd lacy . * godw. cat. p. . holinshed p . george nevill . grafton . h. . p. . god● . p. . * speeds histo. p. . godw. cat. p. ● . holinshed . p. . iohn voysei . iames tvrbevill . * martyns hist p. . . godw p . william cott●n . * sermo . in cant ad clerum conci● in concil● rhemensi . bishop . hall . * see smectymnius ; and a vindication to the answer to the humble remonstrance . * godw. cat. p. . dvnstan . * holinshed . hist. of england l. . c. . p. ● * acts and monuments vol. . p. . . ex chronic● sax●nico ecclesiae wigorniensis . ex orb●rno in vita dunst●n . dunstan refuseth to take the king by the hand . the words of dunstan to king edgar . penance enjoyned to king edgar to dunstan . king edward reigned but three yeares crowned king. ●lfled proved a nun , and edward her sonne proved a bastard , living . matth west . anno . malmesbury de gestis regum angl. l. . c . p● godw p. . alfred . * speeds hist. p. . . holinshed . l . c. . p. . wvlstan god p. . . . malms . de gest. pontif. angl. l. . p. . . ● matth. west . anno. p. . note this speech . mavgere . matth● west● anno. ● godw. p. . matth. paris hist. ang. p. . . walsing ypodig . neust. anno. . p. . pag. . matth west . anno. . . p. . . walter de cantelvpo . * g●dw . cat p. . . matthew paris p. . . . holinshed . p. . . pag● . leovegar matth. westm. ann. . p. . godw. cat p. . walter . . * godw. cat. p. . . mal. de g●stis pont● l. . p. . polychron . l. . c. . ● . an. raynelmvs . malmbs . de ge●stis ponti● . l . p. godw● p● . gyles de brvse . * matth. westm. anno. . godw. p. . peter de egueblancke . * matth. paris● p . . . . . , : . . . . . . godw p . holinsh. p. . . ann . * hist. p. angl. p. . ● adam de orleton . * walsingh . hist angl. p : . . . holinshed . p. . . . . camd. brit p. . iohn brvton . harrison● l. c. . p● . * godw. p. . sir edwards cookes epistle to the . report . iohn ●revenant . walsing . hist. angl. henricus th . anno . p. . holinsh. p. . . . . . speed hist. p. . godw. p. . charles booth . george cooke . * wigorniensis , matth● westm. matth. paris malmes . huntindon and hoveden . anno. . godw. p. . agelrick . ralph . malmes . de gestis pontificum . l. . p. . ● . eadmerus hist. nov●rum . l. . , , . godw. p. . . * see summa angelica . tit. visita●io . hilary : godw. p. . * in his excellent booke called archaionomia p●r totum * in ●is analect . anglo-brit l. . c. . . . ¶ history of cambria p. . howell . dsha . * theophra●t . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in m s. chron. abbatiae de bell●● * claus. . h memb . . * m. seldens review of tiths p. . * videsis ● . h. ● a●●d matth. paris hist m●jori . an ● . * selden ibid. p. * g. mal●es hist. novell . l. . p. b. * de nugis ●urialium . l. . c. . stephen berksteed . * matth. paris p , . godw p. . holinsh. p. . iohn de langhton . godw. p. . walsing hist. ang● . ●n . ● p. . grafton r. ● . ● . godw. p. . thomas rvshock . * r c ● adam molins . godw●n . p. . holinsh. p. . richard sampson . george day . godw● p . godw p . martyns hist. p. , , . iohn christoph●rson . richard movntagve . s●e the declaration for the dissolution of the parliam●nt . p . . walter malclerke● * godw. p. . . matth west . an. . p. . sylvester de everdon . matth. westm. anno. . . p . godw. p. . thomas merkes . * godw. p. ● . . walsing . hist. ang. an . p. . gra●ton . chron. p. . . . speeds histo. p. . . . halls chron. . h. . . f. . to . holinsh. p . . owen oglethorp * godw. p. . martyns hist. p. . . . iohn de gray . * hist. angl. p. . . * see matthew paris hist. angl. p. . to . matth. west an. . to : fox acts and monu . p ● to . pandvlphvs . roger de skerwyng . matth. paris hist. angl● p. . . matth. west● anno. . p. . holish p. . . godwin p. . . anthony de beck . * godw. p. . william bateman . * godw. p. . henry spencer . * walsingh . hist. angl p. . . . . to . . speed. hist. p. . polichro . l. c . f . antiquit. eccl. brit p. . holinsh p. . . . . godw. p. . . . matth paris hist. angl. p. . . * fox acts , and monuments , vol. . p . * ibid. fox . vol. . p● . * walsing . hist. angliae p . . . &c. note this . note this . bulls . * wal●ing . hist. anglicae p . . alexander . * godw. p ● . richard nyx. * godw p. . see a briefe of the prelates incr●c●ments . &c. p. . . iohn hopton . * godw. p. . samvel harsnet . d. white . dr. corbet . * plin. nat. hist. l. c. . herodotus l. . matthew wren . . h. wast . ● . godw. cata p. . hvgh novant . * in his cata. p. . roger hoved. annal. pars poste p. . . . . speed hist● l . p. . matth. paris hist p ● matth. west . anno . p. . holi●sh . p. . . godw. cat. p. . . ●alaeus cent. . c . p● ● matthew paris hist. angl. anno. . p. . . . speeds hist. ● . . . godw. cat. edit . . p. . alexan●der de savensby . * holins● . p. . g●dw . p. . matth. west . anno. . p. . walsingh . hist. angl. p. . speeds hist. l. . p. . walter de langton * godwin . p. . iohn bird . * see godw. catalog . p. . cvtbert scot . * godw. cat. p. . iohn bridgman . * see a new discovery of the prelates tyrany , p. . to . . ● to . * p. . to . ● . to . roger de clinton . godw. p. . richard p●che . godw. p. . * itiner . l. . c. . geoffry blithe . godw. p. . robert wright . putta . * godw. p. . . malmesbur . de gestis pontif. angliae . c. . p. . * matth. westm. ann. . pag. . speed. pag. . antiq. eccles . brit. ● . malmesb. de gestis regum angl. l. . c. . p. . godwin . p. . godwin . gilbert de glanuyll . * godwin . cat. p. . . laurentius de sancto martino . * matth. pa●●● . hist. angl. pag. . . godwin . pag. . iohn fisher. hol●nsh . p. . . hall. an. . h. . f. . b. speed p. . . godwin . p. . bal●●● cent. . c. . . fox acts and mo●uments edit . . p. . ● dr. ●ol● . * see godwins catalogue . p. guido de mona . * walsingham hist. angl. p. . ypodigma neustriae . an. . p : . godw. p. . oudotius . spelm. concil . tom. . p. . see godwins . catalogue edit . . p. . . . * spelm. ●oncil . tom. ● p. . * spaelmann● concil . tom. . p. . . godwins catalogue . edit . . p. . * catalogue edit . . p. . . . gurcan . * godwins catalogue edit . p. . spelmanni concil . tom. . p , . . * berthgwin . sp●lmann● con. tom. . p. . . * spelman . ibid. & godwins c●t . edit . . p. . * godwin . edit . . p. . spelmanni con. tom. . p. . . cercenhir gulfridus . * godwin . edit . . p. . spelmanni concil . p. . nudde . * godwin . edit . . p. . civeilliauc . spel. concil . tom. . p. . . pater . godwin . edit . . p. . . joseph . godwin . edit . . pag. . herewald . spelmanni concil . tom. . pag. . . godwin . edit . . pag. . edmund de bromfeild . * godwin . edit . . p. . mauritius . * godwin . edit . . p. . robert shrewsbury . * godw. edit . . pag. . richard. * matth. paris . p. . . godwin . edit . . p. . . * godwin . edit . . pag. . . richard young. lewis . * walsingham . hist. angl. ann. . pag. . ypodigma neust. anno . p. . godw. edit . . p. . holinsh. pag. . arthur bulkly . trinity . . h. . r●t . . godwin . edit . . p. . ●ohn trevaur . * wals. hist. angl. anno . . p. . . . . ypodig . neustriae anno. . p. . godwin . edit ● pag. . speed. hist. pag. . . holinsh. p. . . . . . . * holinshed . pag. . giso . * godwin . edit . pag. , . * math. paris , pag. . matth. west . anno . godwi● . edit . . pag. . . joceline . * anno . pag. , . robert stillington . * speeds hist. pag. . h●lls chron. . r. . fol. . godwin . edit . . pag. , . * balaeus de vitis pontificum . leo . godwin . edit . pag. , . hadrian de castello . william barlow . guilbert bourne . godwins catalogue , pag. . martins history , pag. , &c. william pierce . * among these he hath suppressed the ancient weekely lecture at the city of bath , whither many nobles , & other strangers resort , especially , in the spring and fall , who by reason of their sicknesse , both desire and neede preaching for the consolation and instruction of their soules , of which now they are there de●titute , to their great discomfort . * joh. . . i dare say no commentator whatsoever , ever made so ill an application of this text. † it appeares by act. . . . act. . . c. . & ● & . luk. . . . joh. . . . . tim. . . by basil. magnus . hexaemeron . hom. . . . . & hom. in psal. . by s. chrysost. hom. . . and . in gen. ad pop. antioch . hom. . . & . de sacerdotio . l. . hom. de lazaro . by augustine concio . in psal. . tract . . . & . in joan. and other fathers , that christ , his apostles and the fathers preached every day , and forenoone and afternoone on the lords day● how dare then this prelate thus to affront their practise ? * o prophane impiety and injustice , to punish ministers for preaching , catechising , and doing that which god injoynes them ! * an impiety & prophanenesse , which no age can patterne , many ministers have beene suspended and censured for shortning the service , that they might preach the longer , and yet they are commanded to curtall it by this bishop , that the people might have more time to play in gods owne day . * a pious episcopall reason , fitter for an alewife , than a bishop ; an athest than a prelate . * o blasphemy ! why was not the revell rather scandalous to the text ? * o the desperate impie●y and prophanenesse of this bishop , who might as well obliterate this scripture out of the bible , as out of the church wall ! * this speech he borrowed from canterbury ; who might doe well to prove , that god almighty sits actually on the lords table , & that as well when there is no communion there , as when there is . *. o monstrous superstition , sacriledge , and impiety , to deprive the people of the sacrament , because the table stood not after his new fancy ! no age i am certaine yeelds such a president . † it seemes his lordship delighted more in piping than preaching , and will have men goe merrily dancing not mourning to heaven . * bishop hall labours to excuse it , in his answer to the vindication . p. . . as if the bishop meant it only in a lesse evill construction , as referring to the northerne rise of that quarrell , not to our prosecution , when as it is most clear● by the words and ●ircumstances , that he meant quite contrary . * which some of the county conceive hee hath pursed up or discharged his owne share in this contribution therewith . see . h. . c. . . and . h. . c. . godwins catalogue , p. . to . godwin . cat. p. . ● robert wright . cooke . robert skinner . * see a looking glasse for all lordly prelates , p. , . † of wch●o shed any on●●rum or drop , he holds is damnable and sacrilegious . see the bistoll mens petition to the parliament against him , where much more is expressed . john chambers . godw. cat. edit . . pag. . * godw. ibid. david poole . william p●erce● lyndsey . john. godwin . cat. edit . . pag. , . see fox acts and monuments . vol. . p. . to . godfry goodman . lords-day . * ed. . c. . holins . p. . . to . walsingham . hist. angl. p. . . . . speed. p. . * eccles. . * de consider . ad eugenium , lib. . st. german . * poly●h●●● . l. . c. . ribaden●ira l●s fl●urs des vie● des saints . part p. . . vincentii speculum hist. l. . c. . ant●ni●i chron . tit. . c. . sect . . f. . b. see part . before p. . * see his supplication to king henry the . p. . odo bishop of bayeux . * w●llie●mus malmesb. de gestis regum angl. l. . p , . holinsherd . p. , , henry huntindon hist. l. . p , , , &c. * roger●● de h●veden annal. pars posterior , p. . to . holinshed p. , . neubrig . hist. l. . c. . antiqu. ●ccles . bri. p. . mat. westm. an. p. . the bishop of beau●●is●aken ●aken prisoner● walter archbishop of rhoan normandy interdicted by the ar●hbishop of r●ven an reg. . hoveden annal. pars . posterio , ● . ; ● . matthew paris , an. . p. . matthew westm , an. . p. , . * fabian● chron. part . p. , . c. . polychron l. . c. . matth●w paris , hist. ang. p. hoved. fol. . speeds h●●t . p. ● . sect . . a holinshed his history of scotland . p. . b scot. chron . l. , c. . c de gestis scot. l. . c. . d de brit. eccle. primordiis p. concil p. . holyrood house builded . liberality in king david toward the church reproved . the church enriched , and the crowne impoverished . the saying of king iames the first . a sore saint . iohn major . . pound in lands given to the church . superfluous possessions of the church . f will. harinson descrip . eng. l. . c. . p. . g walsi●gham hist. angl. p. . annals of ireland in master cambden . p. , . * hist. anglic p. , , , , wimundus bishop of the iles * hist. l. . c. , . * holinshed hist. of scot. p. . adam bishop of cathnes slaine by the people of ●hat country . adam bishop of cathnes . streight execution . the stony-hill . the earle of cathnes looseth his lands . king alexander commended of the pop●● * holinsh. history of scotland , p. . will. elfing●tone bishop of aberdin● . gawin bishop of dunkeld . * holish . history of scotland , p. . * martyns history , p. . bishop of rosse . * iohn scot. roger de hoveden annalium pars posterior , p. , ● , ● , to , . , to . * h●●ed●n annalium pars posteri●● , p. . h●veden ibid. p. . robert de bruse . * math. westm. an. . p. , &c. * h●linshed hist. of scot. p. . , , . iames k●●edie . graham . * francis thi● . his continuation of h●linsheds history of scotland , p. , * h●linsh . history of scotland , london , . p. . mr. cambdens scotia . p. , . thin . ibidem . * h●lin . history of scotland , p. , . le●●●us lib. . p. . . william schewes * francis thin . ibid. andrew steward . * francis thin . ibid. * holinshed hi●story of scotland , p. . alexa. steward , * francis● thin . ibid. * speeds history● p. . hall● chron . , h. . f. . * less . pag. . holinsh. history of scot. p. , . * fran. thin ibid. andr. formam● * francis thin his continuation o● holin . history of scot. p. . iames beton . * holinshed hi●story of scotland , p. . david b●t●n . * holinsheds history of scotland , p. . to . francis thin his continuation of th● history of scotland p. . bishop of r●●●e author of the northerne , rebellion . an . martin p. . h●linsh . p. . speed , &c. george wischart , a learned man burnt . iohn hamilton . * holinshed hist. of scot. d. . . leslaus l. . p. . * holinshed hist. of scotland . p. . . leslaeus , l. . p. . * lib. . p. . . * lib. . * hist. of scotland . . . . * holinshed . . . see 〈◊〉 re●●m scot. l. & . * holinshed hist. of scot. p. . chytraus chr●n . sax●ni● . l. . . * francis thin his continuation of holinshed hist. of scot. p. . . london , . patricke adamson . * holinshed and thin , hist. of scotland p. . to ● . . . * see andrew melvin his patric●i adamsoni palinodia p. . and celsae commissionis ana●omia . note this . * fox acts and monuments , vol. . p. . john cvmin arch-bishop of dublin . * hoveden annal. pars poster●or p. . anno. . henry scorch villein . * the annals of ireland , in mr. cambden , p. . . * the annals of ireland . p. . iohn leekes . alexander de bickner arch-bishop of dublin . * w●lsingham hi●t . angl. p. . . holins . p. . ant. eccles. brit. p. . * walsingh . hist. angl. p. . * the annals of ireland . fol. . david o-hirraghey . * annals of ireland . fol . archbi●hop of ca●sels . * walsingh . hist. ang. p. . . * an●als of ireland p. . in mr. cambden . chron. of ireland in holinshed p. ● richard o-bedian . iohn allen● * stain●urst his continuation of the chronicles of ireland p. . . * stainhurst , ibid p. . * s●ain●urst , ibid. p. . * mr. cambden in his description of ireland . p. . * licet sit expediens quod uni populo partiali futeli , praesit unus episcopus , nō tamen quod toti populo fideli praesit unus solus . tum quia minus malum est ut populus partialis & parvus inficiatur ab uno episcopo , quàm ut totus , vel fer● totus populus christianus inficiatur ab uno capite , qui omnibus praesit . ockam . dialog . l. . tract . . p. . c. . ad . * see antiquitates ecclesiae brit. throughout . hence most papists n●w live neare bishops cathedrals . * . h. . r. . . e. . r. . * malmesbury , de ge●tis pontificum , in the life o● a●sel●e , with others forecited . p. . . * see bishop white● epistle before his doctrine of the sabbath : heylyn in his antidotum lincolniense ; and moderate answer to h. burton . sedulius . acts . , . anselme . * in quo vos spiritus sanctus posuit episcopos . dixerat enim suprà presbyteros ephesi miletum vocatos , quos nunc episcopos , id est , superin ●pectores nominat . non enim una civitas plures episcopos habere potuit , sed eosdem presbyteros , ut verè sacerdot●s sub nomine episcoporum significat . conjunctus est enim gradus & in multis pene similis . * therefore it is of right and duty . epist. . ● . b apologia . adu . gentes . c. . c epist. . . . . . d adv. h●r . l. . , . c. . e cypr. epist. . . hierom ad ●uagr . * flacius illericus in the end of his caral . test. veritatis . * in ephes. . tom. . . * see a catalogue se. p. . , . * consultatio . artic. . oper. parisiis . . . p. . aelfrick canons . * henr. spilmanni concil . tom. . p. . . episcopi & presbyteri ordo vnvs . iohn salis. petrus blesensis * epist. ● * acts . . * possidon●us in vita . * bibl. patrum tom. . pr. ● . p , . * hosea . ● * gen. . ● iohn . . * ier. . . * cor. . . * iohn . . * tim. . . a good note for bishops that meddle with court and exchequer offices . * matth. . . * see the booke of ordination and consecration of bishops . note this . * ruffinus hist. l. . c. . let those prelates who have had their voices in such sent●nces , conside● this . kings . . iohn . cor. . . * gal. . * mat. . , . * pet. . , . i wish this charcter did not suit too wel with some of our lordly prelates now . * the true title of a prelates chaire . * ●ccles . . ● * isay ●●● * see ba●●us . cent●riae ●cri● . brit. rich● armacha●nus . li. . de questionibus a●nenoru●● . , , , , , . iohn wiclif●e . * quia certum videtur , quod superbia caesar●a hos gradu● & ordines adinvenit . * histor. angliae p. . ypodigma neustriae . an. ● . p. ● dialog . li. . c. . fox acts and monuments . p. . thomas walsingham hist. angl. p. . . to . fox acts and monum●nts . p. , . . holi●shed● p. . * dialog . l. . c. ● . f. . william swinderby * fox acts and monuments , p. . . edit . . and edit . ult . vol. . p. . . . . . ●●remy . * walter brute . * fox acts and monuments . vol. ● p. . ● . * fox acts and monuments . vol. . p. . william thorpe * fox acts and monuments . vol. . p. , . . the viciousnes and pride of priests , infecte●h al the world . * it is pity bishops cannot sweare . iohn purvey● * fox acts and monuments . vol. . p. . * fox ac●s and monuments . p. . , . . walsingham hist. angliae . an. . p. . lord cobham . peirce plowman * passus . . , , . * fox acts and monuments . vol. . p. . , ● . . edit . ult . * the plowmans tale. lucifers letter . * fox acts and monuments . edit . . p. . ● . placing of all mischeife . the church never well governed since the devils were taken of the church men pride in prelat●● ntoed . popish prelates neither give to god nor caesar that which belongeth to god and caesar. the double jurisdiction of the popes two swords commeth of lucifer . dōinus sanctus sanctissimus . the lascivious & whorish life of the romish clergy . the whorish latter church of ●ome . pope successor not of simon peter but of simon magus . wicked & unworthy mini●●ers admitted in the popes ●hurch unworthy bestowing of benefices . extortion . perverting of iustice. acception of person . bribery . love of lucre● destruction of true faith . the life of p●pists contrary 〈◊〉 their teaching● the pope increaseth hel● . antichrist . the pope a faigned procu●er of peace betweene princes . ●●mony the popes nu●se . promoting of proud and rich cardinalls . wresting of scrip●ure . tyranny and cruelty by the pope . * acts and monuments . vol. . p. . . alexander fabritius . tim. . . * thomas gascoigne in dict. theolog part . . ioan. balaeus . cent. . c. . fox acts and monuments . edit . ult . vol. . p. , . hall. . h. . fo . . holinshed . p. . reynold peacocke . all the archbishops , bishops , archdeacons & convocation , with king h. the eight . nota. note . cuthbert tonstall and iohn stokerley . * thom. beacon ●is reports of certa●ne men , vol. . f. . fox acts and monuments . p. . . miles & clericus . * centur. scri● . brit. l. . sect● . p. . hebr. . . fox acts and monuments . vol. . p. , . catalog . testium veritatis , p. . , , . antoninus m. . part . extra●ag● ioan. . * english waldenses , hist. angl. p. . sir iohn borthwick , fox , acts and monuments vol. . edit . ult . p. , . the sixth article . civill domion differing f●om ecclesiasticall . christ refuseth the office of a civill iudge . an objection made by the example of mo●es supplying both the offices answered unto . palaces to princes , churches pertaine to priests ; peter could not give that he had not , peter had no lordly dominion . ergo peter could not give lordly dominion to his successors . the seventh article . borthwicke . m william tyndall martyr . david . how bishops instru●● kings . * pag. , . kings defend the false authority● of the pope their office punishing of sinne laid apart . bishops ministe● the kings duty , their owne laid apart : yea they persecute their owne office . kings doe but wait on the popes pleas●r● . the jugling of the pope . bishops of almany . milaine . bishops of france . a cap of maintenance . most christian king● defender of the popes faith. the eldest sonne of the holy seat . blasing of arms . the english bishops . the falshood of bi●hops . a cruell , and an abominable example of ●yranranny , judge them by their ●leeds saith christ. * hee meanes cardinall w●lsey in case of the la●tie . * see latymers sermons , at s●●mford , f. . the whore of babylon . note this . bishops . behold the face of the pope , and of the bishops in this glasse . peters patrimony . the popes authority is improved . bishops have captived gods word with their own decr●es . kings are in cap●ivity . the duty of kings . vnlaw●ull oaths ought to be broken and may without dispensation . the king onely ought to punish sinne : i meane that is broken forth , the h●●rt must remaine to god. against the co●●on law. the kings law is gods law. kings ought to see what they doe , and not to beleeve the bishops , namely seeing their living is so sore suspect . the kings are become antichrists hangmen . be learned ye that judge the ●arth . who slew the prophets . glorious names . how are they esteemed . kings ar● downe they cannot goe lower . note this . they win somewhat alwayes . note this . the prelates a●e cloathed in red . pollaxes . judge the tree by his fruite , and not by his leaves compare their deedes to the doctrine and deedes of christ and of his apostles , and judge their fruites . what judas is now . bishops w●rke treason through con●ession . kings be sworne to the bishops , and not the bishops unto the kings . the 〈◊〉 reape by having bishops . confession● note this p●licie . the manifold ●●ormities which their auric●la● confession 〈◊〉 br●●d● no wonder then our prelates and priests of late were so eager to bring in confession againe . the pope and his chaplaines are the fountaines of all evills in spirituall regiment or temporall . vnder an o●tward pretence of gods honour the popes clergie procured their owne dignity . note this . not● . the keeping downe of gods wo●d promoted the popes spiri●ualties , honour . the bishop of rocheste● is a fit patterne to judge all the rest of affinity by . th● cau●● why kings could not come to the knowledge of the truth . the ministers of christs doctrine may not have ●n● temporall offices . mat. . mat. . the officers in christs kingdome may have no temporall dominion . mat. ● . to receive a child in christs name what it is . thess. . the pope i●● wolfe in a lamb● ski●● john ●rit● . bound up wit● m. ty●●●lls worke●● silve●●er . when corruption entred into the church . bishoprickes were not greedily sought after in the primitive church , for then it was a charge and not a lordship . mat. . mark. . joh. ● . a great alteration in the ch●rch since the time of christ and his apostles . ● cor. ● a little fl●cke is left that are not corrupted . d. barnes . the sixt article . tit. . the cardinall and d. barn●s r●●s●n●d togeth●r . b●t therefore was i am hereticke . o figmentum . if i fained such a thing i should be an hereticke . athanius , com . in t●t●m● c. . chrysostome in titum . the eighth ar●i●le . officers be but bishops hangmen , god amend it . the ninth ar●●●l● . the tenth ar●icle . . qu. . secuti sun●● & ●ap . no● si . a supplication to king he●r● the eight . ioh. . matth. . act● . isay . prov. . . isay. . tim. . luk. . pet. . rom. . joh. . cor. . mat. . ioh. . isay . isay . gal. . psal. . isay ● . note this . ioh. ● . iohn . . iohn lambert . fox acts and monument , old edition . p. . . the order and state of priests election of ministers in the old time , not without the assent of the people . the image of a very christian bishop , &c. * see fox acts and monuments . old edition , p. . the preachers ought much rather to rebuke the spirituall heads , than the temporall , for divers just causes nicholaicall bishops , i wene he means the bishops made of children at saint nicholas time . tyrants . temporall princes and governours . rom. . the word of god. object . answ. note this . the profit that commeth of our bishops . cor. . psal. . deafe serpents . they that resist the word of god be sedi●ious persons . what the bishops call ●edition . the tyranny of the pope . the sloathfulnesse and reachlesnesse of bishops . object● answ. an history 〈◊〉 narration . * fulg●sus collect. lib. ● . * the patron of col●n . a true character of lordly prel●t●● . * titus . . . presbyter . episcopus . titu● . ● . ●● acts . ye se● here that the preachers of the gospel t●ach no sedition , shedding of blood , or fighting with the hand . object . answ. note this . boniface . tit● . note this . the examples of holy men may not be perjudiciall to gods holy word . for all men may erre . god saved daniel in the dungeon of lyons . dan. . dan. . note . all the priests of one city be called of paul , bishops . all true preachers been bi●hops . the court of rome . note . proverbs . philippi . ●ura●es or parish priests . episcopus . bishops officials what kinde of men . note . bishops wer● in those dayes deemed intollerable greevances fit to be removed . the decree of the author . p●esbyters . note . note . vos non sic . not● this old and new practise of prelates . object . answer . note . note . the causes of the division betweene the spiritualty and the commonalty . william wraughton , alias turne● . rodericke● mors. note well what ●nsueth . henry stalbridg . * see the , & . part of the hom. against wilfull rebellion . and the . part of th● homely on whitsunday . * ibid. fol. . & . to . note . * see a supplication to king henry the . an. . accordingly . * m. tindals practise of prelates accordingly . * buce●us de regn● christi , l. . c. . * note . see the supplication to king henry the eight . an. . mr fish . , fox acts and monum . p. . . the fruits of prelates greatnesse sitting in parliament . * now they bring such into the high commission , & there ruine them , or force them to give over their actions note the danger that accrews by making clergy-men chiefe temporall officers . martyn bucer . * lib. . c. . . . in his scripoa anglicana basilea . . p. . . . . . * it is the divell then , not god that calls bishops to be courtiers and temporall officers . * how prelates came by their great lordly possessions . see his scripta anglicana . pag. . . . , , . and comment . in matth. . and ●he unbishoping of timothy and titus . p. , , . zwinglius . bishop hooper . * fox vol. . pag. . . * upon the . commandement p. . * see rucerus d● r●gn● christi , l. . c. . note . the booke of ordination . * edw● . c. . . eliz. c. . canon . . the bishop . answer . the bishop . answer . the booke of homilies . father latimer * in his sermons , f. , , &c. note this . note this wel● . * fath●r la●ymer would not have bishops lords of the parliament , or to sit therein . note this . the spirituall pastors have a great charge . in his sermons fol. . . dr. harpesfield & iohn bradford . fox acts & monuments v. . p. . edmund all●n . this is the present objection for the continuance of bishops , deanes , and chapters . not● . iohn bale . * his image of both churches on . apoc. . & . part . . f. . . matthew parker . * antiquit. ec●l . brit. p. . . . . . a strange evill death of a clergie lord treasurer , who like iudas christs treasurer and bag-bearer dyed in despaire . * lego omnia bona m●a domin● regi , corpus sepultur● , anim●m diabolo . qu● dict● expiravit , &c. note . see nicholas de clemangiis , de corrupto ecclesia statu . c. . . . an excellent discourse against bishops intermedling in temporall affaires , and bearing civill of●●ces . * h●ved●n a●●●l . pars post●●i●r . p. . speed. p , * annal. pars posterior . p. . . thomas beacon . isay. . . mat. . . joh. . . wolvish sheepheards . the description of a certaine head wolfe , clathed in a bishops rotchet . a comparison betweene queen isabels time and ours . priests chiefe in the country , and thorow out england . awake nobility . the ambition and security of the papists . miles coverdale . * godwins cat. p. . john ponet walter haddon . bishop alley bishop pilkington . mr. nowel . bishop elmer . few of our prelates would now refuse such a proffer . act. . ● to . cor. . . * tim. . . nicholas bullingham . iohn bridges . difference betweene priests and bishops . * hi●r●ni●us 〈◊〉 titum dist. . can. oli● id●m . * lib. . dist. . . ● tim. ● insti●uti● d●ctr . christi , de sh●r● ordinis . fol. . * summa ang●lica . l. ord. the papist● controversie about their holy order . the heavenly and earthly kingdome are not 〈◊〉 joyned that the bishops may be earthly kings . m. sanders objetion and answer . whether a bishop may take a kingdome upon him p●operly or unproperly . deposing of princes by the prelates practises . heb. . the churches promotion . matth. ● . glossa in ly●●●●●●p●r i●h . hofmeister in luc. . why christ took not on him the office of a magistrate . christ abolished not the magistrates office , though he him●elfe re●used it . m. iohn fox . bishop iu●l . * ad e●agrium * d● simplicit . prelat●r . e●asm . in schol. in epist. ad euagrium . m. harding . hieron . i● epist. ad titum , c. i. erasm. in schol. i● epist. ad euagr. sub. l●●ne s●ssi●ne . erasm. in apologia ad pium . * hieron . ad euagrium . * erasmus adversus albert. pighium . * hier●n . in epist. ad titum . c. . * hieron . ●odem loc● . * august epist. . * chrys. in tim. homili . hieron . ad euagrium . * aug. in quaest . novi & vet. testam● q. . * amb. in tim. cap. . * ioh. de paristis . cap. . in vira silvestri . * de c●nsidera●● ad eug. lib. . ● * aug. de civit. de● lib. . c. . * chrysost. hom. ● in opere imperfecto in mat. * serm. . in cantica . * bern. serm. . in conv. s. pauli . * conc. macr●●se ●itatur . ab illyr . int●r test●s verit . p. . * chrys. in mat. homil. . * hieron . contra lucif●rianos . * hieron . in sophoniam , ●ap . . * conc. trident. * sub paulo . admonitio legator . * av●ntinus , lib. . de rupert● . * ber● . in cantic . serm. . holcot . in sapient . lect . . * bern. in canti● . serm. . * lau● . valla de donat. const. paralipomen . * vrspergen . * bernar. de consideration● ad eugenium . l. ● (a) quast . . qui episcopatum . (b) august . . qu. . qui nec . aug. (c) aug. cont . donatist . lib. . (d) bern. de considerat . ad eugenium . lib. . ● cor. . (e) a● . do. ● ● (f) an. . in provisione mar●ona . c. . (g) extr. qui silli sunt legitime . (h) l●ges canuti . (i) robert keilwey his reports , f. . b. (k) nostre seig●iour le roy poit assets bien tener son parliament perl●y , & ses temporall seigniours , & per ses commons , tout sans les spirituals seigniors ; carlos spiritual signiors nont ascun place en●● parliament chamber per reason de lour spiritualty , mes solement per● reason de lour temporall possessions &c. bishop latymer . bishop bils●n . a parliament taking part with truth hath the warrant of god and the magistrate . laymen may make their choice what faith they will professe . the prince is authorized from god to execut● his commandement . the jesuites presume that all is theirs . the prince may command for truth , though the bishops would say no. the jesuites have neither gods law , nor mans to make that which the prince , and the parliament did , to be void for lacke of the bishops assents . the kings judah did command for truth without a coun●●ll . * chron. . cap. . * chron. ● ● . kings . christian princes may do the lik● . * constantine authorised christian religson without any co●●cell . eus●b . de vita constant. lib. . * iustinian had no councell for the making of his constitutions but . generall councels in yeares . * so●ra . l. . c. . theodosius made his owne choyse what religion he would establish . realmes have beene christned upon the perswasions of lay men and women . † ruff. l. ● . c. . and never asked the priests leave so to do● . soc. l. . c. . india converted by merchants . † ruff. l. . c. . iberia converted by a woman . the jesuites would have beene eloquent against this king that yeelded his realme to christ at the direction of a seely wench . any man may serve christ whosoever say nay . * ibid. part . . pag. . . patriarkes not erected by christ but by consent of bishops . * hiero. in epist. ad ti● . cap. . ibid. * hiero. ad evag . epist. ● . ibidem . * hiero● ibid. the patriarchs grew by consent and custome . † concil . nicen. cap. . † concil . ephes. . decretum post quam cypr. episc. accessissent ad concil . patriarkes alwayes subject to princes and their ecclesiasticall lawes . * concil . chalced. acti● . . * ibid. part . , . . what is meant by governour . * mat. . and mark. . christ by that word distinguisheth the ministers from the magistrate . luk. . publike government is by correction and compulsion . * rom. . mat. . tim. . & tit. . mat. . tim. . bishops forbid to use violence . tim. . & . * part. . p. . pastors have their regiment but over the soules , not over the bodies or goods of men . ibid. part. . p. . . the pastor cannot force his flocke . chrysost. de ●ac●rd●t . l. . pastors may not constraine● but onely perswade . bishops least of all men may cor●e●t with force . compulsio● neith●r lawfull nor expedient in bishops . † hillar . ad const. ● . . imperfect . bishops may not meddle with those that b●●illing . * origen in ●●p . . epist. ad rom. god will not have crimes revenged by the ●ulers of the church but by the judges of the world . bishops by vert●e of their calling cannot authorize violence or armes . rom. . † ibid. par● . . pag. . the goods● lands , & livings , of clergie men be cesars right . † ibid. part . . p. . . the sword committed to the prince . rom. . his apostles forbidden the sword . mat. . mat. . bernard de considerat : l. . dominion interdicted the pope himselfe . * caus. ● : quaest. . ¶ inter haec . * caus. . quaest. . ¶ de episc. no clergy m●n may use the sword no not by the popes authority . (a) cor. . (b) ad soli●●r● vitam agentes . (c) ambros. l. . epist. . the servants of christ may have no earthly kingdome since their master had none . (d) iohn . (e) matth. ● (f) tim. . dr. whitakers , nota. † lib. . c. . de sacr. h●m . cant. ●●utia . † in cap. de epis. her . . * de hierarch . . c. ●lt . * annot. in epis. . h●●r . † lib. i. c. . de ordinat . hierarch minist . lib. . de clericis ● . . * hart● ● . * epist. ad eva● . * printed by it selfe london , ● . * in his . last bookes , bishop white and docto● h●ylin . doctor iohn raynolds . * page . to . (a) tim. . . titus . . ● pet. . . . (b) the defence of the apolog : part. . & . devision . . answere to the rhem. tit. . . (c) pag. . (d) tom. . cant. . lib. . c. . h●r●s●● . in epist. ad titum & epist. . ad evagrium . (g) ●ap . . (h) in argu. praefix . lib. . (i) epist. . (k) defence of the apolog. part . c. . divis . . pa. . (l) de sacror . hom. orig. & consecr . l. . c. . (m) tim. . (n) in epist. ad titum . (o) collect. can. l. . cap. . (p) polyc. lib. . tit. . . & . (q) cap. legimus dist . . cap. olim. dist . . (r) author glossae in ca. dist . citat hodorieus caol ; in concil . basil. duar●n . de sacri eccles . minist . lib. . cap. . pag. . (t) pag. . (v) sess. . c. . canon . . & . (x) annot marg ad cap. legimus dist . . (y) tom. . co●tro . . l. . c. (z) aeneas silvius hist. b●hem . cap. . & pigh . hierarch eccles. l. . c. . (a) defens . pacis artic. . c. . (b) th● . walden doct. fidei tom. . lib. . c. . & tom. . c. . (c) aeneas silvius loco citato . (d) adversus falso nominat ordin . epist. & adver . papa . rom. (e) in epist. ad philip. & tit. . (f) apol. confes. wittenh . c. . . (g) decad. . ser. . (h) loc. com. tit. de minist . verbi . (r) iuel loco citat , & pilkington in the treatise of burning pauls church . (s) d. humphrey in camp. & in dureum jesuitam part . . rat . . & d. whit. ad rat . campiani . & confuta . durei jesuitae . lib. . (t) mr. bradford . l●mbert and others . mr. fox acts , & dr. fulke against bri●●ow motives . and answere to the rh●mists , tit. . . part. . (x) l●b . . allegation . i. for the divine right of episcopacy . (a) an humble remonstrance . p. . defence of the humble remonstrance . p. . to . and in his former bookes for episcopacy . (b) the judgement of doctor rai●olds , &c. more largely confirmed out of antiquity by iames bishop of armagh . (c) willi●m●bishop ●bishop of r●chester se●m . . at hampton court. sept. . . sir thomas astons brie●e relation of episcopacy , sect. . p. . . * angelus nomen est offici● , non naturae , &c. a●ge●us enim graco vocabulo , l●tine dicitur nuntius , si qua●●s nomen naturae , spiritus est ; si officium ang●l●s : ex eo quod subsistit s●iritus est ; ex eo quod mittitur angelus . remigius explan in epist. ad heb●aeos , c. . * . cor. . . rev. . . c. . . . . . c. . . . . * saepe sacram scripturam praedicatores ecclesiae pr● eo quod patris gloriam annunciant angelor , nomine solere designare ; & hinc est quod joannes in apocalypsi popul●rum● moraliuml . . in job c. . (f) lib. . c. . . . . (g) in apoc. c. . bibl. patrum . tom. . pars . . p. . (h) lib. . in apoc. luc. . mat. . * see gersomus bucerus de gubern . ecclesiae . p. . . . . . . (c) rev. . . c. . . . . . c. ● . . c. . . c. . . c. . ● . (k) rev. . . c. . . c. . . (l) rev. . . c. . . (m) rev. . . (n) rev. . . . c. . . . c. . . . rev. . . (p) rev. . . . (q) rev. . . * downham , hall , vsher , and others . (r) in apoc. c. . disp. . (s) com. in apoc in c. . . notatio . p. . where he cites lyra and ribera to this effect . (t) n●t . in vita polycarp . c. . (u) centur. magd . l. . ● . . col . ● nic●ph . l. . c. . vinc●ntius . spec . hist. l. . c. . fasciculus temporum . allegation . (v) preface to his treatise of ●he sabbath . answ. mercat●rs atla● london . . p. . cambdens , brit. p. . speeds historry . p. . operum tom. . parisis . p. . . s●cunda ad timotheu●● scripta est romae , quando ad , neronem adductus ; est romano●un● caesarem . epistola ad titum cretensis ecclesiae scripta est nicopoliopp●d● macedoniae . con● . mag. . ●ol . . the judgement of dr. reinolds touching the originall of episcopacy , more largely confirmed out of antiquity by iames archbishop of armagh . p. . object . . a episcopacy by divine right , . part . p. , , . his humble remonstrance , and defence of the humble remonstrance , p . b sir thom. aston his remonst . epistle to the reader , & briefe review of episcopacy , sect . , , . and the conclusion . answ. . c de pe●●● & paulo ad diem ianuarii bar●nius annal . ●om . . ann . . sect . . hen● . spelman concilia . p. , . d de brit. eccle. prim●r . c. . p. . e annal. e●cles . t●m . . ann . . p. . godwins discourse of the conversion of britaine p. . f history l. . c. . p. . g see a romanstrance against presbytery , epi. to the reader . h see bishop vs●er de brit. eccles . primer . c. . p. . and sir thomas astons epistle to the read . i a discourse of the convers●on of brit. c. . p. . k bishop vsher. de britan. eccles. primor . c. . p. . to . and p. . to . godwins discourse of the conversion of britaine . c. , , antiquit. eccle. brit. speeds hist. l. . c. . p. . ●t● . henr. spelm. concil . tom. . p. . to . balaeus cent. . p. , . l de praescript . advers . haeretic . m ad evagrium & comment , in tit. c. . see cha . . throughout . n iohn fordon scotch . in . l. . c. . iohn major de gestis scotorum , l. . c. . bishop vsher de brit. ●●cle . primor . p. the originall of bishops in our church . * some write but . o part. . p. . p cor. . c , , . deut. . , , . jer. , , . cor. . . , . q defence of the apolog. part . . c. . divis . . r a discourse of the conversion of brit. p. , , . s de brit. eccles. primor . p , , , . t subversion of f. persons , . conversions . v concilia . tom. . p. . . x a di●course of the conversion of brit. p. , , , , (y) concil . tom. p. . . a discourse of the conversion of brit. p. . . . (a) see antiquitates ecclesiae , brit. p. . to . william harrison description of england l. . c. . . godwin catalogue of bishops . . h. ● . c. . . h. . c. . . & . h. c. . eadmerus hist. noverum l. p. . . . . . . (b) see. part . . p. . (c) ●n prologo ad . l . de gesti● pontif. p. . (d) concil . tom. . p. . (e) spel. concil . tom. . p. . answ. . (f) spelm. concil . tom. . p. . (g) sulpitius severus , hist. sacr. l. . vss●rius de brit. eccles. primord . p. . (h) godwins ca● . p. . . i see godwin in the life of paulinus a●dan and fian , p. . . spel. concil . tom. . p. . . (k) de brit. eccl. primordi●s , p. . . . . . . (l) mat. . . to ● . . mar. . . act. . . luk. . . (m) discur●ere per cuncta urbana & rusti●a loca non equorum dors● , sed pedum incessu vectus , nisi si m●ra forte nec●ssitas compuliss●t , solebat . beda eccles. hist. l. . c. . godwins catalogue . p. . (n) godwins catalogue . malmes . de gestis , pontif. a●gl . l. . beda eccles. hist. l. . c. . (o) spel. concil . tom. . p. . (p) godwins catalogue . p. . . (q) a catalogue , &c. p. . . . (r) rastall advouson . . conci . later a●ens● . . can. . summa angelica , beneficium ; . summa rosella . beneficium● . (s) l. . de gestis , c. . spelm concil . tom. . p. . * henrici spel. concil . tom. . p. . (t) hen. spelm. concil . tom. . p. . . (v) see iacobus vsserius de brit. eccles. primordiis c. . . guilielmus malmesb. de antiqu. ecclesiae glaston camden in sommersetshire . p. . &c. henrici spelmans concil . p. . to . . . . . to . see speed●s catalogue p. . to . (x) see the authors in ( v ) sir edward cooke his preface to the . report , & mat. westminster , mat. paris , heveden , ingulply , and wil. malmes . sparsim , spelmanns glossarium , & concil . tom. . mr. seldens titles of honour , and spicilegium in eadmerum . (y) see mr. seldens , tit. hon. p. . to . henrici spel. concil . tom. . . & glossarium , tit. abbas cowel interpret . tit. abbot . (z) see rastall tit. monasteries . answ. . object . . (a) see bishop halls . . last bookes , the oxford petition . sir tho. astons petition and booke . answ. . (b) sublata causa tollitur effectus , kickerman . (c) see all the seperatists late pamplets and bookes . (d) hierome , & sedulius com. in tit. . with others who follow them . (e) see ioannis marius , zabarella , and theodericus a niem de schismate . centur . magd. cent. . . . . . . . . . . . . . * r●sp●nsi● ad turriani sophismata , par● . . l●ctio . . object . . (f) sir thomas aston , briefe review of episcopacy . p. . to (g) . el●z . c● . answ. see part . p. . * de audiendo & termina●do contra epis●opum winton●en semballivos , constabulari●s & ministr●s su●● . * see part . p. . &c. answ. . (g) ● rich. . c. . . r. . c. . . r. . c. . . r. . c. . . r. . c. . . r. . c. . . r. . c. . . r. . c. . . h. . c. ● . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . h. . c. . h. . c. . h page . to . cromptons jurisdiction of courts . f● . b. i see hus. p. , . k fox acts , and monuments , olddest edition . p. . . . . b. . b● . b. martins history . p. to . speed. p. . (l) a●tiq . eccles. brit. p. . . here pars . . pag. . . crompton iurisdiction . p. . ke●lwayes reports . f. . stamfords pl●●● . f. . mr. s●ldens titles of honour p. . to . (m) henr●c● spelmani glossarium . tit. abbas . mr. seldons tit. hon. p. . to . cowels interpreter abbot . (n) antiq. eccle. brit. p. . , see part. . p , . . e. . f. . stamford plee● . ● . . c , ● f. . (o) see. p. . ●● . br. co●one . walsingham . hist. anglia , an. . . . . p. . ypodigna neustria , p. . (p) gratian. caus. . qu. . (q) bishop . iewel reply to harding , artic. . divis . . p. . object . answ. (r) see brooke fi●z herbert , and ra●●all . title 〈◊〉 re● cookes i●stitutes , ● . ● . . evasion . (s) bishop hall defence of the humble remonstrance . p. . . . answ. . (t) see king iam●s his proclamation , for banishing jesuites , june . . & june . . iohn whit● his defence of the way . ch . . and . (v) see par● . . p. . to . (x) the arch-bishop in his speech in starre-chamber . dr. h●ylin , and d●w , in their answers to mr. bur●●n . (y) see a new discovery of the prelates tyranny . p. . to . . (z) . & . ed. . c. . . & . ed. . c. . and the rubrick before matrimony (a) pars . ●ol . . to . (b) see the articles of his impeachment . * articles of accusation against the judges , p. . . . mark. . . mat. . . luk . . isa. . . * see the report of the conspira●y to the house of commons june the . . p. . . and mr. henry piercies letter , p. . the declaration of colonell go●ing . p. ● ●rov . . ●● * hist. anglia p. . see p. ● . . . * . h. . c. . . . h. . c. . * see capg●ave , surius , ribadeneira , and others , de vitis sanctorum , baronius his martyriologe , & our common popish primers , calenders , and almanackes . * see part. . p. . to . * see aventine . annal. b●iorum . l. . & . * generall history of spaine , l. . heylins geogr. p. . * musculus . loc● communes , basil●a . . p. . * nota. * nota. * aventinus annali●● b●i●rum . l. . p. . . . a grateful mention of deceased bishops barksdale, clement, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a grateful mention of deceased bishops barksdale, clement, - . sheet ([ ] p.). s.n., [s.l. : ?] author and date of publication suggested by wing. dedicatory verse signed: c.b. in verse. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- bishops. bishops -- great britain. broadsides -- england -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a grateful mention of deceased bishops . d. episcopo glocestriensi . pagina non timet haec conspectum nostra bonorum , pastoris claro nomine tuta boni . pagina nec timet haec conspectum nostra malorum , divorum tantis splendida nominibus . c. b. abbot , all englands metropolitan , by preaching , and by writing , honour wan . abbot of sarum , regius professor , taught by 's learned lectures , and the books he wrote . babington worster may be read with gain ; a writer very pious , very plain . bancroft and whitgift , both in the prime seat , both in their books and government were great . bilson of winton , great : no doubt of it : study the obedience which he writ . may primate bramhall , with prime authors go ; his divine works we have in folio . brideock of chichester , two kings did please , for latham-house , and other services . bedel of kilmore , he right learned was , with him his irish bible's lost ; alas ! bancroft of oxon , built the bishops house , burnt to the ground by rebels furious . carlton of chichester , a grave learned man , wrote many good books , read them he that can . cosins of durham , kings chaplain in 's exile , and wrote the scripture history therewhile . creighton in war , and exile , kings attended , old faithful creighton then to bath commended . carlton ( guy ) strong in arms , at bristol he bishop , got o're the phranticks victory . davenant sarum , professor regius , stable , in life and doctrine strict , yet peaceable . duppa of sarum , princes good grave teacher , a confessor , advanc'd to winchester . earl worster , the prince charles's chaplain , first , to the exiled king made good his trust . frewen of york ; vice-chancellor , an actor vigilant , to make laud our benefactor . gauden at exeter , had laetitia , for anglicanae lacrimae & suspiria . godwin of hereford bishop , justly so . his kings and bishops among good books go . old goodman wrote the fall of man , and more : his name at gloster lives among the poor . hall norwich-prelate , he hard measure had : admirable writer , under persecution glad . harsnet of york , one of the first i find , who preach'd at pauls , gods love to all minkind . hacket of lichfield , ingenious preacher , very charitable ; his word , do well and be cheery . holdsworth and brownrig , good bishops elect , by the good king , by ungodly men reject . jewel of sarum's works deserve gold chain , in every church , wherein they yet remain . juxon of london , had kept kings treasury , kept his more precious soul , when led to dye . john king london , had three sons of good names , stiled the king of preachers , by king james . king ( henry ) of chichester , preach't first the memory of charles king-martyr , thirtieth january . new colledg , winchester and wells may take a fair example from right reverend lake . laud primate ; see's council-speech , and learn'd book of controverse , and on a martyr look . lindsel of hereford , for this special act , is to be honoured , his theophilact . matthews york , does in pulpit dominere , said campian ; sure he was most eloquent there . winchester morley's exile is renown'd : he preach't to his great master being crown'd . morton of durham prelate , his appeal , imposture , and of providence , wrote with zeal . nicolson gloster's name shall not soon dye ; preserv'd by 's sermons and apology . overal , after nowell , dean of paul's , to lichfield consecrated to save souls . parker , great primate , rightly consecrate ; in th' great queens reign did bishops propagate . parkhurst of norwich bishop , in that see vouchsaf'd to print his juvenilia . parry belov'd at gloster , prefer'd thence to vvorster , latin'd raynolds conference . prideaux worster , abus'd i' th' bishops throne ; famous i' th' doctor 's for moderation . raynolds of norwich , merton colledg bred , passions and sermons , worthy to be read . rust late of dromore , learnedly does tell the use of reason , englisht by halliwell . sheldon dean , preach'd the kings deliverance . and was advanc'd to archbishops eminence . ' and sheldon fixed in so high a sphere , ' raised at oxford , the great theatre . sanderson lincoln's book might now silence dissenters doubts . lectures of conscience . ' this doctors sermons at great rate are sold ; ' for solidness are worth their weight in gold. sandys york-primate , see his happiness in his own virtues , and his sons no less . york-primate stern , but lately from us gone , is worthy of an honourable mention . smith glocester , great hebrician is blest , for great pains on the bible , with the rest . spotswood scots loyal primate , and his son , for charles the first have suffer'd much , much done . taylor the bishop , england and ireland fills with nectar dropping from his lips and quills . usher lord primate , not one land alone ; his works in all the learned world are known . philosopher and theologer , these two compleat the grave john wilkins , bishop too . williams of lincoln , honour'd , dishonour'd ; this lincoln-colledg-chappel built , honour is . vvren confessor , fifteen years in the tower , constant in loyalty to his last hour . whitgift with all his might this church maintain'd , and bancroft likewise ; both much glory gain'd . the iv. kings . the first james many learned works hath done ; read first of all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first charles's wisdom to his enemies known , when came to light , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the d charles hath said and done such things , which make him famous with the best of kings . king james the d , god guide all his days , in 's brothers , fathers , and grand fathers ways . ' he will the living bishops love and keep , ' as kings before him did those now asleep . quae fama unius lecti , lux quanta jacobos , qstendisse duos , atque duos carolo 's . ' what fame , what light for one age , to have shown ' two james's , and two charles's , in one throne the consecration and succession, of protestant bishops justified, the bishop of duresme vindicated, and that infamous fable of the ordination at the nagges head clearly confuted by john bramhall ... bramhall, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the consecration and succession, of protestant bishops justified, the bishop of duresme vindicated, and that infamous fable of the ordination at the nagges head clearly confuted by john bramhall ... bramhall, john, - . , [ ] p. by john ramzey, gravenhagh : . errata: p. [ ] at end. includes bibliographical references. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng episcopacy. bishops -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the consecration and succession , of protestant bishops justified . the bishop of duresme vindicated . and that infamous fable of the ordination at the nagge 's head clearly confuted . by john bramhall , d. d. bishop of derry . necesse est ut lancē in libra ponderibus impositis deprimi , sic animum perspicuis cedere . gravenhagh , by john ramzey , anno . chap. i. the occasion of this treatise . the fairest eares of corne are soonest blasted , so the more conspicuous the church of england was among the reformed churches , ( as not being framed according to the brainsicke dictates of some seditious oratour , or the giddy humours of a tumultuous multitude , but with mature deliberation , and the free consent and concurrence of all the orders of the kingdome , ) the more it was subjected to the envie and groundless calumnies of our country men of the roman communion . but of all the slanderous aspersions cast upon our church , that liyng fable of the nagge 's head ordination doth beare the bell away . those monstrous fictions of the cretian bulles and minotaures , ( devised by the athenians to revenge themselves upon minos king of creete , who had subdued them in a just warre , and compelled them to send their sons to him for hostages , ) were not more malicious , nor that shamelesslie of kentish long tailes more ridiculous . the first deviser of it doth justly deserve the character of a man of a brasen forhead and leaden hearie . if the unpartiall reader after he have perused this treatise , thinke i doe him wrong . i do willingly submitte my self to his censure . this prodigious fable received its deathes wound from mr. masons penne , and hath remained ever since for the space of thirty yeares buried in deepe oblivion . and those assaies which it maketh now to get wing againe , by the assistence of two ignatian fathers , are but the vaine attempts of a dying cause . neither would i have troubled the reader or my self to bring owles to athens , or to confute a cause which hath bene so demonstratively confuted to my hand , but for two new additions lately spread abroad . the one by orall tradition which concerneth my self . that father t. and father b. had so confuted the bishop of derry in the presence of the king , that he said he perceived his father had made me a lord , but not a bishop , and that afterwards , by my power i had procured those two iesuits to be prohibited that presence . so that whereas father talbot used to be the interpreter in the spanish treaties , now he was not admitted , and don iohn would admitte no other . so the bishop of derry is accused not onely to have bene publickly baffeled , but also to have bene a disturber of publick affaires . yet i know nothing of all this , which concerneth myself . i never heard of any such conference , or any such words , i never knew that father talbot was designed to that imploiment . i was never guilty of having any such power , muchlesse of any endevour to turne out any man. if the fathers seemed too pragmaticall to those who were intrusted , or to involue the interest of their religion into civill treaties , what is that to me ? if it were true they may thanke themselves . if it were false , they may thanke them who did it . whether true or false i never had an hand , nor so much as a little finger in it . all the truth that i know is this . hearing that these two fathers , had spoken largely in the courte of the succession of our english bishops , but never in my presence , i sought out father b , and had private conference with him about it in the iesuits college at bruges , and afterwards some discourse with father t. and him together in mine owne chamber . whatsoever they did say , they put into writing to which i returned them an answer , shewing not onely that there was not , but that it was morally impossible there should be any such ordination at the nagges head . from that day to this i never heard any thing of it , that concerned myself . now if a man should search for an authour of this fabulous relation , he shall be sure to have it fathered upon some very credible persōs , without names , who had it from iohn an okes whilest he was living , and he had it from iohn a stiles , and he had it from no body , but feined it himself out of a good intention , according to that case theology which he had learned of machiavell , to advance the credit of religion by all meanes possible true or false . the other addition concerneth the learned and reverend bishop of duresme one of the ancientest bishops this day living in the christian world , being yeares old at least . that he owned and justified the nagges head ordination in publick parliament , in the house of the peeres : it is very well , we can not desire a better place where to have it spoken , then the house of parliament . nor better witnesses then the lords spirituall and temporall . we have no man of the episcopall order , whose memory can reach so neare those times , or in whose integrity we doe more confide , then the bishop of duresme . he might heare many things either from the persons praetended to have bene then consecrated , or from the notaries or witnesses who were then present at that imaginary consecration . or at least he might receive the tradition of that age from such as were eiewitnesses of what passed . let it be put to his testimony if they thinke fitte , ( without doubt he is the same man he was then ) or to the testimony of any other of his age and reputation , whom they can produce . we refuse no sort of proofe but onely vaine hear say , which as our english proverbe saith is commonly , and in this case most undoubtedly a lier . nay we would not refuse the testimony of mr. neale himself , though a professed enemy , who was the onely founder of this silly fable , so he might be examined upon oath , before equall iudges , but compell him either to shame the divell , and eate his owne words , or to runne himself into such palpable absurdities contradictions and impossibilities , that no man of reason how partiall soever , could give any credit to him . my first taske shall be , before i meddle with the fable it self to vindicate the bishop of duresme , and the truth which is wounded through his sydes , with this intimation to the reader , that if this branch of the legend be proved apparently to be false , which is pretended to have bene publickly acted in a full house of the peeres of the realme , we can expect no truth from the voluntary reporte of one single meane malicious enemy , to his own party . and with all a confessed spie , of what was done at the nagge 's head . breake ice in one place , and it will crack in more . chapt . ii. the vindication of the bishop of duresme . to vindicate the bishop of duresme , i shall first set downe the relation of this passage in the words of the fathers themselves . in the beginning of the late parliament some presbiterian lordes presented to the upper house a certeine booke , proving that the protestant bishops had no succession or consecration , and therefore were no bishops , and by consequence had no right to sitte in parliament . hereupon doctor morton pretended bishop of durrham who is yet alive , made a speech against this booke in his owne and all the bishops behalfe then present . he endeavoured to prove succession from the last catholick bishops , who ( said he ) by imposition of hands ordeined the first protestant bishops at the nagge 's head in cheap syde , as vvas notorious to all the vvorld . therefore the afore said booke ought to be looked upon as a groundless libell . this vvas told to many by one of the ancientest peeres of england , praesent in parliament vvhen morton made his speech . and thesame he is ready to depose upon his oath . nay he cannot believe that any vvill be so impudent as to denie a thing so notorious , vvhereof there are as many vvitnesses living , as there are lords and bishops that vvere that day in the upper house of parliament . here are three passages . one concerning a booke presented to the upper house , against the successiō of english bishops , by some presbiterian lords . the second concerning the pretended refutation of this booke by the bishop of duresme . the third the proofe of both these allegations by the testimony of an ancient peere of england , first for the booke , it is most true there was a booke written about that time by a single lord against episcopacy , and dedicated to the members of both houses of parliament . no wonder . how often have the parliaments in the reignes of queene elisabeth and king iames bene troubled with such requests and representations . it is no strange thing that a weake eie should be offended with the light of the sun . we may justly ascribe the reviving of the aerian heresy in these later daies to the dispensations of the courte of rome who licensed ordinary priests to ordeine , and confirme , and do the most essentiall offices of bishops so their scholes do teach us , a preest may be the ex●raordinary minister of priesthood , and inferiour orders by the delegation of the pope . againe the pope may conferre the power of confirmation upon a simple priest. by such exorbitant practises as these they chalked ou● the way to ●nnovators . and yet they are not able to produce one president of such a dispensation throughout the primitive times , a good christian ought to regarde more what the whole christian world in all ages hath practised , then what a few conceited persons in this last age have fancied . among all the easterne southern and northerne christians , who make innumerable multitudes , there neither is nor ever was one formed church that wanted bishops . yet these are as farre from submitting to the exorbitant power of the roman bishop as we . among all the westerne churches and their colonies , there never was one formed church for . yeares , that wanted bishops . if there be any persons so farre possessed with prejudice , that they chuse rather to follow the private dictates of their owne phrensy , then the perpetuall and universall practise of the catholick church , enter not into their secrets o my soule . thus farre we agree , but in all the rest of the circumstances , ( though they be not much materiall ) the fathers do pittifully mistake themselves , and vary much from the testimony of their witness , and much more from the truth . first the authour of this booke was no presbyterian lord ▪ much less a company or caball of presbiterian lords in the plurall , but my lord brookes , one that had as little favour for presbytery as for episcopacy . secondly the booke was not praesented to the upper house . it might be brought into the house privately , yet not be praesented to the house publickly . if it had bene publickly praesented , the clerkes of the parliament or some of them must needes have known of it and made an act of it , but they know no such thing . the lords spirituall and temporall could not all have forgotten it , but they remember no such thing , as by their respective certificates praesently shall appeare . thirdly as the authour is mistaken , and praesentation mistaken . so the subject likewise is mistaken . sit liber iudex , let the booke speake for it self ▪ thus an able freind certifieth me . i have got my lord brookes booke which he wrote against the bishops with much labour , and perused it with no less patience . and there is not in it the least shadow of any argument , that the bishops ought not to sitte in parliament , because they had no succession or consecration . what did my lord brookes regard succession or consecration or holy orders , who had a coachman to be his preacher . the less canonicall the ordination had bene , the more he would have applauded it . time and place and forme and all were agreeable to that christian liberty which he dreamed of , it was not wante of consecration , but consecration it self which he excepted against , as all men knew who knew him . and in this quarrell he lost his life , after a most remarkable and allmost miraculous manner , at the siege of lichfield church , upon st. ceaddas anniversary day , who was the founder of that church and bishop of it . i know the fathers will be troubled much , that this which they have published to the view of the world , concerning the bishop of durrham , as a truth so evident which no man can have the impudence to denie , should be denied , yea denied positively and throughout , denied not onely by the bishop of durrham himself , but by all the lords spirituall and temporall that can be met with , denied by some lords of their owne communion , who understand them selves as well as any among them , though their names are not subscribed , to the certificate , denied by the clerkes of the parliament , whose office it is to keepe a diary of all the speeches made in the house of the peeres for proofe hereof first i produce the protestation of the bishop of duresme him self , attested by witnesses in the praesence of a publick notary . take it in his owne words . vvhereas i am most injuriously and slanderously traduced , by a nameles authour , calling himself n. n. in a booke said to be printed at rouen . intituled [ a treatise of the nature of catholick faith and haeresy ] , as if upon the praesenting of a certein booke to the upper house in the beginning of the late parliament , prouing as he saith the protestant bishops had no succession nor consecration , and therefore were no bishops , and by consequence ought not to sit in parliament , i should make a speech against the said booke in my owne and all the bishops behalfs , endevouring to prove succession from the last catholick bishops as he there stiles them , ) who by imposition of hands ordeined the first protestant bishops , at the nagges head in cheapsyde , as was notorious to all the world , &c. i do hereby in the praesence of almighty god solemnely protest and declare to all the world , that what this authour there affirmes concerning me is a most notorious untruth and a grosse slander . for to the best of my knowledge and remembrance , no such booke as he there mentions was ever presented to the upper house in that or any other parliament , that ever i sate in . and if there had , i could never have made such a speech as is there pretended , seeing i have ever spokē according to my thoughts , and alwaies believed that fable of the nagge 's head consecration to have proceded from the father of lies ; as the authentick recordes of the church still extant , which were so faithfully transcribed , and published by mr. mason , do evidently testifie . and whereas the same impudent libeller doth moreover say , that what he there affirmes was told to many , by one of the ancientest peeres of england , praesent in parliament , when i made this praetended speech : and that he is ready to depose the same upon his oath : and that he can not believe any will be so impudent , to denie a thing so notorious , whereof there are as many witnesses living , as there are lords and bishops that were that day in the upper house of parliament &c. i answer , that i am very unwilling to beleeve any peere of england should have so little sense of his conscience and honour , as either to sweare or so much as affirme such a notorious untruth . and therefore for the justification of my self and manifestation of the truth in this particular , i do freely and vvillingly appeale ( as he directs me ) to those many honourable persons , the lord spirituall and temporall yet alive , vvho sate in the house of peeres in that parliament , or to as many of them as this my protestation shall come to , for a true certificate of vvhat they knovv or believe concerning this matter . humbly desiring them and charging it upon their soules , as they vvill ansvver it to god at the day of iudgment , that they vvill be pleased to testifie the truth , and nothing but the truth herein , to the best of their knovvledg and remembrance , vvithout any favour or affection to me at all . i cannot reasonably be suspected by any indif●erent man , of denyng any thing that i knovv or believe to be true , seeing i am so shortly in all probability to render an account to the searcher of hearts of all my words and actions , being now ( at the least ) upon the ninetyfifth yeare of my age . and i acknowledge it a great mercy and favour of god , that he hath reserved me thus long , to cleare the church of england and my self of this most notorious slander , before he takes me to himself . for i can not imagine any reason , why this shamelesse writer might not have cast the same upon any of my reverend brethren as well as me , but onely that i being the eldest , it was probable i might be in my graue , before this untruth could be taken notice of in the world . and now i thanke god i can cherefully sing my nunc dimittis , unlesse it please him to reserve me for the like service hereafter : for i desire not to live any longer upon earth , then he shall be pleased to make me his instrument to defend the truth , and promote his glory . and for the more solemne and full confirmation of this my free and voluntary protestation and declaration i have hereunto set my hand and seale , this seventeenth day of iuly . anno domini . thomas dvresme . signed sealed published and declared , in the presence of tho : sanders sen : , tho : sanders iun : , iohn barwick clerke , r : gray , evan davies . i tobias holder publick notary , being requested by the right reverend father in god thomas lo. bishop of duresme , at the house of thomas sanders esquire , in the parish of flamstead , in the county of hartford , in the yeare of our lord moneth and day above specified , was then and there personally present , where and vvhen the said reverend bishop did signe publish and declare this his protestation and declaration above vvriten , to be his act and deed , and did cause his authentick episcopall seale , to be there to affixed , in the presence of the vvitnesses vvhose names are there to subscribed . and did there and then likevvise signe publish and declare as his act and deed , another of the same tenor vvritten in paper , vvhich he signed vvith his manuall seale , in the presence of the same vvitnesses . all this i heard , saw , and therefore knovv to be done . in testimony vvhereof i have subscribed and thereto put my usuall and accustomed notaries signe . tobias holder . publick notary . how doth this so solemne protestation agree with the former relation of the fathers , that the bishop of durham affirmed publickly in the upper house that the first protestant bishops were consecrated in the nagge 's head , that they were not consecrated at lambeth , that this was notorious to all the world , that it is not credible that any will be so impudent as to denie it , that all the rest of the bishops approved his assertion by their silence , and were glad to have such a retiring place against the presbyterians , that none of the bishops did give credit to mr. masons new found registers ? even as light and darknesse , or truth and falshood , or two contradictory propositions do agree together . this is the first witnesse whom any of that party hath adventured to cite publickly and directly for that infamous story whilest he was living . and they see the successe of it . i hope they will be wiser hereafter , then to cite any more living witnesses . but it may be that they who do not stick to suppose that our arch-bishops make false certificates , may object this is but the testimony of the bishop of durham in his owne cause . let us see whether the other bishops dissent from the bishop of duresme . take the testimony of them all , who sate in that parliament , which are now lining except the bishop of bangor , whose absence in wales is the onely reason why he is not a subscriber with the rest . whereas we the surviving bishops of the church of england , who sate in the parliament begun at westminster the third day of november , are required by our reverend brother the lord bishop of duresme , to declare and attest the truth , concerning an imputation cast upon him in the pamphlet of that namelesse author , mentioned in his protestation and declaration here prefixed . and whereas we are obliged to performe what he requesteth , both for the justification of the truth , and for the clearing of our selves of another slanderous aspersion , which the same authour casteth upon us , as if we had heard our said reverend brother make such a speech as is there pretended , and by our silence had approved , what that libeller falsely affirmeth was delivered in it . vve do hereby solemnely protest and declare before god and all the world , that we never knew of any such booke presented to the house of peeres , as he there pretendeth , nor believe any such vvas ever presented : and therefore could never heare any such speech made against it , as he mentioneth , by our said reverend brother or any other , much lesse approve of it by our silence . and if any such booke had bene presented , or any such speech had bene made , there is none among us so ignorant or negligent of his duty in defending the truth , but vvould have bene both able and ready to have confuted so groundlesse a fable , as the pretēded consecration of bishops at the nagge 's head , out of the authentick and knovvne registers of the church still extant , mentioned and faithfully trāscribed and published by mr. mason so long before . for the confirmation of which truth , and attestation of what our said reverend brother hath herewith protested and declared , we have hereunto set our hands . dated the th . day of iuly anno domini . london . m. eli . br . sarum . bath . & wells . jo. roffens . oxford . if all these proofes seeme not satisfactory to the fathers , they shall have more . let them take the testimony of the principall peeres now living , who sate then in parliament . vve of the lords temporall whose names are here under written , who sate in the parliament begun at westminster the third day of november , being desired by the bishop of duresme to testify our knowledge concerning an imputation cast upon him , about a speech pretended to be made by him in that parliament , more particularly mentioned and disavowed in his prefixed protestation , doe hereby testify and declare , that to the best of our present knowledge and remembrance , no such booke against bishops as is there mentioned , was presented to the house of peeres in that parliament . and consequently , that no such speech as is there pretended , was or could be made by him or ony other against it . in testimony whereof we have signed this our attestation with our owne hands . dated the nineteenth day of iuly anno domini . dorchester . rvtland . lincolne . cleveland . dover . lindsey . sovthamton . devonshire . monmovth . to this proofe nothing remaineth that can be added , but onely the testimony of the clerke of the parliament , who after a diligent search made in the booke of the lords house , hath with his owne hand written this short certificate , in the margent of one of your bookes pag. . over against your relation , vpon search made in the booke of the lords house , i do not find any such booke presented , nor any entery of any such speech made by bishop morton . henry scobel clerk ▪ of the parliament ▪ and now methinkes i heare the fathers blaming of their owne credulity , and rashnesse , and over much confidence . they had forgotten epictetus his rule , remember to distrust . i judge them by my self , homo sum , humani a me nihil alienum pu●o . one circumstance being either latent or mistaken , may change the whole drift and scope of a relation . but though we would be contented to lend a skirt of our coate , to cover the fault of them who calumniate our church : yet this relation can never be excused in any man from a most grievous mistake , where both the person , and the whole scope of his discourse is altogether mistaken . this is almost as great a mistake as the nagge 's head ordination it self , where a confirmation dinner was mistaken for a solemne consecration . but those who cherish such mistakes for advantage , and deck them up with new matter , and publish them to the world for undoubted truths , can not be excused from formall calumnie . the last thing to be considered in this first part of this discourse , being the vindication of the reverend bishop of duresme , is concerning the witnesse , whom as the fathers do forbeare to name , so shall i. of whom they say foure things , ● that he is one of the ancientest ▪ peeres of england , that he was present in parliament when morton made this speech , that he will take his oath of the truth of it , and that he can not believe that any will be so impudent to denie it . we have no dispute concerning the antiquity of peerage , let that passe : but i am confidēt whatsoever his present judgement had been either of the speaker or of the speech , your witness would have abstained from uncivill language , as to stile the reverend bishop of duresme a pretended bishop , and plaine morton , without either welt or garde he would not have forgotten all his degrees both in the church and in the scholes . he will not charge all them with downe right impudence , who tell him that he was doubly mistaken : nor call that no●orious to all the world , which he himself acknowledgeth that he never heard of before in his life . he is not guilty of those inferences , and eo nomine● which you have added . i do not beleeve that he doth , or ever did know the bishop of duresme ▪ so well as to sweare this is the man : nor doth take himself to be so exact an analyser of a discourse , as to be able to take his oath what was the true scope of it , pro or contra ; especially whē some thing is started that doth quite divert his attention , as the sound of the market bell did the philosophers auditours . this is my charity . and my ground for it is this . when i had once conference with him about this relation , he told me the name of the naggeshead did surprise him , and he betooke himself to inquire of another what it meant . and when i urged to him , that it was incredible that any protestant bishop should make such a speech , unlesse he used it onely by way of supposition , as argumentum ad hominem , a reason fitte for my lord brookes , that such a consecration as that was , agreed well enough with his principles , he told me he knew not that , the bishop might answer so for himself . to conclude , i have heard the bishop of lincolne did once mention the fable of the nagge 's head in a speech in parliament , but with as much detestation of it , as our ancestours used to name the devill . why might not the mistake both of the person , and of the drift or scope of his speech , be the occasion of this relation ? i had rather out of charity run into two such right handed errours , then condemne a noble gentleman of whose ingenuity i never had any reason to doubt , of a malicious lie . take it at the very best , the mistake is great enough , to mistake both the person of the speaker , and the scope of his speech . i hope they will all do that which in conscience they are obliged to do , that is acquitte the bishop of duresme , and crave his pardon for their mistake . if they do not , the world will acquitte him , and condemne them . but the greatest mistake of all others was , to publish such a notorious untruth to the world , so temerariously without better advise . chap. iii. three reasons against the nagges head consecration , . from the contradictions of the relaters , . from the latenesse of the discovery , . from the strictnesse of our lavves . now having beaten downe the pillar about their eares , which they had set up to underproppe their nagge 's head ordination , it remaineth next to assault the maine fable it self , as it is related by these fathers . having told , how the protestant doctors who were designed for bishopricks in the beginning of queene elisabeths reigne , had prevailed with anthony kitchin bishop of landaffe , to give them a meeting at the nagged head in cheapesyde , in hope ●he would ordeine them bishops there . and how the bishop of landaffe through bishop bonners threatenings refused , ( all which shall be examined and laid open to the view of the world in due order , how it is stuffed with untruth and absurdities . ) they adde , that being thus deceived of their expectation , and having no other meanes to come to their desires ( that is , to obteine consecration ) , they resolved to use mr. scories helpe , an apostate religious priest , who having borne the name of bishop in king edward the sixths time , vvas thought to have sufficient povver to performe that office , especially in such a strait necessity as they pretended . he , having cast of together vvith his religious habite all scruple of conscience , vvillingly vvent about the matter , vvhich he performed in this sort . having the bible in hand , and they all kneeling before him , he laid it upon every one of their heads or shoulders , saying , take thou authority to preach the world of god sincerely . and so they rose up bishops of the nevv church of england . this narration of the consecration at the nagge 's head ( they say ) they have taken out of holywood , constable , and dr. champneys workes . they might as well have taken it out of aesops fables , and with as much credit or expectation of truth on our partes . so the controversy betweene them and us is this . they say that arch bishop parker and the rest of the protestant bihops , in the beginning of queene elisabeths reigne , or at the least sundry of them were consecrated at the nagge 's head in cheapesyde together , by bishop scory alone , or by him and bishop barlow jointly , without sermon , without sacrament , without any solemnity , in the yeare . ( but they know not what day , nor before what publick notaries , ) by a new phantastick forme . and all this they say upon the supposed voluntary report of mr. neale ( a single malicious spie , ) in private to his owne party , long after the businesse pretended to be done . we say arch bishop parker was consecrated alone , at lambeth , in the church , by foure bishops , authorised thereunto by commission under the great seale of england , with sermon , with sacrament , with all due solemnities , upon the day of december anno . before foure of the most eniment publick notaries in england ; and particularly by the same publick notary who was principall actuary both at cardinall poles consecration and arch bishop parkers . and that all the rest of the bishops were ▪ consecrated at other times , some in the same moneth but not upon the same day , some in the same yeare but not the same moneth , and some the yeare following . and to prove the truth of our relation and falshood of theirs , we produce the registet of the see of canterbury , as authentick as the world hath any , the registers of the other fourteene sees then vacant , all as carefully kept by sworne officers as the recordes of the vatican it self . we produce all the commissions under the privy seale and great seale of england : we produce the rolles or recordes of the chancery ; and if the recordes of the signet office had not been unfortunately burned in king iames his time , it might have been verified by those also : we produce an act of parliament express in the pointe , within seven yeares after the consecration : we produce all the controverted consecrations published to the world in printe anno ▪ three yeares before arch bishop parkers death , whilest all things were fresh in mens memories . these bright beames had bene able to dasell the eies of mr. neale himself , whilest he was living , and have made him recant his lewd lie , or confess himself starke blinde . the first reason which i bring against this ridiculous fable , it taken from the palpable contradictions , and grosse absurdities and defects of those roman catholick writers , who have related this silly tale of a tub , and agree in nothing but in their common malice against the church of england . it is no strange matter for such as write upon hearesay , or relie upon the exact truth of other mens notes or memories , to mistake in some inconsiderable circumstance : as to set downe the name of a place amisse , which may be the transcribers faulte , or the printers , as well as the authours : or to say two suffragans for one , when there were two named in the commission , and but one present at the consecration . such immateriall differences which are so remote from the heart of the cause , about indifferent circumstances , may bring the exactnesse of the relation into question , but not the substantiall truth of it . such petty unsignificant variations , do rather prove that the relations were not made upon compact or confederacy . especially where there are originall recordes taken upon the place by sworne notaries , whose names , and hands , and acts are as well known to every man versed in the recordes of those times , as a man knoweth his owne house . to which all relaters and relations must submitte , and are ready to submitte as to an infallible rule . but he who should give credit to such a silly senslesse fable as this is , which is wholy composed of absurd , improbable , incoherent , inconsistent , contradictory fictions , had need to have a very implicite faith . the greatest shew of any accord among them is about the consecrater , yet even in this they disagree one from another . the common opinion is that bishop scory alone did consecrate them . but mr. constable one of their principall authours supposeth , that bishop● barlow might joine with him in the consecration . and sanders , whose penne in other cases useth to runne over , one who had as much malice as any of them , and had reason to know the passages of those times better then all of them , leaveth it doubtfull , when , or where , or by whom they were ordeined , quomodocunque facti sunt isti pseudo-episcopi ; by what meanes soever they were ordeined . but they disagree much more among themselves , who they should be that were ordeined . first mr. waddesworth ( whose ingenuity deserveth to be commended ) doth not say that any of our bishops were actually consecrated there , but onely that there was an attempt to consecrate the first of them , that was arch-bishop parker . but that which destoyeth the credit of this attempt is this , that it is evident by the recordes , that arch-bishop parker was not personally present at his confirmation in bowes church , or at his confirmation dinner at the nagge 's head , which gave the occasion to this merry legend : but was confirmed by his proctor nicholas bullingham doctor in the lawes , upon the ninth of december anno . a man may be confirmed by proxie , but no man can be ordeined by proxie . it is a ruled case in their owne law , non licet sacramentum aliquod praeter matrimonium absenti administrare . so if there was an attempt to consecrate any man at the nagge 's head , it must be doctor bullingham , it could not be arch bishop parker . others say there was more then an attempt , that one or more of them were actually ordeined there : but they name none . others name some , but they accorde not one with another in naming of them . some say , iewell , sands , horn , grindall ; where was arch bishop parker ? others say , parker , grindall , horne , sands . lastly others say , they were all ordeined there , who were named to bishopricks , and number fifteen of them . these fathers speake indefinitely , parker and his fellowes . but they seeme to extend this word fellowes as farre as doctor champneys fifteene : for they tell us , that they all kneeled downe before him , and he laid the bible upon every one of their heads or shoulders . thus these cadmean brethren , like those false witnesses which testified against christ , destroy one another with their mutuall contradictions . thirdly , the time is a principall circumstance in all consecrations , and is evermore most punctually recorded by the actuaries , or publick notaries . but in this fabulous relation the time is concealed . it seemeth the forger was no good actuary , and either did not know how materiall that circumstance was , or had forgotten it . onely doctor champney telleth us , that it was before the ninth of september anno . but this is not precise enough for an act : and moreover , it is most apparently false and impossible . for whereas there are two commissions under the greate seale of england , for the confirmation and consecration of arch bishop parker , both recorded in the rolles ; the one which was not executed , dated the said very ninth day of september ; and the other which was executed , dated the sixth day of december following : if doctor champney said true , arch bishop parker was consecrated before he was confirmed , yea before there was any commission out , either for his consecration or confirmation ; which is one of the drowsiest dreames that could droppe from an english penne . lastly , every consecration must be performed before one or more publick notaries . ( we shall shew them notaries enough of great eminence , beyond all exception , for arch-bishop parkers true consecration . ) and indeed what could a consecration availe any man , without a publick notary to recorde it , to make an authentick certificate of it under the seale of the principall consecrater ? now who recorded the nagges head consecration ? who drew it up into acts ? who certified it ? no body , because the silly forger did not understand what things were requisite to a consecration . onely as the athenians sometimes said of metiochus , metiochus grindes the corne , metiochus bakes the bread , metiochus mendes the high-waies , metiochus doth all , an evill yeare to metiochus : so we may say of mr. neale ; mr. neale was the spie , mr. neale was the witness , mr. neale was the publick notary , mr. neale was the chiefe eugenier or forger , mr. neale was all , what honours are due to mr. neale ? qui tot sustinuit , qui tanta negotia solus . so they feine a consecration without a publick notary , or ( which is all one ) no man ever knew who that publick notary was ; at a time impossible , or els no man knoweth at what time ; without any certeinty who consecrated , whether scory alone , or scory and barlow together , or god knoweth who ; and yet with much lesse certeinty who were consecrated , whether none at all , but onely an attempt was made , or one , and who that one was ; or some indefinitely , without naming who they were , or how many they were ; or foure expressly , but dissenting one from another who those foure were . here is a story composed altogether of uncerteinties and contradictions , like a man and no man , ●it a bird and no bird , on a tree and no tree , with a stone and no stone . to make this uncerteine , groundless , contradictory rumour , to be the touchstone of truth , and to overballance all the authentick recordes of the kingdome , in a matter of such publick concernment : is just to make the parish clock goe truer then the sun , because the clerke who settes it is our freind . my second reason against this senseless fable , is the late discovery of it to the world , and the long concealing of it in ▪ holes and corners before they durst adventure present it to the view of the world , can any man who is in his right wittes be so stupide as to imagine , that the nagge 's head ordination happened in the yeare , and ( if these fathers say truely ) was notoriously knowne to all the world ; and that it should never once peepe into the light for almost a whole age after it was pretended to have been done , that is till after the yeare sixteen hundred ? we use to say a monster is but nine daies wonder : but this ugly monster was not taken notice of in the world untill after forty yeares . the reason is evident ; either it was then but newly hatched , or it had bene kept all that time at dry nurse in a closet . if it had bene so notorious to all the world from the yeare as the fathers feine , all the windowes in the nagge 's head would have been full of it , and the roome would have been shewed to all their guests , where such a prodigious pageant had bene acted . i dare appeale to the judgments of these fathers themselves , whether it be credible , that this story should be notoriously knowne to the world in the beginning of queene elisabeths reigne , and yet neither stapleton , nor harding , nor bristow , nor alan , nor reynoldes , nor parsons , nor any one of all their roman catholick writers , should so much as mention it for forty yeares ensuing ; especially writing so much as they did upon that very subject , the validity or invalidity of our ordination . how could their silence have bene excused from betraying of their cause , to lose such an egregious advantage ? was it peradventure out of affection to us , to conceale the defects of the protestāts ? no , they had will enough , but they durst not avouch such a monstrous untruth in earnest , ( if ever they did heare of such a vain rumour , which i can not easily beleeve , ) so contrary to the knowledg of that age . especially let them tell me how it commeth to passe , that nicolas sanders , who professeth to write the ecclesiasticall history of england , from the one and twentieth yeare of henry the eighth , untill the eight and twentieth yeare of queene elisabeth then current , in his three bookes of the originall and progresse of the english schisme , hath not one syllable of the nagge 's head ordination ? he was never accused of partiality for the protestants , ( but as malicious against the protestants as any man could wish ) : nor of concealing truths to their advantage , but of devising fables to their prejudice . he having related the forme of our english consecrations , partly true and partly false , proceedth to this first ordination of protestant bishops , in the beginning of queen elisabeths reigne ; alleging that the catholick bishops refused to impose hands upon them , and that they had not of themselves two or three bishops , or so much as one metropolitan . what a shameless untruth is this , that there were not two or three protestant bishops , when the queenes commission under the great seale of england , recorded in the rolles , is directed to seven protestant bishops , expresly by their names and titles ? he addeth , that they were very instant with an irish arch bishop to have presided at their ordination , but he would not . he mistaketh the matter altogether , they might have had seven irish arch bishops and bishops if they had needed them ; where the procedings were not so rigorous , where the old bishops complied and held their places , and joined in such ecclesiasticall acts , untill they had made away to their kindred , all the lands belonging to their sees . we found one bishoprick reduced to five markes a yeare by these temporisers , another to forty shillings a yeare , and all of them to very poore pittances for prelates . but by this meanes there wanted no ordeiners . never did any man question the ordination of the first protestant bishops in ireland untill this day . then he telleth , how being thus rejected by the catholick bishops and the irish arch bishop , they applied themselves to the lay magistrate in the ensuing parliament for a confirmation , from whence they were called parliamentary bishops . by whom were they called so ? by no man but himself and his fellowes . how many ordinations were passed over , one after another , before that parliament ? was there any thing moved in this parliament , concerning any the least essentiall of our episcopall ordination ? not at all , but onely concerning the repealing and reviving of an english statute . english statutes can not change the essentialls of ordination , either to make that consecration valid which was invalid , or that invalid which was valid . the validity or invalidity of ordination , dependeth not upon humane law , but upon the institution of christ. neither did we ever since that parliament change one syllable in our forme of ordination . then what was this confirmation which he speakes of ? it was onely a declaration of the parliament , that all the objections which these men made against our ordinations , were slanders and calumnies : and that all the bishops which had been ordeined in the queenes time , had bene rightly ordeined , according to the forme prescribed by the church of england , and the lawes of the land. these men want no confidence , who are not ashamed to cite this statute in this case . but we shall meete with this parliament againe . in all this impertinent discourse , where is the fable of the nagge 's head ordination ▪ it had bene a thousand times more materiall then all this iargon . and you may be sure it had not been missing , if there had bene the least graine of truth in it , or is there had but been any suspicion of it when that was written . it was not then full thirty yeares after arch-bishop parkers consecration , and there were store of eye-witnesses living to have hissed such a senselesse fable out of the world , and therefore sanders very prudently for himself , after so many intimations , passeth by their ordination in a deepe silence , which was the onely worke he tooke in hand to shew . qualescunque fuerint aut quo modocunque facti sint isti pseudo-episcopi &c. vvhat manner of persons soever these false-bishops were , or after what manner soever they were ordeined &c. if bishop scory had ordeined them all at the naggeshead , by layng a bible upon their heads , and this forme of wordes , take thou authority to preach the word of god sincerely , m. sāders needed not to have left the case so doubtfull , how they were ordeined . and if there had bene the least suspicion of it , he would have blowen it abroad upon a silver trumpet : but god be thanked there was none . the universall silence of all the romish writers of that age , when the naggeshead ordination is pretended to have been done , in a case which concerned them all so nearely , and which was the chiefe subject of all their disputes ; is a convincing proofe to all men who are not altogether possessed with prejudice , that either it was devised long after , or was so lewde a lie , that no man dared to owne it , whilest thousands of eyewitnesses of arch bishop parkers true consecration at lambeth were living . a third reason , against this ridiculous libell of the nagge 's head consecration , is taken from the strictness of our lawes , which allow no man to consecrate or be consecrated but in a sacred place , with due matter and forme , and all the rites and ceremonies prescribed by the church of england . no man must be consecrated by fewer then foure bishops , or three at least , and that after the election of the deane and chapiter is duely confirmed , and upon the mandate o● commission of the king under the great seale of england ; under the paine of a premunire , that is , the forfeiture of lands , and goods , and livings , and liberty , and protection . they allow not consecration in a taverne , without due matte : and forme , without the ceremonies and solemnity prescribed by the church , without election , without confirmation , without letters patents , by one single bishop , or two at the most ; such as they feine the nagges head ordination to have been . who can beleeve , that two arch-bishops and thirteen bishoppes , having the reputation of learning and prudence , should wilfully thrust themselves into an apparent premunire , to forfeite not onely their arch bishopricks and bishopricks , but all their estates and all their hopes , for a phantastick forme , and scandalous consecration : when the queene and kingdome were favorable to them , when the forme prescribed by the church did please them well enough , when there were protestant bishops of their owne communion enough to consecrate them , when all the churches in the kingdome were open to them ; unlesse it had been midsummer moone in december ▪ and they were all starke mad , and then it is no matter where they were consecrated ? in criminall causes , where things are ●retended to be done against penall lawes , ●uch as this is , the proofes ought to be clea●er then the noone day light . here is no●hing proved , but one single witnesse named ●nd he a professed enemy , who never testi●●ed it upon oath , or before a iudge , or so much as a publick notary , or to the face of a protestant , but onely whispered it in corners ( as it is said by adversaries ) among some of his owne party . such a testimony is not worth a deafe nut , in any cause betweene party and party . if he had bene a witnesse beyond all exception , and had beē duly sworne and legally examined ▪ yet his testimony in the most favourable cause had been but halfe 〈◊〉 proofe , though an hundred did testifie it from his mouth , it is still but 〈◊〉 single testimony : and as it is , it i● plaine prittle prattle . and ought to be va●lued no more then the shadow of an asse ▪ to admit such a testimony , or an hundred such testimonies , against the publick authentick recordes of the kingdome were to make our selves guilty of more madness , then they accuse the bishops of● if st. paul forbid timothy to recei●● an accusation against a single presbyter under two or three witnesses , he would no● have us to condemne fifteen bishops of such a penall crime , upon a ridiculous rumour contrary both to the lawes and record● of the kingdome . the severity of ou● lawes doth destroy the credit of this fable . chap. iii. the fourth and fifth reasons against this improbable fiction , from the no necessity of it , and the lesse advantage of it . my fourth plea is , because there was no need to play this counterfeit pageant . we use to say necessity hath no law . that is , regardeth no law . in time of warre the lawes are silent , but this was a time of peace . first there could be no necessity why they should have a clandestine consecration , without a register or publick notary , when they might have had an army of publick notaries ready upon their whistle , evē under their elbowes at bowes church , out of the courtes of the arches , and the audience , and prerogative . secondly , there was no necessity why they should anticipate the queenes letters patents for their consecration , by whose gracious favour they were elected , and of the accomplishmēt whereof in due time they could not doubt ; unlesse they would wilfully destroy their owne hopes , by such a mad pranke as this had been , that is , unlesse they would themselves hew downe the bough where upon they stood . thirdly , there was no necessity that they should chuse a common taverne for the place of their consecration , when the keies of all the churches in the kingdome were at their command , fourthly , there could be no necessity why they should deserte the forme of ordination prescribed by the law , which was agreeable both to their judgements , and to their desires , and to their duties ; and to omitte the essentialls of ordination , both matter and forme , which they knew well enough , to be consecrated after a new brainsick manner . then all the necessity which can be pretended , is want of a competent number of ordeiners . suppose there had bene such a necessity 'to be ordeined by two bishops , or by one bishop , this very necessity had bene a sufficient dispensation with the rigour of the canons , and had instified the act. as st. gregory pleadeth to augustine ▪ in the english church wherein there i● no other bishop but thy self , thou can● not ordeine a bishop otherwise then alone ▪ and after this manner , our first english bishops were ordeined . and so migh● these protestant bishops have bene validely ordeined , if they received the essentialls of ordination . but what a remedy is this , because they could not have a competent number of bishops , according to the canons of the church , and the lawes of england , therefore to reject the essentialls of ordination , for a defect which was not essentiall , and to cast of obedience to their superiours , both civill ād ecclesiasticall ? this had bene just like little children which because they cā not have some toy which they desire , cast away their garments , and whatsoever their parēts had provided for them , wante of three bishops might in some cases make a consecration illegall or uncanonicall , but it could not have rendered it invalide , as this silly pretēded ordinatiō had . but now i come up close to the ground worke of the fable , and i denie positively that there was any such want of a competent number of bishops , as they pretend . and for proofe hereof , i bring no vaine rumours or uncertein conjectures , but the evident and authentick testimony of the great seale of england , affixed to the queenes leuers patents , for authorising the confirmation and consecration of arch-bishop parker , dated the sixth day of december , anno . directed to seven protestant bishops , namely anthony bishop of landaffe , william barlow sometimes bishop of bath and welles , and then elect bishop of chichester , iohn scory sometimes bishop of chichester , then elect bishop of hereforde , miles coverdale sometimes bishop of exceter , iohn suffragan bishop of bedford , iohn suffragan bishop of the●ford , and iohn bale bishop of ossory in ireland . three are a canonicall number , if there were choise of seven , then there was no wante of a competent number to ordeine canonically . i adde , that if it had bene needfull , they might have had seven more out of ireland , arch bishops and bishops , for such a worke as a consecration . ireland never wanted store of ordeiners . nor ever yet did any man object , want of a competent number of consecraters , to an irish protestant bishop . they who concurred freely in the consecration of protestant bishops at home , would not have denied their concurrence in england , if they had been commanded . which makes me give no credit to that vaine reporte ▪ of an irish arch bishop prisoner in the tower , who refused to complie with the desires of the protestant bishops , for his liberty and a large rewarde . but the arch bishop wanteth a name , and the fabl● wanteth a ground ; the witnesses and persuaders are all unkowne . and if there had bene a grane of truth in this relation ; yet in this case one man is no man , one mans refusall signifieth nothing . against the evident truth of this assertion , two things may be opposed out of the relation of these fathers . the first is particular , concerning the bishop of landaffe , that he was no protestant , but a roman catholick untill his death . so they say indeed , that he was the onely man of all the catholick bishops , that tooke the oath of supremacy . observe how prejudice and partiality doth blindfold men of learning and partes ; they confess he tooke the oath of supremacy , and yet esteeme him a good roman catholick . i see censures go by favour , and one may steale an horse , better then another looke over the hedge . i am well contented , that they reckon him for so good a catholick . they adde , that he knew parker and the rest which were to be ordered bishops to be hereticks , and averse from the doctrine of the roman catholick church , which he constantly adhered unto , ( the supremacy onely excepted ) during his life . and a little after they tell us , that he desired to be numbred among catholicks . now what if the bishop of landaff after all this should prove to be a protestāt ? then all the fathers story is quite spoiled . and so he was . if he knew parker and the rest , to be heretickes , he knew himself to be one of their brother hereticks . his daily masse was the english leiturgy , as well as theirs , he adhered constantly to a protestant bishoprick during his life , as well as any of them , and if he did not hold it as long as any of them , it was deaths fault , and none of his fault . they say they prevailed with him to give them a meeting at the nagge 's head in cheapeside , where they hoped he would ordeine them bishops , despairing that ever he would do it in a church , because that would be too great and notorious a scandall for catholicks . they were too modest . they might easily have prevailed with him , or have had him commanded to joine in their consecration in a church , after a legall manner . he who did not stick at renouncing the pope , and swearing an oath of supremacy to his prince , would not have stucke at a legall ordination , upon the just command of his prince . but to desire him to do it in a taverne , in a clandestine manner , without the authority of the greate seale , before their election was confirmed , was to desire him out of curtesy to run into a premunire , that is to forfeit his bishoprick of landaffe , his estate , his liberty . is it become a more notorious scandall to catholicks , to ordeine in a church , then in a taverne , in the judgment of these fathers ? there may be scandall taken at the former , but notorious scandall is given by the later . here bishop bonner steppeth upon the stage , and had well neare prevented the whole pageant , by sending his chaplein to the bishop of landaffe , to forbid him under paine of excommunication to exercise any such power of giving orders in his diocesse , where with the old man being terrified , and other wise moved in conscience refused to proceed . bishop bonner was allwaies very fierce which way soever he went : if acworth say true , he escaped once very narrowly in rome , either burning or boiling in scalding leade , for being so violent before the assembly of cardinalls , against the pope , on the behalf of henry the eight , if he had not secured himself by flight . afterwards he made such bonefires of protestants , and rendered himself so odious , that his prison was his onely safeguard from being torne in pieces by the people . but that was , dum stetit iliam & ingens gloria teucrorum , whilest he had his prince to be his second . now he was deprived , and had no more to doe with the bishoprick of london , then with the bishoprick of constantinople , he had the habituall power of the keies , but he had no flock to exercise it upon . if he had continued bishop of london still , what hath the bishop of london to do with the bishop of landaffe ? par in parem non habet potestatem . thirdly , bowes church which is neare the nagges-head , wherein the ecclesiasticall parte of this story , so farre as it hath any truth in it , was really acted , ( that is the confirmation of arch bishop parkers election ) though it be in the city of london , as many churches more , is not in the diocesse of london , but a peculiar under the iurisdiction of the arch-bishop of canterbury . lastly , the fathers say that when parker and the rest see that he had refused , they reviled the poore old man , calling him doating foole , and some of them saying , this old foole thinketh that we can not be bishops , unlesse we be greased . the contrary is evident by the recordes of the confirmation , that arch bishop parker was not present in person : so this whole narration is composed of untruthes , and mistakes , and incongruities , and contradictions . but that which discovereth the falsity of it apparently to all the world is this , that the bishop of landaff lived and died a protestant bishop , in the reigne of queene elisabeth , as he had bene formerly in the reigne of king edward , for proofe whereof i produce two of their owne authours . the one is sanders , but the bishops , who had bene created out of the church in those most wicked times , who had now repented from their hearts of their schisme , being not contented wiih this common dispensation and confirmation , did each of them particularly crave pardon of their former grievous fault from the see apostolick , and confirmation in their bishopricks , excepting the bishop of landaffe , who omitting it rather out of negligence then malice , did onely relapse into schisme in the reigne of queene elisabeth , as we interprete it by the just judgement of god . he acknowledgeth , that he became a protestant againe , that is in their language , relapsed into schisme . the other is cited by doctor harding , we had onely one foole among us , ( we see whose livery the foole was , ) who now i know not by what entisements is become yours , being unworthy the name of a lord and a bishop , whose learning is very little , and his credit by this action much lost . thus writeth doctor harding of the bishop of landaffe , about the fifth yeare of queene elisabeth , at which time he was living , and continued protestant bishop of landaff . a second objection against the truth of that which hath bene said of the competent number of our protestant bishops to make a canonicall ordination , is an exception against all the seven bishops named in the letters patents , that they were no true bishops , because all of them were ordeined in a time of schisme , and two of them in king edwards time , according to a new forme of ordination , and consequently they could not ordeine . that ordination which was instituted by edward the sixth was judged invalide by the catholicks , and so declared by publick judgment in queene maries reigne , in so much as leases made by king edwards bishops , though confirmed by deane and chapiter were not esteemed available , because they were not ( saith the sentence ) consecrated , nor bishops . to the first part of this objection , that our consecraters were ordeined themselves by schismaticks or in a time of schisme , i answer three waies . first this argument is a meere begging of the quaestion . the case in briefe is this . if those branches of papall power which we cast out of england by our lawes at the reformation , were ●laine usurpations , then our reformation 〈◊〉 but a reinfanchisement of our selves , and ●he schisme lieth at their dore , then they may question the validity of their owne ordination upon this ground , not ours : but we are ready to mainteine to all the world ●hat all those branches of papall power , which we cast out by our lawes at the re●ormation , were grosse usurpations , ●irst introduced into england above ele●en hundred yeares after christ. so this ●art of the objection concerneth them 〈◊〉 us . ●econdly these fathers know wel enough , ●●d can not but acknowledg , that according to the principles of the catholick church and their owne practise , the ordination not onely of schismaticks , but o● hereticks , if it have no essentiall defect i●●valide , and the persons so ordeined ough● not to be reordeined , but onely reconciled ▪ many orthodox christians had their holy orders from hereticall arrians . if cra●mer , and latimer , and barlow , and hodgkins , were no true bishops , because the● were ordeined in a time of schisme then gardinar , and bonner , and tu●●stall , and thurleby , &c. were no true bi●shops , for they were ordeined in a tim● of schisme likewise ; then cardinall pol● and bishop watson , and christophers ▪ and all rest of their bishops were no tru● bishops who were ordeined by these . 〈◊〉 to put out one of our eies ( like the envio● man in the fable ) they would put out 〈◊〉 their owne . thirdly i answer , that it was not we 〈◊〉 made a discrimination betweene our ●●●shops and their bishops , as to the poi●● of ordination , but the marian bisho● themselves , who made a mutuall co●●pact , one and all , that none of them shoul● impose hands upon any new elect● bishops ; thinking vainely , there could other consecraters have bene found out , and that by this meanes they should both preserve their bishopricks , and bring the queene to their bent : but they found them selves miserably deceived . many bishops who had bene chased out of their bishopricks in queene maries daies , did now returne from exile , and supplie the place of consecraters . then conjurationis eos penituit , the bishops repented of their conspiracy . multi ad judices recurrunt , &c. many of them ran to the iudges , confessed their obstinacy , and desired leave to take the oath of supremacy . thus writeth acworth an author of good account in ▪ those daies . if this foolish conspiracy had not bene . we had had no difference about our consecrations . to the second part of this objection , that the forme of ordeining used in king edwards daies , was declared invalide in queene maries daies , i answer , first , that we have no reason to regarde the iudgment of their iudges in queene maries dayes , more then they regard the judgment of our iudges in queene elisabeths daies . they who made no scruple to take away their lifes , would make no scruple to take away their holy orders . secondly i answer that which the father● call a sentence , was no sentence . the word is dicitur , it is said or it is reported , not decretum est , it is decreed . neither were queene maries lawes proper rules , nor queene maryes iudges at common law the proper iudges , of the validity of an episcopal consecration , or what are the essentialls of ordination , according to the institution of christ. they have neither rules , no● grounds for this in the common law . thirdly i answer that the question i● queene maries daies was not about the validity or invalidity of our orders , bu● about the legality or illegality of them , not whether they were conformable to the institution of christ , but whether they were conformable to the lawes o● england . the lawes of england can neither make a valide ordination to be invalide ▪ nor an invalide ordination to be valide , because they can not change the institutio● of christ. in summe king edwards bishop● were both validely ordeined according to the institution of christ , and legally ordeined according to the lawes of englād . 〈◊〉 queene mary changed the law , that the forme of ordeining which had beē allowed in king edwards daies should not be allowed in her daies . notwithstanding queene maries law , they continued still true bishops , by the institution of christ , but they were not for that time legall bishops in the eie of the law of england , which is the iudges rule . but when queene elisabeth restored king edwards law , then they were not onely true valide bishops , but legall bishops againe . that corollary which the fathers adde , in so much as leases made by king edwards bishops though confirmed by the deane and chapiter were not esteemed available , because they were not consecrated or bishops , that is in ●he eie of the english law at that time , signi●ieth nothing at all . leases concerne the be●efice of a bishop , not the office of a bishop . a bishop who is legally ordeined , though ●e be invalidely ordeined , may make a lease ●hich is good in law . and a bishop ●hich is validely ordeined , if he be ille●ally ordeined , may make a lease which is ●oide in law . concerning bishop bonners conscience , ●hat he lost his bishoprick for his con●ience , and therefore it is not proba●●e that he would make himself guilty of so much sacrilege , as to declare king edwards forme of ordination to be invalide for the profit of new leases , it belongeth not to me to judge of other mens consciences . but for bishop bonners conscience i referre him to the testimony of one of his freinds , nicolas sanders , who speaking of bishop gardiner , bishop bonner , bishop tunstall and the bishops of worcester and chichester , concludeth with these words . t●●mide ergo restiterunt pueri regis prima●● spirituali , imo simpliciter subscripseru● , & in omnes caeteras innovationes , quae ne● videbantur ipsis continere apertam haer●●sim , ne episcopatus & honores perderent ● vel ul●ro , vel comra conscientiam coa● consenserunt . therefore they resisted the sp●●rituall primacy of the king being but a boy fairly , yea they subscribed to it simply , and they consented to all the rest of the innovations , whic● did not seeme to them to conteine manifest heresy either of their owne accord , or compelled agai● conscience , least they should lose their bishopricks and honours . we see they had no grea● reason to bragge of bishop bonners conscience , who sometimes had bene a grea● favorite of cranmer and crumwell . he g●● his bishoprick by opposing the pope , a●● lost his bishoprick by opposing his prince ▪ but if reordination be such a sacrilege , many romanists are guilty of grosse sacrilege , who reordeine those proselites whom they seduce from us , with the same essentialls , matter and forme , imposition of hands , and these words receive the holy ghost ; wherewith they had been formerly ordeined by us . lastly i answer , ( and this answer alone is sufficient to determine this controversy , ) that king edwards forme of ordination was judged valide in queene maries daies by all catholicks , and particularly by cardinall pole then apostolicall legate in england , and by the then pope paul the fourth , and by all the clergy and parliament of england . the case was this . in the act for repealing all statutes made against the see of rome , in the first and second yeares of philip and mary , the lords spirituall and temporall in parliament assembled , representing the whole body of the realme of england , presented their common request to the king and queene , that they would be a meanes to the legate to obteine some settlements by authority of the popes holiness , for peace sake , in some articles where of this is one . that institutiōs of benefices and other promotions ecclesiasticall , and dispensations made according to the forme of the act of parliament might be confirmed . institutions could not be confirmed , except ordinations were confirmed . for the greatest part of the english clergy had received both their benefices and their holy orders , after the casting out of the popes usurped authority out of england . and both benefices and holy orders are comprehended under the name of ecclesiasticall promotions . this will appeare much more clearely by the very words of the cardinalls dispensation , ac omnes ecclesiasticas seculares seu quorumvis ordinum regulares personas , quae aliquas impetrationes , dispensationes , concessiones , gratias & indulta , tam ordines quam beneficia ecclesiastica , seu alias spirituales materias , pretensa authoritate supremitatis ecclesiae anglicanae , licet nulliter & de facto obtenuerint , & ad cor reversae ecclesiae unitati restitutae fuerint , in suis ordinibus & beneficiis , per nosipsos seu a nobis ad id deputatos misericorditer recipiemus , prout jam multae receptae fuerunt , secumque super his opportune in domino dispensabimus ; and we vvill graciously receive ( or interteine ) by our selves or by others deputed by us to that purpose , ( as many have already been received ) in their orders and in their benifices , all ecclesiasticall persōs as well secularas regular of whatsoever orders , vvhich have obteined any suites , dispensations , grants , graces , and indulgences , as vvell in their ecclesiasticall orders , as benefices and other spirituall matters , by the pretended authority of the supremacy of the church of england , though ineffectually and onely de facto , so they be penitent , and be returned to the unity of the church . and vve vvill in due season dispense vvith them in the lord for these things . here we see evidently , that upon the request of the lo●ds spirituall and temporall and commons , being the representative body of the church and kingdome of england , by the intercession of the king and queene , the popes legate did receive all persons , which had been ordeined or beneficed , either in the time of king henry or king edward , in their respective orders and benefices , which they were actually possessed of , at the time of the making of this dispensation or confirmation , without any exception or condition , but onely this , that they were returned to the unity of the catholick church . neither was there ever any one of them who were then returned , either deprived of their benefices , or compelled to be reordeined . from whence i argue thus , either king henry the eighths bishops and priests , and likewise the bishops and priests ordeined in king edward the sixths time , had all the essentialls of episcopall and priestly ordination , which were required by the institution of christ ; and then they ought not to be reordeined , then ( in the judgement of these fathers themselves ) it is grievous sacrilege to reordeine them : or they wanted some essentiall of their respective ordinations , which was required by the institution of christ ; and then it was not in the power of all the popes and legates that ever were in the world , to confirme their respective orders , or dispense with them to execute their functions in the church . but the legate did dispense with them to hold their orders , and exercise their severall functions in the church , and the pope did confirme that dispensation . this doth clearely destroy all the pretensions of the romanists against the validity of our orders . it may perhaps be objected , that the dispensative word is recipiemus , we will receive , not we do receive . i answer , the case is all one ; if it were unlawfull to receive them in the present , it was as unlawfull to receive thē in the future . all that was done after , was to take a particular absolution or confirmation from the pope or his legate , which many of the principall clergy did , but not all ; no not all the bishops , not the bishop of landaff , as sanders witnesseth , yet he injoied his bishoprick , so did all the rest if the clergy , who never had any particular confirmation . it is not materiall at all , whether they were confirmed by a generall or by a speciall dispensation , so they were confirmed or dispensed with at all , to hold all their benefices , and to exercise their respective functions in the church , which no man can denie . secondly it may be objected , that it is said in the dispensation , licet nulliter & de facto obtenuerint , although they had obteined their benefices and promotions ineffectually and onely in fact without right : which doth intimate that their orders were voide and null , before they had obteined this dispensation . i answer , that he stiled them voide and null , not absolutely but respectively , quoad exercitium , because by the roman law they might not be lawfully exercised without a dispensation : but not quoad characterem , as to the character . if they had wanted any thing necessary to the imprinting of the character , or any thing essentiall by the institution of christ , the popes dispensation and confirmation had been but like a seale put to a blanke piece of paper . and so the cardinalls dispensation in generall , and particularly for benefices and ecclesiasticall promotions , dispensations , and graces given by such order as the lawes of the realme allowed and prescribed , in king henries time and king edwards time , was then and there ratified by act of parliament . lastly , that this dispensation was afterwards confirmed by the pope , i prove by the confession of sanders himself , though a malicious enemy . he ( that is cardinall pole , in a publick instrument set forth in the name and by the authority of the pope ) confirmed all bishop which had bene made in the former schisme , so they were catholick in their judgment of religion , and the six new bishopricks which king henry had erected in the time of the schisme . and this writing being affixed to the statute , was published with the rest of the decrees of that parliament , and their minds were pacified . all which things were established and confirmed afterwards , by the letters of pope paul the fourth . we have seene , that there were a competent number of protestant bishops beyond ' exception to make a consecration : and so the necessity , which is their onely basis or foundation of the nagge 's head consecration , being quite taken away , this prodigious fable having nothing els to support the incredibilities and inconsistencies of it , doth melt away of it self like winter ice . the fifth reason is drawen from that well known principle in rethorick , cui bono ? or what advantage could such a consecration , as the nagge 's head consecration is pretended to have been , bring to the consecraters or the persons consecrated . god and nature never made any thing in vaine . the haire of the head , the nailes upon the fingers ends , do serve both for ornament and muniment . the leafes defend the blossomes , the blossomes produce the fruite , which is natures end . in sensitives , the spider doth not weave her webbes , nor the silly bee make her celles in vaine . but especially intellectuall creatures have alwaies some end of their actions . now consider , what good such a mock consecratiō could doe the persons so consecrated ? could it helpe them to the possession of their bishopricks by the law of england ? nothing lesse . there is such a concatenation of our english customes and recordes , that the counterfeiting of of any one can do no good , except they could counterfeite them all , which is impossible . when any bishops see becommeth voide , there issueth a writ out of the exchequer to seise the temporalties into the kings hand , as being the ancient and well knowne patron of the english church ; leaving the spiritualties to the arch bishop or to the deane and chapiter , according to the custome of the place . next the king granteth his conge d'eslire or his license to chuse a bishop , to the deane and chapiter ; upon the receite of this license , the deane and chapiter , within a certein number of daies , chuse a bishop , and certifie their election to the king , under the common seale of the chapiter . upon the returne of this certificate , the king granteth out a commission under the great seale of england to the arch bishop , or in the vacancy of the arch bishoprick to so many bishops , to examine the election : and if they find it fairely made to confirme it , and after confirmation to proceed to the consecration of the person elected , according to the forme prescribed by the church of england . this commission or mandate must passe both through the signet office and chancery , and be attested by the clerkes of both those offices , and signed by the lord chanceller and lord privy seale , and be inrolled . so as it is morally impossible there should be any forgery in it . vpon the receite of this mandate , the bishops who are authorised by the king , do meete first at bowes church in london , where with the assistence of the chiefe ecclesiasticall judges of the realme , the deane of the arches , the iudges of the prerogative and audience , with their registers to actuate what is done , they do solemnely in forme of law confirme the election . which being done , and it being late before it be done , the commissioners and iudges were and are sometimes invited to the nagge 's head to a dinner , as being very neare bowes church , and in those daies the onely place of note , this meeting led mr. neale ( a man altogether unacquainted with such formes , ) into this fooles paradise ; first to suspect , and upon suspicion to conclude , that they were about an ordination there , and lastly to broach his brainsick conceites in corners ; and finding them to be greedily swallowed by such as wished them true , to assert his owne drowsy suspicion for a reall truth . but the mischief is , that doctor parker who was to be consecrated , was not present in person , but by his proxie . after the confirmation is done , commonly about three or foure daies , ( but as it happened in arch bishop parkers case nine daies , ) the commissioners proceed to the consecration ; for the most part out of their respect to the archbishop in the chappell at lambeth , with sermon , sacrament , and all solemnity requisite , according to the forme prescribed by the church of england ; in the presence of publick notaries or sworne officers , who reduce every thing that is done with all the circumstances into acts , and enter them into the register of the see of canterbury . where they are carefully kept by the principall officer in a publicke office , as recordes , where every one who desireth may view them from time to time , and have a copy of them if he please . and it is to be noted , that at any consecration , especially of an arch-bishop , great numbers of principall courtiers and citisens are present : so as it is no more possible to coun●erfeite such a consecration , then to walke ●nvisible upon the exchange at noone day . after the consecration is done , the per●on consecrated is not presently admitted to his bishoprick , first the arch bishop maketh his certificate of the consecration with all the circumstances of it , under his arch-episcopall seale : thereupon the king taketh the new bishops oath of fealty ●nd commands that he be put into the actuall possessiō of his bishoprick : then he is ●nthroned , and at his inthronisation his or●ination is publickly read : then he injoieth ●is spiritualties : then issueth a writ out ●f the exchequer to the sherif , to restore ●im to the temporalties of his bishoprick . this custome is so ancient , so certein , so generall , that no englishman can speak● against it . here we see evidently how al things 〈◊〉 pursue one another , and what a necessary and essentiall connexion there is betwee● them . so as the stealing of an electio● or the stealing of a consecration , can ge● no man a bishoprick , as mr. neale dreamed . he that would advantage himsel● that way , must falsifie all the record● both ecclesiasticall and civill . he mu●● falsifie the recordes of the chancery , 〈◊〉 the signet office , of the exchequer , 〈◊〉 the registries , of the bishop , of the de●●ne and chapiter . he must counterfeit th● hands and seales of the king , of the arch● bishop , of the lord chanceller , the lo●● privy seale , of the clerkes and public● notaries , which is not imaginable . 〈◊〉 mr. neale , who first devised this drow● dreame ( or somebody for him ) had 〈◊〉 more experience of our english lawes 〈◊〉 customes , he would have feined a mo●● probable tale , or have held his peace fo● ever . answer me , they who are calumniate to have had their consecration at the n●●ges head , did they meane to conceale it 〈◊〉 have it kept secret ? then what good could it do them ? de non existentibus & non apparentibus eadem est ratio : if it were concealed , it was all one a● if it had never bene . or did they meane to have it published ? such an ordination had bene so farre from helping them to obteine a bishoprick , that it had rendred them uncapable of a bishoprick for ever : and moreover subjected both the consecraters and the consecrated to deprivation , and degradation , and a premunire or forfeiture of their lands goods and liberties , and all that were present at it to excommunication . rome is a fitte place wherein to publish such ludibrious fables as this ; where they can perswade the people , that the protestants are stupid creatures , who have lost their re●igion , their reason , and scarcely reteine their humaine shapes . it is too bold an attempt , to obtrude such counterfeit ware●●n england . chap , iiii. the sixth and seventh reasons , that all the records of england are diametrally opposite to their relation , and do establith our relation . hitherto we have beene taking in the out workes : now i come directly to assault this castle in the aire , that which hath bene said already is sufficient to perswade any man , who is not brimme full of prejudice and partiality : the other five reasons which follow next , have power to compell all men , and command their assen●● ▪ my sixth reason is taken from the diametrall oppositiō which is betweene this fabulous relation of the nagge 's head ordinatio● ▪ and all the recordes of england , both ecclesiasticall and civill . first for the time . the romanists say , that this ordination was before the ninth of september ann. : 〈◊〉 it is apparent by all the recordes of the chancery , all the distinct letters paten●● or commissions for their respective confirmations , and consecrations , whereupo● they were consecrated , did issue out lo●● after ; namely , arch bishop parkers lette●● patents ( which were the first ) upon the sixth day of december following . next th● commissions for grindall , cox and sands , then for bullingham , iewel , and davis . then for bentham and barkley : and in the yeare following for horn , alley , scambler , and pilkinton . he that hath a mind to see the copies of these commissions , may find them recorded verbatim both in the rolles of the arch bishops register , and in the rolles of the chancery . to what end were all these letters patents , to authorise so many confirmatiōs and consecrations , if the consecrations were done and past long before ? no mans election can be confirmed in england , but by virtue of the kings letters patents . therefore the letters patents must precede the confirmation and consecration , not follow after ●t three moneths , or foure moneths , or six moneths , and in some of thē above a yeare . and as by the recordes of the chancery , ●o their relation is proved to be a notorious fable , by all the ecclesiasticall recordes ; first of their severall and distinct confirmations , which pursued their commissions punctually ; then of their severall and distinct consecrations which pursued their confirmations punctually . he who desireth ●o see these , may finde authentick recordes of them all , both confirmations and consecrations , in the register of the arch bishop of canterbury . it is not the forging of one recorde that would serve the turne : either all these recordes must be forged , o● the nagges head ordination is a silly senslesse fable . lastly after the consecration followeth the installement or inthronisation , which is to be found in the register of the dea●● and chapiter : and the restitution of the new bishop to his temporalties by virt●● of the kings writ , mentioning the confirmation and oath of fealty to the king , 〈◊〉 being temporall things . observe ho● every one of these do pursue another● arch bishop parkers commission issue● december the sixth , his confirmation followed december the ninth , his consecration december the seventeenth , his inthronisation forthwith , and the restitution 〈◊〉 his temporalties the first of march ensu●●ing , that is , at the later end of the ver● next terme : but by their relation , th● consecration was long before the electio● was confirmed , which can not be ; th● letter patents to license the confirmation and consecration , come out three moneth● after the consecration was done , which 〈◊〉 incredible . as for the confirmation , m● neale who was their contriver , knew not what it was . the installement followed three moneths after the consecration , and the restitution to the temporalties six moneths after ; which have no probability . thus for the time , next for the place . their lying relation saith , the elected bishops were consecrated at the nagge 's head : all the ecclesiasticall recordes say they were consecrated at lambeth . the kings commission injoineth a legall consecration according to the forme prescribed by law : such a legall consecration ours at lambeth was ; such a legall consecration theirs at the nagge 's head was not , neither for the place , nor for the rites , nor for the essentialls of consecration . and without good assurance that the consecration was legall , neither the person consecrated could have bene inthroned , nor made his oath of fidelity to the king , nor have bene restored to his temporalties : but he was inthroned , and did his fealty , and was restored to his temporalties , that is as much as to say , that his consecration was legally performed at lambeth , not illegally at the nagge 's head . thirdly for the consecrater . that fa●ulous relation feineth that there was but one consecrater , or at the most two : the authentick recordes of the church of england testifie , that there were foure consecraters . the letters patents require that there should be four consecraters , and without an authentick certificate that there were four consecraters , the king● writ for restitution had not issued . they feine that they imposed hands m●tually , scory upon them and they upo● scorie : but the recordes witnesse that scor●● was solemnely ordeined bishop in king edwards time , the thirteenth day of augu●● anno. , by the arch bishop of canterbury , the bishop of london and the susfragan bishop of bedford ; and needed no● to be reordeined at the nagge 's head . lastly , for the persons consecrated so● of them feine that all the elected bishops and all of them say that many of them , we●● consecrated together at one time wi●● arch bishop parker : but all the record● both civill and ecclesiasticall do testifieth contrary , that they had severall commissions , severall confirmations , severall consecrations , upon severall daies , in severa● moneths , in several yeares , severall co●●secraters ; as appeareth most evidently 〈◊〉 onely by the authentick recordes of the s● of canterbury , but also by the record● of the chancery , and particularly by the severall commissions directed expresly to archbishop parker , as a bishop actually consecrated , for the consecration of all the rest , the three first of which commissions or letters patents beare date the eighteenth of december an : , that is the very next day after archbishop parkers consecration ; for the confirmation and consecration of grindall , coxe , and sands , three of those elected bishops . he that doubteth of the truth of these letters patents , may find them recorded verbatim , both in the arch-bishops registry , and in the rolles . if they were confirmed and consecrated by arch-bishop parker , then they were not consecrated together with arch-bishop parker , as in that lyng relation is affirmed . and with this their subsequent installements and restitutions do exactly agree . either all the recordes of england must be false , or this silly fable of the nagge 's head is a prodigious forgery . thus we have seene how the recordes of england , civill and ecclesiasticall , do contradict this tale of a tub . my seventh reareason sheweth how the same recordes do confirme and establish our relation . we say first ( that the see of canterbury being voide by the death of cardinall pole , ( who died as some say the very same day with queene mary , others say the day following , ) the queene granted her conge d'es●ire to the deane and chapiter of canterbury to chuse an arch-bishop . this is clearl● proved by the authentick copy of the cong● d'eslire itself in the rolles . regina dilect● sibi in christo decano & capitulo ecclesiae m●tropoliticae cantuariensis saluiem &c. examinatur richard broughton . secondly we say , that the deane and chapiter having received this license , did chuse doctor mathew parker for their arch-bishop . this is apparent by the queenes commission for his confirmation and restitution , wherein there is this clause and the said deane and chapiter , by vir●●● of our license , have chosen our beloved in christ mathew parker professor of theology , for arch-bishop and pastour to them and the aforesaid church , as by their letters . patent● directed to us thereupon it appeareth more fully . thirdly the queene accepting this election , was graciously pleased to issue out two commissions for the legall confirmation of the said election , and consecrating of the said arch-bishop . the former dated the ninth of september anno , directed to six bishops , cuthbert bishop of durham , gilbert bi●hop of bath , david bishop of peterburough , anthony bishop of landaff , william barlow bishop , and iohn scory bishop , in these words . elisabet● dei gratia angliae &c. reverendis in christo patribus cuthberto episcopo dunelmensi , gilberto bathoniensi episcopo , davidi episcopo burgi sancti petri , anthonio landavensi episcopo . vvillelmo barlo episcopo , & iohanni scory episcopo , salutem . cum vacante nuper sede archi-episcopali cantuariensi per mortem naturalem domini reginaldi pole cardinalis , ultimi & immediati archi-episcopi & pastoris ejusdem , ad humilem petitionem decani & capituli ecclesiae nostrae cathedralis & metropoliticae christi cantuariensis , eisdem per literas nostras patentes licentiam concesserimus alium sibi eligendi in archiepiscopum & pastorem sedis praedictae . ac iidem decanus & capitulum vigore & obtentu licentiae nostrae praedictae , dilectum nobis in christo magistrum matthaeum parker sacrae theologiae professorem sibi & ecclesie praedictae elegerint in archiepiscopum & pastorem , prout per literas suas patentes sigillo eorum communi sigillatas , nobis inde directas , plenius liquet & apparet . nos electionem illam acceptantes , eidem electioni regium nostrum assensum adhibuimus pariter & favorem , & hoc vobis tenore praesentium significamus . rogantes , ac in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter praecipiendo mandantes , quatenus eundē magistrum matthaeum parker in archepiscopum & pastorem ecclesiae cathedralis & metropoliticae , christi cantuariensis praedictae , sic ut praefertur electum , electionemque praedictam confirmare , & eundem magistrum matthaeum in archiepiscopum & pastorem ecclesiae praedictae consecrare , caeteraque omnia & singula peragere , quae vestro in hac parte incumbant officio pastorali , juxta formam statutorum in ea parte editorum & provisorum , velitis cum effectu . in cujus rei testimonium &c. teste regina apud redgrave , nono die septembris anno regni elisabethae angliae &c. primo . per breve de privato sigillo . examinatur ri : brovghton . now if any man desire a reason why this first commission was not executed , the best account i can give him is this , that it was directed to six bishops , without an [ aut minus , or at the least foure of you ] : so as if any one of the six were sick or absent , or refused , the rest could not proceed to confirme , or consecrate . and that some of them did refuse , i am very apt to beleeve , because three of them not long after were deprived . but the reader may note , first that there were three protestant bishops in that first commission . they who were such punctuall observers of the law of england , that they would not proceed to consecrate without a fourth , in the vacancy of both the archiepiscopall sees , certeinly would never give way to a private profane ordination at the nagge 's head , by one single bishop . and secondly , that for all their pretended intelligence , our english romish writers are great strangers to the true passages of those times , knowing nothing but what they heare at rome , or rhemes , or doway . if it were otherwise we should have heard of this commission sooner . the second letters patents which were executed , were dated the sixth of december following , directed to anthony bishop of landaff , william barlow sometimes bishop of bath , now elect bishop of chicester , iohn scory sometimes bishop of chichester , now elect bishop of hereford , miles coverdale sometimes bishop of exceter , richard suffragan bishop of bedford , iohn suffragan bishop of the●ford , and iohn bale bishop of ossory in ireland , in these words . regina &c. reverendis in christo patribus anthonio landavensi episcopo , willelmo barlow quondam bathoniensi episcopo , nunc cicestrensi electo , iohanni scory quondam cicestrensi episcopo , nunc electo herefordiensi , miloni coverdale quondam exoniensi episcopo , richardo bedfordensi , iohanni thedfordensi , episcopis suffraganeis , iohanni bale ossoriensi episcopo , salutem . cum vacante nuper sede archiepiscopali cantuariensi per mortem naturalem domini reginaldi pole cardinalis , ultimi & immediati archiepiscopi & pastoris ejusdem , ad humilem petitionem decani & capituli ecclesiae nostrae cathedralis & metropoliticae christi cantuariensis , eisdem per literas nostras . patentes licentiam concesserimus alium sibi eligendi in archiepiscopum & pastorem sedis praedictae , ac iidem decanus & capitulum vigore & obtentu licentiae nostrae praedictae , dilectum nobis in christo magistrum matthaeum parker sacrae theologiae professorem , sibi & ecclesiae praedictae elegerunt in archi-episcopum & pastorem , prout per literas suas patentes nobis inde directas plenius liquet & apparet . nos electionem illam acceptantes , eidem electioni regium nostrum assensum adhibuimus pariter & favorem , & hoc vobis tenore praesentium significamus . rogantes ac in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter praecipiendo mandantes , quatenus vos aut minus quatuor vestrum , eundem matthaeum parker in archi-episcopum & pastorem ecclesiae cathedralis & metropoliticae christi cantuariensis praedictae sicut praefertur electum , electionemque praedictam confirmare , & eundem magistrum matthaeum parker in archi-episcopum & pastorem ecclesiae praedictae consecrare , caeteraque omnia & singula peragere , quae vestro in hac parte incumbant officio pastorali , juxta formam statutorum in ea parte editorum & provisorum , velitis cum effectu . supplentes nihilominus suprema authoritate nostra regia , ex mero motu & certa scientia nostris , si quid aut in his quae juxta mandatum nostrum praedictum per vos fient , aut in vobis , aut vestrum aliquo , conditione , statu , facultate vestris , ad praemissa perficienda desit aut dèerit eorum , quae per statuta hujus regni nostri aut per leges ecclesiasticas in hac parte requiruntur , aut necessaria sunt , temporis ratione & rerum necessitate id postulante . in cujus rei &c. teste regina apud vvestmonasteriū sexto die decembris , anno regni reginae elisabeth angliae &c. secundo . examinatur . ri : broughton . before i proceed further , to prevent cavills , i must acquainte the reader , that the suffragan bishop of bedford is misnamed richard in the rolles ; by what mistake or errour , after so long time it is folly to inquire . we may conjecture how it might easily , and most probably did come to passe : but to say positively how it did come to passe , whether it was the errour of the transcriber , or the mistake of him who gave the instructions , or it was no faulte at all , ( he might have two names , as many have had , and many have and owne them severally , ) is not possible . in the ecclesiasticall register of the church , he is alwaies stiled by his right name iohn , throughout all the acts of the confirmation and consecration of arch bishop parker . once his name had been written richard , but it was corrected , and my friend assureth me , that it is the onely word in that long narration which is expunged or interlined ; so exact is that recorde . this is certeine , his right name was iohn , as it is in the register . to this the recordes of his own consecration , and twenty other recordes do beare witnesse . but as to the validity of the act or ordination , it is not materiall whether his name were iohn or richard , or both , or neither . so he was truely ordeined himself , and did truely concurre in ordeining , it is no matter how he is stiled in the commission , or in the register . regall commissions are no essentialls of ordination ▪ notariall acts are no essentialls of ordination . the misnaming of the baptise● in a parish register doth not make voide the baptisme . when popes do consecrate themselves , ( as they do sometimes ) , they d● it by the names of paul , or alexander o● vrbanus , or innocentius : yet these are not the names which were imposed upon them at their baptismes , or at their confirmations , but such names as themselves have been pleased to assume . but to come to more serious matter . there are two differences betweene these two commissions . the first is an [ aut minus , or at the least foure of you ] , which clause is prudently inserted into all commissions , where many commissioners are named , least the sicknesse , or absence , or neglect of any one or more , might hinder the worke . the question is , why they are limited to foure , when the canons of the catholick church require but three . the answer is obvious , because the statutes of england do require foure in case one of the consecraters be not an arch bishop , or deputed by one . three had bene enough to make a valide ordination , yea to make a canonicall ordination ; and the queene might have dispensed with her owne lawes : but she would have the arch bishop to be ordeined both according to the canons of the catholick church , and the known ●awes of england . the second difference betweene the two commissions is this , that there is a supplen●es in the later commission , which is not in the former . [ supplyng by our soveraigne authority all defects either in the execution , or in ihe executers of this commission , or any of them ] . the court of rome in such like instruments have ordinarily such dispensative clauses , for more abundant caution , whether there be need of them or not , to relaxe all sentences censures , and penalties inflicted either by the law or by the iudge . but still the question is , to what end was this clause inserted ? i answer , it is en● enough , if it serve ( as the court of rome useth it , ) for a certeine salve to helpe any latent impediment , though there be none ▪ a superfluous clause doth not vitiate 〈◊〉 writing . some thinke it might have reference to bishop coverdales syde woollo● gowne , which he used at the consecratio● toga lanea talari utebatur . that was uncanonicall indeed , and needed a dispensation fo● him that used it , not for him who was consecrated . but this was so slender a defe●● and so farre from the heart or essence o● ordinatiō ; especially where the three othe● cōsecraters , ( which is the canonicall number ) where formally and regularly habite● that it was not worth an intimation und●● the great seale of england . this miles coverdale had been both validely and legally ordeined bishop , and had as much power to ordeine as the bishop of rome himself . if he had been roman catholick in his ●udgment , he had been declared by cardinall pole as good a bishop , as either bon●er , or thirleby , or any of the rest . others thinke , this clause might have relation to the present condition of bishop barlow and bishop scory , who were not yet inthroned into their new bishopricks . it might be so , but if it was , it was a great mistake in the lawiers who drew up the commission . the office and the benefice of a bishop are two distinct things ; ordination is an act of the key of order , and a bishop uninthroned may ordeine as well as a bishop inthroned . the ordination of suffragan bishops , who had no peculiar bishoprickes , was alwaies admitted and reputed as good in the catholick church , ( if the suffragans had episcopall ordination , ) as the ordination of rhe greatest bishops in the wolrd . but since this clause doth extend ir self both to the consecration and the consecraters , i am confident that the onely ground of it was that same exception , o● rather cavill which bishop bonner did afterwards make against the legality of bishop hornes consecration ; which is all that either stapleton or any of our adversaries ha● to pretend against the legality of the ordination of our first protestant bishops ▪ that they were not ordeined according to the praescript of our very statutes . i have set downe this case formerly in my replication to the bishop of chalcedon ▪ but to avoide wrangling , i will put i● downe in the very wordes of the statute ▪ king edward the sixth in his time by authority of parliament , caused the booke of common praier and administration of sacraments and other rites and ceremonies in the church of england , 〈◊〉 be made and set forth , not onely for or● uniforme order of service , commō prayer , and administration of sacrament● to be used whithin this realme , but also did adde and put to the said booke , a very godly order manner and forme , ho● arch-bishops , bishops , priests , deacons and ministers , should from time to time be consecrated , made , and ordered , within this realme . afterwards it followeth , that in the time of queene mary , the severall acts and statutes made in the secōd , third , fourth , fifth and sixth yeares of king edward , for the authorising and allowing of the said booke of common praier and other the premisses , were repealed . lastly the statute addeth , that by an act made in the first yeare of queene elisabeth , entituled an act for the uniformity of common prayer and service in the church , and administration of sacraments , the said booke of common praier and administration of sacraments , and other the said orders rites and ceremonies before mētioned , and all things therein conteined , is fully stablished and authorised to be used in all places within the realme . this is the very case related by the parliament . now the exception of bishop bonner , and stapleton , and the rest , was this . the booke of ordination was expresly established by name by edward the sixth , and that act was expresly repealed by queene mary : but the booke of ordination was not expresly restored by queene elisabeth , but onely in generall termes under the name and notion of the booke of common praiers and administration of sacraments , and other orders rites and ceremonies . therefore they who were ordeined according to the said forme of ordination in the beginning of queene elisabeths time , were not legally ordeined . and those bishops which had bene ordeined according to that forme in king edwards time , though they were legally ordeined then , yet they were not legall bishops now , because quee●● maries statute was still in force , and was not yet repealed . is this all ? take courage reader , here is nothing that toucheth the validity of our ordination , but onely the legality of it ▪ which is easily satisfied . first i answe● that queene maries statute was repeale● sufficiently , even as to rhe booke of ordination ; as appeareth by the very word of the statute which repealed it . a● that the said booke , with the order of service 〈◊〉 of the administration of sacraments rites 〈◊〉 ceremonies , shall be after the feast of st. 〈◊〉 baptist next in full force and effect , any thing 〈◊〉 queene maries statute of repeale to the contrary in any wise not withstanding . that the booke of ordination was a part of this booke , and printed in this booke in king edwards daies , besides the expresse testimony of the statute in the eighth of queene elisabeth we have the authority of the canons of the church of england , which call it singularly the booke of common praier , and of ordering bishops priests and deacons . it is our forme of praier upon that occasion , as much as our forme of baptising , or administring the holy eucharist , or our forme of confirming , or marryng , or visiting the sick . secondly , it is also a part of our forme of administration of the sacraments . we denie not ordination to be a sacrament , though it be not one of those two sacraments , which are generally necessary to salvation . thirdly , although it were supposed that ordination were no sacrament , nor the booke of ordination a part of the booke of common praier : yet no man can denie that it is a part of our ecclesiasticall rites and ceremonies , and under that notion sufficiently authorised . lastly , ejus est legem imerpretari cujus est condere . they who have legislative power to make a law , have legislative power to expound a law . queene elisabeth and her parliament made the law , queene elisabeth and her parliament expounded the law , by the same authority that made it ; declaring that under the booke of common praier , the forme of ordination was comprehended and ought to be understood . and so ended the grand cavill of bishop bonner and doctor sapleton and the rest , of the illegality of our ordination ; shewing nothing but this , how apt a drowning cause is to catch hold of every reed , that the supplentes or this dispensative clause had relation to this cavill , ( which as it did breake out afterwards into an open controversy , so it was then whispered in corners , ) is very evident by one clause in the statute : that for the avoiding of all questions and ambiguities that might he objected against the lawfull confirmations , investing , and consecrations of any arch-bishops , bishops &c. the queene in her letters patents had not onely used such words as had bene accustomed to be used by king henry and king edward , but also diverse other generall wordes , whereby her highness by her supreme power and authority , hath dispensed with all causes and doubts of any imperfection or disability that could be objected . the end of this clause and that statute was the same : and this was the onely question or ambiguity which was moved . yet although the case was so evident , and was so judged by the parliament , that the forme of consecration was comprehended under the name and notion of the booke of common praier &c : yet in the indictment against bishop bonner , i do commend the discretion of our iudges , and much more the moderation of the parliament . criminall lawes should be written with a beame of the sun , without all ambiguity . lastly , before i leave this third consideration , i desire the reader to observe three things with me . first , that this dispensative neither hath , nor can be construed to have any reference to any consecration that was already past , or that was acted by bishop scory alone ; as that silly consecration at the nagge 's head is supposed to have been . secondly , that this dispensative clause doth not extend at all to the institution of christ , or any essentiall of ordination , nor to the canons of the universall church : but onely to the statutes and ecclesiasticall lawes of england . si quid desit aut deerit eorum quae per statuta hujus regni nostri , aut per leges ecclesiasticas requiruntur . thirdly , that the commissioners authorised by these letters parēts to cōfirme and consecrate arch bishop parker , did make use of this supplentes or dispensative power in the confirmation of the election , which is a politicall act , ( as by the words of the confirmation in the next paragraph shall appeare , ) but not in the consecration , which is a purely spirituall act , and belongeth meerely to the key of order . fourthly we say , that by virtue of these letters patents of december the sixth , foure of the commissioners therein named did meete in bowes church , upon the ninth day of the same moneth : and then and there with the advise of the chiefe ecclesiasticall lawiers of the kingdome , the deane of the arches , the iudges of the prerogative and audience , did solemnely confirme the election . this is proved by the recorde of the confirmation or definitive sentence it self , in these words . in dei nomine , amen . nos willelmus quondam bathonienfis & vvellensis episcopus nunc cicestrensis electus , iohannes scory quondam cicestrensis episcopus nunc electus herefordensis , milo coverdale quondam exoniensis episcopus , & iohannes bedford episcopus suffraganeus , mediantibus literis commissionalibus illustrissimae reginae fidei defensatricis &c. commissionarij , cum hac clausula videlicet [ unae cum iohanne the●fordensi suffraganeo & iohanne bale ossoriensi episcopo ] , et etiam cum hac clausula [ quatenus vos aut ad minus quatuor vestrum ] , nec non & hac adjectione [ supplentes nihil ominus &c. ] specialiter & legitime deputati , &c. idcirco nos commissionarii regii antedicti , de & cum assensic iurisperitorum cum quibus in hac parte communicavimus , praedictam electionē suprema authoritate dictae dominae nostrae reginae nobis in hac parte commissa confirmamus ▪ supplētes ex suprema authoritate regia , ex mero principis motu & certa scientia nobis delegata , quicquid in hac electione fuerit defectum . tum in his quae juxta mandatum nobis creditum a nobis factum & processum est , aut in nobis aut aliquo nostrum , conditione , statu , facultate ad haec perficienda deest aut deerit . tum etiam eorum quae per statuta hujus regni angliae , aut per leges ecelesiasticas in hac parte requisita sunt aut necessaria , prout temporis ratio & rerum praesentium necessitas id postulant , per hanc nostram sententiam definitivam , sive hoc nostrum finale decretum &c. i cite this the more largely , that our adversaries may see what use was made of the dispensation , whieh they cavill so much against : but in the consecration which is an act of the key of order , they made no use at all of it . this is likewise clearly proved by the queenes mandate for the restitution of arch bishop parker to his temporalties , wherein there is this clause . [ cui quidem electioni & personae sic electae regium assensum nostrum adhibuimus & favorem , ipsiusque fidelitatem nobis debitam pro dicto archi-episcopatu recepimus . ] fifthly , we say that eight daies after the confirmation , that is to say the . of december anno , the same commissioners did proceed to the consecration of arch bishop parker , in the archi-episcopall chappell at lambeth , according to the forme prescribed by the church of england , with solemne praiers and sermon , and the holy eucharist ; at which great numbers of grave persons communicated with him at that time , [ frequens gravissimorum hominum caetus . ] this is proved evidently by the authentick recordes of the consecration , as they are still and alwaies have been to be seen , in the publick registry of the archi-episcopall see of canterbury . registrum reverendissimi in christo pa●ris & domini , domini matthaei parker &c. principio sacellum tapetibus ad orientem adornabatur , solum vero panno rubro insternebatur , &c. and so first setting downe both how the chappell was adorned for the consecration , and what habit and garments as well the consecraters as the person who was to be consecrated did weare , both at the praiers and sermon , as likewise at the holy sacrament and consecration , it proceedeth to the consecration itself . finito tandem evangelio , herefordens●● electus , bedfordensis suffraganeus , & milo coverdale . archiepiscopum coram cicestrensi electo apud mensam in cathedra sedente his verbis adduxerunt , reverende in deo pater hunc virum pium pariter atque doctum tibi offerimus atque praesentamus , ut archiepiscopus consecretur . postquam haec dixissent , proferebatur ilico regium diploma sive mandatum pro consecratione archiepiscopi , quo per dominum doctorem yale legum doctorem perlecto , sacramentum de regio primatu sive suprema ejus authoritate tuenda , juxta statuta primo anno regni serenissimae reginae nostrae elizabethae edita & promulgata , ab eodem archi-episcopo exigebatur . quod cum ille solemniter tactis corporaliter sacris evangeliis , conceptis verbis praestitisset , cicestrensis electus populum ad orationem hortatus ad letanias decantandas choro respondence se accinxit . quibus finitis , post questiones aliquot archi-episcopo per cicestrensem electum propositas , & post orationes & suffragia quaedam juxta formam libri authoritate parliamenti editi apud deum habita , cicestrensis , herefordensis , suffraganeus bedfordensis , & milo coverdallus , manibus archi-episcopo impositis , dixerunt , accipe spiritum sanctum , & excitare memineris gratiam dei quae in te est per manuum impositionem . dedit enim nobis deus spiritum non timoris , sed potestatis , charitatis , & sobrietatis , &c. this is so evident that our adversaries have nothing to say , but to crie the recordes are forged . forgery of recordes is a grievous crime , and ought to be manifestly proved , or the accuser to suffer for his calumny . let them tell us who forged them , and when and where they were forged . but they know nothing of it . did any of the succeding proto-no●aries complaine that they were forged ? or so much as an under clerke of the office , or any man that had once occasion to view them , and afterwards found some change in them ? no such thing . examine all the officer● and notaries and clerkes living , whether ever they observed any change in them during their remembrance ; and they will all answer , no. and so would all their predecessors since arch-bishop parkers time have answered , if they had beē put to their oathes . who are they then that accuse them of forgery ? they are the adversaries of the church of england , who neve● read one word of them , nor know muc● what belongeth to such recordes : bu● they wish if they be not forged , that they were forged . what would you have 〈◊〉 do ? if they could answer them otherwise they would ; but they can not , and the●●fore they crie them downe as forged . it is possible to forge private acts 〈◊〉 in a corner : but to forge a consecratio● done publickly at lambeth , in queene e●●●sabeths time , and to forge it so early as th●● was published to the world , is incredibl● surely these fathers do not know the c●●stomes of the church , that all things whi●● are done at publick consecrations , are p●●●sently drawne into acts by principall n●●taries , and kept in publick registries , 〈◊〉 the custody of them committed to swo●● officers . and this practise was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in england upon this occasion , but ●●th beē observed throughout both provin●●s for time immemoriall . i should not 〈◊〉 one penfull of inke upon an english ●an , who either doth know or ought to ●●ow what credit the law of england doth 〈◊〉 to these recordes : but for the satis●●●tion of strangers who are misled by 〈◊〉 bold calumnies , i will take leave for 〈◊〉 to prove that , which like the common ●●●nciples of artes , ought to be taken for ●●anted , and de quo nefas est dubitare . 〈◊〉 us trie whether they can say more for 〈◊〉 vatican recordes , then we can for 〈◊〉 . for the present , i produce six grounds 〈◊〉 convince all those who gainsay them . 〈◊〉 first is that value and respect which 〈◊〉 lawes of the kingdome do give them , 〈◊〉 is to allow them to be authentick ●●ofes ; especially in cases of this nature , ●●●cerning spirituall acts belonging to 〈◊〉 key of order . if a clerke have lost 〈◊〉 letters of orders , a certificate out 〈◊〉 this registrie , under the seale of the ●●ch-bihop , or the hand of the protono●●● , is an authentick proofe . shall 〈◊〉 or three adversaries , who are strangers and know little of our affaires , altogethe● unacquainted with our lawes and recordes , dare without any ground to defa●● that for forged , which the lawes of 〈◊〉 kingdome do allow for authentick ? eithe● these recordes are authentick , or christendome never had an authentick ecclesiasticall record . the very act● of our synods or convocations are 〈◊〉 more undoubted , then these are . my second proofe is taken from 〈◊〉 credit of the publick notaries , who 〈◊〉 testifie this individuall consecration , 〈◊〉 draw it up into acts. the testimony 〈◊〉 two publick notaries , for matter of 〈◊〉 maketh full proofe over all europe : but 〈◊〉 at least foure publick notaries we●● present at this consecration , and testif●●●he truth of these acts ; whereof two 〈◊〉 them were the principall publick notari●● in england , that is , anthony huse proto●●●tary of the see of canterbury , and 〈◊〉 argall registerer of the prerogative 〈◊〉 assisted in actuating this consecration 〈◊〉 thomas willet and iohn iucent publick n●●taries . who can make doubt of a m●●●ter of fact so attested ? but is it further observable that these foure publick notaries were the same who did draw cardinall poles consecration into acts , and attest them . either let ●hese fathers denie that cardinall pole was consecrated , or let them grant that arch-bishop parker was consecrated , aut u●ramque negate , aut u●rumque conced●●e . there are the same proofes for the one and for the other . there needeth no more to be done to satisfie any man that hath eyes in his head , but to compare the one register with the other , we owe a third ground to the queenes extraordinary care , who was so solicitous least some circumstance in the politicall part might be defective in some punctilio of law , by reason of the frequent change of the statutes in the reignes of her father , brother , sister , and her self , that she caused the letters patents to be carefully perused by six of our most eminent lawiers , who all with one unanimous consent did certifie , that the commission was good in law , and that the consecraters might proceed legally to consecration upon it ; which certificate subscribed with their owne hands is preserved in the recordes . so if these recordes be forged not onely the acts of the principall no●●ries of england , but also the hands of the principall lawiers of england 〈◊〉 be forged for company , which is incredible . the fourth ground is irrefragable , taken from the testimony and authority 〈◊〉 the parliament of england , in the eight● yeare of queen elisabeth , that was about six yeares after this consecration wa● acted ; which speaking of the great car● was taken in and about the elections , confirmations , and consecrations of arch-bishop parker , and the rest of those fir●● bishops in queene elisabeths time , for proofe thereof referreth us to these very recordes , [ as the recordes of her majesties said fathers and brothers time , and also her owne time , will mo●● plainly testifie and declare ] . doth the parliament referre subjects to recordes which are forged ? you see the contrary , that it mentioneth them as authentick , undoubted , undeniable proofes of what was really done . to this unanswerable reason , these fathers pretend to give two answers : but they are such as are able to satisfie any man , that no answer is to be expected . the first answer is in their printed booke pag. , that the word recordes is but a generall terme . as if truth ought not to be regarded in generalls ; as well as in particulars . yet the termes which are added to recordes , that is , [ of her fathers time , her brothers time , and her time ] , are no generall but restreining termes . they adde , that it is a word of course , which men do rather suppose then examine , when they mention things that have been practised in former times . what latitude these fathers may allow their confitents in case theology for words of course , i do not now examine ; but what have words of course to do in a printed law ? they might as well tell the parliament in plaine termes , that they lied , or that they spake they knew not or regarded not what : as tell them that their words were but words of course . if these wordes of course were not true , why did not ●hey confute them then , when all things were fresh in mens memories ? no man can beleeve that they did forbeare out of affection to the parliament , but because they could not then oppose so evident truth . yet they conclude it to be evident , that there were no such recordes of parkers consecration . this is more then words of course , to charge the parliament directly with an untruth . but how is it evident that there were no such recordes ? because they were never produced to those roman catholick doctors , who desired to see some evidence of parkers consecration . this is wonderfull , they were cited in printe , they were alleged by the parliament in the publick lawes of the kingdome , of which no man can pleade ignorance ; and yet they tell us they were never produced . but to satisfie their very pretensions . their exception● in those daies were of another nature , either against our english ordinall , or against the legality of our bishops ; which later exception hath been answered already , and the former shall be answered i● due place . the reason why bishop iewell , and bishop horne , and others did not ci●● these recordes more expressely , was no dread at all least they should be found to be counterfeit , but because they had no need to cite them , to answer any thing that was objected against them . either the roman catholick writers of those daies were false to their owne interest , to smother a thing which ( if it had been true ) had been so much to their advantage ; which no rationall man can imagine : or the nagges head ordination was altogether unknowne and unheard of in those daies ; which is most certeine . but now the fathers change their note , could they not be forged as well in queene elisabeths time as in king iames his reigne ? this is to blow hote and cold with the same breath . before they demanded , how it was possible they should be extant then and not produced ? now they tell us , they might be extant then , and yet forged : nay , such a dexterity they have in turning all which they touch into gold , that they make this very supposition that they were extant then , to be a proofe against us that they were forged . therefore they were not produced , because in queene elisabeths time many were living , who would have proved them to be forged . observe first , what honour and respect our countrymen do beare to our princes and parliaments united . before they did as good as gave them the lie , and now they make them at the least accessaries to forgery , so farre as to avouch and justifie forged recordes . secondly observe , with what confidence and conscience they say that these recordes were never produced : and yet confesse that they were cited in printe , and alleged in our very statutes . if bishop iewell and bishop horne had cited them , ( as they would have cited them if they had had occasion ) , they could have done no more then was done . did any man upon this publication go about to convince them of forgery ? no i warrant you , the case was too plaine to be convinced . the parliament , and the booke of the life 's of the seventy arch bishops of canterbury printed by iohn day anno . have spoiled the fathers arguments , [ they were not produced , therefore they were forged ] ▪ and furnished us with a demonstrative proofe of the contrary . they were produced and cited in printe , and neither convinced , nor so much as accused of forgery ; therefore they were not forged . it seemeth this answer did not satisfie the fathers themselves : and therefore the one of them hath addeth a second answer in the margent , with his penne , in these words ; the act of parliament relates onely to the recordes of the queenes letters patents , and not to the recordes of the bishops consecration or ordination . they say that glosse is accursed which corrupteth and contradicteth the text , as this glosse doth egregiously . the statute speaketh expresly , of the recordes of elections and confirmations and consecrations , which are all of them ecclesiasticall acts , and none of them recorded in the rolles of chancery , or any other civill court of recordes , but onely in the ecclesiasticall registers of the arch-bishops , deanes and chapiters respectively . this answer is a groundlesse evasion . my fifth ground to prove that these recordes were not forged , is taken from that booke of the life 's of the seventy succeding arch-bishops of canterbury , printed in london in the yeare ; wherein the authour , ( that was arch bishop parker himself , ) having described the confirmations and consecrations of bishop grindall , bishop sands , bishop iewell , bishop horne , and all the rest of those first protestant bishops , he addeth in the margent , hae confirmationes & consecrationes in registris apparent : these confirmations and consecrations de appeare in the registers . then the registers were then extant , and not onely extant but publickly printed , whilest all things were fresh in mens memories , yet no man did or durst except against the truth of them ; so free they were not onely from corruption , but from suspicion . the sixth and last ground to prove that the recordes were not forged , is taken from the agreement and concurrence of our civill recordes ( which no man ever doubted of ) with our ecclesiasticall registers . we have seene the queenes letters patēts , directed to seven other bishops , for the confirmation and consecration of arch-bishop parker , dated the sixth of december anno ; therefore upon the sixth of december he was neither confirmed nor consecrated . we have seene the ecclesiasticall recordes , how by virtue of those very letters patents , he was confirmed upon the ninth day , and consecrated upon the seventeenth day of the same moneth . we find three other letters patents , directed to arch-bishop parker himself as a consecrated bishop , for the confirmation and consecration of other bishops ; namely richard coxe , edmund grindall , and edwin sandes , dated the eighteenth of december , that is the very next day after his consecration : therefore he was then consecrated . and this agreeth exactly with the ecclesiasticall register . elisabeth dei gratia angliae &c. reverendissimo in christo patri & domino , matthaeo archi-episcopo cantuariensi , totius angliae primati & metropolitano , &c , salutem . rogantes , ac in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter praecipiendo mandantes , quatenus eundem magistrum edmundum grindall in episcopum & pastorem ecclesiae cathedralis divi pauli london praedictae sic ut praefertur electum , electionemque praedictam confirmare , & eundem magistrum edmundum grindall in episcopum & pastorem ecclesiae praedictae consecrare , ceteraque omnia & singula peragere , quae vestro in hac parte incumbunt officio pastorali &c. teste regina apud west monasterium , decimo octavo die decembris , anno reginae elizabeth angliae &c. secundo . examinatur per rich : broughton . consimilia brevia ( eisdem forma & verbis , mutatis solummodo mutandis ) directa sunt cidem mattbaeo archi-episcopo cantuariensi , pro confirmatione electionis , & consecratione richardi cox sacrae theologiae professoris in episcopum eliensem , et edwini sands sacra theologiae professoris in episcopum vvigornensem , omnia sub dato praedicto & in rotulo supradicto . examinatur per richardum broughton , there cannot be a clearer proofe in the world , to prove that arch-bishop parker was neither confirmed nor consecrated upon the sixth of december anno . and that he was both confirmed and consecrated , and commanded to consecrate others , upon the eighteenth of the same moneth . neither doth the king , or church , or lawes of england , take notice of any man as a true arch-bishop or bishop , untill hands be imposed upon him , but alwaies with this addition [ elect ] as in the booke of ordination , ego i n. ecclesiae atque sedis n. elecius episcopus profi●eor ▪ and in the letany , te rogamus ut huic fratri nostro electo episcopo benedicionem & gratiam ●uam largiri digneris . lastly , by the lawes of england , a bishop can not be admitted to do his homage or sweare fealty for his bishoprick , nor be restored to his temporalties , untill he be legally consecrated : but it is apparent by the queenes letters patents , dated the one and twentieth day of march following , ( that was at the end of hilary terme , as speedily as could be ) he had done his homage , and was then restored to his temporalties . which proveth clearly , that he was legally consecrated , that is to say , according to the register . such a perpetuall agreement there is , between our ecclesiasticall-recordes and our civill recordes . chapt . v. the eighth ninth and tenth reasons against that fabulous relation , from the authority of our statute , the booke of the life 's of the arch-bishops of canterbury , and all sorts of witnesses . the eighth reason to prove the nagges-head ordinatiō to be a fable , is takē frō the authority of the statute in the eighth yeare of queene elisabeth , which is thus entituled . an act declaring the manner of making and consecrating of the arch-bishops and bishops of this realme , to be good lawfull and perfect . [ an act declaring ] not enacting or making ; [ the manner of making and consecrating the arch bishops and bishops of this realme , ] that is , those in the beginning of queene elisabeths time , as appeareth by the whole body of the act ; [ to be good lawfull and perfect . the title of the statute alone is sufficient to confute this fable : but there is much more in the body of the statute ; as where it approveth the making and consecrating of the same arch bishops and bishops to be duely and orderly done , according to the lawes of this realme . if it was done duely and orderly according to the lawes of this realme , then it was not done at the nagge 's head , nor after such a silly ridiculous manner , as these fathers do relate it . that forme differeth from our forme in all things . in the consecrater , or minister of the consecration : we must have three bishops at the least , there was but one . in the matter : our matter is imposition of handes , their matter was the laying the bible upon the head or shoulders of the person consecrated . in the forme : our forme is receive the holy ghost &c , their forme was , take thou authority to preach the word of god sincerely . the statute proceedeth , that they were elected made and consecrated arch bishops and bishops , according to such order and forme , and with such ceremonies in and about their consecrations , as were allowed and set forth by the said acts statutes and orders , annexed to the said booke of common praier before mentioned . this is plaine enough . if the parliament say truely , then they were consecrated in a church , not in a taverne ; not according to the brainsick whi●sies of a self conceited foole , or rather the ludibrious devise of an archenemy , but according to the forme prescribed by the church and kingdome . the parliament had more reason to know the truth then these fathers , for there were personally present both the persons who did consecrate , and the persons who were consecrated , and many lords and gentlemen who were eye witnesses of the consecration . chuse reader , whether tho● wilt trust the tale of a single , obscure , malicious spie , tatling in a corner : or the asseveration of the parliament of england , i● the face of the sun , published to the world in print . the parliament testifieth further , that i● is and may be very evident and apparent that no cause of scruple ambiguity or doubt 〈◊〉 or may justly be objected , against the said elections confirmations or consecrations . do they thinke the parliament would have give● such a testimony for the nagge 's head consecrations . and so they conclude , th● all persons which had been or should be orde●● or consecrated , after the forme and order presc●●bed in the said english ordinall , wer● very deed , and by authority of parliament were declared and enacted to be rightly ordered and consecrated . the scope of the parliament and of this act , was to confirme the consecration of arch bishop parker and the rest of the bishops , and to free them from ca●ills and objections : but they confirme no ordination at the nagge 's head , neither can their words be extended any way to such a ridiculous consecration : therefore the ordination of arch bishop parker and the rest , was no nagges head ordinatiō . my ninth reason to prove that nagges-head relation fabulous and counterfeit , is taken from the testimony of that book formerly mentioned , of the life 's of the seventy ar●h bishops of canterbury ; wherein the consecrations of arch bishop parker and all the rest are particulary related . that which was published to the world in print , above thirty yeares before the death of queene elisabeth , was not lately forged : but the legall ordinations of arch-bishop parker and the rest , according to the register , was published to the world in print , above thirty yeares before the death of queene elisabeth . againe , that which was published to the world in print with the allowance of arch bishop parker , or rather by arch bishops parker himself , was not intended by arch bishop parker to be smothered o● concealed . men do not use to publish their forgeries in print ; especially so soone , and of such publick actions , whilest there are so many eye witnesses living . that the relation was not confuted , that the authour was never called to an account for it , that no man stood up against the registers , nor on the behalf of the nagg●●head ordination in those daies , that 〈◊〉 neale was so tame to endure the lie in prie● and all his party so silent , at that tim● when the truth might so easily have bee● discovered , as if it had bene written with ● beame of the sun , ( as it was indeed ) ; is 〈◊〉 evident proofe that our relation is undeniable , and the relation which thei● fathers make is but a drowsy dream● , which could not indure the light of the sun . the tenth and last reason to prove on relation true and theirs fabulous , is taken from all sortes of witnesses , ours and theirs indifferently . mr mason reckoned up seven of our writers , who had justi●●ed the legality of our ordinations , and ●ited our registers as authentick recor●es , before himself ; bishop iewell , bishop hall , bishop goodwin , doctor ●ollings , mr , camden , mr. shelden , ●nd one who was then living when this ●uestion was so hotely debated in king ●unes his time , and had been an eye-wit●esse of arch bishop parkers consecra●●ons at lambeth , that was the earle of ●ottingham . one that was , well stored ●ith our english writers in queene elisabeths time , might adde many more : ●ut that can not well be expected from me 〈◊〉 this distance . we may produce as many of theirs , ●ho have confessed or been convinced of 〈◊〉 truth of arch bishop parkers conse●●ation . first mr. clerke , whose father ●as register to cardinall pole in his le●●ntine courte , and he himself an actu●●y under him , when theophilus higgins 〈◊〉 out of england to st. omars , or ●●oway , ( i remember not well whether ) . ●here he met with this mr. clerke , ●ho falling into discourse with him ●●ncerning his reasons why he had forsaken the church of england , mr higgins told him , that one of them 〈◊〉 that saying of st. hierome , it is no church which hath no priests ; reflecting upon thi● nagges head consecration . mr. clerke approved well of his caution , because 〈◊〉 dubiis tutior pars sequenda : but withall 〈◊〉 wished , that what their authours had written concerning that point , could be ma● good ; confessing that he himself was 〈◊〉 england at that time , ( the witnesse do●● not positively remember whether at t●● consecration or not . ) but mr , cler●● said that he himself was present when 〈◊〉 advocate of the arches , whom the quee● sent to peruse the register after the consecration , and to give her an account whether it was performed canonically , retur●● her this answer , that he had peruse the register , and that no just excepti●● could be made against the consecration but ( he said ) something might h●● been better , particularly that bish●● coverdale was not in his rochet , 〈◊〉 he assured her , that could make no ●●●fect in the consecration . here 〈◊〉 have , if not an eye witnesse , yet at least 〈◊〉 eare witnesse in an undoubted manner , of●● legall consecration ▪ and of the truth of the register , and of the judgement of the advocate of the arches , concerning the canonicalnesse of the consecration . thus much mr. higgins was ready to make faith of whilest he was living , and mr. barwick a person of very good credit , from him of at this present . the second witnesse is mr. higgins himself , who comming afterwards into england had a desire to see the register , and did see it , and finding those expresse words in it [ milo vero coverdallus non nisi togalanea talari ●●ebatur , ] and remembring withall what mr. clerke had told him , whereas the canonicall garments of the rest of the bishops are particularly described : he was so fully satisfied of the truth of the consecration , and lawfull succession of our english bishops , that he said he never made doubt of it afterwards . my third witnesse is mr. hart , a stiffe roman catholick , but a very ingenuous person , who having seene undoubted copies of doctor reynolds his ordination by bishop freake , and of bishop freakes consecration by arch bishop parker , and lastly of arch bishop parkers owne , consecration : he was so fully satisfied with it , that he himself did rase out all that part of the conference betweene him and doctor reinoldes . my fourth witnesse is father oldcorne the iesuit . this testimony was urged by me in my treatise of schisme in these words . these authentick evidences being upon occasion produced , out of our ecclesiasticall courtes , and deliberately perused and viewed by father oldcorne the iesuit , he both confessed himself clearly convinced of that whereof he had so long doubted , ( that was the legitimate succession of bishops and priests in our church ) and wished heartily towards the reparation of the breach of christendome , that all the world were so abundantly satisfied as he himself was ; blaming us as partly guilty of the grosse mistake of many , for not having publickly and timely made knowne to the world , the notorious falshood of that empty , but farre spread aspersion against our succession . to this the bishop of chalcedon , who was better acquainted with the passages of those times in england , then any of those persons whom these fathers stile of undoubted credit , makes this confession . that father oldcorne being in hold for the povvder treason , and judging others by himself , should say , those registers to be authentick , is no marvell , a fifth witnesse is mr. wadsworth , who in an epistle to a freind in england doth testifie , that before he left england he read the consecration of arch bishop parker in our registers . this made him so moderate above his fellowes , that whereas some of them tell of five , and the most of them of fifteen , which were consecrated at the nagge 's head , he saith onely that the consecration of the first protestant bishop was attempted there , but not accomplished ▪ if it were onely attempted not accomplished , then the nagge 's head ordination is a fable . but it falleth out very unfortunately for mr wadsworths attempt , that of all those first protestant bishops , whose elections were all confirmed at bowes church about that time , ( and it might be all of them , it is very probable ●undry of them had a confirmation dinner at the nagge 's head ) not one was confirmed in person , but all of them by their proxies : arch bishop parker by doctor bullingham , bishop barlow and bishop scory by walier iones bachelour of law , bishop grindall by thomas hink doctor of law , bishop cox by edward gascoine , bishop sands by thomas bentham , &c ; as appeareth by the authentick recordes of their confirmation . bishops are ordinarily confirmed by proxie , but no man was ever consecrated , no man was ever attempted to be consecrated by proxie . the four next witnesses are mr. collimo● ▪ mr. laithwait , mr. faircloth , and mr. leake , two of them of the same order with these fathers ; to whom the archbishop of canterbury caused these recordes to be shewed , in the presence of himself , the bishops of london , durham , ely , bath and welles , lincolne , and rochester . they viewed the register , they turned it over and over , and perused it as much as they pleased , and in conclusion gave this sentence of it , that the booke was beyond exception . to say , that afterwards they desired to have the recordes into prison , to peruse them more fully , is ridiculous . such recordes may not goe out of the presence of the keeper . but these fathers may see them as much as they list in the registri● , if they seeke for satisfaction , not altercation . lastly bishop bonner had a suite with bishop horne , and the issue was whether bishop horne were l●gally consecrated bishop ; upon that ●c●uple , or rather cavill , which i have formerl● mentioned . if mr. neale who they say was bishop bonners chaplein , and ●ent on purpose to spie what the ●ishops did , could have proved the ordination of bishop horne at the nagge 's head , he might not onely have cleared his master , but have turned bishop horne deservedly out of his bishoprick . but he was loath to forfeit his cares , by avouching such a palpaple lie . the nagge 's head ordination was not talked of in those daies . how should it , before it was first devised ? mr. sanders dedicated a booke to archbishop parker , which he called the rock of the church : if the nagges head ordination had bene a serious truth , how would he have triumphed over the poore arch-bishop ? to conclude , ●f faith ought to be given to concurring recordes ecclesiasticall and civill , of the church and kingdome of england , if a full parliament of the whole kingdome deserve any credit , if the testimony of the most eminent publick notaries in the kingdome , if witnesses without exception , if the silence , or contradiction , or confession of knowne adversaries , be of any force , if the strongest presumtions in 〈◊〉 world may have any place , that men in their right wittes will not ruine themselves willfully ▪ without necessity , or hope of advantage , if all these grounds put together do over ballance the clandestine relation of a single malicious spie , without either oath , or any other obligation : then i hope every one who readeth these grounds will conclude with me , that the register of the church of england is beyond all exception , and the malicious relation of the nagge 's head ordination , a very tale of a tub , and no better ; so full of ridiculous folly in it self , that i wonder how any prudent man can relate it without laughter . who told this to bluet ? neale . who told this to haberley ? neale . who told it to the rest of the prisoners at wisbich ? neale . onely neale . who suggested it to neale ? the father of lies . neale made the fable , neale related it in corners , long after the time it was pretended to be acted . if his maister bishop bonner had knowne any thing of it , we had heard of it long before . that the arch-bishop should leave lambeth to come to london to be consecrated ; that he should leave all those churches in london , which are immediately under his owne iurisdiction , to chuse a common taverne , as the fittest place for such a worke ; that bishop bonner being deprived of his bishoprick , and a prisoner in london , should send neale from oxford , and send a command by him to one over whom he never had any iurisdiction ; that the other bishop being then a protestant should obey him being a roman catholick , when there were so many churches in the city to performe that worke in , where the bishop of london never pretended any iurisdiction ; that these things should be treated , and concluded , and executed all at one meeting ; that bishop bonner did foresee it would be so , and command his servant to attend there untill he see the end of that businesse . that the bishops being about such a clandestine worke , should suffer a knowne enemy to stay all the while in their company , is incredible . if neale had feined that he had heard it from one of the drawers boies , it had deserved more credit , then this silly , improbable inconsistent relation ; which looketh more like an heape of fictions made by severall authours by starts , then a continued relation of one man , quicquid ostendas mihi sic incredulus odi . chapt . vi. the nagg●s head ordination is but a late devise . of the earle of nottingham , bishop bancroft , doctor stapleton ▪ the statute . el. . and the queenes disp●nsation . now having laid our grounds , in the next place let us see what the fathers have to say further for themselves . this stor● of the nagge 's head was first cno●radicted b● mason in the yeare : yet so weakly and family that the a●ten●ive reader may easily perceive he feared to be caught in a lie . first , the fathers seem to argue after this manner ; many athenian writers did mention the cretan bulls and minotaurs and labyrinth , but no cretan did write against them , therefore those ridiculous fables were true . rather , the cretans laughed at their womannish ●evenge , to thinke to repaire themselves for a beating , with scolding and lying : such ridiculous fictions ought to be entertained with scorne and contempt , spreta exolescunt , si irascaris agnita videmur . secondly , it might be ( for any thing i know to the contrary ) mr. mason was the first who dissected this lie , and laid the falsity of it open to the world : but he was not the first who avouched and justified the canonicall consecration , and personall succession of our protestant bishops , which is the same thing in effect ; the bishop of hereford did it before him , and doctor reynolds before the bishop of hereford , and he that writ the life of arch-bishop parker before doctor reynolds , and the parliament before him that writ arch bishop parkers life , and the publick registers of the church before the parliament . thirdly , they would make us believe that this fable was ancient , and published to the world from the beginning of queen elisabeths time in print , and unanswered by the protestants untill the , of king iames : but there is no such thing . for their credit , let them produce one authour that mentioneth it in the beginning of queen elisabeths time , or if they cannot doe that , for forty yeares after , that is , before the yeare : or otherwise the case is plain that it is an upstart lie , newly coined about the beginning of king iames his time ; the fathers would not have us answer it before it was coined , or before it was known to us . where they say that mr , mason did handle this controversy weakly and faintly , they know they doe him wrong : he hath so thrashed their authours , fusherbert , and fitz-simon , and holywood , and constable , and kellison , and champney , that the cause hath wanted a champion eversince , untill these fathers tooke up the bucklers . but whereas they adde , that mr. mason vvas affraid to be convinced by some aged persons that might then be living , and remember vvhat passed in the beginning of queen e●isabeths reign ; is so farre from truth , that mr. mason nameth a witnesse beyond all exception , that was invited to arch bishop parkers consecration at lambeth , as being his kinsman , and was present there , the earle of notting●am lord high admirall of england . why did none of their authors goe to him , or imploy some of their friends to inquire of him ? the case is cleare , they were more affraid of conviction , and to be caught in a lie , then mr. mason : who laid not the foundation of his discourse upon loose prittle-prattle , but upon the firm foundation of originall records . they say , in the yeare , none of the protestant clergy durst call it a fable , as some now doe . i am the man , i did call it so , i do call it so . such a blind relation as this is , of a businesse pretended to be acted in the yeare , being of such consequence , as whereupon the succession of the church of england did depend , and never published untill after the yeare , as if the church of england had neither friends nor enemies ; deserveth to be stiled a tale of a tub and no better . they adde , bancroft bishop of london being demanded by mr. vvilliam alabaster , hovv parker and his collegues vvere consecrated bishops ? ●nsvvered , he hoped that in case o● ne●essity a priest ( alluding to scory , might ordein bishops . this answer of his was objected in print by holywood , against him and all the english clergy in the yeare ▪ not a word replied , bancroft himself being then living . and why might not holywood be misinformed of the bishop of london , a● well as you yourselves were misinformed of the bishop of durham ? this is certain he could not allude to bishop scory , wh● was consecrated a bishop in the reign of edward the sixth , as by the records of those times appeareth ; unlesse you have a mi●● to accuse all records of forgery . if you have any thing to say against bishop sc●ryes consecration , or of any of them who joined in ordeining arch bishop parker , spare it not , we wil not seek help of 〈◊〉 act of parliament to make it good . in summe , i doe not believe a word 〈◊〉 what is said of bishop bancroft , sub mod●● it i● here set down , nor that this accusation did ever come to the knowledge of 〈◊〉 prudent prelate ; if it did , he had great●● matters to trouble his head withall , the● mr. holywords bables : but if ever such a a question was proposed to him , it may be after a clear answer to the matter of fact he might urge this as argumentum ad hominem ; that though both bishop scory and bishop coverdale had been but simple priests , ( as they were complete bishops ) , yet joining with bishop barlow and bishop hodgskings , two undoubted bishops ( otherwi●e gardiner and bonner and tunstall and thurleby and the rest were no bishops , ) the ordination was as canonicall , as for one bishop and two mitred abbats to consecrate a bishop ( which you allow in case of necessity ) , or one bishop and two simple presbyters to consecrate a bishop by papall dispensation . so this question will not concern us at all , but them very much , to reconcile themselves to themselves . they teach that the matter and form of ordination are essentialls of christs own institution , they teach that it is grievous sacrilege to change the matter of this sacrament , they teach that the matter of episcopall ordination is imposition of hands of three bishops , upon the person consecrated : and yet with them one bishop and two abbats , or one bishop and two simple priests extraordinarily by papall dispensation , may ordein bishops . the essentialls of sacraments doe consist in indivisibili , once essentiall alwaies essentiall , whether ordinarily , or extraordinarily whether with dispensation or without . so this question whether a priest in case of necessity may ordein bishops , doth concern them much , but us not at all . but for my part i believe the whole relation is feined , for so much as concerneth bishop bancroft . they adde , or the one of them , i have spoken vvith both catholicks and protestants , that remember neare . yeares , and acknovvledge that so long they have heard the nagges head story related as an undoubted truth . where i wonder ? sooner in rome or rhemes or doway , then in england , and sooner in a corner then upon the exchange . you have heard from good authors of the swans singing , and the pellicans pricking of her breast with her bill : but you are wiser then to believe such groundlesse fictions . i produce you seven of the ancient bishops of england , some of them neare an . yeares old , who doe testify that it is a groundlesse fable : yet they have more reason to know the right value of our ecclesiasticall records , and the truth of our affaires , then any whom you convers● withall ▪ the authours proceed , this narration of the consecration at the nagge 's head , have i taken out of holywood , constable , and doctor champnies vvorkes . they heard it from many of the ancient clergy , vvho vvere prisoners for the catholick religion in wysbich castle , as mr. blewet , doctor watson , bishop of lincoln , and others . these had it from the said mr. neale and other catholicks present at parkers consecration in the nagge 's head , as mr. constable affirmes here is nothing but hearsay , upon hearsay , such evidence would not passe at a tryall for a lock of goats wooll . holywood and the rest had it from some of the wisbich prisoners : and the wisbich prisoners heard it from mr. neale and others . what others ? had they no names ? did bishop bonner send more of his chapleins then one to be spectators of the consecration , and they who were to be consecrated permit them being adversaries to continue among them , during the consecration , supposed to be a cla●de●●ine action . it is not credible , without a pl●● between neale and the host of the nagge 's head , to put him and his fellowes for that day into drawers habits , least the bishops should discover them . here , is enough said to disgrace this narration for ever , that the first authors that published it to the world , did it after the yeare ; untill then it was kept close in lavander , bishop wa●son lived splendidly with the bishops of ely and rochester , at the time of arch-bishop parkers consecration , and a long time after , before he was removed to wisbich castle . if there had been an● such thing really acted , and so notoriously known , as they pretend , bishop wa●s●● and the other prisoners , must needs ha●● known it long before that time , when mr. neale is supposed to have brought the● the first newes of it . the who●e story 's composed of inconsistences . that which quite spoileth their story , is that arch bishop parker was never present at any 〈◊〉 these consecrations , otherwise calle● confirmation dinners : but it may be 〈◊〉 merry host shewed mr. neale docto● bullingham for arch bishop parker , and told him what was done in the withdrawing roome , which ( to gaine more credit to his relation ) he feigued that he had seen , out of pure zeale . howsoever , they say the story was divulged to the great griefe of the newly consecrated , yet being so evident a truth they durst not contradict it . we must suppose that these fathers have a privilege to know other mēs hearts , but let that p●sse . let them tell us how it was divulged by word or writing , when and where it was divulged whilest they were newly consecrated , who divulged it and to whom ? if they can tell us none of all this , it may passe for a great presumption , but it cannot passe for a proofe , but they say , that not onely the nullity of the consecration , but also the illegality of the same was objected in print against them not long after , by that famous writer doctor stapleton and others . we looke upon doctor stapleton , as one of the most rationall heads that your church hath had since the seperation : but speake to the purpose fathers , did doctor stapleton print one word of the nagge 's head consecration . you may be sure he would not have balked it , if there had been any such thing , but he did balke it because there was no such thing . no , no , doctr. stapletons pretended illegality was upon another ground , because he dreamed that king edwards statute was repealed by queen mary , and not restored by queen elisabeth , for which we have an expresse act of parliament against him in the point : and his supposed invalidity was because they were not consecrated ritu romano . if you think doctor stapleton hath said any thing that is materiall , to prove the invalidity or nullity of our consecration , take your bowes and arrowes and shoote over his shafts againe , and try if you do not meet with satisfactory answers , both for the institution of christ , and the canons of the catholick church , and the lawes of england . you say , parker and the rest of the protestant bishops , not being able to answer the catholick arguments against the invalidity of their ordination &c. words are but wind . the church of england wanted nor orthodox sonnes enough to cope with stapleton and all the rest of your emissaries : nor to cry down the illegall and extravagant manner of it at the nagge 's head , how should they cry down , that which never had been cryed up in those daies ? we condemne , that form of ordination which you feign to have beē used at the nagge 's head , as illegall , and extravagant , and ( which weigheth more then both of them ) invalid , as much as yourselves . they were forced to begge an act of parliament , whereby they might enjoy the temporalities , not withstanding the known defects of their consecration &c. o ingenuity ! whither art thou fled out of the world ? say , where is this petition to be found , in the records of eutopia ? did the parliament ever make any such establishment of their temporalties , more then of their spiritualties ? did the parliament ever take any notice of any defects of their consecration ? nay , did not the parliament declare their consecration to have been free from all defects ? nay , doth not the parliament quite contrary , brand these reports for slanderous speeches , and justify their consecrations to have been duely and orderly done , according to the lawes of this realm : and that it is very evident and apparent , that no cause of scruple ambiguity or doubt , can be justly objected against their elections confirmations or consecrations . yet they give a reason of what they say , for albeit edward the sixths rite of ordination was reestablished by act of parliament in the first yeare of queen elisabeth : yet it was notorious that the ordination at the nagge 's head was very different from it , and formed extempore by scoryes puritanicall spirit &c. i take that which you grant out of sanders , that king edwards form of ordination , was reestablished by act of parliament . elisabethae ; wherein you doe unwittingly condemne both bishop bonners and stapletons plea of illegality . the rest which you say is partly true and partly false . it is very true that there is great difference between the english form of ordeining , and your nagge 's head ordination , as much as is between the head of a living horse and the sign of the nagge 's head , or between that which hath a reall entity and an imaginary chim●ra ( mr. mason was the bellerephon that destroyed this monster ) : but that the form of the nagge 's head ordination was framed extempore by scoryes puritanicall spirit , is most false ; that posthumus brat was the minerva or issue of mr. neales brain , or some others who fathered this rapping lie upon him . then they repeat the words of a part of the statute , and thence conclude , by which act appeares that not onely king edwards rite , but any other used since the beginning of the queeens reign , upon her commission was enacted for good , and consequently that of the nagge 's head might passe . cujus cōtrarium verum est . the contrary to what these fathers inferre , doth follow necessarily from these words which the fathers cite . the words of the act are these , [ by virtue of the queens letters patents or commission ] : every one of the letters patents is extant in the rolles , not one of them did ever authorise any form but that which was legally established ; that is , the form of edward the sixth . first , the queens letters patents or commission hath an aut minus in it , or at the least three or foure of you : but to justify the nagges head ordination , the aut minus must be altered to at the least one or two of you . secondly , the queens letters patents have alwaies this clause in them : iuxta formam & effectum statutorum in ea parte editorum & provisorum ; according to the form and effect of the statutes in that case made and provided : but the statutes allow no lesse number then four , or at the least three to ordein , at the nagges head ( you say there was but one ordeiner . our statutes prescribe imposition of hands as the essentiall matter of ordination , and these words , receive the holy ghost as the form of ordination : but your nagge 's head ordination is a mere phantasm , without matter or forme ; our statutes allow no such fanaticall and phantasticall formes , as your form of the nagge 's head . and so your consequence , [ consequently that of the nagge 's head might passe ] , is foundered of all four , and can neither passe nor repasse , unlesse you can rase these words [ by virtue of the queens letters patents ] out of the statute , and insert these [ without the queens letters patents ] : and likewise rase these words out of the commission [ according to the form and effect of the statutes ] , and insert these [ contrary to the form and effect of the statutes ] . a single falsification will doe your cause no good . two poisons may perchance help it at a dead lift . it is in vain to tell us , that mr mason see this over clear to be denied , who know better that mr. mason did not onely deny it over and over again , but sqeesed the poore fable to durt . i have shewed you particularly what was the end of the queens dispensations , the same which is the end of papall dispensations , to meet with latent objections or cavills . i have shewed you what that cavill was ; which needed no dispensation in point of law , but onely to stop the mouths of gainsaiers . but where you adde , that the queens dispensation was given , not in conditionall but in very absolute termes : you are absolutely mistaken . the queens dispensation was both in generall termes , which determin nothing , ( not like the popes dispensations , a quibusvis excommunicationis suspensionis & interdicti sententiis ) : and also in these conditionall terms , si quid &c. desit aut deerit eorum quae per statuta hujus regni nostri , aut per leges ecclesiasticas in hac parte requiruntur : if any thing is or shall be wanting , which are required by the lawes civill or ecclesiasticall of this kingdome . you see it is conditionall and hath reference onely to the lawes of england . they goe on , the truth is , all the world laughed at the nagge 's head consecration , and held it to be invalid , not so much for being performed in a tavern , as for the new form invented by scory . if all the world did laugh at it in those dayes , they laughed in their sleeves , where no body could see them laugh . it had been too much to laugh at a jeast before it was made , nay before it was devised . the reader may well wonder , how all the world came to get notice of it so early as the beginning of queen elizabeths reign , and we onely in england should heare nothing of it for above yeares after ? but assoone as we did heare of it , we laught at it as well as they , and held it as invalid as they could doe for their hearts ; but they laught at it as bishop scoryes invention , and we laught at it as theirs . cap. vii . of bishop bonner , the reordination of our clergy , the quality of their witnesses , mr. fitzherberts suspicions , the testimony of their doctors , and the publishing of our register before mr. mason their next instance is in bishop bonners case , who was indited by mr. horn , one of the first protestant bishops consecrated by mr. parker , or together with him , for refusing to take the oath of supremacy . the first errour might be pardoned , as being onely a mistake in a word , to say that bishop bonner was indited by mr. horn , where as he was onely signified by bishop horn : but the second mistake is fatall , that after all this confidence , and this great notoreity of the nagge 's head ordination to all the world , these fathers themselves are still uncertain , whether bishop horn were consecrated by archbishop parker , or at the same time with him ; that is as much as to say , they know not certainly what was done at the nagge 's head , but they wish that if the confirmation dinner were not a consecration , it had been one . it could never end better , for mr. neale to feign an ordination , without an actuary to record what was done . bishop wa●son and mr. bluet and the rest were much to blame , that ( since he had the fortune to weare gyges his ring and walk invisible ) they did not cause him to play the publick notary himself , and draw that which was done there into acts ; then we might have known as certainly as he could tell us , whether dr ▪ parker had been consecrated there by his proctor dr bullsngham . it may be , some very credulous reader , who like the old lamiae , could take out his eyes and put them in again when he pleased , would have given more credit to mr neales pleasant fable , then to the publick rolles and registers of the kingdome . i have handled bishop bonners case before : and th●se fathers themselves have unwittingly given sentence in it against him ; that king edwards forme of ordination , was reestablished by act of parliamant in the first yeare of queen elisabeth . but finall sentence there was never any given , untill the parliament gave a finall sentence in it , that bishop horn and all the rest were legall bishops . to admit a plea to be tryed by a iury , and the veredict of the iury , are two very distinct things . they tell us , he was a man specially shot at . rather he was a man graciously preserved by the queens mercy , from the rage of the common people against him . if they had shot at him , they could have found waies enough to have tendered the oath of supremacy to him , without bishop horn. i professe i am no great patron of such oaths , men have more dominion over their actions then over their judgements : yet there is lesse to be said for bishop bonner , then for other men . he who had so great a hand in framing the oath , he who had taken it himself , both in king henryes time , and king edwards time , and made so many others to take it , he who had been so great a stickler in rome for the kings supremacy , who writ that preface before bishop gardiners booke de vera obedientia : if he had suffered by the oath of supremacy , he had but been scourged with a rod of his own making . their next reason to prove the nullity of our holy orders , is taken from the constant practice of the romane catholicks , to reordein protestant ministers , not conditionally but absolutely , which they call an evident argument of our mere laity . a doughty argument indeed , drawn from their own authority . can any man doubt , that that they which make no scruple of taking away our lifes , will make conscience of taking away our orders ? this is that which we accuse them of , and they doe fairly begge the question . if reordination be sacrilege ( as they say it is ) , we are ready to convince them of grosse sacrilege , or iterating all the essentialls of ordination , the same matter and the same form that is for episcopacy , the same imposition of hands by three bishops , and the same words receive the holy ghost &c. some were of the same mind with these fathers in queen maries time : but paul the . and cardinall poole were wiser , who confirmed all ordinations in edward the sixths time indifferently , so the persons professed but their conformity to the roman religion . how doth this consist with your pretended nullity ? they say , our records were produced by mr ▪ mason in the yeares , fifty yeare● after they ought to have been shewed . they forget that they were published in print in arch bishop parkers lifetime , that they were justified by the parliament . elisabethae , that all of them goe hand in hand with our civill records , he saith , it cannot be testified by any lawfull witnesses ( produced by us ) that they were 〈◊〉 forged . this is their method , first to ●ccuse us of forgery , and then to put us to prove a negative ; where learnt he this form of proceding ? by all lawes of god and man the accuser is to make good his accusation : yet we have given him witnesses beyond exception . they say , there can not be a more evident mark of forgery , then the concealment of registers , if they 〈◊〉 usefull and necessary to the persons in whose custody they are . the proofe lieth on the other hand . tell us how they were concealed , which were published to the world in print , by a whole parliament , by private persons , and were evermore left in a publick office , where all the world might view them from time to time , who had either occasion or desire to doe it ? that our adversaries did insult and triumph over us , is but un empty flourish without truth or reality , as we shall see presently . they say , it is not worth refuting which some modern protestants say , ye have no witnesses of the story of the nagge 's head &c. but roman catholicks , we value not their testimony , because they are known adversaries . this answer they term ridiculous , and paralell it with the answer of an officer in ireland . you will not find this answer so ridiculous , upon more serious consideration . protestants know that some exceptions in law , do destroy all credit , and some other exceptions do onely diminish credit . an adversaries testimony may be admitted in some cases , but it is subject to exception and makes no full proofe , especially in cases favourable in the law ; as the case of persons spoiled , ( which is your irish case ) . such witnesses may be admitted , an●e omnia spoliatus restitui debet : but then they ought to make up in number what they want in weight . but you mistake wholy , our answer is not , that you produce no witnesses for the story of the nagge 's head but roman catholick● : our answer is that you produce no witnesses at all , neither roman catholicks nor others . for first one witnesse is no witnesse in law , let him be beyond exception duely sworn and examined , yet his testimony makes but semiplenam probationem , half a proofe ; especially in criminall causes such as this is , it is nothing . one witnesse shall not rise up against a man for any iniquity or any sinne , at the mouth of two witnesses or at the mouth of three witnesses shall the matter be stablished . which law is confirmed by our saviour . they were never yet able to pretend any eye witnesse by name , but mr. neale , or some body that had no name , because he had no being in the nature of things : all the rest had it from mr. neales single testimony , because they cannot testify what was done , but what mr. neale said . secondly , mr. neale testifieth nothing , as a single witnesse ought to testify . he was never sworn to speake the truth , he never testified it before a publick notary , he was never examined before a competent iudge , 〈◊〉 was never produced before the face of a protestant . is this the manner of the romans now a daies , to condemne whole churches upon the ver●all testimony of a single witnesse , before ●e be brought face to face with those whom ●e accuseth ; and such a testimony which 〈◊〉 clogged with so many improbabilities ●nd incongruities , and incoherences , 〈◊〉 no rationall impartiall man 〈◊〉 trust one syllable of it ? whereas in such a case as this , against the third estate of the kingdome , against the records civill and ecclesiasticall , against the testimony of a parliament , an hundred witnesses ought not to be admitted . we regard not mr. fitzherberts suspicions at all . what are the suspicions of a private stranger , to the well known credit of a publick register ? his suspicions can weigh no more then his reasons , that is just nothing . he saith this exception is no new quarrell , but vehemently urged to the english clergy in the beginning of the queens reign , 〈◊〉 shew how and by whom they were made priests bishops &c : you have said enough to confute yourselves , but you touch not us . if they had known that they were consecrated at the nagge 's head , as well as you would seem to know it , they needed not to urge it so vehemently to shew how and by whom they were ordeined ; they would have done that for them readily enough : unlesse perhaps you thinke that they concealed the nagges head ordination out o● favour to the protestants . but i see you are mistaken in this as in all other things ▪ there was an old objection indeed , that ou● consecraters were not roman catholiks and that our consecration was not ri●● romano , or that we were not ordeined by papall authority : but the nagge 's head ordination is a new question . what might be whispered underhand , in the eares of credulous persons of your own party in corners , we do not know : but for all your contrary intimations , none of all your writers did dare to put any such thing in print , for above fourty yeares after arch bishop parkers consecration . if silent witnesses in such circumstances prove more then others , as you affirm , then all your writers are our witnesses . but none of all your doctors did ever urge any such thing , as required that we should cite the registers in prudence , as by a cleare answer to all your testimonies shall appeare . the water did not stop there in those dayes : yet even in arch bishop parkers life time the consecration of our bishops was published to the world in print ; either shew us as much for your nagge 's head ordination , or hold your peace for ever . bishop andrews the learned bishop of winchesters absurdities falsities and lies , are easily talked of , men may talke of black swans : but he who hath laid your greatest champions in the dust , requires another manner of discoverer then mr. fitzherbert . but these fathers are resolved to confute themselves , without the help of an adversary . they tell us , that no mention was ever made of registers testifying parkers consecration at lambeth , untill mr. mason printed his booke . this is not true , they were mentioned by the parliament , mentioned in print , i think before mr. mason was born ▪ what though lambeth were not mentioned , if the legality of his consecration were mentioned ? this is enough to answer your objection ; this is enough to confute your romance of the nagge 's head . yet thus much you yourselves confesse , in the same paragraph , that in a booke printed in the yeare ( that is eight yeares before the yeare , wherein you say that mr , mason printed his booke ) called antiquitates britanniae , there is a register of the protestant bishops of england : thē there was a register of the consecration of protestant bishops extant , before mr. mason did write of that subject . you say , that register doth not mention any certain place or form of their consecration . it was not needfull ; the law prescribeth the form , and the place was indifferent , so it were a consecrated place , which the law doth likewise prescribe . but you tell us further , that thi● register was forged or foisted in , and that your learned but namelesse friend , see the old manuscript of that booke , wherein there is no mention of any such register , which you tell us in your friends words , that all the world may see how this register was forged . why are all the world bound to believe your friend ? how should we give credit to a man who tells us three notorious untruths in foure lines ? first , that it is pretended that archbishop parker was made a bishop by barlow scory and three others , by virtue of a commission from queen elisabeth : he was made a bishop by barlow scory and two others . secondly , that this work was acted on the . day of september , an : , which was acted on the . day of december . thirdly , that we had no form then or order to doe such a businesse ; whereas you yourselves confesse , that edward the sixths rite of ordination , was reestablished in the first yeare of queen elisabeth : and archbishop parkers ordination was in the second of queen elisabeth . he who stumbles so thick and three fold , may erre in his viewing the manuscript as well as the rest . but to gratify you , suppose it was foisted in , what good will that doe you ? it must of necessity be foisted in before it was printed , it could not be foisted in after it was printed , and it must be foisted in by a protestant , for no roman catholick would foist it in . so still you see a register of protestant bishops , was published to the world in print , eyght yeares before mr. mason published his booke . your friend saith , that this printed booke of parkers antiquitates britanniae , is the first that mentioneth any such pretended consecration of him and the rest . so it might be well when it was first printed , that was not in the yeare , but in arch-bishop parkers life time , three yeares before his death , an. . so much you might have learned from the very title-page of the booke , printed at hannovv ; historia antehac non nisi semel , nimirum londini in aedibus iohannis day anno . excusa : that this history vvas printed formerly at london in the house of iohn day in the yeare . this doth utterly destroy the credit of your friends relation , that he had viewed the manuscript of that booke . there needed no manuscript , where they had a printed booke for their copy , ( as the title-page telleth us they had ) ▪ and that printed above sixty yeares before your friend writ , it is probable before his birth . if there be any thing of foisting in the case , there is rather something foisted out of the former edition , then foisted in ; namely , archbishop parkers life untill that time , with the particular consecrations of our first bishops , which were in the london edition , and are omitted in this edition of hannow . this is cleare enough by the very title , an history of . archbishops , and there are in this edition but . archbishops , because the life of archbishop parker is wanting ; which neverthelesse is promised in the life of archbishop warham pag. . [ ut in matthaei parker cantuariensis archiepiscopi vi●a inferius di●emus : as we shall say hereaf●er in the life of mathew parker archbishop of canterbury . you see how infortunate you are in accusing others of forgery . your authour proceedeth , any man reading the printed booke , will manifestly see it is a meerly foisted and inserted thing , having no connexion correspondence or affinity , either vvith that which goeth before , or followeth it . say you so ? there was never any thing more fitly inserted . the author undertaketh to write the life 's of . succeeding archbishops of canterbury , from austin to matthew parker , and having premitted some generall observations concerning the antiquity of christian religion in britany , with the names of some arch-bishops of london , and the originall and changes of episcopall sees in england , and some other generalities concerning the privileges of the see of canterbury , and the conversion of kent ; iust before he enter upon the life of st. austin the first archbishop , he presenteth the reader with a summary view of the archbishoprick of canterbury , at that time when the booke was first printed , in the yeare , with the names of all the bishops of the province at that time , their countries , their armes , both of their sees and of their families , their respective ages , their vniversities , their degrees in schooles , with the times of their severall consecrations , if they were ordeined bishops , or confirmations , if they were translated from another see. it is hardly possible for the wit of man to contriue more matter into a lesser roome . then , he settes downe a like table for the province of yorke : and lastly an alphabeticall catalogue of the bishops whose lifes were described in this booke , and among the rest , archbishop parker , whose life ( if you call it foisting ) is foisted out of this hannow edition . if this hath no connexion or affinity with that which goeth before , and followeth after , i know not what connexion or affinity is . your friends last exception against the authority of that booke called antiquitates britanniae , is , that it conteineth more things done after matthew parker had written that booke . so you confesse that archbishop parker himself ( about whom all our controversy is , ) was the author of that booke ; wherein i agree with you . the conclusion of the preface , and many other reasons invite me to doe so . surely this author meant that there is something conteined in this register , which is not within the compasse of the following lifes in the hannow edition . ( that may well be because matthew parkers life is foisted out in this edition : ) but there is nothing which was not in the london edition , much more largely then it is in this register , especially for the confirmations and consecrations of our protestant bishops : there is nothing after the time when this register was made , which is prefixed in the frontispice of it in the hannow edition , with m p for matthew parker . matthew parker died may the , anno : he printed his booke at london three yeares before his death , without the authours name , in the yeare . i appeale to the ingenuous reader , ( let him be of what communion he will , or never so full of prejudice ) , whether it be credible , that arch bishop parkers own booke should be printed in london , by the queens printer , in his life time , and have any thing foisted into it contrary to his sense . here then we have a register of protestant bishops , with their confirmations and consecrations , published to the world in print at london , by arch bishop parker himself , ( who was the principall person and most concerned in that controversy , ) as if it should dare all the adversaries of our church to except against it , if they could ▪ registers cannot be concealed , being alwaies kept in the most publick and conspicuous places of great cities , whither every one hath accesse to them who will. they need no printing , but this was printed ( a work of supererogation ) . they who dared not to except against it then , when it was fresh in all mens memories , ought not to be admitted to make conjecturall exceptions now . now the fathers come to shew , how their doctors did object to our protestant clergy , the nullity and illegality of their ordination . if their doctors give a cause or reason of their knowledge , we are bound to answer that : but if they object nothing but their own iudgement and authority , we regard it not ; their judgement may weigh some thing with them , but nothing at all with us . this is not to make themselves advocates , but iudges over us , which we do not allow . if i should produce the testimonies of fourscore protestant doctors , who affirm that we have a good succession , or that their succession is not good , what would they value it ? the first is doctor bristow ; consider what church that is , whose ministers are but very laymen , unsent , uncalled , unconsecrated , holding therefore amongst us when they repent and return , no other place but of laymen , in no case admitted , no nor looking to minister in any office , unlesse they take orders which before they had not . here is doctor bristows determination , but where are his grounds ? he bringeth none at all , but the practise of the roman church , and that not generall . paul the , and cardinall poole , and the court of rome in those dayes were of another iudgement , and so are many others : and so may they themselves come to be , when they have considered more seriously of the matter , that we have both the same old essentialls . that which excuseth their reordination from formall sacrilege ( for from materiall it cannot be excused upon their own grounds , ) is this , that they cannot discover the truth of the matter of fact , for the hideous fables raised by our countrymen . but where is the nagge 's head ordination in dr. bristow ? then had been the time to have objected it , and printed it , if there had beē any reality in it . either dr. bristow had never heard of this pageant , or he was ashamed of it . here we meet with dr. fulke again , ād what they say of him shall be āswered in its proper place their next witnesse is mr. reinolds , there is no heardman in all turky , who doth not undertake the government of his heard , upon better reason and greater right order and authority , then these your magnificent apostles . &c. and why an heardsman in turky , but onely to allude to his title of calvino turcismus ? an heardsman in turky hath as much right to order his heard , as an heardman in christendome ; unlesse perhaps your dr. did think , that dominiō was founded in grace , not in nature . this is saying , but we expect proving . it is well known that you pretend more to a magnificent apostolate , them we . if the authority of the holy scripture ( which knoweth no other essentialls of ordination ; but imposition of hands ād these words receive the holy ghost , ) if the perpetual practise of the universall church , if the prescription of the ancient councell of carthage , and above . orthodox bishops , with the concurrent approbation of the primitive fathers be sufficient grounds , we want not sufficient grounds for the exercise of our sacred functions . but on the contrary , there is no heardman in turky who hath not more sufficient grounds or assurāce of the lawfulnesse of his office , then you have for the discharge of your holy orders , upon your own grounds . the turkish heardman receives his maisters commands without examining his intention : but according to your grounds , if in ●n hundred successive ordinations , there were but one bishop who had an intention not to ordein , or no intention to ordein , or but one priest who had an intētiō notto bap●●ise , or no intention to baptise any of these bishops , then your whole succession commeth to nothing . but i must aske still where ●s your nagge 's head ordination in all this ? ●r . reinolds might have made a pleasāt pa●●lell between the nagge 's head ordination ●nd the ordination of the turkish mufti , and wanted not a mind mischievous enough against his mother the church of england , if he could have found the least pretext : but there was none . you seek for water out of a pumice . their third witnesse is dr. stapleton , in his counterblast against bishop horn. to say truely , you are no lord winchester , nor elsvvhere , but onely mr robert horn. is 〈◊〉 not notorious that you and your collegues vvere not ordeined ▪ according to the prescript , i vvill not say of the church , but even of the very statutes ? hovv then can you challenge to your self the name of the lord bishop of winchester ? you are vvithout an● consecration at all of your metropolitan , himself pooreman being no bishop neither . this was a loud blast indeed● but if dr stapleton could have said any thing of the nagge 's head ordination , he would have given another manner of blast , tha● should have made the whole world ech● again with the sound of it . in vain you see● any thing of the nagge 's head in your writers , untill after the yeare . for answe● dr. stapleton raiseth no objection fro● the institution of christ , whereupon an● onely whereupon , the validity or invalidity of ordination doth depend : but onely from the lawes of england . first for the canons , we maintein that our form of episcopall ordination hath the same essentialls with the roman : but in other things of an inferiour allay it differeth from it . the papall canons were never admitted for binding lawes in england , further then they were received by our selves , and incorporated into our lawes : but our ordination is conformable to the canons of the catholick church , which prescribe no new matter and form in priestly ordination . and for our statutes , the parliament hath answered that objection sufficiently , shewing clearly , that the ordination of our first protestant bishops was legall , and for the validity of it , we crave no mans favour . their last witnesse is dr. harding , who had as good a will ( if there had been any reality in it ) to have spoken of the nagge 's head ordination as the best , but he speaketh not a syllable of it more then the rest : and though they keep a great stirre with him , he bringeth nothing that is worth the weighing . first he readeth us a profound lecture , that sacerdos signifieth both a priest and a bishop . let it signify so , and in st. hieroms sense , what will he inferre from thence ? next , he askes bishop iewell of bishoply and priestly vocation and sending . what new canting language is this ? could he not as well have made use of the old ecclesiasticall word of ordination ? thirdly he taxeth the bishop , that he answereth not by what example hands were laid on him , or who sent him . what doth this concern any question between them and us ? hands were laid on him by the example of christ , of his apostles● , of the primitive and modern church : so christ sēt him , the king sēt him , the church sent him , in severall respects . he telleth us , that when he had duely considered his protestant ordination in king edwards time , he did not take himself for lawfull deacon in all respects . if his protestant ordination were a nullity ( as these mē say ) , thē he was a lawfull deacon in no respect . pope paul the . and cardinall poole were of another mind . then follow his two grand excepitons against our ordination , wherein you shal find nothing of your nagge 's head fable the former exceptiō is , that king edwards bishops who gave orders , were out of orders themselves , the second is , that they ministred not orders according to the rite ād manner of the catholick church . for the former exception , i referre him to the councell of carthage in st. austins time , and for both his excepitons to cardinall ●oles confirmation of king edwards bishops and priests , and paul the . ratification of his act. if any man have a mind to inquire further into the validity of our form of ordination , let him leave these fables and take his scope freely . to all this they say , that bishop iewell answers with profound silence , yet they adde , onely he sayes without any proofe , that their bishops are made by form and order , and by the consecration of the arch bishop and other three bishops , and by admission of the prince . i expected profound sile●ce , but i find a profound answer ; this is the first time i learned how a man can both keep profound silence ●nd answer so pertinently all at once . how doth dr. harding goe about to take away ●his answer : for bishop iewell was the defendent , and the burthen of the proofe did ●ot rest upon him ? first i pray you how was ●our archbishop consecrated ? if dr. harding did not see his consecration , he might have ●een it if he would . he askes further , what ●ree bishops were there in the realm to lay hands ●pon him ? ask the queens letters patents , ●●d they will shew you seven . what a ●●eake socraticall kind of arguing is this , ●ltogether by questions , without any infe●ence ? if dr. harding could have said it justly , ( and he could have said it if it had been so ) , he should have confuted him boldly , and told him your metropolitan was consecrated in the nagge 's head , by one single bishop , in a fanaticall and phantasticall manner : but he did not , he durst not do it , because he knew it to be otherwise , and it was publickly known to be otherwise . all his exception is against our form , if you had been consecrated after the form and order vvhich hath ever been used , you might have had bishops out of france or at home in england . it is the forme established in king edwards time , and restored in queen elisabeths time which doctr. harding impugneth , not tha● ridiculous form which they father upon bishop scory : and their cheife objection against that form , was that vain cavill that it was not restored by act of parliament , which since hath been answere● abundantly by an act of parliament . here upon he telleth bishop iewell , that his metropolitan had no lawfull consecration . thoug● his consecration had not been lawfull , y●● it might have been valid , but it was bot● legall and valid . this is all that docto● harding hath , which a much meane schollar then that learned prelate might have adventured upon , without feare of burning his fingers . their next proofe against our records , is taken from the contradictions of our writers , mr. masons registers and records , disagree with those that mr. goodwin used in his catalogue of bishops , sometimes in the day sometimes in the moneth , sometimes in the year . and againe , mr. mason sutcliffe and mr. butler , all speaking of mr. parkers consecration , doe all differ one from another in naming his consecraters ; mr. mason saith it was done by barlow , scory , coverdale ▪ and hodgskins . mr. sutcliffe saith , besides the three first there vvas tvvo suffragans . m butler saith , the suffragan of dover vvas one . vvho is not named in the commission . so as these men seem to have had three disagreeing registers . i answer , first that it is scarcely possible to avoid errours in transcribing and printing of bookes , in the authors absence , especially in names and numbers . to keep a balling and a stirre about these errata of the pen or of the presse , is like the barking of little curres , which trouble the whole vicinage about the mooneshining in the water . such were the most of these . secondly supposing that some very few of these were the reall mistakes of the authors , yet innocent mistakes , which have no plot in them or design of interest or advantage , which conduce neither pro nor contra to any controversy that is on foot , they ought not to be exaggerated or pressed severely ; it is the wisdome of a wise man to passe by an infirmity . such are all these petty differences . whether arch-bishop parker was consecrated by three city bishops and two suffragan , or by three city bishops and one suffragan bishop , and whether this one suffragan were suffragā of bedford or suffragan of dover , cōduceth nothing to any controversy which is on foot in the church , and signifieth nothing to the validity or invalidity , legality or illegality , canonicalnesse or uncanonicalnesse of his ordination . all memories are not so happy , to remember names and numbers , after a long distance of time , especially if they entered but by the ●are ▪ and were not oculis subjecta fidelibus . i● any man should put me to depose ( wanting my notes and memorialls , ) what priests did impose hands upon me with archbishop mathews at my priestly ordination , or what bishops did joine with my lord primate of ireland at my episcopall ordination , i could not doe it exactly . i know there were more then the canons doe require , at either ordination ; and referre my self to the register . whether two suffragans or one suffragan , is an easy mistake . when there were two in the commission , and but one at the consecration : so is the suffragan of dover for the suffragan of bedford . thirdly , whether these were the faults of the pen or the presse or the authour : yet after retractation it ought not to be objected . it is inhumane to charge any man with that fault , which he himself had corrected and amended . bishop goodwin corrected all these errours himself , without any monitor , and published his correction of his errours to the world in print long since , in a new edition of his booke . likewise dr. sutcliffe acknowledged his mistake and gave order to mr. mason to publish it to the world , as he did . to ground exceptions upon the errours of the presse , or the slips of the tongue or pen or of the memory , after they have been publickly amended , is like flies to delight in sores , and neglect the body when it is sound . i have the same errour crept into a booke of mine , of [ five ] for [ four ] , how it came i know not , for the booke was printed in my absence : but i have corrected it in mine own copy and in many copies of my friends , where i meet with the booke . lastly , there is no danger in such petty differences , so long as all parties doe submit themselves to the publick registers of the church , as all these writers doe ; although is may be some of them were better acquainted with polemick writers , thē with registers , or the practicall customes of the church of england . the very reference or submission of themselves to the register , is an implicit retractation of their errours . as in a city the clocks may differ , and the peoples iudgements of the time of the day , but both clocks and clerkes must submit to the sun dyall when the sun shineth out : so all private memorialls must be , and are submitted to the publick register of the church . where these fathers talk of plurality of registers , they erre because they understand not our customes . every bishop throughout the kingdome hath one registry at least , every dean and chapter hath a registry . the ordinations of priests and deacons , and the institution of clerkes to benefices , are recorded in the registries of the respective bishops , in whose diocesses they are ordeined and instituted . the elections of bishops and inthronisations and installations , in the registry of the respective deans and chapiters : and the confirmations and consecrations of bihops , in the registry of the archbishop where they are consecrated ; except th● archbishop be pleased to grant a commission to some other bishops , to consecrate the elected and confirmed bishop in some other place . but the same thing can not be recorded originally but in one registry . cap. viii . dr. vvhitaker and dr. fulke defended , bishop barlowes consecration justified , of iohn stowes testimony , and the earle of notinghams &c. here the fathers take upon them the office of iudges or censors rather then of advocates . mr. mason ought to have answered as mr. whitaker and mr. fulke , ( they were both eminent drs. in the schooles ) who had reason to be better informed of the records then he . how ? nay nor half so well . they were both contemplative men , cloistered up in st. iohns college , better acquainted with polemick writers , then with records , they were both ordeined deacons and priests legally , canonically , according to the form prescribed by the church of england : and were no such ill birds to defile their own nests . if the records of their ordination will ●atisfy you , that they were no enthusiasts , ( as you imagin , ) you may quickly receive satisfaction : but if they had said any thing contrary to our lawes and canons , you must not thinke to wrangle the church of england out of a good possession , by private voluntary speculations . let us see what these doctrs say as you allege them , for i have not their bookes in present . mr. whitaker saith , i would not have you thinke we make such reckoning of your orders , as to hold our own vocation unlawfull without them . you see doctor whitaker justifieth our ordination in this very place as lawfull , and much more plainly elswhere in his writings . that though our bishops and ministers be not ordeined by papisticall bishops , yet they are orderly and lawfully ordeined : again , the romanists account none lawfull pastors , but such as are created according to their form or order . these are your two main objections against our ordination , that we are not ordeined by bishops of your communion . that we are not ordeined according to the roman form. in both of these doctor whitaker is wholy for us against you , that which he maketh no reckoning of , is your form of ordination , as it is contradistinct from ours , as it is in many things , especially in your double matter and form in priestly ordination . you say mr. fulke speakes more plainly let us heare him . you are highly deceived if you thinke we esteem your offices of bishops priests and deacons better then laymen : and with all our heart we defie , abhorre , detest , and spit at your stinking , greasy , antichristian orders . this is high enough indeed , and might have been expressed in more moderate termes : but it is to be expounded , not of the invalidity of your ordination , as if it wanted any essentiall , but partly in respect of the not using or abusing these sacred offices , and partly in respect of the lawes of england . excesses may make an ordination unlawfull , although they do not make it invalid . holy orders are an excellent grace conferred by god for the conversion of men : but if those who have them , instead of preaching truth do teach errours to his people , and adulterate the old christian faith by addition of new articles , they are no longer true pastors , but wolves which destroy the flock , and so they are not onely no better , but worse then lay men , corruptio optimi pessima . in this respect they tell you , that your priests and bishops are no true priests and bishops , as marcellus told his soldiers that they were no true romans ( who were naturall romans ) because they wanted the old roman virtue . lastly you have habituall power to exercise these offices , but you want actuall power in england , by reason of the not application , or rather the substraction of the matter by our lawes : so you are no legall bishops or priests there . this i take to have been the sense of these two doctors . now are we come to their grand exception , against bishop barlow , who was one of the consecraters of archbishop parker , whose consecration is not found in the archbishops register , and there fore they conclude that he was never consecrated . if this objection were true , yet it doth not render archbishop parkers consecration either invalid or uncanonicall , because there were three other bishops who joined in that consecration besides bishop barlow , which is the full number required by the canons . but this objection is most false . bishop barlow was a consecrated bishop above yeares before the consecratiō of archbishop parker . they should have done well to have proposed this doubt in bishop barlows lifetime , and then they might have had the testimony of his consecraters under an archiepiscopall or episcopall seale , for their satisfaction , the testimony of the archi-episcopall register , is a full proofe of consecration affirmatively , but it is not a full proofe negatively ; such a bishops consecration is not recorded in this register , therefore he was not consecrated . for first , the negligence of an officer or some crosse accident might hinder the recording . secondly fire or thieves or some such casualty might destroy or purloin the record . thirdly though it be not recorded in this register , it may be recorded in another , the arch bishop may , and arch bishop cranmer usually did delegate or give commission to three other bishops for consecration . and though the work be ordinarily performed at lambeth , because of the place , where they may have three bishops alwaies present without any further charge : yet they are not obliged by any law to consecrate them there . and if there be a sufficient number of bishops near the cathedrall which is to be filled , or if the person who is to be consecrated do desire it , they may be consecrated either in that , or any of their own churches . the bishops of the province of yorke , by reason of the former convenience are usually consecrated at lambeth , yet i have known in my time bishop sinewes of carlile consecrated at yorke upon his own desire , by the archbisop of yorke , and the bishops of durham , chester , and mā a man might seek long enough for his consecration in the archbishop of canterburies register and misse it , but it is to be found in the register at yorke . so the omission of it in that register though it be no full proofe , yet it is a probable proofe that bishop barlow was not consecrated there , but it is no proofe at all that he was not consecrated elswere . and this i take to have been the case both of bishop barlow and bishop gardiner : and although the effluxion of above an hundred yeares since , hath rendered it more difficult to find where it was done , yet by the help of those records which are in the court of faculties , i should not despaire of finding it yet . but there are so many evident proofes that he was cousecrated , that no ingenuous person can have the face to deny it . the first reason is , his actuall possession of . bishopricks one after another , st. assaph , st. davids , bath and wells and chichester , in the reigns of three princes . they feign some pretenses why archbishop parker was not consecrated canonically ▪ because there wanted a competent number of bishops , though it were most false : but what can they feign why bishop barlow was not consecrated in henry the eighths time ? was henry the eighth a baby to be jeasted withall ? in archbishop parkers case , they suppose all the bishops to have been stark mad , to cast themselves down headlong from a precipice , when they had a faire paire of stairs to descend by : but in bishop barlowes case they suppose all the world to have been asleep ; except there had been such an vniversall sleep it had been impossible for any man in those dayes to creep into a bishoprick in england without consecration . to say he is actually possessed of a bishoprick therefore he is consecrated , is as clear a demonstration in the english law , as it is in nature to say the sun shineth , therefore it is day . but it may be objected , that he held all these bishopricks as a commendatory , no● in title , as an vsufructuary not as a true owner . it is impossible , vsufructuaries are not elected and confirmed , but bishop barlow was both elected and confirmed . the conge d'eslire to the dean and chapter , the letters patents for his confirmation , the commission for the restitution of his temporalties , do all prove that he was no vsufructuary but a right owner , this is a second reason . thirdly , the same letters patents that doe authorise bishop barlowes confirmation , did likewise command the archbishop with the assistence of other bishops to consecrate him himself . or to give a commissiō to other bishops to consecrate him , which if they did not perform within a prescribed time , or perform after another manner thē is prescribed by the law , it was not onely a losse of their bishopricks by the law of england , but a premunire or the losse of all their estates , their liberties , and a casting themselves out of the kings protectiō , hen : . c. . no mē in their right wits would r●n such a hazard , or rather evidētly ruine thēselves and all their hopes without any need , without any ēd in the whole world . fourthly , by the same law no man could be acknowledged a bishop in england , but he who was consecrated legally , by three bishops with the consent of the metropolitan , but bishop barlow was acknowledged to be a true bishop ; the king received his homage for his bishoprick ; the king commāded him to be restored to his temporalties , which is never done untill the consecratiō be passed . king henry sent him into scotland as his ambassadour with the title of bishop of st. davids ; and in his restitution to the temporalties of that see , the king related that the arch bishop had made him bishop and pastor of the church of st. davids . this could not be if he had not been consecrated . thirdly , he was admitted to sit in parliament as a consecrated bishop : for no man can sit there as a bishop before he be consecrated , but it is plain by the records of the house of the lords that he did sit in parliament many times in the of henry the . in his episcopall habit , as a consecrated bishop ; and being neither a bishop of one of the five principall sees , nor a privy counseller , he must sit and did sit according to the time of his consecration , between the bishops of chichester and st , assaph . what a strange boldnesse , is it to question his consecration now , whom the whole parliament , and his consecraters among the rest , did admit without scruple then as a cōsecrated bishop . sixthly , there is no act more proper or essentiall to a bishop then ordination , what doth a bishop that a priest doth not ( saith st. hierom ) except ordination ? but it is evident by the records of his own see , that bishop barlow did ordein priests and deacons frō time to time , and by the arch bishops register that he , joined in episcopall ordination , and was one of those three bishops who imposed hands upon bishop buckley feb. . , seventhly , there is nothing that ●●inth a bishops title to his chuch more then ●he validity and invalidity of his leases . if bishop barlow had been unconsecrated , all the leases which he made in the see of st. davids , and bath and wells , had been voide , and it had been the easiest thing in the whole world for his successour in those dayes , to prove whether he was consecrated or not , but they never questioned his leases ; because they could not question his consecration . lastly , an unconsecrated person hath neither antecessors nor successors , he succeedeth no man , no man succeedeth him . if a grant of any hereditaments be made to him and his successours , it is absolutely void● , not worth a deaf nut ; if he alien any lands belonging to his see from him and his ▪ successours , it is absolutely void : but bishop barlow● received the priory of br●cknock from the crown , to him and his successors bishops of st. davids , and in king edwards reign being bishop of bath and wells , he alienated from him and his successours to the crown much land , and received back again from the crown to him and his successours equivalent lands . if he had been unconsecrated all these acts had been utterly void . in summe , whosoever dreameth now , that all the world were in a dead sleep then , for twenty yeares together , whilest all these things were acting , is much more asleep himself . to these undeniable proofes i might adde as many more out of the records of the chancery , if there needed any to prove him a consecrated bishop . as. a grant to the said william barlow bishop of st. davids , to hold in commendam with the said bishoprick the rectory of carewe in the county of pembrooke , dated octob. the . anno . hen. . a commission for translation of william barlow bishop of st. davids to the bishoprick of bath and vvels , dated . . feb. . edv. . a commission for the consecration of robert farrer to be bishop of st. davids , per translationem vvillelmi barlow &c. dated . iul. anno . edv. . a commission for the restitution of the temporalties of the said bishoprick to the said robert farrer , as being void per translationem willelmi barlow . dated . augusti anno . edv. . in all which records and many more he is alwaies named as a true consecrated bishop . and lastly , in bishop goodwins booke de praesulibus angliae pa. . of the latin edition printed at london anno . in his catalogue of the bishops of st. assaph num . . he hath these words . gulielmus barlow canonicorum regularium apud bisham prior consecratus est . feb. . anno ; aprili deinde sequente meneviam translatus est . vvilliam barlow prior of the canons regulars at bisham was consecrated the two and twentieth day of february , in the yeare , and in aprill follovving vvas translated to st. davids . which confirmeth me in my former conjecture , that he was consecrated in wales , which bishop goodwin by reason of his vicinity , had much more reason to know exactly then we have . they say mr. mason acknowledgeth that mr barlow was the man who consecrated parker , because hodgskins the suffragan of bedford was onely an assistent in that action : and the assistents in the protestant church doe not consecrate . by the fathers leave , this is altogether untrue . neither was bishop barlow the onely man who consecrated archbishop parker ; neither was bishop hodgskins a meere assistent in that action ; thirdly , who soever doe impose hands are joint consecraters , with us as wel as them ; lastly , mr. mason saith no such thing as they affirm , but directly the contrary , that all the foure bishops were equally consecraters , all imposed hands , all joined in the words , and this he proveth out of the register it self , l. . c. . n. . & l : . c. . n. . they object he might as well be proved to have been a lawfull husband , because he had a woman ▪ and diverse children , as to have been a consecrated bishop because he ordeined . and discharged all acts belonging to the order of a bishop . what was bishop barlowes woman pertinent to his cause . are not governants , and devotesses , besides ordinary maidservants , women ? all which pastours not onely of their own communion , but of their own society , are permitted to have in their houses . let themselves be ●udges whether a woman a wife , or a woman a governant or a devotesse , be more properly to be ranged under the name or notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such women as were prohibited to cohabit with clerkes by the councell of nice . but to leave the hypothesis and come to the thesis , as being more pertinent to the present case . if a man have cohabited long with a woman as man and wife in the generall estimation of the world , and begot children upon her , and dies as her husband without any doubt or dispute during his life and long after , though all the witnesses of their marriage were dead , and the register lost , this their conjugall cohabitation and the common reputation of the world during his life uncontroverted , is in law a sufficient proofe of the marriage : but all the world nemine contradicente esteemed bishop barlow as the undoubted bishop and spouse of his church . they adde , ridley hooper farrer were acknowledged and obeyed as bishops in king edwards time , yet were iudged by both the spirituall and temporall court not to have been consecrated . they mistake , they were not judged not to have been consecrated , ( for their consecrations are upon record , ) but not to have been consecrated ritu romano , after the roman form. and who gave this iudgement ? their open enemies , who made no scruple to take away their lifes , whose unjust judgement we doe not value a rush : but paul the . and cardinall pole ; more authentick iudges of their own party , gave a later iudgemēt to the cōtrary . they aske , how it is possible that barlowes cōsecration should not be found recorded ( if ever it was ) , as well as his preferment to the priory of bisham , and election and confirmation to the bishoprick of st. assaph . i answer it is very easy to conceive . i have shewed him sundry wayes how it might be , and one probable way how it was . i desire the reader to observe the extreme partiality of these fathers , they make it impossible for the acts of one consecration to be lost or stollen , and yet accuse us of forging fifteen consecrations . it is easier to steale fifteen , then to forge one act. we have often asked a reason of them , why the protestants should decline their own consecrations ? they give us one , the truth is , that barlow as most of the clergy in england in those times were puritans , and inclined to zuinglianisme , therefore they contemned and rejected consecration as a rag of rome , and were contented with the extraordinary calling of god and the spirit , as all other churches are , who pretend reformation . it is well they premised the truth is , otherwise there had not been one word of truth in what they say . first how do they know this ? it must be either by relation , but i am confident they can name no author for it : or by revelation , but that they may not doe : or it is ( to speake sparingly ) their own imagination . it is a great boldnesse , to take the liberty to cast aspersions upon the clergy of a whole nation . secondly , how commeth bishop barlow , to be taxed of puritanism ? we meet him a prior and a bishop , we find him in his robes , in his rochet , in his cope , officiating , ordaining , confirming . he who made no scruple to ordein and consecrate others gratis , certainly did not forbeare his own consecration with the apparent hazard of the losse of his bishoprick , out of scruple of conscience . thirdly , this aspersion is not well accommodated to the times , for first zuinglianisme was but short heeled in those dayes when bishop barlow was consecrated , who sate in parliament as a consecrated bishop . henr. : and the first sermon that ever zuinglius preached as a probationer , was in zurick in the yeare . that was in the . or . yeare of hēry the eighth . if there were any one zuinglian in those dayes , upon their grounds , it is most likely to have been bishop gardiner , for his consecration doth not appeare more then bishop barlowes . but there is yet a greater mistake in it ; it is the anabaptists who reject ordination , and content themselves with the extraordinary calling of the spirit , not the zuinglians . in the writings of zuinglius we find a letter of him and ten other of the principall helvetian theologians , to the bishop of constance ; beseeching him in all humility and observance , to favour and help forward their beginnings , as an excellent work and worthy of a bishop ; they implore his clemency , wisdome , learning , that he would be the first fruits of the german bishops ; they beseech him by the common christ , by that fatherly affection which he owes unto them , to looke graciously upon them &c ; they court him to shew himself a father , and grant the request of his obedient sonnes , zuinglius and the zuinglians liked bishops well enough , if he could have had them . but the bishop of constance of another communion was their bishop . here meanderlike they make a winding from st. asaph back again to cheapside , from bishop barlowes consecration to archbishop parkers . they say , that if there had been any other consecration of archbishop parker then that of the nagge 's head , iohn stow would not conceale it in his annales ; who is so diligent in setting down all that passed in and about london , and professeth personall respect to him , he having related the consecration of cardinall pole with so many particulars . they adde out of dr. champney , that iohn stow acknowledged to many persons that the story of the nagge 's head was true . their store is very low , when they are forced to produce iohn stow , who scarce knew what a consecration was . but what saith he in his chronicles ? not a word , either of the feigned consecration at the nagge 's head , or of the true consecration at lambeth . but he told it to many persons by word of mouth , that the story of the nagge 's head was very true . if he did , he lied notoriously to many persons , but we acquit him of that calumny : let it rest upon them , who think it a meritorious act , to advance religion by any means true or false , we are too well acquainted with their hearsay reports . they who dare wrest his printed workes , ought not to be trusted what he spake by word of mouth , to some body , whom no body knowes . their authour saith to some persons , they say to many persons , thus this snowball increaseth . iohn stowe is now dead , and dead men do not bite : yet let us know to whom he said it ? doctor champney tells us , they are ●imorous and would not be named . good reason , for they have no names : so iohn stow is a silent witnesse , and they are namelesse witnesses . so much for the man : now for the thing i give three answers ; first if iohn stow were a lover of the truth , he should rather have set down the nagge 's head ordination ( if there was any such thing ) then the lambeth ordination . men would suppose the lambeth ordination of themselves , where nothing is said to the contrary , it is presumed for the law : but the nagge 's head consecration , had been such a consecration , as never was before , never will follow after . secondly , their authours wrest iohn stow abhominably . he was no profest writer of ecclesiasticall annales . it is true he mentioneth the consecration of cardinall pole , whether it was his respect to his eminence , as being a neare kinsman to the queen , a cardinall , the popes legate , and his grand minister for the reconciliation of england , or because a toy tooke him in the head : but not with so many particulars as the fathers intimate ; all he saith is this , the of march dr. cranmer archbishop of canterbury was burnt at oxford , the same day cardinall pole sang his first masse at greenwich in the friars church , on sunday next he was consecrated archbishop of canterbury ( here was speedy worke ) , and the of march received the pall with the usuall ceremonies at bowes church in cheape . here is another nagge 's head meeting ; where he was consecrated , by whom , after what form , he leaveth the reader to presume : but of all the other consecrations performed in queen maries time , this diligent authour mentioneth not so much as one ; of all the consecrations in queen elizabeths time , i think not one ; of all the consecrations in england since the conquest , not one , or so rarely that they are not to be taken notice of . if the argument of these fathers were of any value iohn stow mentioneth not his consecration at lambeth , therefore he was not consecrated there , we never had a consecration in england , since the conquest , but cardinal ' poles : for he mentioneth none but that which i remember , i am sure if he mention any it is most rarely . if the fathers argument were good , archbishop parker was never elected , nor confirmed , because his election and confirmation are not recordsd by iohn stow : but all our records civill as well as ecclesiasticall do testify the contrary . lastly , if the fathers would lay aside their prejudice , there is enough in iohn stowes annales , to discover the falshood of their lying fable of the consecration at the nagge 's head . by their account the nagges head consecration was september . anno , but after this in relating the solemne obsequies kept in st. pauls church , for the french king , iohn stow calleth him , dr. parker arch-bishop of canterbury elect , therefore the nagges head consecration is a lying fable ; if he was still elect , he was not then consecrated . but afterward speaking of his death may . , which is the next time i find him mentioned , he stileth him the right reverend father in god matthew parker dr. of divinity archbishop of cāterbury . here is no more the word elect , for after confirmation and consecration , the word elect ceaseth , here he is complete archbishop of canterbury . they say , they who make no conscience to falsify scrip●ure will forge records : and how notoriously the english clergy have falsified scripture , is demonstrated by gregory martin . i hope none of us did ever attempt to purge st. pauls epistles , because there were in them , quaedam male sonamia , something 's that sounded not well , in the point of iustification . we desire good words , untill they be able to prove their allegation . rather then be accounted falsifiers of scripture , we are contented to stand to the vulgar latin , in any controversy between them and us . but who is the man doth accuse us of so many falsifications ? one gregory martin , one of their fellowes , whose censure we do not weigh a button . this is a new inartificiall kind of arguing , from the authority of their own writers . but they use it much , so it followeth in the next words , it is want of charity to think that stapleton , harding , bristow and the rest of the english catholick doctors , who did forsake all at home for conscience sake , would publish to the world in print , the nullity of parkers ordination ; thereby engaging posterity to commit so many damnable sacrileges , in reordeining those who had been validly ordeined already , without due examination of the matter . this plea is much like that of the old roman , that his adversary , did not receive the wound with his whole body , that he might have killed him fairly . they would have us rather put up the losse of our holy orders , then the skill of their doctors should be questioned . if reordinatiō be damnable sacrilege , the authority of your own doctors may be a fit medium to convince yourselves of sacrilege , not us of the invalidity of our ordination . i hope stephen the sixth and sergius the third , two popes , were other manner of men then your english doctors , and did both pretend to examine the matter as duely , and to be as a verse from damnable sacrilege as you , yet they decreed publickly , and most unjustly , ( as you yourselves doe now confesse ) that all the holy orders received from formosus were void , and compelled all those who had been ordeined by him , to be reordeined . bell. de rom. pont. l. . cap. . mr. mason cited the testimony of a witnesse beyond all exception , charles howard earle of nottingham , lord high admirall of england , who acknowledged archbishop parker to be his kinsman , and that he was an invited guest at his cōsecration at lambeth . to this the fathers reply , if this were true , it proves onely that there was a good dinner at lambeth , which might well be to conceale the shamefull consecration at the nagge 's head . it proves there was a good consecration , as well as a good dinner , the words are to honour his consecration , and the solemnity thereof with his presence . it had been something uncivill , to encumber the tavern with a consecration , and not stay dinner there . the earle was invited to the consecration , at lambeth , therefore it was at lambeth , the earle was not at the nagge 's head ; mr. neale himself , who see more then ever was acted , or so much as thought of , did not see that . is it the custome when one is invited to a consecration , to come after it is done to dinner : or to invite a nobleman to a consecration in one place , and then be consecrated in another ? this had been so farre from concealing the shamefulnesse of such a brainsick consecration , that it been a ready meanes to divulge it to all the world . they adde , besides we must take the earles friends word for the earles testimony , and mr. masons word for his namelesse friend . that is none of mr. masons fault , but mr. holywoods , mr. constables , mr. sacroboscoes , dr. champneys , mr. fitz herberts , mr fitz-simons , who first broached this odious fable . mr. mason published this relation to the world in print while the earle was yet living , on purpose that they might enquire and satisfy themselves ; if they did not , they can blame no body but themselves ; if they did by themselves or their friends , ( as it is most likely they did ) it is evident the answer did not content them , and so we never heard more of them since . it had been the greatest folly in the world to allege the testimony of such a noble man in his life time , contrary to his own knowledge , which might have been disproved from his own authority , and so have easily laid mr. mason flat upon his back . you may remember your own case with the bishop of durham . but it was too true to be contradicted then , and too late to be contradicted now . they say , they bring more then one witnesse of the nagge 's head consecration . pardon me , you never produced one yet , and which is lesse then producing , you never so much as named a witnesse , whilst he himself was living . in or about the yeare . you first named mr. neale and innocent iohn stow , when they were both dead ; you might as well have named the man in the moone as iohn stow. onely i confesse you named the bishop of durham in his life time , and you see what is the issue of it : and if you had named the others in their life times , you must have expected a like issue , either the perpetuall infamy of your witnesse , or the utter confusion of your cause . you speake much of the learning , and virtue , and judgement of your hearsay witnesses , who knew how to distinguish between an episcopall consecration , and a banquet . i hope you doe not meane that the earle of nottingham did not know , how to distinguish between a banquet and a consecration , if he did not , the high admiralship of england was ill committed to him : or that he had not as much regard to his honour and conscience , as any of your priests . we meddle not with their learning and virtue , but we are no more obliged to take their testimonies upon hearsay , then they would take our testimonies . they have givē an account to god , and know before this time whether they have done well or ill . they proceed , the priests and iesuits , to whom the recordes were shewed in king iames his time , protested against them as forged and improbable , as appeareth by the testimony of men yet living , whose honesty cannot be called in question . father faircloth , one of the imprisoned iesuits , testified so much to many by word of mouth and in writing . where is the writing ? where is the protestation ? why are they not produced ? still here are no proofes but upon hearsay . one eye witnesse is worth an hundred such , who can sweare to no more but that they heard it , and god knowes through how many hucksters hands . i hope the bishop of durhams case will make them more wary for the future . but they are angry with some protestants , who endeavour to make this well grounded story a meer fable , and thereby call many persons of much more learning , virtue , and prudence then themselves fooles or knaves . we are plain macedonians , who call a fable a fable , without either welt or gard : yea , so notorious a fable , that ( but that you tell us the contrary ) , we could not believe that any one of you did ever give any credit to it your selves ; any more then the athenians did believe those monstrous fables of bulls and minotaures , which themselves had raised , because some of their eminent citizens had devised it or related it : but we call no men fooles or knaues , that langguage is too unmannerly for civill writers . what new topick is this , because we cannot beleeve a ●mans relation or his iudgement , do we straightway call him foole or knave ? excuse me , there are credulity , and prejudice , and mistakes , and pious frauds in the world , and none of these will willingly weare the livery of knaves or fooles . we are not of the same mind with pope stephen and pope sergius , for the reordeining of those , who had been ordeined by formosus , yet we do not call them knaves or fooles . we cannot beleeve what you yourselves have related of my lord of durham , yet we are not guilty of such extravagant expressions . cap. ix . the fathers insist too much upon the authority of their ovvn party , vvhy consecration is not mentioned at restitution , the exactnesse of our records justified . it seemeth to me , that the fathers insist too much upon the honesty , and virtue , and learning of their own party ▪ in dispute with an adversary , virtue is like fire , which preserveth it self by being covered with ashes : but spread abroad by ostentation , it is quickly extinguished ; especially comparisons are odious , and beget altercation . we say , there is not a hill so high in lincolnshire , but there is another within a mile as high as it : take you the reputation of learning and prudence , so you leave us the better cause ; and we shall be able to defēd it well enough against you . but the maine defect in this part of your discourse is this , the bishop of chalced●● confesseth of mr. oldcorn , one of your order , that he acknowledged these records to be authentick , and the rest of the imprisoned priests , who viewed the records , are charged publickly in print to have done the same , by bishop goodwin , by mr. mason ; every thing ought to be unloosed the same way it is bound . they were all schollars and could write , if this charge were not true , they ought to have published a protestation to the world in print to the contrary , whilest their adversaries were living , whilest the witnesses were living : but now after they and their adversaries , and the witnesses are all so long dead , to talke of a verball protestation to some of their friends , upon hearsay , signifieth nothing . now we must make another winding , and return to bishop barlow : but i hold to the clue , in hope at length to get out of this fictitious labyrinth . henry the . letters patents , vvhereby bishop barlow vvas installed in ( they would say restored to ) the temporalties of his bishoprick , make mention of his acceptation and confirmation , but none of his consecration . why should this last be omitted , if he were really consecrated ? this objectiō sheweth nothing , but the unskilfulnesse of the fathers in our english customes and forms . let them compare all the restitutions of their friends to their temporalties in england , as cardinall poles , bishop gardiners and the rest , and they shall find the form the very same with bishop barlowes ; i hope they will not conclude thence that none of them were consecrated . the reason of the forme is very prudent , in a restitution to temporalties , they take no notice of any acts that are purely spirituall , as consecration is : but onely of such acts as are temporall , as acceptation and confirmation . but if he was restored to his temporalties not being consecrated , he might also sit in parliament without consecration . the assumtion is understood , but bishop barlow was restored to his temporalties without consecration ; which is most false . from the conversion of the nation untill this day , they are not able to produce one instance , of one bishop , who was duely elected , duely confirmed , and duely restored to his temporalties by the kings mandate , without consecration , or did sit in parliament without consecration . he must sit in parliament in his episcopall habit , but that cannot be before consecration . it seemeth they think that bishops sit in parliament , as temporall barons : but it a great mistake , bishops sate in the great councells of the kingdome , before the names of parliament or barons were heard of in england . they bring an argument from the exactnesse of our records , and that connexion that is between records of one court and another . the first thing necessary to obtein a bishoprick in england , is the kings conge d'eslire ; that appears in the rolles . next , the actuall election ; that appeares in the records of the dean and chapiter . thirdly , the kings acceptation of the election , and his commission to the archbishop , or four bishops in the vacancy , to confirm the election and consecrate the person elected and confirmed legally ; that appeares in the letters patents enrolled . fourthly , the confirmation of the election before the dean of the arches , but by the archbishops appointment , ( this is performed alwaies in bow church , except extraordinarily it be performed elswhere by commission ) ; this appeares in the records of the archbishop . fifthly , the consecration it self by the archbishop and other bishops , or other bishops without him by virtue of his commission ; this appeares in the records of the protonothary of the see of canterbury . lastly the restitution of the temporalties ; which appeares in the rolles , and his enthronisation in the records of the dean and chapiter . every one of these takes another by the hand , and he who will enjoy a bishoprick in england , must have them all . the chapiter cannot elect without the kings conge d'eslire . the king never grants his letters patents for confirmation and consecration , untill he have a certificate of the deā and chapiters electiō . the dean of the arches never confirms , untill he have the kings commission . the archbishop never consecrates untill the election be confirmed . and lastly the king never receiveth homage for the bishoprick , or giveth the temporalties , nor the deā and chapiter enthrone , untill after consecration . he that hath any one of these acts , must of necessity have all that goe before it in this method : and he that hath the last , hath them all . but this was more then mr. neale , or whosoever was inventer of that silly fable , did understād , otherwise he would have framed a more possible relatiō . hence they argue , the records being so exact , how is it possible that no copies of barlowes consecration do appeare in any court or bishoprick of england ? they mistake the matter wholy , the consecration ought not to appeare in any court but one , that is that registry where he was consecrated , which being not certainly known , at so great a distance of time , is not so easily found , and i believe was neversought for yet further thē lambeth . but all the other acts doe appeare in their proper courts ; the kings license , the dean and chapiters election , the kings letters patents , the confirmation of the dean of the arches , which all goe before consecration : and his doing homage , and the restitution of him to his temporalties , and his enthronisation , all which do follow the consecration , and are infallible proofes in law of the consecration : as likewise his sitting in parliament , his ordeining of priests , his consecrating of bishops , his letting of leases , his receiving of heriditamēts to him and his successours , his exchanging of lands ; all which are as irrefragable proofes of his consecration , as any man hath to prove that such persons were his parents , either father or mother . and whē the right register is sought , which must be by the help of the court of faculties , i doubt not but his consecration will be found in the proper place , as all the rest are . mr. mason alleged , that bishop gardiners consecration was not to be found in the register of lambeth , any more then bishop barlowes : yet no man doubted of his ordination . they answer first , that mr. mason did not seek so solicito●sly or diligently for bishop gardiners consecration , as for bishop barlowes . then why do not they whom it doth concern , cause more diligent search to be made ? without finding the records of bishop gardiners consecration , they cannot accuse bishop barlow of want of consecration , upon that onely reason . secondly they answer , that if gardiners consecration , were as doubtfull as barlowes and parkers , they would take the same advise they give us , to repaire with speed to some other church of undoubted clergy . yes , where will they find a more undoubted clergy ? they may goe further and fare worse . rome itself hath not more exact records , nor a more undoubted succession , then the church of england . there is no reason in the world to doubt either of archbishop parkers consecration , or bishop gardiners , or bishop barlowes . neither doth his consecration concern us so much , at the fathers imagine : there were three consecraters ( which is the canonicall number ) besides him . it is high time for the fathers to wind up , and draw to a conclusion of this argumēt . that which followeth next is too high and can scarcely be tolerated ; to accuse the publick records and archives of the kingdome , and to insimulate the primates and metropolitans of england of forgery , upon no ground but their own imaginatiō . i doubt whether they durst offer it to a widow woman . as to the impossibility of forging so many registers , in case there be so many , it is easily answered , that it is no more then that the consecraters and other persons concerned , should have conspired to give in a false certificate , that the consecration was performed with all due cerimonies and rites , and thereby deceive the courts or make them dissemble . should any man accuse the generall of their order , or one of their provincialls , or but the rector of one of their colleges , of forgery and counterfeiting the publick records of the order ; how would they storm , and thunder , and mingle heaven and earth together and cry out . no moderate or prudent persons can suspect that such persons should damne their soules , that so many pious learned divines should engage themselves and their posterity , in damnable sacrileges , without feare of damnation . if a man will not believe every ridiculous fable , which they tell by word of mouth upon hearsay , they call persons of more virtue learning and prudence then themselves , fooles and knaves : but they may insimulate the principall fathers of our church , of certifying most pernicious lyes under their hands and seales , not for a piece of bread , which is a poore temptatiō , but for nothing , that is to make them both fooles and knaves . is not this blowing hot and cold with the same breath ? or to have the faith of our lord iesus christ with respect of persons ? compare the politicall principles of the church of england with your own , and try if you can find any thing so pernicious to mankind and all humane society , in ours more then in yours . compare the case theology of the church of england , with your own , and try if you can find any thing so destructive to morality , to truth , and iustice , and conscience , as might lead us to perpetrate such crimes more then yourselves . we are not affraid of a paralell . you professe great endeavours to make proselites ; we do not condemne zeale , yet wish you had more light with it : even in prudence , which you yourselves extoll , this is not your right course , to follow those birds , with noise and clamour , which you desire to catch . in summe , your answer or solution is full of ignorant mistakes . it confoundeth civill rolles and ecclesiasticall registers . it supposeth that our records are but transcriptions , one out of another ; whereas every court recordeth its own acts , and keeps itself within its own bounds . it taketh notice but of one consecrater : where as we have alwaies three at the least , many times five or six . it quite forgetteth publick notaries , which must be present at every consecration with us , to draw up what is done into acts ; with us every one of these notaries when he is admitted to that charge , doth take a solemne oath upon his knees to discharge his office faithfully , that is , not to make false certificates . secondly , it is absurd and unseasonable , to enquire how a thing came to passe that never was : you ought first to have proved , that our records were forged , and then it had been more seasonable to have enquired modestly , how it came to passe . thirdly , it is incredible , that persons of such prudence and eminence , should make false certificates under their hands and seales , to the utter ruine of themselves and all that had a hand it , and no advantage to any person breathing . it is incredible that those records should be counterfeited in a corner , which were avowed publickly for authentick by the whole parliament of england in the yeare of queen elisabeth ; which were published to the world in print by the person most concerned , as if he dared all the world to except against them : and yet no man offered to except against them then . fourthly , it is impossible to give in a false certificate of a consecration which was never performed in england , ( especially at lambeth ) before lesse then thousands of eye witnesses : and that at lambeth , in the face of the court and westminster hall. surely they thinke we consecrate in closets , or holes , or hay mowes . they may even as well say that the publick acts of our parliaments are counterfeited , and the publick acts of our synods are counterfeited , and all our publick monuments counterfeited . it is none of the honestest pleas , negare factum , to deny such publick acts as these . fifthly , this answer is pernicious to mankind , it is destructive to all societies of men , that bishops of so great eminence , should conspire with publick notaries , to give in false certificates , in a matter of such high consequence as holy orders are , without any temptation , without any hope of advantage to them selves or others . it affordeth a large seminary for jealousies and suspicions . it exterminateth all credit and confidence out of the world , and instructeth all men to trust nothing , but what they see with their eyes . lastly , it is contradictory to themselves ; they have told us , i know not how often , and tell us again in this paragraph , that if the nagge 's head consecration had been false , they might have convinced it by a thousand witnesses : here they make it an easy thing , for the consecraters and other persons concerned , to conspire together to give in a false certificate , that the consecration was performed with all due ceremonies and rites , and thereby deceive the courts or make them dissemble . if the world will be deceived so , it is but right and reason that it be deceived ; to be deceived by a false certificate , that may be convinced by a thousand witnesses , is selfdeceit . but they say , this is more possible and more probable , then that all the clergy should conspire not to produce the same registers , when they were so hardly pressed by their adversaries . these are but empty pretenses , there was no pressing to produce registers , nor any thing objected that did deserve the production of a register . that which was objected against our orders in those dayes was about the form of ordination published by edward the sixth , and the legality of our ordination in the time of queen elisabeth ; the nagge 's head consecration was never objected in those dayes . besides , registers are publick enough themselves , and need no production ; and yet our registers were produced , produced by the parliament elisab . who cited them as authentick records , produced and published to the world in print , that was another production . they adde , or that so many catholicks should have been so foolish to invent or maintein the story of the nagge 's head , in such a time when if it had been false , they might have been convinced by a thousand witnesses . feare them not , they were wiser then to publish such a notorious fable in those dayes ; they might perchance whisper it in corners among themselves , but the boldest of them durst not maintain it , or object it in print , for feare of shame and disgrace . it was folly to give any eare to it , but is was knavery to invent it : and to doe it after such a bungling manner , ( whosoever was the inventer ) was knavery and folly complicated together . if the fathers write any more upon this subject , i desire them to bring us no more hearesay testimonies of their owne party ; whatsoever esteeme they may have themselves , of their judgment , and prudence , and impartiality . it is not the manner of polemick writers to urge the authority of their owne doctors to an adversary , or allege the moderne practise of their present church . we have our owne church and our owne doctors as well as they . if we would pinne our faith to the sleeues of their writers , and submit to their judgments , and beleeve all their reportes , and let all things be as they would have it , we needed not to have any more controversy with them : but we might well raise a worse controversy in our selves with our owne consciences . cha. xi . of our formes of episcopall and priestly ordination , of zuinglianisme , of arch bishop lavvd , of ceremonies . our assurance of our orders . we have done with the nagge 's head for the present . that which followeth next doth better become schollers , as having more shew of truth and reality in it . they object that in all the catholick ritualls , not onely of the west but of the east , there is not one forme of consecrating bishops , that hath not the word bishops in it , or some other words expressing the particular authority and power of a bishop distinctly . but in our consecration , there is not one word to expresse the difference and power of episcopacy . for these vvordes [ receive the holy ghost ] are indifferent to priesthood and episcopacy , and used in both ordinations . i answer , that the forme of episcopall ordination used at the same time when hands are imposed , is the same both in their forme and ours , [ receive the holy ghost ] , and if these words be considered singly in a divided sense from the rest of the office , there is nothing either in our forme or theirs which doth distinctly and reciprocally expresse episcopall power and authority . but if these words be considered coniointly in a compounded sense , there is enough to expresse episcopall power and authority distinctly , and as much in our forme as theirs . first two bishops present the bishop elect to the arch-bishop of the province , with these words , most reverend father in christ , we present to you this godly and learned man to be consecrated bishop . there is one expression . then the arch-bishop causeth the kings letters patents to be produced and read , which require the arch bishop to consecrate him a bishop . there is a second expression . thirdly the new bishop takes his oath of canonicall obedience . i a b elected bishop of the church and see of c. do professe and promise all reverence and due obedience to the arch bishop and metropoliticall church of d. and his successours . so god help me &c. this is a third expression . next the arch bishop exhorts the whole assembly ▪ to solemne praier for this person thus elected and presented , before they admit him to that office ( that is the office of a bishop , ) whereunto they hope he is called by the holy ghost , after the example of christ before he did chuse his apostles , and the church of antioch before they laid hands upon paul and barnabas . this is a fourth expression . then followeth the litany , wherein there is this expresse petition for the person to be ordeined bishop , we beseech thee to give thy blessing and grace to this our brother elected bishop , that he may discharge that office whereunto he is called diligently to the edification of thy church . to which all the congregation answer , heare us o lord we beseech thee . here is a fifth expression . then followeth this praier wherewith the litany is concluded . allmighty god , the giver of all good things , which by thy holy spirit hast constituted diverse orders of ministers in thy church , vouchsafe we beseech the to looke graciously upon this thy servant , now called to the office of a bishop . this is a sixth expression . next the arch-bishop telleth him he must examine him , before he admit him to that administratiō whereunto he is called , and maketh a solemne praier for him , that god who hath constituted some prophets , some apostles &c. to the edification of his church , would grant to this his servant the grace to use the authority committed to him , to edification not destruction , to distribute food in due season to the family of christ , as becommeth a faithfull and prudent steward . this authority can be no other then episcopall authority , nor this stewardship any other thing then episcopacy . this is a sevēth expressiō . then followeth imposition of hands , by the arch-bishop and all the bishops present , with these words receive the holy ghost &c : and lastly the tradition of the bible into his hands , exhorting him to behave himself towards the flock of christ , as a pastour , not devouring but feeding the flock . all this implieth episcopall authority . they may except against christs owne forme of ordeining his apostles if they will , and against the forme used by their owne church : but if they be sufficient formes , our forme is sufficient . this was the same forme which was used in edward the sixths time , and we have seen how cardinall pole and paul the fourth confirmed all without exception , that were ordeined according to this forme ; so they would reunite themselves to the roman catholick church . they bring the very same objection against our priestly ordination , the forme or words whereby men are made priests must expresse authority and power to consecrate , or make present christs body and blood , ( whether with or without transubstantiation is not the present controversy with protestants . ) thus far we accorde , to the truth of the presence of christs body and blood ; so they leave us this latitude for the manner of his presence . abate us transubstantiation , and those things which are consequents of their determination of the manner of presence , and we have no difference with them in this particular . they who are ordeined priests , ought to have power to consecrate the sacrament of the body and blood of christ , that is , to make them present after such manner as they were present ar the first institution ; whether it be done by enunciation of the words of christ , as it is observed in the westerne church , or by praier , as it is practised in the easterne church ; or whether these two be both the same thing in effect , that is , that the formes of the sacraments be mysticall praiers and implicite invocations . our church for more abundant caution useth both formes , as well in the consecration of the sacrament , as in the ordination of priests . in the holy eucharist , our consecration is a repetition of that which was done by christ , and now done by him that consecrateth in the person of christ : otherwise the priest could not say this is my body . and likewise in episcopall consecration , homo imponit manus , deus largitur gratiam , sacerdos imponit supplicem dex●eram , deus benedicit potente dex●era : man imposeth hands , god conferreth grace , the bishop imposeth his suppliant right hand , god blesseth with his almighty right hand . in both consecrations christ himself is the chiefe consecrater still , then if power of consecratiō be nothing els but power to do that which christ did , and ordeined to be done , our priests want not power to consecrate . they adde , in all formes of ordeining priests , that ever were used in the easterne or westerne church , is expresly set downe the word priest , or some other words expressing the proper function and authority of priesthood &c. the grecians using the word priest or bishop in their formes , do sufficiently expresse the respective power of every order . but our reformers did not put into the forme of ordeining priests , any words expressing authority to make christs body present . i answer , that if by formes of ordeining priests , they understād that essentiall forme of words , which is used at the same instant of time whilest hands are imposed , i denie that in all formes of priestly ordination , the word priest is set downe either expresly or aequivalently . it is set downe expresly in the easterne church , it is not set downe expresly in the westerne church . both the easterne and westerne formes are lawfull , but the westerne commeth nearer to the institution of christ. but if by formes of ordeining , they understand ordinalls or ritualls , or the intire forme of ordeining : both our church and their church have not onely aequivalent expressions of priestly power , but even the expresse word priest it self , which is sufficient both to direct and to expresse the intention of the consecrater . vnder that name the arch deacon presēteth them , right reverend father in christ , i present unto you these persons here present , to be admitted to the order ef priesthood . vnder that name the bishop admitteth them , well beloved brethren , these are they whom we purpose by the grace of god this day to admit [ cooptare ] into the holy office of priesthood . vnder this name the whole assembly praieth for them , almighty god , vouchsafe we beseech thee to looke graciously upon these thy servants , which this day are called to the office of priesthood . it were to be wished , that writers of controversies would make more use of their owne eyes , and trust lesse other mens citations . secondly i answer , that it is not necessary , that the essentiall formes of sacraments should be alwaies so very expresse and determinate , that the words are not capable of extension to any other matter : if they be as determinate and expresse , as the example and prescription of christ , it is sufficient . the forme of baptisme is , i baptise the in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost : not i baptise the to regeneration , or for remission of sins . there are many other kinds of baptismes or washings , besides this sacramentall baptisme : yet this forme is as large as the institution of christ. and these generall words are efficacious both to regeneration and remission of sinnes , as well as if regeneration and remission of sins had bene expresly mentioned . in this forme of baptisme , there is enough antecedent to direct and regulate both the actions and intentions of the minister : so there is likewise in our forme of ordination . thirdly i answer , that in our very essentiall forme of priestly ordination , priestly power and authority is sufficiently expressed ; we need not seeke for a needle in a bottle of hay . the words of our ordinall are cleare enough . first receive the holy ghost , ( that is the grace of the holy ghost ) to exercise and dicharge the office of priesthood , to which thou hast been now presented , to which thou hast been now accepted , and for which we have praied to god , that in it thou maiest disscharge thy duty faithfully and acceptably . secondly , in these words , whose sins thou doest remit they are remitted , that is not onely by priestly absolution : but by preaching , by baptising , by administring the holy eucharist , which is a meanes to applie the alsufficient sacrifice of christ , for the remission of sinnes . he who authoriseth a man to accomplish a worke , doth authorise him to use all meanes which tend to the accomplishment thereof , that which is objected , that laymen have power to remit sinnes by baptisme , but no power to consecrate , signifieth nothing as to this point . for first their owne doctors do acknowledge , that a lay man can not baptise solemnely , nor in the presence of a priest or a deacon , nor in their absence , except onely in case of necessity . saint austin gives the reason , because no man may invade another mans office . lay men may , and are bound to instruct others in case of necessity : yet the office of preaching and instructing others is conferred by ordination . the ordinary office of remitting sinnes , both by baptisme and by the holy eucharist , doth belong to bishops and under thē to priests . thirdly , this priestly power to consecrate is conteined in these words , be thou a faithfull dispenser of the word of god , and sacraments . and afterwards , when the bishop delivers the holy bible into the hands of those who are ordeined priests , have thou authority to preach the word of god , and administer the sacraments . we do not deny , but deacons have been admitted to distribute and minister the sacraments , by the command or permission of priests , or as subservient unto them : but there is as much difference between a subserviēt distributiō of the sacrament , and the dispensing or administring of it , as there is betweene the office of a porter who distributeth the almes at the gate , and the office of the steward who is the proper dispenser of it . looke to it gentlemen ; if your owne ordination be valide , ours is as valide , and more pure . they make the cause of these defects in our forme of ordination , to be , because zuinglianisme and puritanisme did prevaile in the english church in those daies . they bele●ved not the reall presence : therefore they put no word in their forme expressing power to consecrate . they held episcopacy and priesthood to be one and the same thing : therefore they put not in one word expressing the episcopall function . this is called leaping over the stile before a man comes at it , to devise reasons of that which never was . first prove our defects , if you can : and then find out a● many reasons of them as you list . but to say the truth ; the cause and the effect are well coupled together . the cause , that is the zuinglianisme of our predecessours , never had any reall existence in the nature of things , but onely in these mēs imaginations : so the defects of our ordinalls are not reall but imaginary . herein the fathers adventured to farre , to tell us that we have nothing in our formes of ordeining , to expresse either the priestly or episcopall functiō : when every child that is able to reade can tell them , that we have the expresse words of bishops and priests in our formes , over and over againe , and mainteine to all the the world that the three orders , of bishops priests and deacons , have been ever from the beginning in the church of christ. this they say is the true reason , why parker and his collegues were contented with the nagge 's head consecration , ( that is to say , one brainsick whimsey is the reason of another ) : and why others recurred to extraordinary vocation in queene elisabeths time . say what others ? name one genuine son of the church of england if you can ? doctor whitakers , and doctor fulke , who are the onely two men mentioned by you , are both professedly against you . doctor whitakers saith we do not condemne all the order of bishops , as he falsely slanders us , but onely the false bishops of the church of rome . and doctor fulke , for order and seemely goverment among the clergy , there was allwaies one principall , to whom the name of bishop or superintendent hath been applied , which roome titus exercised in crete , timothy in ephesus , others in other places . adding , that the ordination , or consecration , by imposition of hands , was alwaies principally committed to him . the fathers proceed , if mr. lawd had found successe in his first attempts , it is very credible , he would in time have reformed the forme of the english ordination . that pious and learned prelate wanted not other degrees in church and schooles , which they omit . he was a great lover of peace , but too judicious to dance after their pipe , too much versed in antiquity to admit their new matter and forme , or to attempt to correct the magnificat for satisfaction of their humours . but whence had they this credible relation ? we are very confident , they have neither authour nor ground for it , but their owne imagination . and if it be so , what excuse they have for it in their case divinity , they know best : but in ours we could not excuse it from down right calumny . they have such an eye at our order and uniformity , that they can not let our long cloakes and surplesses alone . we never had any such animosities among us about our cloakes , as some of their religious orders have had about their gownes : both for the colour of them , whether they should be black , or white , or gray , or the naturall colour of the sheep ; and for the fashion them , whether they should belong or short &c , in so much as two popes successively could not determine it . if mr. mason did commend the wisedome of the english church , for paring away superfluous ceremonies in ordination , he did well . ceremonies are advancements of order , decency , modesty , and gravity in the service of god , expressions of those heavenly desires and dispositions , which we ought to bring along with us to gods house , adjuments of attention and devotion , furtherances of edification , visible instructers , helps of memory , excercises of faith , the shell that preserves the kernell of religion from contempt , the leaves that defend the blossomes and the fruite : but if they grow over thick and ranke , they hinder the fruite from comming to maturity , and then the gardiner ▪ pluckes them of . there is great difference between the hearty expressions of a faithfull friend , and the mimicall gestures of a fawning flatterer : betweē the unaffected comelenesse of a grave matrone , and the phantasticall paintings , and patchings , and powderings , of a garish curtesan . when ceremonies become burthensome by excessive superfluity , or unlawfull ceremonies are obtruded , or the substance of divine worship is placed in circumstances , or the service of god is more respected for humane ornaments then for the divine ordinance ; it is high time to pare away excesses , and reduce things to the ancient meane . these fathers are quite out , where they make it lawfull at some times to adde , but never to pare away : yet we have pared away nothing , which is either prescribed or practised by the true catholick church . if our ancestors have pared away any such things out of any mistake , ( which we do not beleeve , ) let it be made appeare evidently to us , and we are more ready to welcome it againe at the foredore , then our ancestours were to cast it out at the backdore . errare possumus haeretici esse nolumus . to conclude , as an impetuous wind doth not blow downe those trees which are well radicated , but causeth them to spread their rootes more firmely in the earth : so these concussions of our adversaries , do confirme us in the undoubted assurance of the truth , and validity , and legality of our holy orders . we have no more reason to doubt of the truth of our orders , because of the different judgment of an handfull of our partiall countrymen , and some few forreine doctors misinformed by them : then they themselves have to doubt of the truth of their orders who were ordeined by formosus , because two popes stephen and sergius one after another , out of passion and prejudice , declared them to be voide and invalide . but supposing that which we can never grant , without betraying both our selves and the truth , that there were some remote probabilities , that might occasion suspicion in some persons prepossessed with prejudice , of the legality of our orders : yet for any man upon such pretended uncerteinties , to leave the communion of that church wherein he was baptised , which gave him his christian being , and to apostate to them , where he shall meet with much greater grounds of feare , both of schisme and idolatry ; were to plōge himself in a certein crime , for feare of an uncertein danger . here the fathers make a briefe repetition of whatsoever they have said before in this discourse , ( either out of distrust of the readers memory , or confidence of their owne atchievements , ) of the nagge 's head , and mr. neale , and the protestant writers , and bishop bancroft , and bishop morton and the other bishops that sate with him the last parliament , ( which being the onely thing alleged by them in the authours life time , and proved so undeniably to be false , is enough to condemne all the rest of their hearesay reports , for groundlesse fables ) of our registers , of king edwards bishops , of bishop barlow , and of the forme of our ordination ; directing him who will cleare all those doubtes , what he hath to do , as if we were their iournymen . let them not trouble themselves about that , they are cleared to the least graine . but if they will receive advise for advise , and pursue a prudentiall course which they prescribe to others ; if they regard the present face of the skie , and looke well to their owne interest , and the present conjuncture of their affaires : they have more need and are more ingaged in reputation to defend themselves , then to oppugne others . so they conclude their discourse with this short corollary , how unfortunately was charles the first late king of england , misinformed in matter of his bishops and clergy ? what scruple could he have had , if he had known the truth , to give way to the parliament , to pull downe parliament bishops , who were so farre from being de jure divino , that they were not so much as de jure ecclesiastico ? we thanke you gentlemen for your good will , the orthodox clergy of england are your feare . and you know what commonly followeth after feare , hate , oderunt quos metuunt . what pitty it is that you were not of king charles his councell , to have advised him better ? yet we observe few princes thrive worse , then where you pretend to be great ministers . if you had counsailed him upon this subject , perhaps you might have found him too hard for you ; as another did whose heart he burst with downe right reason . if ever that innocent king had a finger in the blood of any of that party , that was it , to choake a man with reason : but certeinly that wise prince would not have much regarded your positive conclusions , upon hearsay premisses . we hold our benefices by human right , our offices of priests and bishops both by divine right and humane right . but put the case we did hold our bishopricks onely by humane right , is it one of your cases of conscience , that a soveraigne prince may justly take away from his subjects any thing which they hold by humane right ? if one man take from another that which he holds justly by the law of man , he is a thief and a robber by the law of god. let us alter the case a little , from our bishoprickes to their colleges or their treasures : if any man should attempt to take them from them , upon this ground because they held them but by humane right , they would quickly cry out with ploiden , the case is altered . be our right divine , or humane , or both , if we be not able to defend it against any thing the fathers can bring against it , we deserve to lose it . finis . errata . p. . l. . r. that the. p. . l. . r. as to . p. . l. . and p. . l. . r. tob●e , p. . l. . r. requested . p. . l. . d. present . p. . l. r. chapel . p. . l. . r. to present . p. . ma●g ▪ lib. . p . l. . r. chap. . and in like manner correct the number of the chapter , till chap. ● . p. . l. . r. temporal , and commons in p. . l. . r. . p. . l. . rolles r. acts. p. . l. . r. ac i●dem decanus & capitulum &c. and p. . ad l. . marg. add . rot. par . . . e●●zab . p. l. r. commissaru . l. . assensu . r. consilio p. . l. ● . marg. add . regist. parker . tom. sol . . l ▪ . r. per thomam yale l. . r. se adju●●it . p. l. . r. dix erunt anglico . take &c. as in the preface , p. . l. . r. john incent , p. . l. . r. metropolitano salutem , &c. p. . l. . d. of . p. . l. . d. that . p. . l. . r. . p. . l. r● . r. merry and for w. r. we . p. . l. . r. fif●ly p. . l. ult . r. . iul. p. . l. . r. num . . p. . l. . r. september . p. . l. . p. . l. . and p. . l. . for dean of the a●ches r. archbishop or his comm●ssioner . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e treatise of the nature of catholick faith and haeresy c. . p. . notes for div a -e the first reason . seeond reason . de schism . angl. c. . p. . edit rom. the third reason . . h. . c. . notes for div a -e resp. int. . august . rot. . pars . elisab . acworth cont . monar . sander . l. . p. . sand. de schism . l. . p. confut. apol. parte . c. . brookes novel , cafes placit . . ace worth . cont . sander . l. . pag. . de schismate l. . p. edit . rom. cardinall poles dispensation . de schism . l. . p. . de schism . l. . p. . a fifth reason notes for div a -e rot● pars . . el. reg. cran. fol. . the seventh reason . the seventh reason . rot. pa. . . elis. ro : pars . . elis. can. . elc. cap. . rot. pars . . el. reg. park . t. . f. . . el. c. . notes for div a -e the eighth reason . the tenth reason . survey c. . p. . in ep. ad ami . n. . notes for div a -e . elis. cap. . notes for div a -e deut. . . mat. . . pa. . notes for div a -e bell. de sac. bapt. l. . c. . in praefa●ione . de eccles . cont . . q. c. . in titum c. reasons of the house of commons why bishops ought not to have votes in parliament. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing e thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) reasons of the house of commons why bishops ought not to have votes in parliament. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [london : ] imprint from wing. spurious -- wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng bishops -- england -- early works to . church and state -- england -- th century -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no reasons of the house of commons why bishops ought not to have votes in parliament. england and wales. parliament. a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reasons of the house of commons why bishops ought not to have votes in parliament . because it is a very great hinderance to the exercise of their ministeriall function . because they doe vow and undertake at their ordination , when they enter into holy orders , that they will give themselves wholly to that vocation . because councels and canons in severall ages do forbid them to meddle with secular affaires . because the twenty foure bishops have a dependancie on the two archbishops , and because of their canonicall obedience to them . because they are but for their lives , and therefore are not fit to have legislative power over the honours , inheritances , persons , and liberties of others . because of bishops dependancy and expectancy of translations to places of great profit . that severall bishops have of late much encroacht upon the consciences and liberties of the subjects , and they and their successours will be much encourag'd still to encroach , and the subjects will be much discouraged from complayning against such encouragements , if twenty sixe of that order bee to bee judges upon those complaints ; the same reason extends to their legislative power in any bill to passe for the regulation of their power upon any emergent inconvenience by it . because the whole number of them is interessed to maintain the jurisdiction of bishops , which hath been found so grievous to the three kingdomes , that scotland hath utterly abolished it , and multitudes in england and ireland have petitioned against it . because the bishops being lords of parliament , it setteth too great a distance between them and the rest of their brethren in the ministery , which occasioneth pride in them , discontent in others , and disquiet in the church . to their having votes a long time . answ . if in convenient time and usage are not to be considered with law-makers . some abbots voted as anciently in parliament as bishops , yet are taken away . that for the bishops certificate to plenary of benefice , and loyalty of mariage the bill extends not to them . for the secular jurisdictions of the dean of westminster , the bishops of durham , and ely , and archbishop of yorke , which they are to execute in their own persons the former reasons shew the inconveniences therein . for their temporal courts and jurisdictions which are executed by their temporall offices , the bill doth not concern them . finis . a christian beleefe concerning bishops this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing c ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a christian beleefe concerning bishops northbrooke, john. spiritvs est vicarius christi in terra. broadside. s.n.], [london : . "partly extracted from john northbrooke's spiritvs est vicarius christie in terra. a breefe and pithie summe of the christian faith"--nuc pre- imprints. place of publication suggested by wing. creased with slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng episcopacy. bishops. church polity. presbyterianism -- apologetic works. a r (wing c ). civilwar no a christian beleefe, concerning bishops. [no entry] f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a christian beleefe , concerning bishops . i a beleeve , b that the office of a bishop is a worthy office , and warrantable by the word of god , c approved of by the apostles , d and instituted of god himselfe : e having the charge of one particular church , f or congregation , under each of them , g which they are h set over , i to feede ; k that is , to preach the gospel to them : l instructing and m teaching them , not by the traditions of the fathers , n but by the holy scriptures , o and shewing them good examples , by leading p unreproovable lives , and q performing such offices of the r ministeriall function , as becommeth s such faithfull guides ; having regard to their t bishoprick , ( which is the u great charge of their w pastorall office ) x over which they are set . and i y beleeve , that our z praelaticall bishops , a who are lifted up to a b ruling power , and a c lording hierarchie , are d not called of god , nor of e divine institution , but f anti-christian , g ethnicall , and h diabolicall ; and i suffered to be k in the church , l by the good will and pleasure of almightie god , as a m punishment for our sinnes , and a token of gods displeasure : and therefore n the people of god ought to pray , o that they may be cast out of the church , and onely p preaching presbyters may remaine , to q divide the word of god , and open and r interprete it to the people . and i s beleeve , that the t temporall magistrates are appointed of god , to punish sinne u upon all evill doers , whether clergie , or laytie ; and the government of the church doth pertaine to the w church , or x congregation , with the y laytie , and their z assistance , and not to the sole a prelates . the church hath foure offices . first , to keepe the canonicall scriptures . secondly , to publish the same . thirdly , to keepe it cleare from the counterfeit apocrypha , and all ●ounterfeit and corrupt bookes . fourthly , to make it the rule of their actions . the churches authoritie doth consist ●hiefely in foure things . first , to choose and ordaine ministers , according to the order of the apostles . secondly , to teach by lawfull ministers , so made . thirdly , to minister the sacrament by tho●e ministers , using su●● , time as shall be thought most expedient for the s●me . fourthly , to examine the doctrines , whether they be of god , or not ; ●nd that must be done by the scriptures . john northbrooke , preacher of gods ●ord , cantabr . cyprianus ad cornaelium , liber primus . sacerdos dei evangelium tenens , & christà praecepta custodiens , occidi potest , non pot●st vinci . the faithfull beleever , that will imitate christ the high-priest , in holding the gospel , and keeping the commandements , may well be killed , but conquered he cannot be . printed in the yeere . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- a acts . . b tim. . . c phil. . . d acts . . e revel. . . f psal. . . g cor. . . h acts . . i rom. . . k tim. . . l cor. . . m math. . . n tim. . . o tim. . . p cor. . . q eze. . . r rom. ●● . s isay . . t acts . . u tim. . . w ephes. . . x hosea . . y acts . . z tim. . . a tim. . . b hosea . . c peter . . d thess. . . e pet. . f thess. . . g mark . . . h tim. . . i tim. . . k acts . . l thess. . . m amos . . n john . . o cor. . . p cor. . . q cor. . . r cor. . . s john . . t rom. . . u rom. . . w tim. . . x psal. . . y tim. . . z acts . . a pet. . . henry, lord bishop of london, and peter birch, doctor of divinity, plaintiffs the king and queen's majesties, defendants. in a writ of error in parliament brought by the plaintiffs upon a judgment in a quare impedit given for their majesties in the court of king's bench by the uniform opinion of the whole court, for the presentation to the rectory of st. james's in the liberty of westminster, vacant by the promotion of dr. tennison to the bishoprick of lincoln. compton, henry, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c d estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) henry, lord bishop of london, and peter birch, doctor of divinity, plaintiffs the king and queen's majesties, defendants. in a writ of error in parliament brought by the plaintiffs upon a judgment in a quare impedit given for their majesties in the court of king's bench by the uniform opinion of the whole court, for the presentation to the rectory of st. james's in the liberty of westminster, vacant by the promotion of dr. tennison to the bishoprick of lincoln. compton, henry, - . sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [london : / ] henry, lord bishop of london = henry compton. imprint from wing. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- bishops -- early works to . bishops -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion henry , lord bishop of london , and peter birch , doctor of divinity , plaintiffs . the king and queen's majesties , defendants . in a writ of error in parliament brought by the plaintiffs upon a judgment in a quare impedit given for their majesties in the court of king's bench by the uniform opinion of the whole court , for the presentation to the rectory of st. james 's in the liberty of westminster , vacant by the promotion of dr. tennison to the bishoprick of lincoln . dr . thomas tennison being lawful vicar of the parish of st. martins in the fields , one part of the said parish was by act of parliament erected into a distinct parish and rectory , and called by the name of the parish and rectory of st. james within the liberty of westminster ; and dr. tennison appointed the first rector there . the same act vests the patronage in the bishop of london and his successors , and thomas lord jermyn and his heirs ; and then appoints in what order and proportion each of the said patrons shall present ; ( viz. ) that the first rector after the decease of the said dr. tennison , or other next avoidance , should be presented or collated by the bishop of london for the time being , and the next by the lord jermyn and his heirs ; the two next by the bishop of london and his successors , and the next by the lord jermyn and his heirs ; and the like succession of two turns and one turn , for all times to come . dr. tennison was duly elected bishop of lincoln . before dr. tennison's consecration , the then archbishop of canterbury did grant a dispensation to him in due form of law , to retain and keep the vicaridge of st. martins , and the rectory of st. james , together with the bishoprick of lincoln , until the first of july , then next following . this was confirmed by the king and queen , by letters-patents under the great seal of england , ( as the statute of . h. . requires ) . after which , viz. the said bishop elect was consecrated ; but by virtue of the dispensation , and according to the rules of law , the living did not become void at the time of the consecration , ( as otherwise it would have done ) ; nor did it become void until the first of july , . at which time it voided by cession : in which case the crown hath an undoubted right to supply it by presentation for that turn , to whomsoever the patronage belongs . this cause was several times argued at the bar , and afterwards solemnly at the bench , and judgment given by the whole court for their majesties . the matters which have been and probably may be again stirred against their majesties right in this case , are these , i. whether the crown , upon the promotion of the incumbent of a subject's living to a bishoprick , hath a right by prerogative to present to that living for the next turn ? ii. if there be such a prerogative , yet , whether the dispensation and confirmation in this case do not amount to a serving of that turn ? iii. whether this act of parliament hath made any alteration in this case , to differ it from the crown 's presenting upon ordinary vacancies in other livings , upon the promotion of the incumbents ? the two first of these points being adjudged with the crown in the case of st. martins , ( which was enjoyed accordingly ) ; and there being no difference as to these points between st. martins and st. james , the third point rising upon the act of parliament was principally and indeed only intended to be considered in the case of st. james's ; but some of the now plaintiffs councel stirring the two first points again , the court of king's-bench took them also into consideration , and gave judgment upon all three for their majesties ; which was done by the uniform opinion of the whole court with great clearness . first , as to the first point , this prerogative and right of presenting by the crown , upon the promotion of the incumbent of a subject's living to a bishoprick , is an ancient right settled and established by divers solemn judgments in the reigns of king henry viii . queen elizabeth , king james i. and downwards ; and whenever questioned or doubted , always prevailed ; and there is no one judgment or judicial opinion in the law-books against it , but many for it . and if so full and particular an exercise of that prerogative doth not appear in the old books of the law , as hath done in and from the reign of king henry viii . downwards , it may reasonably be supposed to be occasioned by the unlimited power and usurpation which the popes of rome assumed to themselves in this kingdom , in making bishops , conferring titles to vacant livings , and the like , not only against the prerogative , but even against the statutes of the realm . and if any inferences have at any time been drawn from any thing said in any old book in doubt of such prerogative , the same have been rectified by settled judgments in courts for many ages past , in times when the learning and integrity of the judges admitted of no dispute . nor is it any objection against this right of the crown , that it hath not been put in execution in some cases anciently where the crown had another title , by reason of wardship , or of the temporalities of a bishoprick being in the king's hands ; for besides what is said before as to the pope's claims and usurpations , the crown , without prejudice to the prerogative , might make use of that other title not claimed by the pope , upon which to bring quare impedits ( wherein one single title must be relyed on ) rather than to make use of that which the pope then challenged and usurped , it being improper for the king to set up his own prerogative against himself , when he had another title in him by way of interest . and it seems a strange attempt after so many ages , and such setled judicial determinations , to question that point of prerogative , whereunto ( till this case ) an entire submission hath been made , and many eminent clergy-men of the church of england have enjoyed , and some now do hold livings under the title of that prerogative ; and it appears by some books of presentations to livings , in and since the reign of queen elizabeth , still extant ( the former being lost or destroyed ) that the crown hath presented several hundreds of times upon such promotions , and enjoyment were had accordingly . ii. as to the second point about the dispensation ; that can in no sort be any objection to the right of the crown ; for this dispensation being granted to the incumbent to retain his living , is not in judgment of law any commenda , but coming before the consecration was lawful and effectual ; and the now plaintiffs by their pleadings in the cause , have owned and admitted it to be so ; and then thereby the avoidance was suspended , and no vacancy happened by the consecration , nor till the dispensation expired , which was the first of july . so that to affirm this dispensation , or confirmation , did serve or execute the king's turn , is to say the king used his turn before he had it , or filled a vacancy before it was , and that not by his own , but by the act or instrument of the archbishop ; the confirmation ( which is the king's act ) being barely a formality required by the statute hen. . to the dispensation of the archbishop . iii. as to the third point upon the act of parliament , there have been two things objected by the now plaintiffs council . . that st. james is a new rectory created by act of parliament , and that dr. tennison came not into it by presentation , but donation ; and that the prerogative operates only upon presentative livings . . that by the express words of the act it is provided , that the first rector , after the decease of dr. tennison , or next avoidance , shall be presented or collated by the bishop of london . as to the first ; there is no doubt but that st. james is by the act made a presentative rectory , participating of the nature of other presentative livings , and dr. tennison was continued in his former cure , though under another name : and there is no reason in law to make it a donative , or otherwise than of the nature of a presentative living in dr. tennison , nor for a distinction between old and new rectories ; but the right of the prerogative being founded upon the promotion of the incumbent that holds equally both in old and new rectories where such promotion happens to be , and when this new rectory voided by promotion , then , and not till then , the crown 's prerogative to present arose , as much as it would or could have done in the case of an old presentative living . as to the second , there can be no reason to think the act intended to take away the prerogative of the crown , which generally speaking , is not bound , unless specially named : but the end of this act was to erect a new parish and rectory , and to make them of the same nature with other parishes and rectories , and to settle the rights of each as between the patrons and parishioners , but in no sort to meddle with , much less to take away the rights of the crown ; nor was there any need of a saving of the king 's right which arose by the act by making the rectory presentative . and it is not of any weight to say the express words are for the bishop's presenting ; the intent of the act is satisfied by setling the ordinary course of presentations , without excluding the prerogative , and the bishop must take his right subject to the rules of law , one part of which is the prerogative ; and it hath been resolved that the grantee of the next presentation must give way to the prerogative , tho he lose his turn by it : and if this act should be taken literally , then there would be no right to present by lapse , nor presentation by the crown , in case of any forfeiture , or of the temporalities , being in the king's hands , which would be absurd to maintain ; and such a literal construction is against the rules and reason of law , and many judicial determinations in the like cases . wherefore it is prayed the judgment may be affirmed . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e ann. dom. . jac. ii. . dec. . . dec. . . dec. . . dec. . a catalogue of such testimonies in all ages as plainly evidence bishops and presbyters to be both one, equall and the same ... with a briefe answer to the objections out of antiquity, that seeme to the contrary. prynne, william, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text s in the english short title catalog (wing p ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p estc s ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a catalogue of such testimonies in all ages as plainly evidence bishops and presbyters to be both one, equall and the same ... with a briefe answer to the objections out of antiquity, that seeme to the contrary. prynne, william, - . [ ], p. s.n.], [london : . attributed to prynne by c.a. briggs; in a marginal note on p. [ ], the author refers to his the unbishoping of timothy and titus. place of publication from wing. this seems to be a reissue of the ed. (stc ) with "the epistle to the reader" (p. [ ]-[ ]) added and the two final digits of the date erased from t.p. and " " substituted in pen-and-ink. errata: p. [ ]. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. marginal notes. eng church of england -- bishops -- temporal power. bishops -- england. a s (wing p ). civilwar no a catalogue of such testimonies in all ages as plainly evidence bishops and presbyters to be both one, equall and the same in jurisdiction, prynne, william f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a catalogve of svch testimonies in all ages as plainly evidence bishops and presbyters to be both one , equall and the same in iurisdiction , office , dignity , order , and degree , by divine law and institution , and their disparity to be a meere humane ordinance long after the apostles times ; and that the name of a bishop is onely a title of ministration , not dominion , of labour not of honour , of humility , not of prelacy , of painfullnesse not of lordlinesse , with a briefe answer to the objections out of antiquity , that seeme to the contrary . printed in the yeere . . the epistle to the reader . christian reader , there is nothing more fr●quent in the mouthes of our lording prelates and their flatterers , then to vaunt , that their hierarchie and episcopall s●periority over other ministers is by divine right and institution ; and that all antiquity from christs till calvins dayes , and all learned men , except a despicable small number of factious puritans ( as they term them ) suffragate to this conclusion . this was the more then thrasonicall b●ast of dr. la●d , arch-prelate of canterbury , and some others , not onely at the censure of dr. layton in the star-chamber , and dr. bastwicke in the high-commission some few yeares past ; but likewise at the late censure of dr. bastwicke , mr. burton , and mr. prynne in the star-chamber , iune . . where , in his learned speech ( since printed by speciall command , through his own underhand procurement ) he thus magisterially determines , pag. , . this i will say ( he might have done well to have proved it first , but that his ipse dixit only is now an o●acle ) and abide by it , that the calling of bishops ( to wit archbishops and d●ocaesans , superiour to , and distinct from pres●yters , else his speech is not onely idle but impertinent ) is iure divino : though not all adjuncts to their callings : ( he should have done well to have specifie● what adjuncts in particular● ) and i say further , that from the apostles times in all ages , in all places the church of christ was governed by bishops ( to wit diocaesan bishops like to our prelates now , which he will prove at graecas calendas . ) and lay-elders never heard of , till calvins new-fangled devise at geneva . to disprove which fabulous assertion , i have not only particularly encountred it , in the unbishoping of timothy and titus , to which no answere yet hath been returned by this over-confident boaster , or his champions , though specially challenged to answer it ) but likewise by way ef supplement to that trea●ise , drawn up this ensuing catalogue ( which i challenge his arch-grace , with his brother prelates , doctors , proctors , parasites to encounter with as many contrary authorities if they can ; ) ● wherby both learned and illiterate may with ease discern , that both by divine institution , the suffrages of fathers , councels , forraigne and domestick writers of all sorts aswell papists as protestants , and the resolution of the church and state of england in convocation and parliament , bishops and presbyters are but one and the sam● in point of office and iurisdiction ; and that the superiority of bishops over other ministers is a meer humane institution long after the apostles dayes , introduced , partly by custome , partly by the bishops owne insensible incroachme●ts upon their fellow brethren ; but principally by the grants , connivances , or indowments of christian princes , destitute of any divine foundation to support it . i confesse , in the * councel of trent , it was much debated among the popish prelates and divines there present ; whether bishops were by divine ordination , superiour to priests ? but the councel being divided in opinion , left the controversie undetermined . those bishops and divines who held the affirmative , produced nothing out of scripture , or solid antiquity to justifie their opinions , worthy answere , but that aerius was deemed an heretick for affirming the contrary ( which i have ●ere disproved : ) ye● * michael of medina who alleageth this of aerius , was so ingenious to conf●sse , that hierome , austin , and some others of the fathers ( as ambrose , sedulius , primasius , chrysostomus , theodoret , oecumenius ) did fall into aërius heresie in this point , it being no wonder that they did so , because the matter was not cleare in all points . this his boldnesse , to say that hierome and austin did savour of haeresie , gave great scandall : but h● insisted the more upon it : the doctors saith the history ) were equally divided into two opinions in this point . and when this * article was propounded in this romish councel ; that the bishops are instituted by christ , and are superiour to priests de iure divino ; the legates with others answered , that the lutherans and heretiques having affirmed , that a bishop and a priest is the sam● thing ( * putting no difference between a bishop & a priest , but by humane constitution ; and affirming , that the superiority of bishops was first by custom , and afterwards by ecclesiasticall constitution , for which they ci●e the augustane confession made by the german churches ; ) it was fit to declare , that a bishop is superiour , but that it was not necessary to say qu● jure , nor by whom a bishop is instituted from whence it appeares clearly ; that halfe or more of these trent fathers , with all the lutherans and protestant churches at that time were cleare of opinion ; that prelates episcopacy is not iure divino : and those who peruse that history and * b●llarmine may at ●irst discerne , that all our prelates arguments and authorities now produced to maintaine their episcopall iurisdiction to be divine , are taken verbatim from these popish fathers of trent who maintain their assertion , and bellarmine de clericis the stoutest champion for their cause . alas ! to what miserable shifts are our prelates driven , when they must thus fly to trent , to bellarmine for ayd to support their tottering thrones ! and yet these will stand them in no stead , all the trent prelates confessing with s. hierom. * that in the first beginnings of christianity , the churches were governed by a kind of aristocracy , by the common councel of the presbytery , and that the monarchicall government and superiority of bishops and archbishops crept in by custome , as the (a) history of the councel of trent relates at large ; where you may read the originall of their courts and iurisdictions , with the steps and meanes of their exorbitant growth and encroachments upon the temporall iurisdiction and prerogative of princes , well worthy the greatest statesmens consideration . besides , dionysius cathusianus , and cardinal contarenus in their commentaries on phil. . . confesse , that in pauls time , bishops and presbyters were both one , and that either order was conferred on the presbyter . that presbyters are there meant by bishops , whence it is usually said , that in the primitive times bishops were not distinguished from priests . azorisus the iesuite moral . part . . l. . c. . confesseth , that in the apostles times , every where , those who were ordained elders in cities were bishops : cardinal cusanus . de concordia cathol. l. . c. . writes the same in eff●ct : all bishops ; and perchance also presbyters are of equall power , as to jurisdiction , although not of execution ; which executive exercise is restrained by certaine positive laws ( not divine but canonicall ) whence the cause of these laws ceasing , (b) the laws themselvs determine . and johannes semeca a popish canonist , avers ; that in the first primitive church the office of priests and bishops was the same : but in the second primitive church , ( to wit , some space after the apostles times ) both their names and offices began to be distinguished . the same doctrine , together with the identity and parity of bishops and presbyters is professedly averred , not only by those hereafter cited in the catalogue ; but also by * huldrick bishop of ausburg , about the year of christ . in his epistle to pope nicholas , in defence of priests marriage : by john crespin . l'estate de l'eglise : printed ● . fol. . . by phippe de mornax , tablea● des differens . par . . c. . p. , , . &c. and by mornay lord plessie in his mystery of iniquity in the french edition , p. . , . . . to , ● . . . to . . . . to . . . . . . . to . . ● , . . . . . , . ● . . . . . ● . . to . ● . , . . . . . . . to . . , , . . , . . yea , * iohn ma●jor de gestis scotorum : l. . c. . w●ites , that in ancient times the scots were instructed in the christian faith , by priests and monks , and were then without bishops . and iohn fordon scotichronicon . l. . c. . before him , records , that before the coming of palladius , the scots had only presbyters or monks to instruct them in the faith and administer the sacraments , following the custome of the primitive church . and * from palladius dayes till the reigne of malcolm the d ; the bishops of scotland had no diocesse at all ( and so were no diocesan prelates ) but every bishop whom holinesse had made reverend in that age , exercised his episcopall function without distinction in every place he came . if then bishops and presbyters were all one and the same in the first primitive church , which church , ●ogether with that of scotland , was anciently governed only by presbyters , not by any lordly prela●es , or diocesan bishops ( which dr. william fulke in his answer of a true christian , &c. p. . . professeth ●o be antichristian , pa●all and no divine institution , ) why the churches of scotland , and england may not now be governed by presbyters only without bishops , aswell as at first , i canno● conceive● their regiment of late having been so tyrannicall , unchristian , antichristian and exorbitant , that they have almost wholly ruined our religion , church , state , and lef● them in a most perplexed , if not desperate condition ; which proves their hierarchy to be rather antichristian and diabolicall , then divine . and how can it be otherwise , if we rightly consider the persons or condition of our hierarchy● and their antichristian attendants ? i remember a merry s●ory in * giraldus cambrensis , and out of him related by mr. camden in his britannia : p. . it hapned that a certaine iew travelling towards shrewsbury with the archdeacon of malpas ( in ches-shire ) whose surname was peche , that is , sinne , and a deane named devill ; when he heard by chance the archdeacon telling , that his archdeaconry began at a place called ill-street , and reached as farre as to malpas towards chester ; he considering and understanding withall aswell the arch-deacons surname as the deans , came out with this merry and pleasant conceit ; would it not be a wonder ( quoth he ) and my fortune very good , if ever i get safe againe out of this countrey , where sinne is the arch-deacon , and the devill is the dean ; where the entry into the archdeaconry is illstreet , and the going forth of it malpas ? it was * st. bernards complaint in his age , that iesus christ elected many devils to be bishops , as he chose iudas to be an apostle . since then there be so many archbishops , deanes , and bishops , devills , so many archdeacons sinners , if not sinne ; and the entrance into these offices ( by reason of symony , ambition , and the like ) a meer illstreet , and their going forth of them ( by reason of their wicked lives , and exorbitant actions occ●sioned by their very office ) malpas , it is almost a wonder , and very good fortune , if any ●onest godly minister or professor ever get safe againe out of their courts and diocesse , or escape drowning in their seas . hence is it , that the devoutest men in all ages since prelates became lords paramount to ministers , have either utterly refused to accept of bish●pricks , or resigned them after acceptance ; as i have * elswhere manifested by sundry examples , and shall here fur●her exemplifie by ●ther evidences . (a) ribadenerra a iesuite , records it to the great praise of bernardine of sennes , canonized at rome for a saint ; that out of his humility he refused the . bishopricks of sennes , ferrara , and vrban , which severall popes offred to him : and though one pope put a bishops mi●er on his head with his own hands , yet he put it off againe , humbly beseeching him not to impose the charge of any bishoprick upon him , and to change that estate of poverty to which god had called him ; because he should bring more advantage to the church by preaching the word of god , and ayding the soules of many bishopricks , then by being a bishop in one church : the pope hearing his reasons confessed them true , and left him to his own liberty . (b) vincent ferrier another popish saint , is highly magnified , for that ' being urged by the pope to accept the bishopricke of leride , the archbishopricke of valence , and a cardinalship ; it was impossible to move him to accept of any of these charges ; deeming it a greater advantage to free one soule from the chaines of sinne , then to gain all the great preferments of the world . for he perceived that these honourable dignities seemed like so many golden chaines , whereby he should be detained at the court , and deprived of liberty to goe and preach the gospell with poverty , as god had commanded him . so thomas of * aquin , canonised for a saint , is highly applauded for refusing the archbishopricke of naples , with other great dignities offered unto him by the pope . in like sort * raimond of roche●ort , another roman saint , is extolled , for refusing to accept the archbishopricke of arragon , which the pope himselfe conferred upon him , and commanded him to accept within few dayes ; at which news he was very sad , and most humbly and instantly intreated his holinesse , not to lay such a burthen upon him , which he knew not how to beare : and seeing that the pope was resolved to enforce him to accept it , he fell sicke with indignation , a ●ieuere continuing upon him till he died of regret , and so discharged him of this care . * antoninus another ●ate romish saint , being elected archbishop o●florence by pope eugenius the th , refused to accept thereof , because being retired out of the tempests of the world , he should therby return into ●hem to the great perill of his salvation . the pope hereupon commanded him by his bull to accept it , threatning else to excommunicate him : whereupon by the advise of his covent and the magistrates of florence , who informed him , that he ought to obey the pope herein , he unwillingly accepted it ; and kneeling down before them , he lift up his eyes and hands to heaven , saying ; o my lord thou knowest full well that it is much against my will to accept this charge ; which i have undertaken for feare to resist thine and thy vicars will : and since thou knowest it , i beseech thee direct me to doe what i ought . then entring into his see , he had only . persons in his house ; he had no cupboord , tapistry or hangings of say in his chamber ; no vessels of silver ; no horses nor coaches , riding upo● a mule that was given him ; saying , that the goods of the poore ought not to be spent in nourishing beasts , and providing superfluities . he had the scripture alwayes read at his table : and ever said , they should doe him a speciall favour to thrust him from his archbishopricke , wherein he continued with as great regret as he received it . adde to these , that * linus the first bishop of rome , after paul and peter resigned up his bishoprick te anacle●us ; that pope cyriacus ( as fasciculus temporum , henry of erford , nauclerus , crispin●and others write ) quitted his bishopricke in a short space against the will of the clergy ; whence some have excluded him out of the number of the roman ponti●s ; that (a) pope stephen t●e . renounced his episcopacy , and became a monke , repenting of the cruelty shewed by him to his predecessor formosu● : that pope celestine the th ( as platina , luitprandius , anasta●ius , and all (b) o●hers in his life accord ) voluntarily renounced the papacy , as a charge exceeding his forces , and hindering his devotion : and this (c) anno . (d) pope felix the th , renounced and deser●ed the papacy , which he formerly swa●ed . lo here five popes re●ouncing and resigning their bishopricks . herman a weda archbishop of colen , who deceased an. . desired often to dye a simple christian without any charge or dignity , rather then to die a priest or a bishop : to come nearer hom● , dubritius b●shop of landaffe voluntarily re●ounced his archbishopricke ; so sampson , paulus , leonorius and amon made bishops volens nolens , voluntarily gave over their episcopacies . st. patrick the first archbishop or primate of all ireland , and benignus his third successor in that see , willingly resigned their prelacies , retiring themselves to glastenbury abby : and anno . (d) richard havering , archbishop of dublin , voluntarily renounced his archbishopricke upon this occasion● one night he dreamed that a certaine monster heavier then the whole world stood eminently aloft upon his brest , from the weight whereof he chose rather to be delivered , then alone to have all the goods of the world . when he wakened , he thought thus with himselfe , that this was nothing ●ls but the church of dublin , the fruits whereof he received , but took no paines for the same : ( the case of most prelates now : ) as soon as he could therfore he came to the pope , of whom he was much beloved , and there renounced and gave over the archbishopricke ; for he had fatter and better livings then the archbishopricke came unto . why should not our archbishops and bishops now follow these many vertuous examples , in resigning and abandoning all their bishopricks , for the setting of a sweet peace and blessed harmony in our distracted church and state , which their ambition , pride , tyranny , exorbitances and innovations have almost brought to ruine ? had they but their humility and piety , they would speedily renounce their most pernicious hierarchy , to imbrace a fraternall unity and parity with their fellow-brethren , whom christ hath made their equals , as these and other prelats have done ; and as our present * archbishop of canterbury confesseth that famous nazianzen , rather th●n the peace should be broken , freely resigneth the great patriarchate constantinople , and retired : whose steps he should doe well to follow . but if he or they refuse to do it for our churches peace , and kingdomes safety , let them know that it is no new thing to abolish bishopricks by act of parliam● by which * most bishopricks were first created , and so not jure divino . how many bishopricks have been supprest in ireland and wales in later ages , * mr. camden can at large informe us , almost halfe the ancient bishopricks there , being not now extant . the bishopricke of westminster was no sooner erected almost , but instantly suppressed ; and . ed. . the * bishopricke of durham by act of parliament was dissolved , and the lands and hereditaments thereof given to the king : but . mariae pa●l . . c. . popery ●lowing in againe , that bishopricke was revived and reerected ; yet not so fi●mly , but that it and all others are still subject , both to a temporall and finall dissolu●ion , when eve● his majesty , or the state in parliament shall thinke meet ; ( as all the prelates and the whole convocation expre●ly acknowledge in their * institution of a christian man dedicated to king henry the . and ratified by parliament ) as the abbies , priories and such like nests of anti●hristianisme in this real● , though se●led by la●s and long prescription , were all suppressed by p●blick * acts of parliament in a moment . if any de●m the continuance of our lorly prelates necessary in regard of their presence in parliaments , which some conceive cannot be held without the presence of these ●ord● spirituall . i answer , first , that abbots and priors before the dissolution of mona●teries were spirituall lords in parliament aswell as bishops : since then parliaments both may , have been , and are now held without lord abbots and ●riors , they may by the same reason be held without lo●d bishops . second●● , b●shops sit n●t in parliament of right as they are b●shops ( for as bishops , they are not * prope●ly peers , and shal be tryed in case of treason by a common iury , as scr●ope , fisher , and cranmer were ) bu● as they hold of the king per ( a ) baro●iam , in right of their churches , which few of them at this day doe : therfore their si●ting in parliament is not of right , but of meere grace of the king , who may sommon or not sommon ●hem at ●is pleasure : sinc● they are no lords , nor yet so stiled by the king , in any of their paten●s ; though they so in●itle themselves in some of their (b) late prin●ed books . thirdly , in (c) matters of treason , felony , blood and capitall crimes debated in parliament , the bishops both by common and canon law o●ght not to give their votes , nor yet to be present in the house , but to depart , which no other peeres doe ●ut they : * if then the parliament in these cases of highest na●ure may passe a compleat iudgement without them , their presence is not necessary in it , nor they any needfull members of it . four●hly , bishops in former ages e●en under popish kings , when they had most sway , have been excluded parliaments , much more then may they be so now : (c) gardner and bonner in king edwards dayes ; and all bishops that were married ( as most then were ) in the first parliament in queen maries reigne were excluded the parliament ; and in king edward the . his time at the parliament held at s. edmonds bury , anno . all the bishops were put out of the parliament and kings protection , and that parliament held good and made laws without them . and anno . in the . yeare of henry the . the statute of merton cap. . to●ching bastardy , was made by the lords temporall and commons without and against the consent of the bishops . ●h●se two presiden●s are cited by bishop iewell in his apology against * harding ; f. . who there affirmes , that a parliament may be held without any bishops ; to which * mr. crompton , and bishop bilson likewise assent : therfore i shall no l●nger debate it , as being pas● all doubt ; concluding this point in bishop bilsons words ( a great champion for episcopa●y ) which are full and notable . * claime you ( bishops ) that interest and prerogative , that without you nothing shal be done in matters of religion , by the laws of god , or by the liberties of this realm . by the laws of the land , have no such priviledge . parliaments have been kept by the king and his barons , the clergie wholly exclvded . and when the bishops were present , their voyces from the conquest to this day were never negative . ●y gods●aw you have nothing to doe with making laws for kingdome● , & common-wealths : o● may teach , you may not command : p●rswasion is your part , compulsion is the princes . i● princes imbrace the truth , you must obey them ; if they pursue truth , you must abide them . by what authority then claime you this dominion over princes ; that their laws for religion shal be voyd , unlesse you consent ? after which he proves at larg● , that the kings of iudah and israel of old , with many godly christian kings and emperours since , have made not only civil , but ●cclesiasticall laws without a council , or any suffrage of bishops : much more then may they hold a parliament without their presence ; as bishop jewel proves at lange . it was a no●able speech and true of ludovicus cardinall arelatensis in the councel of basill ; (q) where he maintained the parity of bishops and presbyters : that rich and lordly bishops feare the power of the prince , and to be spoyled of their temporalities , neither have they free liberty to speak as is required in councels . albeit if they were true bishops and true pastors of soules , they would not doubt to put their lives in venture for their sheep , nor be afraid to sh●d their blood for their mother the church . but at this present ( the more is the pitty ) it is too rare to find a prelate in this world , which doth not prefer his temporalities before his spiritualities , with the love whereof they are so withdrawn , that they study rather to please princes then god ; and confesse god in corners , but princes they will openly confesse . concluding ●hat the poor are more apt to give judgement then the rich , because their riches bringeth feare , and their poverty causeth liberty . for the poore feare not tyranny as rich men do , who being given over to all kind of vanities , idlenesse and sloth , will rather deny christ then lacke their accustomed pleasures ; such are they whom not their flock but their revenues make bishops . have ye not heard how they said , they would consent to the kings will and pleasure ? but the inferiors are they which have had truth , righteousnesse and god himselfe before their eyes , and they are greatly to be commended for shewing themselves such men unto the church of god . if ●hen any desire the continuance of lord bishops in church or parliament , yet it wil be necessary to strip them of their temporalities and lordships , and to confine them to one living with cure , where they may reside and preach like other ministers , because their temporalities will make them temporizers , and to vote amisse ag●nst god and the republike both in parliament and convocation , as this cardinall truly informs us from experience . to close up all in a few words . i shall desire 〈◊〉 ●ordly prelates and others to observe ; that rev. . . . . c. , . , . . c. . , , , ● . c. . , , , . c. . , , . the elders are placed next in rank to the very throne of christ , as being next to him in authority and iurisdiction , no archb●shops or bishops ●●ing there named , much lesse interposed between them . that the angels ( whom our prelates will needs interpret ●o be diocesan bishops in the d and d of the revelation , though the contents of our last ●ranslated bibles expresly define them , to be the ministers , not bishops , of the churches ) stand round about the elders , and are remoters from christs throne then they●therfore not so honourable . that christ standeth in the midst of the elders ; to signi●ie , that ●hey are subject to no diocesan bishop , but christ alone , and ●hat no lord bishops , but elders only belong to the kingdome and government of christ , who is never said to be in the midst of archbishop● and bishops ( none of his institution ) but of the . elder● only : that these elders alone worship and prostrate themselves , give thanks , and resolve doubts upo● all occasions●not bishops : and that when the kingdomes of this world , become the kingdome of o●● lord and his christ , and when the lord god omnipotent is said to raigne , the elders are still said to be about christs throne , and to adore and praise him , there being no mention at all of bishops . therfore our prelates must needs confesse themselves to be but elders only & properly ; or else acknowldge , that elders by divine ●nstitution are superiour to them in dignity● and that archbishops and bishops have no place at all appointed them by christ about his throne , or with●n his church and kingdome , and therfore must needs be antichristian and in●o●erable in our reformed church ; out of which i doubt not ●re long to see them quite ejected , and cast unto the dunghill as most unsavoury salt ; toward which d●sired good worke i presume this little catalogue may con●ribute some assistance ; especially if thou correct these ensuing errors of the printer , ere thou begin to read it , occasioned by the authors absence , and the printers unacquaintednesse with the authors names the●ein recited : which slips of course find easie pardon . errata . pag. . c●lum . line read papias● p. . col . . l. . and . ● . al●xandrinus , l. . nazianz●num , l. . aerius , col . . l. . primasius . nazianze●● l. , . rhabanus maurus . l. . o●●umeniu● . l. . for . , , . p. . col . r. l. . ●vo . l. . decretalium . l. ● . pla●ctu . l. . ●anormitan . l. . thol●sanus . l. . gratianum . l. . for cla●isio ● . clavasi● col . . sit , tit. l. . faber . l. . senensis . l. . annal. l. with , which● l. ● . intendent p. col . . l. . conclusion . p. . col . . l. . ausittes hussit●● . sylvius . l. 〈…〉 . illiricus , l. . monuments . col . l 〈…〉 p. . col . . l. . tabaratrum , tabaritarum . l. . pig●tum . l. . galata● . l. . epis●opo● . l. . w●tenberge . l. . ●al. l. , . p●tricow , madestania , wratis●avia . l. . ●ricus . l . con●ugio . l. . zuinglius . l. . imitatem , civitatem . l. . musculus . col . . l. . responsio . l. . class. l. . casper . l. . debe●sis , diversis . l. . saraviam . l. ● . t●egedinu● . l. . con●r●v●rs . l. . polanus . l. . sy●tagma . l. . bibl●ander in chronog● . p. . col●● l. . arinis , aretius . l. . lubinu● . l. . wedfulne●●s , melsure●us . l. . edictum . l. . alcuvinus . col . l. . pal●ody . l. . m●li●m , melu●●i . l. . palinodia . l. . nug● . l. . institutione . p. . col . . l. . england , i●eland . l. . chaucer . l. . swinderby . l. . vi●iarum vitiorum . col . . l. . stokesly . l. ● . notingham . p , . col . . l. ●● . ●ancol●e , lanrelot . l. . osyru . l. . exposition . col . . l. . ma●tyr●martyn . l. . benb●●ge . l. . vol. . f. l. . . . r. . p. . c. . l. whecen●al . c. . l. . coverdale . l. . pon●t . l. . scory . l. . resolve . l. . exstinguished , distinguished . p. . c. . l. . the , thu . c. . l. . t●rasonicall . l. ● . ●o●her . l. . aeriu● . p. . c . l . a , a● . l. . ae●ius , make . l. . at . l. ● as , ●● . l. . this , the . c . l. . est ; ●oe witnesse . l. . refutation ( in the margin , l . v●ritatu . l. . armat , anual . ) p. . l. . . evag●●um . l. . ●●etus . p. . c. . l. . inconsequences . l. . a●gu●●inum l. . gersomus . . l. . as , ●● . p. . c. . l . make . l. . but , ●oth . l. . tialliano● . l. . maguesiano● . l. . sc●atu● apost●lorum . l. . lymenses , smyrnense● . ● . . l. . presbytero●um . p. ● . c. ●l . . for . l. ●extravagant l geri● l . quod , quoad . l. . favour , savour . c. . l. largnesse , largesse . p. . c. . margin l. . antiquitates , crantziu● ● . annal. c. l. . adcodatus l. . w●fred . l. . lanfrankes : l . ca●kel , corbel p. . r. . l. ● , aasina , haf●ia . l. see , so . r. . l. . these . thesa . p. . c. . l. . only by : c. . l. . resolve : l. . vag●● : l. . p. . l. . with , which : c. . l. . expending , expecting : l. . blot out ● : l. . disguises : ( margin l . chy●rae●● ) p. . c. . l. . was shattered . the first sqvadron . these tes●imonies i shall marshal into distinct squadron● , for o●der sake . the first sq●●●●on consists of divine authorities ; whereof our lord and saviour christ himselfe ( the (a) chi●fe shep●ea●d and bishop of ou● soules ) is the sup●eame gene●all , whose testimony of this nature we have upon record . matth. . ● . c. . ● . c. ● . ● . . ● . . ● . to . c. . . to . c. . . . ma●k . . . . c. . . to . ●● . . luke . . . ● . c. . ●. . ●. . ● . io●. . ● . c. ● . . c. . ● . ne●t to him we have his apostl● st. pete● : pet. . , , , . together with the apostle st. iohn , iohn . . ● iohn . i●hn . . the apostle st. iam●s iam. . . a●t● . . . to . pa●l the apostle . acts. . ●. ● . phil. , ● . timo. . . to . c. . . c. . ● . ●c●r . . ● . tit. . . to . co● . . . ● . to . ●phes . . . .●nd luke the ●●ang●list : act● ● . . c. . , to . c. ● . . . to which all other ●ore alle●ged ●exts in tim●t●y and titus may bee added . the second sqvadron . the second squadron is made up of fathers and councels ranked according to their severall antiquities , ann● christi ●● . we have ignatius the ma●tyr ( if the epistles be his and ●ightly unde●stood ) ●●istle , , , , , ● , , , . . 〈◊〉 apa● lusebiu● eccles. hist. l. . c. . po●●●●rp the mar●●● , epist. ad ph●lip . bibl. patrum . tom. p ●● . b. anno . pope anacle●us , apud 〈◊〉 decre● , pars . c. ● . & laurentium 〈◊〉 concil : tom. . p. . anno . iustin martyr . apologia anno . a●ollinarius apud eusebium eccles. hist. l. . c. . an. ● iren●us contra har●ses . l. . ● . ● . l. c. . . & apud eusobium , eccles. 〈◊〉 . l. . c. . l. . c. . . anno ●● . ●●men● al●xandrius : apud eus●bium 〈◊〉 . l. . c. . t●●●ullian apologia ad●●●s● gen●e● c. . anno . o●ig●n in mattha●● homily . ● & . in 〈◊〉 hom. ● . anno . di●nysius 〈◊〉 . a●ud ●us●●ium ●ccl●s . 〈◊〉 . l. 〈…〉 ambrose in ●phes . . tom. . p , in tim. , p , , adrius apud 〈◊〉 ●ontra 〈◊〉 l. . 〈◊〉 . ●● , p , ●● . ●● . pope damasus . the ●pis●le apud 〈◊〉 tom. p. , , anno ●● , sa●di●●nse concil●um can. ● . ● , ibid p , , ●nno ● , st. ierome epist. , , and●● , ad ●vagi●um . com , in ●hil . tit. , & tim. ● epist. . ad heliodorum c. . c●m in ●zek . l. c , , in soph. c. . c●m l. , in epist. ad galatas c , , com. l. , in ep●es , ● , , de , ordinabus ●cclesia , t●m . , p , , . anno . s● , ch●isostome● hom. . in philip . tom● . col. , ●om . , in tim. col. . ●om . . in tit. , col. : hom● , in o●ere imperfecto in matth. homil. , in ephes. & de sacerdotio l , ● . anno . st. augus●ine epist. . . ● . tom. . ● , ● , ●● , , , questiones ex utroque●ixtim , qu●st . . d●●aptism● contr donatum tom. . pa●s ● p , , de civ●●ate dei l. ● , c , ● , en●●●●tio in psal. , & adv●rsus har●s●s ; 〈◊〉 , a● , t●eodorer interpretatio in phil. ● , tim. . and t●t , . ● , tom. , p , ● , . ● , an , the . councell of c●rthage can. , to , an , pope leo the . epist docret : ● . c , . pri●as●u● in p●il . , . tim. . & tit. & apoc. , anno rem●giu● in p●il , , & tim. , an : . isidor p●l●siota epist. l , : epist. , l , , ep. an gregory first : pa●●o●alis cu●a lib pa●● , ● , epist. l , , epist. , moral●um l , ● , c , , , l , . c , l. ●● . c . & 〈◊〉 ●● in evang●l●a . ●● , isi●d●●●●palensis o●iginum l , , c , l , ● , ● , & de ecclesiasticis 〈◊〉 l , , c an. . the b councell o●●●ispalis can. , , an : , eli●s ●retensis coment : in nazianzen orationes fo●e repeated , an ● . the c counsell of a●en under lewes the podly , c ● , , , anno rh●ba●us m●uru● de universo l , ● , ●●matth . l , , c. , tom. , p , ●● , ●n ●pist . pa●●● l , . in phil. , , l , , in tim. , l , , in tit. , tom. , p , , , , , , , , de institu●●ons clericorur● l , ● , ● , , , , tom : , p. , , haymo halberstatensis , in phil. . ● , & tit. , an . ( ) the councell of toledo , can : , a●●la●i●s fortunatus d ecclesiastic●● ofsi●●s l , , c , , anno , pecumen●a in a●●a apost : , & , in phil : , tim: , & tit : , fol , , , , , anno , theophylact. com : in act : , ● , in phil : , , , tim: , & tit : , p , . , , , anno ● , conradus bruno , in phil : , , tim: , tit : , anno , barnard de consideratione ad eugenium l. , , epist. , serm● , . & . super ●anti●● de laudibu● maria , homil & concio in concilio rhemensi , & ad past●●●s s●r●● . the third sqvadron . the third squ●dron is constituted of forraigne cannonists , and popish schoolemen , w●iters and councels from the yeare of our lord till this present : as i●o carna●●nsis d● . ●al●lu●● pa. ● . c , ● , . , ●● . . . peter lombard sententiarum l , . distin● . . i. k. l , m● & comen●a●i●m phil. , , tit : . & , tim: gratian the g●ea● can●onist distinctio , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ● , , , , , , causa , qu. , causa , qu , , hugo ca●dinalis in phil : ● , , tit : , & : tim: , aquinas secund● secundae , qu : ● , ar : ●rg : . supplementum in tertiam p●rtem qu : , art durandus in l , , sentent : distinct : . qu : , , & rational divinorum l , , iohannis parisiensi● , de potestate regia & pap●li apud mo●●●um de ecclesia c , , & catalogum testium veritatis p , ) carthusi●● ca●etan and the author of the o●dina●y glosse in acts , & c , , , , phil : , , , tim: ● tit , , , , cardinalis arelatensi● apud aeneam sylvium de gestis concilij basiliensis l. , p , , , , alvarus pelagius de plainetu ecclesia ● , , art : . l , , art to , panormitam c , , de consuetudine , anselmus lucensis collectanea can : l. ● , c. & : g●egorius tholosamus , polycarp l , , tit : , & , iohn thiery glos●a in g●ationum distinct : , cap olim , with all other glosses and canonists on that text he●●i●us gorichen . in l , , sentent : distinct : ● astensis summa pars l , , tit : , artic : , angelus de claucisio summa angelica ordo , the e councell of lingon , anno , & of paris anno duarenus de sacr : eccle : injust l , , c , , onus eccl●sia c , , to , nicholas cusa●●● de conco●di● catholic● , l. , c. . alphonsus a c●st●o advers , 〈◊〉 sit ●piscopus , michael medina de sacro h●m o●ig , et continetia , 〈◊〉 ●spenca●● in tim. c , digressio●●m in tim , ● c : , , ● and in tit , ● , ● the rhemist ; ●nnot●tion ; on acts 〈◊〉 sect and in tim . phil , . , ●it . ●● , i●●obus fabor in , tim , ● & , ● & tit . sixtus sevensi , bibl 〈◊〉 , l ● , anno ● , azo●ius m●●●lium : p●r● , l , c , ●● buoniu● an●u●ll eccles , ●om . p , ●● iacobus de gr●ss●s d●s●●lionum au●●carum par● , l , c : , , ● , , ● , , l , , c. , , . . pet●●s b●●sseldin , ●uchy●idion , te●●●giae p●storalis p●●s , c , . with other pontis●●●ans though sundry else of them are the greatest s●icklers for ●●is●op●ll m●●●●ne of pu●pose to adv●nce the 〈◊〉 suprem●cy with the parity of bishops and p●esbiters iu●● d●●m● , ●sterly subverts and ruine●● i shall close up this squ●dr●n with the ●●e authorities of some semi●●● priests in en●land . as namely of ni●c●●las smi●h , in his modest and b●iefe discussion of certaine assertions which are taught by mr. doctor ●●l●ison in his treatise of the ●cclesiasticall 〈◊〉 . where thus he determines , * i judge is no rashnes to affirm that since england enjoyed a bis●●p● ( to wit a po●●s ●ishop● to confirme the papists , and controll the p●iests , namely rich●●d bis●op of ch●lced●● created the generall ●ishop and superintend●nt , both of england● and scotland , by pope vrbaus speciall bull , dated the th . of august , anno . the coppy whereof you shall ●ind printed , in censura proposition●m qua●undam &c. per sacram facultatem theolog●a parisi●nsis factae pa●isiis , , p , , , : that more damage hath happened to the catholikes in generall by reason of discord , and frequent losse of charity , then they have received benefit , by the sacrament of con●irmation onely conferred on some few . that all holy men have exceedingly e●deavoured to s●un such an high dig●ity . that a bishop is in a state which presupposeth but yet gives not perfection : which the state of religion , not onely presupposeth but giveth . that a vow not to receive a bishopricke is valid and sacred . that ●o desi●e a bishopricke even for that which i● best in it , to wit for the good of soules according to st : thom●s s●cunda s●●u●da , que . art , , seemes to be presumpti●n , and there are some who stick not to say ( and that commonly ) it is a mo●tall sinne . that these ●ropositions following are strange , idle , and absurd . that it is d● iure divin● , and that the law of god is , that every particular church ( as england is ) ought to have a bishop . that without a bishop england were not a particular church . that unlesse every particular church hath its bishop or bishops , the whole and vnive●sall church could not be ) as christ hath instituted it ) an hierarchie composed of divers particular churches . that without a bishop we cannot have con●irmation &c. all which principles ( saith hee ) are worse then the concultion it selfe and demonstrated by us ( to ●it in that treatise ) to have no foundation at all . thus this popish priest who proving that the church of england may well subsist without a popish bishop to sway and order it ; grants that it may doe the like without our protes●ant prelates , and that plainly resolves that it is not from any divine law or institution , that the church of england should have any bishop at all to govern it . daniell a iesu another priest , and a reader of divinity thus seconds him , in his apologie for the proceeding of the holy see apostolike , as to the government of the catholickes in england during the time of persecution * that it is most false and of dangerous consequence , that a particular church cannot be without a bishop : that gods law requires no more , but that there be som● bishops in the church to wit so many , that there bee no danger , that the whole order should suddainly be taken away by their deaths and so dispersed through the world , that all christians may bee sufficiently provided of learned and vertuous priests . if this be done the law of god is satisfied although there be no bishops in f●ance , spaine , or , england . give me there●o●e a mul●itude of christians how great soever who want not a bishop to ordaine priests , and i will boldly affirm that there is n● need that the governour of that society should be a bi●●op . yea let us suppose the ordina●ion o● priests and the ministry of the chu●ch , not to be necessary in the church , and presently it followes , that there is no need the universall church should bee governed by bishops who are superior to priests . that in the time of persecution it is neither good , nor convenient , nor any solace or comfort to the church to have a bishop . that tho●e who of bishops are made religious persons may be said in some sort to fly ●igher , and not at all to descend . that if the catholickes of england should yeeld to this motion ( name●y to receive the bishop of chalcedon as their p●oper pastor and bish●p they could by no meanes excuse themselves● from being worthy of that reprehension which the c●rinthians received from saint paul , namely , that they rashly , and indiscreetly , put themselves into subjection that they should bestow their temporall goods , so as they could exspect no reward from god , as exercising humility , obedience , pat●ence , for which no crowne of righteousnesse is prepared : yea that they may by their blind receiving o● him ( though by the popes owne bull and authority ) expose themselves to manifest perill by falling into mortall sinne &c. these positions of theirs were publikely taught and maintained by many other priests both in england , and ireland as appeares by the censure of the faculty of paris , and nicholas i● maistre his instauratio antiqui principatus episcoporum parisijs . written upon this occasion in answer of these treatises and some others . some of which propositions though they were censured as eronious , by the faculty of the divine● of paris . anno . through the power of the bishop of chalcedon , as striking at the popes supremacy and the bishops hierarchie , yet in all that censu●e , i finde not one passage of scripture produced to prove them contrary to the word of god , and therfore that censure of theirs not much to be regard●● . the fovrth sqvadron . the th squadron consists of forraigne protestant churches and writers , which i shall muster & ranke in order according to their antiquities as neare as i may . i shal begin with the vvaldenses taborites albigenses & au●●ites , ( whose opinions and resolutions touching these particulars are registred at large , by aeneas sylvias : histor , bohemiae c , , by renaerus contr : waldenses lib , c , . by refutatio : waldensuim , bibl. patrū . tom. , p. , by thomas waldenses● operum . tom. , l , , arti , c● , , , , tom , . de sacramento ordinis c. , , & tom , ; , c , , , , by alphonsus de castro adversus hereses , tit , episcopus , & de sacramento ordinis , by illiritus catalogus testium veritatis , p , , , , by mr. iohn fox acts and monnments p , , albertus pighius hierarch . eccles. l , , c , , gersomus bucerus de gubernatione ecclesiae p , ● , . marsilius patavimus , ( anno ) seconds them in his defensoris paris pars , c. , , , , , , and who ann● ) is backed by michall cezenas , henricus de iota , nicholaus orem , ioannes , de ianduno petrus de corbaria , ioannes de polaco , iohn of castele , ●rancis de archatara , and divers others of tha●age witnesse , extravagant , ioannis antoninus quarta pars , summe , catalogus , testium veritatis p , , , , , fox acts , and monuments , p , , . with others aetates ecelesiae written about that time , c. registred in catalogo testium veritatis p , , ● & laurentius valla , the restorer of the elegance of the latine tongue , succeed next in order . annotationes in act. c. , & c , , in tim: , & tit. , ioh● hus , and hierome of prague , two learned godly martyrs , tread in their footsteps witnes aeneas sylvius histor● bohem c , , fox acts and monuments , p ● , , & gerson bucerus de gubernati●n● ecclesiae p. , , after these successively ensued ioannis lu●atwitz in confessione ●a●oratrum contr. roke●zanum c , , apud lidij walde● . siam p , , erasmus of rot●●rdam , annota● , & pa●●pht . in act ● , in tim: , & , phil. , tit , , ●et . , scholia in ●pist : ●ieronym : 〈…〉 , & adversus a●●●ert●m 〈◊〉 : martin luther , in ●salm . , ●● , & , in epist. ad gal●●es 〈…〉 , art● , the synod of ●e●icon , artic : ● the synod of modis●a●ia . ar●●c : , , , & g●rs●m buc●r●●d 〈◊〉 : e●●●●siae , p , , , , ●● , ● , , ● , . , . ● , , c●ristian the , king of denmarke , anno ● and the whole state of denma●●e together with ●gus● 〈◊〉 cricus ●ing of sweden , about the same ●ime who s●ppressed , banished , and hanged , up the lordly bishops , of their re●lms , a● false traitors , and rebels contrary to chists ins●itution , and having no foundation in the word of god . cl●●trae●s cl●r●n : saxon l , . p. . l● , p , . ●● . l● . p , , , , , , , l , , p , , , , , , , l , , p. , , l , , p , , l , , p , , , l , , p● , . philip melan●●hon , a●gam & respons● pezel pa●● ●com● in cor : , et dis●utatio d● politia ecclesias●ica & d● coni●g●o sacerdotum oecolampa●ius in rom : , ●ald●i●us ●●●nglius in amica s●a parenaesi a● commun●m helve●iorum ●mitatem operum . tom. . p , , , in p●●l . . , tom. , p● . opus articulor●m artic. ● : francis lambert , his summa ch●i●●iani●atis . anno . pr●sat mr. balli●ger in act. , v , , & decad. . ser : , , brentius apol. 〈◊〉 wettemb : c , . pellican●s in mat. c. , & , in act : , & . mustulus loc●rum com. locut de ministris verbi d●i . p. . , . mr. iohn calvin instij● l , , c , , sect. , c , , sect , , in phil , , , , tim. , , ti●● , . , antidotum concilij tridentin● ses. de conformation● martin b●cer , de vt & usu ministerij , & in ma●th . , araetius problem : lo●us de o●si●ijs eccles. ●● pi●l , , , in tim● , & ● & tit. , , . mr. ralph g●●l●her , on acts. . verse ● . phil. , , , tim. . tit , . . . m●rtin chem●●tius examen ●on●ilij trid●●t pars . , de sac●amento 〈◊〉 , , : innocentius gentiletus , exam●●●on●ilij trid●nt : ibid ioa●nis ma●o● , kin●sius & ma●lorat on phil. , , , tim. ● , ti● . , , , acts , . pet , , , , 〈…〉 , ● , , & in 〈…〉 ; c , , 〈…〉 , ● , , & co●●● , c● , 〈…〉 & lig● in p●aecept : defide c , , s●ct . , & in p●●l . , , ●yperius in tit , , , & d● m●th●do t●●ologi● l , , matthi●s ill●rieus clavis s●ripturae . tit presbiter , catalogus testi●m ve●ita●●s p , , , , , , , , , , , , &c. 〈…〉 & basilius faber , centur : eccles : magd● , l , , c , , col , , , , , cent. . c , ● , col , , , centu● , c. , de haresibus , &c , , peter martyr loca●●m com● tom , . glass , , ●ocus : tom , , d● eucharistia locu● . obiect , , virellas religioni● christi co●pendium l , , c , , ●os●annus in tit , , . , heming●us , and iohn may●● , in phil , , , , tim: , tit. , , . antonis sad●el ad repetita tarriani responsio p , , , , de legitim● voca●ione pas●oram p , , to , ad repeti●● tu●riani locus , , p , , to , pezelius . a●gum & respons . pars , de ordin ministr. . in argument cos●●r ●levian in pi●l : , , & theodoret beza de dibes●●s ministrorum grad●●as cont●a sarabiam & annotat. in phil : , , & tit : . , , viret●s de minis●●is verbi dei , & sacram : l , , c , , & de adulterinis sa●ram stephanus ezegedim●s locorum com de ministr : sab , p. : lavather in ezech com , george so●i●●● methodo theologia , p●scator theses theologi● locus : thes : , in act : , , p●il , . , tim. . & : tit. . , iunius controa●ares lib. . c , . n . ● , c , . n. . . contr. . l. . c. . n ●contr●● . l . c. . n. . morney lord of p●essa tractatus de ecclesia c holan●● syntagin● theologiae l. , ● . , bucanus loc. . . theodorus biblainder in chromagr . arinis scult●tus paraus , selneccorus , tossian●● an●onius fayus , io●nnis m●d●●lne●●s eilhard●s lubmus , george vveinrichus , ●●d●ous willichus , cosma● megalianus th●m●s ven●torius fredericus baldwenus , & g●o●ge de●vadius on phil. , . . tim. . & , , tit. . . . de o●ficio & jus●i● mi●istorum . & speculum s●●●rdot● carolus m●linaeus comment in edict●●● . , cont● pa●nas datus & abus●● papa●●m p. , to ● petrus molmeus de vo●a●ion● mini●tror●m l , , c , , l , , c , , , , l , , c. , , , daniell chamierus pa●stratiae , catholica . tom , de o●●um : pon●if l , , c , , l , , c , , , gersom bucerus de gubernatione e●clesiae● m●●●l● , , ( in answer to bishop downhams sermon , ●nd his defence thereof , never yet replied to , the best and learnedest treatise ext●nt of this subject ) with infinite others (m) doctor reynolds ( the greatest bookeman of his age or since ) confessing that all learned men in forraigne nations● that he had read , and m●ny more ( no doubt ) which he had not re●d , treating of this subject did all co●sent in this particular of the parity of bishops and presbyters , by gods law , and divine institution to these i might add many s●ottish writers a● mr. iohn knox in the troubles of frank●ord in his history of the church of scotland & in his godly letter to the faithfull mr. robert ro●●● : comment in ephes : , the whol● synod of f●●se an , & patricke ad●mso●arch-bishop of st an●rewes his polinody therein●andrew m●lium , in his m●s● , patricij : adamsoni palniodia , & cels● commis●ionis a●●omia , printed anno . altare damascenum . a protestation . and tre●tise from scotl●●d printed . vvilliam cooper bishop of gall●●a● in his sermon before the states anno . the review of the synod of perth , with sundry others concurring in the selfe same jud●ment with all eage●nesse that may be . the fifth sqvadron . the . squadron is compacted and made up of our owne domesticke writers , martyrs , authors , aswell ancient as modern , which i shall here digest i●to a chronologicall order . anno , we have sedulius scotus in tim , , & tit● , bibl. patr. tom. , pars , p , . b. . g● h. an. ● gilda● in his acris co●●eptio cleri angli● : venerable ●eda in acta apost ● , , tom : , col : , anno , alcuminus de divinis officijs c , : . col , , ● , epistola , ad sparatu●● comment in ioan l , ● cap : , col. , , , anno : anselme arch-bishop of canterbury (n) stiled the pope of the other world by pope vrb●n himselfe ) comme●t in ephes. , tom : , p , , in phil : , in tim. . . & titus ibid p. , , anno iohn saresbury com . in phil. . tit● ● & . , tim. ● . & de nuges curialium l , , c , , & , anno , petrus blesensis de i●stitutione episcop , tractatus & epistola , , , , , anno , alexander alensis summa theologia pars . qu. , n. , . artic. . & in tim. . & tit. , an : . richadus de media villa . in l , . sent : distinct . . anno . william occham in catalogo testium veritaris p , , , . & foxe , acts , and monuments , p , . , . nicholas lyra , in act : : phil. , . tim. ● , tit. , & . pet : , anno , richard fitz-ralph arch-bishop of ardmagh , and primate of all england , responsio ad quest . armenorum l : ● , c. , to . & apud thomam waldensem tom. . c. . , , . & catalogum testium veritatis p , s. robert holcot in l , sapienti● sect. & . an. . our famous english apostle iohn wickliff dialogorum l , , c. . , , . , apud thomam waldensem tom , , l , , artic . , c● , , , . tom. de sa●cramento ordinis c , , . tom. , c , , , , . thomam walsinghamum : hist. angliae p. ● , , & fox acts and monuments , p , geofry chancer the p●oughmans tale patt , , pierce plowman passus , anno william swinderbg martyr . fox acts , and monuments , p , . , . see the epistle of lucifer to the prelates &c , written about that age ( thought to bee his ) anno , walter brute martyr , ibid p. . anno● . sir iohn old-castle , the lord c●bham martyr . fox ibid p , , , , all the disciples of wicklif●e in that age , walsingham hist. anglia p , . & antiqu , ecclesia , brit , p , , anno , alexander fabritius destructorium viviarum pars , c , b , , . c , c. , b. c. i , c. . d , pars , c , , e , i , l , c , : a pars . c , , l. pars , . , iohn de b●rgo , pupilla oculi pars , , c. ● , c , d , william lyndewood provinc . constit , l , , tit. de vita & honestate clerìcorum f , , cap , ordinis , iohn de aton constit. othonis de officio archiepisc. f. . c , archiepiscopum reginald peacocke bishop of chichester , anno . de aequalitate ministrorum lib. apud balaum cent , , scriptorum brit , c , ● . anno , iohn lambert martyr , fox , acts , and monuments p , , , cuthbert tonstall bishop of duresme , and iohn stokes by bishop of london , in their epistle to cardinall poole , fox p. , ● . & in thomas b●con his reports of certain men vol , , fol. , vvilliam tyndall martyr . obedience of a christian man in his workes p , , . , , . the practise of popish prelates p. . . . & in fox p. . anno . thomas arch-bishop of canterbury , edward arch-bishop of yorke , iohn bishop o● london , cut●bert bishop of durham , stephen bishop of winchester , robert bishop of carlile , iohn bishop of exeter , iohn bishop of lincolne , iohn bishop of bath , rowland bishop of coven●●y and lichfield , thomas bishop of ely , nichola● bishop of salisbury●iohn bishop of bangor , edward bishop of hereford●hugh bishop of worcester , iohn bishop of ro●hester , richard bishop of chichester , vvilliam bishop of norwich , robert bishop of assaph . robert bishop of landaffe , richard vvolman arch-deacon of sudbury , vvilliam knight arch-deacon of richmond , iohn bells arch-deacon of glocester , edward bonner arch-deacon of leicester , vvilliam skippe arch-deacon of dorcet , nicholas heath arch-deacon of stafford , cuthb●rt marshall arch-deacon of vottingham richard corren arch-deacon of oxford , vvilliam cliffe , geoffry dowes , robert oking , ralph bradford , richard smith● symon matthew , iohn pryn , vvilliam buokmaster , vvilliam may , nicho●as vvottin , richard cox , iohn edmunds , thomas robertson , iohn baker , thomas barrett , iohn hase , iohn tyson doctors , and professors of divinity and of the civill and canon law , with the whole convocation house and clergie of england in their booke intituled the institution of a christian man dedicated by them to king henry . printed cum privilegio subscribed with all their names , and ratefied by the statute of h , , c. . chap , of the sacrament of order fol. . &c , an excellent place anno . robert barnes doctor of divinity , and martyr in his workes , p. . anno . vvilliam vvragh●on in his h●nting and finding out of the romish fox among the bishops in england , dedicated to king henry the . and his rescue of the romish fox a booke intituled the image as well of a true christian bishop as of a counterfeit and anti-christian bishop , printed about the same time , rode●icke mors his supplication or complaint to the ●arleament of england , c. . . a supplication to king hen●y the . by a namelesse author , against bishops their jurisdiction , pride , lordlinesse , and wealth , henry stalbridge his exhortatory epistle to his most deare country of england , against the pompous bishops of the same , as yet the true members of the great antichrist of rome , their most filthy father lincolne ridley , his exposition on ihil . . iohn frith a pious learned martyr , his answer to sir thomas moore , p. . nayler his answer to the epistle of the great turke , printed anno . iohn bale afterward bishop of osgris , in ireland , his image of both churches , on apoc. c , , f , , , f , . . c. . f. , , . c. , f. . c , , f , . c. . f , . king henry the himselfe in his book inscribed● a necessary erudition for any christian man published with the advise and approbation of all the prelates , clergy of england in their convocation and of the lords spirituall and temporall ; and nether house of parliament with the kings own royall epistle to all his loving subjects before it anno . by vertue of the statute of h. . c. . chap. of the sacrament of order anno . the book of ordination of ministers and bishops confi●med by act of parliament ed. . c. . . & . ed. c. . & . elizab . c. . ( which prescribed the tim. . & tit. . to be read at the ordination of ministers , and consecration of bishops , and limits the selfe same forme of ordination , with the power of impesi●ion of hands both to ministers and bishop● ) anno . iohn hooper bishop of glocester , a martyr expition upon the . commandements , and in psalm ● p. . hugh la●ymer once bishop of vvorces●er , a martyr in his fourt● sermon of the plough , and in his . . . and . sermons before king edward the . anno ●● . i●hn pove● bishop of vvinchester , in his apologie against thomas martyr● c , . . f. . . . . doctor harpesfield arch-deacon of london , and iohn bradford martyr , fox acts , and monuments , p , , anno , thomas bomb●edge martyr , fox ibid p , . iohn elmer ( after bishop of london , ) in his harborow for faithfull subjects , master bullingham , ( after bishop of lincolne . ) in his letter to master bull det . ● . master thomas becon , in his cat●chisme , in his workes dedicated to all , the bishops of england by name approved , applauded by them , and printed cum privilegio london . vol. . . the doctrine of christ and anti-christ . vol. , f , , . sect. . , iames pilkington bishop of durham , exposition on agge c , . verse , , . , . . . c. . v. , , . . . . . on obidias v. . . and in his treatise of bu●ning paules church . incomparable iohn iuell bishop of salisbury , defence of the apologie of the church of england , edit , . . part , cap : , divis : . c : : divis , , cap , , divis : , cap : , divis , , cap , . divis : , p . , . : , &c , vvilliam alley bishop of exeter , in his poore-mans library , part , miscellanea pr●lect , . f. , . printed cum privilegio edit. . . alexander nowell deane of paules , his reproofe of do●mans proofe london . cum privilegio f. . . . doctor lawrence humfryes regiu● professor of divinitie in the vniversity of oxford , puritano papismi confu●atio : ad rat . . p. . iohn ke●ridge his sermon on ●im . : , , , london , iohn vvhitgi●t arch-bishop of canterbury against cart-wright , p , , master cart-wright in his second replie against whit-gist , anno . ● tract , . , of arch-bishops , and bishops p , , to . confvtation of the remish testament on acts. . sect. , ●hil . , sect. , . tim. . sect. . tit. , sect. , doctor vvilliam fulk against brislow motive against gregory martin , london , , p , . confutation of the rhemi●● testament , on tit. , sect , phil. , sect . master iohn foxe in his acts and monuments , ( prescribed to be had in every arch-bishop , bishops , archdeacons , deanes , and prebend residentiaries house & in every cathedrall and collegiate church by the canon● made in the synod of london , anno ) edit , p , , , . , , , , , , , : , , , , , , , both in the text and marginall notes . doctor vvilliam vvhittaker regius professor of divinity in the vniversity of camb●id●● : contra duraum l , , sect : , responsio ad , rationes camp●ani rat : . p , , , contr , , q● . . c , , contr , , qu , , c , , master p●ilip stu●t , his display of corruptions neare the end . the ●ee hive of the romish church oft printed and lately reprinted anno . passing on● most learned doctor iohn rayn●lds in his conference with hart anno , london c , , divis : . p , , . . c , , divis : , p , , , c , . divis : p , . divis : , p , , c. . divis p , ● , divis : , p , , , and his letter to sir francis knolles , in refutation of doctor bancrof●s sermon at pauls-crosse . feb. , dated s●pt . . doctor a●dr●●willes synopsis papisini , the generall controversie . qu : , doctor thomas bilson , after bishop of vvinchester in his true difference betweene christian subjection and unchristian rebellion oxon ● , p , , . iohn bridges bishop of oxford , his defence of the princes supremacy p. . the petition to queen elizabeth , p , , : discursus de gubernatione ecclesiastica . anno : thoma● vvhete●sall , his discourse of the corruptions now in question : london doctor richa●d field , of the church . l. , c , , master richard hooker , his ecclesiasticall polity ●● , sect , . ● , tho : wilson his christian dictionary , title bishop , doctor henry airay sermon . on phil , , , doctor thomas tailor in his commentary upon titus v : , : p , , , mr: robert parker de politia ecclesiastica christi & hiorarchia , apposita , a learned discourse paul bayne his answer to bishop down●ham his consecration sermon , doctor william ames , in his bellarminus enervatus . printed by license at oxford anno . tom , , l , , c , , ●iamss peregrin his letters patents of the presbitery anno . doctor iohn bastwicke his flagollum pontificis & episcoporum la●ialum & his apologeticus with above , anonymous t●eatises that i have seene ; all these unamiously testifie ; that bishops and presbiters by gods law and divine institution are all one equall and the same ; that the superiority of bishops over other ministers is only of humane and canonicall institution long afte● the apostles most of them cōdemning it as anti-christian , unlawfull . diabolical , pernicious , to religion , & the church of god , & the cause of all the tyranny , schismes , corruptions , disorders , errors , abuses that now infest the church or hinder the power , the purity of religion and progresse of the gospell . to these i might accumulate the statute of , h. c , , , , , h , . c , , , h● , c , , , h. , c , . , , h , c , , , ed. , c , , & : phil & marie c , , eliz c. , , eliz. c , , , eliz. c. . the patents of h , , pars . to enable bishops to consecrate churches , chappels , and church-yards with the kings license first obtained of h. pars . to robert holga●e arch-bishop of yorke , to enable and authorize him to keep a metropolicall visitation , the patents for the creation of the bisho●rick● of oxford , glocester , bristol , peter●●roug● , and vvestminster , an. , & , h , ● , the patents of miles goverdake , bishop of exeter , iohn povet once bishop of vvinchester , and iohn story bishop of rochester , , e. , pars prima , and of all the other bishops made in his raigne , by vertue of the statute , of e. , c , . wiih all the high-commission patents grounded on eliz , c. . all which expresly resolves , that all manner of ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , wherby bishops are extinguished from , and elivated above ordinary ministers , is wholy vested in , and for ever , inseperably united and annexed to the imperiall crowne of this realme : that our arch-bishops , bishops , arch-deacons● and other ●cclesi●sticall persons have no manner of jurisdiction ecclesiasticall , but only by , under , and from the kings majesty , that they ought to have the jurisdiction delegated and devided to thē by speciall letters patents and commissions under the kings great seale to execute the same , not in their owne names and right , but only nomin● vice , authoritate nostris regijs ( as king edwards , patents run ) in the kings owne name right and authority , as his officers and subs●itutes , making out all their proces , citations , excommunications , commissions o● administration , probate of wills , and writs of iur● patron●●us &c : in the kings name only , and under his seale of armes , not their owne under paine of imprisonment and a premunire ; for the neglect and wilfull contempt whereof all our bishops and their officers have encurred severall premunires to the forfiture of all their temporalities , goods , estates , and liberties to his majesty , who may much enrich his exchequer thereby . all which acts and patents judicially condemne and overturn our bishops pretended superiority , over their fellow brethren by a divine right , the very claime whereof alone makes them all liable to a premunire and meer perjur'd persons both to god and the king , beeing directly contrary to the very oath of supremacy , prescribed by eliz , c , , which every bishop oft times takes , and every graduate and clergie man whatsoever who must either abjure this pretended ius divinum with which they would support the hierarchie , or prove : perjur'd disloyall subjects to their soveraigne . having thus presented you with this large catalogue of authorities proving the parity ●quality , and identity of bishops , and presbiters by divine right and institution . i shall now challenge all our great swelling ●relates , and their s●attere●s joyntly and severally ( ●s●ecially the two arch-bishops who have made so many throsonicall bragg●s of the proofe of their divine title in open court befo●e thousands of people ) to produce a contrary catalogue of auth●rities of thes● severall kinds eviden●ing thei● divine pretended right , supe●io●ity and jurisdiction over other minis●e●s , ●f they are able to do it and to give a satisfactory , answer to this treatise , i shall su●s●ib● to their opinion , and recant what i have written . but if they cannot performe ●t , ( as i am certaine they are altogether unable ) then let them retract their former vaine glorious vaunts● and abjure their pretended ius divinum by subscribing to that truth , ( which they are unable to contradict ) and laying downe their bishoprickes at ( least their rochests● ) as they have oft-times solemnly protested they would doe . if they can or will doe neither , they must give all the world leave to passe this censure on them . that they have neither that learning truth or honesty in them as hitherto they would make the world beleeve they had● and that they may have no starting hole to evade : i shall in as few words as may be , answer what ever they can object for themselves out of any undoubted a●tiquity which is but this● that acce●s was bran●ed for an hereticke by epipha●i●s and augu●tine , for affirming bishops and presbiters to bee equall one to the other : by divine insti●ution : this is all that either the (o) papists or (p) our prelates do or can alleage for their hierarchie out of the fathers or antiquity ; and this in truth is a good as nothing . for first this opinion of aerius was never condemned as hereticall , by any counsell or father whatsoever , but only by epiphanius , who alone is unsufficient to brand or make any man an hereticke . saint augustine indeed ( if the booke be his cites this opinion of his , out of epiphanius in his book de haeresibus , c , , yet he brands it not as an heresie , but stiles it proprium dogma in expresse termes to wit , his proper assertion ( and his owne too ) taxing him only of heresie for●siding with the arrians in their branded heresie , (q) isiodor hispalensis & gratian reciting the heresie of arrius makes no mention a all either of this as an heresie or error in him , passing it over in silence and expresly averr●ing it thēselves as a truth . wherefore no ancient counsell or author whatsoever but epiphanius branding it either for an heresie or error . i see not well how it should be so esteemed . secondly , this hath been the constant received doctrine both of christ and his apostles , of all the fathers and learned orthodoxe writers , in all ages as the precedent catalogue witnesseth , therefore no heresie or error , as epiphanius and some few of late ( out of him alone ) have rashly deemed it . thirdly , it cannot properly be called an heresie , because the superiority of bishops over other ministers , by a d●vine institution , as no fundamentall point of faith , neither hath it any foundation at all in scripture , as i have elsewhere manifested . therefo●e it is most absurd to call it an heresie . fourthly , epipha●ius there condemnes aerius as much for reprehending and censuring prayer for the dead , as for affirming bishops and presbiters to bee equall . but this our prelates must confesse ( unlesse they renounce this doctrine of our church ) was no error or heresie in aerius but rather in epiphanius , why not therefore the other . fifthly , epiphanius himselfe doth not conde●ne a●rius his opinion in this particular for an hereticko but onely as a fond opinion ( as his words ) e● quod tota res stu●titiae plena est apud prudentes manifestum est . sixthly , st. hierom● nazia●zen , basill sedulius ambrose , chrisostome , and augustine taught the same doctrine that aerius did , at or about the same time , but they were never taxed of heresie or error for it either then or since : why then should a●rius only be blamed who argues just as hierome doth , producing the same sc●ipture to prove his assertion as hierom● hath done in his epistle to evagrius & on tit. . seventhly , epiphanius his refutations of aerius his arguments and opinion is very ridiculous , false , and absurd . for first he saith , that presbiters then had not the power of ordination , neither did they use to lay on hands , in the election and ordination of ministers , which is a meere falshood , as hierom in soph. c. ● . with the ●th . counsell of carthage , witnes , and i have elsewhere manifested at large . secondly , he saith that presbiters had no voice in the election of bishops and ministers , which is (s) contrary to all antiquities , extant , and a most palpable untruth . thirdly , he saith that there were then more bishops then presbiters and men sufficient & worthy enough to be made bishops but no● presbyters , and therfore the apostle writing to the philippians and others makes mention only of bishops , not of presbyters , because they had then bishops but not presbyters . a miserable ridiculous , answer , which subverts that he contends for , and constitutes bishops without any ministers under their command or jurisdiction● whence it will necessarily follow . that seeing the apostles instituted bishops without ministers under them , a●d more bishops then presbiters , there ought now to bee no presbiters subject to bishops , but bishops to be pl●ced in every church● without any ministers under ●hem , but deacons only and more bi●hops then ministers , which i presume the lordly prelates will not grant , for this would over-turne not only their lordships , but their ●ioces●e and episcopalities fourthly , he saith that the apo●●les first constituted bishops onely in the church , with●ut elders and then they afterwards elected elders as they f●und them worthy , which is contrary to st● t ierome and ●ll antiquity averring that elders were first ordained in euery church , 〈◊〉 ● , tit. , , and that they afterward elected a bishop out of themselves . fifthly , he saith that the apostles used to write to the bishops of one church in the plurall number , when there was but one bishop there , which is very improb●ble yea contrary of all other expositors , on ●hil . ● . . tit. , , , act. , , ● . sixthly , he peremptorily determines timothy to be a bishop which i have elsewhere proved false , and f●om this false ground would prove bishops and presbiters distinct . seventhly , he interprets an elder in the tim. . , to be a presbiter which most fathers else expound only to be an ancient man . eightly , he would prove timothy a bishop and bishops to be superior too , and distinct from presbiters , because paul exhorts him not to rebuke an elder , but to exhort him as a father , and not to receive an accusation against an elder , but under two or three witnesses , which are grosse inconsequence ( as i have else where manifested ) so that epiphanius whilst he goes about to prove aerius his assertion still of folly steps into many errors , follies , and absurdities himselfe , as bellarmine is inforced to confesse , though desirous to make the best of it . in a word then as all the forecited authors in generall , ●o in speciall , chemnitius examen concilij tridentini part . de ordinis ●acramento , danaus in augustium de haresibus c. , theodorus bibliander , in chronagr . bucanus l●corum com . c , , magdeburgenses cent . ● , c. . de haresibus beza de diversis ministorum gradibus c , . bersomus bucerus de gubernation● ecclesia p , ●● , to ● . bishop io●●ll defence of the apologie part , c. . divis , . p : . doctor humphry conf●tat puritan● , papismi ad rat . , p , . . doctor vv●itake● c●ntr . duraum l , . sect , ●● ad ratio campiani resp. contr. lib. ● . qu. . c. . doctor fulke , and mr. cartwright confutation of the remish testament phil. . . bishop bridges in his defence of the princes supremacy , p. . doctor vvill●t synopsis papismi contr. . qu. . part . dr. reynolds in his letter to sir francis knolls and to michael medina a papist●de sacr. hom orig. l. ● c. . & doctor armes in his bellarminnus enarvatus tom. . l c , . ( to omit others ) do all joyntly acquit a●●ius both ●rō the guilt of heresie or error , in thi● very point , and taxe epiphanius for censuring him without the judgement of a synod or of the church , condemning his answers to aerius his reasons as notoriously absurd & impertinent yea as foolish & childis● worthy to be hissed and derided i shall therfore conclude as doth our learned w whittaker , in this case ; verily if to condemne prayers for the dead and to equ●ll presbiters● with bishops be hereticall . nihil catholicum esse potest , nothing can be catholicke , so farre as it from being either an heresie or error as o●r absurd prelates and their sycophants pretend . if they object the authority of x ignatius that he advanceth bishops above presbyters commanding them to obey the bishops as the apostles obeyed christ , and willing the people to be subject to their bishops as to god and christ , and to their elders as to christs apostl●s : therfore in his daies bishops were superior to presbiters . to this i answer , that these epistles of ignatius are false and spurious as many y of our learned men have proved at large , therefore of no authority . secondly , it is cleer by acts . ●phil . . . tit. , , . that in ignatius his daies bishops & presbiters were all one both in title , office , and jurisdiction : that there were many bishops in every chiefe city and church , not any sole ●ishop paramount the presbiters , over one or many churches : and that dioc●san bishops were instituted long after the apostles and therefore after ignatius his dayes ( who lived in the apostles age ) as all authors forecited accord and the whole clergie of england , in their institution of a christian man dedicated to king henry the resolue in direct termes , these epistles therefore of ignatius which spe●k of one bishop in a ●hurch , distinct ●rom and superior to presbyters must needs be ●orged . thi●dly , ignatius in these epistles makes bishops successors to christ and to s●and in his stead , and presbyters to succeed the apostles , whereas all others ma●es them successors to the apostles only , not to christ , who z le●t no successor or vicar generall behind him , b●t a remains himselfe for ever the high-priest , chiefe shepheard and bishop of our s●ules , and hath promised b to ●e with us alwaies even to the end of the world : this therefore ma●es his authority but suspici●us and co●te●ptible . fourthly , ignatius hath not o●e word in him that bishops are superior to ●●e●biters ●y any divine l●w or i●stitution● ( the thing in question ) therefore his authority ( if ge●uine ) proves nothing for the oposites . fifthly , igna●ius equals bishops and presbyters both in jurisdiction , rule , and authority , for ●pist . ● . ad ●ral●●anus he writes thus : ●ut be ye subject to the presbyters as to the apostles of christ : for the presbyters are a certaine conjoyned sessions and ●ssembly of apostles epist. . ad magnesianes ●rebyteri president ●oco sinatus apostolis the ●resbyters rule in the place of the senate of the apostles . epist. . ad symenses . do ye al ●ollow the colledge of the presbiters as apostles : now if presbyters succeed the apostles in the government o● the church , & al are to be subject to them , to follow them as christs apostles , then certainely ●hey are equall at least to bishops , who at the highest are by gods institution only to be obeyed and followed but as christs apostles not to be pre●erred before them , if equalized with them , as the proudest prelate of them must acknowledge and and the c fathers witnesse . sixthly , d ignatius confesseth that the churches in those dayes were not ruled by the bishops as they are now but by the colledge senate and synod of the elders , & communi praesbyt●oum concilio as hierome e and all other after him affirme the presbiters therefore had then equall and joynt authority with the bishops even in point of iurisdiction & governments and did r●le and govern , the church in common with them , therefore the bishops were not then lords paramount , as now they ma●e themselves , but equall and one with them , yea their colleagues & companions as ignatius and the g ●our●h counsel o● ca●●h●ge stile thē . seventhly , his words h that they sh●uld ●e s●bject to the bishop as to god and christ , if rightly understood ma●e nothing for the prelates hiera●chie●●or saint paul ephes. , . , . co●mands servants to be obedient unto them that are their masters according to the flesh , with ●eare and ●●embling in singlenes●e of heart as unto christ , not with eye-service as ●en pleasers but as the servants of christ , doing the will of god from his heart , with good will , doing service unto the lord , and not to men , &c. is therefore every master a bishop , equall unto christ , and superior in inrisdiction and degree to presbyters no , so polycarpus in his epistle to the ●hilippians chargeth them i to be subiect to their elders as unto god and christ using the same words of elders as ignatius doth of bishops . are pre●byters therefore paramount bishops , and succes●o●s to christ himselfe ? i trow not ignatius his meaning therefore is not , that bishops are as high above presbyters and the people as god and christ are above the apostles ( as some k ambitious prelates fansie ) but only that we must obey bishops in all things that they command and prescribe us out of gods word , as farre ●orth as we would obey god or christ himselfe , for he that heareth them , heareth christ himselfe , and hee that despiseth them , despiseth god and ch●ist himselfe . luke . . thes. ● . in this manner likewise are we to be subject to every minister whatsoever●heb . . . . thes. . . this therefore proves nothing for the prelates superiority over other bishops , especially since this igna●●us himselfe epist. chargeth the trallians to reverence de●cons ( in●e●●or to ●resbyters ) as christ himselfe , whose vicars they are . as for those extravagail expressions of ignatius l episcopus typum dei patris ●mnium ge●ut , quid enim aliud est episcopus quam is qui ●mni ●●incipatu & protestate superior est & quod homini licet pro viribus imitator christi dei factus , ( and the m like ) on n which same ground both the popes and prelates monarchie , they are so ridi●ulous , ●alse , ambitious , and hyperbolical , as favor neither of ignatius or any christian , but rather of a meere papall and anti-christian spirit● discovering these epistles to be none of his , and those ●rela●ts who ass●me these speeches to themselues to be o none of christs mat. . . all which considered● this forged a●tiquity will stand thē in no stead at all , to prove them superior or distinct from presbyters by any diuine institution , and other antiquity , making for them i find not extant . that presbyters and bishops by gods law and ordination are both one and the same & of equall authority and jurisdiction as all these authorities resolve , i shall undeniable manifest by this one argument . presqyters by the expresse resolution of the scripture have the very name , and not so onely but the very office of bishops act. . , . p●●l . , , . tim. . ● to . tit. , . to ● . the same mission , and commission , the same function , charge , ordination , and quallification . matth. . . . tim. , . to . c. . . c. . tim. . , , , pet. , , , . tit. , . to . neither doth the scripture in any place make any differēce distinction , or superiority between them , or attribute any power to the one , that it doth not to the other , ●s the premises evidence , and matth. . , , . mar. , , : luk. . . . therefore by gods law and institution they are one and the same , and of equall authority power and jurisdiction in all things . as for that distinction in power , precedency , and jurisdiction , whi●● hath since been made between them it hath proceeded , partly from canons and constitutions made by bishops themselves , p partly by meer usurpation , and encrochment , but principally from the grant and largenesse of christian princes , who as they erected bishoprickes and diocesse and multiplyed them or divided them as they saw occasion , so they limitted q and granted them all that episcopall power , and jurisdiction whereby they were distinguished from , or advanced above ordinary ministers , as appeares by the originall charters of the foundations and erections of our own english bishop-rickes , the forecited statutes , and by our owne and forraigne histories , now that jurisdiction and superlority thus acquired , is but meere and humane not divine . againe bishop-ricks are meer h●mane institutions directly contrary to the holy ghost , who ordained many bishops in every church and city , not one bishop over many ( which he can never well instruct , rule , and oversee ) acts . . , tim. . . p●il . , , tit. ● , . pet. , , , . now that episcopal jurisdiction which distinguishet● bishops ●rom presbyters . was r created with and annexed to their bish●pricks , yea it is delegated bot● by the ●ing to lay commi●●ione●s and visitors , and by bishops themselves to officials commi●●a●ies and meere lay men . h. . c. . . h. , c , , . h. , c , . ● , , c. . eliz , c , . therefore it is meerely humane , and belongs not to bishops by any divine right , neither is it peculiar unto them alone , moreover bishoprickes with all episcopall ju●isdiction ; incident to them have been s usually granted here●o●ore by our kings of england to their chancellours , trea●u●ers , secretaries , kinsmen , and temporall o●hcers , being meere lay-men , as an advancement and augmentation onely of their temporall revenues , and civill temporall things . and in germany at this day they are given to dukes , earles , and nobles , yea to children and in●ants only as a temporall dig●ity and revenue . there●o●e they are ●nly temp●rall ●ffices and revenues , and meere hu●ane in●titutions which may well be spare● in the church , not divine o● gods and christs institution , moreover most of the t re●ormed ●●otes●ant churches be●ond the 〈…〉 the re●●●ma●●n 〈…〉 bishopricks and dioce●an bishops as anti-christian , and humane in●●●tutions pernicious to the church of christ , and to the power pu●ity , and progres●e of the gospell , making bi●●ops proud , lordly , idle , luxu●ious , covetous , tyrannicall , symoni●call , seditious , sch●smatica● , ●pp●essive , vindictive , prophane , impious , lascivious unchas● , per●ideous , rebellious & ●recherous to their soveraigns , therefore certainly they are no divine insti●ution , use●ull or necessary for gods church , and people , o● which they have been the bane and ruine in all ages as our acts and monuments of martyrs testifie , they being the authors of all perse●●tions in our church , and of al our martyrs buchery & blood● shed . and in truth our kings in all former ages have ●eeme● bishops not al●oge●her so usefull or necessary in our church , as some now make them , which may appeare by the long vacancies , o●●●ve●s bishoprickes in sundry ages , of which i shall give you a ●ho●● ta●● , and so conci●●e u an●● after the death of honorius arch-bishop or can●erbury , that see continu●● void moneths ann● . after adeota●us●is death it remained vo●d almost yeares , an . af●e●th●odorus his death it was void almo●t ●u●● two ye●res● and as long a●ter ●a●●yus●ecease an : after ●u●hber●s death an . ●t was vacant above one yeare . anno two years a●ter ●regwins death an , years a●●er lamb●r●s death an , a●ove one yeare after vv●●reds decease an : almost yeares after odo his expi●ation an . ye●res after la●●●akes departure an yeares after an●elmes death an● . . years after vvi●liam carke● a● . , ● , ● , yea●s a●ter ri●hard vve●●er●ne● , an , yeares a●●e● st. ●dm●n● an ●s long a●●er ●oni●ac● an , yeares after 〈◊〉 deane , a● ● , o●e ●ear a●●e● 〈…〉 v a● , a●●er pau●●nus the 〈◊〉 a●●h-bi●h●p 〈◊〉 ●o●ke● that ●ee w●s vacant , ( ●●me say ●● yee●es an s●●ur , yeares af●er ●●●mas the second an ●lmost ●eares a●ter t●●●stan an 〈◊〉 years after rogers de●th●an . . yea●es after 〈◊〉 , an , , ●loneths after vv●●●e● g●ay , an● ● , after ●homas de ca●bridge , above , yeares . an , ● years after ●illiam●●greenfiel● a●● ● ye●res af●er vvi●liam de mel●●● , an , , years and an ha●●e a●te● 〈◊〉 s●●ope , that arch-traitor benea●e● for his tre●son . an● , yeares , after henry bowe●● an ● . almost yeares after iohn k●mp , an , yeares after vvilliam b●●th , almost a ●ull yea●● both after cardinall vvolpe , and ●●●ard lee , an● , ●●●er ●●c●olas heath . yeares an● after thomas ●oung , above one yeare . thus long have both our arch-bishoprickes been , void in severall age● without any prejudice to church or state w anno after mellitus his translation from london to canterbury , that see continued void ye●res together , an ● yeares an : . yeares a●ter guilbert an. alter gilbert fol●o● above yeares an : above one yeare a●●er iohn de chishul . an : , almost yeares after richard de granef●rd . anno after thomas sa●age above two yeares an after the death of henry de bloyes , the bishopricke of wincheste● was void above yeares an , after peter de la roch ● years● an . after william de rawley ye●res , ethelmanus holding it , yeares without consideration anno after henry de wengham , yeares , an , after peter coventry aboue one yeare an after thomas langton yeares an : a●ter richard fox yeares an . after cardinal● woolsey , almost yea●es , w an after the death of h●rnaus first bishop o●ely , that see was void above yeares , an : after negellus the second bishop yeares an , afte● william longchamp , above one yeare . an , after eustachius above yeares , an , after william de kil●enny above one yeare , an , after william de luda yeares . an after iohn barnet yeares an after ●hillip morgan yeares●an : after i●●n ●oorion yeares an a●●er i●hn alcocke one whole yeare , an : : as long after nicholas west ; an : ● after richard coxe almost yeares together x ●n ● , after the death of ro●ert de chisney the bish●p o● lincoln , that see continued v●cant almost yeares , ce●●ry ●en●y the , his base s●nne ta●ing the ●rofits thereof without any consecration an , af●er walte● de c●●st●rtiis ●eares , an , after st. ●ugh almost ● years , ●n , after william de bl●yes ye●res , an , , after iohn rus●el yeares an , after william smith one yeare , y an the bishoprick of coventry and lichf●eld was vacant yeares , after the death of ●eter , and as long an ● after robert ●each , as long an after gi●acdus puella , as long , an , ●fter geof●ry de muschamp , an , almost yeares after alexander●e sa●ensby an , after hugh pateshul ye●es , an as long after ●ichard scroope an : as long after iohn hu●●e z an after os●ond his death the second bishop of salisbury that see was yeares vacant an , after richard poore years , an ●● , years a●●er walter de la wi●e , an yeares a●ter iohn ●ierce , an yeares a●ter iohn coldwell a an , the bishopricke of bath and wels upon the death of robert continued void , yeares , moneths , and dayes an after ioceline , yeares , anno as long after william butt●n anno as long after oliver king , an . as long after william knight , an yeares after gilbert barkely an , yeares a●●er thomas godwin , b an. the bishoprick of exeter after osber●us decease was vacant yeares , anno after bartholmeus iscartus , yeares an after william herbert the last bishop of thelfords , death that see ( now norwich ) was vacant yeares , an , after iohn de grey it was vacant yeares , anno afte● pandulfus yea●es , anno after rodulphus almost years , and as long after william de releigh , an , after henry spencer an. , ●lmost yeares , c an after the death of wolstan bishop of wor●hester , that see was vacant yeares an , as long after sampsons , an almost as long after theulphus , & an , . after roger an , after william de northale yeares an , after iohn de constantijs yeares an ● , 〈◊〉 long after mangere , anno , as long after vvilliam de lyn , an as long after thomas pondrell an yeares after thomas polton anno , yeares after ednica freat , d an the bishopricke of hereford , after leoneyards death continued . yeares vacant , an , , after richa●d above yeares an● , after ro●ert de melim , above yeares , an after iohn skip above yeeres an , after herbert west failing yeares , an the bishopricke of chichester was void almost yeares , after iohn reempale his death , an , after richard fitz-iames yea●es , an , the bishopricke of e rochester , after ●enry de sand●ords death , was va●●nt yeares , an : , yeares a●●er walter de merton after thomas de waldham yeares , an , as long after iohn boltesham● anno , after iohn fisher , yeares , an : , the new created bishopricke of oxford , after the decease of iohn king first bishop , there , was vacant yeares , an , af●er hugh carrow the . bishop it was voyd . yeares together . an , after iohn vnderhill the third bishop it continued void . yeares , so little want was there of a bishop in that see , an● , the new created bishopricke of oxford , after iames brookes the third bishops death was vacant three yeares● an , as long after edmond cheyney . an , the new created bishopricke of bristoll , after paul bush the first bishop was vacant ● yeares● an : , , yeares after richard cheyney which see continued void otherwise then by commendani yeares together . anno , it continued vacant yeares together . so little need was there of a bishop in this see , f an , the bishopricke of st. davids after iohn gilberts death , was vacant . yeares , an : after marmaduke middleton almost yeares : an : , the bishoprick of landa●●e upon vrbans decease was void , yeares an : , after nicholas ap georgant , , yeares an : , after elias de radnor , above , yeares , an , after william de brews yeares : an , the bishopricke of bangor after robert of shrewsbury was vacant yeares , an. , as long after iohn gilbert , an : , after iohn swaffham , yeares● an , , after 〈◊〉 the of bangor , that see was vacant two yeares , an : , after lewelin , yeares , anno : , after iohn trevane , yeares , an , after robert . yeares , g an , after aldhunus of durham , that see continued void above yeares , an , as long after william carlaypho an . after geoffry rufus above five yeares , an , after philip of poitiers , above yeares , an . above yeares the king threatning the covent that they should have no bishop in . yeares , an , , after richard poore yeares . an : , the king threatned to keep it vacant , or , yeares , till ( ethelmare his halfe brother ( whom he commended to the monkes election ) should be of age . an , after william severus yeares , an . after ri● ba●n●s , almost years an : , the bishoprick of chester was vacant two years . if then all our bishoprickes in severall ages have been void thus , , , , , , , , , , , , and , yeares or more together at divers times ( to omit all annuall vacancies ) without any prejudice to the church or state , and with great benefit to the kings of england , who enjoyed the temporalities in the meane time , t●en certainly bishops are no such necessary creatures of divine institution , but that we may spare them all together , for if we may want them , , , , , , , , yeares without prejudice , why not an hundred ? why not . yeares ? yea why not altog●ther , as they doe in all reformed churches , who have quite cacashierd them long agoe ? when as no church can spare or want their pastors and ministers that are of gods institution above moneths , at most h after which if the patron present not in the interim an able and sufficient clerke the ord●nary by the common law may collate , and may seqnester , the profits in the meane time for the officiating of the cure , which must be at no time intermitted or neglected because of divine institution , and so absolutely neces●ary which the bishops are not● i shall close up this discou●se with a m●morable i resident of the d●nes , an dom , christian the third king of denma●●e , removed and suppressed by publike edict , all the bishops of his kingdome , for their intolerable treasons & rebellions , abolishing their bishopricks as contrary to our saviours institutions , ( the meanes that made them , idle , proud , ambitious , unpreaching ●relates , and seditious t●echerous rebels to their ●rinces , and in stead of , bishops of de●mark , he instituted , superintendents to execute the office of bishops , to give orders to others , and execute all ecclesiasticall af●ai●es , which , superintendents , ( aug●st , . ) ●eceived ●heir ordi●ation from iohn bugenhagius ( ● p●otestant minis●er ) in the cathedrall of h●sina , in the prese●ce of the king , and se●ate of the kingdome , lo ●e●e all bishops cashiered as false rebellious traytors to their soveraigne , ( as they have ever been in all states and ages , the●e having been more noto●i●us traitors rebells , and conspir●tors , of bishops then of all other ranks of men in the world ( as i ●m able to ma●e good ) as contr●ry to divine institution , and see not iure divino , as they now bo●st , and superinte●dents ordained by a meere ●●es●iter in their stead , to conferre orders unto others in all the danish churches . in the beginning of reformation in germany and other places , luther and other ministers usually ordained deacons and ministers , and set out bookes of t●e manner of ordination without any bishops assistance , which power of ordination and imposition of hands hath , ever since been pr●ctised by ministers in all reformed chu●ches which have abandoned bishops ( such as ours are and ma●e themselves as contrary to gods word , ) ●atrick adamso● ( ar●h-bishop of st. andrews in scotland , ) in his recantation publickly made in the synod of fi●●e , ( aprill , , ) con●es●eth , that this office of a diocesan bishop omne ●uthoritate verbi dei destituitu● & solo politico h●minum c●n●mento ●u●datur is destitute of of all authority from gods word , and is onely ●ounded in the politicke figment of men , out of which the primacy of the ●ope or antichrist ●ath sprung , and is worthily to be condemned , bec●use the as●embly of the ●●esbytery penes qu●m est j●risdictio & inspectio●●m in visitationibus tum in ordinationibus , which having the jurisdiction and inspection , both in visitations and in ordinations , will performe all these things , with greater authority , piety , and zeale , then any bishop whatsoever , whose ca●e is for t●e most part , intent not upon ●od or his ●●●ction , but t●e world which he especially serves , a 〈◊〉 bl●w to our prelates hie●achie . for i● bishops be not iure divino and have no ●oundation in the word of ●od , the● the power of ordinatiō belōgs not ●to them iure divino as they a●e bishops neither can do or ●ught , they to con●e●●e orders as bishops but ●rely as they are ministers : and if so ( as is most certaine , ) then this power of ordination belongs not at all to bishops as bis●ops , but only as ministers , and every minister as he is a minister , ●ath as much right and authority to give o●ders as any bishop whatsoever , the true reason why even among us at this day , ministers ought to joyn with the bishop in the imposition of hands , neither can our bishops ordaine any one a minister , unlesse , or , ministers at least , joyne with him in the ordination and laying on of hands . this being an apparent ●●uth , i shal hence from the bishops owne principles prove presbyters superior and greater then bishops , in jurisdiction dignity and deg●ee . these , say they , to whom the power of ordination belongs of right are ●●eater in jurisdiction , dignity , ●●d degree then those who have not this power , and the ordainer higher in all these then the ordained , but the power of ordination belongs onely jure divino to ●resbyters as presbyters , not to bishops , as to bishops themselves , not , as bishops , but presbyters and bishops when they ordaine in a lawfull manner , do it onely as presbyters not as bishops . therefore presbyters are superior to bishops in jurisdiction , order , and degree , and bishops themselves ●arre greater in all these● as they a●e presbyters , an office of divine ●●nction , then as they are lordly prelates or diocesan bishops , a meer humane institution . thus are our great lord bishops who vaunt of the weaknesse of puri●●ne principles , whereas their episcopall are farre more feeble and absur● , wounded to death with their own weapons , and all their domi●eering , swelling authority overthrowne by that very principle , and foundation on which they have presumed to erect it , the ancient proverbe being here truly verified , vis ●●nsilij ●●p●rs ●ol● ruit s●● . i shall close ●p this with the words of acute a●t●●ius s●d●●l , who after a large proof of bi●●ops and presbyter● to be both ●ne and the same by divine institution , winds up all in this m●nner . we couclude therefore , seeing that superior episcopall dignity is to be avouched onely humane institution , tantum ess● h●m●ni iuris , that it is only of hum●ne right : on the contrary , since it is evident by the express● testimonies of scripture , that in the apostles times bishops were the same with presbyters jur● diuin● p●t●st●t●● ordinandi no● minus presbyt●ri● qu●m episc●pis convenir● , that by god● law and divine right , the power of ordination belongs as much to pre●biters as to bishops . i have now , i hop● sufficiently ma●ifested our lordly prelates , arch-●ishops , dioces●n bishops , distinct from presbyters to be none of gods institution being therefore : none of gods bishop● , as they vainly pretend whose then must they be , not the kings● for th●n they are onely iur● human● which they have publikely ●●s●l●imed i● court● therefore certainly eithe● the popes or the ●evils or both , as many of the recited writers stile thē , for i know no other that can claime or own them : wherfore being neither gods nor the kings , but the pope● or devills● or both● what remaines but that now at last they should be sp●red out of our church● as no members at all of christs church , or body● but of the devill , pope , or antichrist of rome ( whose limbs and creatures in t●uth they are as mauritius d● i al●●d● , henry k st●lbrid●● and others● expresly resolves , and their actions past all dispute , discover many of them to be ) yea as meere individuum vaginus and meere unnaturall monsters , they being neith●r pastors nor members of any particular church or congregation , as all other christians are beside● themselves . i read in the l great dutch chronicle written by an augustin● frier , that in the year of our lord , beyond poland there was a strange fis● taken , of the quantity , length , and breadth , and shape of a living man , adorned with a bishop● miter● a pastorall staff , a cassock , a white surplesse , a chessible sandals● gloves● and all othes robes● and ornaments requisite to the dignity of ● prelate , like a bishop solemnly attired and prepared to say divine service● his cassocke might be well lifted up before , and behind , from the feet , to the knees , but not higher● and he permitted himselfe to bee sufficiently ●andled , and touched by many● but especi●lly of the bishops of that country● which fish being presented to the king , and demanded in the language of that country● and of divers other● nations who hee was , and answering ●othing , albeit he had opened hi● mouth , giving reverence and hono●r to the bishop● that were there in the kings presence , one monster and dumbe unpreaching beast● saluting and respecting another , the king being a●gry when hee had determined to commit him to prisō● or shut him up i● sōe strōg tow●r , the fis● being very sorrowfull at this newes , thereupon closed his eyes and would by no meanes open them untill the bishops , of that kingdome ( m kneeling downe before the king in the fish●s prese●ce , had with many prayers intreated and obtained of the king that he should be sent backe againe alive to the seashore● where hee had been taken● that god whose workes are incomprehensible might shew his nature and acts , least otherwise a plague should there ensue , both to the king and his subjects , which their suit the king had no sooner granted , but presently the ●oresaid monster opened his eyes , giving great thankes as it were to the king , and especially to those bishops . after with a chariot being prepared to carry the fish backe againe , the fish in presence of an infinite multitude ( of both sexes ) ascending into it in a decent manner with the said bishops , ●ate down between them like ● domestical tame creature endued with reason . the bishops whiles they were yet f●rre off from the sea , descended out of the chariot , and the fish like●●se ●omming downe from the chariot by himselfe , stood upon his feet and began to walke between two bishops , putting one of his hands upon one bishops shoulder● & the other upon the other bishops ●houlder , ( so lovingly ●id these monsters embrace on the other ) as if he had been● a reasonable creature , neither wondred he or was he moved with the tumult of the people● who flocked round about thē , but walked modestly . when he was come to the sea-shore hee courteously beheld the bi●hops and rout of people there present and craving leave to depart of the bishops with all humility , by the gesture of hi● body , and obtaining it he thereupon went into the sea-water . and going into the water , on his feet as high as his belly ( the se● being hard ●y to deep for him to wade in● turning himsel●e towards the bishops , and people expending the end of this matter he bowed downe his head in a most humble manner● bestowing a blessing on them with his right hand in forme of ● crosse● and fo●thwith descended into the depth of the sea after which he was no more seene of any man . thus the historian ve●batim . now what should i make this strange dumbe devill or monster , in the shape , the habit and attire of a lordly bishop , so courteous loving , and ●●miliar towards these lordly bis●ops● and they re●iprocally thus to him , or what doth or could all this pretend but that lordly prelates with their pontificiall masse-array , and muming disguises are meere monsters in gods church , and for the most part as mute as thi● dumbe or other fishes in the pulpit opening their mouthes wide oft-times , to bite , yea devoure their fellow brethren , and god● faith●ull people with their teeth like so many ravening wol●es or sea monsters , but seldome or never piously to instruct thē wth their diligent , pious , gracious preaching tongues , and that therefore they shal one day and i hope that day is now at hand , ) with all their anti-christian pompe , pride , vestments , trinkets , and masking massing disguised , be eternally cast out of the church of god , sent backe againe to ( the sea of rome ) from whence they came , and there so utterly drowned , that they shall never be seen nor heard of more in our or any other true christian church . this hath beene already fulfilled , not long after the appa●ition of this monster in n denmarke , and most of the reformed churches beyond the seas , which cast out their lordly prelates , as meere anti-christian , dumbe , mishappen , ravenous monster , , devouring christs deare flocke , and likewise in biscaie among the papists o where bi●hops a●e so execrable , to the people , that they will admit no bishop so much as to come among , them or enter into their territories , ( such terrible mons●ers are they ) insomuch that when ferdinand the catholicie came in progresse thither accompanied among others● with the bishop of pamp●line , the people ar●se in armes , draue back the bishop and gathering all the dust which they thought he had troden on● and ●lung it ●nto the sea . and certainly their late intollerable ty●anny , pride , amb●tion , cruelty , oppression , cove●uous●es , poperie , secularity ( for now they are altogether secula● , not spirituall lords , iniustice malice , persecutions , impieties , and monstrous prophannes , haue deservedly made our bishops as detestable as execrable to all sorts of english men ( who now groane and languish under these outragious dumbe silencing and silent monsters , ) as ever ●hey were , or are to bis●ane●s , so as we shall doubtlesse shortly see their fatall finall ruine who now seeke nothing but the utter overthrow both of our church , our state , and our religion , as i will make good , at my uttermost perill , to all their faces , and proue it to their shame . we know , that two of their cathedrals , ely & chichester , where bishop white and mountague , two late innovaters and champions of the prelates , lord it , were lately s●attered & much of them blown downe , and that the bishop of lincolnes chaire with the fall of his study of bugden shattered all to peices , with a poore despicable instrument a suddaine unexspected blast● of wind , all in one day on novemb. . what is this and their present great wrath , and malice against gods people : but a certaine prognosticke , that p their time and lording tyranny is short , and their totall finall ruine neer at hand , though to carnall reason it seemes impossible : and that a suddain unexpected puffe of wind , ( even the prayers , c●ie● , and teares , of those many godly ministers , and poor christians they haue lately si●enced , persecuted , oppressed , and still proceed to vexe and greiue with all despite and cruelty , not withstanding all god● plagues , all late discoveries of ●heir vilenes , tyranny and injus●ice , shall shortly and suddainly overturn their lordly chaires , throw downe their epicureous sees , dismount their mushrom lordships , unexspectedly sprung out of the earth , the dunghill , and swoln so great with pride and ambition , that they will bee all head , yea heads and lords over all in church and state affaires , and dash ( q , these babilonish brats of rome in peices so as they shall never recover or get head againe . in the mea●e time i shall pray and conclude all in the words of our english letany● from all our lordly prelates evill and mischiefe , from the crafts and assaults of the devill , ( who rules and workes both in and by them ) from their wrath and unjust damnations , in any of their courts and high●commissions , meere spanish inquisitions , ) from all their blindnes of heart , their pride vaine glory● and hypocrisie , their envy hatred , malice , and all their uncharitablenesse , from all their sedition & priuy conspiracy ( with rome priests iesuites and betweene themselves● to ruine , & root out our faithfull preaching ministers and religion , and set up popery ) from al their false doctrine and heresie● ( both in presse and pulpit , ) from their hardnesse of heart , against their poore persecuted and oppressed brethren , against all gods mercies , threatnings , iudgements , a●d plague● of late inflicted ) and from all their contempt of gods word and commandements● in suppressing the frequent preachers , and preaching of the one , and most insolent violation of the other , especially the , , th command●men●s , by setting up altars , images , crucifixes , crosses &c , & bowing downe unto them , by idolizing their owne canons● ceremonies , an● romish fopperies , by maintaining the open prophanation of gods holy sabbath , with all heathenish sports and pastimes● and spurring men on headlong to this sinne , and starving , murthering the very soules of thousands of gods people , by robbing them of their ●pirituall ●ood , and encouraging them to al sin and dissolutenes . ) r good lord deliver us and le● all the people say amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- * histo●y of the councel of trent : edit , . p. , , . to ● . * idid . p. ● see m●●i●● de sacra . horm . origine et cont. l. . c. . * ibid. p. . * ib. . ●. . * de clericis . l. . c. . * history of the councel of trent : p. . (a) pag. . . to . an excellent considerable place . (b) glossa , decret. distinct . c. legimu● . * in iohn crespin . l'estate de leglise f. . * both cite●●y bishop vs●er , d● b●ittanicarum eccles. primo● diis , p. . * henric● 〈◊〉 man , 〈…〉 tom. p. ● * itinear , l. . c . * fratres sic facit iesus h●di● , multos si●i elige●● dia●olos episc●po● . in gone●● . rhemensi s●imo . * in the epistl● dedica●o●y befo●e the vnbishoping of timothy and titus . (a) les fl●wrs de● vies des so●●cts : part . parisiis : . p. . (b) ribadenerra ibid. p. ● . * idem ibidem , p. . * idem ibidem , p. ● . * idem ibidem , p . * iohn crespin lestate de ●eglig● , f , , with platina , anas●a●ius , and balz●● i● h●s life . (a) iohn crespin ●● . p. . brit. eccles. a●tiqu● p. , , , . (b) crespin ●b . p. . (c) crespin p. , ● (d) c●espin p. ● . c●e●pin . p. . gal●●●●u●monumetensis . l . c. . ●●rald●● cambr. li . c. . ia●●bus vsse●●● de ecclesiarum britt●a . primordin , p. . . . idem . p. . . . (d) the annals of i●eland i● camdens bri●●●nia , p. . * relation of ● con●erenc● , p. in the margin . * . h. . c . h. ● . c. . . h. . ● . * in his britania p. . . and ireland , p. , . * rastall du●ham : f. . camdens brit. pag. , and godwins catalogu● of bishops , p. . * chapter of the sacrament of o●de●s . * . h. . c ● ● . h , , c. ● . ●● , ● . ● . . * cromptous iurisdiction , ● , , b , stamford plee . d●l corone l , , c , , ● , , ● , , ● , , p , , , ● . ● . br , trial , , (b) cromptons iurisdiction of courts , f , , b , (c) bishop white bishop morton , arcshbishop laud , and bishop hall , in the t●tles of ●heir late books , * io , e , , f , , br , crown , stamford plee● , l. ●pet●us ●l●sonsis de institat . episc●pi ●●bl , part , tom , , p , , . (c) fox acts and monument● in the old edition , p. . , ● b , b , i , , b , * so cr●mt●n quotes it . but it ●s in his defence of hi . apology , at pa●t c. p. , i * crompto●s iuri●diction of cou●●s f ● b. * of the true dif●e●ence between chri●●ian ●ubjection● and antichristian ●ebellion , pa●t , p , , , , (q) for acts & monu●ent● lond. ● ● p● ● ● ma● . ● . . luk. . . notes for div a e- (a) 〈◊〉 . , ● , ● , . iohn , . , . notes for div a e- b suriu● cōcil tom. . p. . c surius● tom. , p● . d suriu● tom. , p. , . notes for div a e- e apud bochellum decreta eccles gal l . tit. . de ordinie c : . * see c●●su●●a u●ta●tis pa●●●ien●is 〈◊〉 . . p. . ● , * cens●rae pa●isi●nsis p , , , , notes for div a e- (m) in his letter to sir fran●is k●ol● notes for div a e- (n) antiqu●●ates e●ol●sia brit. & godwin in thi● life , speeds history p. . obiect . (o) thomas vvaldensis tom : , c. , , . rhemists notes ●n phil. . : alphonsus de castrò advers. h●r . tit. episcopus . harding in bishop iewel , p. . . with others● (p) sacramia contra bezam bi●hop bancroft in his se●mon at paules crosse , bishop downeham in his consecration sermon , bishop vvhit● and others in t●e censure of doctor bastwick● , bishop bridges defence of governeme●● . p. ● , , ● . (q) origi●um l , ● , c , causa ● . qu , , (s) see appendix catalogo testium veritis endmerus hist. novorum l , , p , , , , , , , , , , , godwi●● catalogue of bishops , p , . ● , . , , . , aventinus armak , boicorum , l , , p. , , and heretofore p : ● . , . t ●●i●● . ad ev●●r●● & 〈◊〉 , in ti●● . tom. c●ntr . , l , ●● , . ● . w ad ra●ione● camp●ani respons● p. , obiect . ● . x epist. , , , , . espenc●us digresi . in tim. l , c , , , a●s●er . y c●ci censu●● p , ● , &c. z heb , , . a heb. : , ● , , p●t , , ● . b matth. , . c isiodor ●●isp : de eccles. o●●●● cii● l , , c , , amalarius ●or●unatus de eccles● officij● l● , c , . d epist , , , . e epist. ad enagrilem & in tit. . quid ve●● s●c●●do●ium aliud estquam sacerc●●as consiliary & assessorores e●iscopo epist : . g can , , collegam se presbyterorum ess● cognos●at● h epist . i subjecti esto●e presbyteris & diacon●s sicut deo et christo ibid● k see espen●●us digress . in ti● l , , c , , . l epis●l . . m see coci censura p. . . n esp●encaeus digres , in ti●●l , ●● . ● o rom. ● . . p institution of a christian man ch. o● orders , q see g●d●in● co●aloge● of bishops chytr●●●●● an s●xoni● , p. . . , . , . cent. ●agd . . col . , , s. ●● . eccles. tu●● l , , c. , evag●●●● ec●l●s● 〈◊〉 l , . c ●eadiner●●●nst novorum l , ● . , et seld● ni spicelagium ibid p. . , , ● r see , h . c. . . h , , c , , & , h , ● c , , & the ●atents of the creation of the bishopricks of ox●ord , bristol● glocester and chester . s see antiqui●atae ecclesia brit. godwins catalogue of bishops cranthius metr●p . chytraeus ●hron . saxoniae & ●●entinus anuall l , . pass●● . t chytraeus ●●on saxoniae ●● p , l l , p. ● . . u god●● calog●● of bis●op . ● p , , , . ●● , , , , ● , , , ● . , see malmesbury d● g●stis pon●●●icum anglia antiquitates ecclesia br●t●an●●●● mat●hew wo●mins●er , matthew paris , hav●d●n ●alsingham and others accordingly . v god●in p ● , , , . w ●odwin p , , , , , , , , , . , , w god●in p , , , , , ● , , , , , , . x ●●dwin p ● , , , . y godwin p , , ● , , , ● , , ●● , ● ● . z god●in p. ● , , , ● . . a godwin p , , , , , . b god●in p , , , , c godwin p , , , ● , , . d godwin p , , , ● , , , e ●odwin p , . ● , ● . , . , , f godwin p. , , , , , , . g godwin p , , , , , , , , , , ● . h rostall advi●son , , concil● lat●ran●nsis can. , s●●ma angelicae ben●ficium sect , summa rosella beneficium , i d● pra●●ll●nti● episcopal●● dignitatis l , ● . ● , , sect , , & ● . , sect , ● k henry s●albridge his ex●ortatoris ep●stle iohn ball n●● image of both churches . l magnum chro● b●lgicum a●●● , p. . m one monster ininterceeds for anothers safety , but ●id they ever so for a good pious christians life or liberty ? n chri●●au● chron , saxo●i● l. , p ● , ● , ● , l , , & , p , , ● , ● , ● , o peter heyl●ns geography . edit. , p. . p rev , , . q psal. . ● . . r psal. ● , ● , ● a letter sent to an honourable gentleman in way of satisfaction concerning some slanderous reports lately raised against the bishops and the rest of the clergie of this kingdome. hall, joseph, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) a letter sent to an honourable gentleman in way of satisfaction concerning some slanderous reports lately raised against the bishops and the rest of the clergie of this kingdome. hall, joseph, - . e. i. [ ], p. s.n.], [london? : . signed: e. i. by e. i., i.e. joseph hall. cf. bm. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng bishops -- england -- th century. clergy -- england -- th century. great britain -- history -- charles i, - . a r (wing h ). civilwar no a letter sent to an honourable gentleman, in way of satisfaction, concerning some slanderous reports lately raised against the bishops, and hall, joseph b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter sent to an honourable gentleman , in way of satisfaction , concerning some slanderous reports lately raised against the bishops , and the rest of the clergie of this kingdome . printed in the yeare , . to my noble friend sir vv. vv. knight . much honoured sir , so soon as ( to my great griefe and astonishment ) i received notice from you of the strange rumour generally scattered abroad , of a thousand horse or more , that should be provided by the clergy , and especially by the bishops of this kingdome , for some dangerous , but secret exploit ; i acquainted some eminent persons of that profession with the newes : who at the first seemed to entertaine it with a smiling kind of neglect , as the fained device of a thing impossible to finde beliefe : but when i told them , it was not onely seriously divulged , but also credited by many , who seemed not in-judicious , they began to be strucken with much horrour , and amazement ; and to lament the condition of themselves , and the times ; and to impute the first invention of this crime , to the malice of some ill affected persons , who meant , by this meanes , to stir up the envy , and unjust hatred of good people against their persons , and calling . good lord , said they , were wee not loaden enough before with the weight of more then our own enormities , but we must be crushed with the heavier pressures of imaginary mischiefes ? alas , what have we done thus to irritate , and enrage the world against us ? what can it bee that makes us guilty of this fury ? how many of us are there , that have not yet been taxed with any crime but our rochet ? yet wee suffer no lesse , then if it were an offence to be innocent . after they had a little breathed out their sorrow , they recollected themselves , and began to thinke what they might doe to give the world some kinde of satisfaction , in this odious aspersion that is cast upon them : at last they resolved that however they doubted not but time would fully manifest their integrity , yet , that in the mean while it was not fit that their silence should make them accessary to their owne causelesse infamy ; and therefore they earnestly desired me to take , and give notice to your worthy selfe , and all other ingenuous persons , of their serious and solemne protestation , before god and the world , of their cleare and perfect innocence in this behalfe . they doe therefore call the god of heaven to witnesse , that they are so far from having any hand in any businesse of this kinde , that they never heard or received the least intimation of any attempt , word , purpose , or thought tending this way ; neither can yet imagine what the meaning of any such combination , or enterprise might be : as those who have desired , in all their attendance on these publick services , to approve their fidelity , to god , their king , and country . in the conscience wherof , they bade me to challenge all those secret whisperers , who have thus gone about to poyson their good names in the opinion of all loyall and true-hearted subjects , to notifie and bring forth speedily the grounds of those accusations ; and to fix them upon such persons , as they dare charge for guilty ; that the truth of these criminations may so appeare to all the world , as that either themselves may receive shame , or the offenders , judgement . and withall they doe most humbly beseech the most honourable lords , and commons of this present parliament , that they will be pleased , with all possible speed , to search this matter to the bottom ; & to follow this foule slander home to the first rise ; that if any of them be found , in the least measure , guilty of this crime , pretended against king , or state , hee may forthwith suffer condigne punishment to the utmost ; wherein they profess that their hands shal be the first upon him , as the unworthy and perfidious violater of their sacred order : and , if this report shall bee found ( as they are confident ) utterly groundlesse , and meerly slanderous , they beseech that highest court of justice , for gods sake , and for the churches sake , that they will bee tenderly sensible of this abominable injury , that is herein done to their holy profession ; and take some speedy course for the publicke vindicating of their innocence to all the world . and , lastly , they doe earnestly beseech , and in the name of god , adjure , all christian people , to beware , how they give light credit to those slanderous suggestions , that are , in these deplored times , most untruly raised , and cast abroad by uncharitable , and malevolent men , against those , whom god hath set over them ; and who desire , in all good conscience , to bee approved to god , and men ; and that they will forbeare to hurt their owne soules in wronging the innocent . thu● noble sir , i have been bold to give you an account of the entertainment of your ill news ; not doubting of either your charitable beliefe of the truth of this unfained protestation , or of your just forwardnesse for the satisfying of others ; in which confidence , i take leave ; not without my humble and fervent prayers to the god of peace , that he would be pleased to temper all hearts , and to compose them so to an happy unity and concord , that we may at the last returne to our homes with joy , and with the comfortable expectation of no lesse blessed times then we have lived to see . your much devoted friend , e. i. a vindication of the deprived bishops, asserting their spiritual rights against a lay-deprivation, against the charge of schism, as managed by the late editors of an anonymous baroccian ms in two parts ... to which is subjoined the latter end of the said ms. omitted by the editors, making against them and the cause espoused by them, in greek and english. dodwell, henry, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing d estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a vindication of the deprived bishops, asserting their spiritual rights against a lay-deprivation, against the charge of schism, as managed by the late editors of an anonymous baroccian ms in two parts ... to which is subjoined the latter end of the said ms. omitted by the editors, making against them and the cause espoused by them, in greek and english. dodwell, henry, - . , [ ] p. [s.n.], london : . attributed to henry dodwell. cf. dnb. a reply to humphry hody's translation of a baroccian manuscript in the bodleian library, which was published under title: the unreasonableness of a separation from the new bishops. cf. dnb, v. , p. . imperfect: page of "the canons in the baroccian manuscript" is lacking on film. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. i. shewing, that through the instances collected in the said ms. had been pertinent to the editors design, yet that would not have been sufficient for obtaining their cause -- ii. shewing, that the instances there collected are indeed not pertinent to the editors design, for vindicating the validity of the deprivation of spiritual power by a lay-authority. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed 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assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hody, humphrey, - . -- unreasonableness of a separation from the new bishops. church of england -- bishops -- early works to . nonjurors -- early works to . bishops -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of the deprived bishops , &c. part i. shewing , that though the instances collected in the baroccian ms had been pertinent to the editors design , yet that would not have been sufficient for obtaining their cause . . that the laity should be favourable to mistakes derogatory to the sacred power , cannot be thought strange in an age wherein they generally use so little diligence to inform themselve , or to receive information from those who are qualified to inform them , concerning the rights of the clergy : their own interests are alone sufficient to make them partial in affairs of this nature , though they were more sincerely influenced by considerations of religion , than we generally find them ; but that clergymen should also ●avour them in encroachments on their own function , that they should professedly patronise doctrines tending to lessen the esteem of that greatest and most valuable of all authorities wherewith god has honoured and instrusted none but them ; that they should make it depend on the pleasure of the magistrate , which was designed for greater and more noble ends than the magistracy it self ; that they should put it in his power to destroy the very being of the church as a society by a secular deprivation ; that they should not onely own , but teach , that none are obliged to adhere to themselves in such a case wherein the magistrate is against them , no not so much as in regard of conscience ; that they should by this means make the greatest and most momentous concerns for souls subordinate to worldly , carnal politicks , and the far less weighty interests of worldly prosperity ▪ and of particular societies ; that they should hereby make it least capable of subsisting under a persecution , which was the case most obvious in the view of our b. saviour and his apostles , and therefore most particularly provided for , if they took care for any thing beyond their own time : these things , i say , would not be very credible , if they were not very notorious ▪ one would think none who valued the general good of religion , and the catholick church , and the souls of mankind , before the temporal prosperity of any particular state , ( and it is hard to conceive how any good man can doe otherwise , ) could even wish such opinions true , though his wish alone were sufficient to make them so . how then is it agreeable , that clergymen of all men should be the most favourable and zealous advocates for such opinions , so manifestly destructive of those greatest interests , which they of all men ought best to understand , and to be most zealously concerned for ? how is it agreeable , that they of all men cannot be content to let the memory of ill precedents dye , but that they must allarm us with future fears of having them acted again , by not only abetting but also justifying them ? how is it agreeable , that they should do this in a prospect , such as ours is , of a laity so little concerned for the good of religion , and the church ; when even they who have any principles , have such lax ones , and so very little obliging them , even in conscience , to venture any thing for any particular communion ? that their preferring their worldly concerns depending on the pleasure of the magistrate , before the greater concerns of souls and eternity , is the true cause of it , is not to be believed , while there are any reasons that might induce them to it . yet little reasons cannot in equity excuse , when the consequences ought to be so very valuable on that very account of mens being either good or religious . but this advantage our adversaries have , that their cause is like to suffer nothing by ill management , when it is in the hands of such able advocates . let us therefore see whether all they say will amount to reason , and to reason sufficient to excuse them . . they pretend , and pretend with great confidence , that nothing can justifie our adherence to even unjustly deprived bishops , if the successors be not hereticks . that this is so , they appeal to an antient greek ms. of instances collected to their hands , before any prospect of our present case . they pretend from this collection , that neither the bishops themselves , who were unjustly deprived , made any separation , nor any subjects of such bishops , on account of any obligation of conscience to adhere to them . hence they collect , that these things being the sense of the antient church , as often as any such instances appeared , ought also to be our sense who profess a veneration for antiquity . and were these things so as they pretend , they would perhaps be considerable to excuse the practice of our present adversaries : but all these things are justly questionable , and far from that evidence which their cause requires , and themselves pretend to : all they say is resolved into this ms. and this will do nothing for their purpose . the author , whoever he was , is much too young , to be admitted as a witness of most of the facts enumerated by him ; especially considering we have authours of the earlier times to speak for themselves . nay , he has not pretended to be a witness on his own credit : he has been particularly carefull to tell us his authors , most of which are extant to this very day . as therefore his credit is nothing for things so much earlier than his own age ; so neither is there any need we should depend on his credit , when we can have immediate recourse to his original authors themselves . it is called an antient ms. and yet pretended no elder than the th century . but sure the ingenious english prefacer cannot think antiquity of so low a date as that is , to be that antiquity which we profess to imitate , or pretend to alleadge : yet neither can he prove his author a competent witness even for that low antiquity . all that appears from his quoting nicetas choniates , is onely this ; that he could not be elder than that century in which the author lived who was quoted by him : but neither doth it thence follow , that he lived in the same age ; nor can it thence be determined how long he lived after him . this mention of nicetas will bring him down below the year . where nicetas ends his history . nicetas himself lived some while after . but our author refers to his history as an authority , as being elder than the traditions of the age he lived in . he neither pretends to remember the things for which he quotes him , nor to have received any informations concerning them from the relation of any old men who could remember them . but where nicetas fails him , he shews himself perfectly ignorant of the affairs of that age , which was concerned in the history written by nicetas . nicetas mentions no successor in the see of constantinople between cosmas atticus and theodosius : our author therefore takes theodosius for cosmas's immediate successor . nicetas does not mention the synods , nor the abdications , that were in the cases of the patriarchs deposed in the time of isaacius angelus ; therefore our author supposes there were none . nicetas mentions the opposition , but not the schisms , that fell out in the two settlements of dositheus ; therefore our author takes it for granted that there were none , and reasons accordingly upon that supposition . these things plainly shew , that our author did not write within any near memory of the history written by nicetas ; and therefore must be considerably later than the beginning even of the xiiith century . . it will farther add to the probability of this observation , if it be considered , that our author was a constantinopolitane , and in such a station in the church of constantinople , as that he could not have needed the information of written monuments for the affairs of the church of constantinople , that had been within the reach of a near tradition . this has already been observed by the english prefacer , mr. b. and observed from hence , that our author derives the orders of the church he was concerned for from former bishops of constantinople : but for this perhaps it might have been sufficient , that he had been of any part of the constantinopolitane jurisdiction , at least of a church which owned the patriarch of constantinople for their more immediate metropolitane ; i therefore add another argument that will not be so easily evaded . our author speaking of the synodicon , says it was read in the church , as every body knew . this was particularly true of the particular church of constantinople : there it was that the tomus vnionis , that part of the synodicon to which our author refers , was made , as anastasius caesareensis assures us . and therefore there it was that it was ordered to be read every july annually . the union it self particularly concerned breaches , which had been before between constantinopolitane patriarchs , and was therefore most proper to be read in the patriarchal church . i add farther , that the author seems to have a constant fixed relation to that particular church , as an officer of it , and such and officer as that it was his particular duty to be conversant in the histories belonging to it . the subject matter of this discourse is historical : and the address of is not to readers , but auditors . this plainly shews that it was spoken : and of these spoken historical discourses we have many instances in this very same baroccian ms. we have here the larger epitome of the ecclesiastical history of the arian philostorgius , which is here said to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we have also several collections of history ascribed to nicephorus callistus xanthopulus in the same form of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of the ecclesiastical history of eusebius , of theodoret , of theodorus lector . this form therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to have been opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the address to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is also to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . both together seem to imply that it was rather a speech designed for auditors , than a writing for readers : that is , that it was not committed to writing by the author himself , but by the author only spoken ; it was taken from his mouth , and committed to writing by the auditors . i think there can be little reason to doubt , but that the address of this discourse to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is exactly answerable to this other form in the works inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if so , then we may reasonably judge , that our author , whoever he was , was in the same office in the church of constantinople wherein photius and nicephorus were , when they also pronounced and dictated the works which are so inscribed to them ; and that his office was , as theirs was , particularly to enquire into ecclesiastical history , and to instruct his auditors in it . as for what mr. b — collects from this address , that the tract it self was a homily , methinks the whole nature of the subject might have sufficed to convince him . he might as well have conjectured all the collections out of eusebius , socrates , sozomen , &c. to have been homilies , because they are also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but this i believe that worthy person was not aware of , who does not seem himself to have perused the ms. . perhaps these expressions may afford us some , not improbable conjectures concerning the nature and design of all these historical collections ; particularly mr. hody may be pleased to remember what himself has very well observed in his premonition to malela . he has there observed a multitude of historians called rhetors and sophists , whence he well infers , that those very titles seem to have had some relation to their very faculty of being historians . he observes farther , that there was a rhetor appropriated to the service of particular churches . such was the rhetor of aenus , joyned with the ecdicus or defensor of the same church . and it is indeed probable that all those historians , who are called rhetors and sophists , were called so from their bearing that office in some particular church . he has observed farther , that in the service of these churches there were bodies of these rhetors , and among them one who presided over the rest , as samuel over the prophets , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , magister , ( as that name was in those ages applied to presidents of the palatine offices also , ) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , answerable also to the secular campidoctores in vegetius , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these ecclesiastical rhetors seem to have been one part of the clergy , that were maintained by the revenues of the foundation , mentioned frequently in the imperial constitutions , particularly designed for this purpose of studying ecclesiastical history . the young men therefore designed for this study , were obliged to be auditors of the principal rhetor , who was a kind of a publick professor of ecclesiastical history . the use of this study for the service of the church , was to search into precedents when any act of publick discipline required it , and very probably into canons also , when the case was resolvible by written canons . both are made use of in this discourse , though the editor has omitted all the canons . thus this ecclesiastical history was consulted for both laws , both the written ones and the unwritten ones , which were nothing else but allowed practice . this profession therefore being found so useful for the service of the church , care was taken that there might always be an ecclesiastical nursery , that might continually afford candidates qualified to supply the chair , as often as a vacancy should fall . that was by obliging the master to a constant duty in his function , for the instruction of his young students . and the duty was either to take a received historian , and to abbreviate him , or to collect a multitude of instances in a particular case when he was consulted , thereby to let the young students understand the design of their historical studies . but all was by word of mouth and by way of dictates , to be committed to writing by the auditors themselves . this was the easiest way for multiplying copies before printing was invented : and withal it exercised the abilities of the writer , in teaching him to write truly . and indeed it seems to have been the general way of teaching . thus the authors taught in the ordinary schools , are called centum cirratorum dictata . and hence it is , that we have so many homilies of the fathers preserved in writing by their pupils , when only spoken by themselves , under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . this therefore is an easie and obvious account of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the address to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nor is it easier in it self , than fit to the persons of those whose dictates we have in this same ms. nicephorus tells us himself , in his preface to his history , that he had been bred up from a boy in the church of st. sophia . this is the exact character of those young students , who were educated at the charges of the church for these ecclesiastical services , and who were withal the fairest candidates for these masterships , whenever they fell vacant , either by the death , or the farther promotion of those who possessed them . then it was probably to be expected , that after many years profession , they should draw up their dictates into the form of a continued history , as it is most likely all those historians did , who are still known by the names of rhetors and sophists . and it is very probable that nicephorus's history was the last thing performed by him : he says himself he was in the th year of his age when he began it , and yet that he was then but young , implying plainly , that he was old when he finished it , and wrote the dedicatory epistle to andronicus . it is also probable that photius , who was afterwards patriarch , had been also his predecessor in this same office , because his excerpta out of philostorgius , contained in this same ms. are said also to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that may , perhaps , give an account how these excerpta of photius came to be inserted among the dictates of nicephorus . it is not unlikely those larger excerpta of photius dictated from philostorgius , had occasioned the loss of philostorgius himself , and that nicephorus was therefore necessitated to use those excerpta for his own text , which he was to dictate to his pupils . the office it self seems to have been far antienter than the time of photius , as appears from the multitude of rhetors and sophists before him , that were historians : for my part , i am apt to think it near as old as the foundation of the church of constantinople by constantine the great . socrates the historian himself has two collections of historical precedents ; one concerning the different customs of different churches , to satisfie , as it should seem , the scrupulosity of some who scrupled the lawfulness of things themselves had not been used to ; the other of the translations of bishops from one see to another , occasioned by a translation , made in the th century , of proclus from cyzicus to constantinople . hence one might conjecture , that as he might have the materials for his history from the dictates of his master troilus , the sophist ; so he might have these collections of precedents , so like to ours , from some cases proposed and resolved by the same troilus , and by him communicated in dictates to his pupils . this is the rather to be conjectured , because digressions of that kind are not so usual in histories antienter than this custom . withall socrates assures us that troilus had the office of rhetor , and that he was not the first , but succeeded silvanus in it . this was in the same church we are mentioning , of constantinople . and valesius has elsewhere observed the habit proper to that rhetor , answerable to those of our academical professors : see his notes on socr. l.vii. c. . it is certain , long before that time there were grammarians , orators , physicians , philosophers , maintained on the publick for the use of cities , and frequently mentioned in the pandects , at least from the time of marcus. why should it therefore be thought strange , that even constantine himself should make the like provision for studies necessary for the church , out of the revenues himself was pleased to settle upon churches ? and the like provision we find in the ecclesiastical foundations . we have several writers called grammatici , no doubt because they were the instructers of the ecclesiastical grammarians : others we have , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as presiding also over the ecclesiastical philosophers . it is perhaps a little more difficult to give an account of the use of this phrase in this ms. upon occasion of producing a passage of hegesippus out of eusebius , which is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but it is not probable that that custome of the ecclesiastical rhetor was near so old as the time of hegesippus . i am sure eusebius , from whom nicephorus took all he pretends concerning hegesippus , gives him not the least occasion to think so . it is particularly certain , that eusebius himself had that passage , not from the voice , but the writings of hegesippus . i therefore rather believe , that this passage also of hegesippus , was from the voice of nicephorus , delivered by him in dictates to his pupils , as many other things in this same ms. are , out of eusebius's ecclesiastical history ; only perhaps there might be some particular occasion for dictating this passage of hegesippus out of the ordinary course and method of his readings . . i am apt therefore to think , that the author of this ms. was the ecclesiastical rhetor then in office when the schism happened that occasioned it . who that was , it is hard now to judge , because we have no catalogues extant of the successors in that office : and if we had any , it could hardly be guessed at till we can first gain some prospect of the time wherein it was written , which is the thing into which we are at present enquiring . and in order hereunto all that we can infer from this office of the author , is that he could not live within memory of the latter part of the history of nicetas choniates . i now add farther , that it seems also probable , that he did not live at any great distance from the memory of it . this i gather , because he ascribes the generality of the orders of his own time to these five successors in the time of isaacius angelus . he does not say so of the ignatians and photians , nor of the nicolaitans and euthymians , nor of any of those more distant patriarchal factions . that therefore he says it of these latest of his examples , the reason seems to be to let his auditors thereby understand , that he had now brought down his succession of precedents so near his own time , that the old clergymen then living , though they could not remember those patriarchs of the time of isaacius themselves ; yet they could at least remember , that the old men ▪ from whom themselves received their orders , did remember them , and did withall profess , that they had received their orders from them . this will bring our author's time within a century after those times of isaacius angelus . so the first remarkable schism that fell within that distance , will most probably be the occasion of this work , and the ecclesiastical rhetor then in office the author of it : but of this more hereafter . . i confess , i was once of the mind that nicephorus callistus was the author of it : my reason was , that which is mentioned by mr. hody , that his name is made use of in most of the works contained in this volume , either in the titles , or in the tables ; and that both before and after this of which we are at present discoursing . this made me think , that the whole volume was intended for a collection of pieces wherein he was some way concerned , and that his name was intended for the title here , if the illuminator had performed his office , in adding a title to it : but upon more thorough consideration i have , i confess , altered my opinion . i observe this tract is in a hand extremely different from the other hands of the whole volume : it is withall contrived within a quire proper to itself , and the latter end in a little smaller hand , that it might come within that compass . thence it appears , that it was written singly , not to be connected with a following vacancy , where there might have been room for what remained ; but to be bound up with other things already written . accordingly what follows begins abruptly , as if the former quire had been purposely left out , to make room for this insertion : these are tokens , that it was not at first designed as a part of this particular collection . then it begins so near the top of the page , that one would suspect no title was intended , but that the author's name was purposely omitted . and indeed no author's name seems to have been mentioned in the copies from whence cotelerius intended to have published it . withall i doubt , that nicephorus callistus , who wrote when andronicus was now grown old in the empire , might have been somewhat of the latest to have been the author of it . besides , there are considerable differences between our author and nicephorus : mr. hody has observed one , if the interposition of leontius between the inthronings of dositheus be not rather some disorder of our copy of nicephorus's catalogue of patriarchs . there are also several other differences : our author calls the first of the patriarchs deposed by anastasius dicorus euthymius , and that as often as he mentions him , both in the tract itself , and the summary , as several others had done before him . nicephorus calls him rightly euphemius , both in his ms. catalogue , and in his ecclesiastical history . our author takes no notice that timotheus , the next successor but one to euphemius , was a heretick ; but nicephorus does in his catalogue of patriarchs , if the inserted censures of the patriarchs be his : there he is called , in an interlineary note , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . however in his history he takes notice of his fickleness , that he sometimes approved , and again openly condemned the synod of chalcedon . this was sufficient to hinder him from arguing , that his orthodoxy was the reason why his communion was owned , notwithstanding his usurpation . so also from the remaining contents of the d book of nicephorus callistus , it appears that nicephorus owned that there were schisms in the time of leo sapiens , under the patriarchate of stephen , the emperor's brother , and of nicolaus mysticus and euthymius , though it seems our authour knew nothing of them . . thus much therefore we have gained , that in matters of so great antiquity as are here debated , this author's word alone is by no means competent to be depended on as an authority . hence it will follow farther , that we may now very justly put the stress of our cause upon examining the merit of the things themselves , without any relation to the author : and if we can shew , that his way of reasoning is not concluding , though the matters of fact produced by him were as pertinent to our present case as our adversaries are concerned they should be ; and also that his matters of fact are far from being such as they suppose them ; i cannot foresee what our adversaries can in reason desire more , for shewing how little reason they have to be so confident , on account of what is said by this author . . first therefore , as to the reasoning itself , how much soever it be insisted on by our late brethren in our present disputes ; yet neither is it such as would be thought fit to be regarded by men of conscience , nor safe to be trusted by men of prudence and skill in the art of reasoning . they pretend to have amassed instances , ( of bishops who did not think fit to insist on their right , or were not seconded by their subjects if they did so , when they were not deprived on account of heresie , ) out of the history of years . whether they did well or not in it , is not here so much as attempted to be proved ; only it is presumed to be well done , barely because 't was done in so many instances , and no publick opposition made against it . but if matters of fact so nakedly mentioned must be urged for precedents , it will be impossible to make any thing of this way of arguing from history . what history is there , that in a succession of years , does not afford examples against examples ? and how can it be understood which are rather to be followed as examples , if no more be considered concerning them but barely this , that they were examples ? how easie were it for an historian , by this way of reasoning , to justifie , as our brethren do , the wickedest things that can be ! they prove it lawful to break oaths , from the example of king stephen , which i believe they will hardly find one antient historian who does excuse it from the charge of perjury : i am sure they may find several , who charge it as expresly as we do , with that very imputation . and can we not , in the same scope of time , produce instances of successfull wickednesses , of murther , adultery , sacrilege , &c. committed by potent persons , whom it was no way safe to contradict , at least where there are no memorials of opposition transmitted to posterity ? can any man of conscience think it fit , that instances on one side , in such a space of time , should be the rule of his conscience ? or can any wise man think himself obliged to defend whatever may be patronized by such a number of instances ? . the design of this way of arguing is , no doubt , to prove the sense and approbation , at least , of those churches where these instances passed without contradiction ; but it is manifest , that many more things are requisite for proving that , besides naked matter of fact. what if in the instances here mentioned , the churches did not adhere to unjustly-deprived bishops , when the intruders were not hereticks ? yet many more things must be requisite to be made out , before application can be made to our present case , which are not yet in the least attempted . it must first appear , not onely that the deprivation was indeed unjust , but that the church , who deserted them , and adhered to the intruders , did also think it so : yet this will hardly be made out , particularly in the case of st. chrysostome . i believe they can give no instances of any who thought him unjustly deprived , but they were joannites , and therefore separated from the communion of his deprivers . . it must appear farther , secondly , that they thought him invalidly deprived as well as unjustly : that they know very well is our sense of the present case , on which we lay the stress of our cause ; not onely that our bishops are deprived for what our laws , in the true sense of the legislators , did never intend should be a crime ; but also that they are deprived by a power that can no way pretend to a right of spiritual deprivation ; that is , purely by a lay-power , without the least pretence of ecclesiastical censures . this therefore they ought to prove , that , even in case of a purely lay-deprivation , those eastern churches did not think fit to assert their spiritual liberties , against the encroachments of the secular magistrate . but that seems more than ever their author undertook , i believe than his cause required . i am sure , several of his instances did suppose synodical deprivations ; yet if they cannot shew this , all they say is utterly impertinent to our present dispute : for we our selves may say , and say agreeably to our own principles , as much as their own author says , and perhaps as much as he intended , if he had been living to make application to our particular case . we do no more say than he , that the injustice of a sentence does null or invalidate it , when otherwise the authority by which it is pronounced is valid and obliging . nor do we say , that subjects are , even in conscience , free to adhere to their bishop , when the authority by which he is deprived , has not onely a right to conclude them , but to conclude him also : yet all this is consistent with the liberty allowed by this author , of withdrawing communion from an heretick . the reason is this , because even the canons of the church , to go no farther now , allow subjects this liberty to judge of their bishop's faith , by a private judgment of discretion , and with reference to their own particular act of communicating , as has been shewn by their own author himself , in the latter part of his tract , ommitted by mr. hody . . yet this is not all that had been requisite for their reasoning in this case : it ought also to appear , thirdly , that the church thought her self at liberty to deny her adherence to an unjustly deprived bishop , even when he insisted on his own right , and challenged her duty from her . this is the actual case of our present bishops ; and of this also their whole collection does not afford one single example : yet this is the onely case wherein her not adhering to him can , by any art of equal interpretation , be taken to signifie , that she did not think such adherence his due , even in regard to conscience ; otherwise the non-payment of debts alone , does by no means imply a belief that they are not due . it is certain , the person to whom they are due may remit them , if he please ; and his not challenging them is often taken for an argument , that he does remit them , at least that he does not challenge payment now : it is therefore no more an argument in such a case , that the church does not think such a duty of adherence to such a bishop really due , than that the bishop himself does not think it so : for it is as consistent in them , with an acknowledgment of right , to defer the payment till it be demanded , as it is consistent with the bishop's owning it for his right , that he does not as yet think fit to demand it . but our author pretends , that by his collection of instances it appears , no bishop ever challenged his right , if the person substituted in his own place were not an heretick . so indeed he says ; but thence it does by no means follow , that they had no right , because they did not challenge it : nor can it be thence gathered , but that it may be prudent , as well as just , for successors to insist on their right , though predecessors , who thought it just , did yet not think it prudent to insist on theirs . the change of circumstances may make so great a variety in the case it self . if it be only a personal injury , the mischief the church may suffer by the person 's defending his right , may be more than what she may suffer by permitting a single act of injustice to go unredressed : but in our case , our adversaries very well know the injury is more than personal . they know the old doctrines of our church are involved in the injustice that is offered them : they may also know , that this new doctrine of the validity of lay deprivations with regard to spirituals , is of intolerable mischievous consequence , as granting to the laity principles , by which they may ruine us when they please ; and that this pernicious doctrine cannot well be opposed in this case , but by our bishops insisting on their rights . and they cannot shew but when doctrines of such consequence were concerned , the bishops not onely did , but were also commended for insisting on their rights . indeed where such doctrines were concerned , the antients would have called the adversaries hereticks , and in that case this author himself allows , that bishops may judge it to be for the publick good of the church , that they challenge their private rights . yet after all our author's pretensions in his title , his examples give a small account of the sense of the injured bishops themselves concerning their own case , but principally pretend to tell us what others thought concerning it . how then can our adversaries pretend to persuade our present bishops to wave their right , upon account of this collection of precedents , where st. chrysostom is expresly excepted in the very title , notwithstanding what is pretended from palladius ; and where withall there are so few examples observed in the discourse it self , of any who did so before them ? . yet , to let them see how far this way of reasoning is from proving the thing our adversaries are concerned for , we may venture to give , not grant , what they neither have proved , nor can prove from the instances here alleadged , that the churches had deserted their unjustly and invalidly deprived bishops , and deserted them , even whilst they insisted on their right ; i yet deny farther , that from the naked matters of fact they can any way conclude , even the judgments of those churches , whom we may for a while suppose to have done what our adversaries wish they had done : for in order to the proving the judgment of such churches , it will be farther requisite , fourthly , that what they did , they did by principles by which they thought they could justifie their facts , at least with regard to their own consciences . it is certainly no breach of charity to suppose , ( what histories afford us so many examples of , ) that as numerous bodies as were here concerned , even of persons making a great profession of religion , have notwithstanding been influenced by motives very different from what themselves professed . and it is certain , that in this lower antiquity , wherein this author principally deals , the generality of christians were both ignorant enough in true originals of our religion , to be mistaken concerning their duty ; and withal wicked enough to be seduced from the practice of it , though they had never so throughly understood it . so easie it was for what was done , not to have been done by principles , though it had been determined by the greater number of suffrages . who knows not that in great bodies the ignorant and the wicked have generally the greatest number of suffrages , who notwithstanding cannot be presumed to doe what they doe by any solid principles ? yet who withall knows not how few are many times concerned in the motions of whole bodies ; and how far what they do is , upon that account , from being imputable to a majority of suffrages ? i do not now insist on the greater numbers , who are in duty obliged rather to follow the conduct of others , than to shew their opinion distinct from that of their conductors : even spiritual guides , and those in spiritual authority , are not for the greatest part the best and wisest ; and yet the nature of societies requires , that the fewest able and good men should be determined by the majority ; that is , that they who are the most likely to know principles , and to be influenced by them , should be concluded by those who are least skilfull in principles , and are withall least presumable to act by principles . and in that case who can presume , that the actings of such bodies are agreeable to the principles of the actors themselves ? especially who can presume it then , when the cases of ignorance and insincerity are most frequent , as they were most certainly in many of the instances here amassed at a great distance from the apostles , and in great ignorance of the originals of religion ; and when withall worldly prosperity had taken them off from regarding principles , or being willing to suffer for them . the very least signification of principles , where they are not expresly owned , is that good men are pleased and satisfied with what they doe . but as this reasoning does onely hold in men who are otherwise known to be good , so from matters of fact alone none can gather , whether the actors be secretly pleased with what they doe , or whether they be not really ashamed of it . . thus difficult it is to conclude principles , even where the matters of fact attested are actions : but it is yet more difficult , fifthly , where they are not actions but omissions . such are these we are now discoursing of , whether of bishops not insisting on their rights , or of their subjects not seconding them when they did insist on them . in either case it is extremely difficult to gather , that pure regard to conscience was the true reason of such omissions : that is , that when any injured bishops did not insist on their rights , the reason was , that they thought themselves obliged in conscience not to insist on them , as being chargable with the schism , which would follow from the intruders maintaining their possession against them . and that when subjects did not second them in the assertion of their own rights , the true reason was , that such subjects also did not think themselves obliged to second them , even in conscience . many other reasons might have been given in both cases , besides this of conscience , which our adversaries are concerned that it should have been the only reason : many , which will by no means reach our present case , to prove either that our present bishops are obliged in conscience by those precedents not to challenge their rights ; or that we are not obliged , on their callenging them , to maintain them in them . one reason might have been the vnactiveness of their temper naturally following from their monkish education , which might make them willing to be excused from a life of labour and action ; especially when it might withall seem to have so many commendable ingredients to a mind willing to be excused , of native bashfulness , of modesty , of humility , of self-denial to themselves , without considering on the other side the publick interest● that might balance them . another might be the great difficulties to be expected in asserting their rights , and the great uncertainty of the event which must depend upon the concurrence of many others , who must all doe their duty , as well as themselves , and yet could not be depended on . another might be the great danger to their persons , as well as the difficulty of their design , when they had to contest with exasperated as well as potent adversaries . these are the more plausible , and more pardonable inducements , to which might be added many more real though corrupt ones , which , to be sure , would never be owned openly . it is needless to enumerate them particularly , and yet not uncharitable in the general to suppose them possible , till something appear particularly in the lives and principles of the persons concerned , to believe their case to have been particular . it is certain all the endeavours of bishops to assert their own rights can signifie nothing , unless they who owe them duty will stand by them in it . and we know withall upon how ticklish points the motions of multitudes do depend , even where they are well disposed to their duty , and are particularly satisfied that the case proposed is so . they also reckon upon the difficulties and dangers that must befall each particular , if all cannot be persuaded to move together ; and that is a thing they know not how to reckon on . and thus whilst all expect the other should move first , and each of them is affraid of moving singly ; whilst all depend on a few examples , and those few are affraid of not being followed as examples , the season of motion is lost , and no likelihood of its recovery , when their hopes of the concurrence of others is lost , and each is to act separately . all that principles can oblige men to , is only to do the thing to which they are obliged by principles : but affirmative precepts do not , as they say , oblige ad semper ; and therefore they are not obliged to put the duty in practice , till it be prudent , or till the circumstances with which the action is vested make it a duty : and that men often resolve on , who yet by such delays find that what was at first resolved on , at length becomes unpracticable . how unreasonable would it be thence to conclude , that they never resolved on it , or that they did not think it their duty to resolve on it ! . thus very difficult this whole reasoning is , from instances barely represented , to gather the judgment and opinions of the persons concerned in these instances . and yet if this point were gained , it would not suffice for our adversaries purpose : for it is farther considerable , sixthly , that the instances here collected rise no higher than the fourth century , and extend no farther than the greek church ; and therefore cannot pretend to argue the sense of the catholick church , nor of those ages which are most to be regarded , not onely for their antiquity , but their integrity also . suppose therefore we should so far gratifie our adversaries , as to give them leave to believe , that all was proved that is so much as offered at in this collection , and proved as solidly and as pertinently to their cause , as themselves can either pretend or wish : this would certainly be a great favour , indeed the uttermost they can hope for with regard to this collection ; yet still they must not pretend by this collection to one single instance that may signifie the sense of the western church , or consequently of the catholick church in any one age ▪ still we are left a liberty , for any thing is said here , to challenge the doctrine of the church , as signified by her behaviour at the first and ancientest instances of schism , as making for us . and this we can do with greater certainty and evidence , than our adversaries can pretend to , in their more modern cases . . we can say that , even in the age of st. cyprian , ( which is the ancientest we know of that an antibishop was set up against a bishop in the same see , ) it is , st very notorious , that they then owned no such power of the secular magistrate to deprive bishops of their purely spiritual power ; and that the church , as a society distinct from the state , subsisted on their not owning it , even as to a deprivation of their particular districts and jurisdictions . it is notorious , and as notorious as any one tradirion of the catholick church in those ages , ( not excepting that of the canon of the new testament it self , ) that christians then , and not only then , but in all the former persecutions that had been from the times of the apostles to that very age , did own themselves bound to adhere to their bishops , when it was notorious withal , that those bishops were set up , and maintained against the consent of the civil magistrate . it is as notorious also , that this adherence of theirs , was not only matter of fact ( which is all our adversaries pretend here ) but a duty owned by them as obliging in conscience , and as the result of principles . this appears , not only by the unquestionable sincerity of the christians of those ages , who were generously influenced by no considerations , but those of conscience ; not only by their suffering those severe penances imposed on them , in order to their recovering the bishop's communion , even when the magistrate was against him , which no other considerations could recommend , but only those of conscience : but from the principles themselves insisted on in the reasonings of st. cyprian . such were these : that all hopes of pardon of sin , of the holy ghost , of eternal life , on performance of duty , were confined to the visible communion of the church ; that their visible communion with the church could not appear , but by their visible communion with the bishop , as the head of that church , and the principle of its vnity ; that who that bishop was , to whom any particular person owed his duty , was not then any otherwise distinguishable , but by the visible districts in which themselves lived , and to which he was therefore supposed to have a title , whether the magistrate would or no. it is also as notorious , that these reasonings were not then the sense of private persons ; but the received sense of christians in general , and indeed fundamental to that catholick communion , which was then maintained where-ever there were christians . not only every particular christian of a diocess , did thus assure himself of his right to ecclesiastical privileges , by his communion with the bishop of that particular district ; but he was intitled also to communion with all the other bishops of the world , and consequently with the catholick church in general , by the communicatory letters of the bishop of his own particular district . for it was by the mutual obligation all bishops of the world had to ratifie the acts of particular districts , that he who was admitted a member of one church , was intitled to the communion of all ; and that he who was excluded from one ; was excluded from others also ; because no other bishop could justifie his reception of a christian of another jurisdiction to his own communion , if he had not the communicatory letters of his own bishop . thus it appears , that the obligation , even of particular districts without consent of the magistrate , was then catholick doctrine . whence it plainly follows , that this lay-deprivation , which is all that can be pretended in the case of our present bishops , is , in the principles of the catholick church of st. cyprian's age , a perfect nullity , and consequently that , in regard to conscience at least , our present bishops are still bishops , and bishops of those particular districts , as much as ever , and the obligations of the clergy and laity in those districts , as obliging to them now as ever . . this therefore being so , that our present bishops are , by the principles of st. cyprian's age , as obliging bishops in conscience to the clergy and laity of their respective jurisdictions ; it will thence be as notorious dly , that the antibishops of those same jurisdictions , are by the same principles , to be taken for no bishops at all . it is plain , that novatian was disowned as soon as ever it appeared that cornelius was canonically settled in fabian's chair before him , and disowned universally , so universally , that whoever did not disown him , was for that very reason disowned himself . this is as clear as any particular mentioned in our adversaries collection . but we do not satisfie our selves with that . it is also further as notorious , that he was disowned by principles obliging them in conscience to disown him , and those again not private opinions , but principles also fundamental to the correspondence then maintained in the whole catholick church , as the other were that we mentioned under the former head. it was then a principle , that * secundus was nullus , which will as much invalidate the consecrations of the present antibishops , as it did that of novatian . this is a principle so universally acknowledged , wherever there can be but one , that it needs no authorities to recommend it . no man can convey the same thing twice : and therefore if there be two bonds for the same thing to several persons , the d can never be thought obliging , but by supposing the invalidity of the st . so also in all monarchichal districts , none can suppose an antimonarch's title good , till he has shewn that the first monarch's title is not so . thus this principle needed no authority , and yet it had all the authority of the whole catholick church of that age. the whole collegium of catholick bishops ( that is st. cyprian's term ) gave their communicatory letters , not to novatian , but cornelius ; and received none to their own communion on the communicatory letters of novatian , but only on those of cornelius . and that upon this same common principle , that cornelius being once validly bishop of rome , novatian could never be a bishop of that same district without the death , or cession , or deprivation of cornelius ; and that supposing him no bishop of that place to which he was consecrated , he could be no bishop at all . so far they were then from our late fancy of a bishop of the catholick church without a particular district . had they thought so , they might have ratified novatian's acts as a bishop , because he had received his power from bishops , though not as bishop of rome . comparing the catholick church to a fanum or temple , he was profanus , as not being in the temple , nor having a right to enter into it . comparing it to the house in which the passover was to be eaten by the jews , he was foris , not in that house , in which alone the passover was to be eaten . these were the notions of st. cyprian , and were by him and his colleagues understood of the catholick church in general , when they all supposed novatian out of the catholick in general , by being out of that particular church of rome , of which he had formerly been a member . just as in ordinary excommunications , they also always supposed , that he who was by any act of obliging authority deprived of his right to his own particular church , had also lost his right thereby to all the particular churches in the world. and they also supposed novatian to have cast himself out of his own body , by assuming to himself the name of a head of that body , which already had a head , and could have no more than one . and these notions , and this language of st. cyprian , were supposed and owned universally by the whole body of the catholick bishops of his time , when they acted consequently to them , and took them for the measures , by which they either granted , or refused their own communion . nor is it to be thought strange , that these notions should be received , and received universally , not as the opinions of private persons , but as the publick doctrine , and fundamental to the catholick communion , as practiced , not only in that early age of st. cyprian , but as derived from the apostles themselves , and the very first originals of christianity : for these were not , as private opinions usually were , only the result of private reasonings ; they were received as the fundamentals of christianity , which were not as new revelations generally were from the like notions received among the jews , and among them received not as private opinions , but as publick doctrines , and fundamental to the then practised sacrifical communion of the then peculiar people , and only thence deduced ( as other things also are , in the reasonings of the new testament ) to the case of the new mystical peculium , and their new mystical sacrifices . the language of erecting altar against altar in st. cyprian , is derived from the like earlier language received among the jews , concerning the samaritan altar of manasses , against the jerusalem altar of jaddus , that is of a high priest against a high priest , when god had appointed but one high priest in the whole world , and him only at jerusalem . and it is also plain , that the body of the jews did look on such schismatical high priests , and all their communicants , as cut off from the body of their peculium , and consequently from all their publick sacrifices , and all the privileges consequent to them . why should we therefore think it strange , that the apostolical christians should have the like opinion of them , who set up themselves as opposite heads of their mystical sacrifices ? . but this is not all . it is further as notorious , dly , that all who any way professed themselves one with novatian , were for that very reason of their doing so , taken for divided from the catholick church , as well as he was with whom they were united . here also the reason was very evident , that he who professed , and , by publick profession , made himself one with a person divided , must , by the same analogy of interpretation , profess himself divided , and by that very profession , actually divide himself also , by making himself one with the person suppos'd to be divided . nor was this reason more evident , than universally aknowledged in the discipline of that age. all such vniters with the schismatick , were refused to be admitted to communion , not by particular bishops only ( as the case would have been if the opinion had been singular ) but by all the bishops of one communion in the world. . not only so : but it is also as notorious , thly , from the practice and discipline of that age , that all whom they looked upon as united with novatian , they consequently looked on as divided from themselves . to be sure in the first place , those who had any hand in his pretended consecration , which were principally and particularly reflected on by cornelius in his epistle to fabius of antioch . nor would his people be receiv'd to communion by any catholick bishop on the communicatory letters of novatian , and they could expect none from cornelius whilst they were divided from him . thus all his subjects came to be involved , as well as himself . but that which was highest of all , was , that even bishops were supposed to have divided themselves from their brethren , if they communicated with him ; that is , if , according to the custom of that age , they either gave communicatory letters to him , or receiv'd any to their own communion on the like communicatory letters received from him . this appear'd plainly in the case of martian of arles , who was , on this very account , denied the communicatory letters of his brethren ; and would , no doubt , have appeared also in the case of fabius of antioch , if he had proceeded so far . and this does plainly suppose , that such bishops also had cut themselves off from catholick communion by their own act. especially according to st. cyprian's principles , who makes every bishop in his own district , supreme and accountable to none but god ; and therefore obnoxious to no superiour jurisdiction . and by this means it also appeared , to have been more than a private opinion in that age , when even no bishop could be permitted in the communion of his brethren , if he dissented from them in this particular . thus , to make application to our present case , all the bishops will be involved , who communicate either with the principal schismaticks , or the schismatical consecrators . and this will also take in , by the same principles , all communicants with such bishops . for when the bishop was refused communion , the effect of such refusal was , that none should thence forwards expect to be received to the communion of those who had refused him , on his communicatory letters ; and no other communicatory letters could be hoped for , whilst they continued in communion with him . . and then , thly , it is also as notorious , on the same principles of st. cyprian's age , that such schism from the visible communion of the catholick church , was also supposed to deprive the person so divided of all the invisible benefits of church communion . god was supposed obliged to ratifie in heaven , what was done by those whom he authorized to represent him on earth . he avenged the contempts of his ministers , and would not be a father to those , who would not own his church for their mother , by paying her a filial respect . they were not to expect any pardon of their sins : they could not hope for the holy ghost , who dissolved the vnity of the spirit : they were uncapable of the crown of martyrdome , whatever they suffered in the state of separation . this is the result of many of st. cyprian's discourses on this argument : and indeed it is very agreeable with the design of god , that they who cut themselves off from the peculium , should by their doing so , lose all their pretensions to the rights and privileges of it . not only so , but that they should also incur all the mischiefs to which they were supposed liable , who had lost their right of being members of the peculiar people . accordingly as they believed all persons , at their first admission into the church , to be turned from darkness to light , and from the power of satan unto god ; so upon their leaving the church , or their being cast out of it by the judicial act of their superiours , they were supposed to return into the state of heathens , to lose the protection of those good spirits who minister only to the heirs of salvation , and again to relapse into their former condition of darkness , and being consequently obnoxious to be infested by the devil , and his powers of darkness . and that this was so , appeared by several ordinary experiments in those earlier ages , not only of the apostles , but that also of st. cyprian , who has many examples of it in his book de lapsis . and this confinement of the spiritual privileges of the peculiar people to the external communion of the church , as it was fundamental to their discipline , so it was rational consequently to their other principles . god was not thought obliged to confer those privileges , but by the act of those whom himself had authorized to oblige him : but dividers were supposed not to belong to that body to which the promises were made ; and ambitious intruders into other men's offices , could not in any equity pretend to have their acts ratified by god , from whom they could not be supposed to receive any authority , when they did not receive it by the rules and orders of the society established by him . these things were then believed , and believed universally . indeed nothing but an universal belief of them would have maintained that discipline , which was then observed in the church ; could have obliged them generally to suffer , as they did then , the severest inflictions from the magistrate , rather than incurr the much more feared displeasure of their ecclesiastical superiours . when we are also of the same mind , and alike influenced by principles and regard to conscience ; then indeed , and then alone , we may pretend to be a posterity not degenerous from the great examples of those glorious ancestors : then it will not be in the power of acts of parliament to drive us from our principles , and bring a scandal on our religion : then where our bishops follow christ , we shall follow them , and it will not be in the power of the worldly magistrate , or the gates of hell it self , to prevail against our church , and to dissolve the vnion between us : then magistrates themselves will be more wary of involving consciences on occasion of their little worldly politicks ; at least they will not pretend religion , and the religion of that very church which suffers by them for doing so . may we live at length to see that happy day ! however it will hence appear how impossible it will be to excuse our adversaries present case from schism , if it be tried by that antiquity which we do indeed profess to imitate and alledge . . † now in this case i am discoursing of , i have purposely selected the instances of st. cyprian's age rather than any other , not only because they are the ancientest , indeed the first we know of , of one bishop's invading another's chair not vacant ; but because we have withal in him the most distinct account of the sense of the church in his age of such facts , and of the principles on which they proceeded in condemning them . he had occasion given him to be so distinct by two schisms , one of his own church in carthage , where felicissimus was set up against himself , another ( that i have principally insisted on ) of novatian set up against cornelius in rome . on these occasions he has written one just discourse , besides several epistles . but these principles were not singular and proper to that age ; they descended lower , and are insisted on by optatus and st. augustine in their disputes with the donatists , whenever they dispute the question of their schism , without relation to their particular opinions . . * and now what can our adversaries gain , though we should grant them all they can ask concerning their collection , till they be able to disarm us of these earlier authorities , neither mentioned , nor perhaps so much as thought of , by their author ? till they do so , we have all the advantages against them that our cause does need , or we desire . they give us a bare collection of facts , without any other evidence of the principles on which they were transacted than the facts themselves : we give them here a contrary fact of persons of unquestionable sincerity to principles , and not only so , but the principles themselves on which they proceeded , acknowledged by the persons themselves . they give us facts of the greek church only : we give them one , wherein the sense of the whole catholick church appeared , not of the greeks alone , but of the latines also . they give us those of modern , of barbarous , of divided ages , wherein the great bodies of the eastern and western churches were divided in communion , the eastern churches particularly , ( within which their instances are confined ) into nestorians , and several subdivided sects of eutychians ; who yet , if they had been more unanimous , were otherwise no very competent witnesses of apostolical tradition , not only in regard of their age , but their corruptness , their vnskilfulness , their credulity : we here have given them the sense of the church , in an age wherein her testimony is every way unexceptionable , wherein she had certain means of knowing the truth , and withal valued it as it deserved . even there we find the principles now mentioned universally received , and universally received as the grounds of that universal catholick communion , which she had received by an uninterrupted tradition from the apostles to that very time. even there , i say , we find them received , where nothing could have been received universally that had been an innovation . in so short a time it was hard to bring in variations from the primitive rule , and harder yet that all the churches could have been unanimous in them , if they had been variations as tertullian reasons in his prescriptions ; especially when there was no vniversal authority received over the whole catholick church that could induce them to it . from the time of trajan , the succession of our saviour's family failed in the church of jerusalem , to which all particular churches paid a deference . from the time of hadrian , there could be no pretence for that church above others , when it consisted not of jews , but greeks and romans . what was there therefore that could make them unanimous in variations , and variations of such importance as this had been ? they had then no general councils : and the absolute supremacy of particular bishops in their proper districts , is by none maintained more expresly , and more zealously than by st. cyprian , with particular regard to all other powers , that in later times have pretended to oblige bishops ; that is , to councils , and the bishop of rome . this catholick communion , grounded on the common interest of all the bishops , to have all their acts of discipline in their particular dictricts , ratified over the whole world , might have brought in other things that were consequential to these common interests . but there was nothing antecedent that can be imagined , that could have brought in this catholick communion of those times , among such a multitude of absolute and independent societies , as the churches were then , if it had not been brought in from their very first originals . and yet these notions we were speaking of , were fundamental to that catholick communion it self , as managed in those earlier ages . let them therefore make their uttermost advantage of those instances , which our adversaries call precedents , in later ages . this is however plain : if they be not found inconsistent with these earlier instances , they can make nothing for their purpose : if they be ; yet none can doubt , but that later deviations , how numerous soever , are to be over-ruled and concluded by the precedents of these first and earliest instances , not so much as mentioned by their author . . yet after all , though we should admit that this author had been successfull in all that he has attempted ; we may yet justifie our adherence to the deprived bishops , and our separation from their opposite altars , and justifie it too by the doctrine of their own author : for , thly , even he permits a separation where orthodoxy is concerned , and expresly excepts this case , from the number of those which he pretends to confute . an heretical bishop he calls a false bishop , a false teacher ; and tells us that they who separate from such , do not divide the vnity of the church by schism , but endeavour to free the church from schisms and divisions . these are his own words in the conclusion of his discourse . i easily foresee this charge will seem new and surprizing to our adversaries ; and yet i cannot see how they can secure themselves against it . st. augustine observes , that schisms generally end in heresie : that is the natural consequence of defending it as our adversaries do , by principles . a single act of vndutifulness to superiors will in course pass away with those who are guilty of it ; so that posterity will not be concerned in it : but when it is defended by principles , it turns into false doctrine , and doctrine of that pernicious consequence , that the church is obliged to take notice of it , as she will be faithful to her trust , in securing her body from the like divisions for the future . thus the donatists took the first occasion for their schism , from the pretended personal faults of caecilian and his ordainers . this , whilst it was a particular case , went no farther than that particular schism : but when it turned into a general doctrine , that personal faults were sufficient to justifie separation ; then it laid a foundation of frequent schisms , as often as any criminals got into places of trust , and either evidence was wanting , or themselves too powerful to be contested with : then it concerned ecclesiastical governours to condemn this doctrine , that encouraged even men of conscience to divide designedly and frequently . and when that doctrine was thus condemned by the church , and was notwithstanding maintained by the donatists as a principle on which they subsisted as an opposite communion , it then became a character of a party to maintain it , and from that time forward the donatists were reckoned among hereticks , as well as schismaticks : for this was the true notion of heresie in those ages , as contradistinct from schism : both of them supposed a division of communion , or tended to it . but that division was called schism , which only broke the political vnion of the society , without any difference of principles ; as when thieves or robbers transgress their duties without any pretence of principles authorizing them to do so . so whilst resentment alone was the reason that made subjects separate from the communion of their ecclesiastical governours , or whilst ambition alone made any to invade the office of his bishop , and to erect an opposite communion ; this was schism properly so called as contradistinct from heresie . but when the schism is patronized by doctrines , and justified as well done , and consistently with conscience ; such divisions , besides their being schismatical , were heretical also in the sense of the ancients , and such doctrines , as characteristical of a distinct communion , were properly called heresies . on this account the same doctrine of the original identity of bishops and presbyters was no heresie in st. hierome , who notwithstanding kept communion with the bishops of the jurisdictions he lived in ; and yet was heresie in a●erius , when upon account of that pretended identity he presumed to pay no more duty to the bishops of the respective jurisdictions , than he would have done to single presbyters . this is the most agreeable account of the heresies , not only in philastrius , but in other more judicious collectors of catalogues of heresies . and it is very agreeable with the notion of that term among the philosophers , from whom the christians derived it . all notions that were proper and characteristical to particular schools among them made heresies , not those which were received in common among them . answerably whereunto those differences only of opinion made heresies in the church , which were the notes of different communions , not those which went no farther than speculation . . i am very well aware how surprizing this will be to those who , upon popular opinions , have been used to believe no opinion heresie that was not against fundamentals . but if they will for a while lay aside their prejudices , they will possibly find this as slightly grounded as many other popular opinions are . the very distinction between fundamentals and non-fundamentals , is not , that i know of , ever taken notice of by the primitive christians , either in the same or in equivalent terms . and if a person will needs make a breach on account of an opinion , it rather aggravates , than diminishes his guilt , that the opinion is of little consequence : his own will is more concerned in it ; that is , his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and he is therefore more a heretick , and as hereticks were , more self-condemned , tit. . if , even in his own opinion , the matter for which he separates , be not of any considerable importance . even a truth , and a truth that has great evidenct of its being so , may make a heresie , if it be no way conducive nor disadvantageous to the good of souls ; and yet the person who maintains it , will by no means endure communion with those who are of another mind . he might have more pretence of zeal , though mistaken , if the mistake on the church's side did indeed concern souls , and seemed , at least , of dangerous consequence to them . when he has not even that to pretend for himself , who can impute his breaking on such accounts to any other original than an assuming imperiousness of temper , and a love of contention , which we generally acknowledge to be the principal ingredients of heresie ? certain it is , that such a breach for opinions , though true , yet of no consequence , is highly culpable , and destructive to that vnity , which christ designed for his church , and the more culpable for that very reason , that the opinion is of little consequence . yet it cannot properly be called schism , which is only a breach like those which fall out frequently in secular affairs , when men fall into parties , on account of a temper ungovernable , or ambitious , without any proper difference of opinion and doctrine . and it being no schism , what can we call it in the discipline of the church , if it be not heresie ? . these opinions therefore which are not otherwise heretical on account of the nature of the opinions themselves , do then begin to be heretical , when they begin to be characteristical of distinct communions . and that they do , not only when men designedly separate from others on that very account because they are not of the same opinions ; but also when they venture on such practices on account of their singular opinions , wherein others cannot communicate with them , for that very reason because they cannot join with them in those their singular opinions . then plainly the differing in such opinions , makes a difference of communion unavoidable ; and therefore the opinions themselves , in such a case as this is , are signals of different communions , which will come under the charge of heresie , as contradistinct from schism , in the notion now described of the primitive church . thus ; had st. hierome proceeded as far as aerius in the practice of his opinion concerning the original identity of bishops and presbyters , and had thereupon broken himself off from his duty to the bishop of the diocese , and by that means either made or countenanced a schism , which he had never countenanced but on account of this doctrine of his which he held in common with the aërians , that doctrine had then been heresie in him , as well as the aërians . so also opinions do then begin to be treasonable , when they are actually productive of treasonable actions : thus latitudinarian opinions in the church , do always weaken or dissolve the obligation in conscience to maintain the church as a society in a time of persecution from the civil magistrate ; yet till that case fall out , and when interest lyes on the church's side , they often still keep one communion who are for such opinions , and may continue in it while there are any other inducements to keep them in it besides those of conscience only it may perhaps be fit to be considered whether it be prudent to trust such persons with the management of the government of the church , who have no obligation of principles or conscience to maintain it as an independent society , or to suffer for it , that is , indeed who are never likely to maintain it in that very case which was most in our saviour's and the apostles v●ew ; that is , of a persecution . but when they actually divide that communion which they were never obliged in conscience to maintain , if they took the utmost liberty their latitudinarian principles would afford them ; and when their lax principles are the very grounds of their dividing the communion without any remorse of conscience for doing so ; when they are hereby emboldned to do those things which inevitably cause a breach from those who cannot follow them in these very principles : this is the case wherein these principles are characters of a distinct communion ; and therefore , by the reasoning now mentioned , become heretical : especially the principles being withal false , not only in the opinion of those from whom they have divided themselves ; but also of our earliest purest ancestors , even those of the apostolical age it self . . yet i deny not but that in this case of heresie , there is also regard to be had to the momentousness of the opinion it self . whoever sets up or abets a communion opposite to that of the church , on account of opinions , is , as i have shewn , in the judgment of the primitive church , an heretick ; and is the more , not the less so , if the opinions be also frivolous . but for such opinions the church would never have driven him out of her own communion , if himself had been pleased to have continued in it . her judiciary censures ought , no●doubt , to be confined to opinions fundamental and of great importance ; especially , if an internal assent be required , and that under pain of excommunication . yet let not our adversaries flatter themselves as if they were secure from the charge even of this notion of heresie , as it signifies an erring , even in fundamentals also . i know very well , men have hitherto considered the church rather as a sect , than as a society ; and have therefore usually had no regard to the doctrines fundamental to it as a society , if they did not withal concern it as a sect , and antecedently to its being a society . but there seems very little reason for their doing so , if they will be pleased impartially to reflect on it . it is very true , its notion as a sect is antecedent to its being a society , because it is a society into which men find themselves obliged to enter by the doctrines they must be supposed to believe , if they own it as a sect. but even thence it appears , that the doctrines which concern it as a sect , do withal make it necessary it should be a society . these two considerations therefore are by no means to be separated . nay it hence appears , that the doctrines constituting it as a sect , do also by a near , and unavoidable , and evident consequence , make it a society . thus therefore the fundamentals of its being a society , will be included in that system of doctrines which concern it as a sect. and then what matter is it that one of these notions is antecedent and the other consequent ? thus much at least will follow , that there is no subverting it as a society , without subverting it also as a sect ; because those very doctrines which make it a sect , do also consequently oblige it to be a society . for my part i believe those doctrines of the trinity and incarnation , which all who believe any fundamentals proper to the christian religion as revealed by god , do reckon among fundamentals , not to have been revealed for speculation only , but purposely to oblige men to unite in it as a society . the vnity in trinity , which is the principal thing insisted on in the doctrine of the trinity as revealed in the scripture , was purposely to let men see the extent of the mystical vnion to which they were intitled by the external vnion with the visible church , that by partaking in the orthodox communion , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned by st. john , they had also a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the father and the son , . john . . for it was manifest they must also partake of the spirit , because he who had not the spirit of christ was none of his . it was therefore supposed that by partaking of the trinity we are made one mystically , and that by being united visibly to the church , we are intitled to that mystical vnion . so whoever is united visibly to the church is thereby , if he be not wanting to himself in due conditions , united also mystically to the trinity ; and that whoever is divided externally from the church , is thereby also dis●united from this communion and vnion with the trinity . and what more prevailing inducements could be thought of to oblige men to keep in a society ? so also the design of the incarnation was , by christ's taking upon him our body and our flesh , to make us also one body and one flesh with him , thereby to entitle our bodies to a resurrection ; but then our being one body and one flesh with him , depended on our being members of the church , which is called his body , his flesh , his bones . we were to be baptized into this one body , and become one body by partaking of one bread. which plainly shew that all the benefits of the incarnation are derived to us by our partaking of the sacraments , and therefore by our adhering inseparably to them who alone are authorized by god to administer them . thus plain it is that those very fundamentals of our revealed religion as revealed , are revealed and designed for this purpose of making the church a society . how can therefore our adversaries make these doctrines fundamental , if this be not fundamental also , that the church was by god designed to be a society ? . this at least is certain , that we are intituled to all the benefits of our religion , by our owning the church not only as a sect , but as a society also ; and that though we believe all its doctrines as it is a sect , yet if we be divided from it as a society , that belief alone will not secure us a title to any of the benefits of our religion . excommunicates , however orthodox in their opinions , were never suppos'd , in the discipline of the church to have any actual title to the benefits of religion , if they persisted wilfully in that state of excommunication . the same i have already observed concerning the case of schismaticks , on the principles of the early age of st. cyprian . hence therefore it appears , that this notion of the church as a society , whatever it be in it self , is at least fundamental as to us , in order to our partaking of any of the benefits of religion : that is , indeed it is fundamental to all intents and purposes that we can think worthy our enquiry . without this , the other notions , if any be , will never be beneficial to us . so that whatever those other notions may be in order of reasoning ; yet this notion of the church as a society must be fundamental to them in order to their being beneficial ; that is , as far as we have any reason to concern our selves for them . these things ought certainly to be taken for fundamental as to the discipline and censures of the church . she ought certainly to be most concerned for those things that are most influential on the interests of souls ; and those are so whose belief is most beneficial and their dis-belief most hurtful to those most valuable interests . i cannot therefore see why she should not think doctrines of this kind fundamental , and reckon them among those fundamentals on which she ought to lay out her principal care. if therefore she ought to excommunicate for any errors at all , certainly she ought in the first place to do it for errors so destructive of all obligation to her communion it self , and of her authority of excommunicating ; that is , indeed so destructive to all that power she has either for the preservation of truth , or the prohibition of error in general . and if she ought not to inflict her censures , at least these highest of them , for any errors but those which are fundamental ; it will plainly follow , that errors of this kind must be reckoned for fundamental ones . our adversaries would have errors in fundamentals punished , and punished as a spiritual crime by a purely spiritual authority ; but they do not , in the mean time , seem to be aware how fundamental this very notion of the church , as a distinct and spiritual soceity , is to its having any authority , or power to punish , so much as spiritually . all they can do as a sect , is only to reason with hereticks concerning their errors , and all the means to reduce them are those reasons which can no farther prevail with them than as they may seem convictive in the judgment of the hereticks themselves . but on that account they stand on even terms with the hereticks , whose reasons ought likewise to take place with the ecclesiasticks , so far as they also are in conscience convinced by them . a true authority , and a power of punishing refractory persons by excluding from communion , do fundamentally suppose a spiritual society over which they are to exercise this authority , and from which delinquents are to be excluded by spiritual censures and excommunications . how can they therefore avoid reckoning those errors from being fundamental ones as punishable by a spiritual authority , which ruine fundamentally that very authority by which such errors are to be punished ; which destroy the society on which that authority is grounded fundamentally ? . if h●r●fore errors that destroy the very being of the church , as a society be fundamental , i cannot for my part fore-see how our adversaries can ex●u●e their anti bishops , and all that own them , by principles , from erring fundamentally . their being bishops supposes such doctrines as , if they be once admitted , make it impossible for the church to subsist as a spiritual society whenever the state is pleased to persecute it . they cannot possibly be supposed bishops of those dioceses to which they are consecrated , till it first be supposed that their predecessors are validly deprived , and consequently that the sees are vacant in conscience . if it should prove otherwise , the clergy and laity of those some jurisdictions , will still be obliged in conscience , as much as ever , to adhere to their canonical bishops till they be canonically deprived , and to disown such intruders as are put over them , not only without any canonical procedure , but without any authority also that can obl●ge in conscience . the only principle therefore on which they can pretend that their rival bishops have lost their right , as to conscience , must be the power that even the lay-magistrate has to deprive bishops even with regard to conscience . if therefore they will defend their schism by principles , it will be necessary that they defend this principle also , without which it is not possible that it should ever be defended . they have no ecclesiastical judicatory , just or unjust , that they can so much as pretend in this case and the defending this is that which will increase their guilt , and will add to their charge of schism , the aggravation of heresie also . for in order to the asserting such a right as this to the secular magistrate , it will be necessary to assert that the authority of the church , even as to spirituals , is , in conscience the right of the civil magistrate . if it should not be so , then the subjects of the respective dioceses may still be at liberty in conscience to adhere to their deprived bishops . and if they may , they must , because then all their former obligations in conscience will still hold as obliging as ever : for it is impossible that those antece●ent obligations in conscience to adhere to their spiritual superiors can be dis-annulled , or diminished by a power that can pretend no right in such matters with regard to conscience . but if we grant this power to the magistrate , this will perfectly overthrow the church as a society distinct from the state , and perfectly disable it to subsist as a society in a time of persecution . for when the magistrate persecutes it , it cannot then subsist as a society without a government , and a government obliging in conscience , and not derived from the persecuting magistrate . but if the right of that spiritual government be in conscience the magistrate's right , it must be an invading the magistrate's right to pretend to it when he expresly forbids it . and if so , how can spiritual governors in such a case pretend to it ? how can they pretend to a right that is none of their own , consistently with conscience ? how can their pretending to it with ill consciences , oblige their subjects to adhere to them on account of conscience ? nay how can it , even excuse them in conscience for not adhering rather to him whose right it is supposed to be , and that even in conscience ? no necessity whatsoever can excuse a sin , much less lay an obligation in conscience on subjects to abett it , least of all lay an obligation on god to ratifie such acts of authority as must be supposed no better than vsurpations . and yet all acts of ecclesiastical authority in a time of persecution can signifie nothing if they be not such as may oblige in conscience , and such as god , as well as men , is obliged to ratifie , thus it had been sin in the romans to set up cornelius ( as plainly they did ) not only without the consent , but against the will of decius . it had been sin in him , and not in him only , but in all the bishops of his age , to pretend to any districts in the roman empire . it had been sin in them to exercise authority in districts not belonging to them . thus the church had been perfectly dissolved , as a society at least , within the roman empire ; unless we can suppose a notion of a society without governours , without districts , without any lawful exercises of authority . and yet the bishops of those ages never thought themselves obliged in conscience , to go out of the roman empire to retrieve the power which is pretended to belong to them as bishops of the catholick church . and very probably it had signified nothing to have done so . they could have gone into no civilized inhabited countreys , but they must have expected magistrates who could pretend to the same right , as well as de●ius , and who were as much disposed as he , to use their right to the prejudice of the christian religion . what therefore would our adversaries have advised the christians of those ages to have preserved themselves in a society ? would they have had them retired into unoccupied wildernesses ? but how could they make societies there where there were no numbers of subjects , requisite to make a society ? plainly therefore , the catholick church had then been dissolved as societies , if these new principles had been maintained in those earlier ages . and these same principles do still put it as evidently in the power of the civil magistrate to dissolve the church as a society within his own dominions . for how can a church continue a society where bishops are in conscience deprived of their spiritual authority , and where subjects are also absolved from their obligations in conscience to obey them ? and this is also a dissolving the catholick church as to such , as live in such dominions , and as to any benefits they can derive from the catholick church also . for subjects of particular districts are no otherwise received into the catholick church , than as they derive a right to communion with all churches in the world , by their being admitted members of the churches of their particular districts . and they are also deprived of their right of catholick communion , when they are excommunicated by the lawful authority of their particular districts i cannot therefore see how our adversaries can excuse themselves herein from erring fundamentally if the church's being a society be admitted for a fundamental . . if there be degrees of fundamentals . i should think the fundamentals concerning the church as a society to be of the greatest consequence , and therefore fundamental in the highest degree . the church is indeed obliged to keep the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these are the expressions by which our adversaries thems●lves , i believe , conceive the articles themselves call fundamental to be signified but she is obliged to keep them as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a trust committed to her . how so ? by avoiding disputings ▪ by stopping the mouths of hereticks , by rebuking them with all authority , b● rejecting and avoiding , not their doctrines only , but their persons also , when they prove incorrigible . now these things plainly suppose governors invest●d with spiritual authority , and a communion , from whence incurable hereticks are to be rejected . so that in order to the keeping these o●her fundamentals , the church as a society is supposed antecedently as a condition that alon● can qualifie her for having such a trust committed to h●r . this no●ion therefore as antecedent must be fundamental to those other fundamentals , and therefore fundamental in a higher sense than those things can be whose security is superstructed upon it . and accordingly the damage to the publick in subverting these notions of the church as a society ▪ i● proportionably greater than that which follows from the denial of other particular articles which are commonly taken for fundamental . he that denies one of the other articles may yet believe all the rest , and zealously defend them and that by principles too ●gainst all other hereticks . but he that denies the church as a society invested with a spiritual authority , does as eff●ctually contribute to the ruine of all the other fundamentals at once , as he does to the ruine of a h●use who subvers the foundations of it . it brings in impunity for heresie ●n general and suffers hereticks still to hope as well in their separate sects , as if they were in 〈…〉 communion i● l●aves them destitute of even any presumptions that might oblige them ●o judge in favour of the church's doctrine , as the safest error , if it should prove one it does by this mean● reduce the trial of the cause to the reasons themselves , and their native evidence , and put● it in the power of assuming men to pretend greater evidence than either they have , or they really believe . and thing● being reduced to his pass , it is more god's providence ▪ than the security of principles , that hinders any heretick who disputes any one of the other articles , from questioning all the rest . . i am sorry our adversaries case affords ma●ter for so heavy accusations : but they may by this time understand how naturally the cause affords it , if we will judge impartially , as we must do , if we will judge either solidly or justly ; if we will judge as no doubt , the righteous judge of all the world will at the day of the general judgment and what can our late brethren , either of the clergy or laity , say for bringing things to this melancholy prospect ? neither is the cha●ge ●light , to which they have made themselves obnoxious by this unhappy schism ; nor is the evidence slight , by which this charge may be ●roved against them : and yet they have wholly been the aggressors in ●his whole affair . we are exactly where we were ▪ exactly where they left us . so little can they pretend that we have contributed to this division . we hold the same doctrines that we did , that themselves did , formerly . we adhere to the same bishops themselves have owned for bishops till now . nor are we otherwise divided from them , than as they have divided themselves , by erecting new altars against the altars themselves have hitherto acknowledged lovers of unity would be as much grieved for breaches in the mystical body as living members when by any violence they are divided f●om the body natu●al . the lit●le concern the harlot shewed for the controverted infant , was to solomon an argument , that she was not the mother of it . and how comes it to pass they can divide themselves from us with so little remorse , if ever they were living members of our common mystical body ? do they not tempt us to reason as st. john did , tha● they never were ours by principles when they can so easily leave us ? have they lost all reverence for their so lately celebrated fathers ? have they lost all brotherly love and compassion to their brethren ? and all for no other crime than constancy to our common principles . and can they still pretend a zeal to our common religion for doing so ? these , they will say , are our opinions . but lovers of unity would be afflicted for violations of it , whoever were the occasions of it . lovers of unity would not willingly grieve their brethren , much less would they do that , which , even in the opinions of their brethren ▪ might occasion a breach of unity . if there were otherwise no great necessity for doing it . least of all would they do it , when they knew those princip●es to be principles of conscience , an● of a conscience firm and stedfast to the true publick , spiritual interests of the church . so far they must be from accepting promotions , when they must be purchased at so dear a rate as that of a publick schism . but i wish these opinions of ours were no more than private opinions , i h●s now app●ared that they were the sense of the who●e catholick church , in those ag●s which all ought to reverence , who will pretend to reformation , and which is to be the standard of catholick unity . yet let them regard us as little as they please , methinks at least they should have some regard to the publick in●erests even of their own church ▪ and yet both the intruders and their consecrators proceed on those principles , that put it in the power of a popish or schismatical prince to dissolve it when they please . they cannot justifie what they do without supposing a vacancy in the sees to which the new promotions are made ; nor can they suppose such a vacancy without allowing the validity of a state depriva●ion , even with regard to conscience . suppose therefore a popish prince with a popish parliament should turn their principles against themselves , and deprive all our bishops with one act of state ; i cannot see what these fathers can pretend to secure their chu●ch as a society , and as a communion , in opposition to them . they must then no longer pretend to dioceses in england . they must not pretend to any obligation of their protestant clergy and laity to stand by them , even in conscience . they must therefore never pretend to communions ●n those dioceses , which are plainly exercises of spiritual authority in them . nor can they then justifie , or even excuse , any assemblies for religion , when forbidden by the civil magistrate , who is only supposed , by these principles , to have also the right to that spiritual authority by which alone they can be justified . and are these the ways to secure our religion against popery ? no open persecutions whatsoever can ever ruine us so eff●ctually as these doctrines will , if ever we receive them . doctrines of our own will break our union among our selves more than any of our adversaries open violences . . thus i have shewn that our author 's reasoning is not concluding for our adversaries purpose , though his matters of fact had been as pertinent ●s our adversaries conceive them to be . i now proceed to the examination of the matter of fact themselves , and shall endeavour to shew that even they are not pertinent to our adversaries case . a vindication of the deprived bishops , &c. part ii. shewing , that the instances collected in the anonymous baroccian ms. are indeed not pertinent to the editors design , for vindicating the validity of the deprivation of spiritual power by a lay-authority . . the use that our adversaries make of this collection of instances , which they call precedents , is to shew that our present bishops are obliged to acquiesce in their unjust deprivation , and that their present clergy and people are not obliged to stand by them , if they think fit to insist on their right , and chalenge their duty from them . these things they conceive clear from these instances , that neither unjustly deposed bishops did chalenge their rights , nor their clergy and laity assist them in chalenging them , if the bishops substituted in their places were of the same faith with those who were deprived . but undoubtedly these reasonings can never pretend to hold any farther than as the instances here mentioned were parallel to the case of our present bishops . if the cases be different , and different in so remarkable a circumstance , as will make a difference of reason also ; it will not follow that our bishops now are obliged to doe as those did then , though we had been better assured than we are , that what was done in the cases here instanced was justifiable , and on other accounts than bare matter of fact , argumentative , and fit to pass into a precedent . and for my part , so far i am from thinking the case the same , that i believe their author himself never intended it should be so . our adversaries make application of his instances to a case , wherein not onely the deprivation is unjust , but the authority itself is null and disobliging ; that is , of a lay-deprivation as to the purely spiritual authority of our bishops . but in all likelyhood this neither was no● could be the design of this author , to make a collection of precedents for submission to a lay and invalid deprivation ; much less in such circumstances as ours are , wherein men are so prone to make ill interpretations of such submission , to the justifying such invasions for the future , and the ruine of the church , as a society distinct from , and independent on the state. . to shew that this was not his design , it will be convenient to enquire into the matter of fact , which gave occasion to their author to draw up this collection of precedents and canons : for from thence it will appear how much he was obliged to prove , that he might make his collection pertinent to the case undertaken by him ; and whether the speaking home to that case that was then before him did , by any way of rational consequence , oblige him to say things applicable to our present case , to which what he says is applied by our adversaries . this i shall the rather endeavour , both because it will be acceptable to the world to know the occasion of writing this new published discourse , and because it is not so much as a●tempted by either of the worthy editors , which yet was an omission of very ill consequence , as to the reasoning : for how was it possible to judge of the reasoning of their author , whilest as yet the case was unknown against which the reasoning was designed by him ? and in order hereunto we have gained a point , in discovering the time of the author , and thereby the true age of this discourse . this will confine our enquiry within a narrower compass , wherein we are to expect the case that gave occasion for it : indeed it is the onely token we have for knowing it , the author having given us no historical account of the persons concerned , in the discourse itself . . the original therefore of the schism which occasioned this discourse , is , i believe , to be derived from the reign of michael palaeologus , the father of the elder andronicus , under whom our authour wrote . i mention nothing now of that elder schism wherein nicephorus of ephesus was set up against arsenius , mentioned by pachymeres : that quarrel was ended on arsenius's restitution ; and therefore could have no influence on the discourse written afterwards . the second schism therefore is that which is to our purpose ; and it was thus : theodorus lascaris had left a young son behind him , called john : of him , by that time he came to be ten years of age , michael began to be jealous , and to secure himself puts out his eyes . this the then patriarch , arsenius was very much displeased at , and excommunicated him for it . the emperour bore it for a while , and wore a penitential habit , hoping within a while to be restored : but finding at length no hopes of it , this made a grudge between him and the patriarch ; so that the emperour was resolved to lay him by . what then ? does he deprive him by his secular authority ? no such matter . gregoras observes , that * he did not take the course his power would suggest , nor use it openly . there was no such power so much as pretended to by the lay-magistrate , even in those late and degenerous ages . he pretends indeed a frivolous cause against the patriarch ; yet he makes not himself the judge of it , but a synod . however he gained his point ; the synod did as the emperour would have them , and deposed the patriarch . this being done , they translate germanus from the see of adrianople to that of constantinople ; which revived a dispute about translations , first started , as georgius pachymeres tells us , by joseph who succeeded him , and occasioned a like collection of instances as this is , which we have still preserved in the same baroccian ms. there we have also the synodical proceedings concerning the translation of germanus , which gi●es us the time of it , that it was in may , the year of the world , as they then reckoned , ; that is , in the year of our lord as we now account , . but germanus , not being able to endure the envy and odium of coming into arsenius's place so injuriously vacated ; retires after two years , arsenius being yet alive . pachymeres says , that the emperour was also underhand very active in it . upon this arsenius stirs again , but in vain ; joseph was , by the emperour's interest , again set up against him . thi● was about the time of the eclipse which gregoras mentions in may , in the year of the world . that was the year of our lord . pachymeres is more distinct , and tells us , that germanus resigned about september . arsenius upon this acts authoritatively , and deprives joseph ; for so we find it pleaded elsewhere by the followers of arsenius , in the same * gregoras . this was a chalenging of his right , upon the vacancy , and had this effect with those who thought him injured , that they would no more own the communion of joseph ; so that from that time forward the schism began . this is certain , that when michael afterwards endeavoured an vnion with the latines , in the council of lyons , in the year . both parties opposed it with great zeal ; joseph himself so far , that he was deposed for it , and beccus set up in his place : and yet though both parties united against the common adversary , they would not doe so among themselves . they still avoided each * others communion as much as they did that of the latines . thus things continued in that reign , though both parties were persecuted by the emperour , who did all he could to force them both to his vnion of the council of lyons . at length he dyes , and then all things return : beccus retires , and the schismatical exiles of both parts come home . this must have been in the year . if gregoras date it right , in the year of the world . phrantzes and pachymeres agree with him ; onely puchymeres adds , that it was the th of scirrophorion . this possinus misunderstands , when he thinks it was december ; but scirrophorion in the table of hesychius , where he describes the signification of those old names of months , in the use of the modern greeks is august : and so the matter is clear , and the other note given by pachymeres , that it was the parasceve agrees exactly . in that year the th cycle of the sun the dominical letters ba , the th of august is dominical exactly . and so the number of his years of reign answer exactly . p●●chymeres says , that he began his reign the st of hecatombaeon ; that is , in hesychius , september ; not january , as possinus would have it : according to which beginning his reign from septemb. . . he must have reigned years , except days , as pachymeres says he did . then joseph returns , and enjoys the patriarchal throne for a time , and they who had owned him before , own him still , and communicate with him : but the arseniate ( so they were called , and opposed to the josephiat● , ) return with their old animosities , and would not own him upon account of his former deposition by arsenius , who was by this time some while dead , and could not head them ; yet they would not communicate with joseph , though he had now no rival to be opposed to him . the death of arsenius was the next year after the vnion of the council of lyons , on the th of gamelion , in the language of pachymeres ; i. e. on the th of march , . on the other side the josephiatae pleaded , that arsenius had been canonically deprived in a synod , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there was also a third party , which charged both these , no doubt , joseph then living , with new canonical accusations . this obliged joseph again to recede , both for peace sake , and because indeed he was by this time superannuated for his charge : thus he left the two parties engaged , and soon after dyes himself . the new emperour andronicus did not think fit to let the throne lie vacant at so dangerous a time as the beginning of a new reign ; he therefore pitches on georgius cyprius , an eloquent and learned man , and fit for the place , and immediately invests him with what he could give him , the crosier , or pastoral staff , according to the custome then generally received for some ages , both in the east and west . this enabled him to perform those patriarchal offices onely which required not priesthood , as gregoras expresly observes ; so carefull they were then of avoiding these present invasions on that sacred function . the reason he deferred his consecration for a time , was purposely that he might get him consecrated by persons no way concerned in the schism between the arsenians and josephians , nor in the vnion attempted by his father in the council of lyons , as wisely foreseeing that it would make the whole consecration questionable , in a time when that whole design was so unpopular and abominated ; and a short time afforded him persons fit for his purpose . within a while the bishop of mozula came on an embassy from his master the despote of aetolia , and a little after him another bishop of debra in macedon , upon another occasion . these , i suppose , were therefore free from any contagion of latine communion , or of the schism , because they had not been liable to his father's jurisdiction : but he pitched rather on the bishop of mozula , as being a suffragan of constantinople ; for mozula was subject to naupactus , naupactus to constantinople ; whereas debra was under justiniana prima , exempted by justinian : him therefore andronicus prevails on , first to consecrate a monk , called germanus , bishop of heraclia , whose antient right it was to preside in the consecration of the patriarch ; then with the bishop of debra to assist the so consecrated bishop of heraclia in the following office , when there should be need of them . this being done , they then proceed to the consecration of georgius or gregorius , for the modern greeks especially do often confound those two names ; and being onely a reader before , they first ordain him deacon , then presbyter , before they all joined in making him patriarch . thus all the caution was used that could be , to prevent the schism that might follow , if his consecration had been exceptionable in the opinions then received ; and all was no more than necessary , as did afterwards appear . this did not hinder but that his former familiarity with becus , and metochita , and meliteniota , was objected to him ; and even that inferior order of reader , which he did not receive then , he was said to have received from latinizers . how true these objections were is not material to our present design : this at least appears , how prone they were then to make them , and how little occasions served for those who were so predisposed to receive them . the patriarch thus made , endeavours then were used to reconcile the arseniatae and the josephiatae : accordingly an expedient was thought of suitable to the superstition of the age , and the tales formerly invented by the legendaries . on the great sabbath , that is the saturday before easter , two libels were received , each containing the sense of the party that deliver'd it ; one of the followers of arsenius , the other of those of joseph . these they cast into a fire prepared for the purpose , expecting ( according to the fancies of our saxon ancestors concerning their fiery ordeal ) that the libel which was more pleasing to god should escape untouch'd : but the event was , that the fire destroyed them both , and the controversie still remained unresolved , whether was in the right . however it was thus interpreted , that the making parties was generally displeasing . this sufficed at present to unite them among themselves , and with their present patriarch . and to sweeten the arseniatae the more , it was granted them , that the body of arsenius should be honourably received into the city with a solemn procession . the easter that this vnion was transacted in could hardly be sooner than that of the year . and the great sabbath was april . according to the computation of isaac , a monk near this time , that we may not suspect any alteration in the paschal account between this time and his . but the vnion then made does not seem to have held long , possibly no longer than the time of this george of cyprus . in the time of nipho of cyzicus we find the arseniatae out again , ( how long before we know not ) and by him reconciled on very honourable terms , and then apostatizing again : this was about the year . thus fickle they were , for so many years together after the death and honourable amends made to the memory of their arsenius . however the prospect of things in our author's view when he wrote this discourse , i take to have been that of the year . which i have been now describing . . it gives indeed so clear an account of the whole design of this discourse , that we can hardly doubt but that this was indeed the case that occasioned it . that the author excepts st. chrysostome's case , as affording matter for a particular consideration , seems to imply that this case was particularly insisted on by the adversaries with whom he was concerned . and indeed the case of arsenius was so very like that of st. chrysostome , that it cannot be thought strange that the arsenians should reason from that case as a precedent . st. chrysostome excepted against the synod ad quercum that deposed him , that his notorious and professed enemies , theophilus , acacius , severian , and antiochus , presided in it : so did arsenius against the synod that deposed him , that the emperour had convened it , and influenced it , with whom he had a known difference on occasion of his late excommunication . the synod ad quercum admitted not this exception of st. chrysostome , but condemned him for non-appearance , without any examination of the merits of his cause ; and the same way this other synod also proceeded in the case of arsenius , that he also had no hearing concerning the particulars objected against him . in the case of st. chrysostome , not onely the eastern joannites , but all the bishops of the west renounced communion with those who had proceeded so unjustly in censuring him without ever hearing his defence ; and this not onely while st. chrysostome himself was living , but for many years after his death , till an honourable amends was made him , as far as was possible ; that is , not to his person , but his memory . that was , not onely when his name was received into the ecclesiastical dip●ychs , thereby owning him to have dyed , in right , as bishop of constantinople ; but when his body was brought back , and received into the city by a solemn procession of the then bp. proclus , the emperour himself assisting at the ceremony . this was , as socrates tells us , in the th consulship of the younger theodosius , ( in the year . ) and in the th year of the dishonour done him , which seem therefore to be reckoned from the synod ad quercum , where he was first deposed , which was the year before he was banished constantinople . he was not banished till the th of septemb. in the year . for they usually allow him onely five years and some odd months for his bishoprick , which began febr. . in the year . and therefore must end in . and the time of that former synod ad quercum , which probably was the reason why socrates began his account from thence . no doubt the arsenians also had this example before them , when they procured the two translations of the body of their patron ; the first from the place where he dyed to the monastery of st. andrew in the city , in the beginning of this reign of andronicus ; then from the monastery to the church of st. sophia , in the later concordate made by the patriarch nipho of cyzicus , in the year . for so st chrysostome's body also had been interred in the church of the apostles , built by the emperour constantine the great , and where himself was buried also , no doubt the principal church of the city then , till this of st. sophia was afterwards built by the great justinian ; so carefull the arsenians were , that their patriarch arsenius should not fall short in any punctilio of the honour that was done to the memory of st. chrysostome . . and from hence we understand the reason why our author is so particularly carefull to observe , that past invalidities in succession , did not use to be critically examined , but left to god , not even by the dividing persons themselves , when they were so long past that they could not be remedied , and were withall not injurious to the rights of any person living . thus he observes , even in the principal case of st. chrysostome , that severianus of gabala , and acacius of beraea , though they were accused to pope innocent , ( that is the true notion of * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) were notwithstanding not censured by him , but permitted to the divine vengeance , when their fact was now too late to be redressed . the like he observes concerning pope caelestine's approving of atticus and his successors , in his epistle to nestorius . these are arguments ad homines , even from the sense of those who were the principal separators , on account of the injustice done to st. chrysostome ; for such were the bishops of rome : and he is frequent in his observations of this kind ; a sign that the schismaticks he had to deal with were rigorous in retrospection , and unraveling what had been done since the injurious deprivation ; and this the arsenians did insist upon . arsenius himself , upon his restitution after his first expulsion , expresly ratified all the orders that had been conferred by the intruder , nicephorus of ephesus : and in the reconciliation made by niphon of cyzicus , one thing granted them was , * that the clergy should submit to a penance of forty days suspension ; no doubt as an acknowledgment that their whole ministry was in right unlawfull as far as it had been received in the schism . and this seems to have been the reason why gregoras censures the arsenians , as having that design of advancing their own party to all the preferments of the church . that was a consequence of their vacating all the places that had been filled since the intrusion , and invalidating their orders ; they thereby left none qualified to fill their places but themselves . . but our author expresly excepts the case of heresie , as that alone which could justifie a separation . the heresie then in view , in the sense of the greeks , was no doubt the doctrine of the latines , which they called heresie , and with which they had been allarmed since the pretended vnion at lyons . this exception therefore the author could very truly and prudently admit , and urge against both the dividing parties , that neither of them could charge the other with latinizing , or pretend that as a cause for their separation . joseph had suffered in that cause as well as the arsenians , and was forced to retire , and beccus was set up against him , because he would not comply with the emperour in that matter : yet in the latter end of his discourse he adds out of the canons two prudent limitations of this case , even of heresie : one is , that he requires that the heresie should have been antecedently condemned by the church , lest otherwise private persons should be left at liberty to separate for whatever themselves should be pleased to call heresie : another is , that the heresie so condemned should be openly , and in the face of the church owned by the pretended heretick , that no publick separation might ever be permitted , without publick evidence of the cause on which the separation was to be made . i cannot think these limitations were made precariously , but in prospect of a cause then in view , that might have suffered by the consequence of this concession , that heresie at least would justifie separation , if these limitations had not been interposed : and i can think of no cause so likely as that of george of cyprus , who was now made patriarch . we find by gregoras , that notwithstanding the care that was used that his consecration might have no ingredient of any authority derived either from latines , or latinizing greeks , yet he lay under some suspition of that very charge , which was then so very odious . his former familiarity with beccus , and metochita , and meliteniota , in the time when the vnion was rigorously urged by the emperour , made him suspected of having imbibed their doctrine . at least his inferior order of readership , which was now not given him , but supposed , they did not know but it might have been derived from latinizers . but these limitations secured his case from justifying any separation that might follow from these jealousies . he might hold some opinions in common with the latines , if they were not condemned as heresies by his own church . and particularly gregoras observes , that in that vnion of lyons the * faith was not meddled with ; i believe he means the article concerning the procession of the holy ghost from the son. and this being free , there were not many of those which they called errours of the latines , which they could pretend had been condemned as erroneous in the faith. this even beccus himself might have pleaded , as well as george , that he had not expresly professed that doctrine of the latines which the greek church condemned for heretical ; but he could not excuse himself as george could doe , from at least communion with those whom they called hereticks : at least the other limitation would bring george off , that they onely suspected him to maint●in the doctrine of those with whom he had been so familiar , not that even his adversaries could pretend that he had owned them openly , or taught them in the publick ecclesiastical assemblies . if this was the occasion , this collection could hardly have been made before the synod of a●ramittium , which being about the time of easter , could not have been sooner than the next year to that wherein andronicus succeeded ; that is , the year . nor is it likely to have been sooner , if this author wrote it when himself was rhetor. georgius logothetes acropolita , whose chronicle we have , was rhetor in the time of arsenius . germanus , who was set up against arsenius , put manuel holobolus in that same office ▪ perhaps the same whose notes are extant in ms. on the ar● dosiadis . holobolus was very hardly used by michael the emperour for his aversion to the latines , as pachymeres tells us : nor was he , that we know of , then put out of his place . but whether it was he that was continued , or that was restored at the beginning of andronicus , we cannot judge till we have more light from history . this at least seems probable , that this was the time of writing this discourse : before this time there was not such occasion for this exception , and these limitations of this exception of heresie , as there was now . it is certain the author was a constantinopolitane , and wrote on occasion of a constantinopolitane schism , and wrote withall about this time , and could hardly have avoided mentioning this schism , on one side or other , if he had written after it ; and there is neither any schism , nor any time of this schism , so fit for it as this . withall we know that an union did follow upon it ; who knows how much this discourse of the publick rhetor might have contributed to it ? . if therefore i have guessed right at the true occasion of writing this discourse , the author , whoever he was , had no occasion from his design to speak to our present case , of an invalid deprivation , as to spirituals , by a lay-authority . the case of arsenius was plainly managed by a synod ; so also was that of st. chrysostome , so much insisted on by them , and pleaded as a precedent of a parallel case . the secular power , in both cases , concerned themselves no farther than in executing the synodical decrees : particularly michael pal●ologus was so far from encroaching on the church's power , that gregoras observes expresly , that he would not use the power he had in his hands to right himself ; so far , that he owned the validity of arsenius's censure against him , that he submitted to it , and wore a penitential habit , and profered any satisfaction that the patriarch would impose upon him , and that nothing seems to have hindred the reconciliation , but that arsenius did not yet think fit to come to particulars ; so far , that he was once minded to have surrendred his imperial sword to the patriarch , till finding arsenius willing to accept of it , he suddenly snatched it back ▪ and refused to stand to it ; so far , that even after arsenius was deposed , he never was at ease in his own conscience , till he was absolved from those censures by another patriarch ; that he scrupled the validity of an absolution from germanus , because of his translation from another see , and was thereupon very desirous underhand , as pachymeres informs us , to oblige him to resign ; that when that resignation was made , he then rested not till he had the absolution solemnly pronounced by the patriarch joseph , after a publick and solemn acknowledgment of the crimes by which he had incurred those censures , in the face of the church . what occasion therefore could this author have to justifie the validity , or the obligation in conscience to submit to a lay-deprivation ? the case before him not requiring it , he could have no temptation to undertake it , but to gratifie the emperours ; but even that cannot be pretended here : the emperour principally concerned never chalenged such power to himself , no not in conscience , though he was under such temptations to enlarge his pretensions to the uttermost . and the emperour andronicus , under whom the discourse was written , was not so much as under any temptation to chalenge more than what was , in the opinions of that age , believed his due , and shewed himself displeased with the proceeding of his father's reign . . there was therefore on this account no occasion that might oblige our author to speak to our present case of a lay-deprivation . that is not all : i add farther , that our author could not justifie this case , if he would be true to the principles advanced by himself in this very discourse . the canons that are omitted would have made this matter very clear , if the editor had thought fit to have taken them in . they plainly mention no other case of a bishop's being deposed , but that of his being deposed by a synod : but this negative testimony will not , perhaps , satisfie our adversaries ; they farther say , such things as are utterly inconsistent with their owning any deprivation to be valid that is not synodical . the canons of the first-second synod , here produced , ( so it was called , because it was twice convened , like the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or quinisext , which made the canons ascribed to the th general council , though the bishops who made them were convened some while after the th council : ) these , i say , are very home and decisive to our purpose , and such as our adversaries can by no means stand by . it is there decreed , that if any presbyter or deacon shall dare to fall away from his bishop , before a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , conciliary judgment of his case ; nay , before a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( the judgment alone was not sufficient , unless it proceeded to a definitive sentence . ) if , i say , such a person either leave his bishop's communion , or leave his name out of the diptychs , and do not mention it in the ecclesiastical offices ; he is to be deprived of all his sacerdotal office. not onely so , but all that follow him , if they have any sacerdotal office , are to be deprived as well as he ; if they be laymen , they are to be exmunicated , till they quit the communion of the schismaticks , and return to that of their own bishop . no other sentence or deprivation is here allowed of to excuse a separation , but a synodical one ; till that be had , the fathers who made this canon , look on all the separation that is made as no better than schism . and is not this exactly our deprived father's case ? what synod can our adversaries pretend that has , i do not say sentenced , but so much as judicially heard them ? what then can they say that , by the doctrine of this canon , may excuse their present separation from being schismatical ? will they say they are guilty of no separation ? but erecting another altar opposite to the altar of their own bishop is separation , not onely by the doctrine of the cath. church of st. cyprian's age , but even of their own author himself . so it appears from the canons of the apostles , and of the council of antioch here produced by him , which use this very expression of erecting altar against altar . and it is notorious , that all who have used this phrase , have ever included this case of setting up a bishop against a bishop within the same jurisdiction : the very first occasion of using it was taken from a case exactly parallel among the jews , that of setting up a high priest against another high priest , within the same peculium . so also by the doctrine of the same canons produced here , it is schismatical to omit mentioning the bishop's name in the ecclesiastical diptychs : the design of those commemorations in the diptychs , was plainly to own them as bishops of those particular districts . thus cyril of alexandria argues against atticus , that the receiving st. chrysostome's name again into the diptychs , would be an owning him a bishop , who had been deprived of his bishoprick , and consequently a reversing the sentence of deprivation that had been pronounced against him . thus it appears , that it was the same thing to receive a bishop's name into the diptychs of a particular diocese , as to own him for a bishop of that diocese ; and to leave his name out of the diptychs of a particular diocese , was also the same thing as thence-forward to disown his episcopal relation to that particular diocese . and accordingly with us , who have not now that custome of ecclesiastical diptychs , owning men for bishops of such dioceses , is the same thing as receiving their names into the diptychs , and disowning them for bishops of those dioceses , will also be the same as excluding them out of the diocesan diptychs . particularly the case of those clergy in the deprived dioceses will fall under the purview of that canon , who omit the deprived bishops , and mention the intruders , in those prayers where it is customary to mention their diocesane ordinary . and now what can our titulars say for themselves , upon the principles of this their so celebrated author ? do they own the deprived bishops to have still a title in conscience to their dioceses ? how can they then at the same time pretend themselves to have a title also , and that in conscience ? how can they in conscience justifie their invasion of those thrones , to which others are acknowledg'd to have a right in conscience ? do they therefore , to make way for their own right , deny that of their predecessors ? but their very doing so forfeits all the rights they can pretend , not only to the dioceses , but their other (a) sacerdotal offices , by the doctrine of this canon , till they can prove what in our case they cannot so much as pretend , that their predecessors have had a (b) compleat conciliary hearing , and a conciliary deprivation . this canon therefore reaches the titulars themselves ; and not onely them , but the (c) clergy also of the respective dioceses who shall own or follow them , they are also liable to the very same sentence of deprivation . the (d) laity also of the same dioceses that shall own them are to be excommunicated , and not received again till they disown all communion with our titulars , who are here called schismaticks . this will take in all their whole bodies , at least in the deprived dioceses . . the next canon of that same synod here produced goes farther yet , and takes in the case of all the other bishops , who shall be guilty of the like undutifulness to their metropolitane , in leaving his communion , or not mentioning his name out of the diptychs in the li●urgical offices . and this canon also is as express as the former , in assigning the case wherein such omissions and defections are allowed as justifiable . no other judgment is allowed as competent in this matter , but that of a synod , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as here again the fathers express it , if any bishop do fail in his duty to his metropolitane before it , he is by this canon to be * deprived . and what can our late fathers say for themselves , if they were to be tried by this canon ; they can as yet no more pretend a synodical deprivation of their metropolitane , than of their other brethren ; yet they have taken upon them to disown him , as well as their otherwise equal brethren : they have taken upon them to meet in a convocation , without his presidency or permission ; and would , no doubt , have acted in matters of great importance to the church , if they could have agreed among themselves . this was a direct invasion of his right by the nicen● canon , which makes the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ratification of what is to be done in such assemblies , to be the prerogative of the metropolitane ; yet this they did , before they could pretend so much as a lay-deprivation . they have since proceeded farther , and made new schismatical bishops , not onely without his leave , but against his will : this is also expresly against the nicene canon , which allows not even a majority of the provincial synod to doe it , without the metropolitane's consent for one , though the bishop so made had not been schismatical . yet they have not stopped here ; they have presumed to set up his own dean against him , they who have sacredly promised subjection to him as his suffragans ; him who was under the same canonical obligations and promises too , as an immediate member of his diocese . and i need not tell him how scandalous this case of breaking faith was in the antient cases of arsacius of constantinople , and flavianus of antioch , not onely to discredit their persons , but to justifie a separation from them ; though i do not think that case alone sufficient to justifie it where the scandal was not injurious to a better right , than that of him who was in possession : but in the case before us i cannot imagine what they can pretend to avoid this canon . i do not urge these canons , as laws particularly obliging us , by whom they were never particularly and explicitly received : yet if i did urge them as obliging without explicite reception , perhaps the particular reasonableness of the canons themselves would bear me out in it . the law of nations obliges all particular civil nations , though it be not taken into their codes of written laws , and therefore not ratified by express reception . the reasonableness of the things themselves , and their necessity for maintaining correspondence , are alone sufficient to oblige all nations who will correspond with others , and correspond justly . so the case is here : the securing subordinations already received and settled , are so much the interests of all churches , and these expedients are so manifestly necessary for maintaining those subordinations , that they do as little need explicite reception to make them obligatory in particular churches , as the laws of nations do to make them also obligatory to particular nations . for my present design it 's sufficient that these canons do at least express the sense of the eastern church , and of this collector , who produces and owns them as authorities . hence at least it follows , that that church and this collector owned no validity in deprivations of bishops that were not synodical , when without this they account all refusals of duty schismatical , whatever other deprivations could be pretended in favour of such refusals . how was it then possible for this collector to plead precedents for even excusing duty on such deprivations , which he did not think sufficient to excuse them ? how could he call facts of this kind precedents , and reason from them to a church which had by her rules and canons so expresly condemned them ? . but mr. hody did not think this latter part , where the canons are , to belong to the discourse published by him : nor will i charge him with any designed disingenuity in suppressing them , though they make so manifestly against the cause espoused by him . i onely desire that his omission may not prejudice them who shall be pleased again to consult the ms. the thing it self gives no occasion that i can see for suspecting it to belong to any other author . the hand is manifestly the same with that of the part already published ; and this hand is manifestly different from those which are either before or after : it follows also without any new title , without any footsteps of any that had once been legible , but now defaced , and grown illegible ; without any the least convenient distance left for a title , if the author had intended one . but these things are not unusual with the unskilfull librarians , where notwithstanding the works themselves so injudicially connected are very different . i grant it , nor would i insist on these things , if there were any great evidence in the matter itself to the contrary ; but unless we will allow our selves a liberty of breaking off arbitrarily and unaccountably , and leaving out whatever displeases us in manuscripts , we must at least allow these things to pass for presumptions , where there is no contrary evidence : and that is all that need be granted us in this matter . the subject matter of this appendix is so far from affording arguments for suspecting it as part of another work , that it adds rather farther evidence , that it was really from the same author , and with the same design . the canons are to the same purpose of opposing the schisms now mentioned , as well as the historical precedents : both of them together do clear the sense of the church , as well from her written laws in words , as from her unwritten ones of custome and matter of fact. and what could be more proper than to join these two together ? indeed the facts alone would not be so argumentative , without the canons ; for they are not bare facts , but approved facts , that are fit to be admitted as precedents . and what facts are approved by the church , we can most securely judge by their conformity to her written laws . besides , this was the custome of the ecclesiastical rhetors , to give in their evidences of both kinds concerning the questions wherein they were consulted : so troilus the sophist mentions a canon as well as examples , relating to the case of translations , if he were the author of that collection , made use of by his disciple socrates , as i believe he was . so here in the same ms. in the collection fitted to the case of germanus of adrianople , intruded into the throne of arsenius , besides the collection of troilus , there are added many more instances , and express testimonies , out of the decretals of the popes , callistus and anteros , which in the discipline of that age were equivalent to canons . it should seem that , during the time the latines possessed constantinople , some latinizing greek translated isidore mercator's forgeries , which from that time were taken for law in the greek church , as they had formerly been in the latine . this is , i think , the first time we find them mentioned by the greeks : we do not find that their canonists , who wrote a little before , ever take any notice of them ; not zonaras , nor alexius aristenus , nor balsamon ; yet balsamon does mention the donation of constantine , which i believe was translated from the same collection of isidore's forgeries , a sign that even then the greeks began to look into them . but methinks the latter end of the canons of our appendix should put this matter out of doubt : there it is explained and limited what had been so often inculcated in the former discourse , concerning the liberty which had been allowed of separating in the excepted case of heresie . our author here produced his authority for what he had said as to that case , that his auditors might understand , that ( in a case of so great importance ) he did not presume to give them any singular opinions of his own , but that he instructed them in the received and allowed doctrine of the church of constantinople , to which they were all related . withall he thereby warned them of the cautions necessary in the practice of that doctrine , that they might not break the peace of their church in the case then proposed . who sees not how naturally this coheres with the former part of his discourse ? it is indeed so natural , that i once thought them to be the author 's own words , till i was convinced of my mistake , by comparing them with the canon itself , from whence he took them . but it was somewhat better for his purpose , that he should express his sense in this matter rather in his church's words than his own . and it must have been a wonderfull chance , if any scribbles of a librarian could have light on so fit a place , and so apposite to the precedent design of another author , who thought not of them . he that can believe it , may next believe the epicuraean hypothests , that the world was made by such a casual concurrence of undesigning atoms . all that is pretended to the contra●● ▪ is only that this collection of canons follows the summary subjoined to the former collection . but this is too conjectural a proof to be opposed to the evidences now mentioned : yet how do they know but that this very summary is the author 's own ? it is in as large a hand as the rest of the discourse itself ; it is not in red letters , as the like summary is in the fragment of philippus side●es , in this same ms. where it was added by the librarian : and it is not unusual for authors to add arguments and abstracts of their own works ; so did pliny to his natural history ; so did gellius to his noctes attioae ; so has the anonymous chronologer under alexander severus ; so has gildas and nennius in the later and more barbarous ages ; and what should make the librarian think that fit to be done in another man's work , that might not also make the author himself think so too ? but for our present purpose i am not concerned , whether this summary was drawn up by the author , or the librarian ; if the librarian thought fit to insert it into the text , ( as plainly he has done , ) this was the properest place for it , before any other part of the discourse intervened that was upon another argument , not of facts but canons . . thus i have shewn that our author was neither obliged by the occasion ▪ of his writing , nor could consequently to his own principles , design to give us a collection of precedents for withdrawing obedience on a lay-deprivation , or for a cession in a person so invalidly deprived . and now methinks this might excuse me from descending to a particular examination of the facts produced by him , which our adversaries are pleased to call precedents : for what if in the history of so many centuries as are here accounted for , there might be found some instances wherein christian emperours were partial in favour to themselves , and chalenged more power than did really belong to them ? and what if christian bishops for peace sake submitted , not waving the right , but bearing the injury ? what and if the clergy and laity did sometimes , as they do now , fail in their duty of adhering to them ? it is yet sufficient for our present purpose , that this was no design'd collection of such pretended precedents ; that therefore if any of these facts should prove so , that was beside the meaning of the author ; that his authority ought not to be concerned for them ; that neither his judgment , nor the judgment of the eastern churches , can ever recommend such facts for precedents , which were so disagreeable to their rules and canons . if therefore our adversaries will make precedents of those facts which were condemned by this author , by the doctrine of those very churches where they were committed , this is plainly reasoning otherwise than they can justifie by any authority : for what authority can it be that they will insist on for making such facts pass for precedents ? is it that of the eastern church ? but her doctrine will not allow our adversaries to disown our deprived bishops , or to set up antibishops against them , on account of such lay-deprivations . is it the authority of this collector ? but he owns these doctrines for the doctrines of his own church , which are so inconsistent with our adversaries practices . or , is it , lastly , the authority of the princes themselves , who were concerned in the facts here enumerated ? but it is certain princes doe many things which they never do so much as pretend to justifie by principles : and yet it is withall certain , that no other facts but such avowed ones ought in reason to pass for precedents ; and for knowing what they do avowedly justifie , no better expedient can be found , than to appeal to the doctrine of the church that was owned and protected by them , which they took for the guide of their consciences . thus it will come to pass , that if any of the facts here mentioned should prove for our adversaries purpose , yet seeing they could not be well done , as to the consciences of the persons concerned , our adversaries must not presume them well done , but prove them so independently on the persons , before they can make precedents of them , and reason from them as authorities ; and then what will they gain by this celebrated collection , when it will leave them to the tryal of the merit of their cause as much as ever ? . however to gratifie them as far as we may , let us now descend to particulars . the first is that of meletius , who was set up in the throne of antioch , while eustathius his predecessor was yet living ; yet he was owned as bishop of antioch by st. basil , and st. chrysostome . but eustathius was deposed by a * synod , perhaps of bishops secretly favouring arius , but not as yet declared an opposite communion . the synod indeed charged him with sabellianism ; but it was no otherwise than as they who favoured arianism used to charge the catholicks in general ; nor did the catholicks understand it otherwise . the chief pretence of depriving was a crime of life . false indeed it was , but of that the synod was to judge , though they judged corruptly . his onely remedy had been to have appealed to another synod ; but that he did not think fit to try : yet till he did so , the throne was fairly vacated , and he could pretend no right in opposition to meletius , who was also set up by an ecclesiastical authority . the canons of antioch made after his deprivation , but before the translation of meletius , and urged afterwards against st. chrysostome , and since received into the codes and canons of the vniversal church , allowed him no remedy but that of another synod , and that a more numerous one than that which had deprived him . had he so much as attempted it otherwise , he had been cut off by that same canon , not onely from all hopes of restitution , but from being admitted to a tryal of the merits of his cause . i will not now call in question his being alive after meletius was set up , because it is expresly attested by socrates and sozomen , and among others by nicephorus in his ms. catalogue of patriarchs ; especially so remarkable passages in history depending on it , that of the banishment , not onely 〈◊〉 ●imself , but of evagrius ( whom he had consecrated bishop of 〈…〉 by the emperour valens . this had been enough for our purpose , though the synodical deprivation had not been chargeable against him , that he lay hid , even after the liberty he had of returning from his exile by the edict of julian ; that he did not appear to chalenge his right ; that they of antioch did not know that he was in being to chalenge it . this had made the throne itself a derelictum ; this made meletius a possessor bonae fidei , and sufficiently excused all who paid duty to him . undoubtedly lucifer calaritanus , who set up paulinus in opposition to meletius , whose return from exile was then expected , would never have done it , if he had any thoughts or hopes of the return of eustathius . eustathius was not onely as orthodox as meletiu● himself , but was free from the charge brought against meletius , that of an arian ordination . meletius therefore being thus secured against the title of eustathius , nothing could then be pretended against him , but his receiving his power from arians . but their heresie was 〈◊〉 so manifest , when he was brough●●nto antioch by them ; all that 〈◊〉 required from him was to subscribe the creed of selencia , drawn up sept. . . the year before he was translated to antioch ▪ and that expresly condemned the * anomaeans , and laid aside both words , that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as unscriptural : nor did the catholicks so much insist on the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where they could otherwise be satisfied , that no ill sense was intended in avoiding it . this was the onely reason that could make any orthodox person join with the arians in bringing him to antioch , who otherwise owned no communion with them , when they once declared themselves . and as soon as they who brought him to antioch owned themselves anomaeans , as they did soon after , meletius never prevaricated , but protested openly against them . and why should that be made an exception against him , that he was made bishop by them who , after they had made him so , declared themselves arians ? this was looked on as a rigour in lucifer , by his fellow ●onfessor , eusebius vercellensis , and athanasius , and the generality of the catholick church : and if he was guilty of no incapacitating heresie at his first coming in ; if he owned the catholick faith publickly before the consecration of paulinus , and had been a confessour for it ; if even those who gave him his orders had not yet declared themselves arians , nor a distinct communion , when they gave them ; what reason could there be to question his title before paulinus was set up against him ? if there was none ▪ the other consecration being into a f●ll see , must have been schismatical . thus we see how agreeable it was to the canons and discipline of the church , that st. basil and st. chrysostome should own the communion of meletius in opposition to paulinus . it does not appear that ever they did so in opposition to eustathius : yet even in this case it is observable , that all those catholicks who never from the beginning communicated with meletius , and who joined with lucifer and paulinus 〈◊〉 him , owned other reasons besides heresie sufficient to justifie the●● ●●●paration from him . they did not , they could not charge him with that after 〈◊〉 had publickly declared for the nicene faith ; they never charged him , as we can our present intruders , with injury to any other person , whom they supposed to have a better title to his throne , neither to his predecessor eustathius , nor much less to paulinus , who was consecrated after him ▪ the onely thing they charged him with , was the original invalidity which they supposed in his consecration by those who afterwards declared themselves for * arianism . and could they believe a lawfull power necessary to confer a title , and not as necessary to take it away ? rather laws are favourable to possessours , and require more to take away an office , than to keep one in possession whom they find so . they therefore who were so difficultly reconciled to meletius's being bishop , purely on account of the original want of authority in them who made him so , must by the same parity of reasoning much more have disliked the deprivation of our present bishops , on account of 〈◊〉 want of authority as to spirituals , and to conscience , in them who have deprived them . however 〈◊〉 a clear instance against our adversaries , and against the collector himself , of catholicks who owned , and owned by principles , that orthodoxy alone , without a good title , was not sufficient to excuse communicating with him whose title was thought deficient : for this was their opinion concerning this case of meletius , that he was indeed orthodox , onely having an original defect in his title , they thought themselves on this very acccount obliged to forbear his communion . how could they then have thought it safe to communicate with bishops ordain●● into see● not otherwise vacated than by an originally invalid lay-deprivation of their predecessors ? . the next case is 〈◊〉 of st. chrysostome . it is indeed the first in the summary subjoined to it ; probably because it was the first in the church of constantinople , for the use of which this collection was originally designed : or , perhaps rather because that other case of meletius was produced onely as another evidence of the opinion of the same st. chrysostome . this is the case which the author is largest upon , as deserving the particular consideration mentioned in the introduction to it : the reason i have now given , because it seems to have been most of all insisted on by the arsenians , as most apposite to the instance for which they were concerned . but , . this deprivation was synodical , and by two different synods , the former that ad quercum , that deprived saint chrysostome for not pleading , but questioning their jurisdiction upon an appeal ; the other that of the following year , which denied him the liberty of pleading upon the 〈◊〉 of antioch , for coming in again , not without a synod , but by one 〈◊〉 they pretended less numerous than that which had deprived him formerly ▪ so far is this from our present case . and , . even as to the abetting this holy person 's case , as to the in●ury done him by an otherwise competent authority , far the greater part of the church was concerned against the design of this collector , if to the eastern joannites 〈◊〉 the unanimous consent of all the western churches : they separ●●ed from the communion of his deprivers notwithstanding their ack●●wledged orthodoxy ; and that not onely while saint chrysostome was living , but after his death also , till an honourable amends was made to his memory . this , how clear soever it was against our author's general remark in his preface , and elsewhere ; yet he neither denies nor pretends to answer , a● if he were conscious to himself he could not do it : onely he prevents a farther consequence drawn from it by the arsenians , for unravelling all the orders derived in a succession from the ●njurious intruders , after the person was dead who had been injured by the 〈◊〉 . this also is none of our 〈◊〉 wherein the injured bishops are 〈◊〉 ▪ yet even concerning that very case , he words his observation ●o as to own that they might ▪ if they pleased , have called in question ●he present orders derived from the intruders . he says indeed that the church did not call in question the orders given by arsacius nor articus , thoug● atticus , besides his intrusion , was guilty also of what this author himself owns to have been a persecution against the joannites ; so far he is from condemning even their separation on this account . he says that a●ticus and sisinius were commended by pope caelestine , though they both of them derived their succession from that same intrusion ; and though the bishops of rome were the most zealous advocates for st. chrysostome . he says the same flaw descended to proclus also , st. chrysostome's disciple , and the friend and reconciler of the joannites : nay , to nestorius also , the heretick , who gave occasion for assembling the synod of ephesus ; yet the synod questioned not eve● 〈◊〉 orders , on account of the original defect , if the persons who had received them did not partake in his heresie ; but that they did not do it he imputes to their not being willing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , plainly implying , that in rigour of justice they might have done it . he says , that even severianus of gabala and acacius of beraea , the principal architects of the injustice to st. chrysostome , though accused to pope innocent , yet suffered no canonical censure for it ; not that they deserved none , but that the pope referred them to the divine vengeance . still he confesses that the case deserved vengeance from god , even where none was attempted by men. and in the end of the discourse he says , that , excepting the case of heresie , the church never made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if the case he reasons against be strictly justice , how can he reason from these precedents universally , without regard to circumstances , that even strict justice is never to be exercised ? yet he could make no universal observa●●●● , even in his own cases , that right was never to be defended . he does not observe it concerning st. chrysostome himself , though his editors observe it for him : he could not observe it as the sense of the more numerous joannites , who defended his right whether he would or no , and at last ca●●ed the cause against his adversaries , that his name was at length received into the diptychs , and that he was thereby owned to dye bishop of con●●antinople , notwithstanding the two conciliary deprivations . the onely observation therefore that he does or could make truly , was , that a●●he successions were not scrupulously inquired into , that depended on the authority of the intruders . those were left to god , on a presumption grounded on their possession with at least a disputable title . but that is a case we are not concerned for at present . . the third case is that of flavianus , deposed from the same see of constantinople by dioscorus , against whom our author supposes anatolius to have been set up , whose consecration was notwithstanding never questioned , because of his orthod●●y . but this deposition our author himself owns to have been conciliary , though by a synod very infamous , afterwards stigmatized by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or latrocinial , for the violence used in it . then it appears not , that ever flavianus did in the least submit to that synod itself : he had before appealed , and his appeal was then depending when they murthered him . then for my part i can see no reason to believe that anatolius was set up against him , or placed in the throne before it was empty by the death of flavianus . victor tununensis makes anatolius set up under the following consuls . possibly it might be because the first news of his promotion came to africa under those consuls . that second synod of ephesus was called the st of august , under the consulship of asterius and protogenes , for the year of our lord . but their first meeting was not till the th of that same month , or the th of mesori , in the language of dioscorus . certain it is , that it was after this time that ●●●vianus was deposed and murthered : but we have not so distinct an account of the actions of this council , repeated in the council of chalcedon , as to be able to ascertain the time particularly . pope leo's epistles help us best to judge of it ; onely we must allow him the time to receive his information . leo tells us that flavianus had suffered many things in an epistle dated septemb. . perhaps he was before that deposed : for the same day the same leo wrote another epistle to the emperour theodosius , for a council in italy , probably on the account of flavianus's appeal upon his deposition . in another epistle of octob. . he warns anastasius thessalonicensis , that he should not consent to the condemnation of flavianus . in another of octob. . he is very earnest that no successour should be ordained into his place . in another of the same date he has these words concerning flavianus , in quo utique omnium domini sacerdotum reverentia caeditur , & universa corporis christi membra pulsantur . these seem to be the kicks he received , as some say , from barsumas the monk , other from ●ioscorus himself ; probably enough from both of them , of which he dyed within three days . that he dyed of kicks the synodicon owns ; and that he dyed in their hands by whom he should have been carried into exile , we have the testimony of prosper , an author of that age ; so that he could not reach the place of his banishment , as some other less considerable authors conceive : and very probably those violences to flavianus's person , and to the other bishops also , to oblige them to subscribe his condemnation and deprivation , were the reasons that made hilarus fly from ephesus : so the violences must , in all likelihood , have been offered before he left the place ; and he might bring news , if not of his death , yet that his bruises were such as would in all probability prove mortal . this might be the reason why , among the letters of this latest date there are none to flavianus himself . leo might not think it fit to write letters that were not likely to reach him alive , but would be exposed to the danger of falling into the hands of enemies . this i think is the latest date of any epistle written by leo that mentions flavianus as yet alive . and very probably the news of his imminent death stopped him from proceeding any farther : so nicephorus xiv . . thus it appears that the last mention of flavianus supposes that he had , as yet , no rival set up against him . plain it is , that they did not set up anatolius at the same time that they deposed flavianus ; and it is not likely that there was any long respite between his deposition and his death . flavianus certainly was murthered before the breaking up of the synod , whilst dioscorus had yet his guards about him : and it seems to be the dissolution of the synod that breaks off the course of leo's letters , till the following year . as for anatolius himself , we have no actions of his that give us any reason to suspect that he was in office before the year assigned by victor . the first thing it concerned him to take care of for settling his communion with the west , was to put out a confession of his faith , according to the custome of tha●●ge : the rather , because of the late suspicion on account of eutyches , who had lately been cleared by anatolius's friends . this he indeed delayed ; possibly to see what effect the letters of valentinian and placidia would have with his emperour theodosius . nor did leo receive his confession till about easter , of the year . before that time it is probable theodosius had put chrysaphius to death , which obliged anatolius to take this course when he found the eutychian interest declining , and that it would be no longer able to support him . yet the first complaint against him for not doing it is in an epistle of leo to pulcheria , bearing date july . . we should in all likelihood have had earlier ones , if anatolius had succeeded , as our author fancies , whilst flavianus was yet living , in the year . the best testimony we have that assures us that anatolius was preferred under the consuls of the year . is a fragment of theodorus lector , preserved in the d nicene council , which baronius did not think of . and particularly it is observed by zonaras , that dioscorus concerned himself in that which did not belong to him , the making of a bishop of constantinople : but the reason zonaras gives why he did so , and why he recommended his own apocrisiarius to the place , shews that it must have been after the death of flavianus . that author tells us , that it was the fear dioscorus was in that put him upon it : he therefore suggests to chrysaphius , the author of all these mischiefs , that he would persuade the emperour to name anatolius to the throne of flavianus hoping thereby to gain two points , ( as the same author observes , ) very necessary to his ill designs : one was , that eutyches might be continued in the constantinopolitane communion , to which he had been restored ; another was , that he might thereby prevent any accurate enquiry into the matter of flavianus . plainly it appears by this account of the affair , that the fear dioscorus was in was that of being called to account for this murther ▪ which being the cause , must therefore be antecedent to his interposition for a successor . this is certain ▪ it was not proper to interpose for ● successor , till they had first deprived flavianus : and those bruises being given him at the very time of his appeal , which was immediately upon his deprivation , it thence appears , that there were onely three days respite between his deprivation and his death ; which is by much too short a time to write from ephesus to constantinople , and to receive a return ; so impossible it is that anatolius could have been set up before the death of flavianus , or that he could have made any cession to anatolius , as our collectour fansies . he did not withall consider how unlikely it was that flavianus should pay any deference to anatolius at that time ▪ on that very account which himself excepts from any obligation to such deference , that of heresie . anatolius himself was at that time j●stly suspicious of it , as coming in by eutychian interest ; nor did he , till some time after , doe any thing to purge himself from that suspicion . nay , we are told , that at the very time dioscorus designed him for the place , he communicated with eutyches . nay more , that dioscorus recommended him for that very reason , that he might thereby continue eutyches in the communion to which he had restored him : how therefore could flavianus yield to anatolius ? how could our author , if he had done it , commend him for it , and plead his fact as a precedent , so contrary to his own principles ? yet if our author's observation prove mistaken , and anatolius did not succeed till after flavianus's death ; his whole reasoning will fail him , will at least fail our present adversaries , for obliging wrongfully deprived bishops to a cession of their title to schismatical usurpers . all the ground he has to think flavianus was then alive when anatolius was possessed of his throne , is onely guess , not any competent historical testimony . he refers us , in the end , after this manner , to the acts of that second ephesine synod ; i suppose as we find them still extant in the council of chalcedon . but there we find nothing concerning the consecration of anatolius ; not so much as whether dioscorus and the synod were any ways concerned in it , or whether it was done before the synod was dissolved : so far we are from learning thence that he was set up before the death of flavianus . he might think it more to his purpose what he has observed out of the epistle of pope leo to the emperour marcianus , where that pope pretends , that it was the orthodoxy of anatolius , ( no doubt as signified by his confession of faith , which he had at length received from him ▪ ) that hindred him from enquiring too scrupulously into his ordination : but the delays he used before he sent that confession , made him justly liable to suspicion ▪ together with his personal interest in the eutychians , though he had otherwise received no consecration from them . and the uttermost that can be conjectured from hence was , that he had received his orders from their hands , not that he received them whilst flavianus was yet alive , much less that flavianus himself had made any cession to him on account of his orthodoxy . thus the case had not been like ours , of a schismatical invasion of a right , to which another had a better title , but of a title defective indeed , ( in regard of the authority from whence it had been derived , ) but not injurious : that is , it had been a case like that of meletius , and catholicks would have been here as much as there divided in their opinions concerning it . if the council of chalcedon did not enquire concerning it , yet leo certainly thought he might lawfully have done , it when he upbraids his not doing it as a kindness to anatolius , in his disputes with him concerning the canon made in that council of chalcedon equalling the see of constantinople to that of rome . . i come now to the time of anastasius dicorus . and here our author has several examples ; the first is of euphemius , whom he calls constantly euthimius , both here , and in the summary , as also eutychius , and cedrenus , and metaphrastes do , such other authors as himself ; and not only they , but also the fathers of the vii●●● general council , act. . nicephorus callistus does constantly call him ●●phemius , both in his extant history , and in his ms. catalogue of patriarchs . but as little as anastasius loved this euphemius upon old accounts , yet he durst not depri●e him without a synod ; no , though his immediate charge against him was a secular crime , that of his being pretended to have favoured the emperour's enemies the isaurians . this is like what is now pretended against our present h. fathers ; yet it is certain he had a synodical deprivation : so * theodorus lector and theophanes tell us expresly . it was indeed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the bishops then in town , whose authority though it was questioned for the greatest affairs ( as appears in the th action of the council of chalcedon , and the dispute of maximus with pyrrhus , ) yet was often made use of in such occasions as these , and was by the canons of the church sufficient and obliging , till a greater number of bishops could be persuaded to restore him . till he could get such a number to do it , it was the duty of euphemius to acquiess in the deprivation , and to communicate with his successor ; and it will be our present bishops duty also to doe so , when this can be proved to be their case . and indeed i know no other evidence of his communicating with his successor , but that he did not set up a communion against him . . in the case of macedonius the emperour's rage did somewhat precipitate him ; he had him forcibly seized , and sent immediately into banishment , without so much as the formality of a tryal : the rather so , because he feared the people would not endure it , such a zeal they had for macedonius , and the cause defended by him . afterwards he bethought himself , and got an assembly that did his business for him : they took upon them at the same time the persons of witnesses and accusers , and deprived him absent and in exile ; and when they had done so , they notifie the sentence to him by bishops and a presbyter of cyzicus : so theophanes tells the story . no doubt it must have been a synod that proceeded after the receiv'd way of synods , in notifying their sentence by ecclesiastical persons . however our author says , that he communicated with his intruder timotheus : so he might possibly interpret macedonius's exile and submitting to it , as he seems to have done that of euphemius , in relation to the case of macedonius . in this case , certainly it neither could have been true , nor could he have any good testimony for him to believe it so . when the bishops came to notifie the sentence to him macedonius , asked them , whether they owned the council of chalcedon ? and when they durst not answer him positively , he asked again , whether if the sabbatians and macedonians had brought him the like sentence , they would think him obliged to acquiesce in it ? is not this a plain exception against their authority as hereticks , for not receiving that council , and a protestation against their sentence as null and invalid , and a disowning any obligation in conscience to submit to it ? and what needed timotheus to fly into that rage against the name and memory of macedonius , if what our author says had been true , that macedonius owned any communion with him ? why should this same timotheus refuse to officiate in any sacred place , till he had first defaced the pictures , if he found any , of macedonius ? why should he prosecute julianus only for being his friend ? how came it to pass that when the emperor sent forth his edict , for subscribing the condemnation of macedonius , together with the synodical letters concerning the consecration of timotheus ; the more constant adherers to the council of chalcedon would subscribe neither of them , and even the weaker would not subscribe the deprivation of macedonius , which notwithstanding in consequence subverted the succession of timotheus ? why should timotheus bring up the use of the nicene creed more frequently than macedonius had done , purposely to draw odium upon macedonius , if there had been communion between them as our author would persuade us ? what needed then all those persecutions and violences against the followers of macedonius , but only to force them to the communion of timotheus ? why did juliana , as an assertor of the council of chalcedon , refuse the communion of timotheus , if it was not manifest that the difference was such as broke communion ? why should the praefect of the studite monks refuse to receive consecration from him who had condemned the council of chalcedon , if it had not been notorious that he had condemned the council , and was therefore an heretick , and of another communion from them who owned that council , in defence of which macedonius had been banished ? he did indeed , to please them , anathemize those who had anathematized that council ; but when the emperor expostulated with him concerning it , he pretended to mean his anathematism against those who received the council : so true he was to his heresie . one would admire whence it was that our author came by that good opinion he had of this timotheus , as if he also had been a catholick ; and the d catholick bishop of constantinople , who had been deprived by anastasius . neither of these things were true , nor affirmed by , i believe , any one good historian . our ms. catalogue of patriarchs , by nicephorus callistus , has either marginal or interlineal censures of the patriarchs , whether orthodox or heretical ; in all likelihood , according to the received opinions of the time and church where these observations were made . there in an interlineal note , over the place where he speaks of timotheus , we find him called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is of no great consequence to our purpose , whether this note was from nicephorus himself , or some constantinopolitane librarian ; either way it will shew the received opinion of the modern constantinopolitanes . so also in the iambicks concerning the patriarchs published before the i volume of the byzantine historians , timotheus is with some indignation called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by which we see how unworthily our present rhetor expressed himself on this occasion , even with reference to the sense of his own church . the only occasion of his mistakes , that i can think of , is that he injudiciously followed the authorities of flavian of antioch , and elias of jerusalem , as related by cyrillus scythopolitanus his author , and a very good one in these matters . that author says indeed , that those two patriarchs assented to the synodical letters for timotheus , though they would not to the other letters that came with them concerning the deprivation of macedonius . this , i suppose , gave him occasion for his good opinion of timotheus , that those great men , afterwards such sufferers in the same cause , as yet rejected not his synodical letters . our author was very well aware , that if they owned the communion of an heretical successor , their examples must have been faulty , and could not be pleaded as precedents by his own principles ; and it seems he was not aware how notorious it was , that this was indeed the case of timotheus . but their behaviour herein was exactly the same with the behaviour of those whom theophanes censures as weak ; so far he is from our author's opinion , in making it exemplary : and it is plain macedonius and timotheus differed not only as rivals of the same see , but also as heads of different communions : how then was it reconcilable to any principles , to own timotheus without disowning macedonius ? only the receiving timotheus might , as for a while it did , keep them in their thrones . . the truth is , these men were all so fickle and untrue to principles for a long time , that it is impossible to gather from their bare facts what they did consequently even to their own principles . euphemius himself , though he afterwards declared himself synodically for the council of chalcedon , yet came in at first upon the henoticon of zeno : so also was his successor macedonius at first brought in on the same condition of owning the same henoticon : so theodorus and theophanes . accordingly the emperor's instruments got from him a confession of faith , mentioning neither the d nor th councils ; upon which his people of constantinople deserted him till he returned to own the council of chalcedon : so we are told by a coaeval monument of that age , an epistle of the palestine monks to alcyso in evagrius . how could euphemius then own his communion , even by our author's principles , as of an orthodox successor ? this was about the end of the year . cedrenus tells us , he again relapsed to his henoticon in the th year of the same emperor anastasius , that was about the year . after he again declared for the synod of chalcedon , with that zeal , as that he anathematized flavianus and his legates for declaring against it . this was the th year of anastasius , if we may trust theophanes concerning it ; that is , about the year . not only so , but a little before his expulsion ; that is , in the st year of the same prince ; that is , after the beginning of april , . celer again prevails on him to receive the henoticon , aad to omit the d and th council as he had done formerly , though he presently retracted it , and was therefore immediately banished : nor was flavianus of antioch more constant than he . immediately on his coming into the see , no doubt the bigotted emperor made him speak home to his cause , before he would permit him ; and accordingly victor tununensis tells us , that in a synod of constantinople , under the consuls of the year , ( if he be more to be trusted here , than usually he is , in assigning years , ) he condemned the tome of leo , and the council of chalcedon . after this cyrillus scythopolitanus says , he joined with macedonius and elias in defending the same council . again in the th year of the same reign , that is in the year , he declares as high for the eutychians as themselves could wish : he condemns the council of chalcedon ; he condemns the confession of two natures in our blessed saviour ; he condemns all the persons concerned in the disputes concerning the tria capitula , who had been absolved in the council of chalcedon , and the council that absolved them . and the next year he was condemned himself for condemning them , as we have seen , by his old friend macedonius . but he recovered himself again , and again provoked the emperor , who therefore assembles the council of sidon , purposely to overthrow the council of chalcedon , and to depose flavianus and elias from their sees : this affrightens them both , and they send saba to intercede for them to the emperor , with flattering and trimming letters . thus flavianus escaped that storm , and the council of sidon was dismissed without doing any thing against him : this was in the year . immediately he returns to his old orthodoxy , which puts the emperor out of all patience , when he received the news from sotericus and philoxenus , that by these pretended submissions he had made him dismiss the synod so fruitlesly . cyril tells us the hard * words the emperor used concerning it , which i am loath to translate . hereupon he orders his informers to use what means they thought fit to get him out of his place ; they then repair to antioch , and with some bribes set the rabble upon the bishop , and force him once more to anathematize the synod of chalcedon , and then send him into exile . these are the express words of cyrillus , which baronius is willing to understand of an endeavour to force him , but without success . so i would also have been willing to understand him , if he had not frequently been guilty of such apostasies . but here particularly it appears , that the endeavours were successful , from the express * testimony , and the very reason theophanes gives why they banished him notwithstanding his compliance ; that is , because he anathematized that council with his mouth only , not with his heart : but perhaps elias , the great , the blessed elias , as our author styles him , was more true to principles . he was as frail as the rest , and as little resolute in resisting any force that the exigence of his affairs brought him under . no doubt he came in first , as all must have done who were preferred by that emperor , by promises for opposing the chalcedon council ; but he soon recovered , and joined first with euphemius , then with macedonius and flavianus , in defence of it . after he relapsed again , and condemns it again before the banishment of macedonius , and went so far , that his example was made use of by the emperor to persuade macedonius to follow him in it : so theod. lector and theoph. but when macedonius was banished , he received the communicatory letters of timotheus , but would not those concerning the deprivation of macedonius . this again provokes the emperor against him : accordingly the synod of sydon was called with full design of condemning the council of chalcedon , and banishing him . then he wrote the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mentioned by cyrillus . baronius indeed endeavours to bring him off , by observing from the letter of the palestine monks to alcyso , that elias pretended something to have been added to his letters in relation to his condemning the doctrine of two natures in christ : and to prove this elias produced a copy of his own letter he had kept by him , wherein there were no such words . cyrillus has nothing of this : but be that as it will , it seems however clear , that he was very express in condemning the council of chalcedon , and that his expressness in that particular , with the intercession of saba , was that which secured him against the council of sidon . as flavianus then owned only three councils , taking no notice of the council of chalcedon ; so elias did indeed mention it ; but so as withal to signifie that he did not receive it . so theophanes ; and not only he , but his great admirer cyrillus explains what he meant by the flattering and trimming words , made use of by him in his letter to the emperor : he tells us the very words of his letter , as the emperor himself signified them to sabas , that he did not approve of what was done in chalcedon , for the scandals that followed thereupon : and when he refused to receive severus to his communion , he tells us again , that the emperor sent his trimming epistle from sidon as an evidence against him , professing that he did not own the council of chalcedon ; nor does he in the least signifie that elias had any thing to say to it that could satisfie him : he intimates the contrary , when he calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shifts and artifices of evasion , to serve a present turn ; so little reasoning there is from such men's facts as these , where there is nothing more than the bare facts themselves to recommend them for precedents . no facts can certainly be allowed for precedents , that are not agreeable to principles , and how can we presume facts to be agreeable to principles , meerly because they are theirs , who are known so frequently and so easily to vary from the principles themselves profess , and own for principles ? we see they corresponded with so notorious a heretick as timotheus , which is more than ever our author 's own principles would have allowed them , rather than hazard their places : why should we then wonder if they had corresponded with schismaticks , even such as themselves took for such ? why should our author presume such correspondence allowable , because allowed by them , who did so many things not allowable even by their own principles ? i do not willingly detract from the merits of these excellent persons for what they did afterwards ; but there is no reason , that their repentance at last should commend the prevarications they were guilty of before , and make them pass for precedents . . besides these , our author produces another example in the same reign , that of elias himself : he also was at length deprived , and john was set up against him ; yet both of them were owned by theodosius , and sabas . they owned john for their bishop , and yet the compassion they had for elias's case appear'd by the visit they made him in his exile . accordingly our author appeals to the dyptichs of the church , which mention both of them with honour and respect . the expulsion of elias from his see to his place of exile was managed immediately with that violence which was ordinarily used by the emp●ror anastasius in most of his undertakings : olympus did it with a guard of soldiers ; yet certainly the emperor's sending a copy of elias's dissembling letter to be shewn at the doing of it , was not without a particular design . had he thought his own authority sufficient for it , his own satisfaction alone had been sufficient ; and so assuming and imperious a temper as his was , would not have condescended to give others an account of his proceedings ; especially where withal there was no form of a judicial process , where these letters might have been produced as legal evidence . i need not produce the many testimonies of that age , as well as others , concerning the incompetency of his secular power for a spiritual deprivation : the actings of this emperour himself do sufficiently shew , that himself was sensible , how little his lay-authority would signifie in such a case as this was , without a synod . what made him else take that pains to assemble the synod of sidon , purposely with a design of deposing flavianus and elias ? what made him in such a rage , when by their prevaricating letters they had eluded that synod ? what made him after he had driven away macedonius from constantinople by plain force , afterwards to order a synodical judgment and censure of his case , but that himself did not , before that second judgment , as theophanes observes , look upon him as deprived even when he was in his exile ? but by this sending the letter of elias , he seem'd only to execute the synod's judgment concerning him , which had certainly deprived him , if he had not eluded them by that letter . his exposing therefore that letter seems to have been to shew , that he was not now the person whom the synod continued in their communion , but that person rather , whom they had designed to condemn , and deprive . thus he might very well believe this present act to be only an execution of that synod's design , and so not chargeable with any invasion on the sacred authority . i am not now concerned to justifie this reasoning , as solid , and concluding ; it is sufficent at present to observe , how probable it is , that it was at least the reasoning of anastasius ; that alone will sufficiently overthrow the consequences from it , as a precedent to invade the sacred power . it thence appears , that without this interpretative application of the synod's design , the fact had not been justifiable , even by the sentiments of him that did it : how then can it be pleaded as a precedent ? it shews withal , that with this interpretative application here was a synodical deprivation , which might validly deprive elias of his right , in the opinion of those who judged the interpretation reasonable . . but whether the deprivation was valid or not , no doubt elias , by his own cession , might ratifie that ordination of john , which otherwise had been invalid and unobliging : and this cession might be known by his not-challenging his right , and by his not-taking it ill at their hands , who owned his rival for their patriarch , and by the friendly behaviour of his rival to him in continuing his name in the ecclesiastical dyptichs , if he was not afterwards restored , but then continued , as our author supposes : otherwise this form in the jerusalem dyptichs , mentioned by our author , of wishing the memory of elias and john perpetual ; like that in the tomus vnionis in constantinople , seems rather as if it were brought in after their deaths , to accommodate some differences , that might have been formerly between parties , that had been made on their accounts . indeed i know no mention of any express cession in any good author , unless we may be allowed to conjecture it from some such reasonings as those now mentioned . but what if we should grant them that he yielded his right to john ? this single instance will not suffice to justifie the author's vniversal observation , that it never was insisted on by any , where the successor was not an heretick ; it will not suffice to shew , that he thought himself oblig'd to it by principles , who in many other things acted so disagreeable to principles : it will not thence appear , that he did do it out of fear , when by challenging his right and by perswading his people to withdraw from the communion of his successor , intruded by the emperor , he must have provoked him who was so easily provoked , to new severities against him . indeed he could not expect duty from his own subjects , who had countenanced so many intruders , even timotheus the heretick , and approved so many revoltings of subjects in the injurious deprivations of his brethren . and can our adversaries with any reason make these actions pass for precedents , to which he was necessitated by the consequence of his own past behaviour , and the exigency of his cause ? i am sure , he had no great reason to think his flock secure under the conduct of so fickle a successor . john had departed from his principle , when it was not his fear , but only his ambition , that could induce him to it ; in order to his getting into the place , had promised both to anath●matize the council of chalcedon , and to communicate with severus . and that he did not stand to his promise the reason was manifest ; he feared that if he had done so , that his clergy and his people would not stand by him : still it does not seem to have been his conscience that kept him right , but his ambition . that very soon appeared when afterwards he was imprisoned for this violation of his former promise : he then as easily repeats the promise , as he had formerly broken it ; only he pretended , that he might not seem to perform it unwillingly , it was fit he should first be set at liberty . when he had thus wheedled the praefect , and got his guard of monks about him , that he no longer feared him ; he then does as the monks , not as the praefect would have him , and anathematizes severus and sotericus , and all who would not receive the council of chalcedon . then he frightens away the emperor 's prefect ; and the fam'd sabas , and theodosius , with their ten thousand monks , were as active as any in it . if these mens actions were counted exemplary then , yet i am sure , they would not have been thought so in the first , and purest ▪ ages of our christian religion . well might cyrillus call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but christianity was too far degenerated , when these were counted titles of honour in such pretenders to mortification , and renouncers of the world. our present holy fathers have more of the primitive spirit of christianity , than to think themselves oblig'd to follow such examples . . our author now directs from the throne of constantinople to that of jerusalem : and from the time of anastasius to that of great athanasius : so it should seem this example occured to his memory . he tells us therefore ; that when athanasius was condemned in the synod of tyre ▪ he fled to maximus of jerusalem , and was by him restored by a synod conven'd by him , where he decreed for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and repealed the synod of tyre ▪ this , the author says , provoked the bishop of caesarea against him : he must mean acacius , the ring-leader of the arian faction in those parts . acacius then , he says , gathers a synod against maximus , and deprives him , and sets up cyril against him , who at that time professed arianism . afterwards cyril declares for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and then maximus and he was reconciled , and owned the same communion : so our author . but very little of this story is true , even as to matter of fact ; and yet if it had been all so , it is nothing to our adversaries purpose . very little of it is true , as to matter of fact. first , at the synod of tyre , it is certain athanasius did not fly to jerusalem , but to constantinople to make his case known to the emperor himself . it had been at that time in vain to have had recourse to maximus , who in that very synod of tyre had given his suffrage against him . he did indeed see his error afterwards , but it was many years first : athanasius was condemned in the synod of tyre , in the year . but the time when maximus convened his synod , and declared for athanasius , was in the year . when at the interposition of the emperor constans , athanasius was released from his banishment . then maximus did indeed declare for him , and that synodically . but all that we can find acacius did against him , was to upbraid him with his inconsistency , and by his contrary vote in the synod of tyre . socrates indeed does elsewhere imply , that when cyril was brought to the throne of jerusalem , maximus was driven from it ; and he is , i believe , the only ancient author near those times that does so much as imply it . theodoret is very express in making cyril's succession after the death of maximus : so also is st. jerome , who lived nearer the remembrance of that fact than socrates himself . he tells us , that before the arians would admit cyril to the place , they obliged him first to renounce his orders of presbyter , which he had received from maximus ; and that , when he was in , heraclius also , who had been taken by maximus himself for his successor , was by cyril also obliged to degrade himself to the order of presbyter . we have in the same see of jerusalem a very ancient instance of a bishop who brought in his successor . so eusebius tells us , narcissus did alexander , a bishop of cappadocia ; — who also adds , that that election was ratified by a divine testimony . but who can believe that maximus would have brought in a successor , if himself had been deposed and dispossessed ? who can think he would have actually have made him bishop , if himself had not been so actually ? the whole occasion of the mistake seems to have been , not that maximus himself was removed to make way for cyril , but rather heraclius who had been substituted by maximus . for this was indeed a case sometimes questioned in the discipline of the church , whether a bishop might be allowed to substitute his own successor : the records of the church of jerusalem are in these times very intricate and difficult . when cyril himself was banished by the arians , we have the names of three persons who filled his see in the interval before he was restored . among them there is one heraclius , possibly this very person who took the advantage of cyril's deprivation for recovering his right which was conferred on him by maximus . and as to the dispute concerning the priviledges of their sees ▪ theodoret , who gives us the most distinct account of this matter , tells us it was started in the time of cyril , who was deprived after by acacius , among other causes , for this also of maintaining the priviledges of his own see. it is very true , jerusalem , though it had the title of a patriarchal see , yet had no patriarchal jurisdiction till the council of chalcedon , but was subject to the metropolitane of caesarea . even the council of nice which owned it for patriarchal , did notwithstanding reserve to caesarea the priviledge of being the metrapolitane . but the honour of maximus's age , and of his having been a confessor in the persecution ( which in that age was very great ) made no doubt the adversaries of his cause have notwithstanding a great veneration for his person . these reasons ceased in cyril , who was at first set up by arian interest , and with him his competitors of the same faction did therefore think they might be more bold . accordingly then it was that those controversies fell among the arians concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which broke them in pieces among themselves , as epiphanius assures us , who lived in the nearest memory of them of any author now extant that mentions them . and eutychius one of the principal rivals of cyril in these disputes , had been a disciple of maximonas , ( so epiph●nius calls maximus the predecessor of cyril ; ) and therefore seems to have had a great veneration for his memory , and was therefore unlikely to have started this dispute in his time . in that dispute cyril was so far from acknowledging any superiority in the bishop of caesarea , that it seems he challenged a right of filling the see himself , and contested it with that eutychius , bishop of elutheropolis : but that seems to have been after the time of acacius , after his second restitution . his first contest was with acacius himself of caesarea , and patrophilus of scythopolis , the same persons who are supposed to have been concerned in the deprivation of maximus : and that the deprivation of cyril by acacius , was by some mistake taken for a deprivation of maximus in favour of cyril , we have reason to conjecture from the phanes himself : he , though he follows our author's opinion , ( probably on the same authority of the life of athanasius , which was elder than theophanes , ) yet places it as the truth required he should , not at the time of the entrance of cyril , but at the year of his deprivation , and the succession of hilarion , whom he makes his immediate successor . what can thence be clearer than that it was the deprivation of cyril , not his promotion , that was here performed by acacius ; especially when we are withall as●ured that those disputes , which occasioned this deprivation , concerning prerogative , were started first in the time of cyril ? all that the adversaries of maximus and athanasius did , on this restoring of athanasius by maximus in the synod of jerusalem , was ( as socrates himself observes ) only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to jeer maximus for it , that he himself should restore him who had voted against him in the synod of tyre . how came he here to forget his carrying on his resentment farther afterwards to the deprivation of maximus ? how comes he here not to mention at least the anger of acacius as well as his jeerin● if he had resented this synod of maximus , and the determination o● it , as an invation of his prerogative ; if this had been the cause why he afterwards deprived him , if his ground for saying so had not been rather mistaken conjectures , than express and positive authoritties ? so little ground he had for believing that cyril was set up against maximus . has he therefore any express testimony for the communion between maximus and cyril , as anti-bishops of the same see ? no , not so much as in his celebrated life of athanasius it self ; neither as we have it extant at present , nor as we have the sum of it in photius . he only seems to guess at that , as he has done at other things now mentioned , from presuming the matter of fact , that they both at once pretended espiscopal authority in the same district , and yet had both their names continued in the ecclesi●stical diptychs . . in truth , the credit of all our author says to his own purpose , is wholly resolved into that life of athan●sius , which is vouched for it . in the appendix to the paris edition we have two lives of that great man , one by metaphrastes , the other by an unknown author , elder perhaps than metaphrastes : both of them own this tale , that maximus was deposed by acacius . if either of them was the life read by photius , that of the anonymous author was the more likely of the two . metaphrastes was manfestly too late for him ; otherwise the excerpta of photius do better agree with metaphrastes . photius takes no notice of the notes of time which are frequent in the anonymous life , though he otherwise uses to take particular notice of such things in the authors on which he makes his observations . but in making two tyrian synods , wherein the cause of athanasius was debated , he better agrees with metaphrastes . perhaps therefore there was a third life seen by photius , and interpolated , after his manner , by metaphrastes , which perished after the interpolation , which also mentioned this pretended deprivation of maximus by acacius . yet even that elder life also , by the account of it in photius , seems to have been such a life of athanasius as hierome savier's gospel was of our saviour : the several forgeries and mistakes of his predecessors are taken in , and his own added to them . here we are told of athanasius's acting the part of bishop while he was a boy , and that alexander the then bishop ratified what he did in that sportive personation , though he would have it believed that the children were serious in what they did . but how could they be serious in taking upon them exercises of an authority that did not belong to them ? this in all likelihood he had from the greek translation of ruffinus's addition to eusebius's history , by which socrates confesses he had been seduced in several things concerning athanasius , before he consulted the works of athanasius himself . here we also read the tale of athanasius's absconding for several years with a young and beautiful virgin : this seems also to have been taken from the truly monkish historia lausiaca of palladius . here we find also the two councils of tyre against athanasius ; one the true one , on the tricennalia of constantine the great ; the other in the time of constantius , where the case of arsenius was debated , which we are certain could be no other than fictitious from the certain accounts athanasius himself has preserved us of the whole affair : but perhaps it was thought more convenient for connecting the actions of maximus , for which this author would suppose him deprived by acacius . many other instances might , no doubt , have been observed , if we had leisure to compare this legend with the undoubted monuments of athanasius and his coaeval authors . photius himself who saw and read that life , gives but a mean account of it . i mention not his censures of the style of it ; that we are less concerned for at present . he says , there were also several things new in the historical inf●rmations of it . and new indeed they must be which had no antient historical monuments to be vouched for them . so little reason there is to believe the matters of fact true from whence our author reasons in this case : for it is manifest that eldest life mentioned by photius , must have been the original of this other life , whatever it was that was mentioned by our collector . yet had they all been a● true as they wish they were , our adversaries would gain nothing by them : here are synods concerned in all the particulars of this account , the synod of tyre for depriving athanasius , the synod of jerusalem for restoring him and a supposed synod also for the supposed deprivation of maximus , accordingly taken in by the modern greeks , with several other fabulous synods , into their synodicon , first published by pappus and justellus , then taken by labbee into his volumes of councils . but what is that to the case of our present fathers , whose deprivation cannot be pretended to have been synodical ? . our author's next instance is in eutychius , deprived of the see of constantinople by justinian , in the year . because he could not assent to the apthartodocitae , who thought our saviour's humane nature incorruptible . yet our author says , he did not separate from the communion of john , who was set up against him . but neither is this for our adversaries purpose . justinian did indeed here behave himself with as much transport on this occasion as his predecessor anastasius had done in the case of macedonius . he first sends eutychius into exile ; then he tries him by an assembly of * bishops and princes . what the greek word was here we know not ; nor therefore can we determine whether the princes were corepiscopi , or prefects of monasteries , who by this time began to take upon them in affairs relating to ecclesiastical cognizance , as having very considerable ecclesiastical bodies under them , who would be concluded by their suffrages . certainly they were ecclesiasticks : for in the synods of those times , though there were present secular persons to represent the emperor ; yet they never used to vote : only they took care that all things should be fairly managed , and made their reports to the emperor accordingly . and indeed the secular part of the deprivation had already been performed , in sending the patriarch into exile . nor was it requisite by the lex regia ( as it was called ) in those times , that the emperor should have any concurrence of council for affairs of this nature . it was therefore undoubtedly a synod , and is owned for such in the greek syn●dicon . and accordingly they send their summons to eutychius by persons of their own rank , bishops and princes , which was the way of synods , not of imperial councils . yet * eutychius received them so as still to own himself for their patriarch ; which , as yet , even the legates themselves could not deny . only he pleaded , that if they would proceed judicially with him , he ought first to be restored to his full patriarchal power , and then he promised , that he would make his defence . this was so fair , that even the legates themselves had nothing to except against it . it was thus supposed on all sides , that the emperor's deprivation was perfectly invalid , and could not make him cease to be patriarch , as to conscience . and it is withall supposed , that however the assembly now convened had power to do it , if they would proceed judicially . but how fair soever the patriarch's proposal was , the synod could not rescind the emperor's act without his own consent ; and yet being resolved to gratifie the emperor , they summon the patriarch thrice , and then depose him for non-appearance . herein consisted the injustice of their proceedings against him , without hearing , and in exile . hereupon he disowns their whole proceeding as not judicial , by inflicting censures on his deprivers . where then is his not disowning john , on which our author's , on which our adversaries argument is founded ? our author 's general argument for it , from his finding both their names in the patriarchal dyptichs of his own time , seems to be all he has to say ▪ for his frequent confident assertions in matters of this kind ; yet that is very fallacious : many names were afterwards restored , which had been formerly excluded from the dyptichs ; and successors generally were obliged to ratifie the past acts of their predecessors , how questionable soever the authority was by which they acted , unless they would unravel things as the arsenians did , for whom we are not concerned and this indeed was all that could be gathered from their continuing their names in the dyptichs , that they did not question all they did for the time past . this is certain , that their being barely continued in the dyptichs , is no argument that even their successors , who continued them in the dyptichs , did therefore think them fit to be communicated with , because we find many there who were hereticks , at least , in the opinion of their successors ▪ especially if they ever renounced their heresie , though they were never solemnly received again into the church from which their open profession of heresie had divided them . and particularly , this must in all likelihood have been the case in the subject matter of which we are at present discoursing : for did justinian drive out eutychius for not consenting to his heresie concerning the incorruptibleness of christ's humane nature ? and can we doubt but that he took care , at the same time , that his successor should consent to it ? would he not endure one in possession , whom he found so , that would not gratifie him in his new opinion ? and could he admit another into possession that would not doe it ? if therefore john , his successor , complied with the emperor , ( as there is very little reason to doubt but that he did , ) this instance can by no means be serviceable to our author's design : he ought not then to presume that eutychius did communicate with his successor , if he will not ( as certainly in charity he ought not ) presume any thing concerning him but what became him : or if the matter of fact appeared true beyond presumption , he ought not to argue from it as a precedent . the case of communicating with hereticks is not commendable , nay , is expresly excepted by our author himself from the rule wherein he thinks it obligatory to continue communion ; and therefore ( with him at least ) can never make a precedent . . the following instance in the beginning of the same reign of the great justinian , of anthimus deposed for heresie by pope agapetus , in the year . was not designed by our collector for any thing wherein our adversaries are concerned ; our author supposes him a heretick , and deposed therefore justly : nor does he pretend any cession , but what was forcible . he therefore neither did , nor could reason from his example for persons deposed unjustly , to oblige them to yield their just right to an orthodox successor . it was wholly designed for the other question , wherein we are not concerned , to shew that even his orthodox successor , menas , did not unravel the ordinations performed by anthimus before he was deposed . only thus much is observable for our purpose , that the lay power had not the least hand in it , any otherwise than as they executed the decree of the ecclesiasticks in it , and thought themselves obliged in conscience to do so in affairs of this nature . theodora , who was joyned with justinian in all publick forms , was anthimus's patroness , and did all she could to keep him in the office to which she had promoted him : and justinian himself , who was sufficiently uxorious , was very unwillingly brought to comply with that which was so vehemently opposed by her . that which determined him , was only the authority of agapetus and his synod : and they determined him in a time when his affairs were very prosperous ; when therefore they had no other inducement that could bring him to it , but a conviction of their right for dealing in such matters , and of his own obligation , even in conscience , to be determined and concluded by them . . as little also to their purpose are the four following examples of the monothelite bishops of constantinople , sergius , pyrrhus , paulus , and petrus : and as little did our collector intend them to serve the purpose of our present adversaries . none of these were deprived : even pyrrhus himself needed no deprivation : he left his omophorion behind him , though at the same time he protested not to abdicate ; but only to give way to the fury of the rabble . but his leaving the omophorion behind him , not out of forgetfulness , but design , was in truth , as much an interpretative abdication of his office , in the sense and practice of that age , as it was a deprivation of any palatine office , when the emperor sent for the zona or cingulum , which was then the ensign of such offices . and so it was plain pyrrhus foresaw it would be understood , when he thought to elude that interpretation of it by this declaration of his design in it . so it was understood in the case of eutychius , when his omophorion was not taken from him , that his right was providentially contintued to him . so that it was a protestation against fact , and therefore null in it self , when he made use of this symbol of surrendry , notwithstanding to pretend that he did not surrender . in all likelihood he designed to be understood to have surrendered when he did it to gratifie them who were for having him deprived of his office , and who were therefore inclinable thus to understand what should be done to gratifie themselves . and thus in all probability he hoped to avoid too severe a scrutiny into the murder of the emperor then charged upon him , when he thus prevented a synodical trial by a seeming voluntary surrendry : and with what ingenuity could he disown what he knew would , and what he desired should be understood to be his meaning ? at least this was sufficient for them to presume his place vacant , and to fill it up without a formal sentence against him . however when the heresie is once condemned , and it is withal notorious that the persons own the heresie , our author himself requires no act of authority to justifie a separation : nor could he think hereticks unjustly dealt with , in having canonical censures pronounced against them ; nor to be qualified for communion with their successors , without renouncing their heresies ; which none of these did but pyrrhus , who notwithstanding returned to his vomit : nor would he ever make the actions of hereticks argumentative as precedents . the action therefore that he reasons from here , is only that of their catholick successor george , and the sixth general synod of constantinople , who did not scruple the orders of so many of his heretical predecessors : but this is , as i said , a question wherein we are not concerned . . the next example is of callinicus deprived ( or rather driven from his throne ) by justinian rhinotmetus , who set up cyrus the recluse in his stead : yet neither did callinicus , as our author reports , separate from the communion of cyrus , nor did the church ever question the ordinations that were made in the time of the supposed usurper . here i confess no synod appears , by which callinicus was deprived : but what need was there of a synod to deprive a rebel bishop , who had forfeited his life to his master for assisting his enemies , leontius and his fautor , and exciting the people to dethrone him ? the emperor took away his sight , and sent him to rome , as king solomon did abiathar to anatoth , when he might justly have taken away his life ; nor can it be imagined that such a bishop would stand upon his right to his see , who had none to his life , and whose ignominious blindness justly incurred , did in a great measure disable him from the exercise of his office , and render him base and con●emptible to his flock . if we never read that any of the greek emperors , who were so served by their enemies , ever off●red to resume the throne ▪ but acquiesced under their misfortune ; we have reason to presume that a guilty bishop so served by his sovereign , would never after pretend to his chair , but quit all manner of claim to it by cession , or resignation ; and then it is no wonder , if ha●ing divested himself , he did not refuse to communicate with his successor cyrus ▪ and that the church did not question cyrus's ordinations , when they had no reason for it . but whether callinicus did , or did not refuse communion with cyrus , is uncertain ; none of the historians say any thing of it , and i have shewed that our author asserts things precariously , and often speaks more than he can prove . . the next collection is of a succession of iconoclast patriarchs , whom this author takes for hereticks , from the time of germanus to the second nicene council ; that is , for the space of fifty six years , according to his computation . he begins his account from the expulsion of germanus in the year . and the second nicene coun●il was in the year . so his account will hold , reckoning only the interval , but leaving out the extreams . in this space he obser●es , that the orders must generally have been derived from iconoclasts : so that even the orders of tarasius and his brethren , who acted in that council , must generally have been affected by them . yet so far was that council from scrupling such orders ▪ that they admitted the orders even of those who were to be iconoclasts , when they could pevail with them to renounce what they called their heresie . this also plainly concerns not us , but the question disputed by this author with the arsenians ; nor are we concerned for the deprivation of germanus though it was not synodical . there was no need it should have been so ; for he expresly † abdicated ; perhaps unwillingly : but that cannot prejudice the validity of the thing when done . multitudes of such resignations there have been , both of princes and bishops , the validity whereof was never questioned by men of the severest principles ; especially where the unwillingness was not total , but such as was consistent with conditional willingness . such a willingness i mean as men rather chose , than they would abide the consequences which were otherwise to be expected , in case they should prove refractory . this none , that i know of , allows to be sufficient in conscience to absolve a man from an obligation he has brought upon himself in such a case of unwilling , if i might call it , voluntariness . and this was manifestly the case of our germanus : he thereby freed himself from any farther trouble from the emperor . . the next case concerning theodorus and plato , with their monks , withdrawing from the communion of two patriarchs , has no relation to our case , though it was very opposite to that of the arsenians which occasioned the discourse . no doubt the author's design herein was to let the monks see that they medled with what did not belong to them , when they took upon them for matters of discipline to separate from the diocesane communion to which they were related . this pla●o and theodorus , with their saccudiote and studite disciples , were guilty of , when they presumed to separate from their two patriarchs , tarasius and nicephorus , for keeping joseph in their communion , who had married constantine the emperor to the nun theodote , when he had forced his empress mary into a nunnery . accordingly they were condemned for it in a synod of bishops and abbats , when they made their second separation from nicephorus , and driven from their monasteries and the city , as theophanes tells us , though our author mention nothing it . the bishops therefore forced them to recant all the invectives they had used against the patriarchs , not that they thereby intended to defend joseph , but to assert their own authority , as the only competent one in affairs relating to communion , against these monastical invasions . st. ambrose told the great theodosius , that his purple did not entitle him to the priesthood , which yet was not more true of the purple than of the cowl . thither therefore relates what our author observes from the patriarch methodius , that if theodorus had not recanted , he had not been received to communion . he observes farther , from the testament of the same methodius , ( probably in imitation of the testament of nazianzene , ) that he prescribed , that whenever the studites were received as penitents , they should only be received to communion , not to their sacerdotal dignity . so in the synodicon drawn upon the occasion of these schisms , and ordered ( as our author observes ) thenceforward to be read in churches , those invectives against the patriarchs are not only recanted , but anathematized . nay , theodorus was therein declared not to have done well in his separation , and that the schism was on his part , whatever was the occasion of it . and the reason is given exactly agreeable to the principles of ignatius , and st. cyprian , that tarasius and nicephorus were the church . whence it plainly followed , that theodorus and his followers cast themselves out of the church , by their being divided from their patriarchs . this very synodicon is mentioned in some fragments of this work of nicon here referred to , and in a discourse of anastasius caesareensis , both published by co●elerius . and anastasius is very particular in distinguishing it from the nomocanon : he tells us that it consisted only of three synods , two relating to faith , and the third to marriages ; probably all of them relating to this case . and thus we understand why our author excepts only the case of heresie , wherein it might be lawfull to separate from the bishop . he speaks of persons subject to episcopal jurisdiction , acting by themselves without a bishop to head them ; for so did plato and theodorus , with their monks : and so nothing but heresie could excuse their separation from their ordinary , by the principles of the catholick church ; for the guilt of schism will wholly be imputable to such subjects who separate from their ordinary for any other cause but heresie . and to this case agree exactly the canons omitted by mr. hody . they also speak of monks and laity separating from their respective ordinary , without any episcopal authority . so the synod called ab expresly ; by which we understand that the presbyters and deacons mentioned in the former canons , in reference to the case here particularly designed , were understood of monks , and such persons , destitute of episcopal authority : and very probably these encroachments of the monks on the sacerdotal authority , were the real occasion for the synod ab to make that canon . the monks of constantinople were , at that time , admitted into most debates where religion was concerned . we have seen that they made a part in the synodi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , against eutychius in the time of the great justinian , and now in the time of nicephorus against the schismatical studites . we see they had a part in the electing their bishop , by the opposition theophanes tells us this same theodorus with his studites made in the election of this same nicephorus . we see they were consulted by michael curopolates concerning his war against the bulgarians , and that they over ruled him against his own inclinations ▪ on account of the concern religion was supposed to have in that affair : nor was it amiss that nothing should be done without the consent , at least , of so great and so numerous bodies of persons devoted to the service of religon . and this consideration it was that brought the mitred abbats also in the west into their synods , and into their parliaments : but then this only gave them , in the original design of it , a power of interposing and interceding , like that of the tribunes among the romans , not of invading the sacred sacerdotal power ; but among the romans this power of interceding being granted first , incouraged the tribunes afterwards to aspire farther to give laws even to the senators themselves . so it succeeded with these monks : the devotedness of their state made them to be looked on somewhat above the ordinary laity ; and some sacerdotal acts were indulged them for the government of their own members , but no doubt at first with the consent of their ordinaries , to whom they were at first all subject . thus they had power of suspending their own monks from the communion : then they challenged the power of consignation in the bishops absence ; this was done first in egypt , as hilary the deacon observes in the commentaries which go under the name of st. ambrose . there were the most numerous bodies of monks , most remote from bishops , and therefore the most inclinable to these sacerdotal encroachments . thus we see there was occasion for asserting the sacerdotal rights against them in the times of the patriarchs , nicephorus and methodius : for so far the schism of these studites continued , as appears from the observations our author has made from the writings of methodius . it is also plain that the monks were the greatest part in the schism of the arsenians , principally regarded by our author : so it appears from several passages in georgius pachymeres . he tells us , that many of the (a) monks and laity divided and kept their separate assemblies : and the emperor michael in his oration against the schismaticks describes them so , as that we cannot doubt but that the monks were they who were principally intended by him . he says , they were such as by their course of life had been inured to (b) corners and secrecies , that they were cloathed in (c) sackcloth . so joseph in his oration to germanus , where he perswades him to resign , represents the (d) monks as the principal adversaries with whom he had to deal on this occasion . and the names (e) mentioned in this cause are generally either of monks or nuns : such were hiacinthus and ignatius rhodius , and martha and nostogonissa ; and the * pantepoplene monks ( so called from their monastery ) were the most violent against joseph and those who sided with him . and now we understand that they were not any latitudinarian dwindling notions of schism ( such as our adversaries fancy ) that made our author allow of no cause but heresie to justifie a separation : these were perfectly unknown , even to that lower antiquity in which our author lived . the persons he had to deal with were such as had no bishop to head them : a●senius himself was dead now for some years before our author made this collection , and he hath substituted no successor , nor was there any bishop of the party to make one , if even that might have been reconcilable with any rules of ecclesiastical discipline : and joseph also was dead , at least had expresly abdicated , before georgius cyprius was set up , in whose time we suppose our author to have written : so that neither of the schismaticks had bishops to head them . and then i shall easily grant , and grant upon the principles of st. cyprian , and the church of his time , that in a case of separation of subjects from bishops , the charge of schism can never lie against the bishop directly ▪ indirectly it may , as an vnion with a rightfull bishop does make the accusation of schism chargeable against another bishop , unjustly pretending to the same jurisdiction : or as the onely bishop of a particular district , if he cut himself off from the episcopal collegium , does thereby make it impossible for them to hold communion with him who would hold communion with the whole catholick church , and with the episcopal college : but where there were no bishops with whom they could maintain communion , whilst divided from the communion of the bishop of their particular district , there no charge of schism could be brought against such a bishop , neither directly nor indirectly : and therefore the onely pretence such dividers can have for defending themselves , and laying the blame on the bishop , must be not by charging him with schism but heresie . thus our author may be rightly understood to allow no excuse for separation in the persons with whom he had to deal , but onely that of their bishop's being a heretick . . and now our author's sense being rightly explained , we are so far from being concerned in what he says , as that indeed we need no other principles but his to charge our adversaries with the schism of the present separation . whilst we have bishops , and those unexceptionable , to head us , we can wave the charge of heresie , and yet insist upon that of schism against our present intruders : but i cannot for my life foresee what the clergy and laity of the deprived diocesses can say for themselves , for deserting their bishops , whose title was formerly owned by themselves , by this their author's principles . what is the heresie they can charge their bishops with ? yet that is the onely cause here allowed them to excuse their separation ; and it is indeed the onely charge that can be brought by subjects against their incumbent directly : as for an indirect charge in favour of other bishops , our adversaries case is exactly the same with that of the studites , or arsenians , and they cannot pretend to it . they have no other bishops to whom they can plead an obligation against their old incumbents . it is plain their antecedent obligation lies in favour of their deprived fathers : they cannot deny them to have had once a good right to their duty , and they can give no reason allowable by their author how they might lose it ; neither that of notorious heresie , nor the other of synodical deprivation . they cannot deny but their new invaders found the diocesses possessed by just acknowledgments of right in their predecessors , and those acknowledgments ratified by vows of canonical obedience in the clergy , and of the duty incumbent on them as members of such owned societies in the laity also . thus it cannot be difficult to determine where the duty is still rather obliging , that the indirect charge of schism lies against the intruders for erecting altars against altars already possessed ; not against the possessors , who were put in vacuam possessionem ( as the law calls it ) by an unquestionable lawful authority . will they therefore pretend the greater obligation lying on them to own the episcopal college , than to own any particular bishop ? this they might have pretended , if any synodical deprivation of persons authorized to act in synods had gone before : that might indeed have cut off the incumbents from their vnion with the episcopal college , and continued the invaders in their vnion with the same college , and so have obliged all , as they are bound to prefer their vnion with the college before their vnion with any particular bishop , to withdraw from the communion of the incumbents . now even this very charge lies in favour of our brethren , and against our adversaries . our deprived fathers must still be supposed to retain their vnion with the college , till there be some act of the college to deprive them : and so the invaders of their jurisdictions must , by their doing so , not only divide themselves from the bishops whose right is invaded by them , but from the whole episcopal college also . this would have appeared clearly as to fact , if the old practice of communicatory letters had still been observed : the invaders could not have been received to communion by any other bishop of the whole world , without the communicatory letters of the incumbent not synodically deprived ; and if any particular bishop had done otherwise , even that bishop had , by his doing so , cut himself off from his vnion with the whole episcopal college . thus we see how this precedent of condemning these encroachments of the studite monks does not in any wise affect vs , but our adversaries . . our author next observes , that for years together during the reigns of leo armenus , michael traulus and theophilus , till theodora managed affairs during her young son mich●el's minority , the patriarchs were all iconoclasts . his account , no doubt , begins from the year . and the second of leo armenus , wherein theodotus melissenus , the first iconaclast patriarch , was brought in upon the expulsion of nicephorus : and it ends with the expulsion of joannes , or jannes ( as they call him for his conjuring practices ) by theodora in the year . in the beginning of her administration of affairs . that space was not full years : for theodotus melissenus was brought in april the st . and john was expelled not long after the th . of january , on which theophilus died . the design of this observation is only to take notice how it would affect the constantinopolitane succession , long before the times of arsenius and joseph , if even such deriving orders from hereticks were rigorously enquired into ; for such the icon●clasts were esteemed by our author . but this is not the question for which we are concerned at present . . his next example is therefore in the case of ignatius and photius . but to judge exactly how far either of them had right , our author should have distinguished the times and the several degrees by which this dispute proceeded . the first deprivation therefore of ignatius , i take to have been on november . . precisely : and here was indeed no synod , though i know the synodicon published by pappus and justellus pretends one : but pope nicholas in his th . ep. where he gives an account of his roman synod , owns nothing in the deprivation of ignatius , but the violence and terror of the emperor , plainly therein reflecting on the vncanonicalness of it . again , his words in his ep. . to ignatius himself are these : ab imperials potentia absque ulla canonica auctoritate tua pulsus ecclesia , &c. which he insists on as an argument for invalidating their whole proceedings against him . so also anastasius bibliothecarius in his preface to the eighth general council , speaking of the same ignatius , says , that he was praejudicialiter expoliatus . by which , in all likelihood , he means , that he was robbed of his throne antecedently to any form of judicial proceeding . the author therefore of the synodicon himself , owns that he was driven away 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meaning , i suppose , the secular 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as distinguished by that word from the ecclesiasticks . he therefore calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a simple synod ; probably because they were only a few bishops and monks that concerned themselves in this matter , without any synodical formalities , not even those of the synodus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ bardas therefore the caesar , who was the author of it , did now all he could by hard usage to force him to abdicate . it plainly hence appears , that even he did not think the emperor's power sufficient for it : yet he was wicked enough , and prejudiced enough on that side to have believed it , if the casuistry of that age would have afforded him any countenance in it . but they had not then the confidence to allow actions of that nature to pass for precedents : yet all the rigours they could use to him , could not prevail with ignatius to quit his right . how is it therefore that our author can have the confidence to say , that he did not divide from photius , nor perswade the people to divide from him ? how could he possibly claim his right , but that he must at the same time challenge the clergies and peoples duty , as obliged in conscience to adhere to him , and to own him as their onely lawfull pastor ? how could he do that without obliging them to leave and disown photius ? we have therefore here one of our author 's own precedents so far from making for his cause , that it makes directly against him . ignatius thought it lawfull to challenge his right against a successor whom even him●elf could not charge with heresie . and this invasion of ignatius's throne , was censured as schismatical in photius , by the generality of the disinteressed judges of that age. pope nicholas the first , in the name of the western church , charges it directly with that very imputation of schism . and even the eastern bishops themselves † threatned bardas , that they would never own another bishop , and that they would break themselves off from the publick assemblies , till they were partly wheedled , and partly terrified from what they had resolved on . and whatever their practice was , this very threatning is an argument of their judgment in the case , that photius and his party had been the schismatick● , though themselves had made the separation . our author himself observes , how ordinary it was in those ages to call photius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an adulterer and invader of the throne ; and those phrases do at once signifie his want of right , and the violences used by him in coming in against the consent of ignatius : nor has he any thing that i can find ▪ to prove that ignatius kept communion with photius , but only his old argument from the pretended dyptichs of his own time , which has already been answered . thus the case was , at least , till the synod wherein ignatius was deposed , and photius confirmed . but what needed a deposition , if ignatius had already yielded his right , as our author would perswade us ? what needed a synodical deposition , if that by the imperial authority had been thought sufficient ? . the friends of photius discovered their consciousness of his want of right ; first , by the violence used to the person of ignatius to force him to surrender ; then by diligence used by them , when they found their endeavours with ignatius unsuccessfull , to get a synod that might deprive him of his right , whether he would or no : yet the difficulties and delays they met with in procuring a synod , and corrupting the suffrages of it , are also arguments of the opposition they met with in their main cause , even in the east , even among the greeks themselves , where the authority of bardas was most significant ; for it was some years before chey could effect their purposes that way , not till the latter end of the year . the auhor of the synodicon , besides his former synod makes two more , the former in blachernis , the latter in the church of the apostles . this i take to be the a b synodus , wherein ignatius was deposed , as the commentators expresly tell us . and the two sessions of that same synod in different places , as it gave occasion for them to give the title of a b to their synod it self ; so it also seems to have been the occasion why this injudicious collector of the synodicon should make two synods of it . the latter of the two was that wherein the pope's legates were either forced or bribed to sign the condemnation of ignatius . i am apt to think that the true occasion of convening a second time the same bishops before they were departed to their several homes , was the unexpected arrival of the legates , that they also might conciliarly confirm what had been done in the council before their arrival . if i guess right , their former sitting must have been immediately before the arrival of the legates : and indeed it seems to have been so . the pope was surprized at the proceeding against ignatius , and charges photius with breach of promise , in medling farther in that matter than he had pretended he would do . and he says , he sent his legates not to determine any thing concerning the cause of ignatius , but only to enquire into it , and to make report to him of the success of their enquiry : and if we may believe his adversaries account of this affair , photius had pretended that ignatius had resigned , and this , it should seem , they reckoned on ; which could not have been , if this decision of ignatius's case had been long before : even that pretence argued his consciousness that what had been done before against ignatius , would never be thought sufficient to deprive him of his right in conscience , as soon as the falshood of this pretence should be discovered . this therefore put him upon a conciliary trial of ignatius , in that former meeting wherein ignatius was personly present : but ignatius pleaded what pope nicholas also pleaded in his behalf , that he ought to be restored to his possession , before they could , by the canons , bring him to a trial. this photius's council would by no means admit of , but proceeded their own way , pretending to give him a fair thorough hearing , and deprived him . however , knowing that his plea was indeed allowable by the canons , they thought their cause would require all the confirmation that could be got by the legates , and the reputation they would gain by having the western communion on their side . if this therefore were so , the time of these synods , or meetings rather of the same synod , will best appear from the time of the arrival of the popes legates . the letters pope nicholas sent with his legates going to constantinople , bear date septemb. . indict . . so it must have been the latter end of the year . before those legates could finish their journey : and when they had reached constantinople , they were days there before they could be prevailed on to ratifie the deposition of ignatius so contrary to the instructions they had received from him that sent them . this must necessarily bring it to the beginning of the year . before the th . of march , nicholas had received the news of their prevaricating , and wrote again what he thought fit upon that occasion . but when the suffrages of a council were once gained , what arts soever they were that were used to gain them , photius had then some appearance of right , till ignatius could relieve himself by another and a greater council . that was a lawful way allowed him of recovering it , by the very canons . however photius could , in the mean time , plead this canon hence produced by our author , in favour of himself , which before he could not , that none ought to separate from himself thus synodically settled , nor to joyn with ignatius thus synodically condemned , till himself were condemned , and ignatius resettled , by a greater and more numerous synod . and to add the greater authority to their own synod , they boasted of the same numbers that was in the council of nice , as pope nicholas observes in his answer to them . this was a plausible artifice ●o the superstition of that age. . pope nicholas therefore , no doubt , made all the interest he cou'd to get a synod that he might oppose to this synod of photius . he knew his authority alone would never be admitted for it without a synod , and such a synod as the canons required : and though he allowed no superstition for the number ▪ yet the antiochian canon , which by this time obtained in both the eastern and western churches , required , that the synod that must restore ignatius , must at least be more numerous than the synod that deprived him . no synod therefore could serve his purpose , but such a one as must have had more than bishops . this , i suppose , made it some time before he could condemn photius , or restore ignatius with such a synod . anastasius tells us , it was in the th . indiction : that must have been , either in the end of the year . or the beginning of the year till then , at least , how good soever his title was , yet the guilt of schism had been imputable to ignatius , if he had made a separation , or intruded himself into his own throne before a synod had restored him . nay ▪ by the antiochian canon he had forfeited all pretensions of having the merit of his cause considered , if he had challenged any duty from his clergy and people before a council had restored him . but when pope nichol●s had restored him in the roman synod , and deprived and anathematized photius , with them who look●d upon that restitution as an act of superiour authority , ignatius w●s then restored to his full right , and photius was deprived even of that right ●o which a canonical settled possession had intitled him ▪ and from that time forward , if ignatius had ●●●●enged the obedience of his clergy and laity , and withdrawn them from the obedience of photius , the guilt of the schism had notwithstanding not been imputable to him but ●hotius . but these principles do not even in that ag● ▪ seem to have been the sense of any more than the concerned part of the western church the council of constantinople when they decreed that constantinople should be next to rome , did never seem to ●nderstand it of p●oper jurisdiction , but only of precedency in place : afterwards ●he council of chalcedon decreed equal priviledges to the same s●e , because it had an emperor , and a consul ▪ and a senate , which were no more consistent with a subordinate jurisdiction in the bishops than in the emperors , the consuls , and the ●enates . none ever pretended at that time ●hat the emperors , the cons●ls , and the senates of new rome were properly subject to the emperors , consuls , and senates of old rome , in rega●d of jurisdiction : and the canon concerning appeals made in that same council o● chalcedon wa● utt●rly inconsistent with any such jurisdiction ; that allows to recourse for such appeals beyond the see of constantinople . i know very well , pope leo's legates disowned both these canons , and so have the latine collectors generally , who reckon no more than canons as made in that council : but the th action of the council shewed that they were the genuine sense of the council , and at least of the eastern empire , and the eastern churches : and so it descended down to the times of ignatius and photius , of which we are discoursing . by the judgment therefore of the eastern bishops of those times , who were the most competent judges of that eastern dispute ; and by the other canons of the church which required , that judgments concerning matters of fact ( such as this was ) should be decided in the same place where the matter of fact had happened , the synod by which ignatius was to be relieved , must have been another , and that a greater synod in the same constantinople ; and till he could get such a synod on his side , himself had been responsible for the schism that must have followed on his claiming his right : nay , the antiochian canon made him forfeit his right , if he claimed it in such a way as this was : and it is plain by the pope's letters to the emperor michael , that the emperor did not allow the pope's authority in this case ; nor do we find that ignatius made any stir upon it , till he was restored conciliarly in the same place where he had been deprived . this seems therefore to have been the state of that dispute , if nicholas proceeded by way of proper jurisdiction ; if he had proceeded on the principles of the primitive church on the supposition of equality , then he could no otherwise have obliged the eastern bishops , than as the bishops or provinces that sided with him were more numerous than those that were against them : for this is all that had been reasonable in that case , that where peace was absolutely necessary , and yet could not be had without cession on one part , there it was also necessary that the smaller part should rather yield to the greatest . but whether empire had more bishops or provinces is needless now to determine : the rather , because it does not seem to have been thought on , or insisted on , in the disputes of that age. it is sufficient for our purposes , that , in the sense of the eastern bishops , and by the rules of the eastern discipline , ( which ignatius was to stand by , ) this roman synod was no competent authority , and therefore left both him and photius in the same condition wherein it found them . but in this whole dispute the emperor's authority is never urged , but that of the synods that appeared on the one side or the other . and the roman synod was so little regarded by photius and the bishops of his party , that they also condemned pope nicholas . this was in the latter end of the reign of his patron michael , after basilius macedo was now made caesar ; that is , after the th of may . . in the latter end of that same year , sept. . michael was murdered . this photius upbraided basilius with , and excommunicated him for it . this makes basilius immediately dispossess him . we are told that he did it the very next day after his succession : however the emperour himself did not look on his own dispossessing him of the patriarchal palace as any decision of the question concerning his right . the worst interpretation we can make of it is , that he followed his own resentment in the case , ( as several authors say he did , ) or that he followed the precedents of anastasius dicorus , and the great justinian , who , as we have seen , first deprived their patriarchs before they judicially condemned them . this could hardly have been made a precedent by him , if he himself had not been under a present and a great resentment , if he had not followed them in their passion , as well as in the fact that proceeded from it . it becomes us rather to put the best interpretation we can on the facts of those who are deceased , whose lives did otherwise not make them obnoxious to have the worst things presumed concerning them . the rather in this case , because there was another reason as consistent with the design of basilius , and much more agreeable with his honour : ignatius when he was before the synod of photius pleaded , that he ought to be restored to his possession , before he could be obliged to answer to a synodical judgment : this plea therefore being canonical , ought to have been admitted by the synod that deprived him ; the putting him therefore into a present possession , even before a new synodical tryall , was no more than what ought to have been done by the synod itself ; and their proceeding irregularly could not therefore prejudge against the canons that required it , nor hinder the putting it in practice as soon as the violence was over that occasioned the violation of those canons . yet it was so to be understood , as not to prejudge any thing concerning the merit of the cause . otherwise , instead of doing ignatius a kindness , it had done him a prejudice by the rules of discipline then received in the eastern church ; he had thereby made himself really obnoxious to the apostolical canon , which photius had no colour to charge him with before : that canon was then received in the eastern church , and made it a new cause of deprivation , if any bishop did forcibly intrude himself into a present possession by the assistance of the secular power . so far that eastern church , whose sense our adversaries pretend to gather from these instances , was from acknowledging the lawfulness of bishops obtruded by the secular power , that with them it rather prejudiced a good , that advantaged a suspicious title . this , by the way , it were well our adversaries would think of , how it affects the case of our present intruders : the rather , because it does not only deprive them of the benefit of this argument from these eastern precedents , but may also be urged against them wherever these canons have been received , as these first fifty have been generally in most , even of our western collections . however , that the emperor did not look upon his own actings as decisive in this case , appears from hence , that he ordered both parties to send their legates to the pope , to inform him throughly of the matter of fact ; and that withall he convened a pretended general council for a final decision of the dispute . i rather suspect that he ascribed more to the determination of pope nicholas , than either the doctrines of his own church , or his own preingagements , would fairly allow of , and that he might therefore look on his own putting ignatius in possession , as an executing the decree of the roman council . plainly he did more herein than several of his own party did like : first , he preferred the judgment of a foreign italian before that of a domestick council . this was what was opposed , not only by his predecessor michael , but also by his successors in the eastern church to this very day ; nay , what himself after repealed in the synod of photius in the year . then he preferred that elder synod of nicholas in the year . before the later synod of photius , ( that third of his against pope nicholas and his synod , as the two former had been against ignatius , ) which had been celebrated in the very year wherein himself succeeded ; that is , in the year . between the th of may , whereon basile was made caesar , and septemb. the th , whereon michael was murdered . he seemed to obviate this by calling this other synod , which now passes for the eighth general council with the latines , as if it had been to repeal that later constantinopolitane council synodically . this was in the year . but no liberty was reserved for a fair hearing of things in this council . ignatius had before that , immediately upon his return into his place , done all that ought to have been reserved for the synod , if any fair dealing had been intended ; he had deposed and excommunicated his rival : not only so , but he had nulled the orders of those who had been ordained by him , and excommunicated those who had communicated with him . nay , the bishops were all obliged before hand to stand to the decisions of the pope's council , which it appears in the very beginning of this , they neither thought consistent with the honour of their own church , nor were they willing to be concluded by , if the emperor would give them liberty . and photius was immediately , before any conciliary hearing , condemned and anathemetized , and ignatius owned before any repeal of the later council of photius . thus this unfair way of promoting even a good title , did rather injure than advantage it : the rather , because basile had , in all likelihood , obliged himself but a little before to maintain that synod of photius . photius pretended basil's subscription to his own synod ; and his adversaries themselves confess he did so , and do not disprove what he pretended : and we know it was generally received in those times , that what was subscribed by the augusti , was subscribed by the caesars also . here therefore , i doubt , we can hardly be able to excuse this prince from a transport of resentment , perhaps not even ignatius himself , that made them do things so little for the honour of their own church , and in favour of a foreign power , rather than fail of compassing their ends . i doubt it was their consciousness of their weakness at home , that put them upon these straits : the cause was within a little while after carried against them by the photians , and so continues to this very day . this council was repealed in the time of this very emperor . the doctrine and creed of photius concerning the procession of the holy ghost from the father alone , was also restored . and this advanced the dispute from a charge of schism alone , to a charge of heresie also , in the opinion of this author : those servile notions also of allowing even pretended general councils a power only of ratifying , not of debating the predecisions of the pope , have been generally disowned , and looked upon as very odious in all the emperors who have endeavoured to restore them . this the two palaeologi , michael and john found to their cost ; the one in the council of lyons , in the year . the other in the council of florence , in the year . nor do the numbers of those who are mentioned in this latinizing synod , either of those who had still sided with ignatius , or of those who were here received upon their revolting from photius , seem sufficient to have carried the cause on that side by equal management ; especially considering that the later would , in that case , have given their suffrages against them . and who could look upon this as a fair decision , with regard to conscience , that was so manifestly contrary to the sense of the greater numbers of their own church , which ought alone to have been owned for the competent judge in causes between her own members ? here therefore ignatius injured his good cause by this way of defending it , and gave photius new advantages against him : however he found no farther opposition from him , during his own life . ignatius died octob. . . and then photius was restored by the same emperor that had before excluded him : yet with no such inconsistency as our author fancies . he that was an adulterer and an invader whilst the true husband was living , might now be a husband and just possessor after the true husband was deceased . probably the emperor himself , when his passion was over , might think himself obliged in conscience and honour to make him this honourable amends for his past irregular and unequal proceedings against him ; though i know nicetas , who was an ignatian , pretends other arts whereby he regained the emperor's favour : and indeed we have photius's cause conveyed to us with no small disadvantage : his adversaries at that very time suppressed his principal writings on that subject ; they seized and burnt his original papers , before any copies could be transcribed ; they have afterwards had it in their power to suppress many of his other works , whilst the empire of constantinople was in the hands of latines or latinizing greeks ; and they have since had it in their power to hinder the printing of as many of them as have not fallen into the hands of protestants . this , no doubt , must needs have proved very prejudicial to a right understanding of his cause , that we have very few assistances for understanding it , but from his professed and very inveterate enemies . however it was , photius , on this restitution , had now no longer any rival that could pretend a better title : so that now they had nothing plausible to pretend for themselves that they would not own him . however it appears from this nicetas , that the ignatian party still retained their old resentments , when even ignatius himself , if he had been living , had less to say for himself than formerly , and his followers had yet much less to say for themselves now than he had . the next year therefore after hi● new restitution , that is , in the year . photius calls a general council wherein he is confirmed by pope john's consent , his legates b●ing present , and the eighth general council in the latine account expresly repealed , this being received in stead of it by the modern greeks to this day ; wherein the second nicene is received among the general councils as the greeks do still receive it ; wherein the creed of constantinople is received without any mention of the procession of the holy ghost from the son , nay , with censures against innovators of it ; and wherein , lastly , censures are threatned against all who would not submit , and own photius for their lawfull patriarch . these are the principal particulars here decreed , as appears from the fragments of this council first published by dr. beveridge from oxford mss. most of them from beccus , a zealous latinizer , though baronius is willing to call them in question , for not being mentioned by later men than beccus . and the pope's legates assent to all , and as to that particular of obliging all to submit to photius , the pope had given them particular and express orders , in his letters and instructions still extant : so that now the ignatians could no longer pretend any patronage of the roman church to countenance them in their schism and to sweeten them the more , it was also here expresly stipulated , that there should be no indecent reflections on the memory of ignatius . the pope was gained by his finding the emperor bent on it , and by the beneficial agreements made with photius in order to it : he obliged photius to quit his right in the bulgarians , a grant which his predecessor could not gain even from ignatius , who had been so much obliged by him . he obliged him also to quit the communion of some of his own excommunicates ▪ as himself also disowned the schismaticks from photius . and this probably went far towards the uniting the ignatians , when the exasperating severities were laid aside , and there was now no rival , nor considerable authority to head them . and this , in all likelihood , was the reason , why , notwithstanding their former heats , they are nevertheless both of them mentioned honourably in the synodicon . it was in course to be expected concerning photius , because he was the last in possession , and because his disputes with the latines started on that occasion , obtained afterwards so universally , that his sense is the sense of the greek church to this very day . and though ignatius's sense be now as generally deserted , yet the union of the ignatians did necessarily require a decent behaviour to his memory , which was now no longer difficult to be granted , when he was now no longer capable of being a rival . thence forward therefore photius seemed to have enjoyed more quietness till the year . and the succession of leo sapiens , which is the last time we find him mentioned in history . . and now in this whole history thus represented , there is nothing that , if fairly understood , will make for the purpose , either of our author , or of our adversaries . our author pretends that they neither of them separated from each other's communion , as thinking each other orthodox , and that they did not scrupulously enquire into each other's ordinations : but it is very strange he should so much as pretend it , when the contrary is so very notorious . what account then can they give of all those severities and persecutions which are mentioned of photius against the ignatians , if not to force them to his communion ? what needed all those violences to ignatius's person , to force him to sign a form of abdication , if he abdicated willingly , and thought himself obliged to do so , because his adversary was not a heretick ? why then did photius in his two synods deprive and excommunicate and anathematize him ? why did he endeavour to reordain the persons ordained by ignatius ? and when the emperor would not endure that , why did he use the (a) art nicetas tells us of , of seeming at least to do it , by buying sacerdotal habits , and sending them , already blessed , as presents to the parties concerned , if he were so well satisfied , as our author would perswade us , of his predecessor's ordinations ? this photius did upon his restitution to the see , after ignatius's death , when there was no danger from ignatius that might exasperate him , when there was no apparent reason but principles of conscience that might induce him to it . but the world has been sufficiently inured to believe hard things concerning photius : perhaps ignatius , the holy ignatius , behaved himself with more temper , and more agreeable to our author's fancy : he would , in all likelihood , have done so , if he had been of our author's opinion . but if we will chuse rather to learn matter of fact from history what he did do , than from fancy , what we may think he ought to have done , as , no doubt , we ought to do , how much soever he differed from photius in other things , yet he was perfectly of his mind in this , and seems no less to have rivalled him in his zeal in it , than he did in his chair . his unwillingness to resign as our author and our adversaries would have had him done , has been already observed : photius indeed pretended he did resign ; and hadrian's eighth general council seems to speak suspiciously , when they tell us that , if he had done so , he was notwithstanding not oblig'd to stand to it . it is certain he did not stand to it , and if ever he did yield , that it was fear , not our adversaries opinions of charity and conscience , that made him do so , that made him think himself obliged to do so ; so far from that , that as soon as his conscience was at liberty to hear sedate reasonings , he thought himself obliged to do the contrary . this brought upon him those deprivations , excommunications , and anathematisms , in the synods of photius . and can we still believe that there was no breach of communion on the part of the ignatians ? what needed then those violences which they were freed from as soon as they could be prevailed on to communicate with photius ? why do the (b) legates of three eastern patriarchs , boast that they had never owned nor communicated with him from the beginning , if it had not been notorious that the firm ignatians had , from the beginning , not owned his communion ? why then did (c) ignatious , immediately , upon his restitution , excommunicate not only those who had been ordained by photius , but those also who had ever so much as communicated with him ? is it not plain from hence , that ignatius's party did separate ? that he himself exacted it as duty from them that they should do so , and so was accessary to the separation ? that he did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , use the summum jus of enquiring into the ordinations of photius ? and what will then become of our author 's general observation , that none was ever known to do so ? why did the ignatians still forbear the communion of photius , even after the (d) death of ignatius , if they had not been used to do so before , when they had more pretence for it ? if ignatius had not persisted in that same mind , even to his very death ? besides , our author was not aware that the dispute at length came to that which he thought heresie , at least which he was bound to think so by the doctrine of his greek church in that age wherein he made his collection ; i mean , photius started the dispute concerning the procession of the holy ghost from the son. then he must have thought them obliged by principles to separate , and could never argue from their actions as precedents , if they were not agreeable to principles . it is very true that photius's doctrine was not thought heretical then . this appeared even in the latine's eighth - general coumcil . some desired to be excused from anathematizing him on that account , that they thought none ought to be anathematized but hereticks . and the council it self , though it obliged them still to anathematizi him , yet did not do it upon account of any heresie wherewith they thought him chargeable . however this makes his case more opposite to our purpose , because it is notwithstanding sure that ignatius did not therefore think himself obliged to yield to him . what can be clearer to this purpose than the words of ignatius , as he is personated by theognostus , one who was very well acquainted with his mind ? (e) had this adulterer , says he , been of the church , i would willingly have yielded to him . but how shall i make an alien from christ a pastor of the sheep of christ ? plainly therefore he thought schism as well as heresie a sufficient reason of challenging his right against him . and photius was charged with schism antecedently to his being set up against ignatius , for joyning with (f) gregorius syracusanus , who had been excommunicated by ignatius . so little do these instances make for the design of our author . . nor are they much more pertinent to the design of our adversaries . none of these deprivations were any farther regarded than as they were synodical : i mean , they were not till then thought sufficient to disoblige their charge from their obligations to adhear to them . bardas and photius did both hope at first , to extort an abdication from ignatius : but when they found they could not succeed that way , they never thought themselves secure , till they got him deprived synodically . so it was also in the deprivation of photius , after he had been synodically confirmed : though it was in favour of one who had a better antecedent right ; yet the emperor basile excuses himself from having any hand in it , otherwise than as he excuted the decree of pope nicholas's synod , whereby photius had before been deprived and excommunicated . so he tells us in the synod , that he had done nothing in it by his † imperial hand or power . for it was not , says he , the work or contrivance of my imperial station , that our most holy patriarch should return to his own throne . but long before , the most holy and blessed pope nicholas , having fully informed himself concerning the case of ignatius , had decreed synodically , that the right of his own throne should be restored to him , and with the whole roman church had anathematised all such as should resist that decree and sentence . here therefore being before informed of these things , and dreading the judgment of the promulgated anathema , we thought it necessary to obey this synodical judgment of the roman church , and for this cause we restored him to the possession of his own throne . so far were even princes , in that age , from pretending any right to intermeddle in such matters without the leave , nay without the authority of the church to warrant them in it : and so little were they then ashamed to own themselves executioners of the church's canons in affairs properly relating to the church's right . none who is in earnest with religion , can in the least doubt , but that the interests of religion are incomparably both nobler and greater than the interests of any worldly politicks : even the secular magistate himself cannot deny but that his soul , which is benefitted by promoting the interests of religion , is of more importance , even to him , than his secular empire . and why then should poor mortals be ashamed to own their obligation to make their worldly power subservient to ends so undeniably nobler and greater than those of their worldly power ? but so trifling are the reasonings of those who call this being priest-ridden , when they are examined seriously , that it is no wonder they should look upon it as a principal art of recommending them by bantering , and avoiding seriousness . . our author's next instance is in the next and last deprivation of photius which he tells us was by leo sapiens , in favour of his own brother stephanus substituted in his stead : yet the successor being also orthothodox , he observed that no schism followed upon it . and indeed we do not find any matter for a synodical accusation objected to photius by the prince himself , who is said to have deprived him , not any of those immoral practices wherewith he had been formerly upbraided by his exasperated adversaries : much less does any synod appear that gave judgment against him upon such allegations ; nor could he pretend , as his father basile had done , that he only executed a former synodical deprivation for fear of the anathem● he might incur if he did not do so . photius had now no rival who could pretend a better tittle , in favour of whom those synodical determinations had been made : and he had since been restored in a general synod , later than that which had deprived him , and wherein all the defects were supplied which had been objected formerly . here he had the suffrages of the eastern patriarchs : not only so , but even of the papal see it self , which had before been most implacable against him . i know baronius fancies that there was afterwards a breach between pope john and him : nor is it unlikely , that john did indeed resent the retaining bulgaria from him ▪ the recovering of which was the principal inducement which had brought him to that condescendence . this i take to have been the reserved case , when he afterwards disowns his confirming what his legates had done , if they had in any thing gone beyond the orders he had given them . nor is it unlikely also but that , on occasion of that resentment , he might use some threats and hard expressions , that might have been so interpreted by the authors that gave baronius occasion for this conjecture : but there is no likelihood at all that those resentments ever proceeded so far as an open rupture ; otherwise we should certainly have had some mention of it in so many following epistles written by john himself afterwards . whatever he thought , he seems , at that time , to have thought it seasonable to suppress his resentments , as finding himself opposed by a greater interest than that of photius . photius therefore does not indeed seem to have been deprived synodically ; the reason given for it is , that leo resented what santabarenus had done against him in his father's time , in making a difference between them , and thought photius the principal hindrance that kept him from his designs against santabarenus . this was a reason in state likely enough to have been the occasion why leo would endeavour to get photius deprived : but it was not a reason likely to have been owned openly , and to have been produced before a judicatory . he could hardly for shame have owned a resentment for things so long past ; much less could he have charged photius with favouring santabarenus , when santabarenus himself had not yet received an open trial. however , it is certain that the emperor himself was the cause that the place was vacated ; and in this historians agree : only they do not tells , whether it were with his own consent , though forced to it by the emperor , or whether the emperor pretended to do it by his own authority , without any consent of photius . but what the historians have not informed us of , that his great adversary pope * stephen the fourth has , and that from the letter of the emperor himself who is said to have deprived him . by that letter it appears , that the emperor did not so much as pretend force on his own part , but a voluntary resignation on the part of photius : so that as yet we have not one instance , that ever any lay-power did ever pretend to a power of depriving bishops as to their spiritual authority , though we could not have known it in this case , had it not been for this occasional mention of it by pope stephen . the case may therefore have probably been the same in other examples , where we read of depositions by emperors , where we are not so happy to light on a particular account of them . here there are other circumstances that make it probable that this cession was voluntary : photius was treated very respectfully even after his deprivation , as appears in the trial of santabarenus , which would not have been , if he had stood out to the utmost ; so it was this willingness of his cession that hindered pope stephen also from proceeding to his designed severities against him : besides , stephanus his successor had been his pupil , and educated under him , and therefore unlikely to have accepted of his office without his leave ; nor do we find that he ever afterwards endeavoured again to get into it , though stephanus did not long enjoy it : and therefore going off willingly , he had thence-forward no pretence to disturb his successors ; the schism had been his , not theirs , if he had gone back from his own agreement , and either resumed his throne , or withdrawn the peoples duty , which had been already quitted by him . . the next example is in nicholas , deprived by the same prince leo sapiens , for opposing his fourth marriage . against him euthymius was set up ; yet so , as our author says , that neither nicholas himself withdrew from his communion , nor taught the people to do so . nay , so , that when he was restored to his throne by alexander the brother of leo , he did not so much as question the orders given by euthymius , because the persons ordained were orthodox , and the person who ordained them was himself also orthodox . so our author . the time of this ejection of nicholas is somewhat intricate : it could hardly have been where baronius places it , in the year . the surest grounds we have for discovering it , is from the age of constantine porphyrogennetus : it is certain he was born before his mothers marriage , which made immediately the breach between his father and the patriarch . not only so , nicholas also christened him ; so that as yet he was in possession of the patriarchal throne . this it seems he condescended to , on condition the marriage should not go on : however , within three days after , thomas a presbyter performed the solemnity , and was thereupon excommunicated by the patriarch . constantine was christened on the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our epiphany , jan. . so his mother zoes marriage was on the th of the same january . that immediately caused the breach , and from that time forward the emperor formed his party for depriving the patriarch . and cedrenus tells us that they did it on the beginning of february . the anonymous continuator of theophanes and leo grammaticus , are more particular yet in fixing it to the first day of that month. these are more to be regarded than baronius's author , joannes curopalates , who would have it to have been on the beginning of january . constantine was crowned on pentecost , and then euthymius officiated : thence is appears that nicholas was dispossessed before pentecost . but constantine could not have been baptized , nor crowned before the year . at his uncle alexander's death he was seven years old , as we are assured by the continuator of theophanes , and by leo grammaticus , the best authors of those times . alexander died on june the th , the first day of the week , and the first indiction , as the same authors tell us . these notes shew it could not have been the year . as baronius would have it , but that it must have been on the year following , . so also it is agreed that he was thirteen years old when his father-in-law romanus lacapenus got to be joyned in the government with him ▪ this appears by leo grammaticus to have been in that year wherein the feast of the annunciation , march the th , fell on the th day of the week , which must have been on the year . the same appears from the death of constantine in the year of the world . indict . . novemb. . all these notes concur in the year . not in the year . wherein it is placed by baronius . this was in the th year of his reign or life , for there is no great difference between them . and this number is made up of the three several periods of his reign , wherein he reigned with his father , and vncle , and mother ; wherein romanus was joyned with him , and more after the deposition of romanus . these numbers reckoned backward from the year now mentioned , can go no farther than the year . wherein therefore nicholas must have been deprived . nicholas himself tells us , that it was in the pontificate of sergius , which is not by any means reconcilable with the chronology of baronius . this , by the way , for the time of this example . . however , it does not appear that leo acted herein only by his secular authority . if there be any heed to be given to eutychius , he tells us of something like a synod , that sided with the emperor against the patriarch . he says the emperor had with him legates from the patriarchal sees , to whom were joyned several of the bishops then in constantinople , who were for his marriage . these were somewhat more than the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and whether they were enough or no , to secure the emperor and his priest from the censure of the patriarch , and for continuing them in communion ; yet certainly they had been sufficient , according to the customs of those ages , for the deprivation of a patriarch ; if there had not been particular reasons to suspect whether , in a question so much disputed among the bishops as that was , the majority would think themselves obliged to be concluded by them . and it was , upon their joyning with the emperor , that , as eutychius tells us , the deprivation followed , though eutychius be not indeed express in telling us whether they were particularly concerned in the deprivation . but neither have we reason to doubt , but that the emperor would rather choose to deprive him synodically than otherwise , if for no other reason , at least for this , that he might therefore clear himself from the odium of making himself a judge in his own cause : the rather so , because we know he endeavoured to transact the dispute amicably , and with due deference to the ecclesiastical authority , which shews him unwilling to use his power , if he could have avoided it ; and because withall he had a synod ready convened , who were likely enough to second him in it . for why should we suspect them unwilling to concur in the deprivation , when they had concurred in allowing the marriage that had occasioned it ? and there are circumstances which confirm the likelihood of a synodical deprivation , independently on the authority of eutychius . nicholas himself owns the concurrence of pope sergius's legates against him , who were for dispencing with the marriage . it seems therefore that leo had sent for them before the marriage , and the breach occasioned by it ; otherwise they could not have reached constantinople before the deprivation of nicholas . thus therefore it is certain , that at that time there were present the legates of at least one of the patriarchal sees . and why should we suspect but that , in a controversy of so great importance , when he sent for the legates of one of the patriarchal sees , he sent for all the rest ? but so it was , those legates could only undertake for the sense of those patriarchal jurisdictions that were represented by them . it is by no means likely that he would neglect the fifth patriarchal church to which himself was particularly related . in all probability , the same time that he sent for the legates of the foreign patriarchs , he ordered matters so , that upon their arrival they should be met by a synod of bishops of his own dominions , that so he might have the sense , if not of his own patriarch , at least of his own patriarchal church . this made an appearance of the whole church , and of a general council , when he could pretend to the sense of all the patriarchates , and is withall certain that he endeavoured to draw the bishops of his own dominions to his party , and that his endeavours were successfull with many of them : and this difference of opinion that was between them , was that which occasioned the following schism . then withall we know that he charged the patriarch with a crime , as the ground of the deprivation ; that was of lying and perjury . probably in the agreements made between them before the breach , to which it is probable that the parties concerned had sworn , that the prete●ded violation of those oaths was that which the emperor charged with perjury . thus as there was a judicatory , so we see likely materials to ground a judicial process . and why should we doubt but that as he made this synod judge of the marriage it self ; so that he also allowed them to pass their judgment on this canonical accusation ? so little likelihood there is that this case can serve the purpose of our present adversaries , concerning a lay-deprivation . . however our author says that nicholas did not thereupon separate from the communion of his rival-intruder . nay , farther , that when he was afterwards restorded in the time of alexander the brother of leo , in the year . he did not disanull the orders given by him . b●t that a division of communions followed on this injurious deprivation is certainly evident in the history of that age , if any thing be so . the words of the collector of jus graeco-romanum are very express , that there were schisms among them , and much disturbance . i need not mention the like testimonies of the historians in a case so undeniable . these were the schisms which occasioned the famous tome of vnion , which made the third part of the synodicon here referred to , and which is still preserved in the now mentioned collection . so the continuator of theophanes and joannes curopalates say , that it was here that the metropolitanes were united who had been divided by nicholas and euthymius . but perhaps this breach of communion was rather from the followers of nicholas , than from nicholas himself . so our adversaries might possibly pretend ▪ if we had not still extant an epistle of nicholas himself to the bishops who were out of communion . this makes it plain , that they were out of his communion also when he was again resettled in his patriarchate . so unhappy our author is in his design , that even in his own collection he has given us another instance of that which he would needs perswade u● , and perswade us from this very collection , that it never happened . for here we have another case , when a separaration of communion was made for vindicating a personal right in one who had been injuriously deprived , even against an orthodox successor : for euhymius was so far from being gui●ty of any other properly-called heresie , that he was orthodox even in the point here disputed of , which in that age was called heresie , even in preserving the canon , which nicholas had been so zealou● for , against fourth marriages . leo the emperor , when he had gained his point , was not contented with the liberty himself had taken , but wou●d have carried the matter farther : he endeavoured also to set forth a constitution whereby fourth marriages should have been permitted to others of the lai●y also ▪ so hi● predecessors valentinian the elder ▪ and the great justinian , had done in like cases of doubtful marriages practiced by themselves . no doubt they looked upon it as a thing discreditable , if themselves should take a liberty that might not be allowed to others of the laity . but this euthymius also opposed , as nicholas had done before ; and with such success that it did not pass . this he did by his interest in the ecclesiastical council requisite by the customs of those times for passing constitutions that were ecclesiastical ; as there were lay councils requisite for the constitutions that were purely temporal . all therefore that euthymius had done to gratifie the emperor , was the same which had been granted by the legates of pope sergius at the expulsion of nicholas , not to justifie the matter of fourth marriages in general , but only to dispense with the emperor 's particular case . . nor has our author any express testimony for denying the schism which here fell out so contrary to his own principles , at least as to matter of fact. zonaras is his author from whence he took his case , and to whom he refers us for it , but he has nothing to countenance our author's observations upon it . he neither tells us that nicholas did communicate with euthymius , nor that he did approve his ordinations . these things are our author's inferences , not from him , nor from the dyptichs , ( as our editors fancy , ) but from the acclamations at the passing the tomus vnionis . : these acclamations he therefore takes for the sense of the church , because in his time they were read every year , on the month of july , in the ecclesiastical desk . we do not otherwise find any intire publick catalogues of the patriarchs preserved in any ecclesiastical dyptichs in our author's age ; and our author mentions none but those who were mentioned in that tomus vnionis , as we have it now extant : there we find all the names of those whom our author reckons as still honourable in the esteem of the church of his own time , and that in the forms alluded to by our author . our author says an anathema was pronounced against all things that had been written or spoken against tarasius and nicephorus : he means by plato and theodorus , and their saccudiote and studite monks . and this very form he expresly quotes , not from the dyptichs , but the synodicon , as it is also quoted from the same synodicon in the fragments of photius's eighth general council , first published by dr. beveridge ; and accordingly we find it in the tomus vnionis as still extant in the collection of jus graeco-romanum : for this tomus vnionis concerning marriages made a third part of the synodicon , as we are assured by anastasius caesareensis , published by cotelerius . this synodicon our author supposes every man to know , that is in his own church of constantinople . for it was read publickly in the desk in the patriarchal church , as nico tells us , one of our author's witnesses , in a fragment of his , preserved by the same cotelerius . nay , it was read annually , not on the first sunday of lent , as our editors fancy , but in the month of july , as we are assured by balsamon . our author again proves the honour the church had for photius , and ignatius , and stephanus , and antonius cauleos , from those words which he therefore supposes to be the publick words of the church , may the memory of ignatius , photius , stephanus , and antonius , the most holy patriarchs , be everlasting ; and whatsoever has been spoken against ignatius , and photius , and stephanus , and antonius , the most holy patriarchs , let it be anathema . these words are also produced from the same synodicon in the fragments of dr. beveridge , and are also the very words of the tomus vnionis . thus therefore our author reasons , that because all these persons are honourably mentioned by the church , therefore they all died in her communion , and therefore could not have been out of communion with each other . and as from that mention of ignatius and photius in the tomus vnionis , and the synodicon , our author gathered , that they were not out of communion with each other , against the express testimonies of coaeval historians to the contrary ; so , in all likelihood , it was the same reasoning that made him presume the same concerning nicholas mysticus and euthymius ; they were as expresly mentioned in the synodicon as the others , though our author is not himself so express in taking notice of it . and why should he otherwise refer us for their story to zonaras , who mentions nothing of their keeping in each other's communion , if he had not presumed this as notorious as the other , from the so often formerly mentioned synodicon ? the reason was obvious why he did not repeat this , because he says every body knew it , and he had mentioned it so often before . we must remember , he spoke these things to his pupils in the patriarchal church , in the very place where it used to be read annually ; but this reason would not have held for his concealing any other evidence , that had neither been so evident to his auditors , nor so expresly and so frequently mentioned by himself on other occasions . but neither our author , nor our adversaries , have hitherto considered how incompetent this testimony of the synodicon was for proving what they design to prove by it . dyptichs indeed might have been presumed from the times of the persons mentioned in them , if nothing had appeared to the contrary , because the names conveyed by them were in course entred into those dyptichs whilst the persons were living , and in office , if it had then been the custome to continue names in them after the death of the persons concerned in them : this had been at least a presumption that they had dyed in communion with the church , and with each other ; and that whatever differences might have risen between them whilst they were living , that might have occasioned an expunging them ; yet that those differences were reconciled before their death , when both parties were thus communicated to posterity , without any blemish on their reputation ; but the case was quite otherwise in the tomus vnionis , and the synodicon : the tomus vnionis was made on a particular occasion of a difference , and that a difference in communion , which might have proceeded to the uttermost extremities before the vnion was at last agreed on . thus it can by no means be taken for an argument that the persons concerned in it had not been formerly divided , but rather the contrary : for if there had been no d●vision in communion before , what need had there been of their vniting , which was agreed on by both parties in the tomus vnionis ? not onely so , but this tomus vnionis was agreed on at some time after the persons principally concerned on both sides were dead ; and at that distance that can give it no security from being mistaken , as to matter of fact. thus all that can be gathered from it is , that the church at that distance was in communion with both , as far as the dead are capable of communion with the living ; that is , by an honourable commemoration : but it cannot thence be gathered , that the persons , when living , were ever in communion with each other ; the contrary may rather be presumed , where their mutual communicating cannot be made out by express and positive testimony . thence it appeared , that the differences in communion proceeded farther than the lives of the persons who begun them : whence it will rather follow , that those beginners of the divisions persisted in them to their deaths , unless evidence may be produced to the contrary , that may over balance this presumption . our editors tell us , that this synodicon was first agreed on in the year . in the beginning of the reign of michael and theodor● . had it been so , that had been some while after the deaths of tarasius and nicephorus ; but they give us no authority for it : nay , it was impossible it could have been so . the tomus vnionis , and that part of the synodicon we are speaking of , do wholly concern fourth marriages . and how could that vnion be made before the divisions that occasioned it ? that question was not started till the time of leo sapiens , and the patriarch nicholas mysticus ; that is , as we have already shewn , not before the year . accordingly the first passing of this bill of vnion was not before the year . in july , the th indiction , in the year of the world , as they reckon , . in the time of constantine porphyrogennetus , and romanus lacapenus ; some make it the year following : and from this former time of passing it in the month of july , the custome of reading it annually seems to have been derived , and that was appointed for the month of reading it . but it seems the differences revived again , and there was a new synod for restoring the same vnion ; that was in the reign of basile and constantine . the basile who had a constantine for his collegue , could be no other than he who for distinction sake was called bulgaroctonos , from his victories against the bulg●rians . to his time belong the patriarc●s , who are said to have presided in this second synod : johannes curopalates makes it to have been sisinnius ; but the words of the synod it self , as we have them extant in the jus graeco romanum , shew that it was his predecessor nicholas , not mysticus , but chrysoberges : they are both of of them patriarchs of this reign , and probably both of them presided in this synod , nicholas in the beginning , and sisinnius in the end of it . if this conjecture be right , we shall thereby gain the year of it exactly : it must have been the year wherein nicholas dyed , and sisinnius succeeded him . this will conveniently enough suit with the insertion at the end of that tome , which the editor has printed in a smaller character , and called a scholion , no doubt because he found some such note of distinction in his ms. what follows from that place to the end , seems to have been added in that later council , wherein this tome of vnion was decreed . the author of that scholion , as it is called , speaks plainly of those times as if they were his own : in regard that the words do very well fit the persons of the fathers of the council themselves : they there reckon from the first starting of the controversie concerning fourth marriages , to that part of the reign of basile and constantine in which that synod was held ; that is , as i have shewn , to the year of the death of nicholas chrysoberges , and the succession of sisinnius , ninety years : this will sufficiently fix the year of this second council . the beginning of this dispute was when leo the wise first designed his fourth marriage , which must have been in the year . in the very beginning of the year the nuptials were solemnized , and matters were so far advanced , that the patriarchal legates were now at constantinople , and sided with the emperour against the patriarch , which could not have been , if the matter had not been debated , and they sent for in the year before . thus the years will end exactly in the year . and the death of this nicholas is by johannes curopalates placed in the th indiction , which concurs with the former part of that year before september ▪ but however though the vnion was perfected under sisinnius , yet the decree , as we have it now , was made before the death of nicholas . that appears from the acclamation there mentioned in the council ▪ not in the form used by them to the deceased , but that which is there appropriated to the living . their acclamations to the dead are to wish their memory everlasting : their acclamations to the living are to wish them many years . this was the old form first taken up in the times of the heathen emperors , and from thence deduced to the christians ; and in this form the acclamations in this council run to the living emperors and empresses , and the other patriarchs of this synod , and so to our nicholas among the patriarchs . and to this later synod belong all the acclamations subjoyned to the tomus vnionis : that is clear from hence , that even nichlaus mysticus , in whose time the former synod was held , is here celebrated with the acclamations of the dead ; and not only he , but all his successors between him and our present nicholas chrysoberges . so little reason there is to think strange that the predecessors of that elder nicholaus mysticus should be mentioned in the same form . thus we see how little reason there is for this inference , that the heads of these dividing parties must therefore , when living , have kept communion with each other , because their differences were at length accommodated so long after their deaths , and because the church which lived , as well out of the memory as the concern of the first heats , pleased at length to take up forms grateful to both parties , in honour of those who at first began the differences . . the next instance is of cosmas atticus , deposed unjustly from the same see of constantinople by the emperor manuel comnenus . yet he , as our author tells us , neither made , nor taught any division of communion from them who had injured him . but it is certain this deprivation was not made by a lay-power , but synodically . the synod is expresly mentioned by those who mention the case . nicetas choniates , to whom our author refers us for the story , tells us expresly ; that the patriarch * excommunicated the synod that assembled to deprive himself , for their frequenting the palace , and their manifest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , accepting of the emperor's person , in the judgment they had given against him . the like expressions there are also in (b) cinnamus , intimating that this deprivation was decreed conciliarly . nay , (c) leo allatius has preserved and published the synod it self , by which we know the year , and day of it . thence it appears , that cosmas was deprived on the th of feb. which fell in the th indiction , and the year of our vulgar account . but our author says , that cosmas himself neither divided , nor countenanced any division on his own account . but how comes our author to know that he did not so ? his author nicetas choniates says no such matter . and he has here neither dyptichs nor conciliary acclamations from whence he might either gather , or presume it . his author particularly is so far from owning it ▪ that he tells us expresly of his excommunicating the bishops of the synod ; that is the constant notion of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the ecclesiastical canons , as it is opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as that signifies a deprivation of an ecclesiastical dignity : and the crimes he objects against them , were such as had been particularly censured in the canons and constitutions of the church of that age : they had provided against bishops appearing frequently at court , and against partiality in the ecclesiastical judicatories . thus he avoided their jurisdiction over himself as being themselves criminals , and responsible for their breach of canons antecedently to their sitting in that synod : and he insisted on his own right to put the canons in execution on those who were subjects of his own jurisdiction . but our author understands his author choniates so , as if cosmas's sealing up the womb of the augusta from having any male children , had been an argument that his resentment proceeded no farther ; and that he otherwise owned their authority , and submitted to the deprivation . but the word which the interpreter of nicetas , and from him the interpreter of our present author , translates by execration , the english interpreter by denunciation , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and signifies the infliction of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( that is the proper ecclesiastical term for ecclesiastical penences ) upon the violaters of the canons . this is exactly agreeable to the person he had acted in the now mentioned excommunication of the bishops who deprived him : this was as plainly an exercise of his patriarchal authority over the emperor and empress , as the other was over his suffragan bishops . how then can it be an argument of any difference to their censures ? of any obligation that he thought lay on him , in conscience , not to separate from their communion ? our adversaries may perhaps fancy that our author had some other testimony for cosmas's not separating , than that of choniates : for my part i cannot think he had any other , but that he gathered it , not from the words of choniates , but his own inferences . he says in the summary that cosmas was succeeded by theodosius . these could hardly be the words of any other summist than the author himself , who had not , in his tract , so much as mentioned the name of theodosius : yet he could not have made theodosius his immediate successor , had he consulted any other catalogues of patriarchs : but nicetas choniates took no occasion of mentioning any other patriarchs between cosmas and theodosius ; and theodosius he does indeed mention towards the end of this same emperor , manuel . thence our author had an occasion likely enough to lead him into this mistake , that theodosius was that immediate successor with whom he supposes that cosmas still maintained communion : but it is certain that there were many patriarchs and many years too between them ; and therefore it must also be as certain , that our author could have no express testimony , that cosmas did continue in the communion of the dosius . these answers hold on the supposition that cosmas was deprived unjustly : yet there is reason to question whether that was indeen his case . it is sufficiently clear that the synod charged him with the bogomilian he●esie , for favouring nipho , who had been censured for it synodically in the time of his predecessor : nor does nicetas bring any thing in his defen●e to prove that he was not guilty of it . nay , he owns that he had an excessive favour for the heretick , without the least distinction made between his person and his heresie : this at least is certain that he was a heretick in the opinion of the synod that deprived him . and how then could he continue in their communion ? how could our author justifie his doing so , when himself acknowledged that a precondemned heresie , such as this was , did oblige to separate from communion ? how can he commend them for doing so , or reason from their practice as a precedent , when by his own principles it was not allowable ? . as to his instances in the reign of isaacius angelus , we have a very imperfect account of them in history . we have now no other original author of those times that gives any distinct account of that reign , but our author nicetas choniates . thus we do indeed know as much as our author , and no more ; for nicetas is slighter in these matters than they deserved . in the deprivation of basilius camaterus , he tells us the charge laid against him , was that he had suffered women who had been made nuns against their wills , to resume their secular habit , and to return to their secular way of living . this was an ecclesiastical crime , and therefore proper for an ecclesiastical tribunal . and the next instance of nicetas mu●tanes , who was cast out meerly for his old age , * without any accusa●ion , and yet against his will , seems to imply that bazilius had accusation which nicetas had not . this accusation , if it had any thing peculiar in it from that which was used in the case of nicetas , must have been such wherein the emperor did not judge as he did in the case of nicetas . and what judicatory then can we suppose it to have been before whom it was brought , if not a council ? however nicetas ( will our adversaries say ) was deprived by a lay power , without any accusation , at least before any other judge besides the emperor himself . suppose it was so , yet that will not prejudice the right of his next successor , nor make him schismatical , nor warrant any separation , even by our principles : before he came in the see was validly vacated ; if not by the deprivation , yet by the cession , however involuntary , that followed upon it . that he did at length † surrender , we have the express testimony of the author of the catalogue of patriarchs that is subjoyned to the jus graeco-romanum . thus the third of the patriarchs under the emperor , was brought in by a good authority . the question then can only be , whether his place was as fairly vacated for his successor , as his predecessor's had been for him . and indeed it was so , and by the same way , not of a conciliary deprivation , but of a voluntary surrendry . so we read in our ms. catalogue of patriarchs by nicephorus callistus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so the author of the catalogue in the jus greco-romanum assures us , where we read expresly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the last case is that of dositheus ; and here the emperor shewed a piece of art that did not very much become him . balsamon , the famous canonist , was at that time patriarch of antioch ; him therefore isaacius consults , as a person whose authority was like to go far in influencing the bishops ; and the question he proposes to him , was that which has so frequently been controverted in the greek church , concerning translations : and to incline balsamon to be favourable in the case , he makes him believe , that his design was to translate the canonist himself from antioch to constantinople ; whether this influenced him , or not , is uncertain : however the event was such as the emperor desired , that the patriarch gave his opinion in favour of translation . we plainly see hereby , that the emperor did not pretend absolute power , but only the execution of the canons . when therefore he had thus gained his point , he immediately orders the translation , not of balsamon from antioch , but of his favourite dositheus from jerusalem to constantinople . the bishops finding how they were imposed on , make head against him , as a person for whom they never intended the favour of a dispensation : but he got possession of the throne , though he held it only for nine days ; then he was (a) cast out again by the schism that followed upon it of the arch-bishops and clergy from him : so our ms. nicephorus callistus in his catalogue expresly . here we see a withdrawing of communion from a person who wanted a good title , without any pretence of any heresie maintained by him : but the emperor was very much bent on having dositheus in that employment , and at last prevails ; but not by our modern way of using his force , but by the consent of so many of the bishops as were sufficient to make a (b) synod in favour of him . this perhaps our author might not know , because his author nicephorus had nothing of it : however we have as good authority for it as our adversaries can pretend from their author's silence in it . our author of the catalogue of the patriarchs subjoyned to the jus graeco-romanum , is very plain and full in it ; and he was perhaps a little elder than their anonymous ; for he concludes his catalogue with the first patriarchate of joseph , in the reign of michael palaeologus . however , dositheus did not enjoy the place long : (c) some few years are mentioned in the catalogue with the jus orientale ; but the number was not legible there . the greek catalogue in the first volume of the byzantine historians , is something more particular , and tells us of two years . with the help of this information , we may possibly gather a more distinct account out of our manuscript catalogue of nicephorus , which had otherwise not been so easily intelligible , that it was not two full years ; for so nicephorus in his catalogue has it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — the number of the months and days are wanting which must have made up near another year . but by that time nicephorus says , the schism was risen to that height , that he was the second time deprived , and finding his former throne of jerusalem filled , he abdicated both thrones , as well that to which , as that from which , he had been translated . thus it again appears in an instance so near our author's age , that there was a schism in this case , where notwithstanding our author's reasonings does necessarily oblige him to suppose there was none ; by which we may easily perceive how unaccurate his informations were , even in matters so ●ear his own memory . he seems to have known no more of this whole affair , than what his still extant author nicetas choniates told him , and he did no● think fit to take notice of the schisms that occasioned both these deprivations of dositheus : yet even nicetas mentions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , separate assemblies . here was plainly a schism , not on the pretence of any objected heresie , but on account of an original defect of title . they reckoned the emperor's translation as nothing , and the church's consent to it as nothing , because the question had been proposed insidiously . all that balsamon and the bishops influenced by him had granted , was , that in general the canons of the church aganst translations were dispensible , where the church was pleased with the person , so far as to think that he particularly deserved a dispensation with her general rules ; only the application of the canon to dositheus , was the emperor's act , which we see was not allowed him by them who made the separation . had the translation been valid , and by a sufficiently obliging power , their duty had necessarily followed upon it , and they could not have been at liberty , even in conscience , to dispute it , after a synod had consented to it , and after a possession with two years settlement . but by the schism we have reason to believe that the numbers of the synod that consented , were less than of those who had never consented from the beginning ; otherwise they had been concluded by the synodical act. or else the only reason that could be for excepting against the synodical suffrages , must have been , that the emperor's authority was thought too influential on those publick meetings . every way it appears how little the secular power was regarded , even in those late times of isaacius angelus , when his authority , tho' seconded by a synod for applying the dispensation to dositheus , was not thought sufficient to oblige an absent majority dissenting from them , even with regard to conscience , when even in such a case as this , the cause was at last over-ruled by those that separated , and carried for them . this plainly shews how little these practices of isaacius were approved of by the generality of the best judges of his own time , when they durst express their thoughts concerning them with any freedom . it was , in all likelihood , the unpopularness of these invasions of the liberties of the church , that gave his brother alexis a great advantage against him , which ended in his deprivation . even (a) nicetas himself , from whom our author takes these things , does not mention them without a severe censure . how then could our author reason from them as precedents ? how could he pretend the authority of nicetas for a reasoning so different from the sentiments of nicetas ? . it was therefore no such admirable matter , if it had been true , if there had been no separation between these five patriarchs of this reign , succeeding each other in so short a time . it is not true , that they were deprived purely at the emperor's pleasure . it is not true , that their places were invalidly vacated . all of th●m were either deprived synodically , or abdicated . there is no need to dispute how unjustly or corruptly the synods proceeded in depriving them , nor how unwilling themselves were in their abdication . even an unjust synodical sentence was , by the canons , sufficient to vacate their places , till they could be remedied in another and a greater synod , which none of them ever had . and even an involuntary abdication , if formally and canonically made , was sufficient to cut them off from any pretensions to their former rights . they had therefore , in these cases , no pretence left to vindicate their rights by a separation , or to question the validity of the acts of successors , who were brought into sees so validly vacated . and why should it be thought so admirable that they did not make disturbances where they had , by the canons , no tolerable pretence to do so ? why should they be thought precedents for our present holy fathers who are neither deprived conciliar●y , nor have made any even involuntary abdication . . thus upon the whole , it has appeared that our author's instances , as they were never designed so neither do they make for our adversaries purpose . our adversaries pretend , that unjustly deprived bishops never vindicated their rights by a separation . and we confess we cannot make the contrary observation , that unjust possesso●s were always so modest and so resigned to the church's peace , as willingly to surrender the vsurpations . will they therefore make them precedents in this particular ? so indeed they may if they can have the consciences , if they can find in their hearts to do so . but are they not in the mean time ashamed to tell us that good bishops have been willing to part with their rights rath●r than they would break communion , when their own fathers will rather break communion than make restitution ? it were easie here to retort all mr. hody's exhortations upon his own intruders ; i am sure he can give no arguments why good men ought to surrender rights for peace sake , but what will proceed more cogently for surrendering vsurpations . but we have many new topicks that we can justly use to his fathers , which he cannot pretend to use to ours : we have the right and duty which was owing from his to ours before the encroachment , and which his own reasoning does not pretend not to be owing still : we have their sacred vows of canonical obedience , for securing that right and duty where no worldly power can force them to it , which no other power in the world can dispence with , but that for whose interest they were imposed : we have the dreadful imprecations implied in all such oaths as an obligation for performance . methinks our adversary bishops should tremble at the consequence , if god should no otherwise help them , than as they have performed their duties to their respective ordinaries and their metropolitane . their great plea of the publick good we can beter pretend than they , if they will allow that the eternal interests of souls and of religion , are more to be valued in a publick account than worldly politicks : and this is methinks a concession for which we need not be beholen to any who own themselves christians . and certainly it is more for the publick good of the church that subordinations should be preserved , than that any particular person should be made a bishop by offering violence to them . it is more for the publick good of religion , that the glorious passive doctrines of the church should be maintained in opposition to worldly interests , than that they should seem prostituted to serve them . it is more for the publick good of religion , that the credit of the clergy should be maintained , than that they should enjoy the benefits of worldly protection . it is more for the publick good of religion , that the independency of that sacred function on the state should be asserted by challenging their rights , than that by yielding them the lay-power should be owned to have any power of depriving us of the comfort of sacraments in a time of persecution . it were easie also to shew , that the doctrines and practices , in defence of which our holy fathers have incurred this deprivation , are more for the interest even of the state , even of the civil magistracy , than those which are likely to obtain upon their cession . even the state cannot subsist without obligations of conscience and the sacredness of oaths , and these can signifie nothing for the security of any future government , if they must signifie nothing for the time past . it is not for the interest of the publick to secure ill titles in their possession , and thereby to encourage the frequency of ill titles and frequent subversions of the fundamental constitutions , and all the publick miseries that must follow on such changes ; especially in a settlement where all the care has been taken that was possible , to preserve it by obligations of conscience . and certainly mr. hody will not say , that our invalidly deprived fathers are obliged to submit to the wrong that is done them , where there are not publick considerations that may make amends for the private injuries . but if mr. hody will needs live rather by precedents than rules ; yet where will he find even a precedent for his own case ? good men indeed have been willing rather to part with their own rights , than they would violate the church's peace . so did st. gregory nazianzene , so st. chrysostom , so the african fathers : but where will he find a mediator for peace on any good account , who did as he does , who only addressed his exhortations to the injured persons to part with their rights , not to their injurers to restore them ? how can he hope to perswade those persons against whom he shews himself so manifestly partial ? his own instances of mediation are all against him . clemens romanus did not perswade the injured presbyters , but the schismaticks , the invaders of the rights of the presbyters , to submit and quit their interests in the party that sided with them . i know dr. owen as well as mr. hody , has fallen into the same mistake , to think they were presbyters who are here exhorted by st. clement ; but it is strange such learned men should fall into such a mistake , if they had considered any thing of the design of the epistle . the persons with whom he had to deal , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . which are unlikely characters of such as were presbyters by office. they were such as are supposed to oppose the presbyters in general , n. . , , . in opposition to them st. clement insists on the example of military subordinations , n. . who sees not from hence that they aspired beyond the rank and station assigned them in the church ? he insists on the sacredness of the sacerdotal function , n. , , , , , , and he warns them particularly , that laicks were to be restrained within the duty imposed on the laity , n. . implying plainly that the schismaticks were laicks , and had nothing to do with the sacerdotal function . he makes it such a rivalling the priesthood , as the israelites were guilty of when god convinced them of his own choice of aaron , by the miraculous blossoming of aaron's rod , n. . this was evidently of persons pretending to the sacerdotal office when they had no right to it . he says the apostles foresaw the same aemulations for the sacred office under the gospel , and secured it from being invaded by deriving it in a succesion , out of which it could not be received , n , . to what purpose could that discourse tend , but to restrain such invasions in the schismaticks he had to deal with , supposing withall that they had no pretence to it on account of that succession ? it is to the head● of those schismaticks that this author speaks in this place , n. ● . nay , in the very words produced by mr. hody , where the apostolical author personates them , saying , they would do the things enjoyned them by the multitude , so that the flock of christ might live in peace with the presbyters appointed over them . so that in this very place they are opposed to the presbyters . only the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is unhappily translated plebs , which made dr. owen fancy he had got a testimony for his lay congregational authority , and perhaps made mr. hody think they were not themselves plebeians who were to receive the commands of the plebs . but the greek ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) signifies no particular rank of the ecclesiasticks , but takes in the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the presbyters , in opposition to the smallness of the number of the schismaticks , who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , n. . and as little to his purpose is the other author produced by mr. hody , dionisius alexandrinus . he also addresses his exhortations , as became a just mediator , not to cornelius , but novatian ; to the invader , not to him who had received the injury . if he will therefore be true to his authorities , let him perswade his vsurpers to do justice to the persons injured by them . they are said to excuse themselves from the odium of the schism , by pretending they were forced into their chairs : but they who had the spirit of our ancestors would not have given the occasion for a schism for any violence . st. cyprian counts it as glorious to die , if the cause should require it , for vnity , as for the faith. nor do our laws force any to accept of bishopricks , though they indeed force them who are to elect and consecrate them ; and they have had some good precedents of those who neither would be , nor have been forced into schismatical thrones : god reward then for i● . had all followed their examples , the schism at least had been avoided , which is that which truly christian souls can bear with the least patience . but though the first trial be past , mr. hody's dionisius has found an expedient for them yet , by wh●ch they may satisfie the world whether they deal sincerely in pretending unwilli●gness . that is , by now resigning what they tell us they were forced to· may all at length return to a love of vnity , and an abhorrence of carnal politicks ! may they doe it whilst god is yet ready to accept it at their hands , and before it be too late for securing their own greatest interest ! may they doe it whilst they have yet an opportunity of satisfying the world by not gra●ifying flesh and blood in it ▪ whilst they may in some measure retrieve the honour of religion , and prevent the ruine of innumerable invaluable souls , for which they must otherwise be responsible ! may they doe it whilst it may be in their power to make some amends for the scandals given by them , without which their very repentance cannot be acceptable to god , nor beneficial to themselves ; before they provoke god to farther and severer inflictions on our beloved countries , and to deprive us of that religion for which they pretend so great a zeal ! when shall we again return to our former communion , and to our former glorious passive doctrines , and to our much more glorious practice of them , in suffe●ing for a good conscience ? when shall we on both sides instead of vpbraidings and reproaches remove all just occasion of reproach , and return to a noble emulation , who shall doe most for a solid lasting peace by principles ? we have had principles more contributive to vnion tha● all our new projects of comprehension , without uniting principles ; but what can principles signifie , if we will not be true to them , if we will fall from them as often as they pinch us ? we desire no hard things from them as conditions on their side for a reconciliation : we onely desire the same terms from them on which we were united formerly , the common doctrines of not onely ours , but the catholick primitive church ; the preservation of our sacred ecclesiastical rights , our duty to our h. fathers , which is not their invaders interest to deny , before a just conciliary deprivation , and the same innocent offices in which we formerly communicated . and what can they pretend to yield for peace , if they will scruple concessions so very just and reasonable ; if they will not restore the old terms , which may be done without any thing that can properly be called concession ? these things if they will grant us we shall all return into their communion with joy ; and they vvill also have reason to partake in our joy ▪ for our having vindicated their sacred rights against future encroachments . but the least we can ask , or they can grant , is to gratifie us in the matter of our present dispute , that they vvill not invade nor maintain injurious possessions ; that they vvill not by doing so cut themselves off , by their ovvn act , from communion with us . the end of the second part . the canons in the baroccian manuscript , omitted by mr. hody . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the canon of the holy apostles , instead of the . if any presbyter , contemning his own bishop , shall hold a separate meeting , and erect an opposite altar , having nothing wherewith to charge the bp. in matters of * piety and justice , let him be deposed , as an ambitious affector of government ; for he is an vsurper . so also as many of the clergy as shalt join with him shall be deposed , and the laicks excommunicated ; but all this after the st , d , and d admonition of the bishop . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the th canon of the synod of gangra . if any man hold a private meeting out of the church , and despising the church , shall presume to perform the offices of the church , the officiating presbyter not being thereunto licensed by the bishop , let him be anathema . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the th canon of the synod of antioch . if any presbyter or deacon , despising his own bp. hath withdrawn himself from the church , and set up an altar in a private meeting , and shall disobey the admonitions of the bp. and will not be persuaded by him , nor submit to him , exhorting him again and again , he is absolutely to be deposed , and ought no longer to he treated as a curable person , neither as one who can retain his honor ; and if he shall persevere to make tumults and disturbances in the church , he is to be turned over , as a seditious person , to the secular power . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the th canon of the same synod . if any bishop , accused of any crimes , be condemned by all the bishops of the province , who have all with one accord denounced the same sentence against him , such a one by no means ought to be judged again by others , but the concord●nt sentence of the provincial bishops ought to remain firm . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the th canon of the synod of carthage . if any presbyter , being puffed up against his own bp. shall make a schism , let him be anathema . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the th can. of the synod of constantinople . the devil having sown the seeds of heretical tares in the church of christ , and seeing them cut up by the sword of the spirit , hath betaken to himself a new way and method , viz. to divide the church by the madness of schismaticks : but the holy synod being also willing to obviate this strategem of his , has decreed as follows ; if any presbyter or deacon , under pretence of accusing his own bp. of any crimes , shall presume to withdraw from his communion , and not mention 〈…〉 in the holy prayers of the liturgy , notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e clergymen not excusable for appearing in a cause so destructive of the interest of religion in general , and of their own function in particular , without reasons very evident and convincing . the author of this manuscript too low to pass for an evidence of the facts mentioned by him . he knew nothing of the later part of the history of nicetas choniates , relating to constantinople . which yet he must have known , as a publick officer of the church of cp. if he had liv'd near him . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. . anastas . de jejux . deipar . p. . tom. . coteler . mon. gr. eccl. fol. . fol. , , . the use of the publick ecclesiastical rh●tor . this office very antient in the church of cp. perhaps from the first foundation of it by constantine the great . l. v. c. . vid. etiam sozom. l. . c. . l. vii . c. . l. vii . c. . this discourse seems to have been written by the ecclesiastical rhetor of the church of cp. then in office when the schism happened that occasioned it . not by nicephorus callisius . coteler . n●t . ad vol. mon. gr. eccl. p. . niceph. h. e. xvi . , , , , . ibid. . ad finèm cap. . l. . nicephor● . this author no competent witness of the matters mentioned by him . our adversaries way of reasoning in this case is neither conscientious , not prudent . see the instances produced by the author of the vnreasonableness of a new separation upon the account of the oaths . . non-adherence to unjustly deprived bishops will signify nothing to our present case , unless the persons who did not adhere to them did believe them unjustly depriv'd . . nor unless they did believe them invalidly deprived , ( that is , by an incompetent judicatory , ) as well as unjustly . . nor unless the bishops so deprived did insist on their right , and challenge duty , as ours do . . nor unless such non-adherence was thought justifiable by principles , and with regard to conscience , . nor is it easie to gather principles from non-actions : such are not chalenging right on the bishops part , or not adhering to them on the subjects part . . nor do the instances here produced prove the sense of the catholick church , but of the greek , especially of the constantinopolitane church . nor even of that church in the first and earliest ages . the doctrine of the catholick church in the earliest ages may ( for what appears from this collection ) be on our side , and indeed is so . st . the whole church then owned no● power in the secular magistrate for depriving bishops as to spirituals , not even as to their particular districts . thence it follows dly that antibi●hops consecrated in districts , no other way 〈◊〉 than by the power of the secular magistrate , are by the principles of that earliest catholick church , no bishops at all , but divided from the church . * epist. . ad antonianum , in the oxon edition of st. cyprian . and dly , that all who profess themselves one with antibishops so divided from the church were ( in consequence to the same principles ) themselves divided also . st. cypr. epist. edit . oxon. and thly , that all who were united with novatian , and by consequence divided from the church of the roman district were ( in the discipline of that early age looked upon as themselves divided also from the catholick church . and ly , that all who were ( on these principles ) thought divided from the visible communion of the catholick church , were also , ( on the same principles ) thought deprived of all the invisible benefits , of church communion . vid. st. cyp. de unitate eccl. ep. . edit . ox. ep. . . . † these doctrines of the catholick church in st. cyprian's age , were also doctrines of the catholick church in the age of optatus and st. augustine . * till our adversaries can disarm us of the advantage we have from the doctrine of the catholick church , signified on occasion of these earliest instances of schism in st. cyprian's age , their authors collection of later instances , were it never so pertinent to their purpose , can do them no service . ly , this author himself allows a separation in case of heresie . and with that our adversaries are chargeable , st , as they do not only separate , but justifie their separation by principles . separation on account of opinions , is by so much the less excusable if the opinions be not fundamental . such opinions then begin to ●e heretical , when they cause an actual separation as the latitudinarian opinions do now in our adversaries . . even as he●●sie sign●fies an error in fundamentals . the church's being a society is a fundamental doctrine . it is at least fundamental a● to us , and as to all benefit we can pretend to by being members of the church . the intruders cannot be defended to be valid bishops , but by principles fundamentally destructive of the church , as a s●ciety distinct from the state in a time of persecution . this sort of errors fundamental in the highest degree . our adversaries are wholly the cause of this late breach , and have shewn themselves neither kind to us , nor careful of themselves , in it . joh. . . transition . notes for div a -e the vse out adversaries make of this collection , is in all likelihood very different from the design of the author . the design of the author of this discourse is to be known from the occasion of his writing it . the schism which occasioned this discourse seems to have been that between the arsenians and josephians , in the reign of michael palaeologus . niceph. gregor . lib. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. gregor . lib. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gregor . lib. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gregor . lib. . gregor . lib. . niceph. gregor . lib. . this case of arsenius is very like that of st. chrysostome , which our author thought principally to deserve consideration . the arsenians also gave our author occasion to observe , that past invalidities in ordinations did not use to be insisted on rigorously . * so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , can. . of the synod under photius , here produced in the later part of this discourse , under the title of ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is an accusation to a synod . the translator does not seem to have understood the importance of this phrase , neither in his latine nor english version , nor the annotatour on the english. the latine translation seems to imply , that severianus and acacius personally appeared before pope innocent , which no history owns them to have done the english , that they were called in question by him ▪ which ( if meant juridically ) could not be true , when he after exercised no censure on them , either of condemnation , or absolution . the annotatour understands it of discovery ; but what needed that when the fact itself was notorious ? the notion of accusation solves all . so also in the n. t. acts . . and . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to accuse or infor● against ; which is a proper authority for this purpose , because most of the ecclesiastical terms were designedly taken from the scriptures . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gregor . lib. . p. . there was also in this schism an occasion for the author to add his exception of heresie , and his limitations of that exception . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gregor . lib. . this case did not oblige our author to justifie the validity of a lay-deprivation ▪ nay , our author could not justifie the validity of a lay-deprivation , if he would be true to the canons here produced by himself , but omitted by the editors . for presbyters to disown their bishop not synodically deprived , is , by the doctrine of these canons , schismatical . (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . can. . synod . a ▪ b. (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. so it is also , by the same canons , for suffragan bishops to disown their metropolitane , without the like synodical deprivation . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . can. . ib. this unpublish'd appendiz asserted to the author . this collection therefore can be no authority for our adversaries , neither as to the sense of the author , nor of the church he was concerned for . the case of meletius in antioch . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . socr. l. . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . soz. l. . c. . * see the creed in socr. l. . c. . * so socrates concerning the meletians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. . c. . so elsewhere paulinus , the rival of meletius , pleads against him : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . c. . of st. chrysostome in constantinople . of flavianus . ep. . in edit . pasch. quesnel . ep. . quesnel . ep. quesnel . ep . quesnel . act. concil . chalced. evag. l. . c. . nicephor . eccl. hist. xiv . . zonar . in the time of anastasius dicorus , . the instance of euphemius . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theod. lect. l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophanes . . of macedonius . theoph. & niceph . e. h. xvi . . theod. lect. . niceph. xvi . . theoph. theod. lect. l. . theoph. theoph. theod. lect. l. . theoph. theoph. euphemius , macedonius , flavianus , and elias , were so untrue to principles , that it ●s not easie to gather from their facts what even themselves thought agreeable to principles . evagr. iii. . theoph. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theoph. vit. sab. n. . ib. . ib. . the deprivation of elias , bishop of jerusalem , in the same reign , how synodical . elias was in reason obliged to yield to john , though not on the account of his orthodoxy . cyrillus vit. sab n. . maximus , bishop of jerusalem , was in all likelihood not deprived by acacius , bishop of caesarea . soc. ii. . theod. ii. . in chron. euseb. co●tin . epiph. h●r . lxxiii . phot. cod. . the life of athanasius no good authority . the d●privation of maximus , if true , had not been for our adversaries purpose , because synodical . the case of eutychius under justinian . eustath . vit. eutych . ap . sur. apr. . * episcoporum & principum . eustath . * sed vir sanctus episcopis & principibus qui consessus mandato nuncium attuler●nt : ad quem ( inquit ) accedi●is ? & quem me vocatis ? illi veritate coacti responderunt , ad dominum nostrum & patrem . quibus ipse rursum , quis est , inquit , iste dominus & pater vester ? venimus , inquiunt , ( tanquam occultis quibus dam verberibus vapularent ) ad patriarcham nostrum dominum eutychium . patriarcha ego , inquit ille , patriarch● dei gratiâ sum , nec à me quisquam hominum tollet hanc dignitatem . quis est ille , quem meo in loco collocâstis ? quibus verbis cum illi respondere non possent , victi reverterunt ad ●os à quibus missi fuer●nt . verum idem conventus iterùm & tertiò contra canones eum vo●avit . sed ille semper congruenter respondit , si canonicum , inquiens , judicium constitutum est , detur mihi clerus meus , & ordo patriarchatus , & veniam , defendamque m● , & accusatorum meorum u●●r testimonio . haec illi responsa , cum accepissent , nihil consent●neum facientes , sententiam contra ipsum tulerunt ipsis judicibus dignam . quam tamen beatus vir antevertens subjecit omnes poenas canonicis , donec resipiscarent . eustath . ib. anthimus deposed in the same reign by the ecclesiasticks , against the will of the secular power . the cases of sergius , pyrrhus paulus , and petrus , not to our adversaries purpose . theophan . eustath . in vit. eutych . callinicus punished for his rebellion : his communicating with cyrus uncertain ; but his cession very probable . lampad . mel. h. pars . p. . aen●as syl. in decad. blond . lib. . p. . volat. fol. . germanus abdicated . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . niceph. patr hist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cedren . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the schism of theodorus and plato an encroachment on episcopal authority in general , and nothing to our case . that case of those monks very apposite to the arsenian schism , which was also abetted not by any bishop , but only monks : in such a case nothing but heresie could excuse separation . (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . georg. pa●hym . lib. iv. c. . (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. pachym . lib. iv. c. . ve●ba michaelis . (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . verba michaelis i●p . ubi supra . (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. verba josephi ad germanum , ap . ●und pach. l. iv. c. . (e) pachym . iv. , . again . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem iv. . * ib. this case turned against our adversaries of the deprived dioceses . the next instances to another question considered by the author , but not to ours . ignatius challenged his right against photius , though no h●●retick . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . constant porphyrog . continuat . theophan . lib. iv. n. . when ignatius was deposed synodically , he could not challenge the duty till he was restored synodically . ep. . nicola● ap . labbaum . ep. . pope nicholas with his western synod were not sufficient to deprive photius of his synodical right , in the opinion of the eastern church . pref. ad concil . viii . nicet . vit . ignat. the restoring of ignatius by basilius macedo , was not very fair , by the principles of his own church . can. apost . . photius's title was good after his restoration upon ignatius's death ; especially af●er his general council . these instances of ignatius and photius , neither servic●able to the design of our ms. (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicet . vit . ignat . (b) concil . gen. . act. , & . (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicet . ib. (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nicet . ib. (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . libel . theognost . ex personâ ignatii , initio concilii . (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ep. nicolai graecè vers . de suo concilio rom. ante synod . . graec. nor of our adversaries . † cum nulla penitus imperiali manu & potentia , ut quidam parvum vel magnum effecerim . neque enim ut sacratissimus patriarcha ad proprium regrederetur thronum , imperii mei opus vel excogitatio facta est . sed multum ante sanctissimus & beatissimus papa nicolaus quae circa eum erant perfectissime discens , synodice decrevit reddi ei jus proprii throni , & anathema cum tota romanorum ecclesia pronunciavit contra resistentes hujusmodi decreto atque sententiae . hic autem nos olim sciente ▪ & paventes judicium anathematis promulgati , obsecundare synodico judicio romanae ecclesiae necessarium duximus , & hujus rei gratia reddidimus ei proprium thronum . act. . synod . . photius abdicated before the succession of stephanus . * sed de photio quidem ita vos s●●i●sistis : illas vero imperatoris literas cum legissemus , ●asdem à vestris procul abesse comperimus . ita ●nim se habebant , quod photius quietam vitam ●l●git . quapropter in dubitatione versamur . multum enim interest , abrenunciasse , & expulsum esse . stephan . ep. . ad episcopos oriental . the breach between nicolaus mysticus and le● was in the ●ear ● . against baronius . leo gram. script●res post theoph. vi● . leon. sap. nicol. ep. ad anast. ap . baron . an . . it is very probable that nicholas was deposed by a synod . however our author is mistaken when he thinks a schism did not follow upon it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gr●● . rom. part ▪ . lib. . p. . ap. baron . an. . numb . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . annal. simeon . logot . inter scriptores by zantinos post . theophan . our author does here , as well as elsewhere presume there were no schisms where really there were schisms , only on the testimony of the tomus vnionis . p. , . anast. caes. apud cotelerium tom. . monumentorum graec. eccles. p. , . nico ib. p. . p. , & p. . the acclamations of the tomus vnionis , to which our author so frequently refers , were no● elder than the year . from d● quesne's gloss●grae● . sim. mag. ann. n. . the case of ●osmas atticus in the time of manuel comnenus . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. nicet . chon . l. . n. . (b) so cinnamus also makes the proceedings to have been done by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by which i understand the metropolites who in that age concluded their suffragan bishops , cin. l. . n. . (c) allat . de con● . occid & orient . eccl. l. . c. . in all the successions under isaacius ange●us , the throne was validly vacated . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ nicet . cho● . l. . vit . isac . ang. n . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . jur. gr. rom. part . p. . (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. niceph. callist . ms. catalog . patriarcharum . (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . jur. gr. rom. p. . (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 catalog . in jur. gr. rom. (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . therefore it had not been strange if no schism had followed it . mr. hody's exhortations to yield for peace's sake , more justly applicable to his own fathers than ours . or faith. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in ●ead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. rom. epist. ad . corinth . a pathetical conclusion . notes for div a -e * or faith. * for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the reformed bishop, or, xix articles tendered by philarchaiesa, well-wisher of the present government of the church of scotland, as it is settled by law, in order to the further establishment thereof. gordon, james, pastor of banchory-devenick. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing g estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the reformed bishop, or, xix articles tendered by philarchaiesa, well-wisher of the present government of the church of scotland, as it is settled by law, in order to the further establishment thereof. gordon, james, pastor of banchory-devenick. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bishops -- scotland. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - tonya howe sampled and proofread - tonya howe text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reformed bishop : or , xix articles , tendered by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a well-wisher of the present government of the church of scotland , ( as it is settled by law ) in order to the further establishment thereof . tertul. praescript . advers . haer. id verum quod primum . sanctum est , veritatem cujuslibet amicitiae anteponere . aristot. in ethic. lib. . cap. . printed for the author , anno dom. . advertisement to the reader . in order to the better understanding of the nature of this ensuing remonstrance , i judged it fit to premit some particulars to the serious consideration of the iudicious reader . . that over and above the homologation of our assertions in the respective articles by reason , and inartificial arguments derived from authority , and dispersed ( like so many veins , nerves and arteries ) thorow that complex body ; i thought it ●it to confirm those great truths embosomed in these xix proposals , by a more evident method . first , seeing divine authority is both infallible , and more noble than any other ; therefore we have superscribed every article with the royal placet of the king of kings : and that these sacred allegations may also serve as rubricks , or titles , to indicate the principal contents of the several articles . yet we have not cited the places at large ; char●tably believing , that whosoever will be at the pains to read these lines , will think it no trouble to find out the chapter and verse in the holy bible , as they are ●ere pointed at . next , we have immediately subjoyned to every article some canons of councels ; being extensively much more to be regarded than the authority of any individual father , seeing they necessarily presuppose a complex of many ; ( for without a sanhedrim of divers ecclesiastical seniors no councel can consist . ) and intensively too , in the iudgment of those who look upon these canons as binding to the church ; but in the eyes of all rational men , they afford a more authentick testimony of the doctrine , worship , discipline , and government of the church of god at that time , than any one particular could do . in the last place , we have annexed some testimonies of the most famous luminaries of the primitive church , whose doctrine is not found to interfere with the most approved morals and rituals of the catholick church in the ages wherein they lived ; yet we have very seldome cited them at large , for the reason above expressed . . let the reader take notice , that as the aera of our allegations is the apostolick age , ( though there was no provincial councel celebrated therein , far less any general , save that at hierusalem , which was obligatory to the whole church then in being ; whatever some divines imagine to the contrary . ) so the terminus ad quem of the citation of councels , is , the sixth general synod , called otherwise synodus quinti-sexta . it had been very easie to amasse a multitude of canons posteriour thereunto ; yet we judged it neither necessary , nor fit to proceed further ; because not long after that convention , the image-storm arose ; some adhering to the councels which were assembled by leo isaurus , and constantinus copronymus , where the image-worship was condemned by the iconoclastae ; ( as they were then termed ) and others cleaving to that of constantine and irene , at nice , and to some roman synods , where the adoration of images was approved by those who were named iconolatrae . then the greek and latin churches began to be divided , which have never since that time been thorowly cemented . as for the vltimate term of the allegation of the fathers ; we have fixed on gregory the great inclusively , whom i look upon as the last of that venerable number . yet we have sometimes mentioned ( though very sparingly ) isidore of sevil , beda , anselm , and st. bernard ; the three former , because they are so often alleged in the canon law ; and the last , in regard of the sublimity of his style , ( blended with so much eloquence , and divine zeal ) in his . books de consideratione , ad eugenium tertium ; though i am not ignorant , that he was at the distance of many centuries from gregory the first at rome . . in the third place ; i shall subjoyn a word or two concerning the apostolick canons , ( as they are usually termed ) in regard we have here made some vse of them . they were indeed to the number of , received by the sixth general councel ; ( but whether they were the same which are now extant , is not certainly known . ) but in respect that some ecclesiastical writers reject them all , as apocryphal , and some admit but of them ; yea , the plurality but the which are first in order ; therefore i have laid no great stress upon them , citing these only which ( either in express terms , or sence at least ) are adopted by some of the most approved general or provincial councels : but whether these canons were collected by clemens of rome , or of alexandria , we shall not determine , though the last is most probable . . next ; i shall give a brief account why the sixth general councel is termed synodus quini-sexta ; because under that notion we have many times cited it . the ingenuous reader shall know , that the fifth general councel assembled by justinian the great , and the sixth by constantinus pogonatus , made no canons for discipline , but only some defitions or declarations in matters of faith ; the former determining against some errors fathered upon origen ; ( fathered , i say , by hereticks upon that zealous man , whose books they corrupted , if we believe ruffinus , and him whose testimony is more to be regarded , viz. vincentius lyrinensis . ) and condemning the writings of the t●ia capitula , v. g. theodorus mopsuest●nus , theodoret of cyrus , and ibas of edessa , as savouring of nestorianism : the other against the monothelites ; and condemned the doctrine of divers patriarchs of constantinople , one of alexandria , and one of rome , viz. pope honorius ; for the hereticks themselves were dead long before that time . but , that the church might be regulated , not only in matters of faith , but also in point of manners , justinian the second , son to constantinus pogonatus ( boni patris , filius pessimus ) summoned a new synod for that effect , who did again meet in t●ullo , an apartment of the imperial palace . and in regard the fathers thereof made canons to supply the defect of the fifth and sixth general councels ; therefore that councel was termed synodus quini-sexta ; so the greeks ( as balsamon observes ) call that convention , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or synodum quintam-sextam . and it being re-assembled within few years to the former , ( four or five at most ) so that the greatest part of the eastern b●shops who were present at the former , were also present at the later ( as may appear by their subscriptions to hoth these councels ; ) therefore the canons of that synod usually pass under the name and notion of the sixth general councel . this we take to be the more probable account , which tarasius patriarch of constantinople , and petrus , bishop of nicomedia , gave of it in the face of the second councel of nice , as it is termed ; ( viz. actionem quartam istius synodi . ) for the reasons just now expressed ; than what theophanes , anastasius , & g. cedrenus , averr that there interceeded no less than years betwixt the one synod , assembled by the father , and the other , by the son. . and that the candid reader may lay the greater stress upon some canons of provincial synods here alleadged by us , he shall further observe ; that there were divers provincial councels adopted by the quini-sexta , or sixth general councel ; so that we are to look upon their canons as is equvalent to the constitutions of one oecumenical councel : these are concilium neo-caesariense , gangrense , antiochenum , laodicense , sardicense , & carthaginense ; as is evident from the second canon of the sixth general councel . and in regard there were no less than seven councels holden at carthage , betwixt the first and sixth general councels ; therefore it is the opinion of some iudicious antiquaries , that this indefinit homologation doth approve , and adopt them all ; five of which , with the four general councels , make up the code of the universal church , as justinian in his novels phraseth it . . seeing the discipline , and government of the church , are mainly concerned in ( almost all ) these articles , an ingenious reader may happily find fault , that we make so little vse of the canon law , in order to the confirmation of these points . for answer ; though formally we have seldome cited it , yet upon the matter , we have built upon the same foundation , which is the base of the best and ancientest part of the canon law ; which is decretum gratiani . as for the decretalia of boniface the eighth , and gregorie the ninth ; with the clementines of clement the fifth , and extravagants of john the twenty second ; they are indeed extravagant enough , for they are so stuffed with the decrees of the bishops of rome , and of recent popes , and the worst of popes too , that they have scarce noticed any thing else ; and if it be done , it is but obiter , and ( as it were ) ex superabun danti ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that roman idol being all-sufficient authority to the adorers of it : whereby they have sufficiently verifyed that observation concerning the decretalia ; that , since the decreta received alae , they have soared above reason and discretion too . therefore ( as if we had studied to be antipodes to them ) we have not adduced any of the rescripta of that roman dictator , since he arose to any worldly greatness , save only of pope leo the first , who was contemporary with the councel of chalcedon , and whose name is very great in all the churches of christ. but though the text is too extravagant , yet the glosse upon it ( in the approved gregorian edition ) is much more : for , what greater extravagancy imaginable , than to call the pope , dominus deus noster ? the parallel blasphemy thereunto may be found in additione glossae , in extravag . un . sanct. by pet. bertrand . a roman cardinal . neither was it any commendation to the decretum gratiani , that it was first confirmed by pope alex. the third ; so proud a priest , that he presum'd to tread upon the necks of emperours , even in a literal sence ; but this commends it indeed , that it is fram'd in imitation of the corpus juris civilis : for , in lieu of the rescripta imperatorum , we have the decreta pontificum , in stead of the responsa prudentum , the iudgments of the primitive fathers ; and in place of the senatus-consulta , the plebis-scita , & edicta praetorum , we have the canons of the general and provincial councels : and above all the oracles of god consigned in the holy scriptures . yet it cannot be deny'd , that this best part of the canon law is too defective as to the citation of those infallible responses . neither can we omit , that gratian himself not only cites many dubious and spurious books , which are falsly father'd upon those great lights of the primitive church ; but also , that he is such an abettour of these supposititious arts , as to fix such paraphrases upon some ancient councels and fathers , which are like to the gloss of orleance , that destroyed the text : and all for that end , to make them subservient unto the interest of the roman church , per fas aut nefas . i shall point at some few instances , ut candidus lector ex ungue leonem pelle vulpinâ adumbratum facilè dignos●at . let him only collation decret . gratian. par . . dist. . c. . with august . lib. . de doctr. christ. c. . and decret . grat. p. . de consecrat . d. . c. . with concil . arauscan . . c. . and decret . p. . dist. . c. . with can. trullan . . and decr. grat. p. . de cons. dist. . c. . with can. . and . concil . carthag . . and decr. grat. p. . caus. . q. . c. . with concil . milevit . can. . contra trans-marinas appellationes . we might easily adduce many other falsifications of this nature practis'd by gratian ; but by these trumperies and strange metamorphoses we have instanc'd , ( which are well known , with many more , to those who have any gust of antiquity : ) the candid reader may , with no less facility , perceive , what arts the emissaries of the roman church have improv'd to buoy up a sorlorn cause : so that these pretended sons of the antient fathers make no bones to practise jupiter's cruelty in reference to his own father ; so much talked of by the heathen poets . . i am not ignorant , that we have not always observed the exact series of time , in the allegation of councels and fathers : but , seeing that method is not very material in this matter , i have pursued that order ( for the most part ) in which they crowded into my mind : yea , we have made an hysteron-proteron purposely , as to the time of the celebration of some councels , and writings of the fathers , that , what we judged fit to express at length , might be either the prologue or epiphonema of the probation . we have also purposely forborn to cite the canons of the eastern councels in the greek language ; but thought good , eos jure latii donare : because these insignificant lines may happily fall into the hands of some ingenuous gentlemen , who are acquainted with the one language , and not the other : the latin tongue being much more epidemical in scotland , than the greek dialect . . the author hath also carefully avoided the citation of all those books which are sublectae fidei , and rejected as spurious by those who have best skill to judge . once indeed , ( and i think but once , ) opus imperfectum in mathaeum is cited ; but so worded , that the candid reader may easily perceive , that the author doth not believe st. chrysostom to be the author thereof : yet because it contains many excellent things in it , he judged it worthy of a single citation . yea , he hath been also sollicitous in giving the child to the right parent : for many books father'd on st. hierom ( some of them being found in the volumes of his works ; ) are by him appropriated to origen , as the only true author of them . . there be divers testimonies of the fathers , and of ecclesiastical , and secular history , produc'd in these articles , without any indication of paragraph , chapter , or book , where to find them ; but there be two reasons of this omission : first , because these authorites are generally obvious to any who understand any thing of antiquity or history ; so that they who daily carry about a far greater library in their brains , than is here pointed at , cannot but easily find them out . the other reason is once and again hinted at already ; viz. lest this little book swell to a great one . and for that same end we shall put a period to this premonition ; reserving liberty to make this protestation ; ( which i hope all charitable readers will believe . ) that i have shunned as the syrenian rocks , those four wayes whereby the iudgment of a writer may be perverted ; ( though it were but in penning nineteen articles for the good of the church : ) viz. timore , cupiditate , odio , vel amore ; so sayes hierom , in amos , cap. . and isidorus hispalensis , lib. . cap. . but if the reader will have patience till we arrive at the peroration , he will then find this protestation much enlarged . to which we hasten , propitio numine . carpere , & detrahere , vel imperiti possunt : doctorum autem est , qui laborantium novere sudorem , vel lassis manum porrigere , vel aberrantibus iter ostendere . hieronym . com. in cap. . ion. the reformed bishop . seeing there be too many who are apt to exclaim against the governours of this church , under the notion of ambitious , auaritious , and luxurious persons , as if they designed not the glory of god , nor the good of his church , and re-establishment of its government upon lasting foundations ; but that honour , gain , and bodily ease , are the adequate ends of their undertaking that eminent and weighty charge : it is most probable , that if the primitive pattern were retrived into this age , it would endear the present government to all those who have not put off the use of reason , with all sense of religion and loyalty . which holy emulation may be rendred practicable by the seasonable and speedy improvement of the ensuing proposals . and would to god , our present church-governours could say , in reference to all their holy predecessours , what themistocles the athenian did usually declare concerning one of his ; viz. miltiadis trophaea sibi somnos adimere . article i. exod. . , , . levit. . , . psal. . . isa. . , , . ezek. . , , , &c. mal. . , , &c. mat. . . act. . , , . cor. . . & , . tim. . , , , &c. & , . & , . tit. . , , . pet. . , . that none be elected to that sacred order , but these only who are approved to be eminent in piety , charity , learning , humility , gravity , hospitality ; and in the exercise of the four cardinal vertues : whose pedigree and education reflect no stain of dishonour upon them . and i do heartily wish , that all church-men ( especially the governours thereof , ) were honourably descended ; which , being joyned with the former endowments , would render their piety the more splendid , and their example the more efficacious . for , as it contributes to the temporal felicity of our holy religion , to have kings to be its nursing-fathers ; so , without all peradventure , it tends not a little to the honour and enlargement of the visible church , to have nobles to be it's priests . greg●rie the seventh ( usually termed hildebrand . ) and sixtus quintus were indeed men of illustrious spirits , ( if they had been sanctified , though their descent from one illustrious house was meerely ironical . but these are rare to be found , and scarce one such in an age ; the gifts and parts of those who are terrae filii , being generally as low as their birth . and let the godliness of our church-governours be evidenced to all charitable judgments , by a blameless conversation in the world ; so that no man may truely say black to their eye . and let their christian prudence be demonstrated by a well-ordered and religious family ; all the constituent parts thereof being as far removed from vanity , intemperance , prodigality , and all sort of profaneness , as the east is from the west ; so that it may justly be termed a sanctuary , for its devotion : as ( was the court of theodosius the younger . ) for if a man know not how to rule his own house , how shall be take care of the church of god ? vid. tim. . , , . &c. and tit. . , . &c. now if these indispensible apostolick precepts were conscionably practised by the governours of our church , a generous disdain of all carnal illectives , and blandishments of the flesh , would immediately spring up in the soul ; so that they should have good reason to say , with that noble roman ; major sum , & ad majora natus , quàm ut corporis mei sim mancipium . yea more than so , it shall produce in the soul such an absolute mortification , that the result will be , an entire resignation of the ecclesiastick to god , without any reservation , limitation , or exception ; and ( to borrow but once a phrase from the mysticks , ) an universal self-abnegation , and ( as it were ) a soul-annihilation . then they needed not fear , that the men of the world would at any time tax them with that diabolical ceremony of kissing bandstrings ; there , where the living god should be adored , and not the idol of a beautiful strumpet ; and that they abominate a crucisix in their closets , much more than a cestus , or any other symbol of venus . the mitre , which should be engraven , holiness to the lord , should not any more be reproached , as being impressed with the black characters of an whore's name ; or that the priest's rocket hath too much sympathy and fellowship with the kirtle of a courtezan . but , on the contrary , all charitable persons would be so just to them , as to suppose them of the temper of bernard , who cryed cut , thieves , thieves , when he was unlawfully accosted : and that in the practice of mortification they imitate s. hilarion , who did thus expostulate with his own body , faciam aselle , ut non ampliùs calcitres ; nec te hordeo alam , sed palëis ; fame & siti te conficiam . they would apply to them that commendation of alexander the great for his continency , victor , magis darii vxorem non videndo , quàm darium vincendo ; and that of the poet. fortior est qui se , quàm qui fortissima vincit . moenia . — yea they would be apt to conclude ; that these had not only studied to good purpose , the 〈◊〉 chapter of the enchiridion of that excellent stoick , epictetus ; and the brief ( but very emphatical ) advice of that christian poet , boethius sever . lib. iii. de consol. phil. metr . . but also that they have merited from the world that character which clemens alex. lib. . strom. hath given of a man that is verè gnosticus , or a devout ascetick ; voluptatis causâ aliquid agere , ●is relinquit qui vulgarem vitam seq●●tur . et r●●erâ non potest fieri , ut qui deum cognovit , magnificè & verè ●is quae adversantur ser●iat voluptatibus : and that description of a self-denyed man found in the third book of theophilus antioch . ad autolycum ; qui omnes affectiones , & animae perturbationes debellacit , faci●● mundum ●espicere potest . but they that are christ's , have crucifyed the flesh , with all the affections and lusts thereof ; and consequently , they not only endeavour to subdue the irascible faculty ; ( that furor brevis being most unsuitable in a church-man , and that which usually deforms his countenance worse than that of thersites , unless that passion be transformed by grace into a well-ordered zeal . ) but this general mortification is also extended to all the appetites of the concupiscible faculty ; so that a church-man who makes this his study and delight , will never be ranked by the world with the most brutish of the epicurean sect , who did not eat that they might live , but lived that they might eat ; such as sardanapalus , apicius lucullus , heliogabalus , the emperour maximinus , ( whose gigantine appetite was above the proportion of his vast bulk ) and that usurper bo●osus , ( of whom it was said , that he was born , not to lead a life , but to lift a pot ) but , on the contrary , all just m●n w●ll be so ready to reckon them with the ancient fabricii , the bruti , and ca●ones , who were so much renowned for temperance ; yea more than so , they shall be reputed the true disciples of that great doctor of the gentiles , who cor. . , . &c. recommends s●briety to all ministers of the gospel from his own example , and by an argument drawn ab incommo●● ▪ all which inconveniences of 〈…〉 in church-men ) are expressed at 〈◊〉 by clemens alex. in his paedagogus ; who 〈◊〉 us there ; that the spirit of god and the spirit of bacchus will never thrive together ▪ and that he cannot be a spiritual minister of the gospel , who is a sensual man , and immersed in voluptuousness : and that gluttony and drukenness are brutish vices in all sorts of people ; but odious in great men ; very detestable in women ; but most abominable in the clergy , who ought to be paterns of temperance , abstinence , and fasting to all the world ; it being a great point of christian prudence in a church-man , to habituate himself , by abstaining now and then from things lawful , that with the greater facility he 〈…〉 to things unlawful ; 〈…〉 still trenching nigh to a precipice , may sometimes stumble and fall into it . it is very observable , what the judgment of am. marcellinus ( though a heathen man ) was , concerning the splendour and luxury of the roman bishops , which he liked not ; but said , that there was another way for them to be truly happy , si magnitudine urbis despectâ , ad imitationem quorundam provincialium viverent , quos lemulas e●●ndi , potandique parcissimè , ut puros numim commendant . i say not , that fasting is a formal part of god's worship ; though we read in scripture of one that served god , with fasting , and prayer ; but as it is said of the knowledge of languages , that it is not properly learning , yet a good help thereunto ; so it may be deemed of fasting , that it is not properly the worship of god , but a good adminicle thereunto ; for a grosse belly makes not only a gross understanding , but also a stupid devotion . i wish , this were well observed on the day of the consecration of bishops ; for it is but too much noticed ; that though the ancient ceremony , of reading the chapter of the acts of the apostles be still in use , yet the duty therein recommended , which is fasting , ( not to speak of that moral one of prayer ) hath fallen into such a desuetude , that in lieu thereof , too sumptuous and excessive feasting hath succeeded ; so that the solemnity of such a day doth rather resemble the pagan cerealia , floralia , the saturnalia , and bacchanalia , than the ancient agapae of the christian church ; of which , tertullian , in his apologetick , tells us , that they were so far from supping prodigally , as if they meant to dye to morrow , ( as diogenes said of the people of megara , ) that what cost was laid out upon those love-feasts , was not expended for vain-glory , and to nourish parasites , but upon the account of piety and religion , and to refresh the poor : and that they fed sparingly at them , as remembring they were to rise at night to worship god ; so that they appeared not so much to have feasted at supper , as to have fed upon discipline , and order . sure , it were much more commendable , ( and fitter too ) to vouchsafe these hundreds of crowns misimployed that way , by way of charitable largess on the poor ; that the consecrated person may have many supplicants at the throne of grace , to pray for the health of his soul , and for the divine blessing on the future exercise of his office ; that ( as charlemain used to say ) by these hounds he may hunt after the kingdom of heaven . we find indeed that st. cyprian , the three asian gregories , basil , chrysostom , and augustine did prepare themselves for that most eminent ecclesiastical degree , by various acts of mortification , ( as is evident from the respective histories of their lives ) but none of them 〈◊〉 in apollo the night of their consecration . but , as the wise man hath told us , there is a time for all things ; so that even fasting it self may be sometimes unseasonable ; not only upon a physical , but also upon a moral account ; which is never more untimely than upon the lord's day . i shall not be so uncharitable to such fasters , as is the author of that epistle to the philippians , ( fathered on st. ignatius , though none of his : ) who says , that they are no better than murderers of christ , who fast on that day ; yet one thing is most certain , that the antient church prohibited fasting ( both privately and publickly ) on the lords day ; ( i mean all religious fasts , ) and never permitted them , no not in the time of lent , because that day was the most ordinary and constant festival of the church ; it being a weekly solemnity instituted for the resurrection of our saviour . and though these detestable hereticks , the manicheans , and priscillianists , made it their practice , ( in opposition to the catholick church ) to fast on sunday , yet even the montanists ( who pretended much to that kind of mortification ) abstained from fasting on the lord's day ; as is evident from tertullian's treatise de iejuniis , which he wrote after his unhappy montanizing . but this fasting in our church on the lord's day , is a part of that old presbyterian leaven , not yet half well purged out of this land ; for when that tyrannical usurpation was culminating in the cuspe of the tenth house , such was their meridian line , that they thought it their glory ( though it was indeed their shame ) to run counter to all the practice of the primitive church ; therefore the pilots of the leman lake steered such a course , as they might at last become perfect antipodes thereunto : for whereas the primitive church solemnized a joyful remembrance of the nativity of our blessed lord , on the anniversary thereof ; ( which in the time of dioclesian proved a dismal solemnity to some in bithynia ) and of his resurrection , every lord's day , especially on easter , which is caput institutionis ; they on the contrary , ( as if they had not been unvaluable mercies , but rather great plagues to the world : ) must needs fast on these dayes ; and alwayes on that sunday which did immediately preceed the lord's day on which the holy communion was to be celebrated ; though the anniversary of our saviour's passion was judged by the ancients the much fitter season for solemn humiliation , and preparation , in order to the due reception of that commemorative sacrifice of christ's body and blood , on easter day ; ( for when persecution ceased , by the haloyonian-dayes of the great constantine , too much of the christian fervour abated therewith ; so that in the later centuries of the primitive church , the holy eucharist was not received every day , no not every lord's day , but appointed to be celebrated thrice a year ; viz. on the anniversary of the nativity and resurrection of our blessed lord , and of the descent of the holy ghost , on the day of pentecost ; ( which canons did at last terminate in easter day . ) but these antipodes are at the expence of a kalendar , only to shun those dayes , as a s●ylla and charybdis , or the greater and lesser syrtes . and that they might give a demonstration to the world , that they are not sworn enemies to their own flesh and blood , and that it was not the mortification of their own sensual natures they designed by such abstinence ; but rather that they fasted for strife and debate , and to smite with the fist of wickedness , under such a religions palliation ; it was usually observed , that their most solemn fasts did usher in the greatest villanies they intended to act ; so that all honest-hearted men looked upon these intimations as prodigious meteors portending some bad omen either to church or state , and too frequently to both . but that they might make a sufficient amends to the animal life for these few politick substractions , they gratified the same with feasting ( when they could come at it ) all the dayes of the week ; though epiphanius hath told us , that in his time fasting was practised throughout all the world , every wednesday and friday , unless the anniversary of our saviour's nativity did happen upon one of these dayes . as for saturday's fast , ( though pope innocent pretended the apostles fasted that day , because christ lay in the grave all that time ; ) it did not so early , nor universally obtain ; for it was not practised at millan , in the time of s. ambrose . yea more than so , they were most willing to feast all the time of lent ; the passionwee ( kwhich was deservedly termed by the ancients , hebdomada magna & sancta ; not , that it hath ( sayes chrysostom ) either more dayes or hours than other weeks ; but because this is the week in which truly great and ineffable good things were purchased for us : ) not being excepted : and were more ready to gormandize , than on the anniversary of our saviours passion ; all the sympathy they discovered with his imparallel'd sufferings on that day , being meerly symbolical ; and that in a physical sense too . for as the flesh of our blessed lord was inhumanely torne on that day , so they were ready , with too greedy appetites , to tear the flesh of brutes : hateing so much to be reputed pythagoreans , or manicheans , on that day ; that they would have chosen rather to be accounted canibals : and ever since that time , the flesh-market on that day is the greatest of all the year ; and though the change of it to some other day , hath been frequently desired by some sober persons in this church , for the avoiding of scandal ; yet , such is the prevalency of fanaticisme in some royal burghs , that the bishop with his clergy could not obtain that most reasonable request : this being one of the cimelia è scrinio polonico eruta , which they fail not to bring home with them , per hellespontum danicum . whereas the emperours theodosius the first , valentinian the second , and gratian ( as we find in the theodosian code , ) commanded all suits and processes at law to cease , and all prisoners to be set free , in this holy week . whence it may appear ; these carnivorous animals have never seriously pondered that typical expostulation of our dying redeemer , which we find in the lamentations of ieremie , chap. . ver . . ( interpreted by all the ancients , of christ himself , ) and which concerns them as much as any . but , that they might shew themselves prefect in that art of opposition to the primitive church , they still presumed to approach to that holy table , absque virgine saliva ; though it was also condemned by the ancient canons ; ( and i wish some of them had rested satisfied with their ordinary repast , in that great morning of the feast . ) but there is good reason to fear that the generality of plebeian christians , shall rise in judgment , and condemn those epicurean fanaticks ; for these will not ( upon any account ) usher in that spiritual and incorruptible food with any temporal and perishing harbinger . now if any shall say , that they are afraid of fainting ; i must confess , necessity hath no law : but i wish , some have not contracted that necessity by intemperance ; for nature is content with little , and grace with less . i have also heard some object , that christ himself condemned fasting in the pharisees . but take st. chrysostom's answer to this ignorant scruple , who tells us , that christ did not simply condemn the pharisees their fasting twice a week , or their exact payment of tithes ; but their hypocrisie and ostentation . but if we shall judge by the practice of too many of those , we have good reason to conclude , that they have perswaded themselves , that christ condemned both these matters in thesi ; and that there is no necessity of any hypothesis to expound the text. but in the last place ; some of the more knowing of them are ready to adduce the authority of thorndyke and ieremy taylor , ( both which were very far from phanaticism , ) that they have sufficiently evinced the lent-fast not to be an apostolick tradition , as it is now calculated by a quadragesima dierum ; but , that the proper lent of the infant christian church , was only a quadragesima horarum . for answer , i cannot but reverence the judgment of those great clerks , and do indeed look upon the quadragesima horarum , as the only apostolick tradition ; ( though the strict observation of the whole passion-week did begin very early in the church : ) but i think it a very strange parologism , to infer from thence , that feasting on good friday is lawful , seeing it must needs be inclusively the 〈◊〉 of that most absolute fast of fourty hours . but in these dayes of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , animosities and epicurisme have made the usage of fasts by papists , a command to us not to use them ; and to conclude , the abating any thing of our gluttony , to be an encroachment on our christian liberty : but the best apology which can be made for such absurd arguings , is that old dicterium , anima est in patinis . i might speak also of their usual marriages on the passion-week ( which the primitive church would have deemed a very indecent pageantry : ) and of the fatality which observant christians have noticed to attend them : but , lest any should take occasion from the period of this invective against superstitious sensuality , to judge me also superstitious , i do instantly put a close to this overgrown article . vid. can. apost . , , & . item concil . gangrens . can. . concil . . gener. can. . contra subintroduct as mulieres ; ( which the greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( which is repeated in many general and provincial councels . concil . caesar. august . can. . concil . bracarens . . can. . concil . carthag . . can. . ( the tenor whereof is this ; qui die dominico studiosè jejunat ▪ non credatur catholicus . ) concil . anti 〈◊〉 . can. . concil . bracarens . . can. . bracarens . . can. . concil . toletan . . can. . concil . gen. . can. . ( quo abregatur synodi carthag . tertiae decretum , vt quintâ feriâ , in qua coena d●mini perag●tur , fideles coenati communicent : f● renovatur can. . concilii laodic . ne co die solvatur iejunium . ) concil . laodic . can. . concil . illerdens . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . turonens . . can. . concil . braccarens . . can. . & concil . toletan . . can. . vid. clem. rom. epist. ad corinth . pag. . vid. s. hieronymi comment . in tit. cap. . ( on these words , a bishop must be blameless ; ) quomodo potest praeses ecclesiae auserre malum de medio ejus , qui in delicto simili corruerat ? aut quâ liberta●e corripere peccantem potest , cùm tacitus sibi-ipsi respondeat , eadem admisisse quae corripit . ( to which that of greg. . runs parallel ; cujus vita despicitur , restat ut ejus praedicatio contemnatur . hom. . in e●ang . lib. . moral . & praefat . in iob. cap. . & in exposit. iob. lib. . cap. . where also he gives an excellent description of the quinque vitia gulae . ) idem in cap. . mich. tibi , o sacerdos , de altario vivere , nonluxuriar● permittitur . ad heliodorum epist . . de laude vitae solitariae . ad nepotian . de vita clericorum . ad eustochium virg. & lib. . advers . iovinian . origin . hom. . a● cap. . matthaei : augustin . tract . . ad cap. . ioan. lib. . epist. . ad aurclium episcop . epist. . chrysostom . hom. . ad cap. . epist . ad heb. ambros. serm. . super beat● immaculati , &c. isidor . de eccles. ossic. lib. . cap. . b●da , in cap. . ioan. de iudicio adulterae . vid. etiam august . epist. . pro virgine saliva ; ex hoc enim placuit s. sancto , vt in honorem tanti sacramenti , in os christiani priùs dominicum corpus intraret , quàm caeteri ●ibi ; nam ideo per vniversum orbem mos isle servatur . and for the quadragesimal fast , in order to our preparation for the holy communion , vid. comment . hieronymi in cap. . ionae . article ii. num. . . deut. . , . mat. . . & . . & . . & . . . luk. . . cor. . , , . &c. tim. . . & . . tim. . . tit. . . heb. . , . iam. . . that none be chosen to that eminent degree , but they only who have formerly vowed ( and sure i am , some presbyters in this church have put on such inviolable resolutions in reference to that election ) to employ ( almost all ) the revenue of the respective bishopricks , to which they have a lawful call , and which is secured to them by law ( whether it be an episcopal or archiepiscopal see ) for pious and charitable uses ; such as ; the building and repairing of bridges on high wayes ; maintenance of poor widows & orphans ; endowing of indigent maids , of an honest descent ; the erection of hospitals for infirm persons who cannot worke , and are ashamed to beg ; and the building of monasteries for contemplative souls ; yet without any bond upon the conscience , ( as it is in some convents of germany . ) save that , of serving god more strictly in their speculative retirements . and i suppose , there should be much more purity within the walls of these cloysters if the recluses had not vows of continency imposed on them ; ( that of the poet , nitimur in vetitum . &c. being too frequently verified in every age : ) for that fervor novitius may last a while beyond the years of probation , and then degenerate into a perfect congelation ; which by an hellish antiperistasis doth frequently produce an vstulation . ) but there be two great advantages which a contemplative life affords to some christians . first , it is a most secure sanctuary to all those , who , in regard of a cholerick nature , are very obnoxious to impatience ; the matter about which our patience is exercised ordinarily proceeding , either immediately from god , or from our neighbours , or from our selves ; if they come from men ( as injuries either real or verbal ) they are generally more bitter than those that come from god , as sickness , &c. though in themselves greater ; because other men are but equal to us , and we know not their secret intentions , but are apt to suspect the worst when they do us any ha●m ; therefore we take such things worse at their hands than we would at god's , who ( besides that he is omnipotent , and ●ath the supreme dominion over us , ) we know that his goodness is infinite ; so that we can assure our selves , that all his deali●gs towards us are meant for our good ; though sometimes we cannot see how they can contribute to it . and as for matters of affliction , which through imprudence , or any other defect , we bring upon our selves ; we are less moved to impatience by them ; ( though often to a secret shame : ) because that ( besides we are too apt to excuse and favour our selves , ) we are secure that we meant no harm to our selves . whence it is evident , that a speculative life ( being far removed from the crowd of the world , ) is lesse obnoxious to impatience than an active life . the other great advantage which redounds to christians by comtemplation is , that vertues are more easily obtained , more securely possessed , and more perfectly practised , than in an active life . let us suppose a person to aspire unto perfection in this , yet he stands in need of many things to enable him for the practice of the duties disposing thereunto : for the exercise of the external works of charity , the●● are needful riches or friends , &c. and for spiritual alms-giving there is required learning ▪ study , disputation , &c. and if by the help of these there be acquired an established habit of solid charity , it is not very securely possessed in the midst of so many distractions , solitudes , and temptations : but a comtemplative life ( as the angelical doctor observes , even from aristotle himself ; vid. thom. summ. secunda secundae . quaes . . art. . ) stands in need of very few things ; being to it self sufficient . such a person alone , without needing other assistance , or favour from abroad , can both purchase and exercise all vertues ; yea and liberally dispense all kinds of charity to others also ; for by prayer alone , exercised in solitude , he can employ and engage god's omnipotence , wisdom , and all the treasures of his riches , for the supplying all the necessities , external and internal , of his church . yea the greater solitude there is , the soul is at the more freedom to run speedily and lightly to the course of vertue : for nothing doth indeed fetter her but self-love and propriety . and when the habits of vertue are once acquired , they are most securely possessed in solitude , from whence all distractions ( and almost all temptations ) are excluded . there is yet another advantage to which the poverty of this countrey would frequently exhibit the occasion ; which is , that these would be excellent cities of refuge for some persons of a noble descent , ( specially of the female sex , ) whose prodigal parents have wasted all their patrimonies ; so that they ( finding too good reason to despair of a match according to their quality : ) live exposed to the contempt of the world , even to their dying day : for though some of them are so happy , as to twist nobility and vertue together , yet that conjunction not being irradiated with the splendid aspect of plutus , they become despicable in vulgar eyes , which are only dazled with the glistering of gold and silver . so that i heartily approve the judgement of the author of claustrum animae ; necessary reformations ( saith he ) might have repurged monasteries , as well as the church , without abolishing of them : and they might have been still houses of religion , without having any dependance upon rome . i have insisted the longer upon this theam , ( though it may be termed a digression ; ) because i judged my self concerned to vindicate that most excellent kind of life from the imputation of vselesness , as if they were all ignavum pecus fruges consumere nati . et , — telluris inutile pondus . sure i am , if the practice of the devout asceticks of nitria , and of the primitive monks in general , ( whereof s. hierom , augustine , palladius , cassian , and others , give us an account : ) were retrived into our church , judicious calvin would not have been so uncharitable , as to say of them all , that — velut porci saginantur in haris . for if the abuse of a thing should always take away the lawful use thereof , the most laudable institutions of the world would fall to the ground ; for what therein hath not been abused ? but to take off the groundless odium of the name , let these habitations be also termed hospitals . but above all ; let the governours of the church make conscience to educate towardly youths , ( whether descended of the clergy or laity , ) whose parents are not in bonis to entertain them at schools ; yet are well principled , and derived from honest families : that ( having a liberal and holy education in the bishop's family , and their conversation being alwayes in his eye , ) they may prove excellent materials at last , to build the house of god ; when , being found good proficients in knowledge , and in the school of holy iesus ; they may be called forth to that holy function in god's good time ; it being the practice of st. augustine and divers others in the primitive church , to have always such seminaries about them . and these ( even in this age ) would be look'd upon as the succedanei of the ancient acoluthi , who were the individui comites of the primitive bishops ; and being constant witnesses unto their holy conversation , were thereby framed ( through the divine grace ) to the exact imitation of that excellent pattern . this method would be found , not only a charitable office , but also an act of great prudence and christian policy , in reference to all ; but especially the ministers of the gospel . and would to god all church-men were taken up with the study of such laudable politicks , and piae fraudes , as the apostle phraseth them : for it could not but perswade them who have any principles of generosity within them , to a cordial complyance with the government , when they perceive it their great care to do good to them and theirs . yea , more than so ; it would excite a commendable emulation amongst the clergy of the same diocese , which of them should appear most deserving in the eyes of their ordinary , and that in order to a preference as to the foris-familiation of their sons ; when they perceive , that over and above the poverty of their estates , and riches of their principles , these presbyters are most countenanced , and their sons regarded by their bishop in the first place , who are persons of a pious and prudent conversation , diligent in their studies , and faithful in the discharge of all the duties of their holy vocation . i might add to the former instances of charity , the redemption of christian captives ; ( for which merciful acts acatius , ambrose , paulinus , and many other primitive bishops , are highly applauded : ) as also , bequeathing the holy bible , and other books of devotion , gratis , to poor christians ; ( the soul being the principal object of charity to our neighbour : ) for which the martyr pamphilus is celebrated by eusebius and hierom. and in ●ine ; the furnishing of some resolute evangelists with a viaticum , to propagate the christian faith among infidels ; which was one of the elogiums of st. chrysostom : ( for which act of universal charity demetrius of alexandria was , long before him , highly applauded ; for sending the learned pantaenus to preach the blessed gospel unto the remotest indians . ) and that the roman propaganda may not rise up in the great audit , against the governours of the reformed church , they should be no less solicitous for it . we need not multiplie any more particulars ; for if the half of these instances of charity be practised to purpose , there will be few materials reserved for the gaudy busks of wives , the prodigality of sons , the vanity of daughters , and debauchery of their retinue : for the treasure of the church ( thus s. lawrence termed the poor , and not works of supererogation : ) would exhaust all those conduits of luxury , and nothing would remain to be bestowed on costly furniture , rich hangings , curious coaches , &c. for the primitive bishops used not coaches , neither had they any swords to draw upon their coach-men . ( not to speak of their expending more on their horses yearly , than some poor ministers have to maintain their families : the very possession of which ( as clemens alex. hath well observed , ) creates envy , especially to the clergy , whose ornaments ought to be of a more spiritual make and temper . neither would they have any temptation to re-act that tragedy of the ewe-lamb in nathan's parable , by designing to abridge any poor minister's stipend ; far less to substract that inconsiderable pittance destinated for the provision of communion-elements : least of all would they find in their hearts , to give money to an advocate , to obstruct the reputation of a church ; if ten merks scots be all the summ which is expected from a hard-hearted patron , to uphold a decayed fabrick . yea , suppose they had a legal title to part of that salary , yet they would dispence with it as a part of their charity unto those who may be said sedere super chaenicem , in regard of the smalness of their intrado , and greatness of their families : and none should have occasion to upbraid that order , that no publick charitable works have been done by any of them ; such as , the such as , the building and repairing of bridges on high-wayes ; ( though some of those already half demolished , are within the prospect of their ordinary residences , and daily invite them to put to their helping hand . ) neither would any who travel by their parish-churches , find any ground to admire that pitiful spectacle , of bells hanging upon trees , for want of bell-houses , as if they owned that part of mahomet's doctrine , which condemns bells in steeples ; or did joyn issue with the invectives of the quakers against steeple-houses . and till reason and religion can suggest no other imployment for that parcel of the churches patrimony in their hands ; let them not be sollicitous to make that invidious and uncharitable scrambling for a great estate , to aggrandize a near relation in this world , who ( deserendo castra nostra ) do ( as it is too frequently observed ) in the next age , if not in that of their creation , resemble the viper , in tearing by scorn and contempt the bowels of that parent , which alone produced their fortune and honour ; it being , through the just judgement of god , the unhappy fate of that sacred grove , to lend an handle to that ax which lops its reputation : for the clergy had no greater enemy , nor vilisier , in that age , than caesar borgia , the perverse spurious brat of an ecclesiastick . but for them to retain so much of their revenue as is requisite to supply the necessities of nature , or the wants of others , ought neither to be the object of envy , or fear : for he must needs be worse than a momus , or zoilus , who carps at the provision of food and raiment , which a poor tradesman makes to his own family by his lawful calling . yet the dignity of that sacred office is such , that decency requires a more ingenuous manner of living , than the sordid and mean way of plebeians ; in regard they are particularly commanded to practise hospitality . ( for which , not only spiridion was famous , but also the generality of the prelates of the primitive church , whether in a celibate , or married state : ) but as that famous bishop of cyprus was far from superfluity in his entertainment of strangers ; so should they be , who are bound to know , that simple habit and diet are most consonant to the primitive simplicity of christians ; but especially of church-men : there being no heavenly-minded ecclesiastick , who is thorowly mortified as to the blandishments of the flesh , and hath absolutely resigned his soul to god ) but useth even these things which are necessary , sparingly and moderately , not paying nature its tribute without some regret , grudging the little time he spends about it ; and therefore makes haste to get from the table , that he may return to his better exercises . and seeing ( in imitation of st. augustine ) he comes to his meat as to a medicine , it cannot be presumed , that he will cast away much of his precious time in such unedifying employments , but rather ( after the example of that great conquerour , ) will drive away all curious cooks , and other artificers of luxury , far from his habitation . and let not any imagine that this practice of charity , which cannot but interrupt the study of these persian arts of splendour , and effeminate gallantry , ( too much in fashion in this age ) shall expose that sacred order to contempt in the eyes of the world : sure the contrary will fall out ; there being no person ( of what quality soever ) that hath any ti●cture of christianity within him , but will be apt to deferr more internal respect unto them on that account , than can be procured by all these characters of honour which the most bountiful temporal monarch is pleased to conferr upon them . yea , more than so ; when they accost those holy persons in the way , they will be ready to alight , and beg their blessing ; as was usually done to st. basil of cappadocia , and to our countrey-man s. a●danus , though his mode of travelling was no more honourable than that of a 〈◊〉 . and that this visible impress of the divine image doth extort admiration , and a rever●●d esteem , from the most virulent enemies of the christian religion , may sufficiently appear from that epistle of iulian the apostate , to the high priest of galatia : and it is very observable , that the greatest of this land ( who understand the nature of true nobility ) are apt to caresse some presbyters who are of a good descent , and have the repute of pious , charitable , and learned men , and the discretion to demean themselves handsomly in the company of their betters , as much as any bishop of them all , ( balking only some titles and places , in lieu whereof they a●●ord them the more internal respect ) in imitation of monsieur de renty , that excellent french nobleman , who thought it his greatest worldly honour , to honour the clergy . and they who are knowing persons of the nobility , look upon it as no disparagement to their grandeur , to put characters of respect , and signatures of honour , on the worthy ambassadours of holy iesus : remembring constantine the great his kissing the hollow of paphnutius his eye , because he was a famous confessor ; ( who also used to treat those of the clergy at his own table , though in the meanest and most despicable habit ; which some reguli in this age would think it below them to do : ) and the high respect which theodosius the great carried to st. ambrose : ( not to speak of theodosius the younger , s. lewis of france , s. edward of england , ( called the confessour ) and st. david of scotland , with many other great and pious princes : and for the female sex , placilla the empress , and st. margaret of scotland , are examples instar omnium ; for they caressed all in holy orders to the admiration of the world. and though it be very commendable in any great person ( as being a great evidence of true piety in them ) to put such respect upon the representatives of their great masters ; yet i cannot but condemn the ambitious affectation of it in any church-man , or a solicitous desire in any of them , to be preferred to the great officers of state : for this vanity they did never learn from him who gave them their commission ; ( if ever they were sent of god , ) for , he was meek and lowly in heart , and commanded all his disciples to learn that document from his example . but , if it be objected ; how then shall a church-man vindicate himself from contempt , seeing it is their fate to be sometimes palpably dis-respected : the blessed gospel is indeed a bundle of mysteries and a complex of innumerable wonders ; ( viz. in the dispensation of the incarnation ; ) that the ancient of dayes should become an infant ; that he who thunders in heaven should cry in a cradle ; that he who hath his center every where , and circumference no where , ( as mercurius trismegistus describes a deity : ) should be enshrined , for the space of nine moneths , in the narrow womb of a virgin : that he who grasps the world in his fist , who upholds all things by the word of his power , whose boundless arms are stretched in●initely beyond the vast expansion of the poles of heaven , and who hangs the earth upon nothing , should be sustained by the feeble arms of a woman : all these are incomprehensible mysteries . and , in that of the passion ; that the lord paramount of the world should become servant to all ; and impoverished , that we might become rich ; abased , that we might be exalted ; exposed to much ignominy , that we might be glorifyed ; and to suffer a painful and cursed death , that we might enjoy a blessed immortality : all these are unfathomable wonders . ) yet this degenerated age hath added one mysterie thereunto , whereof the apostles themselves never dreamed ; that the preaching thereof should render the sons of plebeians , gentlemen in the vulgar esteem : and on the contrary , be a disparagement to those of a more honourable descent ; as if ( forsooth ) their blood ( be it never so noble ) were attainted by the most honourable employment in the world : whence it comes to pass , that some gentlemen in decimo-sexto ( whose nativity is scarce so honest , whose fortunes are inferiour , and though they be but too insolent , yet are not so impudent to enter the lists of competition for gifts and parts : ) do set themselves forward before such persons ; which they would not have presumed to do ; if they had not become of the clergy : ( doing that to the tribe of levi upon the matter for which the good levite is highly applauded in scripture ; viz. they forget their father's house , and acknowledge not their most valuable worldly concerns ; but it wants this formality , they do it not in the cause of god. ) and these are too much animated to such insolencies by the countenance of some great ones of both sexes , who ( being strangers to god and themselves ) did never yet dream , that true nobility consists rather in their proper vertue , than in those empty scutcheons which the vertue of their ancestours hath transmitted unto them . for answer ; to return pride for pride , folly for folly , and madness for madness , is neither a christian , nor a generous method of vindicating one from contempt : for in effect it amounts to no more than this ; that because they are mad with pride and folly , therefore we must be like them . but the first course a church-man is to take , is , to reflect upon himself , if there be any proper objects of contempt within him , for if the cause be taken away , the effect ●sually c●aseth : and these are , ignorance , imprudence , levity , scurrility , and a sordid way of living ; but above all , a scandalous habit , too much noticed by the world. and such is the unhappiness of our church , that the particular ecclipse of one organical member thereof , casts a dark shadow upon the whole order . as for the baseness of 〈◊〉 in some of the clergy , ( though i heartily wish , that , as it is the foundation of some monasteries in germany , whereunto none are admitted save gentlemen of good families , it were so in our church , yet ) that being no moral defect , it merits no such contempt as any of the former , provided they become the sons of their own right arm , ( as the spanish proverb hath it ) and by sublimated parts and piety , the sons of the most high : so the strength of their intellectuals , and goodness of their morals , preponderating that first original defect , when a good man is tempted to any such act , his heart will smite him ; as we read of that good emperour sigismund , when he reflected on that of the prophet , it was god that made us , and not we our selves : yea the heathen poet could say , at genus & proavos , & quae non fecimus ips● . vix ea nostra voco . — the same poet elsewhere speaking to the same purpose ; hath these lines , ingenua de plebe virum , nec census in illo nobilitate sua major ; sed vita sidesque inculpata suit . but if none of these natural or moral 〈◊〉 can justly be charged on some church-men , ( who shine in their own o●bs like stars of the first magnitude ) all the retaliation i would have them make for these undeserved undervaluings , is , a generous inward contempt . for , seeing it is yet controverted among moralists , whether honour be in the giver or receiver , they have good reason to conclude , that such despicable arts will rather rebound a dishonourable stigma upon the subject , than leave any durable impression upon the object . and all church-men should carefully avoid the company of such who have little civility , and less christianity ; as being unedifying and contagious : for the general disrespect of the clergy flowes usually from one of the ensuing principles . the first is atheism ; and it is no wonder that they hate and despise the servant , who could never yet find in their hearts to love and honour the master . and because the presence of an holy man ( how mean soever he be ) doth , as it were , fetter the devil with chains in a wicked man , so that he cannot actuate his perverse habits so frankly as before , therefore these gadarenes drive away such persons from them with contempt , that they may enjoy their swinish lusts without controul . the second principle is sacriledge ; they who have a vehem●nt desire to rob god of that poor pittance which hath fallen beside the tallo●s of some rapacious vultures , ( which ravenous harpyes did , with a cyclopaea● impiety , sight against god , by robbing the fountain of all goodness : ) cannot endure to see any secured by law in the possession thereof ; therefore are they too prone to put affronts upon them . but i wish these would consider , that if they snatch a collop from off god's altar , a fatal coal may adhere unto it , which will burnt up nest and all . and if they were acquainted with 〈◊〉 history , they would take example from cambyses , xerxes , the phocians , brennus , the consul cepio , mar●us crassus and heliodorus , before they be made such examples : neither should ● wish that any in this age become the detestable instances of vice running in a blood , by tracing the sacrilegious footsteps of some other ancestors , who have impropriated no small part of the patrimony of this church . the third principle is , want of civil education ; they who have travelled beyond seas , and have noticed that great respect which the grandees there put upon the clergy of the roman church ; when they return they cannot dis-respect their own , unless they have brought home either atheism or superstition with them . but , as we read of a laplander , who imagined there had been no better country than his own ; ( though it is one of the worst in the world : ) so it fares with some young heirs of great families , who come to their land long before the dawning of their witt , they look never above them , but converse only with their own swains that are below them ; so that their breeding cannot chose to be without some great tincture of the plebeian in it : whence it is , tha● they vainly imagine , none are shapen t● be their companions , but those only wh● have an aequilibrium of fortune wit● themselves ; yea ( narcissus-like , becom●ing fond of themselves , ) at last they com● to think , that every man is bound to stoop to that idol which they adore which exactly resembles the old egyptian temples , that were curiously garnished without , but the deity that wa● worshipped within was some vile and despicable animal . the fourth principle is that of pride which is most apparent in some fantastic● mushroms of a night's growth , who ( pe●●as aut nefas ) have scraped some fortune to themselves . now , as king iames ( 〈◊〉 blessed memory ) used to say ; that the first war the scottish young heirs commenced , was against their mothers ; so it may be said of these singular successours ▪ they begin their first quarrel with thei● mother , the church : whereby they demonstrate , that they have not god to be their father , yea , they think it thei● glory to undervalue church-men , and to contend with them , whereby they hope to become famous : and lest the clerk should forget to enroll their names at the next head court , as heretours of such a parish , they take this boisterous way of intimation : but their glory is their shame , and they render themselves infamous in the ears of all good men . i deny not , but that the devil hath thrown a temptation in the way of these doëgs ; for let a church-man be never so innocent , and do no more but what the law of nature allows to all living creatures , which is , to defend themselves the best way they can ; they shall be sure to bear the blame of it , and be taxed as men of contention : so uncharitable is this countrey to the clergy ; who are obliged to remember , that the fortitude which is mainly required of them , quà ●ales , is passive , and not active : and that they ought ( like to the good palm-tree ) to grow up in charity , humility , and patience , under the burthen of reproach and contempt . but i would have those whom god permits to be the scourge of his church , seriously to consider , that there is a curse attends all , who strive with the priest , and have a complacency in doing so ; which many in this land have experimented : the very plebeians being apt to observe ; that some , since they began with the church in a preposterous way , in that day made an end of thriving in this world , and th●re is nothing more observable in humane history , than that all they ( which was no small number ) who had accession to the barbarous assassination of bomsace the eighth , and cardinal beton , cam● to violent ends , though these two were the worst men of their age : ( not to speak of another great cardinal , georg. martinusius whose murtherers did undergo the same unhappy fate . ) for god reserves the punishment of wicked ecclesiasticks to himself ; they being , noli me tangere to all the rest of the world ; excepting god's vicegerent upon earth , whose subjects they are . the last principle is , a compound of vanity , fanaticism , and epicurism ; which three naughty ingredients are most usually found mixed in some of the female sex ; whose way of living hath been a sufficient demonstration , that they are void of the life of religion : yet they endeavour to shrowd all their impieties under the title of catharism , much like ●o the ancient gnosticks , who , pretending to eminency of knowledge , did pal●iate , under that name , the most abominable villanies in the world. now seeing the prora and puppis of the religion of these persons consists in an antipathy against the present constitution of this church , it must needs have such an ascendant upon them , that they cannot choose but hate ( and consequently undervalue ) all that bear office therein . but the main reason of that contempt is luxury ; for their carnal brains are so overclouded with the fuliginous vapours of sensuality , that they cannot put a right estimate upon a spiritual office. but i am confident , there is no conscientious minister of the gospel who is not ready to render good for evil to all such despisers , by pitying them , and praying earnestly for a dissipation of that cloud of wrath which is hanging over their heads , like a hovering meteor ; and ready to fall upon them : any indignity which is done to a church-man , the son of god looking upon it as done to himself ; and because he is wounded through their sides , he will not fail to avenge his own interest . that dreadful sentence of the gospel may awaken the securest amongst them all , ( if they had grace to lay it to heart ) they who despise you despise me , and they who despise me despise him that sent me : it being a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living god ; for our god is a consuming fire . i am not ignorant that this is a prol●● digression ; but the interest of the gospel induced me to enter upon it . for i● ought to be lamented with tears of blood , that there is no civil nation und●● heaven which conferrs so little respect on their church-men as ours doth ; and that but of late too . sure i am , the ancient pagan dr●ides were ( almost infinitely ) more honoured in this land ▪ than the present ministers of the gospel ar● i pray god it be not a sad prognostick of the extinction of the gospel among us ▪ and it is god alone that can disappoint our fears . we come now to answer the second scruple against that method of charity proposed in the entry of this article . let not any of that sacred order say , if we do thus , what shall become of our wives and children when we are gone ; seeing it is not now the custom of nourishing the relicts and orphans of the clergy , out of the churches intrado ? this is easily answered . for , without all peradventure , a good and holy education is a rich patrimony ; as gregorie nazianz . tells of his sister gorgonia , ( who was also daughter to an humble and self-denying bishop , that she bequeathed great riches to her children , in leaving them such an excellent pattern as her self , and a desire to follow her example . yea more than so , seeing the best way to gather is , thus to scatter , these charitable husbands and parents may considently leave their widows and fatherless children with god : for the heavenly compost of the divine blessing will not fail to enrich their poor and small possessions . it was a remarkable story , concerning a charitable minister ( whose sirname was crow ) who had many children , and very little of a yearly income to bequeath to them ; when he was a dying , yet considently cry'd out , the great god who hears the young ravens when they cry , will not suffer these young crowes to starve for hunger . and it was observed , that god provided very well for them all . christum debitorem habere , ( sayeth gregorie nazianz. ) plus est quàm omnia possidere . it was also a golden sentence , worthy of that golden mouth which uttered it ▪ eleemosyna est ars omnium artium quaestuosissima : to which that dutch proverb is consonant , thest never enricheth , alms never impoverish , and prayer hinders no wark : and when the hand of violence seiseth on a charitable man's estate ; he may say with him in seneca , i have at least tha● still which i have given away . and lest it should be objected ; tha● this method of gratifying this i●on ag● ▪ is singular and unpracticable : i must 〈◊〉 them , in the end , that many in 〈◊〉 primitive church have gone a 〈◊〉 length in self-denyal : for s. cyprian 〈◊〉 no sooner converted to the christian faith , but he instantly abandoned a very plentiful patrimony to the use of th● poor . so did s. paulinus afterward● bishop of nola , and so soon as epiphanius , and divers others undertook th●● eminent employment , they immediately expended all for the behoofe of the indigent members of that mystical and glorious head , from which exhaustible fountain every good gift is derived . i have been the more prolix on this particular ; first , because i would have bishops carefully to avoid the application to themselves of that satyrical character given by one , of a puritan , that he is such an enemy to merit , and so afraid of pharisaical ostentation , that in a seeming complyance with our saviour's precept in the matter of charity , not to let the left hand know what the right hand doth , he lets none in heaven or in earth know it . and next , because people are generally apt to look upon charity , as the most infallible demonstration of the sincerity of the faith and piety of church-men ; all being naturally prone to homologate that of s. augustine ; quanta est charitas ! quae si desit , frustra habentur caetera ; si adsit , habentur omnia . and clemens alex. gives it as the best motto of an ecclesiastick , terram calcare didici , non adorare . and if this self-denyal were universally practised by church-men , there should be no place found for that complaint of boniface of mentz , ( usually termed the apostle of germany ) ecclesia antiqua ligneos habuit calices , sed aureos episcopos : at hodierna calices aureos , sed ligneos episcopos . neither would any sober person take occasion from any donation made to the church , to say , hodie venenum infusum est ecclesiae : or , ecclesia peperit divitias , & filia devoravit matrem ; yea there should not have been any need of that eloquent sermon of s. chrysostom , preached against those who envyed the wealth of the clergy . vid. can. apost . . item concil . turonens . . can. , & . concil . toletan . . can. , & . concil . antisiodorens . can. . concil . cabilonens . can. . concil . toletan . . can. . & . concil . bracarens . . can. . concil . turonens . . can. . concil . gener. . can. . ( ubi legimus , quod non genus , sed mores attendendi sunt ad manus-impositionem . ) et can. , & . istius concilii . concil . carthaginens . . can. . cujus haec sunt formalia verba ; vt episcopus vilem supellectilem , & mensam ac victum pauperem habeat ; et dignitatis suae authorita●em fide , ac vitae meritis quaerat . et can. ejusdem concilii . concil . agathens . can. , & . concil . vasens . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . turonens . . can. . concil . parisiens . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. , & . concil . hispalens . . can. . ( as for monasteries ; there is s●arce any ancient councel , whether general or provincial , but speaks of them . ) but all the qualifications of st. paul's bishop , are expressed at length in the first canon of the fourth councel of carthage : to which i remit the ingenious reader . vid. chrysost. homil. . in gen. . vid. august . ad. bonifac. comitem , epist. . si autem privatim possidemus quod nobis sufficiat , non illa nostra sunt , sed pauperum , quorum procurationem quodammodo gerimus , non proprietatem nobis damnabili vsurpa●ione vindicamus . et serm. . cap. de vita clericorum . vnum filium habes ; putes christum alterum : duos habes ; putes christum tertium : decem filios habes ; christum undecimum facias , & suscipio : hieronym . ad nepotian . habens victum , & amictum , his contentus ero ; et nudam crucem nudus sequar . comment in galat. cap. . qui clementiam non habet , nec indutus est viscera misericordiae & lachrymarum , quamvis spiritualis sit , non adimplebit legem christi : ambros. lib. de offic. . cap. . non satis est bene velle , sed etiam bene facere : non quid dixeris , sed quid feceris , &c. lib. . offic. cap. . gregor . . lib. . epist. . de episcopo mariniano . largam manum habeat , necessitatem patientibus concurrat , alienam inopiam suam credat ; quia si haec non habeat , vacuum episcopi nomen tenet : and in his epistle to the emperour mauricius , he holds forth at length the great advantages of a monastical life ; though i cannot approve that sentiment of his , plerique sunt , qui nisi omnia reliquerint , salvari apud deum nullatenus possunt . anselm . lib. . cap. . pas●e same morientem ; quisquis enim pascendo hominem servare poteras , si non pavisti , occidisti : vid. totam chrysost. hom. in . cap. . epist. ad hebr. greg. . lib. . epist. . et tertul . de iejunio . ( though at that time he was montanizing . ) vid. omnes libros prosp. de vita contemplat . et hieron . panegyric . in vitam solitariam . idem epist. . isidor . pelus . epist. ad palladium diaconum . & bern. declam . in illud evang. reliq . omnia &c. article iii. ier. . . ioh. . . act. . . , , . tim. . . heb. . . . ioh. . it were to be wished , that none set themselves forward to leap into a vacant chair , and to ascend with too much precipitation that summum sacerdotii fastigium , before others much more modest , and more worthy . it was the regret of gregory nazianz. that some in his time were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they commenced divines and bishops in one day , who yet understood nothing before ; nor brought any thing to the order , but only , a good will to be there . whence he fitly compares such mushroms to the dragon's teeth sown by cadmus ( as the fable hath it ) which immediately sprung up giants out of the earth , armed cap-a-pe , perfect men , and perfect warriours in one day . but this is the excentrick motion of rash and ignorant young heads , and ambitious hereticks . for the most eminent pillars of the primitive church ( such as s. cyprian . gr. naz. ambrose , augustine , nectarius , chrysostom , synesius , and many others ) from a principle of humility , and a serious consideration of the weightiness of that charge , declined the same with all vehemency imaginable , till by the civil and ecclesiastical authority , and the inspiration of the almighty , and great mortifications , they were at last inclined thereunto . by which shieness they verified that observation of sulpitius severus , ( speaking of the ninth persecution : ) men in those dayes ( saith he ) much more greedily sought martyrdom in the cause of christ , than for bishopricks , or other preferments in the chuch . vid. can. apost . . & . item , concil . gener. . can. . concil . carthaginens . . can. . concil . antioch . can. . concil . toletan . . can. . concil . avernens . can. . & . concil . parisiens . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . matisconens . . can. , & . concil . toletan . . can. , , , & . concil . agathens . can. . concil . gen. . can. , & . concil . toletan . . can. ▪ & ad finem ; solus ergo accedat ad sacra dei mysteria tractanda , quem morum innocentia , & literarum splendor reddunt illustrem . concil . toletan . . can. . nullus deinceps ad promerendos honores ecclesiasticos contra canonum statuta aspiret indignus . &c. vid. august . tract . . ad cap. . ioan. quid est sua quaerentes , non christum gratis diligentes , non deum propter deum quaerentes ? &c. hieronym . comment . in eum locum titi , nemo te contemnat . qualis enim aedificatio erit discipuli , si se intelligat magistro esse majorem ? quia vehementer ecclesiam christi destruit , meliores laicos esse quàm clericos : l●onis . epist. . sin in laicis vix tolerabilis videtur in●citia ; quanto magis in iis qui praesunt , nec excusatione digna est , nec venia , vid. etiam origin . hom. . ad cap. . levit. & hom. . in lib. iudic. vid. panegyric . of greg. nazianz. upon s. basil ( the expressions whereof , which mostly concern this particular , we have already cited in the article ; ) and what he sayeth on s. basil he almost repeats in that great encomiastick upon athanasius : and further adds ; et priusquam pergentur , purgan● ; heri sacrilegi , hodie sacerdotes ; heri sacrorum expertes , hodie in sacris duces ; veteres in malitia , ac novi in pietate : quorum mores haud quaquam gradum indicant , sed gradus mores . &c. and leo magnus , epist. . speaks to the same purpose ; cùm valde iniquum sit , & absurdum , ut imperiti magistris , novi antiquis , & rudes praeserantur emeri●is : nam inordinata erunt omnia , si ●ictilia aureis , & lignea prae●erantur argenteis . &c. likewise greg. the great , did frequently wish , ( as is evident from his excellent treatise , de cura pastorali : ) that church-offices were bestowed on those alone who did not ambitiously sue for them , but fled from all promotion , and yet had deserved well of the church , by honest principles , and an holy life and a diuturnal proof of the excellency of their knowledge and prudence ; it being ( saith he ) in this divine art , as it is in all other sciences and trades , viz. no small disgrace thereunto , to promote any to be masters in that profession , who are nothing else but bunglers and smatterers : for which he cites the usual saying of gregorie nazianz. nemo per legem nauticam admittitur ad gubernacula navis , nisi priùs din sederit ad remos . &c. and what theodosius the great was wont to say of his two sons arcadius and honorius , is applyed by this great bishop to all ignorant clergy-men , conducibilius est , ut vitam privatam agant , quàm doctrina nulla , cum periculo , aliis imperarent . the serious consideration of which sad truth , was the great prompter of charlemain , to prefer only those in the church who were good prosicients in knowledge and vertue ; and to reject all lazy drones from those rich hyves : the frequent reflection on that no less prudent , than conscionable practice , gave occasion to that excellent masculine queen , elizabeth of england , to keep alwayes beside her , an exact list of the worthiest men in the universities , and that in order to church-promotions . article iv. mat. . , . ioh. . . & . . act. . . tim. . . tit. . , . pet. . , . much less should they be preferred to that sacred function who are rei ambitûs , and have endeavoured by indirect means to purchase that degree unto themselves : these by the ancient canons being declared inhabiles for ever to officiate at the altar . as also they who had been publick penitents ; lest the umbrage of their former scandals should stain the pure white of the ephod . but to obviate the inconveniences mentioned in the foregoing proposal , and this in ha●d ; it were most desireable , that this ensuing method should be observed , for election of bishops to vacant places ; ( there being first a most humble address made by the clergy of the nation to our gracious sovereign , graciously to permit the same ; and the favour supposed to be granted : ) viz. that immediately after the vacancy , the primate should warn ( by his letters ) the chapter of that diocess to convene themselves : and they being assembled , to call the whole synod together unto a certain day , appointed for fasting and humiliation ; at which some of the most grave and learned of the ministers , appointed by the chapter , should preach , in order to the conscientious choice of a person fit for that eminent employment . and that after fasting and prayer in the cathedral church , a list be made of a certain number of the most pious , learned , prudent , and grave persons , by the common suffrages of all the ministers of the diocesan synod : and that some discreet persons among them be commissionated to carry the said list to court , and humbly to present the same to his majesty ; and ( with all due submission ) to entreat his gracious majesty to present , out of that number , one to the vacant chair : they sufficiently knowing them all to be pares negotio , and throughly acquainted with the state of the diocesse , and with all the tempers of the clergy , and considerable laicks who live within that precinct . i shall not mention the observation of spondanus upon the enterview of francis the first ( one of the french kings ) with pope leo the tenth , at bononia ; ( the renowned historian i. a. thuanus , having made the same observe in the first book of his admirable history . ) neither shall we reflect on the most christian deportment of valentinian the first in reference to the postulation of st. ambrose : nor what is decree'd by charlemain , and lewis the godly ; lib. . capitular . cap. . least of all on the pious act of lewis the ninth , ( deservedly termed st. lewis ) his burning with indignation that pretended privilege of nomination , granted by the pope , saying that the election of bishops belonged only to god and his church . it being a trite axiom of the canon-law , petitio plebis , electio cleri , & consensus principis . ( vid. leonis . epist. . ) but sure i am , if his gracious majesty ( who is a lover and protector of this church ex traduce , it being one of his royal epithets to be the defender of the apostolick faith , and government , which that glorious martyr , king charles the first , sealed with his most precious bloud ) were well informed , that this way of election was the apostolick method , who in the first vacancy of that sacred colledge of apostles , did fill it in this manner ; ( as we read in the first chapter of the acts of the apostles ; ) and that it was the most ordinary custom of the primitive church to do so ; and of our own also , not many years ago ; i am fully perswaded , that our gracious sovereign ( whom god bless with a long and prosperous reign over us ) who hath also manifested such transcendent goodness towards this church , would be pleased graciously to condescend to the humble address of his obedient subjects and servants : whereby the mouths of the adversaries of our church may be stopped , and these reproaches which are cast upon the office , wiped off ; as , that bishops are only the creatures of courtiers , or of some leading church-men , introduced by motives best known to themselves ; and that they are yet but presbyters , as having no call from the church , but only invested with a little more secular power than they formerly enjoyed ; and that the said office amongst us is nothing but a politick design , contrived rather to serve secular ends , than the evangelical and ecclesiastical interests ; and , in fine , that the prayers of the chapter in their elections , are but a mocking of god , in seeking grace to direct them in the choice of a fit person for the vacant place , whilst ( being predetermined by a conge-d'elire from court ) they make indeed no election at all . vid. concil . arelatens . . can. . concil . avernens . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . toletan . . can. . synod . antiochen . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . avernens . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. , & . concil . toletan . . can. . concil . parisiens . can. . nullus civibus invitis ordinetur episcopus , nisl quem populi & clericorum electio plenissimâ quaes●êrit voluntate , &c. et concil . cabilonens . can. . si quis episcopus , de quacunque civitate , fuerit defunctus , non ab alio , nisi à comprovincialibus , clero , & civibus suis , alterius habeatur electio ; sin autem , hujus ordinatio irrita habeatur . vid. ambros. lib. . offic. cap. . bonis artibus , & sincero proposito nitendum ad honorem arbitror , & maximè ecclesiasticum : ut neque resupina arrogantia , vel remissa negligentia sit , neque turpis affectatio , & indecora ambitio : ad omnia abundat animi directa simplicitas , satisque seipsa commendat : greg. . lib. . ex registro . epist. . ad ethericum episcopum galliae , ita fatur ; nihil in dandis ecclesiasticis ordinibus auri saeva fames inveniat , nil blandimenta surripiant , nil gratia conserat : honoris proemium vitae sit provectus , sapientiae incrementum , madestia morum : ut obtinente hujusmodi observantiâ , & indignus , qui proemiis quaerit ascendere , judicetur ; & dignus , cui bonum testimonium actio perhibet , honoretur . vid. ejusdem greg. hom. , , & . in evang. ( in qua postrema scitè describit mercenarium ) vid. etiam hieronymi comment . in tit. ad ea verba , constituas per civitates presbyteros . a brief historical account of the form of electing bishops in the primitive church . that the method of election expressed in the article , was observed in ecclesia primo-primitiva , ( as gratian somewhere speaks ; ) that is , in the first three centuries , may appear from the subsequent historical instances . clemens rom. the first of the christian fathers next the apostles , in his excellent epistle to the corinthians , gives a full account of that method of election , which was practised in the infancy of the christian church , and is absolutely consonant to that we wished for in the last article . but , for brevity's sake , we remit the ingenuous reader to the pag. of that epistle . yet , for all our haste , i must make a little stop , and congratulate ( with all lovers of antiquity ) the restitution of the only genuine treatise of that apostolick man , unto the present church ; this notable epistle , so full of primitive simplicity , candour , and zeal ; having ( like the river alphaeus ) run under ground , for so many centuries of years : but in this last age , that fountain arethusa hath appeared to the publick view of the world. the next instance is in the th chapter of tertullian his apologetick , where he speaks to this purpose ; praesident probati quique seniores , honorem istum , non pretio , sed testimonio adepti &c. the next in the series of time , is the famous origen , in hom. . in levit. who there speaks to the same purpose . yet it cannot be denied , but that sixtus senensis , praesat . in bibliothec. averrs the said commentary to be falsly ascribed to origen ; as also , that on iob ; and he pretends solid reasons for his assertion . s. cyprian is so copious in this matter , and his mind so well known therein , unto all that have read his works , that we need not consume any paper in citing that zealous father . i shall therefore remit the reader to his th epistle throughout ; and the d ; wherein he tells us , that his fidus achates , cornelius bishop of rome , was chosen clericorum pene omnium testimonio . this amicable couple may put us in mind of those friendly pairs celebrated by the antients ; viz. damon and pythias , pylades and orestes , achilles and patroclus ; if all our bishops were so affectionate , no rebeckah could perswade them to steal the birthright , by supplanting an elder brother . and that the patriarch of alexandria ( who was next to rome , till constantinople ( quoniam erat nova roma ) shuffled him by ) was chosen by the presbyters there ; and that from among themselves ; even from the dayes of s. mark , is evident from eusebius , hierem , theodoret , and eutychius . to this purpose athanasius in his second apology introduceth p. iulius the first , complaining of the irregular promotion of gregorie the cappadocian , by the arrians , unto the see of alexandria ; si enim pos● synodum in culpa deprel●ensus fuisset athanasius , non tamen oportuit crea●ienem no●● episcopi , ita illegaliter , & praeter canonem ecclesiasticum fieri : sed in ipsa ecclesia , & ex ipso sacerdotali ordine , atque ex ipso clero ejus provinciae , episcopos constitui ; & nequaquam ex illis qui nunc apostolorum canones violant . to the same purpose also gregorie nazianz . ( in oratione , quando assumptus est in consort . pat. ) nam etsi paternis laboribus succedere , dulce est , ac noto ac familiari gregi praeesse , jucundius est , quàm externo & alieno ; addam etiam , deo carius , ( nisi me fallit , & mentem eripit consuetudo : ) non tamen conducibilius est , nec tutius , quàm ut volentibus praesint volentes ; quandoquidem neminem vi duci vult lex nostra ; nec coactè , sed sponte gubernari . ambrose , com. in epist. ad ephes. cap. . ( if it be his ) sayeth ; antiqua consuetudo fuit , ut antiquissimo presbytero , antiquissimus succederet in episcopatum . there be many epistles of s. leo , to this purpose , which are adopted by the canon law. vid. epist . ( habetur dist. . ) epist. . ( habetur etiam dist. . ) epist. . ( habetur dist. . ) where he speaks thus ; nulla ratio sinit , ut inter episcopos habeantur , qui nec à clericis sunt electi , nec à plebibus expetiti . and epist. . he requires these things as necessary to the ordination of a bishop ; viz ; subscriptio clericorum , honoratorum testimonium , ordinis consensus & plebis : and in the same epistle , speaking of the choice of a bishop , he sayeth it was done , subscribentibus , plus minus , septuaginta presbyteris ; therefore it is observed , that all the clergy concurred to the choice of the bishop of rome himself , ( except what was done in that time called the infaelix seculum , which turned all good order topsy-turvy in the church . ) till the rise of gregorie the seventh , in whose time popery began to culminate in the cuspe of the tenth house ; thence casaubon calls it haeresin hildebrandinam . that it was so , before the time of hildebrand , is evident from the gloss upon the canon-law , which from the decree of p. honorius the third , concludes , non posse eligi praelatum ex aliena dioecesi , sed illum postulandum ; & praevalere electionem personae de proprio clero , electioni factae de alio , etiamsi illa facta sit à minore parte electorum . and in the theodosian code , ( l. . de episcop . & cler. ) we find an imperial constitution of arcadius and honorius , corroborating that ecclesiastical law ; ne , viz. in ecclesiis , alii quàm originarii locorum ordinentur . for it was ob inopiam clericorum catholicorum , that nectarius a laick was chosen ; and ambrose designed , somewhat miraculously . as for tarasius and photius it was long before other bishops gave them the right hand of fellowship . but whoso desires more ample satisfaction in this matter , let them read m. anton. de dom. repub. eccles. l. . c. . where he proves at great length from councels , fathers , and church-history , that the regular election of bishops did pertain to the clergy sedis vacantis ; and that many ages after the famous councel of nice . sure i am , if that method had been constantly observed ; some , who are now situated in the zenith of the church , should have still remained but few removes from the nadir thereof , as henry the third of france said to some bishops of his own nomination , who pressed him to pemit the election to run in the ancient channel , that if it had alwayes done so , they should never have been bishops . article v. ier. . . zeph. . . tim. . , . & . . & . . tim. . . tit. . , , 〈◊〉 when the prelate of this church is regularly elected and consecrated , let him manifest the sacredness of his order , rather by the gravity of his deportment , and spirituality of his discourse , tending alwayes to the edification of the hearers , than merely by his canonical garb : though it was alwayes my judgment , that it is most consonant to reason and good order , that the clergy be differenced by their habit from the laicks ; for that sacerdos habitus ( according to the african dialect of tertullian , in his obscure treatise de palli● ) imports no less . and if they go abroad without that discrimination , they should not enjoy the privileges which the civil law hath granted in their favours : ( as was well discerned by that learned , devout , and resolute prelate , arch-bishop lawd : ) that he may verifie of of his function what minutius foelix said of christians in general ; non habitu sapientiam praeserimus , sed mente ; non magna eloquimur , sed vivimus : and may give no occasion to any to apply that of st. hilary to himself , sanctiores sunt aures plebis , quàm corda sacerdotum ; not to mention that more celebrated sentence , surgunt indocti & rapiunt coelum , &c. that which the traveller sands sayes of the mufti at constantinople , ought to be the commendation of all church-men , grave were his looks , and grave was his deportment . i deny not but urbanity ( if seasonable ) is tolerable in a church-man ; there is a time to laugh , saith solomon ; and they who have a solid interest in holy iesus , have the greatest reason in the world to be merry . the morosity of an aristarchus , and soureness of a diogenes , are not only unpleasant to company , but also scandalous to religion ; as if it behoved all real christians to be sick of bellerophon's disease , ( which was a furious sadness ; ) on which account , some brain-sick hereticks in this land have brought up a reproach upon the most rational and excellent religion in the world. st. cyprian had a most complaisant conversation with his presbyters , ( as is recorded by pontius diaconus in the history of his life : ) and martin of towrs had his own jests , as sulpitius s●verus reports of him ; and st. ambrose had his witty repartees , as is testified by st. augustine ; yet they were accounted the gravest men of their time. but as for scurrility , and a trade of buffoonery or drollery , and the least shadow of obscenity , with all trifling discourses , church-men should hate them all cane & angue pejus ; remembring that old maxim , nugae , nugae in quolibet ore ; at in ore sacerdotis , blasphemiae : it being noted as a great crime in pope iulius the third , ( by that great historian thuanus ) that he was , ad scurrilitatem usque festivus . and if before plebeians they lose the least of their gravity , they may resolve upon it , to lose infallibly so much of the intrinsick authority of their office. vid. concil . carthaginens . . can. . concil . matisconens . . can. . & . concil . bracarens . . can. . bracarens . . can. , & . synod . quini-sext . can. . ( where we have these words ) clericus vestem sibi convenientem induat , tam in urbe quàm in via . concil . agathens . can. . concil . carthaginens . . can. . carthaginens . . can. . ( where we find these words ) clericum scurrilem , & verbis turpibus joculatorem , ab officio retrahendum . vid. etiam can. , & . ejusdem concilii . vid. clement . alex. paedagog . circiter finem . et lib. . strom. circa initium . tertull . lib. de pudicitiâ : chrysostom . lib. . de sacerdotio : prosp. de vita contemplativâ . lib. . greg. . cura past. part . i. bernard . lib. . de considerat . article vi. isa. . . act. . . & . , . cor. . , . tim. . . let this prelate be frequent in preaching the blessed gospel ; not neglecting that duty every lord's day , whether at home or abroad , if he be in health . ( which was expressly ordained by the . canon synod . quini-sext . and can. of the fourth councel of carthage : ) that he may not only avoid the sarcasm of that buffoon , who said , he would hide himself in the pulpit , where the lazy bishop would not find him for a year and day ; but also by his practice may demonstrate to the world , that his heart joyns issue with st. augustin's wish , that when christ comes again to iudge the world , he may find him either praying or preaching . which last behoved to be the practice of bishops in some parts of the world ; unless either they , or the people belonging to their cathedral , were deprived of preaching on the lords day : for in the churches of africa no presbyter was permitted to preach in presence of the bishop , till the time of valerius , st. augustine's immediate predecessour in the see of hippo : who ( as possidius in the life of augustine reports ) being a greek , and by reason of his little skill in the latin tongue , unable to preach to the edification of the people , ( hippo being a roman colonie ) admitted s. augustine ( whom he had lately ordained presbyter ) to preach before him : which was ill resented by some bishops , yet became a precedent at last to other churches . but there is another exception ( besides that of bodily infirmity ) which may sufficiently warrant the conscience of a bishop to forbear preaching , pro hic & nunc ; and that is ; a desire to experiment the gift of another within his jurisdiction ; ( whether a candidate , or one already in orders ) for seeing he is , virtute ossi●ii , pastor pastorum ; that inspection must needs be a special part of the episcopal function . vid. concil . aurelianens . . can. . cujus haec sunt formalia verba ; quod episcopus , si infirmitate non fuerit impeditus , ecclesiae cui proximus fuerit , die dominico deesse non debet . et can. . concil . toletan . . where an unpreaching bishop is fitly termed praeco mutus . but because the elegancy of the style and matter , would invite any to read that canon , i shall therefore give the ingenuous reader an account of it . quantum quis praecelsi culminis obtinet locum , tantum necesse est praecedat caeteros gratiâ meritorum , ut in eo qui praesidet singulis , singulariter ornetur eminentiâ sanctitatis ; habens semper & in ore gladium veritatis , & in opere efficaciam luminis : ut , juxta paulum , polens sit exhortari in doctrina sana , & contradicentes revincere . nos proinde nostri ordinis gradum , vel suscepti regiminis modum magnopere cogitare debemus , ut qui officium praedicationis suscepimus , nullis curis à divina lectione privemur ; nam quorundam mentes pontificum ita corporis otio à lectionis gratia secluduntur , ut quid doctrinae gregibus subditis exhibeat , non inveniat praeco mutus . insistendum ergo semper erit majoribus , ut quos sub regiminis cura tuentur , fame verbi dei perire non sinant . the ninteenth canon of the sixth general councel speaking almost to the same purpose ; and adds something more ; that in the exposition of scripture , they ought to follow the interpretation of the primitive fathers , and doctors of the church ; and not presume to deliver to their auditors , quicquid in buccam venerit . and for that end , recommends unto them the accurate study of these ancient luminaries of the church . which useful speculation is too much neglected in this age ; to which , that of the egyptian priest to the grecian philosopher , may be applied ; ye have neither knowledge of antiquity , nor antiquity of knowledge . vid. augustin . contra faustum manish . lib. . cap. . at vero qui electus ab ecclesia ministerium evangelizandi renuerit , ab ecclesia ipsa meritò contemnitur : qui enim & sibi prodest & ecclesiae , bene intelligitur utroque pede calceatus . vid. etiam lib. . de civit. dei , cap. . chrysostom . lib. . de sacerdot . hieronym . ad nepotian . & greg. . part. . de cura pastor . article vii . prov. . . act. . , . & . . act. . , , . heb. . . next , let this shepherd of pastors be careful to visit his diocess once every year , in conformity to the antient canons ; unless it be of a very great dimension , and the churches therein so numerous , that the difficulty is insuperable : but what is wanting the one year , should be supplied in the beginning of the next ; that by such accurate visitations he may find opportunity to water what god hath planted , and to thrust those out of the vineyard , whom the great master never sent to work there : ( they being hurried thereinto by their own insufficient forwardness , simoniacal pactions , and other unconscionable principles ; and whose after-practices are found too sutable thereunto . ) and let him exactly take notice , when he comes upon the place , if the minister and people perform reciprocal duties , and afford mutual encouragements one to another . but , seeing all these particulars are fully expressed in the books for visitations , i shall add no more but this general ; that he is bound to take inspection , if the incumbent use a conscionable endeavour to perform all personal , relational , and functional duties ; which if he be found to do , let him have his due encouragement : for , virtus laudata crescit , &c. & laudando praecipimus . but if any be deprehended to be very defective in their intellectuals , or morals , or in any of the elicit , or imperat acts of those faculties , so that charity it self cannot be so blind , but may perceive , that they throw down more with the one hand , than they build with the other ; let these be censured according to their demerits . for ( as a skilful physician ) our prelate is obliged to purge the mystical body , of its most noxious humours , by applying seasonable catharticks , and a dose too that is proportionable to the distemper ; and ( as a good surgeon ) speedily to cut off these organical members , which are already sphacelated , lest that gangrene invade the whole body . ense recidendum , ne pars sincera trahatur , ( saith the poet. ) which if he do not , he must resolve to be accountable to the most impartial tribunal imaginable , ( which is infinitely above the pretended justice of aeacus , minos , and radamanthus ) for those destructive neglects , which carry the apparent ruin of many souls in the front of them . likewise , at these visitations , they may find an excellent opportunity of retriving ( jure-postliminii ) that antient ceremony of confirmation , excluding ( in the mean time ) all superstition therefrom ; though some are apt to believe , that it is not the fear of giving offence , which is the remora of this useful practice , but rather the laziness of some church-governours ; that ceremony being one of the honourable prerogatives of episcopacy , and , ( as some thought ) incommunicable to presbyters ; there being very few instances of any of them , who in the primitive church were delegated to perform the same . and sure , the seasonable noticing , if ministers and parents have exercised their respective duties in order to the education of young ones , is so far from giving just matter of offence to any , that ( if rightly considered ) it would be found in it self a work highly commendable , and very profitable for the church , if conscionably practis'd . for what harm can the imposition of a bishop's hands do to any , unless they have the polonian plica , or a fanatical leprosie in their heads ? and sure i am , the fervent prayer of an holy bishop , seconded with the devotion of that church before which the confirmed person hath solemnly homologated his baptismal vows , may do much good , in order to the procuring of their growth in grace , and the knowledge of holy iesus , and the enabling of them to perform these vows and purposes , and that profession of faith which they had before embraced in baptism . but we need not insist any more on this particular ; for the usefulness thereof is so evidently , and fully holden forth , by d. hammond , taylor , dallee , hanmer , and baxter , that no rational man will any more doubt thereof . vid. concil . toletan . . can. . cujus haec sunt formalia verba ; episcopum per cunctas dioeceses , parochiasque suas per singulos annos ire oportet ; ut exquira● quo unaquaeque basilica indigeal : quod si ipse , aut languore , aut aliis occupationibus implicatus , id explere nequiverit , presbyteros probabiles , aut diaconos mittat , qui & reditus basilicarum , & reparatio●es , & ministrantium vitam , inquirant . but the form of these visitations is holden forth at greater length , can. . concil . bracarens . . sic incipit . placuit omnibus episcopis atque convenit , ut per singulas ecclesias episcopi , & per dioeceses ambulantes , primùm discutiant clericos , quomodo ordinem baptismi teneant vel missarum ( whereby we are to understand the ordinary liturgie of the church : for what the greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the latines about that time called m●ssa . ) & qualiter quaecunque officia in ecclasia peragant . et si rectè quidem invenerint , deo gratias agant ; sin autem minimè , docere debent ignaros , & modis omnibus praecipere ; sicut antiqui canones jubent , &c. et sic posteà , episcopus de illa ecclesia proficiscatur ad aliam . as for those canons which concern the ceremony of confirmation , and the privilege of bishops therein , they are so numerous , that it 's in vain to consume paper about them . vid. hieronym . in epist. ad galat. cap. . resecandae sunt putridae carnes , & scabiosa ovis à caulis repellenda , ne tota domus massa , corpus , & pecora ardeant , corrumpantur , putrescant , interiant : arrius in alexandria una scintilla fuit , sed quia non statim oppressa est , totum orbem ejus flamma populata est . vid. etiam prosp. lib. . de vita contemplat . cap. . & bernard . de considerat lib. . article viii . isa. . , . mat. . . & . , . luk. . . & . . tim. . , . & . . & . , , , , . tit. . , . & . , . § mat. . . act. . . rom. . , . pet. . , . §. iohn . . act. . , . tim. . . tim. . . pet. . . seeing the candidates of the sacred function are no inconsiderable part of the episcopal charge , let those of that eminent order , exactly note the ensuing particulars , before they proceed to ordination . . if they have a competent measure of knowledge , whereby they are able to oppose , and convince gain-sayers . vrim and thummim , should be laid up in the pectoral of every gospel-priest ; that is , the light of knowledge , and perfection of manners : for , if they be sent of god , the almighty will put his word into their mouths , before he set them over the nations . and if any be found to reject knowledge , let them be rejected from being priests unto the lord ; our saviour having told us , that if the blind lead the blind , both shall fall into the ditch . but , alas ! there be too many in this age , to whom that old observation may be too justly applied , multi fiunt indoctorum magistri , &c. . yet there be some who undergo the fate of our first parents ; the tree of knowledge bereaves them of the tree of life : for , as there be comets which have the light and elevation of stars , so there are vicious persons that are endued with excellent parts , and though they have the venom of dragons in their hearts , yet they have precious stones in their heads . and there be too many who resemble the carpenters of noah's ark , they are instrumental in saving others , and , in the mean time , by acts of immorality , ruine their own souls ; and though their heads be like the winter-sun , which is sometimes full of light , yet their hearts resemble the winters earth , which is alwayes cold and barren . therefore their present conversation should be carefully examined : and let a prelate of the church choose rather to lay his hands upon thorns , than on the heads of those , whose hearts are polluted , and their deportment is scandalous to the world ; which cannot but prove a stumbling-block to many , and paves the way to speculative atheism in their hearers . . but as a compound of intellectuals and morals , let the next inquisition be after his prudentials . ( which inquest is too much neglected in this age. ) s. gregorie of rome hath told us , that , ars artium est , cura animarum : and sure , he needs no small measure of christian prudence , who hath not only his own soul to govern , but is also appointed to be the guide of others . our saviour hath commanded all his disciples , to joyn the wisdom of the serpent , with the innocency of the dove : which holy sagacity is indispensably necessary in all ministers of the gospel ; in destitution whereof , he that is iuvenis moribus , if admitted to sacred orders , will bring that curse upon the church , children shall rule over them . . neither ought he to be iuvenis aetate : for ; the word of the lord was precious in those dayes , when the child samuel ministred before him in a linnen ephod . i wish , the canonical year appointed by the ancient church , were well observed in this : then no minor should be found to intrude himself into the administration of spiritual matters , to whom the civil law permits not an irrevocable management of his own temporal affairs . and let not a dispensation be given to any , upon the pretext of the more early blossoms of his youth ; for that will open too wide a door to many others , to claim the same privilege , though no praecox fructus is visible in them , or scarce any appearance of winter-fruit : for , unto all such , that dicterium may be fitly applied , malitia supplet aetatem . therefore let all the governours of the church be careful to stop the career of those hasty births , who run abroad with the shell on their heads . . and let them not fail to search diligently into the principles of the candidates , before they give them imposition of hands . and if they be found to be , either schismatical , ( as that they are apt to controvert the lawfulness of the present government of the church , by arch-bishops , and bishops , or to question any innocent ceremony which may be imposed by authority . ) or disloyal ; by justifying the late damnable rebellion , at least as to the two great wheels of that hellish combination : viz. by maintaining the lawfulness of defensive arms in subjects against their prince ; which ( if once taken up ) do seldome fail to become offensive , e're they be laid down . i shall say no more against this infernal spring , but that the primitive church knew no such doctrine , nor practice : and they must be grossely ignorant of their tenents who imagine the contrary ; it being lippis & tonsoribus notum , that preces & lachrymae , were the only offensive and defensive arms of that church , against her most violent persecutors , under the notion of authority : so that we need not instance s. mauricius , with his famous thebaean legion ; nor the army of iulian the apostate ; nor make a retrogradation unto the apologetick of tertullian , who tells the roman emperour , that the christians in his time were so numerous , that they had so filled the court , and places of judicature , yea and the imperial army it self , that they wanted not sufficient physical power to defend themselves against all their adversaries ; if their excellent religion had not taught them , rather to suffer patiently for god , than to resist the authority then in being ; which ( though wickedly exercised ) they acknowledged to be derived from god. or if they have the confidence to say , that there is an obligation lying upon people , ( when they dream of a necessity ) to reform the church , if they suppose the prince to be negligent ; and that , not only without , but also against the authority of their sovereign : such bigots , though dying in the attempt , were never reputed martyrs by the primitive church , but rather judgjudged seditious ; as is evident from can. . concil . elib . which insinuates this reason ; that paul made not use of his hands , but only of his eloquent tongue against the idols of athens . if such phanatical principles be found in them , let them be rejected , as the dangerous spawn of presbyterian , independant , and anabaptistical brood , which is still endeavouring to hatch a cockatrice egg , that may prove a basilisk to this church . and i fear there be too many such young snakes already taken in her bosome , which , being once warmed with the heat of sedition , will do their endeavour to sting unto death the mother that fosters them . yet , i should wish , that if any of these youths be found towardly ( though pitifully marred in their education ) the bishop who is most concerned in them , would take them home to his own family , and ( by piece-meal ) instill better principles into them ; it being found by experience , that they who are sincere converts , become most zealous for the interest of the church . . the next particular i would have noticed , is that of simony : therefore let all those who desire to enter into holy orders , or who are to be transplanted from one church to another , purge themselves by oath of that crime . it cannot be denyed , but that the usual oath tendered in this church , is indifferent strict , though some ( in this subtle age ) have invented modes of evading it ; but whatsoever paction parents make privily with the patron , let not the sons be balked from vindicating themselves of being art or part of those hellish transactions ; it being more consonant to reason , that they who are of approved integrity should be waved , than those who are under suspition : for , as iulius caesar said of his wife , so it should be with all ministers of the gospel , even not only void of a crime , but also of suspicion . but i fear the contrary is too frequently done ; that oath being tendered in course to those who are under no suspicion but these sometimes pretermitted who are under a flagrant scandal of simony . which omission not only verifies that of the poet , dat veniam corvis . &c. but also brings an indelible reproach on the church , and governours thereof . and if any church-man , having come by a blank presentation , should be so graceless , as to fill up the name of his reciprocal beneficiary , because he hath replenished the pockets of his patron with some money ; though a jeering laick would happly say , emerat ille prius , vendere jure potest : yet there is not modest ecclesiastick , but would be so far out of countenance with that reproach upon the church , as to return nothing else , save that lamentation of the poet , — pudet haec opprobria nobis et dici potuisse , & non potuisse refelli . and if any refuse to take the oath when it is tendered to them , let them be declared inhabiles , according to the ancient canons . and if they be found afterwards guilty , notwithstanding they have taken the oath ; let them be degraded and excommunicated , for adding perjury to that crime which needed no complication to make it great ; for they who , living in the gall of bitterness , and bond of iniquity , have owned simon magus for their father , ought not to be reputed sons of the church . and let all those gehazites , who have the impudence to sell such matters ( that kind of merchandise having become too much in fashion in this age ) be censured according to the canons of the church : for to their souls , ( as an old father hath said , st. ambrose by name ) in lieu of the grace of god , a leprosie doth cleave , much worse than that which did adhere unto the covetous servant of elisha , and his seed for ever . their common apology may be easily answered . for , though it is no spiritual gift which they sell , and consequently not properly simony ; yet it is spirituali annexum , and therefore declared by the canons of the church , to fall under the censure of that crime , and its denomination . and seeing , by all the laws whereby our church is governed , the officium is declared inseparable à beneficio , ( there being no ministeria vaga amongst us ) and by the canon-law , when a presbyter was ordained sine titulo , the bishop who did so , was bound to maintain him , till he were otherwise provided ; therefore our church hath good reason to censure the buyers and sellers of benefices , as simoniacal persons . now over and above that pathetical declamation of st. ambrose , i could amass many other sharp invectives of the fathers against this crime ; but i forbear , lest this article swell to too great a bulk : and shall only add this wish ; that , seeing there be too many laick patrons who have a liquorish appetite after the sweetness of god's bread , ( as one phraseth it to a very bad sence , ) i say , i wish that they were authorized by a municipal law , to gather up the fruits of the first year's vacancy , or of the half thereof , where there is an annat ; provided , that the bishop of the diocess , with the advice of the respective presbytery , ( who may be presumed to know better than any , the state of a vacant church within their own bounds ) have the nomination of the incumbent . which expedient , would not only obviate that detestable crime , but should also prevent many other inconveniences , not fit to be here expressed . as for the pretence of a law , wherewith some in this land are apt to ●alliate their simony ; i shall remit them to the epistle dedicatory of d. i. forbes of corse , before his tractate upon simony , where our learned compatriot , with an holy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , declames most rationally against that surreptitious edict , which he fitly terms , non lex , sed labes : and though some account it lex soli , yet , that it should never be reputed by any christian to be lex poli. if we should amass all the canons of the councels , and invectives of the fathers , these alone would amount to no small volume ; but lest this enchiridium swell too much , i shall supersede many of them : yet the ingenious reader may find divers of them subjoyned , by way of confirmation , to this article . but to shew how detestable that crime of simony was in the eyes of the ancient church , and how cautious these primitive lights were in that affair , i cannot forbear , just now , to notice that canon of the councel of ancyra , which determined , that nothing should be given at the time of receipt of the eucharist , though under the notion of charity to the poor ; lest any should suspect that donation to be made for the holy communion , but , alack ! we have reason to fear in this age , that the time is come of the fulfilling of the prophecy of s. bernard , that christ will again descend from heaven , and take the whip in his hand , and scourge mercenary priests out of his temple , as formerly he did other kinds of merchants . which flagellation too many avaricious prelates of rome have good reason to fear , for presuming to dispence in this matter ; not only with all the ancient canons , but also with the inviolable law of god ; by practising various kinds of simony , not fit here to be expressed . i am not ignorant of that base flattery of some roman parasites , ( i mean the sycophantine canonists : ) who look upon the pope of rome as the lord paramount on earth of all the degrees of priesthood ; whence they infer● , that he cannot commit simony , though he should make sale of them all ; because a lord may lawfully sell his own . which perverse doctrine ( as it was well observed , so it ) is most rationally confuted by that moderate and learned roman doctor cl. espencaeus in his excellent comment . on the epist. to tit. to which i remit those base flatterers for their castigation . and i wish from my heart , that some leading men in this church , did not transcribe that copy of pretended dispensations : if it were so , we should not find any of them so impudent as to give it under his hand , that a simple rebuke is an adequate punishment unto a presbyter who is convict of notorious simony ; & that this least of censures is an expedient fit enough to unload the church of that great burden of reproach , w ch such a flagrant scandal had laid upon it . but seeing this oracular response of delphi is so diametrically opposite to all the ancient canons , we hence perceive fortuna quem nimium favet , stultum facit . . in the last place , i would tender this humble advice to all the governours of this church . seeing they enjoy the privilege of the advocation of some churches , that they be exceedingly solicitous , to provide persons for those vacances , that are pares negotio : and let them be of alexander the great his mind , about the succession , whose last words were , detur digniori ; rather than the more uncertain testament of pyrrhus the epirote , who bequeathed all at random , unto him who had the sharpest sword. for if it be otherwayes , indifferent spectators will be apt to pass this verdict upon it , that bishops are no more concerned with the interest of the church than laicks , and that they have drawn them a copy , to present insufficient men . but , as i hope , none of the sacred order shall in that race which god hath set before them , be found to resemble atalanta , who was diverted from her course by the three golden apples of hippomanes , ( a fit emblem of the profits , pleasures and glory of the world , which are a snare to all , and ruine the greatest part of the sons of men . ) so i should wish , that none of them be so blind with natural affection , as to bring a reproach upon themselves , and give scandal to the gospel , by preferring unworthy relatives in the church . perit enim omne judicium ( saith seneca ) cùm res transierit in affectum . i cannot deny , but if indifferent persons ( who have a faculty of judging such matters , ) do observe in those , a competency of means adapted to the end of their employment , so much respect may be deferred to a natural obligation , that caeteris paribus , they may be preferred : for there is a possibility of erring when they consult not with flesh and blood ; as is evident , in civil matters , from antipater's mistake , in preferring polyspercon to the protectorship of aridaeus , though his son cassander was found by experience to be the fitter man : and that greek emperour who mixed the meal of the western christians with lime , when they went to recover the holy land from infidels , was recommended to the imperial dignity , by his dying father , before his elder brother , meerly upon the account of that publick spirit , and sentiments of justice , which the misjudging father apprehended to be in him . but if the tie of nature be the a and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his recommendation , there being scarce any thing else to make the aequilibrium , ( far less to preponderate the scale ; ) but only some grains of homogeneal blood ; then let a church-man remember , that in the cause of god , a good levite regards not his nearest relations , nor doth acknowledge his brethren . and let them trace the foot-steps of that holy groslhead , bishop of lincoln , when one of his relatives ( who was but a ground-labourer , ) heard of grosthead's preferment , his gross ignorance and meanness of his former employment , were no remora to his vain ambition , in desiring to be a labourer in god's vineyard ; but that famous prelate repelled him with this deserved sarcasm , cousin ( said he ) if you want a yoke of oxen , i will cause buy them to you ; if ye are destitute of seed to sow your ground , i will supply that also ; or if your plough be broken , i will give you a new one ; but an husbandman i found you , and an husband man i leave you . vid. can. apost . . item synod . neo-caesariens . can. . concil . arelatens . . can . concil . toletan . . can. . concil . general . . can. , . concil . general . . can. . where the giver , the receiver , the mediator ( even all that are found to have trucked in that sinful affair of simony ) are condemned to great censures . yea can. . concil . bracarens . . there is an anathema danti , & anathema accipienti . concil . aurelianens . . can. , . concil . avernens . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . toletan . . can. . concil . toletan . . can. , . concil . bracarens . . can. . concil . cabilonens . can. . sic se habet nullus episcopus , nec presbyter , vel abbas , seu diaconus , per proemium ad sacrum ordinem accedat ; si accesserit ipso honore privetur . concil . toletan . . can. . the express words thereof , being adopted by concil . general . . can. . are these ; ob pecuniam promotos , sive episcopos , sive clericos , deponi jubemus . & concil . toletan . . can. . where at great length , bishops are prohibited to prefer unworthy relations to churches . vid. hieronym . in malach. ad cap. . coecum animal offert qui ordinat indoctum loco docti , magistrumque facit qui vix discipulus esse poterat . origin . hom. . in levitic . & . in l. num. august . lib. de catechizandis rudibus cap. . ambros. de dignita●e sacerdot . cap. . cum ordinaretur episcopus , quod dedit , aurum fuit ; quod perdidit , anima fuit : cum alium ordinaret , quod accepit , pecunia fuit , quod dedit , lepra fuit ? gratiam cum ordinareris non suscepisti , quia gratuitò 〈◊〉 non meruisti . idem , lib . ad cap. . luc. leon. . epist. . & . ad episcop . afric . ubi invehitur adversus candidatos nimium juvenes . greg. . in evang. tract . hom. . & lib. . epist. . vid. etiam lib. . epist. ambros. in oratione contra auxentium . non pila quaerunt ferrea , non arma , christi milites . coactus , repugnare non novi : sed dolor , fletus , orationes , lachrymae , fuerunt mihi arma adversus milites ; talia enim sunt mumimenta sacerdotis , aliter nec debeo , nec possum resistere : fugere autem , & relinquere ecclesiam , non soleo : servum christi , non custodia corporalis , sed domini providentia , sepire consuevit . here we have a clear authority of a great and good man , condemning defensive arms in subjects , against their prince , in any case whatsoever . but the iambicks which usher in this testimony , have been prefixed thereunto by another hand . article ix . isa. . . zech. . . act. . , . rom. . , , , , & . this article may be termed the corolary of the two former : as divers ensuing fall under that denomination : for if the superintendency of the doctrine , discipline , worship and government of the church , ( especially of his own diocess ) should be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of this office , yea the center and circumference of the episcopal vocation , as may appear from the preceding proposals : ) then we may pertinently inferr , that the crime of non-residency , must be very odious in the sight of god , and scandalous to the church ; unless very urgent reasons plead for a dispensation for a short time . what was said of some monks , by anthony the father of them , monachus in oppido , ut piscis in arido , may be applyed to all wandering levites , who are found straying in cities where there is no cathedral . the spanish bishops in the councel of trent , argued well against non-residency ; that it was contrary to the ancient canons , and repugnant to that which was established jure divin● : yet they needed not have gone further for a topick to prove the point , than their own natural reason ; it being a self-evident principle , that when the end is commanded , all the means are supposed to be enjoyned , without which it cannot possibly be obtained : now this spiritual employment alone , being a burden too weighty for atlas his shoulders , ( it being s. chrysostom's judgment , that the burden of a bishop was formidable , even to an angel , to undergo , ) unless sufflaminated with the divine aid ▪ so that a church-governour would need argus's eyes , and briareus's hands , to buoy up the church from sinking ; therefore there can be no place left for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of non-residency . and if any have the forehead to say , that the most part of these duties incumbent on a bishop , may be performed per vicarium ; he must give me leave to apply the other part of that maxim , per vicarium intrabit regnum coelorum . sure the ancient church had no such sentiments ; for , when the fathers of the councel of sardica took notice , that some bishops used to go to court upon by-errands , and private designs of their own , they ordained ; that no bishop should go to court , unless either immediately summoned by the emperour's letters ; or that their assistance were required , to help the oppressed , to right widows and orphans , and to rescue them from the unjust grasps of potent and merciless oppressours ; or to seek occasion to represent unto the supream magistrate the most pressing grievances of church and state , not suppressing the oppressions of great ones , whether without any shadow of law , or under some pretext thereof ; ( summum jus proving too often summa injuria ; ) and finally , to preserve their respective cities from imminent ruin ; thus flavianus the patriarch resorted to constantinople , to intercede with theadosius the great , in behalf of his antiochians , whose extermination that exasperated prince had designed ; and who can blame s. leo of rome , for travelling many miles , to divert that flagellum dei , from being a scourge to his city ; who at last , ( like to the high priest iaddus ▪ ) prevailed in his sute ? neither can we omit the usual temptation to non-residency ; which is ; plurality of benefices ▪ a scandal condemned even by the councel of trent , for a crime . such ingrossers would never have troubled rome , as ●nce a scottish bishop did , prompted by his conscience , to be rid of a considerable part of his charge and revenues . but , as the peace of conscience , so this heterogenial conjunction , passeth my natural understanding : and i think , my shallow capacity shall never reach it , how one man can be parson in one diocess , and bishop in another , and yet have a simultaneous sufficiency for both : for who is sufficient for one of these things ? and if it be said , that they are not without a precedent , being nothing else but emulators of that infamous bishop of lincoln , of whom it is written , that he had an organical church within himself , as having monopolized all the species of ecclesiastical offices in his own person , at one time ; yet i would demand of these monopolists , ( for i ingenuously confess , that such a davus as i , would need an oëdipus to unriddle this mystery . ) if they can determine the proper boundaries and measures of the subordination of that excentrick rectory to the bishop thereof ; and whosoever doth it intelligibly , erit mihi magnus apollo , and much wiser than that monster sphinx , in my esteem . for under the notion of a presbyter , he ought to be subordinate to his ordinary , and should reverence him as a father ; and yet ( in the mean time ) he may possibly claim ( jure stationis ) the place and privilege of an elder brother . but , seeing i have not so much geometry as to determine these marches , i shall only subjoyn this sentiment of mine ; that though many have good reason to doubt how these scattered flocks shall be competently fed by one who doth not pretend to bilocation , yet i have not the least scruple imaginable to believe , that they have a cordial design to feed their own families to the full , and not to live precariously . but i fear , that this tympany in their splenes , shall at last produce an atrophia in the mystical body ; unless a more skillful hand than that of an empyrick , do speedily apply chalybeat potions to their hypochondria . vid. can. apost . . & . item , concil . general . . can. , . concil . sardicens . can. , , , , , , & . concil . general . . can. , . concil . general . . can. . ( the canon law having adopted that ; and the canon of that councel , against plurality of benefices . ) concil . antioch . can. . & . concil carthaginens . . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . carthaginens . . can. . cujus haec sunt formalia verba ; placuit , ut nemini sit facultas , relictâ principali cathedrâ , ad aliquam ecclesiam in di●eces● constitutam se conferre ; vel in repropria , diutiùs quàm oportet , constitutum , curam vel frequentationem propriae cathedrae negligere . but what would these fathers have thought of those bishops who reside not at all within their own diocesses , and see their cathedral but once or twice a year at most ? their punishment we find in the canon of the sixth general councel ; si quis episcopus , vel eorum qui in clero censentur , vel laicus , nullam graviorem habeat necessitatem , vel negotium difficile , ut à sua ecclesia absit frequentiùs , sed in civitate agens , tribus diebus dominicis unà non conveniat : si clericus est , deponatur ; si laicus , à communione separetur . vid. athanas. apolog. ad constantium imp. vid. chrysost. lib. . de sacerdot . prosp. lib. . de vita contemplativa : greg. . lib. . epist. . et secund. part. cura pastor . bernard . lib. . de consideratione , ad eugenium . article x. luk. . . ioh. ▪ . tim. . . & . . if non-residency be a crime in ecclesiasticks ; their immersing themselves in secular affairs , must needs be a piacular transgression , and scandal of the first magnitude : for such demonstrate themselves to be the genuine issue of demas , who first harkened to the gospel , and afterwards embraced this present world ; but with this difference , that demas again devoted himself entirely to the ministerial function ; but these who leap out of their own element , ( as if they were animalia amphibia ) declare by their polypragmatick● , that they have a complacency to live and die divided betwixt god and the world : and , for all the world , resemble that infamous pope boniface the eighth , who the one day appeared in the habit of a priest , and the next , in that of a secular person : yet with this discrimination , that some have adventured to do so , when it was no year of iubilee to the church . it cannot be denied , but that it hath been alwayes reputed ( even in pagan times too ) one of the honourable flogiums of an absolute s●cular prince , to be mixta persona cum sacerdote ; he being cus●os utri●sque tabulae ; and ( as constantine the great said of himself ) episcopus extra ecclesiam : but i did never read that it was accounted an encomium of a church-man , to be mixta persona cum saecularibus : sure , the primitive church judged not so , it being the great care of these times , to free ecclesiasticks from what might be either scandalous , or burdensome to the● calling : therefore , by their address to the great constantine , they p●●rchased that decree in their favours ; that the orthodox clergy should 〈◊〉 exempted from all civil offices , or whats●●ver might hinder their attendance upon the services of the church . his son constantius decreed ; that bishops in many cases should not be chargeable in the se●ular courts , but be tried in an assembly of bishops : which privilege was extended by honorius to all the clergy , that they should be tryed before their own bishops : and by another constitution , that , for the veneration which is due to the church , all ecclesiastical causes should be decided with all possible speed . the scope of all which laudable constitutions was , to obviate the unnecessary avocation of church-men from their own peculiar employment . but let those ●insey-woolsey m●dlers take example ( before they be made such examples ) from the tragical end of that famous chronologue , funcius , who commanded this instructive epilaph ( composed by himself ) to be engraven upon his tomb ; disce , m●o exemplo , mandato munere sungi : et fuge , ce● pestem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vid. can. apost . . & . item concil . chalcedonens . can. . concil . carthaginens . . can. , , . concil . carthaginens . . can. . con●il . mil●vitan . can. . concil . agathens . can. . the reason which is generally given by these canons , why ecclesiasticks ought not to immerse themselves in s●cular affairs , is that of the apostle , nemo militans deo , implicat se negotiis saecularibus . vid. h●eronym . ad nepotian . de vita cler. neg●tiatorem clericum , quasi quandam pestem , suge , &c. cypr lib. . epist. . augustin . 〈…〉 quaest. vet. & nov. test. cap. 〈…〉 ●mperf . in matth. ( quod 〈◊〉 tribuunt chrysostomo ) hom. . ad cap. . matth. all which homily speaks very pertinently to this purpose . cassiod . in ps. . article xi . we have not yet done with the excentrick orbs and epicycles of the episcopal function , which should be carefully evited , as distractions from their proper employment , and no less dangerous than the syrenian rock . therefore let me perswade all office-bearers in the church , to be very shie in medling with state-matter , and to hate ( cane & angue pejus ) the abbetting of state-factions ; and let them be ashamed to be found parasites to any : for all these irregularities are abominable stains in a mitre ; it being an observation of a very ancient date , that church-men never made good politicians ; ( the fatal ends of many of them in britain , being a sufficient evidence thereof . ) for , when ecclesiasticks abandon christian simplicity , ( which is the great ornament of all the disciples of holy iesus , but especially of church-men : ) and betake themselves to the infamous disingenuity of pope alexander the th , and that mali corvi malum ovum , caesar borgia ; ( for , as guicciardin reports , the father never spake as he thought , and the son never thought as he spake ; ) it is but just with god , ( who is truth it self , and abhors all deceitful men : ) to cast them out of his protection ; and not only to cause them tast ( even in this life ; ) the bitter fates of tantalus , sisyphus , tityus , prometheus , and the belides ; but also to permit them to dye the death of slaves , rather than of ingenuous persons : because they have divested themselves of the proper ga●b of the sons of the church , as a pope said of a french bishop , taken armed with a cask and corslet . yet this dehortation is not so to be understood , as if it were absolutely unlawful for the governours of the church to be assessors in any secular court : for , if a grand case of conscience be under debate there , or if the interest of the church be highly concerned , they may be lawfully present , if called thereunto ; not only as the fittest persons to resolve those doubts ( which must needs be granted by all , if it be supposed they have the due qualifications of their office ; for , artifici in sua arte ●redendum est ; ) but also , in regard they are the representatives of a considerable body in the nation . yet ( in the mean time ) let them with all modesty and humility decline to intermeddle with affairs that are purely secular ; in imitation of the arcients their abstention , and of that most reverend modern prelate l. andrews , the pious and learned bishop of winchester . and when they are called by their prince , to give their advice in the supreme councel of the nation ; let them not be m●er pedarii senatores , or the insignificant e●●oes of some leading secular subject ; but , with a christian freedom of spirit , ( as having dependance upon none , save god , and his vice-gerent upon earth : ) let them give their judgments impartially , according to their consciences ; eying singly in all their consultations and suffrages , the glory of god , and the good both of church and state. but if it happen , ( because of the sins of the land , that the prerogative and privilege seem to interfere ; let them use their utmost endeavours to find a temper , that they may be alwayes found to be nuncii pacis , and not bellows of sedition , and whirlwinds , agitating the contrary ●ides of faction , and sometimes tossed upon a s●ylla or charybdis by them : to which unstable elements the graecians resembled the orators and people of athens . but if any of them desire to ride safe at anchor , nigh to a calmer shore ; let them make it their chiefest study , to become favourites of the court of heaven , without any affectation of being darlings of the world , or special favourites of any court-minion upon earth : for if they be found to entertain no sublimer studies than these little arts of policy , they need not expect an euge bone serve , from the lord paramount of the world , and but little trust , in the end , from those terrestrial grandees whom now they pretend to adore . for , though the great minister at the time , hath , by his admirable abilities , served the interests of church and state , much better than all of them have done ; yet he may be afraid of as ingrateful a requital from some of them , as a very generous person , in the like circumstances , did meet with not long ago ; though he had done very good offices to this church . for , alas ! these old aphorismes , semel malus , semper malus ; & qui sallit in minimis , etiam in maximis , are too frequently verified in this age. and that prodigious wit who now sits at the helm , hath the more reason to apprehend that distastful event , it having been his fate heretofore , to find such unsuitable returns from many who had experienced his real and great favours in abundance . the best antidote against this unthankful venom of these vertiginous creatures , is , the unparallel'd constancy of his prince's favour , which ( i hope ) will not fail to buoy him up ( in the midst of all these fluctuating euripi , and most violent hurricanes , which have threatened , more than once , to tear all his sails in pieces : ) as long as the sinking example of the great deputy of ireland is recent in memory . and in fine , let them all study such an abstractedness from the world , and an entire precision from secular affairs , that all may find reason to judge , that they are the persons who use the world ( as the apostle phraseth it ) as if they used it not ; because the fashion thereof passeth away . yet though any of them were at much pains , to promove the mystical espousals of any heretrix in this land , with that lion of the tribe of iudah , it were a very commendable procuration , as being a part of their charge ; but to go about with vehement clandestine sollicitations , to make up a match betwixt secular persons , as if they had been employed ambassadours to conclude the treaty , and marry them by proxy , is so far from an ecclesiastick's due recollection , that it argues an intolerable distraction ; yea , so invidious and disobliging , that it hath proved no small temptation to many persons of quality , ( known to be lovers and supporters of the order : ) to have fallen , by that excentrick motion , into no small disgust therewith . vid. concil . toletan . . can. . which ordains those of the clergy , who are seditious or factious against authority , to be immediately 〈…〉 all dignity and honour . concil ▪ carthaginens . . can. . gujus ha●c sunt formalia verba ; cleri●us qui adulation● . & pr●ditio●ibus , vacare deprehenditur . ab 〈◊〉 degradatur . vid etiam can. ● , , ● , & . ejusdem concilii . as for the testimonies of the scriptures , and of the 〈◊〉 ; seeing these which are adduced to homologate the article immediately preceding this in hand , do 〈◊〉 very ●itly for confirmation of the sam● , i shall therefore , ( for brevi●y sake ) 〈◊〉 the reader unto the perusal of them . but if any grudge for want of these , let them read epist. clem. rom. ad corinth . cypr. de simplicitate pra●lat . vel de vnit. eccles. and ambros. de dignitate sacerdot . in which excellent treatises , they will find abundant testimonies to this purpose . article xii . act. . , , , & . , , . & . , , &c. pet. . . ioh. , . having mentioned in the fore-going article , that bishops are the representatives of the organical church , it is a most rational consequence , that in all the great concerns thereof , they ought to consult the represented ; otherwise let them not any more usurp that title : it being an approved maxim of law , quod omnes tangit , ab omnibus tractari debet ; and there is another , ( whose application i wish they deserve not ; ) nem● fiat deterior , per quem melior factus non est . this was asserted long ago by a most ancient and honourable bishop , st. ignatius , in epist. ad trall . where he calls presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , councellours and assistants of the bishop , and his synedrion ; making them parallel to the sanhedrim , or councel of elders , that were joyned to moses in his government , to facilitate the burden to him . but within the sphere of their own dioceses , i hope none of them will act any matter of importance , without the advice of the most judicious and conscientious of their clergy . i shall not take upon me to determine , whether episcopatus be ordo , or gradus tantum ; or if presbyters in the ancient occumenical councels , had a decisive suffrage ; sure i am , in some later ones they had : and in the most ancient , we find presbyters subscribents to the canons . and if it be alleged , that they were but delegates of some absent bishops ; ( for the chor-episcopi did unquestionably subscribe for themselves : ) yet it is as certain , that their delegation could not make them bishops . nam quod alicui suo nomine non licet , nec alieno licebit . but they must needs be hospites to all antiquity who deny them , even in general councels , to have had a consultive voice ; seeing some deacons ( who could speak good sence , and understood the matter in controversie , intus & in cute : ) were admitted to all their deliberations . this is evident from the instance of the great athanasius , at the first councel of nice ; who ( as he testifies of himself ) was then but a deacon of the church of alexandria , and not the president of the councel ; ( the as●ertion whereof , was a great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in i. calvin ) yet permitted , not only to debate , but also to consult ; because he understood the arrian heresie as well as any of them all . and that they had a decisive voice , ( i mean presbyters , and many times deacons also ) in the provincial councels ; we need no other evidence , than the inspection of the inscriptions and subscriptions of these synodical acts and canons . neither did any approved bishop of the primitive church erect a tribunal within his own precinct , from which , velut à tripode ) he alone , inconsulto , clero , pronounced oracular responses , and fulminating sentences , against any of the culpable clergy , whose gross midemeanours deserved the highest censures of the church : but this was done by a judicial concurrence of the synodical meeting , at least of some select brethren delegated thereby to be the bishop's assessors in that act of judicature . this is most evident , from the resolution of s. cyprian ; ( and in so clear a matter we need not amass any more instances . ) who , being consulted by some of his clergy , what they should do in the case of the lapsed ; he answered ; that being now alone , he could say nothing to it ; for that he had determined from his first entry upon his bishoprick , not to adjudge any thing by his own private order , without the councel , and consent of the clergy : which in the present case holds very well à minori ad majus . yea it is one of the most trite axioms of the canon-law ; episcopus solus honorem potest deferre , sed solus auferre non potest . vid. can. apost . . item concil . carthaginens . . can. . carthaginens . . can. . cartharginens . . can. , & . the express words of the last canon , are these : vt episcopus nullius causam audiat absque praesentia clericorum suorum ; alioquin irrita erit sententia episcopi , nisi clericorum praesentiâ confirmetur . can. etiam , & . ejusdem concilii . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . turonens . . can. . . concil . hispalens . . can. . cujus haec sunt formalia verba ; comperimus quendam presbyterum à pontifice suo injustè olim dejectum , & innocentem exilio condemnatum . ( which tragedy hath sometimes been acted upon other scenes than that of spain ) ideo decrevinus , ( juxta priscorum decretum ) synodali sententiâ ; vt nullus nostrùm , sine concilii examine , dejicere quemlibet presbyterum vel diaconum audeat . episcopus enim sacerd. libus & ministris solus honorem dare potest , auferre solus non potest ; tales enim neque ab uno damnari , nec , uno judican●● , poterunt honoris sui privilegiiste exm : sed praesentati synodali judicio , quod canon de illis praedep●●it , 〈◊〉 . vid. greg. . lib. . epist. . si quid de quocunque clerico ad aures 〈◊〉 pere en●rit , quod te juste possit offendere ; facilè non credas , sed praesentibus senioribus ecclesiae tuae diligenter est veritas perscrutanda : et tunc si qualitas rei poposcerit , canonica districtio culpam feriat delinquentis . this was the advice of that great bishop of rome , to one of his suffragan bishops . and i wish it were well observed by all of that order : if it were so , we should not at any time hear of the relegation of any presbyter , without a judicial ecclesiastical process first deduced against him . epist. ignatii , ad trall . orig. lib. . contra cels. compares the bishop in the church to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the presbytery to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as s. ignatius before him , resembled the bishop to the nasi in the sanhedrim , and the presbyters as the common councel of the church to the bishop . vid. cypr. epist. . . , , . hierom. ad cap. . isai. nos habemus in ecclesia senatum nostrum , coetum presbyterorum . ambros. in . tim. c. . hic enim episcopus est , qui inter presbyteros primus est . idem , in rom. . ( though it 's more probable , that hilary the roman deacon was author of that commentary , which is frequently cited by s. augustine with great applause . ) nam apud omnes utique gentes , honorabilis est senectus ; unde & synagoga , & postea ecclesia , seniores habuit , sine quorum consilio nihil agebatur in ecclesia . but if any desire to be fully cleared in the matter of fact , let them read blondel his apology ; where we find a shoal of instances for the assessorian dignity of presbyters and councels . i shall only point at two or three , which are obvious to any who have any acquaintance with church-history . we shall begin with pope victor ; and though his spirit was too violent , ( which peaceable irenaeus scrupled not to tell him ; ) yet he acted not any matter of moment without the consent of his clergy . so at antioch p. samosatenus , that heretical patriarch , was deposed by a synod , consisting of bishops , presbyters , and deacons ; and in their names the synodal epistle was penned , and directed to the catholick church ; and cornelius at rome declares , that all his presbyters concurred with him in condemning the schismatick novatus , though ( as eusebius informs us ) he had sixty bishops to be his associates in that synod . neither can we pretermit that excellent councel of illiberis , ( whose laudable canons are yet very instructive to thee catholick church : ) in which there were but nineteen bishops , and twenty six presbyters : but that which is instar omnium in the first and best of general councels , ( i mean that at ierusalem ) that the presbyters had a decisive voice with the apostles , is evident to any who can read ( without prejudice ) the tenour of those decrees . i shall shut up this point with the judgment of a learned and moderate episcopal man , who , in his irenicum , speaks to this purpose ; the top-gallant of episcopacy cannot be so well managed for the right steering the ship of the church , as when it is joyned with the vnder-sails of a moderate presbytery . a succinct dissertation concerning the chor-episcopi , ( as they were termed in the greek-church , ) or the vicarii episcoporum , as they were named in the western church . we have added this paragraph ex superabundanti , to prove that some presbyters were honoured iure suffragii in general councels ; it being granted by all , that the chor-episcopi did subscribe in their own names , even in those oecumenical assemblies : if we shall make it appear , that they were nothing else but presbyters , invested with some more power than ordinary ; i hope the point is gained which we designed to prove . now the same is evident from the th canon of the councel of ancyra , and the th of the councel of neo-caesarea ; as also the th of the councel of antioch : in all which , the privilege that is accounted most essential to the episcopal function , viz. the power to ordain presbyters and deacons ( which ierom supposed to be the only formal difference betwixt bishops and presbyters ) is denied to the chor-episcopi . and though it may be objected ; that the tenth canon of the councel of antioch ( which is one of the provincials that was adopted by the sixth general councel ; ) insinuates , that the chor-episcopi were consecrated as bishops , by the imposition of the bishop's hands ; yet , that seems either to be a sophisticated canon , or that it was a ceremony of particular designation , like to that of the thirteenth of the acts ; for it is most certain , s. paul was an apostle long before that imposition of hands . which gloss upon the canon appears to me to be most probable ; because this provincial was celebrated a little after that famous councel of nice ; and it is most improbable , that they would have contradicted , so expressly , that great oecumenical , in two particulars ; viz. the ordination of a bishop by one individual of that order ; and the making two bishops in one diocess : whereas that first general councel ordains , three bishops , at least , to concur in the ordination of a bishop ; and appoints but one bishop in every diocess : the ignorance of which canon was a matter of regret to the great augustine , qui valerio in episcopatu hipponensi non successit , sed accessit . on which account , although he design'd eradius his own successor , yet he would not have him ordain'd in his own time : erit ( inquit ) presbyter ut est , quando deus voluerit futurus episcopus . and though it may be presumed , that p. damasus was not ignorant of that canon of antioch , ( if there was truly any such : ) he living so nigh to the time of that councel ; yet , in his constitution , whereby he endeavours to abolish the chor-episcopi , ( which we find in decr. gratian. p. . dist. . c. chor-episc . ) he calls them , meer and single presbyters ; and that through pride only they usurped the episcopal office : and that by virtue of their ordination they could not exercise any episcopal privilege , both the councel of neo-caesarea , and damasus , ground upon this foundation , that presbyters succeed only to the disciples , and not to the apostles . but suppose the foundation on which they build to be a tottering basis , yet we may clearly read so much upon the frontispiece of that superstructure , that they judged the chor-episcopi to be nothing else but presbyters . but as to the succession , the learned spalatensis ( a great asserter of the episcopal privileges ) judgeth aright , that both bishops and presbyters are the apostles successors in potestate ordinaria ; but with this difference , that the former succeed in plenitudinem potestatis , the latter in partem sollicitudinis ; which in the case of the chor-episcopi , was a little amplified : that restraint which the ecclesiastical law hath laid upon the intrinsecal power of a presbyter being taken off . for an ecclesiastick may be impowered jure sacerdotii , to do many things in actu primo , even when the exercitium actûs is sitly bound up by the canons of the church , in order to the eviting of schism , scandal and confusion in the house of god ; which ought to be domus ordinata . and if that accurate antiquary beveregius had well considered this , he would not ( i suppose ) have so bitingly maintained , that the chor-episcopi could be nothing else but bishops . article xiii . mat. . , , . tim. . , . tim. . , . philem. . . having but just now mentioned the honour of the clergy , i would next advise all the governours of the church to demean themselves courteously and affably to all ; their christian gentileness and condescendence being the fittest machin to scrue out internal respect from all ranks of people . for nothing commends church-men so much , as a pious modesty : all degrees of persons , but especially theirs , being like coins , or medals ; to which , howsoever virtue give the stamp and impression , humility must give the weight . let not therefore any of them in their travels towards the northern pole , use insolent boastings towards any person of honour ; especially in their own habitations , which ought to be asyla to all . and let them not improve that strange logick any more , as to inferr , that some gentlemen are bigot fanaticks , because they earnestly entreated them to preach on the th of may , seeing they were upon the place , and the church was vacant : though they were not pleased to do it . or , to conclude , that they called some other bishops , cheats & knaves , because they wished , that all of them were as good and just as their own ordinary . for , without all peradventure one haughty expression of a proud priest , hath a greater tendency in it to proselyte a far greater number to fanaticism , than twenty uttered by the humblest of them all , can bring over to conformity . and let all honest ministers of the gospel have a large share of those acts of humanity ; ( none of which deserve that title , who afford not a due respect to their superiours , either in church or state ; he being most unworthy to command , who hath not first learned to obey . ) nothing being more easie than a little civility . and yet an obliging deportment in reference to the clergy , is a matter of great importance for the good of the order ; for by cherishing all those , as sons , and brethren , who are well principled , and make conscience of their office , they insinuate themselves into the hearts of those , who ( next to the favour of god , and of their prince , ) are indeed the best support of their government ; for ( as the excellent historian hath said ) concordiâ res parvae crescunt ; discordiâ maximae dilabuntur . o! how lovingly ( as there had been no disparity at all ) did st. ignatius , polycarp , irenaeus , cyprian , the three asian gregories , athanasius , basil , augustin , and many other lights of the primitive church , converse with their respective colleges of presbyters ? neither will i ever forget that excellent attestation of the pious and eloquent bishop hall , ( deservedly termed the english seneca ) who appealed to his own clergy , if his deportment amongst them were not such , as if he had been no more but a presbyter with them , or they all bishops with him . away then with that invidious expression in reference to presbyters , the inferiour clergy , ( though it is one of my eusticks , that all the governours of our church were superiour to all their presbyters , in that which is usually termed clergy : ) but whether that fantastick phrase savour more of pride or ignorance , it can hardly be determined . sure i am , in the primitive church only deacons and sub-deacons , with the rest of the orders inferiour to them , were so accounted : as for presbyters , they were called clerici superioris loci . and though some popish schoolmen have multiplyed the sacred orders into the number of nine , yet the generality of their theologues and canonists , reduce them to seven , whereof sacerdotium is the highest order ; which opinion indeed makes episcopatus to be but gradus sacerdotii ; and compriseth cantores under the lectores . it is also the judgment of some moderns , that , after the chor-episcopi were exauctorated by the primitive church , as useless and burdensome ; that presbyters were termed , antistites in secundo ordine ; which they collect from that iambick of s. gregorie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. i.e. the venerable senate of presbyters , that preside over the people , and possess the second throne . deacons were indeed prohibited by the ancient canons , to sitdown before presbyters , without their leave and command : but as for the demeanour of bishops in reference to their presbyters , it was a canon , renewed more than once ne sedeat episcopus stante presbytero . yea , more than so ; there be some , not inconsiderable antiquaries , who are so far from thrusting presbyters below the hatches , that they have elevated deacons to the upper deck of the superiour clergy ; imagining , that only sub-deacons , and these orders below them , are to be accounted the inferiour clergy , which they would collect from hierom. on tit. and aug. epist. . but , non sic fuit ab initio ; if we consult the th chapter of the acts of the apostles , where we may find , that they are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , viz mensarii , & eleemosynarii . ( see can. . concilii sexti generalis , & can. . con●cilii quarti carthag . and s. chrysostom's comment on the th of the acts. ) yet it cannot be denied , but that in the latter centuries of the primitive church , the order of deacons at rome , ( who were but seven in number , according to the primitive institution ; and that of presbyters very numerous ; ) began , not only to equal themselves , but also to look big upon the presbyters ; and the arch-deacon assumed the title of cardinal deacon : which superciliousness , not only gave occasion to the framing of those canons we have already hinted at , against them ; but also to st. hierom , a presbyter , to take the pen in his hand , that he might vindicate his own order from the contempt of their inferiours , which he doth at length , epist. . ad evagrium . for let blondel and salmasius pretend what they please , this renowed father had no quarrel with the order of episcopaly but was not a little irritated by the sawcy and arrogant behaviour of the deacons : and that they might learn to know , and keep their distance ; and that presbyters might look down upon them , as the church-nethinims , he screws up the presbyteratus as nigh to episcopacy as possibly he can . and , ( if i were not afraid to be accounted an impertinent digressor ) it were easie to demonstrate from the writings of this father , that he acknowledged the power of ordination , iurisdiction , and confirmation , to belong most properly to bishops . and , even in his comment on titus ( on which blondel layes the greatest stress ; ) he hath this differencing expression , in quo differt episcopus à presbytero , exceptâ ordinatione ? now , as exceptio firmat regulam in non exceptis , so the exception is presumed as true as the rule . and his , ad evit and a schismata &c. is by the greatest antiquaries looked upon ( and not without good reason ) as such an accident that did emerge in the apostles days . and how can it be conceived , that a man of hierom's temper , who was indeed very pious and learned , but withal had much keenness in his spirit , ( neither did his great adversary ruffinus belye him in this character , ut erat in quod intenderat vehemens : ) that he would have taken it in good part , that augustine should call himself , major hieronymo quà episcopus , if he had not believ'd the truth thereof ? credat iudaeus apella , non ego : not to mention his writing always respectfully to pope damasus , as his superiour in the church . so that one of the fifteen passages usually cited out of st. hierom's works , to prove the superiority of bishops over presbyters ; and that is , his dial. adv . luciferian . doth preponderate more with me , than spalatensis lib. . c. . who saith , that hierom's prejudice against bishops cannot be excused ; neither can i deny , but that he was much irritated by the insolent pride of iohn , patriarch of hierusalem . i shall only take notice of that , which indeed i account a punctilio not worth the noticing , though the enemies of this sacred order we are pleading for , lay no little weight upon it , therefore i shall speak a little unto it : and that is , hierom his asserting , that in the infancy of the christian church , there was an identity of names ; and that episcopus and presbyter signified one and the self same thing . for answer . i never judg'd it a real controversie which is managed about names ; he must be drenched very deep in the dregs of malice , ( saith tertullian ) who raiseth deadly quarrels about words or names , if there be no real controversie about things . therefore i shall readily grant unto them that bishops of old were called presbyters , or elders ; and shall go a greater length too , than ambrose in his comment on the ephesians , ( if it be his ) who tells us ; that omnis episcopus est presbyter ; sed non omnis presbyter est episcopus ; for i verily believe , that in the infancy of the gospel , presbyters were also termed bishops or overseers ; and that the appropriation of those names to the different orders , or degrees of the same order , was not made till a little after . yet i joyn not issue with these , who cite the th chapter of the acts , verse . to this purpose : they who are for the genevian platform , will have those elders to be nothing else but presbyters , and they hug this text as their palladium ; because ( as they fondly imagine ) it affords them an achillaeum argumentum against episcopacy ; for here ( say they ) the very name and office is confounded with that of presbyter ; overseer in the original being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but i must take the boldness to say , that i lay more stress upon the sole testimony of irenaeus , than on all the commentaries which have been written on this text , since the year , to , or since . ( when calvin settled at geneva ) till this present year of god : for that ancient and peaceable father , ( who carried peace in his breast , as well as in his name ; living withi● years of the birth of christ ; he was the disciple of polycarp , who was brought up at the feet of s. iohn the apostle , and conversed with many apostolick men , and had an easie tradition of the sence of this place ; this irenaeus , in his five books against heresies , ( especially the valentinian gnosticks ) expresly te●ls us , lib. . c. . that these elders were bishops of asia , he of ephesus being their metropolitan , or arch-bishop . and lest any should imagine , that it would have been a tedious work and attendance , for the apostle to call for all the bishops of asia , we must suppose it was not of such a latitude , as the then third , and now fourth part of the terraqueal globe , at least , of the known world ; nor the dimension of all asia the lesser , called anatolia by the greeks , ( as being east from them ; ) and now natolia by the turks ; neither was it the roman asia in its greatest latitude , which comprehended the great kingdom of pergamus , viz. ionia , aeolis , lydia , caria , with the two mysia's and phrygia's . the proconsular asia was yet less ; for it comprehended only ionia and aeolis , with the islands of the aegaean sea , and about the hellespont : but asia propr●● dicta , ( of which the apostle and irenaeus speak , ) was least of all ; for it had no more in it but ionia and ae●li● , as i herom t●stisies : and erasmus is of the same opinion , that asia in the acts ●mports only that country where epheus stood , that is , ionia . now , though 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 , ( as it is distinguished ●●om the greater ) . consisted of many other provinces , over and above what we have expressed ; 〈◊〉 bithynia , paphlagonia , 〈…〉 pontus , armenia , the lesser , ly●aonia , pisidia , isauria , lycia● , and 〈◊〉 yet all of them amount not ●igh to the dimension of the famous kingdom of france . and though ionia was very fertile , and consequently populous ; yet the dimension thereof being but small , it was ●asie for st. paul , staying at miletus , a little city on the coast of i●nia● not far from ephesus , ( and st. hi●rom saith truly , within ten furlongs of the ostiary 〈◊〉 that famous river meander ) to call fo● all the bishops of that province to come unt● him . we have insisted the longer upon this ●istorico-geographical digression , to demonstrate to the world , that presbyterians make much adoe about nothing , and build their largest hopes on a sandy foundation . but let us grant to them , ( which i know d. hammond , and they that follow him , will not yield ; ) that the apostle , in his epistles to timothy and titus , us●th these names promis●uously ; what have they gain'd thereby ? were bishops of old called elders ? so were the apostles in scripture sometimes termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; yet no man in his right wits , but will grant , that they had a superiority over presbyters and deacons . use is certainly the best master of words ; for nomina being ex ins●ituto , that which is applyed to signifie such a notion of the mind , may ( by common consent ) import a contrary conception : as is well observed by that glorious and learned martyr king charles the first , in his dispute at newport , in the isle of wight ; where that royal champion ( like another athanasius , fighting against the world : ) tells those presbyterian ministers , that he is not much concerned , whether they call episcopatus ordo , or gradus ; or what name they give it ; provided they acknowlege the superiority of those church-officers , over presbyters and deacons . this was formerly ●●●●uated by that great and good prince , in his disputation with m. henderson at new-castle , whom he routed both horse and foot , and s●nt home that apostle of the covenan● , a royal proselyte . for this great athleta ( like to the invincible hercules in all his labours : ) was , in all the disputes that he managed with his unparallel'd ●en , more than conquerour , through him that loved him . yea salmatius and blondel ( the two great champions of presbytery ) are constrain'd 〈…〉 least in the 〈…〉 , betwixt presbyters and 〈◊〉 . and if blondel from the year 〈◊〉 ( which he makes the epocha of that 〈◊〉 impropriation ; ) had made a 〈◊〉 to cxi , he would have found s. ignatius , in his epistles , which are accounted 〈◊〉 , cl●arly and frequ●ntly distinguishing betwixt bishops , presbyters , and deacons ▪ ( and that in no less than several 〈…〉 , which we have no leisure to 〈…〉 , accounted 〈◊〉 , for these 〈…〉 so fully vindicated by 〈…〉 and d. pearceson ; that all the gratings of salmasius , blondel , capellus , and d. owen , will never file off the least atom from their solidity . i hope all they of the episcopal order , and way , will pardon this digression ; i shall therefore only deprecate for the tediousness thereof , if these insignificant lines chance to fall into the hands of others ; all my design being to speak a word for truth , and to give an evidence to the world , that i am no bigot presbyterian . but we have not yet done with this article ; for there is something yet quod cadit in consequentiam . let not therefore the governours of our church be inaccessible to any of their presbyters , nor suffer them to dance attendance at their gates , as if they were the poor yeomen of their guard : clemens rom. in his excellent epistle , describes the lord jesus to this purpose ; ( whom all church-men ought to imitate ) dominus noster i. christus ( sceptrum magnificentiae ) non venit in jactantia superbiae & arrogantiae , quamvis potuerit , sed in humilitate . for i would have them to remember , that it is not nature , but only the providence of god , that hath made the difference betwixt them ; and , it 's possible , rather the grace of their prince than any merit of their own , which hath dignified them with such a title . and if the same be substracted , their ●rest would instantly fall down to the point base of the shield . and when presbyters come where bishops are , let them enjoy a ferene countenance , without any supercilious command to keep their distance , or ( according to the new coyn'd phrase ) know your measures . but i wish they consider , and practise that sober measure , which an heathen poet prescribes unto all mushroms of a night's growth , fortunam reverenter habe , quicunque repente , dives ab exili . &c. for good words never hurt the mouth , nor excoriate the tongue . and when any presbyter ( who is sufficiently known to have been constantly of sound principles , and practice conform : ) shall , with all due respect , represent some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the ecclesiastical government ; ( for , i believe , they think not themselves , we are living in platonis republica , sed in faece romuli : ) to whic● regret he is prompted by his . loyal●y 〈◊〉 church and state ; let him not be 〈◊〉 away , as presumptuous and impertinent ▪ to tender an admonition ( be it never to brotherly and humble , ) to one that i● ( forsooth ) so much his superiour : as if the ingenuous presbyter had committed a solaecism greater than that of 〈◊〉 who pr●sum'd to teach the great 〈◊〉 , the stratagems of war. but 〈…〉 them to remember , that humanum 〈◊〉 & aliquando bonus 〈…〉 , and hath need to be awaken'd to 〈◊〉 his charge : and 〈…〉 times suggest 〈…〉 alexander the great 〈…〉 to abdolominus , a poor gardiner , ( 〈◊〉 of the blood royal of sid●n ; ) that 〈◊〉 spake bett●● 〈…〉 point of 〈◊〉 than eve● 〈◊〉 heard from any of his greatest captains : yea , anti●●●us the great declared solemnly , that he had learned more concerning tru●hs ( as to the interest of his government ) from a poor countrey peasant in one night's con●renee with him , than he had done from all hs courtiers heretofore . for if such presbyters be discountenanced , and their company slighted ; that disrespect put upon them will give occasion unto many to imagine , that som● bishops conceive an internal honour at the first vi●w of those who have been constantly lo●al ; ( as if a ravenous wolf had suddenly appeared unto them , or that per●eus had accosted ed them with gorgon's head upon his shield ; ) because in the glass of their straightness , they behold their own obliquities ; rectum ( being ) index sui & obliqui . but seeing good words ( when they are given very liberally ) are but empty complements , without good deeds ; ( for that cha●acter of the echo may be applied to ma●y promises and oaths , now-a-dayes ; fo● est , praetereaque nihil . ) it is also one of my euc●icks , that the fathers of the church espouse the just interest of their sons , to the utmost of their endeavours : and , that if a minister of the gospel have any business before a secular court , the bishops would be pleased to assist him in his innocent pursuit or defence , according to the sphere of their activity : for , whither shall a son flee for protection , if his own father abandon him ? but if they shall meet with more humanity , and readiness to dispatch their affair , from those members of the court who are not in orders 〈◊〉 the great officer of state for the present , is highly applauded by all the clergy , for his assability and favour in their addresses to him for justice● ) some will be apt to conclude , that these fathers are only so termed equivocally , and deserve rather to be called step-fathers ; as being too like unto saturn , of whom the poets feigned , that he devoured his own children . but , arbor honoretur , cujus nos umbra ▪ and what greater evidence can b● desired of any allegorical 〈◊〉 , a bus●ris , a polyphemus , a diomedes , or the inhabitants of taurica chersonesus , than this hypothesis ? let us suppose it the great endeavour of some , to undermine and blow up , by base calumnies , and false sugg●stions , ( as if they carried faux's da●k lanthorn in their tongues , ) the reputation of some of their brethren ; they having no other provocation to that diabolical office , except their envy of a litle favourable aspect , and good opinion ▪ which some great persons have conceived of them ; they being hugely concern'd to study a monopoly of those grandees , lest at any time they give an ear to any true suggestion against themselves ; or that any ascend an empty chair , who are not their creatures , or of their own swarthy complexion ; truth it self having told us , qui malè facit , odit lucem . but the best countermine i know to the fears and jealousies of those men , the most forcible antidote against their cordolium , is , to undeceive them by this assurance , ( which every honest man is ready to give them : ) that they would deem 〈◊〉 the greatest unhappiness in the world , to be constrain'd to draw in the same yoke with those that have cast off the yoke of holy iesus ; or to be of the same order with those who are guilty of so many disorders . which voluntary engagement may afford them more security against their imaginary fears , than if the object of their dread did affect the stupidity of iunius brutus , whose counterfeited folly paved the way to the first consulship of rome . and let us suppose these obloquies to be as successful as malice it self could wish ; ( it being a very old maxim in the school of envy , calumniare 〈◊〉 , aliquid adhaerebit ; and , as one said truly , concerning that accursed combination , call'd the covenant , that lyes were the life of their cause ; ) yet these traduced brethren have , not only the gracious promises of the gospel to support them , with that blessed spirit who did dictate those holy lines , but also the consideration of that of st. augustine , quisquis detral●●●●mae meae , addit mercedi meae : yea , a seriou reflection upon that of an heathen man , cannot but somewhat solace them ; sen●●a having said , mala opinio benè parta , delectat ; the brazen-wall of a good conscience within , being a sufficient fence , and cordial too , against the malicious batteries from without , which the infinite wisdom usually makes to end in a brutum fulmen , because these uncharitable arietations proceed mostly from persons of brutish affections . but , let us jubjoyn this last hypothesis , that some of these sons of belial ( as if they had sucked the breasts of hyreanian ●yge●s , and had petrified bowels ; ) were as implacable in their malice , as those cruel roman emperours ; ( one of which monsters of nature said , non adhuc ●ecum ●edii in gratiam ; another ita serii , ut se ●●●ri sentiat ; a third wished , that all they whom he hated , had but one neck , that with 〈◊〉 blow he might cut it off ; and a fourth said concerning the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his own brother , 〈◊〉 divus , modo ne sit vi●us . ) yet i would have these suffering brethren seriously to consider , that the servant is not greater than his lord : and , seeing innecency it self was persecuted from the womb to the tomb , and from the cra●●● to the grave , both with the scourge of hands and tongues , they , who are almost infinitely guilty before god , ought not to take it in ill part , ( far less to be overcome with despondency of mind ) when they trace the footsteps of their lord and master ; for not only the patriarchs and prophets of old , with the apostles of our great master , but also many other eminent lights of the primitive church , have run the same fate ( so that they are not singular in this rugged way ) such as , narcissus of hierusalem , eustathius of antioch , athanasius of alexandria , gregorie nazianzen , s. basil of cappadocia , and s. chrysostom of constantinople ; most of which were persecuted by the instigation of churchmen , because they endeavoured to rectifie those errors , and to redress those abuses , which had fullied the very altar of god ; that aphorism , corruptio optimi est pessima , being not only a physical observation , but too often verified of morals also . and these suffering brethren have good reason chearfully to undergoe the fate of aristides , even to suffer the ostracism , because they are too vertuous : though i confess , let them be as innocent as was once the man without the navel , they will be look'd upon as criminal , if they do not homologate all that some men say , or do . vid. concil . general . . can. . concil . carthaginens . . can. . vt episcopus in quolibet loco sedens , stare presbyterum non patiatur . can. . vt episcopus in ecclesia , in consessu presbyterorum , sublimior sedeat ; intra domum verò , collegam se presbyterorum esse cognoscat . can. . diaconus ita se presbyteri , ut episcopi ministrum esse cognoscat . can. . diaconus quolibet loco , jubente presbytero , sedeat . can. . vt diaconus in conven●u presbyterorum , interrogatus loquatur . concil . arelat . ● . can. . arelat . . can. . concil . laodic . can. ● . synod . quini-sex● . can. . concil . bracar . . can. . ( a part whereof hath these words ) similiter & parochiales clerici , servili timore , in aliquibus eperibus , episcopis servire non cogantur ; quia scriptum est , n●que ut dominantes in clero . vid. hieronym . epist. . ad nepotian . where he sayes , s●a subjectus pontifici tuo , & quasi animae parentem suscipe : ( which counsel savours very little of fanaticism ) se sacerdotes , non dominos , esse noverint ; honorent clericos , quasi clericos ; ut & ipsis à cleric●s , quasi episcopis , honor deseratur : s●itum est illud oratoris domitii , cur ego te ( inquit ) habeam ut principem , cum tu me non habeas ut senatorem ? augustin . epist. . nonomnis qui parcit amicus est , nec omnis qui verberat i●micus ▪ &c. ambros. serm. . leon. . epist. . greg. . de cura past. par . . admonendi sunt subditi , ne plus quàm expedit sint subjecti : ne cum student , plus quàm necesse est , hominibus subjici , compellantur vitra eorum venerari . article xiv . psal. . . mat. . . rom. . , & , . cor. . . & . . & . . & . , , , , . & . , . col. . . tit. . . heb. . . seing we have so frequently mentioned the ancient canons of the church ; ( it being as indecent , if not as dangerous , for a church to be without canons , as for a state to be without edicts ; these serving not only as a directory to the reciprocal duties of bishops , presbyters , and people , but being also boundaries to all . ) i wish we had some thing that looked like them , and served in lieu of them , till they be imposed by authority . for the tender of the canonical oath unto the candidates of that sacred function doth necessarily presuppose some canons according to which their obedience should be squared ; and by which also the injunctions of their superiours ought to be regulated . for i hope none of them are so simple , as to imagine , that this oath doth imply an absolute implicit obedience unto the beneplacita of ecclesiastick governours , as if sic volo , sic jubeo , slat pro ratione voluntas , were the adequate law of our church . the angelical d●ctor hath better de●in'd it , who tells us , that ( to speak properly ) lex , est sententia praecipiens honesta , &c. and that it must be enacted with the general consent of the clergy , otherwise it cannot be a binding law to the church : and if those qualifications be wanting , though that precept may be ●ermed an ecclesiastical law ; yet it is not truly such , but violentia : yea , more than so ; as the swearing of a souldier to the colours of his general , doth not only import , that he knows them from the standard of the common enemy ; but also , that this sacramentum militare is with a due subordination unto him who gave that general his commission ; ( unless any have a mind to imitate the treachery of that famous wols●ein , of whom it is reported by some , that , before his fatal retreat to fgra , he took an independent oath of the imperial army . ) for the precepts of the superiour must not interfere with the commands of the supreme ; which , if they be found to do , they ought not to be obeyed . and if it be concluded , that this canonical oath in the privation of canons , is but a meer non-ens ; certainly these fanatical preachers are most obliged to some bishops , who have permitted them still to officiate in this church , and yet were never so impertinent as to require from them any subscription to this chimerical fiction . therefore , i would humbly entreat the reverend fathers of our church to meet privately amongst themselves ( accompanied with one or two of their respective presbyters , 〈◊〉 they judge most judicious , and kno● to be of unquestionable principles ; ) and let them unanimously resolve upon an uniformity of doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , to be practised in this church . it is certainly a matter of lamentation , that our national church should resemble america , in its first discovery : for ( as peter martyr , and ioseph acosta report , ) a good horseman , in one summer's day's travel , might meet with variety of languages , habits , and religion , amongst that barbarous people . sure i am , ( not to speak of confirmation , which is already pressed ; ) they might easily introduce a platform of administrating the blessed sacraments of the gospel ; for when one varies from the precise words of the institution , ( which is but too frequently done ; ) he shall hardly perswade me , that he hath consecrated those holy symbols or elements , ( as they are usually termed ) at that time ; the words of the divine institution being the essential form of a sacrament . and let not the lord's prayer be any more neglected in the consecration of the eucharist , which ( as st. cyprian testifies ) was the constant epiphonema of that solemn benediction , in all the churches of christ , in his time : the same is also attested by st. hilary , and st. augustin . as for the gesture at the holy table , i humbly suppose , standing will be found the best expedient to introduce uniformity into this church ; not only because it staves off the serupulous fears of an arto-latria , but also in regard we find direct evidence for the practice thereof in the primitive church . i shall only produce one private , and another publick authority for it , though many more might be adduc'd to this purpose . dionysius alexandrinus ( who lived about the middle of the third century , and wrote anno dom. . ) testifies , in a letter to pope xystus , that it was the custom of the church in his time , to stand at the lord's table . as for the publick authority ; the th canon of the great and first general councel at nice is sufficient , where we find kneeling on the lord's day , and on the day of pentecost , expresly prohibited , and the practice of standing at their devotions , explicitly enjoyn'd : and that because the lord's day is the ordinary christian festival , and the whole time of pentecost ( which comprehends the fifty dayes betwixt easter and whitsunday inclusively : ) the constant festivity of the church . tertullian and epiphanius , looking upon it , as an apostolical universal tradition , not to kneel all that time . whence we may infer , that if some men speak consequenter ad principia ; ( one whereof is , that this blessed sacrament is the most solemn part of christian devotion : ) they must either grant , that the eucharist was received on those dayes in a standing posture ; or that the people of god did not at all communicate at these times , which were a very absurd notion ; seeing they are acknowledged by all , ( who are not wildly ●a●atick ) to be the fittest seasons for the participation of that great mystery ; whereas that of kneeling is but consequentially inferr'd , because the fathers usually term the holy eucharist , the most sublime , the most solemn , and most useful part of christian devotion ; and that it is , tremendum & adorab●le mysterium : though , under favour , we must expound it ( and so the context usually imports : ) of internal adoration : unless we intend to joyn issue with the popish idolatry . as for that irreverent and lazy posture of sitting , we find neither direct nor indirect testimony for it : those canons which command standing every lord's day , do consequently exclude sitting , if we look upon that solemn action as an act of devotion : and optatus hath told us , lib. . that the people may not sit in the church ; and tertullian gives the reason , lib. de oratione , cap. . that it was an heathen custom , and therefore ought to be reprehended . let all those who plead so much for that irreverent and lazy posture , remember , that they comply in their gesture , not only with these detestable arrian hereticks , ( who design'd thereby to vilifie the son of god : ) but also with those who are worse , the damnable socinians ; as is evident from socinus his tract . de coena domi●i . and i wish all sober christians would seriously advert to this ; that it is not a corporal repast , but a spiritual refreshment they are call'd unto , when they come to that holy table : and let the consideration of the great king who invites them , and of the unparallel'd mystery they are to receive , ( the feast-maker being the feast it self ; ) perswade all christians to present themselves at this gospel-altar with much more reverence than they are obliged to practise at an ordinary banquet , or a penny-bridale . yet , let not any imagine , that we intend by these lines , to reflect upon some canons of our church ; truly i had no such design ; but on the contrary , de regret that these articles are fallen too much in des●etude : but it is a principle of love to uniformity , that did prompt me to tender this overture ( yet with all due submission ) to the governours of our church ; it being a most desireable thing to see all those who desire to fear god's name , blessed with one mind , one heart , and one way . as for mine own judgment , i can easily subscribe to those words of r. mr. baxter ; if it be lawful to take a pardon from the king upon our knees , i know not what can make it unlawful to take a sealed pardon from christ and his ambassadours , upon our knees . likewise , a set form of excommunication to be used by all ; whether it be the lesser , call'd properly abstentio ab eucharistia ; ( the practice of the primitive church , which was so copious in this matter , being too much neglected in this age ; ) or the greater anathema ; with their respective relaxations , may be easily resolved upon ; with a form of ecclesiastick testi●icates , in conformity to the 〈◊〉 formatae of the ancients . and let all bishops , wherever they are , ( if they be in health ) preach on the anniversaries of the nativity , passion , and resurrection of our blessed lord , and on the anniversary of the descent of the holy ghost ; as also , on that of the nativity and restauration of our gracious sovereign upon earth . and let it be recommended to all their presbyters to do so ; as also to celebrate the holy communion on easter and pent●cost , at least on every easter-day , which ( as hath been said already ) is caput institutionis of the christian sabbath ; for though these things be not authoritatively enjoyn'd ; yet the governours of the church may easily thereby find the pulse of their clergy ; and by this tessera discover , if there remain as yet any amongst them , who are fermented with some of that foure leaven of presbytery . it were no difficult province ( if i did not study brevity ; ) to answer all the paralogisms , and most foolish cavils of the fanaticks , against these festivals of the church : but i shall remit them for their doom to s. augustine , who makes it a character of a true son of the church , to solemnize the festivals thereof . serm. . de temp. ( in which number he places that of the nativity in the front : ) and to epiphanius , who in his th heresie , tells us , that aërius was condemned as an heretick , as for other things , so for opposing and condemning the festivals of the church . but the ingenuous reader may find the lawfulness and usefulness of these festivals fully asserted by that admirable hooker , in his ecclesiastical policy ; and the ( no less ) wonderful d. hammond , in his treatise on that subject : and in particular , whosoever desires to see the feast of the nativity vindicated from the imputation of novelty , let them peruse origen lib. . contra celsum : and his hom. . in math. the treatise of cyprian , on that day : and the homily of chrysostom , to the same purpose ; and they will find each of them deducing it from the practice of the first antiquity : yea , that the th of december is the anniversary of our saviour's birth , ( in my humble judgment ) is notably demonstrated by baronius , in his apparatus , and the learned mountague , in his answer to him : but most of all , by m. i. gregory , oxon : of whom it may be truly said , that he hath dived into the very bottom of antiquity . if these things , and such as these , were universally practis'd , a liturgy might be stollen in pedetentim upon this church . and i wish we had a well-reformed one , purified from the dregs of popery and superstition , and framed after the pattern of the most authentick liturgies of the primitive church ( of which the learned g. cassander hath collected no small variety ; ) that we may again resume the face and garb of a national church ; which hath been , too long , as a body without the natural ornament of skin and muscles , or as a flat picture , not duely heightened with its shadows : a liturgy being found , by the experience of all ancient times , as a necessary hedge and mound to preserve any profession of religion , and worship of god in a national church , from irreverence , confusion , and contempt : without which boundary , it is impossible that a tolerable uniformity should be long retained in any great incorporation of christians . and it 's observable , that m. calvin himself , when from frankfort he had received an odious , malicious account of many particulars in the english liturgy , ( as any will acknowledge , who shall compare the report then made , with what he finds : ) though he were so transported as to call them ineptias tolerabiles , yet in a more sober mood , he gave positive approbation of the same ; as is evident from his epistle to the protector of that kingdom ; in these words : as for form of prayers , and ecclesiastical rites , i very much approve that it be set , or certain ; from which it may not be lawful for the pastors in their function to depart : that so there may be provision made , for the simplicity and vnskillfulness of some ; and that the consent of all the churches among themselves , may more certainly appear : and lastly also , that the extravagant levity of some , who affect novelties , ( or at the best , vent a rhapsody of pious non-sence : ) may be prevented . &c. whence we rationally infer ; that they who endeavoured the total abolition of a liturgy in that church , had a design to reform , ( or to say better , deform ) geneva , as well as england ; and to chastise calvin's estimation of it , as well as that of the english prelates : not to speak of that applause which the learned isaac casa●bon gave , of the great care of antiquity and purity observed in the english liturgy , proclaimed every where in his epistles to all his friends ; that there was not any where else in the world the like to be found , nor ever hoped he to see it , till he came into that kingdom . but it seems hippolitus , the old martyr , prophesied of these haters of all liturgies , under the notion of anti-christian ; ( for all their declamations against anti-christian rites ; ) for in his book de anti-christo , he tells us ; that in the times of anti-christ , ecclesiarum aedes sacrae , tugurii instar erunt ; pre●●osum corpus & sanguis christi non exstabit ; liturgia extinguetur ; psalmodiae decan●atio cessabit ; scripturarum recitatio non audietur . and sure i am , at the reestablishment of this government , it might have been introduced with as little noise and odium , as the governours themselves were ; for this 〈◊〉 policy then might have done the 〈◊〉 , even to have holden away the odious name of the service-book ; which 〈◊〉 hateful to many who have a zeal for the reformed religion , but not according to knowledge ; they ignorantly imagining , that it is stuffed with popery and superstition . as for any expressions therein which sound harshly in the ears of tender consciences ; the governours of the church might have indulged them that favour , as to expunge what they could justly pretend gave the least offence . but they neglecting to take occasion thus by the foretop , they have ever since found it bald behind . which puts me in mind of the great soloecism committed by the great hannibal , in point of war , ( though he was one of the slyest and wariest captains that ever liv'd : ) who went not immediately to rome , after the mighty defeat given to the romans at the battel of cannae ; for during that great consternation he might ( as rawleigh hath judiciously observed ) easily have plucked up the roman empire by the roots ; but being too much taken up with the pleasures of capua , and his amours in salapia , he lost that occasion , which he could never find again ▪ and therefore was justly upbraided by maharbal , the master of his horse , in these words , vincere s●is hannibal , victoriâ uti nescis . and gave occasion unto the romans to say , capuam poenis alteras ●uisse cannas . but in my weak judgment , the best succedaneum to this neglected solemn fo●m of divine service , and that which is also the best expedient to pave the way into a more perfect one , is ; to recommend unto all the ministers of the gospel , that every lord's day before sermon they read , with great reverence ) a lesson at least , out of the old testament ; and a chapter or two from the new ; ( this being much more properly the word of god , than what they preach : ) that their people may , in process of time , be as well acquainted with the historical part of the scripture , as with the precepts , promises , and dreadful comminations of the gospel ; for they are meer strangers to antiquity , who doe not know , that preaching was scarce the third part of the solemn service of the lord's day , that being but a tractatus ( as augustine testifieth ) on the lesson which was last read . and let them solemnly pronounce the decalogue , and apostolick creed ; all these steps of divine service being variegated and intermixed with short acts of prayer and praise . and sure i am , there is no congregation ( unless the people thereof be very rough hewen : but will stand up ( if desired by the minister to do so , ) when he solemnly pronounceth the sum of the moral law , and ( as the mouth of the people ) makes a publick confession of faith ; whereby they shall testifie their willingness , through divine grace , to believe and obey all that god hath revealed and commanded . and let not those , who have the cura animarum , forget , specially to enjoyn their respective flocks to put themselves in a reverent posture , when they accost heaven with solemn acts of prayer and praise ; that being indispensibly practised by all the primitive church , whose bodily infirmities proved not an invincible impediment to them . and , seeing the seeking of a blessing before meat , and thanksgiving after it , are brief adorations of the infinite goodness , let all ministers by their own example recommend a reverent posture to the rest of the guests . sure , it is a matter of admiration , to see the generality of fanaticks ( the quakers only excepted : making their graces ( as they are usually termed ) commensurable with any pertinent prayer that is void of tautologies , and yet not to accost the great provisor of all the families of the earth , with more reverence than a temporary host. and when that short ( but very substantial ) hymn was sung , which is termed the doxology , and is a direct adoration of the blessed trinity , ( which if i were not asham'd of frequent digressions , i could easily evince by good authorities , to have been composed , as a lesser creed , by the first councel of nice ▪ as a testimony and pillar of the catholick verity , against the arrians : ) all they of the primitive church stood up and uttered the same with an audible voice , as a discriminating character of the orthodox , from these detestable hereticks , the cerinthians , samosatenians , and arrians : ( the samosatenians being called paulianistae , in the th canon of the councel of nice from paulus samosatenus , the haer●siarcha , and pe●verse bishop of antioch . ) for , though it is an unquestionable truth , that the heart ought to be the primum mobile in all our acts of divine worship , without whose primary influence and concurrence , it is at best but a carkass of devotion we offer unto heaven ; yet , seeing by the law of creation and grace of redemption , we are bound to glori●ie god with our souls and bodies . ( for both are his saith the apostle . ) therefore when we make our addresses to the throne of grace , we are obliged to put them both in an humble posture of adoration : the primitive christians being so far from practising that irreverent and lazy posture of sitting in the time of prayer , that tertullian ( as we find in his excellent treatise de oratione : ) inveighs sharply against those who did sit down instantly after prayer ; and he tells them , that they upbraid god to his face , that they are soon weary of the duty . and it were also very fit , that all ministers were desir'd to exhort their people , to hear reverently , and with discovered heads , that weekly proclamation from heaven : ( i mean the preaching of the gospel , ) which was the constant practice of constantine the great , who was so far from covering his head then , that he could not be perswaded to forbear standing all the time of preaching , much less to sit in the time of prayer : and of the two theodosii , and martianus , the immediate successor of theodosius the younger : and i wish that of the poet were fulfill'd in this particular , regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis . but the deportment of the far greater number of those who are called christians , is so intolerably notorious , and desperately profane , that if st. pauls infidel should come in , he would be so far from falling down and worshiping , that he would be presently bound to report , god is not in you of a truth . yea , some christians do more reverence to the outside of a church , than we to the presence of god within it : these of habassia , ( saith alvarez ) if they pass by a church ( be their haste never so great ) they instantly dismount , and walk on foot , till they leave not only the church , but also the church-yard , very far behind them . and , i fear , the turks shall rise up in judgment against many christians for their irreverence in gods house ; for ( as busbequius tells us ) if a turk should but scratch his head in the time of divine service , he would be verily perswaded that he should lose the benefit of coming to church at that time : but with us it is iniquity , even the solemn meeting . but take we heed lest we come to know , that god was here , by his departure from hence ; and that voice be uttered out of our temples , which was once heard out of that of the iews , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , migremus hin● . and , in sine , let it be recommended to all preachers , to humble themselves when they ascend that sacred ambo , where they are to be the mouth of the people to god in prayer , and the mouth of the almighty to the people in preaching : which introitus they ought to commence with much more reverence , than if they were to begin a dance . neither should we have such occasion to mind that famous story ( if it may be so termed ) of the seven ephesian sleepers ; if the governours of our church , during these eighteen winters last by-gone , had studied so much uniformity , as to be at the pains , unanimously to compile a plain and brief catechism ; ( but withal a material sum of the whole christian doctrine ) and that for the publick use of this nation : that every country-curate may not improve a mode of his own ; which , if it be not contradictory , is at least disparate from the platform of his neighbour : but that by a form of sound words generally authorized , and practised , young ones may be early informed of the principal duties of piety they owe unto god , of charity to their neighbours , and of sobriety to themselves . if such things as these were accorded unto , and accordingly performed , it could not truly be said of the governours of this church , that they never yet pursued the right ends of their government . yea many such acts would be a sufficient gagg to stop the mouths of the virulent adversaries thereof , who stick not to say , that they look upon bishops as the easiest persons in the world , who scarce take any thing else in hand , but to gather up their rents ; and do apply to them that blasphemous character which epicurus hath given of his imaginary deity , that he is an idle spectator of the affairs of the world , and doth no more notice humane actions , than a ●ational man doth the humming of gnats in a hot summer's day . they do also accommodate that epicurean motto unto them , satis magnum alter alteri theatrum sumus : some compare them to the hedg-hog , which rolls it self in its own soft down , and turns out it's bristles to all the world besides : yea some resemble them to a young gentleman , who takes a flying crop of a possession , and regards not the reparation of its buildings : and finally , some make no bones to assimulate them to that fat monk in the story , who ( when the abbeys were a going down ) having received assurance of a pension during his own life , stroaked down his belly , and said , modo hic sit bene , he cared not whether religion did sink or swim . but leaving these odious comparisons , ( as favouring too much of an anti-episcopal spirit ; ) i proceed to the end of this article . when such things as these are resolv'd upon for the behoof of the clergy , they ought to be prudently recommended , but not imperiously commanded , under the notion of church-canons ; for it is only a general convocation that can make them such ; as being the sole true representative of a national church : and till his majestie 's authority be interposed , they cannot have the force of laws . it being a well known saying of optatus milevit . ecclesia est in republica , non respublica in ecclesia . let us therefore patiently wait till divine providence give us serener times , and more tranquillity in the land , ( for as physitians say , cocta movenda sunt , non cruda . ) and till it please his majesty to indict a general convocation of the clergy . ( and , that the determination of the circumstances of such a meeting , is one of the royal prerogatives , none , but they who are fanatically principled , will question . ) but if once this church were so happy , as to enjoy , with his majesty's favour , such a convention ; then all the ancient canons , which are judged useful for this church , ought to be retrived : and whatsoever is ( after mature deliberation ) found convenient , pro re nata , should be reduc'd into canons , that all may know the proper standard of the church . and let an effectual course be taken to suppress and eradicate all schisme , heresie , and profaneness , out of this land ; that the church of god may become terrible to all such , as is an army with banners . and let a door be opened to all accusers ( who are habiles in law ) to give in indictments , sub periculo , against any simple or organical member of this church ; the king's majesty alennarly excepted ; who ( as tertullian sayes , ) is solo deo minor , and consequently hath no judge upon earth . the same father usually terming the supreme magistrate , post deum s●cundus : parallel whereunto is that of optatus milevit . super quem non est nis● s●lus deus . but that church-men must needs be more presumptuous than any pope of rome , who imagines himself to be both infallible and impec●able : for , though there be some roman doctors ( especially the canonists : so parasitical , as to adore that bishop of rome as a demi-god , and more than a man ; and to teach , that he is iudge of all , and can be iudge of all , and can be iudged by none upon earth ; yet the most sober and judicious of them , even when they conclude him to be major singulis , yet acknowledge that he is minor universis , and consequently subordinate to the jurisdiction of a general counc●l . and that this was the sentiment and determination of two late general councels , ( when the pope's usurpation was in its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and zenith ; ) is evident from those instances , which the acts of the councel of constance and basil do afford us : ( not to speak of that anathema which the sixth general councel pronounced against honorius of rome , for being a monothelite . vid. concil . . gener. act. , , . ) for the first depos'd a three-headed cerberus , the simultaneous popes , ( so monstruous was the roman hierarchy at that time . ) viz. iohn the th , ( or d as some reckon ) call'd bal●hasar cossa , gregory the th , formerly named angelus corarius , and benedict the th , termed otherwayes peter de luna ; and in the vice of these anti-popes surrogated martin the th . likewise the councel of basil pronounced the sentence of degradation against eugenius the th , and in his place substituted the duke of savoy , under the name of pope foelix the th : and , though providence permitted not this deposition to take effect ( amadee being at last content to exchange the triple-crown for a cardinals hat ; which ( as calvin saith wittily ) was a loaf thrown into the mouth of cerberus : ) yet , that the authority of this last councel , was no less than that of the first , is evident from the th session of the councel of constance . from which brief history we may infer , that these roman doctors , who teach , that the councel is above the pope , would laugh heartily , if they heard any other bishop pretend to a negative voice in that assembly : for if any church●man dream of an infallibility in himself , he may be justly derided , as was that dissolute prince demetrius , in whose favour the athenians made that wild decree ; that whatsoever king demetrius should command , ought to be held sacred with the gods , and just with men . yet i have heard it many times debated as a problem , whether some bishops , or the fanaticks , would be more filled with consternation at such a general meeting of the clergy . but it may be easily determined , that iohn the d , paul the th , or any other pro●ligate pope had not more dreadful apprehensions of a lawful and free general councel , than some of those would have of a rightly constituted convocation . vid. can. apost . . item concil . gerundens . can. . concil . toletan . . can. . & . ( also the th and th canons of the same synod . ) concil . bracarens . . can. , , , . ( where uniformity in all the steps of publick worship is recommended . ) concil . toletan . . can. . concil . milevitan . can. . concil . agathens . can. . concil . vasens . can. . concil . valentin . can. . concil . turonens . . can. . concil . toletan . . can. . toletan . . can. . . toletan . . can. . in all which , a liturgy is recommended , and ordained to be used in the church ; viz. a publick platform , as to the matter of solemn prayer , praise , and the administration of the blessed sacraments of the gospel ; none being permitted in the ancient church to invent and vent battologies or tautologies , nor any irreverent expressions ( favouring either of blasphemy , or pious non-sence at the best ) in the solemn acts of divine adoration . in the ensuing canons , the solemn anniversary festivals and fasts of the church are appointed . vid. concil . elibertin . can. . concil . agathens . can. , , . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . matisconens . . can. . cujus haec sunt verba ; pascha nostrum , in quo summus sacerdos & pontifex , pro nostris delictis immolatus est , omnes debemus festivissimè colere : & in illis sanctissimis diebus , nullus servile opus audeat facere . ( where by pascha we are not to understand easter-day , but also good friday , which was that great day of expiation . ) concil . toletan . . can. . statuimus in sexta feria passionis domini mysterium crucis ( quod ipse dominus cunctis annunciandum voluit ) praedicari , atque indulgentiam criminum clarâ voce omnem populum praestolari ; ut poenitentiae compunctione mundati , venerabile festum dominicae resurrectionis , remissis iniquitatibus , suscipere mereamur , corporisque ejus & sanguinis sacramentum , mundi à peccato sumamus . et can. . ejusdem concilii ; in die passionis domini , jejunium ( praeter parv●los , senes , & languidos ) quicunque arte peractas indulgentiae preces , solverit , à paschali gaudio depellatur ; nec in eo sacramentum corporis & sanguinis domini percipiat , qui diem passionis ejus per abstinentjum non honoravit . which is more fully expressed in the th canon of the th general councel , where we have these words ; qui dies salutaris passionis in jejunio , oratione , & compunctione cordis peragunt , oportet circa horam mediae noctis magni sabbati , jejunos esse : sum evangelistae matthaeus & lucas , ille per dictionem , ( vespere autem sabbati , ) hic vero per , ( profundum diluculum , ) tarditatem noctis nobis praescribant . vid. concil . bracarens . . can. . concil . caesar-august . can. . & . item vicesimo primo die , i. e. à . kal. ianuarii , usque in diem epiphaniae , qui est idus ianuarii , continuis diebus nulli liceat se de ecclesia absentare , nec latere in domibus , nec secedere ad villam , nec montes petere , ne● nudis pedibus incedere ; sed ad ecclesiam concurrere : quod qui non observaverit , anathema sit in perpetuum . but it seems this endless curse is little regarded by these fanaticks , whether preachers or others , ( for that four leaven is not yet sufficiently purged out of those who officiate under bishops ; ) who are so far from preaching on the anniversary of our blessed saviour's nativity , that they cannot be perswaded to countenance with their presence the shortest homily thereon , no not on those dayes of the week , whereon , by publick authority , royal burghs are appointed to have sermon . and how can it be expected , that these non-conformists should cordially bless heaven for common mercies , when they cannot find in their hearts to adore solemnly the infinite goodness for that unparallel'd demonstration of free love ? heaven having no greater gift to bestow , neither was earth capable of a greater , than this matchless mercy , which was celebrated by the heavenly anthem of celestial quiristers , in the dawning of that blessed morning , wherein oriens ab alto , that bright morning-star first appeared ; yea , wherein that glorious sun of everlasting righteousness arose with healing in his wings , upon a sinful world. vid. etiam concil . tolet. . can. . statuimus , ut saltem semel in anno , à nobis concilium celebretur , &c. and a little after , omnes autem qui causas adversus quoscunque habere noscuntur , ad idem concilium concurrant ; & pro compellendis quibuscunque personis , quidam executor à principe postuletur , &c. in regard we have cited many canons at length , for the confirmation of this article , and that there be many testimonies of the fathers inserted in the body thereof to the same purpose ; therefore , left this enchiridium should be too much dilated , we have forborn to allege any more authorities to that effect . article xv. mat. . , . cor. . , , . & . , , , . cor. . , , . tim. . . tit. . . rev. . , , , . but till this church be blessed with such a general rendezvouz of its clergy , let every bishop vigorously set about his duty in his own sphere . for what one said well concerning a general reformation ; that if every man would reform himself , there would little remain for the supreme magistrate to do , may be here fitly applied ; for , if every governour would act his part within his own precinct , sure there would be less trouble given to a general assembly , whenever providence shall give the occasion thereof . therefore let them use all means possible , which are purely ecclesiastick , to reduce all schismaticks to the path of unity , and all hereticks to the path of verity . but if ( after much patient waiting for the fruit of their labours ) there be no hope of their conversion , then let them proceed to a judicial conviction of these obstinate sinners , who are found to be irreclamable : and let the church-censures alwayes prevent the castigations of the civil magistrate ; it being a most invidious thing , for the governours of the church to clamour upon the criminal judge to fine and confine those delinquents , whom they have scarce ever noted as such in their ecclesiastick courts . this preposterous method looks , not only like the duo gladii of boniface the th , but doth also resemble pope iulius the second , his throwing s. peter's keys into tyber , that he might betake himself unto s. paul's sword. but this was not the method of the primitive church , which permitted none of it's organical members to meddle , either directly , or indirectly , in the matters of blood , or bodily coercions ; as is evident from the ancient canons ; the passive effusion of the precious blood of holy iesus , and of his blessed martyrs , being a rich compost to the soil of the church ; but not the active shedding of the blood of others , under a pretext of religious zeal for the enlargement thereof . which looks liker mahumet's way of propagation , than the tranquill methods of the gospel of peace . primitive christianity ( which did almost infinitely transcend this age , in the glowings of divine zeal , ) knew no such calentures of passion : bellona was not then looked upon as a nursing-mother to the church ; nor mars as a god of reformation : neither were the laws of christ like those of draco or mahumet , written with the blood of his enemies ; though he sealed them with his own , and sprinkled them with the blood of martyrs ; as tertullian saith : it being very observable , that the temple of ianus was then shut , when the prince of peace was born . for the church is sufficiently furnished with means of saving souls , though she never draw a temporal sword : the diseases of the mind not being cureable like those of the body ; for asperitie is no proper remedy for them , but only reason , and lenity of words . those good emperours , constantine , valentinian , the two theodosii , and martianus ; proceeded unto no greater extremity against the most to no greater extremity against the most damnable and incorrigible hereticks of their times , than the sentence of banishment . which christian lenity was consonant to the judgment of tertullian , cap. . & . apologet. and in his book to scapula , we have this excellent expression ; sed nec religionis est cogere religionem ; quae sponte suscipi debet , non : vicum & hostiae ab animo libente expostulentur . with whom s. cyprian joyns issue , epist. . and athanasius , epist. ad solitar . vit. agen . & orat. . cont . arrian . hilar. con . auxent . & lib. . ad constan. ambr. epist. . & lib. . epist. . hierom. epist. . ad theoph. august . lib. . con . crescon . grammatic . c. . nullis bonis in ecclesia catholica placet , si usque ad mortem in quemquam , licèt haereticum , saeviatur . whence we may perceive , that the apology of some ecclesiasticks , for imbruing their hands in the blood of that detestable heretick servetus ; is point blank contrary unto the unanimous doctrine of the primitive fathers . and if we shall alter the scene from geneva to rome , it will be found no less tragical and bloody : for ( as east and west meet together at last , by going asunder ) so the iesuit and fanatick trust most unhappily in that anti-christian conjuncture of treachery and cruelty , & in those damnable arts of rebellion , and king-killing ; to which execrable assasinations , and perverse intendments , britain hath been too long the fatal theatre . and though these pretend to be christians , yet i suppose they have no other apology for their perfidiousness , than that of a barbarous king , who said , that his tongue was not made of bone. for it is impossible that christian religion should afford them any ; it being very observable , that in all those famous persecutions of the primitive church ( whereby many millions were absorpted in the gulfe of death : ) not one was found , who thought it lawful to make use of defensive arms , ( though in a just cause ) against the supream authority then in being ; but did conquer their victors and tormentors , with constancy and patience ; it being most false what bellarmin asserts , that it was not a moral , but a physical incapacity , which restrained them ; for tertullian in his apologetick doth clearly evince the contrary . whence we may easily conclude , in what shop those offensive arms were framed , wherewith hildebrand assaulted the german emperour henry the fourth , and by what hellish councel his successor paschal the second , was influenced to excite henry the fifth against his father and sovereign ; not to speak of those storms which disquieted frederick the first and second all their dayes ; the clouds that ingendered them being exhaled at rome . but we had need to transcribe the annals of germany , to enumerate the hostilities of the roman bishops against the emperours their lords ; eight of which they excommunicated , and when that was done , then they made the temporal sword cut off those whom the spiritual had struck at . which anti-christian methods became so formidable to the languishing emperours , that rodulph of habspurg , ( the founder of the austrian greatness ) would not go into italy , to receive the crown of gold at rome , after he was chosen emperour ; calling that bloody city , the lyon's den : and unto those who urged him to go thither , to receive that third ceremonial crown , he frequently uttered that of the poet , olim quod vulpes aegroto , cauta , leoni respondit , reseram &c. but germany was not the sole theatre of the unchristian plots and practices of these anti-primitive prelates ; for , no little trouble was given to philip the fair , of france , by p. boniface the eighth of whom it was truly said , intravit ut vulpes , regnavit ut leo , mortuus est ut canis . likewise lewis the th had his share of disquiet from that martial prelate iulius the second , by whose fulminations the poor king of navarr was thunder-struck without remedy . ferdinand of arragon , having indeed a most catholick appetite after the dominions of his neighbours ; not to speak of the barbarous assasination of henry the third , and fourth of france , by two desperate villains , who had been carefully instructed by their ghostly fathers in that meritorious art of king-killing : sixtus quintus having the forehead , in a publick consistory at rome , to celebrate that iacobin friar , as a notable martyr upon that account . but we need not cross the seas for instances of this nature ; for if innocent the third ( the hatcher of that most seditious and perfidious xxx canon of the councel of lateran : ) with his legate pandolphus , were now alive , they would be found to talk of that inauspicious king of england , named iohn , his constrained resignation : and it is no small wonder , after so many centuries of years , to hear again ( in this age ) any noise of that vain and illegal pretence which all sober persons imagined , had been blown up long agoe by that subterranean powder-plot : but it seems , they intend to give a demonstration to the world , that no prescription of time can render a common whore honest . and if a grain-weight of christian ingenuity , or humanity , can be found in that late prodigious conspiracy against our church and state , let the universality of that infernal design , with those base appendages of diuturnal plotting , vile ingratitude , treachery , and cruelty , be the sole judges thereof . and , in fine , it is my humble judgment , that , till these coals of iuniper be quenched , which have too long inflamed all the vitals of the christian church ( i mean the puritanical papist , and jesuited puritan : our unchristian animosities and feuds ( many whereof are meer logomachies , and groundless ) shall never be throughly extinguished , till the devouring fire of hell consume these lesser flames . neither will i ever forget that notable instance of this concordantia discordantiarum , which that excellent historian i. a. thuan. affords unto us , in his th book , where he tells us , that the daemagogues of paris , and pulpiteers of rochel , centered in that point of treacherous inhumanity , viz. to put to death all prisoners of war , even after the publick faith had been given unto them . but tractent fabrilia fabri . therefore the antisignani of the arrians , macedonians , nestorians , and eutychians , ( not to speak of many other hereticks : ) were not only conven'd before the respective general councels , which are accounted the most famous of them all ; but were also judicially convicted and sentenc'd with the highest censures of the church , before the civil magistrate took any other notice of them as delinquents , than to compell those erroneous schismaticks to appear personally before the ecclesiastical court , to which they had been legally summoned : the church in these dayes laying down this , as an inviolable conclusion , that they would not fail to do their own duty ; and if the civil magistrate afterwards neglected his , let him answer to god for it , who punisheth potentes potenter : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as saith herodot . in chione and seneca , omne sub regno gravi●ri regnum est . and in that great audit , every man must stand and fall to his own master . the brachium seculare being indeed fit enough to restrain exorbitant practices , but it hath no direct influence upon irregular judgments ; and i fear , it makes more hypocrites than sincere converts ; fire and faggot ( the beloved argument of the roman church ▪ ) having a more natural tendency to a preternatural consumption , than to a spiritual conversion . therefore the arrians ( whose courses were generally very violent , and bloody : ) are deservedly look'd upon as the genuine parents of these coercive motives , and disingenuous arts , which were judged very heterogeneal to the nature and constitution of the church ; which as it transacts only in spiritual matters , so it could inflict no other than spiritual censures and chastisements . but when the fiery dominicans arose , ( the dream of dominicus his mother being a sad prognostick of the violence of that order ▪ ) they might justly have been termed , in this regard , arriani redivivi ; so merciless was that persecution of the poor waldenses , to which they carried both lanterns and faggots : which bloody method continues to this day in the spanish inquisition : these violent spirits being usually the cruel lords of that infamous judicatory , whose inhumane machins resemble the wild and barbarous fancies of mezentius and procrustes , the unnatural bellowings of phalaris his bull , the turkish gaunching and impaleing upon stakes , much rather than the harmless engines of the gospel . and if a pythagorean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were possible , i would imagine , that there had been a transmigration of the souls of these dominicans into the bodies of some late presbyterians ; one egg , or fish , not being found liker to another , than is the resemblance of some of these incendiaries : on which account , one of their abortive issue hath ( in one of his pamphlets ) not unfitly termed their covenant , taht great instrument of blood ; whereby he verifies that common observation , omnis apostata persequitur suum ordinem . but seeing the dominicans were nothing else but the emissaries of those masters who pretend to be s. peter's successors , and in their fierce anger , and cruel rage , have cut off more than the ears of many who were much more innocent than that servant of the high priest ; therefore i cannot forget to take notice , in this place , of another great abuse committed by some popes ; for the croysade ( which was at first design'd to rescue the holy sepulchre from the possession of infidels ; to which great undertaking many myriads of christians were animated by the preaching and miracles of s. bernard : ) was so perverted from that primary pious institution , that it was employed to the utter extirpation of many thousands of the simple and harmless inhabitants of the mountains of languedoc , and provence . such is the affectation of the roman bishops to wear the livery of that scarlet-coloured beast . but the bright olybian flames of the primitive church ( which were not ignes comburentes , sed lambentes : ) hated , with a perfect hatred , those sanguinary spirits ; as may appear from the deportment of s. martin of tours , who ( as sulpitius sev. reports ) refused to communicate with ithasius and idacius , two spanish bishops , because they did prosecute unto death some of the priscillianists , and that before the tyrant maximus ; ( though it cannot be denyed , but that they were detestable hereticks , even manichaei redivivi , and consequently but half christians . ) so great was the aversion of these truly evangelical spirits , from shedding of blood , even in the cause of god. yea more than so : so great was the antipathy that s. martin had conceived against such violent courses , that when he was informed , the tyrant had impower'd some military tribunes to go into spain , & there to depopulate the country , & pillage the goods of all those who would not conform , he immediately went to that emperour , and freely told him , that this pretended zeal was not kindled by a coal from the altar of god , but rather an infernal fire bred in the breasts of some furious bishops , and fomented by the venome of that old red dragon , the natural feuel thereof : the event whereof could be no other , than that of a furious tempest , or overflowing inundation , which bears down all before it , and puts no difference betwixt the good and the bad , old or young , male or female , but sweeps away all promiscuously : or like unto a number of ravenous wolves let loose upon a multitude of harmless and naked animals , which have not the faculty to discriminate betwixt the mangy sheep and those which are sound in the flock ; so it should fare with those defenceless creatures , if an hostile army should invade a peaceable people , living securely without any fear or apprehension of such a sudden deluge ; friends and foes , heterodox and orthodox , conformist and non-conformist , would be all overflowed alike : the insolent souldier having no other eyes to discern ( but what nature hath given to all living creatures ; ) betwixt the faith of an heretick , and the orthodox , save only by their paleness and garb. so that they who are accustomed to rapine , almost from their infancies , if they found rich moveables , and easily transportable to their own countries , whether the owners were rich in the faith , or not , they would not concern themselves with that nice distinction ; but , as it was said of the dayes of caligula , that it was then crime enough to be rich ; so all should be fish that should come in their net : so impartial would these rude souldiers be . and the emperour would be so far from attaining his end , that it would rather harden these deluded people to persist in their non-conformity ; they looking upon themselves as martyrs ( at least confessors ) for their imaginary faith : the most ignorant among them being at least so intelligent , as to understand , that this is not the peaceable method of the gospel , to proselyte any to the christian faith , but point blank contrary thereunto . by which ( truly zealous ) intercession , this devout man at last diverted the tyrant from that most cruel design . but , in fine , i shall remit them to the serious consideration of the state and practice of the primitive church , when the civil magistrate was no christian , but a persecuter of that way , whose concurrence they could not expect to their discipline , but rather a violent opposition thereunto . and if any of them seemed to put to their helping hand , it was not any love to the discipline of the church , but ragione del ' stato , as the italians phrase it ; thus the emperour aurelianus did drive away paulus samosatenus , that arch-heretick , and bishop , from antioch ; but it was out of no principle of respect to the church that he did so , ( for he was accounted one of the persecuting emperours ; ) but from reason of state , because that proud heretick was a great incendiary in that city . let therefore the present church imitate that excellent pattern of the primitive , before the halcyonian day of the great constantine . but if ( in ordine ad spiritualia ) they will needs make their address to the secular magistrate , for the coercion of delinquents , i wish it were rather in the matter of gross scandal , contumaciously persever'd in , notwithstanding of the highest censures of the church inflicted upon them ; than of the sentiments of the judgment which proceed not the length of unwarrantable practices . for they who are incorrigibly profane are more overawed by the terror of man , than by the fear of god ; and much more by the temporal sword of the criminal judge , than by the spiritual sword of the church ; for habitual practical atheists may ( without breach of charity ) be presum'd to be such in speculation . i shall only instance the profanation of the lord's day by salmon-fishing ; there being a vile pack of brain-sick hereticks in this land , who allow the practice of it . i am indeed far from pleading for a judaical sabbath in this church ; but for any who are called christians to be so employed in the time of god's solemn worship , must needs be very odious in the sight of heaven , and exceedingly scandalous in the eyes of all those who are devoted to a religious service . neither find we any such irregularities tolerated in any christian church , which passeth not under the name of barbarous ; no , not in geneva , or amsterdam . i know certainly , that this insolency hath been represented , both privately and publickly , to the chiefest governours of this church ; and they obtested , to implore the assistance of his majesties secret councel , in order to the effectual suppression of that scandal , as being so reflective upon the present government : but i fear , it hath not yet been done , for there is neither bruit nor fruit of that address . but if the governours of our church desire to avoid those bitter sarcasmes , medice cura teipsum ; & turpe est doctori &c. de ingratis etiam ingrati queruntur : qui non ardet , non accendit : si vis me flere &c. which ( in plain english ) import that we should wash our own mouths before we apply gargarisms to others ; or ( to use our saviour's phrase ) pull out the beam , before thou espy the mote ; then let them have a special care , not to be found profaners of the lord's day themselves . which scandal ' they ought to shun the more solicitously , because it was one of the rocks on which their predecessours did split ; if we may believe the verbal assertion of many living witnesses , and that which a late learned writer hath consign'd in print : which reflection should serve , at least , as a pharos , to prevent all shipwracks of that nature for the future . but how this beacon hath been observed , may be perceived from the ensuing little story . a bedal of a country-church being questioned , not long agoe , before a country-session , for bringing home a burden of flax on the lord's day , made this apology for himself , that not many days before , there had been a bishop in that village , who in his return from the north , ( where he had been visiting his aged father , of the same order with himself ; ) lodged all night in the minister's house , though the incumbent was not at home ; and ( not staying to supply that vacancy ) travelled many miles that day of his removal , which was the lord's day , with a great baggage-horse in his train , whose burden was far above the proportion of flax he had brought home ; whence he inferr'd , that he thought the bishops had brought such carriages in fashion on the lord's day , and that he might lawfully imitate them who were the fathers and lights of the church . from which blunt , but true , story , ( for the poor door-keeper was censured in publick , for all his imaginary authentick apology . ) i shall also deduce this inference ; that all church-men should be as vigilant as dragons , over their conversation in the world , that they give not the least offence unto any ; ( that stumbling-block occasioning the most dangerous fall , which is laid by the imprudent deportment of an ecclesiastick . ) the plurality of men being more enclined to live by examples than by rules , the former being much more obvious to plebeian heads than the latter , besides it hath a secret magnetical virtue , like the loadstone it attracts by a power of which we can give no account . yea such is the perverseness of humane nature , since that woful lapse of our first parents , that the generality of men are more prone to follow evil , than to imitate that which is good. but , that we may shut up this point , i shall add no more to the prosecution of delinquents in foro ecclesiastico , but only this wish , that the governours of our church do not ( by their applying violent corrosives to some who are obnoxious to error , and too great lenitives to others who are scandalous , ) give occasion unto any , of applying to them that usual observation concerning the roman church , that she punisheth more severely the violaters of her own laws , than the transgressors of the unquestionable laws of god. i cannot deny , but that it doth exceedingly grate my spirit , to hear the adversaries of our church upbraid the present government with a connivence at some scandals , by saying , that it was not so in the time of their covenant , ( for so they term that rebellious combination against church and state : ) and that presbytery was a better bulwark against error and prophaneness , than episcopacy ; i fail not indeed to tell them , that it must needs have been a very precious rampart which was cemented with the blood of kings ; and that i could give them an account of many tyrants ( both in regard of usurpation and domination ) who made very good laws , and put them severely in execution ; for , ex malis moribus bonae oriuntur leges . yet i wish from my very soul , that our church ( as it is now constituted ) did in piety , charity , and purity ( both as to errour and prophaneness ) outvie all the sects and conventicles in the world. see the acts of the first general council at nice , under constantine the great , against the arrians . the second general council at constantinople , under theodosius the great , against the macedonians . the third general council at ephesus , against the nestorians , auspiciis theodosii iunioris . the fourth general council , against the futychians , under martianus . the fifth under justinian the great , against the t●ta capitula . and of the sixth , under constantinus pogonatus , against the monoth●●●es . ( not to speak of many provincial synods during that interval . ) vide concil . ta●raconens . can. . concil . antisiodor . can. . concil . tolet. . can. . tolet. . can. . tol. . can. . conc. matiscon . . can. . where we have these express words , nemo die dominico ●alem sibi necessitatem exhibeat , quae jugum cervicibus jumentorum imponere cogat . fslote omnes hymnis & laudibus deo intenti . si quis vestrûm proximam habeat ecclesiam , properet ad eandem ; & ibi die dominico seme●ipsum precibus lachrymisque afficiat , &c. vid. etiam concil . antisiodor . can. . vide hieronym . comment . ad cap. . thren . peccantes mansuetudine provocentur , non austeritate abjiciantur : august . ( scribens ad proculianum , partis donatianae sectarium ; ) doceri , & moderatä ratione ad colloquia & amicas collationes invitari debent , qui cogi non possunt : decere quippe ●erae religionis cultores , ut à perpetuo proposito non recedant , vincendi in bono malum . idem ad cecilianum praesidem i●a scribi● ; vt tumor sacrilegae vanitatis terrendo potius sanetur , quàm ulciscendo resecetur ▪ & epist. ad aurel. episcop . si quando minae ab iis qui praesunt adhibeantur , id cum dolore fieri oportere , ultionisque ●●●tum ex seripturis intentari debere , ne ipsi in sua potestate , sed deus in corum sermone timeatur . et in luculenta illa ad bonifac. comitem epist. idem subdit ; in hujusmodi causis , ubi pergraves dissentionum s●●ssuras , non hujus aut illius hominis est periculum , sed populorum strages jacent , detra●endum esse aliquid severitati , & majoribus malis sanandis , charitate subvenien●lum . ( quod adeo in ecclesia obtinuit , 〈…〉 sententia semel atque iterumin gratiani decretum transcripta sit . ) b. ambrosius à valentiniano imp. puero , ad maximum imp. missus ( sub id tempus quo iste tyrannus priscilliani caput amputasset : ) in relatione sua testatur , cum treviris esset , abstinuisse se ab iis episcopis qui 〈◊〉 communicabant , & à side devios ad ●ecem petebant . vid. etiam greg. . moral . lib ▪ ● ▪ par. . c. . et lib. . epist. . lib. . ep. . article xvi . king. . , . & . , , , . king. . , . isa. . . ier. . , . ezek. . . & . . mat. . . act. . , , . & . , . tim. . . tit. . . in the foregoing article we have hinted at the execution of discipline . and seeing divers appeals come from inferiour church-judicatories to the bishops , and their diocesan synods ; let me entreat them with a holy and discreet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to reprehend all who are found guilty within their jurisdiction , by discountenancing and censuring all who are contumacious in schism , obstinate in prophaneness , and pertinacious in errour ; especially , if they be apostates from our religion , to quakerism , popery , or atheism . for , if they be observed to be destitute of that courage or resolution which is necessary in any governour , it will give occasion unto many to conclude , that god never call'd them to that office , seeing they are not e●du'd with the spirit of their calling ▪ for ( as the spirit of government was imparted by heaven to the son of kish , before his election to the regal office , so ) the almighty sends none to labour in his vineyard , but he first furnisheth them with competent abilities to work there . the passion of fear ( as syracides tells us ) betrays those forces which reason brings into the soul , and many times argues an evil conscience within ; for the righteous are bold as a lion ; but the timerous and wicked are hide-bound , irresolute , resty , and unactive , always obnoxious to a pannick fear , and void of zeal for the glory of god , through want of the virtue of active fortitude ; so that they are many times afraid of their own shadows . and it was upon the account of that destitution , that the primitive church did declare the lapsi and clinicks , who were baptized in that condition , irregular , and inhabiles to ossiciate at the altar ; the former , because they wanted christian courage ; as is insinuated can. x. concilii magni nicaeni : and the later should not be ordain'd , because their faith ( who are baptized on their sick bed ) seems not to be voluntary , but of necssity , which is explicitly given as the reason of that interdict , by the th . canon of neo-caesarea . and , without all peradventure , he ( and he only ) is framed by heaven to be an approved governour , either of church or state , who can say in sincerity , with s. chrysostome , i fear nothing but sin : for as the poet saith , degeneres animos timor arguit . now the courage of a church-governour imports such a magnanimity that excludes pusillanimity on the one hand , and temerity on the other ; that foelix temeritas ( which , as seneca observed , attended the actions of alexander the great ) being unsutable in a church-man , who ought alwayes to order his affairs with discretion ; for christian prudence admits of the sagacity of the serpent , in conjunction with the harmlesness of the dove . therefore this virtue in an ecclesiastick , must also shut out that volatile salt which is observed in some who pretend to greatness of spirit , and should be reduc'd to such a fixation that amounts to an immoveable constancy in that which ( after mature deliberation ) hath once been well resolved upon , in conformity to that advice of judicious salust . antequam incipias consulta . — ubi consulueris maturè , facto opus est . but that fixation must never come the length of a caput mortuum ; for , as a faint-hearted creature is easily frighted by the audacious ; so an unconstant wavering spirit is , with no less facility , imposed and wrought upon by the crafty . that character of socrates ; semper eodem incedebat vul●u ; and that prince's motto , semper idem , are decent epithetes in a church-man . as the inflexible justice of aristides merited that elogium , that the sun might be sooner diverted from its course , than that noble athenian from the path of iustice ; so the inviolable resolution of athanasius to adhere unto the truth , procured that deserved encomium , sedem potiùs mutare voluit quàm syllabam : yea , less than a syllable ( even the interposition of one letter into the churches creed , ) would have composed the difference betwixt the orthodox and arrians , and have procured eternal peace to the christian world , all the years of the reign of the emperours constantius and valens : and that ( in all probability ) much more effectually , than the nine disparate creeds penned by the arrians , during the reign of constantius . but they adhered closely to the council of nice , and did choose rather to cast themselves upon the providence of god , than to consent to the least alteration ; they perceiving that the substitution of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , did not only pervert the sence , and enervate the authority of that great synod ; but that it did totally invalidate its determination for consubstantiality . for the orthodox considered , that as wisdom is alwaies justified of her own children ; so that wisdom which descends from above , is first pure , then peaceable ; and that optabilius est bellum pace impiâ , & à deo distrahente . but i greatly fear that there are too many in this iron age so flexible , that they would cause to renounce , not only any letter of the alphabet , but also all the dutch consonants , and selavonian words , yea , both Α , and Ω , before they willingly abandoned their seats , they being willows , and not oaks : which was given as the reason , by an old courtier , why he stood ( but i suppose not uprightly ) in favour , during all the twenty four years of bloody war betwixt the red rose and the white : such persons having a versatile ingenium ( as was said of cato the elder ) which can uti foro , & servire scenae . but a prudent resolution with a couragious constancy , in a church-governour , will not fail to animate all the presbyters within his jurisdiction , to exercise church-discipline impartially , without any fear of finding their own subordinate authority baffled in the matter of appeals , when scandalous persons provoke from their award to the bishops tribunal ; which is too frequently practis'd in this age. but if ( in lieu of strengthening ) they perceive their superiours palpably weakening their hands , by conniving too long , and indulging too much unto some delinquents , it will give occasion , even to those who cannot but approve the form of government , to wish that they had never seen such governours , who regard not the glory of god , or the good of his church , nor the credit of their own office , nor the reputation of their clergy ; and that they are too like unto k. saul , given rather for a curse , than a blessing unto the people of god : all laodicean bishops , and all who ( as the satyr said ) blow hot and cold with one mouth , being hateful in the sight of god , and odious in the eyes of those who have a pure zeal for the glory of god , and the good of his church ; for corruptio optimi est pessima . yet i doubt not , but that this free remonstrance ( though made by the most conform of the clergy , ) shall verifie that of the royal prophet , tange montes , & fumigabunt ; which by some of the old fathers is applied to these rancorous vapors which barefac'd truth exhales from some mountains of worldly dignity . and from these little partial policies ( which savour too rankly of a timorous sinful compliance : ) judicious spectators will take occasion to compare them unto aesop's dog , who would neither do good , nor let good be done ; and to the crimaean tartars , who will not suffer the polonians to manure a parcel of fertile ground interjacent betwixt them , and that part of the ancient scythia europaea , neither will they be at the pains to cultivate it themselves . i deny not , but pax cum hominibus , & bellum cum vitiis , is an ancient christian maxim ; but sure i am , pax cum hominibus & vitiis , is an antichristian conjuncture . but the impartial execution of discipline hath also a train of many other excellent advantages following after it ; for all the cardinal vertues do evidently and eminently appear therein : and it is an imitation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our great master ; as also the best expedient to perswade all ranks of people to comply with their admonitions , and to submit enirely and cheerfully to the yoke of discipline , when they perceive their rulers to be no respecters of persons , and that their justice is so far blind , as not to put any difference ( in their censures ) betwixt the noble and the ignoble , the rich and the poor . but if any byass be perceived towards the left hand of secular interest , unbyassed persons will be apt to resemble those canons whereby they pretend to be regulated , unto spiders webs , ( as one compared solon's laws ; ) which catch the lesser insects , but the greater ones pass through them scot-free . it was certainly the consideration of the unmalleable impartiality of a prelat , which prompted that great emperor theodosius to say , that he knew no bishop but ambrose . there is but little fear , in this byassed age of the world , of the violation of that antique precept , ye sh●ll not countenance a poor man in his cause ; but the reverse thereof is too frequently transgressed , it being an old complaint dat veniam corvis , vexat censura columbas . another advantage of the impartial execution of discipline , is , a great conformity to the method of the primitive church . and sure if the prudent practice of many disused penitentiary canons were retrived into this age , it would resemble the face and garb of the ancient christian church , much more than it doth . me thinks , it cannot but be a matter of great admiration unto any that is acquainted with the primitive history , to find ( even before the roman empire turn'd christian ; ) such a crowd of penitents , especially the lapsi , willingly offering themselves to undergo the severest penances enjoined by those ancient canons , which were so strict and diuturnal , that many of them required many years appearance in sackcloth and ashes , before they were accomplished ; the church-guides wanting the brachium saeculare to second their discipline , and many times meeting with much opposition therefrom . neither had the penitents any temporal hopes or fears to induce them , but only a firm belief of the future rewards and punishments of another world. the principal canons which contain a platform of that ancient austere discipline , and which do enjoin an impartial execution of church-censures upon all delinquents without respect of persons , shall be subjoin'd at the period of this article . i shall only here take notice of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the primitive fathers ; for in some cases , these disciplinarian canons permitted a great latitude to the governours of the church , to dispence with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rigorous execution of them , upon the account of humanity , charity , prudence , and compassion , especially towards those who were in danger to be swallow'd up of too much grief , or to be absorpted in the gulf of death , before they were reconciled to the church by fulfilling the whole canonical time of penance . this discretion is recommended in the th . canon of that great council of nice : and the reason of this remission of the rigour of the law in some cases is expressed in general , by the th . canon of the xi th council of toledo ; where we have these very words ; ecclesiarum rectoribus discretio esse debet , ne per inconditam & indiscretam disciplinam , subeant homicidii nolam . and the th canon of the same council of toledo may be termed a commentary upon that th of the council of nice . now this relaxation of penance ( which was nothing else , but a dispensation with the rigour of the canon , upon prudential and charitable motives , ) being a great favour granted by the poenitentiary , or spiritual guide to the publick or private penitent , it was fitly termed by the primitive church , an indulgence ; which word in the later ages was grossely abused by the roman church , in the matter of purgatory ; and the unlawful gain which redounded from that doctrine , reckoned upon as one of the three spiritual fountains of the temporal intrado of the popes of rome . but whether this politick invention did contribute more to the avarice , or ambition of that hierarchy , can hardly be determined . but sure i am , the primitive fathers knew no such lucrative doctrine : and if they could have heard ticelius , with the rest of his dominican pardon-mongers promulgating that most scandalous sale of indulgences in germany , ( where , for a little money , they promised in the pope's name , that the living should be preserved from the flames of purgatory , and the dead immediately extricated out of them ; ) they would undoubtedly have concluded , that these praecones came from hell , to publish that simoniacal doctrine , of which we find ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quidem , in all the authentick decrees of the most ancient bishops of rome : yea to him that readeth the decretals , it may plainly appear , that an indulgence is , an absolution from penance imposed in confession only ; which was the opinion of that learned cardinal cajetan , after he had once and again conferr'd with m. luther at ausburg ; the judgment of that great cardinal being homologated by that ingenuous ( but miserably deluded by his cardinals ) pope adrian the th , who was also a great divine , and had written on that subject long before luther thought to handle it . as for the aera of that unhandsome way of gaining money ; it was certainly posteriour to the th century , and did not commence , till vrban the second , having granted a plenary indulgence and remission of all sins to whosoever made war in the holy land , to regain the sepulchre of christ out of the hands of the mahumetans ; which was imitated by his successors for some hundreds of years ; some of which granted it to those who maintain'd a souldier , in case they could not go to war themselves in person : and after , in progress of time , the same indulgences were given for the taking of arms against those that obeyed not the church of rome , ( at which we hinted in another article , ) although they were also christians ; and for the most part , in●inite exactions were made , under these pretences ; all which ( or the greater part ) were applyed to baser ends and uses , than was pretended . but it is high time to crave pardon for this brief polemical digression , and i shall speedily shut up this article with an answer to one or two objections . peradventure some are ready to say , it 's impossible to retrive that primitive pattern unto this age , unless it were reduced ( whereof there is but little hope , ) unto that intense contrition , and zeal , faith , hope , charity , humility , patience and temperance , which abounded in the infant christian church . yea , more than so , there were many schismaticks in the primitive times , ( such as the novations , donatists , miletians , and luciferians . ) and some hereticks , ( especially the montanists , called otherwise cataphrygians , ) who , with a malicious vigilancy , watched for the halting of the orthodox ; which made them bestirr themselves the more vigorously against delinquents ; and with a seeming severity , lest these watchful dragons should upbraid them with too much lenity . for answer ; it is a matter of great regrett to all the true lovers of sion , that these christian vertues are at the best practised among us in too remiss a degree ; and it should be the endeavour of all christians to come up to the length of that grand exemplar ; for we have souls to be saved or lost , as well as they ; and there is no less obligation lying upon us to glorifie god , than was on them . and if every one who professeth that holy calling , would in his own sphere move aright through divine grace , we needed not doubt , but that golden age would , in a great part , be brought back to the church , and that we should anticipate that blessed millenium which was expected by the most ancient primitive fathers , before the consummation of the world. to which purpose the most learned m. mede applyes the doctrine of the ancient chiliasts , and vindicates the sectators of papias , from the imputation of s. hierom. as for the other objection ; it is but too evident , that we have but too many hereticks and schismaticks living amongst us , whose lyncaean eyes are as maliciously observent of the defects , and neglects of our church , as any of those of the primitive times were : and whosoever hath not noticed this , it may be truly said of him , that domi peregrinatur . vid. canones ferè omnes concilii illiberini , neo-caesariensis , & ancyrani . concil . general . . can. . & . concil . tolet . . can. , . concil . agathens . can. . concil . carthag . . can. . concil . turon . . can. . concil . hispalens . . can. . concil . matiscon . . can. . concil . toletan . . can. . tolet. . can. . synod . quinisex . vel concil . general . . can. . the practice of holy bishops being the best commentary upon their doctrine , before we subjoyn any of their testimonies for the confirmation of this article , i shall give a brief hint of some histories , in order to the refreshing of the memory of the judicious reader ; for he must needs be a stranger to all church-history , who is altogether unacquainted with these ensuing instances . the first is of maris bishop of chalcedon , a blind bishop , yet he fought not andabatarum more , but boldly told the emperour iulian to his face , that he was glad the almighty had bereav'd him of his eyes , that he might not see such a vile apostate as he was . such was the freedom of spirit wherewith even an arrian bishop was endued in behalf of the christian religion . but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of s. basil ( a greater , and much more orthodox bishop , ) was so admirable in the eyes of the lieutenant of the emperour valens , that this heretical servant told it as one of the greatest wonders in the world , unto his arrian master , that there was no threatening imaginable could deterr that metropolitan of cappadoc●a , from the path of truth and vertue . st. chrysostom his freedom of spirit in reprehending the vanities of the empress eudoxia , was so great , that some supposed it had too much of the satyr in it : and that his wonderful eloquence would have run in a smoother channel , if a little gall , vinegar , and vitreol , had not sometimes troubled the stream . but he deserved from all ( and in a right sence too ) to be term'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a kneeless bishop , he being inflexible to all the petitions of ignorant and scandalous ecclesiasticks , who lived within the priphery of his patriarchate : neither could all the hopes or fears , wherewith the greatest secular persons in the world accosted him , divert that resolute prelate , from that which he judged just and good , and a part of his episcopal charge . though we might subjoyn many other examples to this purpose , yet i shall forbear , for the reason above frequently express'd . yet we cannot balk in silence the well-known instance of that most worthy prelate of millan , who repell'd , for the space of eight moneths , that good emperour theodosius the great , from the holy eucharist , ( that blessed sacrament being frequently celebrated in the western churches , at that time ; ) and that for his temerarious and cruel sentence in the mattter of thessalonica . but whether the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that great bishop , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that great emperour , were most admirable , i shall not determine ; but shall shut up this historical account , with that resolute answer which this couragious prelate gave to valentinian the second , emperour of the west ; who ( being instigated by his mother , an arrian , to give the principal church at millan to those hereticks ) did meet with this unexpected repulse from s. ambrose , in the porch of his cathedral , non prodam lupis gregem mihi commissam ; hic occide si lubet . in which expression his holy boldness , in conjunction with a due submission to superiour powers , affords new matter of admiration . now , in regard that this little cento of history hath wasted more paper than at first i imagin'd it should do , we shall therefore add no more authorities to this article . article xvii . mat. . , , . &c. act. . . rom. . . cor. . . pet. . . whatever bombast epithets others give unto them , let all bishops when they converse and salute one another viva voce , or by writing , use no other compellation than that of brethren , which is most consonant unto the primitive pattern ; all christians then living as brethren , and denominating one another under that notion of fraternity ; ( which word was much used in the infancy of the church : and from it the pagans also took occasion to traduce our religion . ) but none used it more than the ministers of the gospel , whether bishops or presbyters ; it being ( as baronius that great annalist hath well observed ; ) the most usual compellation of all bishops among themselves , where there was a parity of age , or no great disproportion . but when any of the order , who had stepped in upon a decrepit old age ( called by the latines , aetas capularis , and silicernium : ) did converse with one of the same order much younger than himself , he usually called him son , and vice versâ , the younger termed the elder father ; ( though none of them were so young , but that fourty winters ( at least ) had snowed upon their heads ; yea , very few presbyters were ordained in these times of persecution , whose pulse had not beaten twice twenty years : ) to which , if some late criticks had well adverted , they would have made use of a better argument to repudiate the pretended areopagite , ( as there want not some solid reasons to do the feat , ) than his impertinency , in calling timothy , son , at the close of his book , of ecclesiastical hierarchy ; though ( say they ) the said timothy was equal to him , ( if not his superiour ) in piety , doctrine , and authority , both being bishops of famous churches , and ephesus ( where timothy govern'd ) rather a mother-church than athens ; and that it was the general custom of the primitive church , for bishops to call one another brethren : but this is a meer fallacy , à dicto secundum quid , ad dictum simpliciter ; for in respect of age , he might have called him son , though in many other things he had been his superiour ; seeing we find , more than a thousand years after that time , ( when christian simplicity and humility were much rarer in the world , ) that ioseph patriarch of constantinople , flatly refused the emperour thereof , ( whose , almost desperate , affairs , in that conjuncture required as great complyance with the latin church , as conscience could possibly permit , ) to prostitute himself to the bishop of rome , by giving him the usual adorations of the occidental church at that time ; and plainly told him , that if eugenius the th ( by whose influence the councel of florence was celebrated , which was first assembled at ferrara : ) were a man much elder than himself , he would call him father ; if but of equal years , he would term him brother ; if much younger , he would style him son , without the ●east mention of his pretended title of holiness . and this was all the compellation and obeysance could be obtained from that peremptory patriarch . it were also desireable , that all our bishops took place among themselves according to their age ; ( excepting the metropolitan or primate , who is constant praeses of that sacred colledge , and who usually in the primitive church was eminent above the rest , not only in all laudible qualifications , but also in respect of age. ) for in doing so , they would not only imitate the sons of that great patriarch iacob , but they would shew themselves humbly obsequious to many ancient canons , which appoint the precedency of bishops among themselves , to be , at least , conform to the aera of their present dignity ( of which we shall give an account at the end of this article ; ) it being a most indecent spectacle , ( and that which in the city of sparta would have appear'd a very ridiculous pageantry : ) to see a reverend old man treading upon the heels of one who might have been his grand-child , and yet of that same order with himself . but whether young or old ( if they be once of the order ) there is all the reason in the world , that all of them should be interested in all the material concerns thereof . time was , when there were no such peculiar precincts in this church , which are now termed dioceses ; but all of that sacred order governed this church communi-consilio & suffragio , and therefore were denominated episcopi scotorum , in general : and without peradventure , all bishops and presbyters , canonically elected and ordained , are , iure divino , organical members of the catholick church , ( as is sufficiently demonstrated by m. hudson , and divers others : ) though we should prescind from all limitations of diocesan and parochial churches ; which restrictive boundaries were only determined iure humano : ( damasus and platina testifying , that p. evaristus , primus in urbe roma , divisit titulos presbyteris . ) for , if this most reasonable ▪ correspondence , and good understanding were observed amongst all the bishops of a national church , there should be no occasion given unto any of that order , to regret that they are seldom call'd to give their advice in the most important affairs of the church ; far less their consent required to the management of them . nor should they complain , that when their assistance is offered , they are us'd much worse than the pedarii senatores at rome ; the point-blank contrary being put in execution to that which the plurality had resolved upon ; as if they were not the edifiers of sion , but the builders of babel , and understood not one another's language . which slight put upon bishops , may a little alleviate the neglect of presbyters ; for , solamen miseries , &c. but i would humbly tender my advice to the governours of our church , not to use such singular methods , and dis-joynted counsels ; lest they give occasion unto intelligent persons , for to resemble them unto lewis the eleventh of france , of whom it was said , that he carried all his councel about with him upon one horse . and philip de commines , that excellent historian , observes it to have been the cause of the final ruin , and fatal end of that king's rival , charles the warlike , that he harkened to no counsel , save that of his own . perhaps some of these leading-men have not only the vanity of themistocles the athenian general , who dispatch'd all the important concerns of his office , the last day of his abode in the city ( as plutarch reports in the history of his life ; ) but also the ambition to be thought no less sufficient than that perpetual dictator , whose great parts did cast such a dark shadow upon his insignificant colleague in the consulship , that they , who in mockery did calculate the fasti consulares , design'd that year thus ; iulio & caesare coss. ( the remaining bibuli sitting rather as ciphers , than consuls , in the church of god. ) yet let them be never so sharp , i hope they will acknowledge there is some acuteness in that expression of the wise man , in the multitude of councellors there is safety ; and some sence in that old maxim , plus vident oculi quàm oculus ; and in this also , vis consilii expers , mole ruit suâ . for they who will not give ear to the advice of any other man , ( be he never so godly and learned ) must needs be such opiniators , as iamblicus out of aristotle speaks of , who imagine themselves a middle sort of rationals , betwixt god and man. yet these fantastical semidii , shall not only dye like men , but they have good reason to fear , that there shall be no such king found as david was , to follow the bier , and to lament over them thus ; dyed these generals of the ten tribes as fool dieth ? nay , on the contrary , they may apprehend the fate of iehoram , that wicked king of iudah , who departed not being desir'd ; i.e. none seriously affecting the prolongation of that life , which was so useless and noxious to the world. and let them remember , that there is scarce any ancient councel ( if ever they did read them ; ) whether general or provincial , ( so that we need not amass citations to this purpose ; ) but ordains every metropolitan to assemble a councel of his comprovincials once every year at least , that with common advice and consent they may resolve on those things which concern the good of that church , at whose helm providence hath placed them . and it is very observable , that there have been some in the world , who , having dream'd of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in themselves , ( as if these fantastick deities did emulate one of the names of the true god , which is schaddai , ) yet have been led by the nose by some sycophantine creatures of their own ; which sons of ptolomee ceraun . and campobasso , will not fail ( when occasion serves ) to cut the throats of their deluded patrons . but whatever success their subterranean attempts may have , that ecclesiastick must needs be too prodigal of his fame , who is surrounded with such disingenuous varlets , that cast so dark a shadow upon him , which proves not only a great scandal to the church , but also a very great reflection upon his own judgment and honour ; for ( as constantius chlorus said well ) he who is not faithful unto god , can never be faithful unto man. it was an old saying , nulla fides pietasve viris qui castra sequuntur . i wish there be no ground to apply this to any of the spiritual militia of this age : and that none of them may be found like to that perfidious grecian lysander , who vaunted of himself , that , as some men cheated young children with a little dose of sweet junkets , so he used to trepan men with oaths . and it is beyond all doubt , that they must needs be men of prostituted consciences , and who would make no bones of falsifying their own oaths for a little worldly interest , who endeavour to perswade a metropolitan councel to become guilty of perjury ; without all peradventure , such persons would not think any singular wickedness too great for them to boggle at . vid. concil . arelat . . can. . cujus haec sunt verba ; vt nullus episcopus alium episcopum conculcet . concil . carthag . . can. . concil milevit . can. . concil . agathens . can. . concil . bracar . . can. . cujus haec sunt formalia verba ; — item placuit , ut , conservato metropolitani episcopi primatu , caeteri episcoporum , secundum suae ordinationis tempus , alius alii sedendi locum deferat . concil . antioch . can. . & concil carthag . . can. . vid. greg. . lib. . epist. . cùm certum sit honoris ista distinctio , ut ipse prior & major habeatur , qui prius fuerat ordinatus , communitatis consilio , & concordi actione . clem. alex. paedagog . & lib. . strom. tertull. contra marcion . lib. . & contra psychicos . ( though he had followed the errour of montanus , before he wrote that invective against the orthodox ; yet there be some sad truths in it . ) orat. gregorii n●zianz . post reditum . article xviii . act. . , . rom. . . philip. . . tim. . . tit. . , , . having hinted already at the sentence of inhability pronounced by the primitive church against all those who had been publick penitents , declaring them for ever incapable to officiate at the al●ar , whether they were candidates of 〈◊〉 holy function , or already in orders ; it 〈…〉 here subjoyn , that they took the same course with all those who deserved to be such , ( suppose they continued for a time refractory to the discipline of the church ; ) whom they reduc'd , if of the clergy , to the laick-communion , and thought it favour enough in doing no more . which censure was not to participate of a mutilated sacrament , ( as some ignorant papalins pretend , in their pitiful arguings for that detestable sacrilege : ) but to be in the state of laicks , that they should not any more enjoy the honour of sitting among the clergy , or of being reputed such . and they must needs be void , not only of greek and latin , but of common sense too , who do not perceive that to be the genuine import of those numerous canons of the eastern and western churches , which have pronounced that kind of censure against the great delinquents of the clergy , these refractory persons being so much the more criminal , because they added contumacy to their guilt , and were many removes from conviction . i wish from my very heart , that the same method had been us'd in this church ; which would have obviated that great reproach which hath of late befallen it , in reference to those of the clergy , who engag'd into a schismatical and seditious combination against the government of church and state ; that pernicious conspiracy levelling both at prince and priest , though many well-meaning creatures were seduced by these ignes fatui , like those simple souls which followed absalom to hebron . yet this was not the sole aggravation of their guilt ; for ( as if it had been too little for them to become once the sons of the devil ; ) they confirmed that hellish confederacy by reiterated oaths , in complyance with that old maxim , tutum sceleribus per scelera est iter . and ( not satisfied with raising a devouring fire in this national church ; ) they rested not till they promoted that combustion , by throwing firebrands into the bowels of our neighbour kingdom ; ( as if they were the genuine issue of semele , after iupiter had approached unto her with the ensigns of his deity . ) which , raging there much worse than aetna or vesuvius could have done , or the most violent vulcano in the world , inflamed all the vitals of that well constituted government : the universal conflagration of this poor island being carried on by these boutefeu's , with no less pretence of divine zeal , than if they had fetched the first coal thereof from the altar of god. if justice had been done on those incendiaries , they would at least have been reduc'd ad communionem laicorum ; and they ought to have looked upon it as a very great favour indulg'd them , to have been permitted to remain in statu quo priùs , without any other chastisement , than the corrodings of their own consciences , ( when they reflect upon the catastrophe of that horrid tragedy they had been acting ; which was , the barbarous assassination of one of the best of princes . ) and a final desperation of being advanced to any higher degree in the militant church . that hereticks and scismaticks , even after they have returned with penitent hearts to the catholick church , should look upon it as a very great favour , to be permitted to continue in the order wherein they were before that scandalous lapse , ( yet absque omni spe promotionis , ) is so evident from the ancient fathers , that we need not wast any paper thereabout : there being no less than thrice mention thereof in prima causa secundae partis decreti gratiani . vid. q. . c. . & c. . q. . c. . in all which paragraphs , that expression is still mentioned , vt in magno habeant beneficio tolerantiam in statu quo priùs permanendi , absque &c. but o! how my heart doth ach , ( for , as the tragedian hath said , curae leves loquuntur , ingentes stupent , ) when i consider , what a scandal the preferment of some of these , hath given to the church of god. their grasping of that which formerly they had solemnly abjured , and persecuted odio vatiniano , as one of the strongest limbs of anti-christ , puts me in mind of that of the poet , ille crucem sceleris pretium tulit , hic diadema . which honourable elevation is too apt a temptation to pave the way in corrupt nature unto inveterate knavery , when it is observed , that early villany is prosperous in youth , and hath the hap to be crown'd in old age ; unless it be such a mock-diadem wherewith an ambitious nobleman was once stigmatized in this land. to which unhappy advancement and ominous elevation , as the causa defectibilis , ( together with that curse which usually attends such weather-cocks , ) many are apt to impute the non-pursuance of the true ends of this present government , and the re-establishment thereof on sure foundations ; that proverb being too often verified , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i.e. mali principii , malus exitus : and errours in prima concoctione are most dangerous . for , sir iohn presbyter is scarce yet warned to remove from his usurped possession , save only , that in lieu of a presbyterian moderator , we now have a presbyterian bishop , invested with a new title , and larger revenues . and what greater demonstration need we of it than this , that some presbyterian preachers , and ministers too , are tolerated , by the sole authority of some bishops , to enjoy the officium & beneficium of those churches wherein they have been bellows of schism and sedition : and never yet acknowledged any church-judicatory higher than their kirk-session , since the re-establishment of this government ? which is a sufficient evidence , that simile simili gaudet , and birds of one feather flock together . for if there were not such bigots to cajole the populace , the fanaticks of this land would soon crumble away to nothing . another evidence of the continuance of their doting upon their darling presbytery , is , their design to depress ( as much as possibly they can ) those of the conform clergy , who have been constantly loyal to church and state. who ( in his right wits ) would imagine , when any episcopal see , theological chair , or headship of a college is vacant , but that they would be ready ( secundum vires inventarii ) to prefer unto those vacancies , a well-qualified person , who would be fast to their government , upon the account of his loyal principles ? but we see the contrary practis'd ; their old associates in that hellish combination must be the only men of whom they are fond ; whereby they embrace ixion's cloud instead of iuno , and verifie the common proverb , quos iupiter vult perdere , illos dementat : and qui sibi nequam , cui bonus ? which joyn issue with that of homer , talis est hominum terrestrium mens , qualem quotidie ducit pater virorumque deorumque . but — aliquisque malo fuit usus in illo . for ( these being the inveterate socii criminis ) they are sure they will never upbraid them , either directly or indirectly , with their former immoralities ; for , carere debet omni vitio , qui in alterum dicere paratus est . and if any of them should prove such bold adventurers , they have this recriminating repartee in readiness , for such shameless upbraiders , quamvis dignus essem hac contumeliâ , indignus tu qui diceres tamen ; or that other , which is parallel thereto , loripedem rectus irrideat , aethiopem albus . but it is a matter of lamentation , that their endeavours of depression have prov'd too successful . ( though , nascitur indignè per quem denascitur alter . ) for , ( suppose we had lived the life of nestor ) none could remember , that ever they saw this holy function under so much obloquy and contempt , as it hath been these few years past . for , unless a man have something else to commend him than the dignity of his office , ( though it is most sacred , and should render the exercisers of it every way inviolable : ) yet it is no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to protect him from the scoffings , and scurrile expressions of the profane ; nor from the undervaluings of those who pretend to some shadow of civility and religion . yet i should wish , ( in behalf of the church ) that , what is grated from the circumference , were at least , cemented with the center . but alack ! we find there is such an unhappy conjuncture in this affair , that there is too perfect a resemblance thereof , unto pharoah's dream , of which we read , that the lean and ill-favoured kine did eat up the first seven fat kine , yet it could not be known that they had eaten them up ; for they were still lean and ill-favoured , as at the beginning . but that we may put a period to this grating article ; i do firmly believe , that if his gracious majesty had been well inform'd of those deplorable inconveniences , he would have chosen rather to have sent down some english doctors to have govern'd us in prima instantia , than have permitted any of those willy-wisps to jump into these empty chairs ; our neighbour-church being such a fertile soil , that it could easily spare a charitable antidote against the famine of another ; ( though , to speak truth , it is a kind of nazareth to our wildest fanaticks ; for they cannot foresee , that any good shall come from thence . ) yea , i am con●ident , if our own ierusalem had been search'd with light candles , as many , who have been constantly loyal , ( and have suffered much too upon that account ; ) would have been found to be pares negotio , who are inferiour to these late daemagogues in nothing that is truly good , and much superiour to them all in real honesty . yea it is the opinion of many judicious persons , that some leading secular subjects , whose hearts were not well disposed towards the government , had a hand in the advancement of such ; that through their sides ( which were too patent to reproaches ) this sacred regiment might be easily wounded : their feeble arms not being able to susslaminate that burden , they conjectured that the weight thereof would make them faint at last , and so permit that celestial load to fall to the ground , before an hercules could be found to support it with his shoulders . but as for those who longed for the reestabliment of that ancient government upon lasting foundations ; and cordially wished to see all that dirt of obloquie and contempt , which had been thrown in the face of that primitive regiment , and sullied it for half an age , so wiped off , that it might shine with a greater lustre than before : these well-wishers knowing , that outward esteem and reputation is the same to great persons ( especially of the clergy ) which the skin is unto the fruit : for , though it be but a slight and delicate cover , yet without it , the fruit will presently dis-colour , and rot . sure it would never have entered into the minds of those real friends of the church , that no better expedient could be found to appease a raging sea , and to procure halcyonian seasons unto that storm-beaten ( and almost shipwrack'd ) vessel , than to invert the story of ionah by placing those runnagate prophets at the helm of the church ; the more dexterous and auspicious pilots being , in the mean time , thrown over board , into a sea of confusion and contempt , like to the scattered limbs of innocent absyrtus , and all for that end to retard the just pursuit of a criminal medea . but , seeing it hath been the unhappy fate of this church , that such persons have become the steer-masters of that fluctuating ark ; yet true repentance being ( as s. hierom hath said ) optima tabula post naufragium ; i should wish , that there had been a day of solemn humiliation appointed , wherein these fugitive lapsi , might have given glory to god , by confessing before all his people , ( and that from deep conviction too ) a penitent sense of their former schismatical and seditious courses . which exomologesis ( in my humble judgment ) should have been found more justifiable , and much more edifying too , than to attest the searcher of all hearts , that their consciences did still approve that persecuted way , even then when they were preaching , and acting with all their might against it : whereby they detected themselves , either to have been hypocrites all that time ( than which heart , and a heart nothing is more odious in the sight of that god who delights in uprightness : ) or at least , that they would have others to repute them such . for , i deny not the truth of that maxim , ne pudeat ad meliora transire , the meaning whereof , as to the present case , is this ; that these malefactors should not be asham'd to repent of their former perverseness , and to learn more candour and christian ingenuity for the future . but , i fear , that many of those who were protei before the year , if there come a new revolution , ( which , as long as i breath , i shall every day pray god to prevent , ) would easily become vertumni : and that the canting language of a bold usurper , would cast them into a new paroxysm of their old vertigo ; so that they should again become the ecebolii of their age. vid. concil . general . . can. . concil . elibertin . can. , , . concil . arelat . . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . toletan . . can. . concil . valentin . can. . concil . carthag . . can. . concil . tolet. . can. . concil . agath . can. . . concil . illerdens . can. . concil . aurelianens . . can. . concil . matisconens . . can. . vid. tertul. apolog. arnob. lib. . adversus gentes . euseb. de praep. evang. lib. . greg. nazianz. orat. contra iulian. apostat . s. basil. lib. de spiritu sancto . s. ambros . lib. . de offic. chrysost. lib. , , & . de sacerdot . greg. . lib. . epist. . & lib. . epist. . isidor . hispal . de eccles . offic. lib. . bern. de consid. lib. , . article xix . this article concerns only those bishops who are chancellours of universities : and i wish they look upon that honourable prerogative , as a special part of their province ; having a particular care , that the respective houses intrusted to their charge be well governed , by causing exact discipline to be observed in them , and edifying doctrine alwayes taught , even all the learned languages , and liberal arts , if there be competent maintenance settled for these several professions , or which may be provided by a right improvement of the old revenues , and the encouragement of pious christians ( who are in bonis ) to make some charitable donations for that effect . and let them regard all professours impartially , by hugging them all ( as a common father ) with an equal paternal affection ; provided they be men of conscience , learning , prudence , and authority , joyn'd with a faithful sufficiency to exercise their respective functions seasonably and diligently . and , above all , that they be persons of loyal principles , both in reference to church and state : as also , peaceably disposed , and averse from intrinsecal factions . as for these salamanders , who ( like the seditious in ierusalem ) are still jarring within , when they should be opposing the common enemy from without , let such be speedily turned out , lest that brood of the viper at last tear out the very bowels of their mother . but , seeing the education of youth , at their first appearance upon the university-theatre , is immediately intrusted to the care of the professours of philosophy ; let not these masters be permitted to be vain in their conversation or apparel ; ( as if they were school-boys themselves , who needed to be tutor'd , and have not as yet attain'd to that measure of prudence , as to govern themselves aright : ) but let them be ordered to be patterns of piety , gravity , sobriety , and all kind of temperance , to young ones ; that they may edifie them both by their example and doctrine . and let them be careful to teach youths the most solid parts of philosophy ; viz. the most useful part of aristotle's logicks , ( which was his greatest talent wherein his strength did lye , and whereby he did merit most from the world : ) remitting the vain pursuit of these aëreal notions concerning vniversale , ens rationis , &c. to brain-sick creatures , whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is , festucas legere , and chief employment , nugas & quisquilias prosequi . let them be also taught somewhat of the physicks , ethicks , and metaphysicks : but , i humbly suppose , moral philosophy may be more exactly learned from the platonists and stoicks , than from aristotle's ethicks ; viz. the books of plato , hierocles , plotinus , epictetus , simplicius , antoninus , arian , cicero , seneca , and plutarch : but seeing christians are to call in auxiliaries from such , there is no question but thomas aquinas his secundae secundae would be very useful in this affair . and , i should wish , that the most learned , solid , and discreet philosophers of an university , or nation , were employed , not only to draw up an exact systeme of moral philosophy , but also of natural , collected from des cartes , gassendus , the french and english virtuosi , not forgetting the learned works of sir francis bacon , ( whose profound philosophical wit gave the first rise to the modern experimental philosophy : ) especially his natural history and novum organum ; yea , his advancement of learning , his history of winds , and the prolongation of life , would be found also good adminicles 〈◊〉 such a design . but , as that systeme should be very material , so it ought to be succinct , like to that brief ( but excellent ) epitome , composed , as some suppose , by m. arnold , and term'd ars cogitandi , which is a notable summary of logick . such a systeme should serve , at least , as a text , both to masters and scholars ; a little latitude being indulg'd to professors to paraphrase on that diuturnal ephemerides . but let not capricious brains presume to set forth a new philosophical almanack every year , with a design to put the former out of date , till a new authority re-enjoyn it . but , above all , ( in destitution of a particular professour of the mathematicks ) let every master of philosophy teach his scholars every year some of the most useful species of that excellent science ; viz. arithmetick , geometry , geography , and astronomy , which will be found infinitely more useful , than these operosae nugae , taught heretofore in those places ; which have no better effect , than to stuff the brain , like to a bubble of water , or a blown bladder ; and which directly resembles those delicious viands wherewith necromancers pretend to feed their guests , but when they go away , they find their maws as empty , as when they began that imaginary feast . so that when these deluded youths come to commence masters of arts , their instructors may say of them , ( though not with a good conscience ) accipiamus pecuniam , &c. and ( without any humble modesty to be their prompter ) they may say of themselves , ( with as much truth at least as socrates , when he was pronounced by the oracle , to be the wisest man in the world ) this i know ; that i know nothing . and , that with secular learning they may drink in the first milk of piety , from the breasts of that alma mater , let the principles of christian religion be early instilled into the minds of young ones ; that , being seasonably taught to remember their creator in the dayes of their youth , they may not forget him in their old age , nor be forsaken by him ; for quo semel est imbuta , &c. for that end , let such a book as h. grotius his excellent little treatise de veritate religionis christianae ( which , without any hyperbole , is worth it's weight in the purest gold , ) be so inculcated into their memories , that they may , not only have it all by heart , but also throughly understand it . as also that notable summary of christian offices , call'd , the whole duty of man , composed by an unknown author : or the practical catechism of the learned d. hammond ; or that of d. vsher of armach , primate of ireland : provided they be first jure latii donati ; for all the communications of the lycaeum ought to be in the dialect of old rome , or that of the city of minerva ; that the tenacious memories of the young ones may be habituated to those learned languages . and how necessary the good education of youth is , may appear from that excellent observation of the great lo. verulam , that , the great multiplication of vertue upon humane nature resis on societies well ordered and disciplin'd : for common-wealths and good governments nourish virtue grown , but do not much mend the seeds . whence he infers , that there ought to be a most exquisite delectus of the tutors of youth . and ( if we give faith to plato , seneca , and plutarch ; ) they should be as well qualified persons as are lightly to be found in the world. and sure , this solicitous choice of the educators of youth was never more necessary , than in this iron age , wherein many have been so marred in their education by schismatical and disloyal principles , too early instilled into them , that this foundering in the feet hath caused convulsive fits , and unsteady motions in them , as long as they lived . but if the universities of this land were blessed with such professours as we have above described ; it is most probable , that from those seminaries of knowledge , and fruitful nurseries of the muses , eminent plants might blossom , in process of time , to the great advantage either of church or state , as divine providence shall determine their lot. and , seeing these stations of philosophy are the best seminaries this nation enjoys , for perfecting young men in order to that sacred function ; therefore let not these professours monopolize them for many yeares , by nestling their families therein , as if the foundator had designed nothing else , but the provision of their posterity . but let them be enjoyned to live in a celibate state , that with less distraction they may prosecute their studies : and , after the expiration of five , or six years at most , let them give place to others ; that , by such a happy circulation , all the corners of the land may reap the advantages of that foundation . it were ( in my humble judgment ) a very desirable blessing to this nation ; that his gracious majesty , with his great councel , would be pleased to allow some few months cess , to be stocked , for the inhancing of the revenues of the universities ; especially of the primar , and masters of philosophy ; that the head of the house may have a competent and constant annual intrado , to live splendidly , according to the dignity of his station . and this opening of free-schools to the professours of philosophy , ( without any expectation of the least acknowledgment from any scholar , and that under the pain of immediate extrusion from the respective house where they officiate : ) would not only obviate those scandalous animosities which too frequently occurr betwixt masters of different colleges , in the exercise of their beggarly trade of mendicating scholars , but would also be found the best expedient to retrive ( jure postliminii ) that ancient university-discipline , which hath been obnoxious to such a woful lapse , that it hath undergone the fate of an immemorial dispossession . for , if avarice and self-interest did not prevail with too many , over the qualifications and proficiency of those intrusted to their charge , yea , and preponderate the publick reputation of the house where they live , many who are now ambabus ulnis amplexi , would be declar'd incapable to enter within the philosophick porch , as being deprehended foundered in the feet , and frequently criminal in breaking priscian's head. and not a few who have already entred within these gates of the muses , would either be found unworthy to remain there , upon the account of vitiosity of life , ( which is contagious to the rest of the society : ) or be extruded for non-proficiency in their studies : degradation to a lower class , till they caught hold of minerva's train , would certainly be the least of their censure . neither should the subject , by this wished for contribution , be a loser ; but ( as we use to speak ) he should prove a gainer at the long run ; for , what is now expended by them , would , by this method of free-schools , preserve no less , ( if not much more ) to their posterity , over and above their more laudable education : for persons of all ranks in this nation , usually sending their sons to be taught in some university , ( which is highly commendable , and much applauded beyond seas : ) they are , ( according to their quality ) oblig'd to dispense proportionable salaries to their instructors ; yea , they who have the inspection of them , are necessitated to require these honoraria , seeing the provisions of some foundations are so small a pittance , that they are disproportionable to that victus and amictus which the most sober person stands in need of ; not to speak of the fuel of charity and hospitality , and those materials for buying of books , and entertainment of a servant to wait upon them , which the dignity of that office calls for . all which require much more money , than the poverty of some foundations can afford . and let this chancellour of the university contribute his utmost endeavours that the provost , or head of the college , ( usually term'd primar ) excell , not only in the above expressed qualities , ( that he may deservedly be termed the principal of that incorporation ) but that also he be doctor of divinity , and the reformed canon law ; that he may be in a capacity to conferr that dignity upon the most learned of the clergy , when their ordinary shall call them thereunto , that many may be encouraged to merit that degree ; honour being the best nursing-mother of arts , and promover of sciences . — but , let those who are , not only pious , learned , and prudent , but also known to have deserved well of the church , by their constant loyalty , be invited in the first place , to the participation of that honourable degree : for it is well enough known , that bishops are not in a capacity to promote all such to the most eminent dignity of the church ; ( it were indeed a pitiful nation , if the number of those did not far surpass that of the episcopal sees , suppose the church were so happy , as to have the absolute disposal of them : ) therefore it were but just and fit , that such deserving persons were ( at least ) rewarded with those minute and inexpensive honours , as a character of the churches special favour towards them . but seeing the royal family ( the sole fountain of honour ) hath gratified our universities with that honourable privilege and faculty , to dispense that cognizance of learning to the worthy ; let the chancellours have a special care , that the same be not abused and disgrac'd , by the promotion of the unworthy : for , if old knaves , epicures , buffoons , and grosse ignorants , who have not a mouthful of good latin , nor the art to form a right syllogism , ( not to speak of those doctorculi dominarum : ) be advanced to that honour ; it may provoke his majesty to recall that privilege from universities which hath been so vilified . and , suppose his majesty be not informed of such an abuse , yet it will infallibly render that honour despicable , for an age at least . we read indeed of that famous epaminondas , that by his undertaking the sordid office of a scavenger , he rendered that ( which was formerly accounted the basest , ) the most honourable in his city : but i fear , these pitiful doctorculi shall be found the reverse of the story , and the antipodes of that gallant theban ; for the degree will never dignifie them , but they will vilifie the honour : and it shall fare with it in the end , as it did with the order of s. michael in france , which was at first reputed very honourable , but when two or three unworthy persons were admitted unto that fraternity , no man of any worth would look after it any more , nor regard it in the least , who had any regard to his reputation . thus thuan in the d book of his excellent history , introduceth a french gentleman , speaking to this purpose , of that order of knighthood , ( which was first instituted by lewis the th , and at last abolished by k. henry the third . ) torquem conchiliatum postquam indignis promiscuè communicari coepisset , non jam esse fortium virorum insigne , sed omnium bestiarum collare . and it shall be the fate of those ignorant knights errant , to be compared unto that vain roman , ventidius bassus , of whom it was said , that he spoiled a good muleter , and made but a bad consul . but i shall shut up this paragraph with the observation of some very judicious persons ; that the principal reason wherefore pallas hath so few painted shields in this nation , is , because the sons of minerva receive so little encouragement from their superiours ; the much easier arts of adulation , and implicit obedience , being more valued , than the wearisom trade of evisceration ; ( it being no unfit etymology of the word minerva , quod nervos imminuat ; and of pallas , quod pallidos reddat . ) for there is much sence in that of the poet , sint maecenates , non deerunt flacce marones . and some in this too , — quis enim virtutem amplectitur ipsam , praemia si tollas ? time was ( even among the heathen ) that learning was a sufficient protection against tyranny ; winess antonius triumvir , who , when varro ( his enemy , and of a contrary faction ) was listed for death ; thus gallantly superscrib'd his name , vivat varro vir doctissimus : not to mention alexander the great his sparing of the house and family of pindarus , in that total eversion , and epidemical destruction of the thebans ; because he was the renowned prince of the lyrick poets , and unimitable , as horace terms him . for , though this domitian , maximinian , and lycinian age affords but few examples of this nature , yet ancient records have ( almost innumerable ) instances to this purpose . it cannot rationally be expected , that this article should be confirmed ( as the former are ) with many ecclesiastical canons ; seeing in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our citations ; there were few universities in the world , ( that of pavia and bononia , the oldest in these western parts of the world , being by many years posteriour thereunto : ) and scarce any doctors , honore doctoratus , as it is now used ; which is not properly an ecclesiastical dignity , but a civil honour conferred , by the secular prince , upon incorporations , ( i mean the faculty of dispensing it ) or on particular persons : thus d' avila , in his excellent history of the civil wars of france tells us , of that privilege , which henry the third , the french king , vouchsaf'd on the cardinal bur●on ; 〈…〉 make doctors 〈…〉 , or liberal 〈◊〉 . for , it being a 〈◊〉 honour , most originally desire it's 〈◊〉 from the 〈◊〉 . yet 〈◊〉 somee mention of doctors , and some orders concerning them , in a councel holden within the intervall of our allegations ; viz. concil . caesar augustan . which was celebrated in the th century . but whether it was that honour we have been lately describing , or a dignity purely ecclesiastical , adhuc dubitant doctores ; though it is most probable , that it ●lludes unto those catechists who were appointed to instruct the catechumem gra●des , ( which was an office equivalent to our professours of theology . ) such were pantaenus , clemens , and origen in the school of alexandria . and , ( if we give faith to s. hierom. lib. de script . eccles. ) there was a continual series of such ecclesiastical doctors in that church , from the days of s. mark the evangelist , unto pantaenus . of which some interpret those teachers , mentioned eph. . . for , as pastors govern the church , so these theologues ( say they ) govern the schools . but of this article enough , if not too much . the peroration . being stirred in spirit , i have adventured ( yet with all due submission ) to tender these nineteen proposals unto the serious consideration of the governours of this church . and sure i am , the conscionable practice of them , would be found more honourable , and much more useful , both to church and state , than were the propositions of an equal number , which by the mischievous long parliament , were sent after that glorious martyr , king charles the first , whom they had first driven from his royal residence , by most insolent tumults . if the author had not resolved , long ago , never to raise his insignificant name out of the dust of oblivion , by giving the press the trouble thereof , ( which is already too much oppress'd with a shoal of others , ) he would not have been asham'd to owne those lines before all the world , with as much confidence , and more innocency too , than heliodorus espoused his ingenious romance : but this ingenuous boldness had never its rise from a reflection upon the eloquence of these few sheets ; for he is throughly convinced , that his blunt style is very far from the art of oratory , and his genius no less removed from any affectation of the flowers of rhetorick : but it is the sense of these sad truths , and good wishes , embosom'd in those lines , which did create that confidence ; with something also which his conscience calls zeal , for the glory of god , and good of his church : wherein he hath endeavoured to trace the footsteps of salvian , ( that zealous bishop of marseils , who , in a parallel case to ou●s , speaks to this purpose , non verba , sed res ; non ornamenta , sed documenta affectamus : nudus enim veritatis ensis intimiùs penetrat ; at vitrum fucatum veritatis lucem excludit ) and gildas his ruthful lamentations for the great degeneracy of the british church . and , if his heart deceive him not very much , he may confidently appeal to the searcher of all hearts , that it was no dissatisfaction with the present form of church-government , which prompted him to pen this pamphlet ; but rather a sincere affection thereunto , and an ardent desire to see the glory of the second temple transcend the splendour of the first ; which he would account a kind of beatifical vision upon earth ; and wisheth not to live one minute longer , than to behold this church once in possession of that blessing : for , since he was blessed with any understanding , he had alwayes a veneration for that mode of government , as having ( in the greater lines thereof ) a greater analogy to the primitive regiment , than any other form coyn'd in the mint-house of geneva : and if the most ancient records of church-history , and fathers of the church be made judges in the matter , ( which , in matters of fact , must needs be ; unless any be so enthysiastick as to expect divine revelation de novo , to determine this controversie . ) i suppose the little antiquity which he hath read , would engage him to pawn his natural life upon the probation of that assertion , against all the paralogisms of blondel and salmasius ( the two great genevian champions ) and the more foolish cavils of many other praters to the same purpose . now , though the author hath humbly tendered this advice unto all of that sacred order ; yet he would not have any to imagine , that he undervalues any of them , or that he values all alike : he knows , that there were some two or three stars among them , of the first magnitude , now eclipsed from us ; ( the dark curtain of death being drawn divers years ago , betwixt them and this world : ) who , ( when they were in it ) were looked upon by all honest men , as persons of approved integrity , and who suffered much for conscience-sake , even imprisonment , banishment , and confiscation of their goods ; yea , some of them hardly escap'd with their lives : that hellish conspiracy amongst us being somewhat of kin to the grecian confederacy , whose insolent cruelty did so oppress the poor trojans , that it gave occasion to the poet to say , vna salus victis , nullam sperare salutem . yea , the author being honoured with the intimate acquaintance of some that are alive , he doth highly esteem them , as very good men ; and so they were generally reputed when they were but presbyters ; yet , either the want of a resolute courage in them , ( the privation whereof is a great remora to great actions : ) or the destitution of concurrence in others , ( it being the fate of those who are unequally yoked , when one presseth forward , another draweth back ; hath nullified their best wishes , and annihilated their good endeavours ; nothing being more contrary , nor a greater adversary to a direct and strait motion , than that which is oblique and retrograde ; and nothing more repugnant to a natural conamen , than a peristaltick motion . which deplorable disappointment cannot but give occasion to those well-meaning men , to take up that lamentation of pope adrian the sixth , ( whose best motions were retarded , and absolutely hindred by his unhappy colleagues in the consistory : ) who said to his familiar and trusty friends , that the condition of popes was miserable ; seeing it was plain , that they could not do good , though they desired and endeavoured to do it . ( which obstacles are set down at length by padre paulo , or pietro saovè polano , in his excellent history of the councel of trent . ) from which story marcellus cervinus ( another pope , of days standing ) took occasion to say , non videre se , quomodo qui fastigium hoc altissimum tenerent , saluti suae consulere possint . yea , they will be apt to joyn issue in the end , with the protestation of that dying emperour , faelix si non imperassem : and multum incola fuit anima mea . and from this inefficacious employment , many spectators ( who see not these hidden impediments , and secret back-sprents ; ) are ready to take occasion to pass this uncharitable verdict on those good men ; that their best wishes are but velleities ; and that they have marred good presbyters , and made but ill bishops : and , in fine , will apply to them the observation of the historian concerning the emperour galba ; that all men thought him worthy to reign , before he did design to reign : the same being observed in the last age , concerning henry the third of france . for , magistratus indicat virum . neither was it any schismatical humour in the author , which prompted him to this remonstrance : for he is so far from having any design to trouble the peace of the church , that he is still apt to comply with the counsel of clement of rome , to the corinthians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epiphanius — ( haeres . . ) sayeth , that clement was an instance of this christian advice , by resigning the roman see to linus and cletus : but sure chrysostom ( hom. . in ephes. ) professeth so much of himself ; and that excellent theologue gregorie nazianz. did really practice it at constantinople , making himself a ionah ( as he protested in his eloquent oration to the second general councel . ) to pacifie those tumults which were raised about that patriarchate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith socrates , hist. l. . c. . he would willingly choose rather to be exiled into terra australis incognita , and to be transported extra anni solisque vias , than to throw the least spark of fire into the bosom of the church : which pernicious flame ( if he were conscious of any guilt of his own that had kindled the same ; ) he would judge his heart-blood too mean a sacrifice to extinguish it ; having still in mind the sad sentence of s. cyprian , that schism is such a crime , which cannot be expiated by martyrdome . neither is he unmindfull of the words of diony●ius alex. his contemporary , who tells us : that it is better to suffer any thing , than that the church of god should be rent in pieces : and it is no less glorious to suffer martyrdome , to keep division out of the church , than to die for not sacrificing to idols ; for in the one case a man suffers martyrdome only upon his own account , but in the other , he suffers for the advantage of the whole church . it is also very remarkable to this purpose , what optatus ( lib. . cont . parmen . ) hath said , bono vnitatis , sepelienda esse peccata . but he must needs be very uncharitable to a skilful physician , who imagines , that he hath a bad design upon the life of his patient , because he applyes corrosives , when lenitives are found by experience to have done no good ; yea , he who hath tasted of that art of esculapius but summis labris , may know , that one whose body is plethorick , and cacochymick , may sleep for a time in a whole skin ; yet he cannot enjoy perfect health , till these superfluous humours , which oppress nature , be evacuated by seasonable phlebotomy , and specifick catharticks : and that there be some stupid diseases , ( such as a lethargy-fever ) whose narcotical distemper so benummes the brains , that the patient cannot be throughly remedyed , till he be awakened , and kept waking , though it were with pinching . it is indeed easie for any chirurgeon to cicatrize a dangerous wound , but it will certainly fester and corrupt within , if it be not first launced , and searched to the bottom : paracelsus his palliative cures lasted not beyond the year . but that methodical physitian merits most praise , who , by removing the cause of the disease entirely , is an happy instrument ( under god ) of producing the noble and diuturnal effect of health : mens sana in corpore sano , being the most excellent blessing of this world. much less was ambition his instigatrix to this remonstrance : for the author knows very well , that this freedom of spirit , is not the mode of this age levare se humo . he was accounted a wise man in his time , who uttered that much experienced truth in ours , obsequium amicos , veritas odium parit : it being the temper of this iron age , to look upon ingenuous persons as none of the wisest ; ( so much honesty appearing as so much folly , in the eyes of all those who have not yet learned to discern true wisdom from cunning and base craftiness ; though there is usually no better fence against the blows of envy or malice , than the received opinion , of not being greatly wise . ) and , if his conscience had permitted him to study the modern politicks , he would have found the advice , which tiresias the sooth-fayer gave unto vlysses , a very useful reflection to this purpose ; who , being enquir'd , what was the readiest stair to rise unto preferment in this world , that hermaphrodite ingenuously told him , that he ought to make use of a ladder consisting of three 〈◊〉 ; viz. to learn to lye , to 〈…〉 to dissemble . now , as that 〈…〉 was found but too docile a disciple in that school ; so these matchavelian arts of modern policy , ( as policy is now-a-dayes defin'd by falshood and knavery : ) are but too much in fashion in this age , where disingenuity is accounted wit , and honesty the height of folly : astrea having fled to heaven it 's no wonder , that heroical vertue hath ascended with her , and scarce left any thing behind , but species virtutibus similes ; which shadow cannot expect much caressing and countenancing in this world , seeing bold-fac'd vice hath usurped both the place and name of her antagonist . but he who lives every day in the view of death , and is very sensible of its swift approaches , is far out of the reach of that temptation : ( being thorowly convinc'd , that he who walks uprightly , walks securely ; and that frost and fraud have dirty ends ; and that no truly generous person ( though he were no christian ) can be disingenuous , seeing it always argues some principle of baseness within . ) yea , the dark visage of that king of terrours hath , long ago , ecclipsed from his eye the sight of a mytre . i remember a story , which one of my intimate acquaintance told me ; ( whom i have very good reason to believe : ) about the time of the reestablishment of this government , a motion was made to him , by one that was a great favourite then , that he would procure unto him a call to ascend one of those empty chairs . but he answered to this purpose ( having first returned a homely complement of thanks to that generous person , for that immerited favour : ) in such a conjuncture , when that tabernacle is to be reared up again , which ( not many years agoe ) was thrown down with so much malice , obloquie , and contempt , so that the very name of the government was odious to a multitude of bigotted people , who demolished that ancient fabrick , with no less aversation of it , than the government of the decemviri was at rome , or the thirty tyrants of athens ; and who would be no less averse from the restitution of it , than those of old rome were , from the restauration of the expulsed tarquins ; or those of syracusa , from the redress of dionysius the younger ; or the people of constantinople , from the return of iustinian the second : that these vile aspersions which had been thrown upon the late government and governours , ( many whereof he supposed were invidious and groundless : ) might be speedily wiped off ; and that apostolick regiment restored to its pristine beauty and vigour ; there was an indispensible necessity , that the new governours should be endued with piety , charity , learning , humility , meekness , patience ; with self-denyal , gravity , hospitality , and all the cardinal vertues , far above the ordinary level ; that by the extraordinary and admirable lustre of their parts , they might again restore this church to its former splendour . which being a very impar congressus for him , who was juvenis omni modo , and the unfittest of ten thousand ; therefore he neither could , nor would undertake that office , in such a ticklish conjuncture . i have not the ambition ( subjoyned he ) to say with cato the elder , that i had rather it were enquired , wherefore cato hath no statua , than , wherefore he hath one ; but sure i am , it would be a matter of no less complacency to me , than it was to that noble spartan , to hear , that there be , not only , but also of my country-men , more capable of those sublime imployments , than my poor self . yet , ( as he further added ) if i thought my self par negotio , i bless heaven for it , that i have the same sentiment that possessed the soul of dying s. martin of tours , who in his last agony cryed out , domine , si adhuc sim utilis tuae ecclesiae , non recuso laborem ; provided that labour could be useful to the church : which , in this present conjuncture , can hardly be expected . yea , the reporter , being honoured with some familiarity by that great man , when he was in private , ( for , as minutius faelix hath said , amicitia aut pares invenit , aut facit : ) he had shut up this declinator with these very words , quia nec possum , nec debeo , ideo non volo , for ( if there be any truth in that old maxim , qui clàm vixit , bene vixit ; ) it must needs be verified in this vertiginous and critical age. and , sure i am , he then spoke as he thought : and if at any time since he entertained any such thoughts , god knows he had no other design , but to retrive again the apostolick pattern into this church as much as possibly could be effected by one moving within the sphere of his own capacity . yea suppose he had the fairest invitation imaginable to be elevated unto the solstice of ecclesiastical honour in this national church , yet he would entertain it with no other complacency , but this alone , that he had now a call from heaven to exercise an art of very great self-denial , even to sacrifice all his worldly contentment , and enjoyments , for the interest of the church , and glory of his heavenly master . if s. paulinus did willingly make himself a slave , to redeem a poor widow's son from bondage ; ( not to speak of those heathen heroës , codrus zopirus , curtius , and the two roman decii , who devoted themselves to death for the good of their respective countries : ) sure it becomes all the true sons of the church ( in imitation of moses , and s. paul ) to devote all their dearest interests , that they may procure the manumission of her that conceiv'd them . but , lest this pamphlet run out at the gate of a tedious peroration , ( as the cynick philosopher said of the little city of mindus , with its disproportionable gates : ) i shall therefore period it with this humble intreaty to all ingenuous readers , that they be not so uncharitable to the author , as to impute these lines unto a principle of envy or malice against the persons of any of our governours , as if he had the desperate boldness to run the hazard of that curse of cham , for discovering his father's nakedness : but , let us suppose the author to have been basely injured by some of them to whom he had done good offices , and palpably betrayed under trust ; ( though he is not so dispirited with the consideration of their sublimity , and his own lowness , but that he knows , that formica habet suam bilem , and that the despised scarabee aveng'd it self on the bird of iupiter , though the same is reputed king of the plumed animals ; ) yet christianity would have prompted him to have gone a greater length in self-denial than christopher , ( who said only , if i were not a christian , i should be avenged : ) by heaping even coals of fire upon the heads of his greatest enemies , when occasion served : and in doing so , would have expected a reward from god. which self-denial he might have learned from some of the heathens ; even from the practice of lycurgus and zeno , and from the doctrine of seneca , who hath taught us , that immane verbum est vltio : in which regard he discovered himself a much better moralist , than that stagyrite , who reputed revenge an act of magnanimity . for when the author ruminates upon all these things which fall under consideration in reference to that office , he is very apt to acknowledge , that whosoever undertakes it in this age , becomes rather the object of pity than envy ; it being truly said by the emperour dioclesian , difficillimum est rectè imperare : how much more in this iron age , in which that wish is absolutely unnecessary , materiamque tuis tristem virtutibus opta . and as for any imputation of malice , ( if his heart deceive him not very much ) he would be much more ready to make use 〈…〉 paludamentum of constantine the 〈…〉 make any i●vidious detection . and till the reader can convince him , that there cannot be pax cum hominibus , & bellum cum vitiis , in sensu composito , he hopes charity will dissever them in his behalf : yea , ( as seneca hath observed well ) cato the elder was no less useful to the state of rome , than scipio africanus ; because , as this noble roman did defeat the physical enemies of his countrey , so that austere censor did successfully combat against the moral adversaries thereof . that apology which st. hierom made for his tartness , is a sufficient vindication of the author ; for , if a stylus aculeatus be allowable against a charge of heresie , it is no less lawful in the cause of god. for when the honour of the divine majesty , and the interest of his church , are deeply concerned , we ought to regard the glory of the supreme , infinitely above that of any other superiour ; for amicus socrates , amicus plato , sed magis amica veritas : to which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the truth , and interest of the church , all truly zealous ecclesiasticks are animated by that notable saying of saint augustine , qui veritatem occultat , & qui prodit mendacium , uterque reus est : ille , quia prodesse non vult ; hic , quia nocere desiderat . but , though tiberias ( none of the best of emperours ) used to say , in civitate libera , linguam , mentemque liberam esse debere ; yet sure i am , if these gravamina ( which would amount to the number of german ones , if they were subdivided , and sold by retail ) had been heard patiently in private , they needed not have been told in publick ; though there were never more provocations for all men to speak than now , when all the mischiefs that other ages did but imagine , are now practised , and when oppression hath made a wise man mad , and ( in the mean time ) the dumb asses are taught to forbid the madness of the prophets . but there being too many in the world , who , ( as aristippus said ) have their ears in their feet , and they who are straight , finding it very inconvenient to stoop so low , therefore are necessitated to take other measures of communication : desperata ejus principis salus est , ( as said a wise man ) cujus aures ita formatae sunt , ut aspera quae utilia , nec quicquam nisi jucundum accipiant : nam libertas consilii est ejus vita , & essentia , quâ ereptâ , consilium evanescit . but perhaps it may be objected , that it is fit , that all papers which are design'd for the press , should ( in prima instantia ) be presented unto those , who , iure eminentiae , are appointed supervisors thereof . i shall refer it to the judgment of the candid reader , if the author had not good reason to conclude , that he might spare his pains in making such an address , by the strange ensuing narration told him ( not long ago ) by one who had designed something very useful ( as he supposed ) for the church ; viz. an exact method of studying the primitive fathers , even to the death of gregory the great , whom he accounted the last of those worthies ; ( as one called brutus and cassius , vltimi romanorum : ) though venerable bede , holy anselm , and devout bernard , have merited eternal remembrance in the church . which method , ( if prosecuted as he intended ) he humbly conceiv'd , would be found more useful for all unbyassed readers , than the treatises of baronius , sixtus senensis , bellarmin , possevin , perron , lawney , sirmundus , and contius , to that purpose ; or the tractates of the magdeburgenses , with their epitomator osiander , scultetus , reinolds , cocus , rivet , blondel , and dallee , the popish authors being generally too lax ( though the four last in order are either nasutiores , or much more ingenuous than the rest , ) and the reformed too strict , on that subject ; the former discovering too palpable a design to buoy up a forlorn cause by supposititious fathers , and spurious books ; and the latter having too much of the critick and satyrist in them . the diagram of which great design being presented by the author to a principal member of that order , in order to the giving of his judgment as to the propos'd method ; and what he concluded to be either defective or redundant therein , the author was resolved to take in very good part ; ( thinking himself bound to reverence the opinions of his superiours . but he did meet with no other verdict or complement , save this astonishing answer from such a person ; that he had no leisure to look after such books , ( he being distracted too much with other imployments : ) and that there were too many books already in the world. ( which hasty censure he passed on that whereof he had never read one line . ) which could not but appear very strange to any in his right wits , when he reflects upon the disposition of the country whereof it was spoken . we find indeed in a late satyrist , ( who had the spirit of his calling as abundantly as any ; ) a nation taxed as being epidemical , because they send forth many examina of the fruit of their bodies into forreign countries , and divers colonies to new plantations ; but it is the first time i have heard them charged with the exuberant spawn of the fruit of their brains . and though that observation concerning africa , semper aliquid adfert novi , may be also applyed to this country , yet it is not to be understood of the one or the other , in reference to new books ; but rather of renewed monstruous productions ; both these countries being , in these latter ages of the world , sandy and barren , as to intellectual births . but , in fine , he remitted the perusal of that platform to another of his order , who was no less taken up with the study of modern politicks than himself ; yea , was become so much in love with that trade , that he had put the intervall of many german miles and years , betwixt himself and his proper charge , that he might practice the principles of his beloved art upon a fitter scene : whereby this ghostly mountebank did emulate the sagacity of a sharleton , as to the conveniency of the erection of his stage ; all quak-salvers ( who have the spirit of their base calling ) being sure to resort unto those places where there is most money , and the greatest concourse of people . the slighted brother finding such addresses to be in vain , immediately call'd to mind the answer which that cruel duke de alva gave to henry the th of france ; who having demanded of him , if he had observed that great ecclipse of the sun which had lately happened ; the duke ingenuously reply'd , that he had so much adoe upon earth , that he could not get leisure to look up to heaven : and at last concluded , that the true cause of their aversation ( though they were asham'd to utter it ) was that old maxim , ignoti nulla cupido , and blind men should not judge of colours . yet that indiscreet repulse proved such a temptation to the author , that he had much ado to restrain himself from throwing those painful papers into the jaws of vulcan ; and hardly refrained from crying out with scipio africanus , ingrata patria , ne ossa quidem mea habebis : but could not forbear the pronouncing that expostulation , bone deus ! ad quae tempora me reservasti ? yet some were more charitable to their intellectuals , than to their morals ; and did apprehend , that the fear of the expence of a dedication , made them so shye ; wherein they were indeed greatly mistaken : for , as it was never the intention of the author to prey upon his patron , ( he having alwayes hated a beggarly dependance ; ) so it was as little in his mind to shelter himself under the wings of such protectors , ( lest that support should prove a staff of reed in the end : ) that lucubration being design'd for a noble person of much greater worth and eminency , who was pleased , out of his own mouth , to permit that honour to the author ; yea , more than so , who was so obligingly condescending , as to declare , that he look'd upon it as a special honour design'd for himself : ( so vast is the difference betwixt a noble and a plebeian education ) the effect whereof will appear in its own time : there being ( as to this great undertaking ) an indispensible necessity of complying with that sound advice , in reference to the writing of a book judiciously , in nonum prematur annum : and , i wish , that even these years be found commensurable to such a work. for the author of such a laborious task , hath good reason to say , as virgil did of his works , se versus suos componere , ut vrsi foetus , lambendo . but from this supposed misconception , we may inferr , that none should controvert upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , till they be sure of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and thus ended that narrative . but if it be further objected ; that , ( howsoever those of the order imploy their time , ) they have chaplains whose province it is to supervise the press . for answer ; this were indeed a pertinent objection , and fit expedient , if they who pass under that notion , did emulate those of that office in england ; ( some whereof , not only merited to be doctors of divinity , but have also a stock of knowledge little inferiour to any of the nation : ) but with us , some have not any servants that go under that denomination , ( and , i wish , in the destitution thereof , they be not wanting to that oeconomical religious solemnity , termed family-worship . ) and as for those who are invested with that title , they are usually such pitiful , ignorant striplings , that they have not sufficient capacity to examine , to good purpose , the most inconsiderable catechism , far less are they pares negotio for so great a work , which cost the learned bishop andrews eighteen years study . and if any of these chaplains had the forehead to undertake such animadversions , it might be deservedly said of them , velut asinus ad lyram ; and they would be found to resemble aesop's cock , who preferr'd the barley-grain to the precious gemm ; and greater fools than paris , who put a greater estimate on fading beauty , than on wisdom or power ; yea , they would be observed to run parallel to the phrygian midas , who preferr'd the pipe of pan to the harp of apollo , and got asses ears for the guerdon of his foolish judgment : neither should they have any thing to magnifie their ignorant boldness , save that epitaph of phaeton , ( whose fate they would surely undergo ; ) et si non potuit , magnis tamen excidit ausis . but it is high time to end this little enchiridium , which is swell'd to a greater bulk than at first we design'd it ; ( it being one of my greatest troubles , in studying brevity to avoid prolixity : ) therefore i shall conclude with this one sentiment upon the whole premises . i am fully perswaded , that if our governours did cordially comply with the fore-going proposals , this church ( which hath been long militant in the most pitiful sence , ) would at last become triumphant , and should erect the trophies of its victory over its most implacable enemies ; and our bishops , being honoured by the almighty to be the instaurators of this church , should ( in fine ) have occasion to say of it , as augustus caesar said of rome , inveni lateritiam , relinquo memoream . for i have heard many well-meaning persons , who pass under the notion of fanaticks , solemnly declare , that if they observed our bishops making conscience to perform all those duties which are incumbent on their office , they would be as forward as any to hugg them in their arms , and ready to submit cheerfully to their jurisdiction : yea more than so ; that if their morals were intire and eminent , their moderate rituals would be but feeble scar-crows , and fearless bug-bears to them . for when they see any ecclesiastick of an holy life , and who sets about all the duties of his calling diligently and faithfully , though he be diametrically opposite , and point blank contrary to their way ; yet they inwardly reverence him , and defer no little external respect to him : yea , they are apt to envy our church the possession of him , and to say , talis cùm sit , utinam noster esset : and i am fully perswaded , that this would be a more durable enoticum , than that german interim , which was contrived with so much craft , by that triumviri of almain , viz. flugius , eslebius , and sidonius . but this is to be understood onely of those fanaticks , whose hectick fever hath not as yet proceeded the length of an incurable marasmus . the best epiphonema i can subjoyn , as an epilogue to this enchiridion , is , the royal judgment of one who deserves to be termed a nursing-father both to church and state , who hath testified of himself , that he esteemed it his greatest title to be called , and his chiefest glory to be the desender of the church , both in its true faith , and its just fruitions ; equally abhorring sacrilege and apostacy . this is that glorious martyr king charles the first , in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where he expresseth himself thus : not that i am against the managing of this presidency and authority in one man , by the joynt counsel and consent of many presbyters : i have offered to restore that , as a fit means to avoid those errours , corruptions , and partialities , which are incident to any one man ; also to avoid tyranny , which becomes no christian : least of all church-men : besides , it will be a means to take away that burthen , and odium of affairs , which may lye too heavy on one mans shoulders , as indeed i think it formerly did on the bishops here . and a little after , in that same section , concerning the difference betwixt the king and two houses , in point of church-government , his majesty adds this brief , but most judicious sentiment concerning church-government ; a right episcopacy would at once satisfie all just desires , and interests of good bishops , humble presbyters , and sober people ; so as church-affairs should be managed neither with tyranny , parity , nor popularity ; neither bishops ejected , nor presbyters despised , nor people oppressed . amen . finis . errata . in the advertisement to the reader , pag. . lin . . for , read . p. . l. . for , as is equvalent , r. as equivalent . . . for , one , r. an . p. . l. . for happily , r. haply . p. . l. . for , collation , r. collate . p . l. . for happily r. haply . book . p. . l. . for one r. an . p. . l. . for rocket r. rochet . p. . l. . for wee ( k which , r. week ( which . l. . for were more r. were never more . p. . l. . for solitudes r. sollicitudes . p. . l. . for reputation r. reparation . p. . l. . for officers r. offices p. . l. . for other r. of their . l. ult . for chose r. choose . p. . l. . for his r. this . p. . l. . for exhaustible r. inexhaustible p. . l. . for speaking r. speaketh . p. . l. . dele judge . p. . l. r. for church-men r. church-man . p. . l. . for irreclamable r. irreclaimable . p. . l. . for regiment . r. regimen . the fame p. . l. p. . l. . for flacce r. flacci . p. . l. . for 〈◊〉 r. marmorean . densell hollis esquire, his worthy and learned speech in parliament on thnrfeday [sic] the thirtieth of december vpon the reading of the petition and protestation of the twelve bishoppes, for which they were accused of high treason, and committed to the tower : wherein is discovered the danger of this protestation, that it is both against the king and his royall prerogatives, the priviledges of parliaments, the liberties of the subject, and the subvertion of the fundamental lawes of this kingdome. holles, denzil holles, baron, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) densell hollis esquire, his worthy and learned speech in parliament on thnrfeday [sic] the thirtieth of december vpon the reading of the petition and protestation of the twelve bishoppes, for which they were accused of high treason, and committed to the tower : wherein is discovered the danger of this protestation, that it is both against the king and his royall prerogatives, the priviledges of parliaments, the liberties of the subject, and the subvertion of the fundamental lawes of this kingdome. holles, denzil holles, baron, - . [ ], p. printed for iohn thomas and thomas bankes, london : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. eng bishops -- england. a r (wing h ). civilwar no densell hollis esquire, his worthy and learned speech in parliament, on thnrfeday [sic] the thirtieth of december . vpon the reading of holles, denzil holles, baron c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion densell hollis esquire , his worthy and learned speech in parliament , on thurfeday the thirtieth of december . vpon the reading of the petition and protestation of the twelve bishoppes . for which they were accused of high treason , and committed to the tower . wherein is discovered the danger of this protestation , that it is both against the king and his royall prerogatives , the priviledges of parliaments , the liberties of the subject , and the subvertion of the fundamtall lawes of this kingdome . london , printed for iohn thomas , and thomas ●ankes . . a speech made by master hollis in parliament , upon the reading of the petition and protestation of the . bishops since committed to the tower on thurseday the th . of december . . master speaker , this petition and protestation of the biships presented to his majestie , is the cheife subiect of our present debate , i desire under the favour of this honorable house , to speake somewhat concerning the same , and in speaking thereof i shall observe the persons that deluded it , the subiect and matter conteined in the same ; the dangerous effects that are likely to follow thereupon if it bee not suddently prevented ; and lastly their crime in making and deluding thereof . first master speaker , concerning the persons actors of this tragedy , bishops of a holy function , the dedomination of their stile prescribes them in scripture to bee men of god , fathers of the church , starres , ( not blazing commets or meteors ( as it is to apparant , many of them have bne ; ) lights , the salt of the earth . ( that should seasons the hearts lives and conversation of the people of god , with piety and godlines , for these men . master speaker , the hinderers of the peace and quiet of the kingdome , is extreame vilenesse , for bishops governours ( aswell as teachers of the people of god ) to instruct , admonish , rebuke , reprove , and correct evill doers in the clergy , for these i say not onely to convey , and winke at superstition , innovations , and ceremonies introduced into the church , by the inferiour and scandalous ministers , but to amnimate and incourage them in their evill practises , nay not contented therewith , but themselves to innovate religion , corrupt the true and orthodox doctrine of the church , to attempt , to intice and draw the minds of peeres , nobles and great officers of state ; nay his most sacred majesty , to favour their indeavours and designes , shew them plainely to be the instruments of the devill , striving to increase and build his kingdome , to the decay of the propagation of the gospell ; and the kingdome of christ , to whom they would seeme to be devoted , these corrupt officers and ministers master speaker , both in church and state , haue , produced these corrupt and dangerous times , this it is that makes religion seeme vile , and hatefull to most men , this it is master speaker that staines their function , of it selfe uncorrupted ( sacred ) this changes their names of being called men of god , to be men serving onely the devill , if fathers and nurses of the church , prove the betrayers of the church , woe to that flocke of whom christ is the sheapheard ; if starres fall to the earth , wee notifie thereby great change and alterations in a state to insue ; if the lights of the church be put out , or put out themselves , or be hid and appeare not , how is it likely the children of god should , see to walke in the right way , if salt be corrupt and putrified and thereby looseth its savour , what profitteth it for the use of man , you know the phrase well enough . then master speaker to conclude these persons ( that have had all these titles ) that have ( as we have proved by woefull experience , shamed themselves , complyable to all the defects that are thus dishonourable to their denominations ) are as i under fav●ur conceive altogether unfit , and unworthy to beare them any longer . now master speaker i come in the second place to the subiect of their petition and protestation , which is of most dangerous consequence , being altogether treacherous , both against his most sacred majestie his royall queene and princly progeny , his rightfull throane seated ouer all his maiesties kingdomes , against the fun●amentall lawes of this kingdome and all other statuts and lawes made for the good gouernment therof by the wisdome of his maiestie and his great and wise councell of state , against the priuiledges of parliament and the free proeeedings therof , and against all his maiesties loyall subiects that are true and good protestants . thirdly the dangerous effects of this their malitious and traiterous actions are easie to be guessed at . by this meanes the division betweene the two houses may be increased , the lords most of them favouring rheir cause , thereby keeping them from comming to triall vpon our accusations of them for their haynous crimes commited by them . if ihey proceed in their intentions , it may prove the maine cause of setting an irreconcileable division betwene the king and his leig people who desire ther grevance may be redrest and all malefactors delinquents receiue condigne punishment for their misdeeds both in church and state , and especially the bishops accused whom they conceaue to haue bine the principell incendaries betwene scotland and us , great favorers of the dangerous rebellion in ireland , cheife actors in innovating our religion , & the greatest oppressors of parliamentarie proseedings . by this attempt the romish faction will be much imbouldened to put in practise their wicked plotts priuatly now in agitation amongst them . it may cause great uproares and tumults in the city , and about westminster , of the citizens who are altogether set against bishops . . it will be a great incouragement to forraigne princes that are disaffected , and private enemies to this state , ( seeing our devisions betweene our selves ) to put in practise some dangerous designe against the whole kingdome . . lastly , it will disable us for continuall supply of ayde into ireland to app●●se the rebellion there . . i come now ( master speaker ) to the fourth and last thing i intimate to you concerning this petition , and that is what fault they have committed , in-framing and delivering the same , my oppinion is master speaker , that they are guilty of high treason ; i will give you a few reasons and grounds of this my opinion , and then humbly leane it to the further consideration of this honourable house . to protect against the proseedings of a free parliament is adiudged high treason in the tenth year of edw : the second , by the parliament holden then at westminster where the bishop of yorke the duke of suffolke , and others of that conspiracy , protesting against the proceedings of the parliament for their appointing and placeing the commicinors about the king for the government of the kingdome for one yeare , were adiudged guilty of high treason and some of them executed , some banished and the rest fleed . . to endeavour to subvert the fundamentall lawes of the kingdome , was adiudged high treason in the earle of straffords case , my example of strafford take this present parliament , and to protest or incense the king by petition , or otherwise against the proceedings of parliament , ( which is a constitution of government , found to be the anninentest of this nation , and the onely meanes to preserve and defend the fundamentall lawes of this kingdome ; the powerfull councell of indicacature , to punish all delinquents in the government thereof , and the breakers , and infringers of the laws of this land , ) is to subvert the fundamentall lawes . . to endeauour to bring into this state an arbitrary way of gouernment was likewise by this parliament adiudged high treason in the earle of straffords case , to protest against parliamentary proseedings , is to change that forme of gouernment and to introduce an arbitrary and tiranicall forme of gouernment , for these reasons i conceive master speaker these bishop that have signed this petition and protestation are guiltie of high treason . and my humble motion , is wee may send up to the lords to accuse them perticularly and with all convenient speed make ready a charge or impeachment of high treason against them . finis . xvi. new quæres proposed to our lord prælates. prynne, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) xvi. new quæres proposed to our lord prælates. prynne, william, - . 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bishops -- great britain -- early works to . church of england -- doctrines -- early works to . church of england -- controversial literature -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - kirk davis text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion xvi . new qvÆres proposed to our lord prÆlates . printed in the yeare m. d. cxxxvii . to our holy ghostly fathers , the lord praeliglates of england m. e. sendeth greeting . my lords temporall farre more then spirituall , i have heard you oft cracke exceedingly , on your owne dung-hills , both of your great learning , and likewise of your arch-love and loyaltie ( yet invisible ) to his majestie and his prerogatives royall , as if hee could not be a king unlesse you were lord bishops : i shall therefore not challendge , but beseech your holynes , to give a reall demonstration to the world , both of your profound learning , and pretended peerlesse zeale and duetifullnes to his majestie , in publishing a speedy full ; and satisfactory answer to these fewe questions here propounded to you of purpose to resolve them . your lordlynesses have had above halfe a yeares time ( allmost half as much space as most of you take to penn or conne your annuall or bieniall sermons , and yet cannot get them perfect into your heads or hearts , into which they seldome sinke , but onely into your bookes : ) and yet have given no resolution to them , as people exspected you should or would have done : which makes many suspect , they have put you to a non plus ; either therefore answer them now , at this second somony and publication , or els i and thousands more shall proclaime to all the world , you cannot doe it , and so are open enemies to his majestie , his imperiall crowne , lawes , subjects , and in severall premunires , for all you beare your heads so high , like petty kings and popes : yea i dare pronounce you perjured to his majestie in the highest degree , by infringing your oathes of supremacie , so oft reiterated : and as you are the first men inioyned to take this oath , by the statute of . eliz. c. . because the likelyest of all others to violate it , so you are more guilty of the frequent , open , and professed violation thereof , then all other his majesties subjects put together , who seldome infringe this oath , but either by your coaction or occasioning of them , by force or flatery to breake it , be sure you now give a fatherly satisfactory compleat answer to them with speed , at your utmost perills , and lay all other worldly imployments and affaires aside ( as you have layed preaching by , long agoe ) till you have done it , els these . quaeligres will proove fatall to your popedomes , episcopalities , consistories , visitations , and elegall ecclesiasticall iurisdictions , and proceedings , and so i commit you to your studies for the present , as you ( no doubt in imitation of your saviour christ and his apostles , who had not any pursevaunts , iaylors , messengers , and catch-poales , attending at their heeles upon every occasion , and many jaoles and prisons , to commit poore christians and ministers too at their pleasure , as your lordships their successors now have , though wee read not of them in any author ) commit others to your prisons and dungeons , and would doe me no doubt , if you could catch me napping , as mose did his mare , even for presuming to propound these questions to you in the behalf of my soveraigne and countrey . m. e. . new quaeligres proposed to our lord praeliglates . i. quo iure : can our arch-bishops , bishops , and their officialls graunt lycenses , for money , to any of his majesties subjects to marry without asking banes , it being directly contrary to the statutes of . & . ed. . c. . . & . ed. . c. . and to the rubricke before the forme of solemnization of matrimony in the common-prayer booke , confirmed by parliament , . eliz. c. . which prescribes thus : first that the banes must be asked three severall sundayes or holy-dayes in the time of service , the people being present , after the accustomed manner ; and if the persons that should be marryed dwell in divers parishes , the banes must be asked in both parishes , and the curate of the one parish shall not solemnize matrimony , betweene them , without a certificate of the banes being thrice asked from the curate of the other parish . whether if marriage be a sacrament ( as the papists hold , who yet deny it , as an unholy-thing , to all their holy cleargie-men , and religious persons , a strange contradiction ) or an ecclesiasticall thing , as our praeliglates deeme it ( though common to pagans , and some kind of fowles and beasts , and so truely civill and naturall , rather then ecclesiasticall , if it be not * symony in them to sell licenses , and take money for marriages , and whether his majestie , who can onely dispence with lawes , and this rubricke in the common-prayer booke , it being a chiefe branch of his prerogative royall ) may not justly call all our praeliglates , and their officers to an account for all the money taken for such licenses ( and also for lycenses to marry in prohibited times , as they terme them , as meere oppressions and device to get money , there being no law of the realme nor canon of our church , prohibiting marriages in those or any other seasons whatsoever , which are alwayes free and lawfull for marriages , aswel as for christnings and burialls &c. ) from . iacob . till now ( which money amounts at least to . p. or more ) they having no right or title to it by any law or patent extant ? ii. by what law can our praeliglates ( as now they begin to doe ) consecrate churches , chapples , or church-yards , as if they were unholy and common places before , unfit to be prayed in : contrary to acts . . . . tim. . . iohn . . to . contrary to the practise of christ and his apostles , who consecrated no churches or church-yards , and gave no such commission to bishops or any others to doe it , but men together in private houses , and unconsecrated places to receive the sacraments and preach gods word , acts . . c. . . c. . . . . c. . . . c. . . . c. . . . rom. . . . cor. . . col. . . philem. . marke . . to . luke . . to . contrary to the practise of the primitive christians for above . yeares after christ ( as the third part of the homilie against the perill of idolatry p. . . resolves . ) contrary to the statute of . r. . c. . which adjudgeth it mortmaine , and contrary to the statute of . and . ed. . c. . . eliz. c. . . eliz. c. . which abolisheth and inhibites all other rites , ceremonies and formes of consecration ( with all popish ceremonies and pontificalls , wherein the manner of consecrating churches , chappell 's , and church-yards is prescribed ) but such as are onely prescribed in the bookes of common-prayer and ordination , in which there is not one syllable of consecrating churches , chappell 's , or church-yards , or any one statute of the realme , or canon of our church since the beginning of reformation prescribing or allowing it . if they say , that the temple at jerusalem was dedicated , and that the tabernacle and altar among the jewes was also consecrated . ergo our churches , chappell 's and church-yards must be consecrated by their lordships . i answer . first , that the * temple was consecrated by salomon : and the † tabernacle and altar by moses , the one a king , the other a temporall magistrate , ( who consecrated aaron alsó and bis sonnes , and ordained them priestes ) neither of them a bishop or high-priest , therefore if any such consecrations are to be made , the king and temporall magistrats ought to make them , not their lordships , as hospinian prooves at large , de origine obedirationum c. . fol. . where hee concluds thus : hoc autem authoritas antiquitus semper fuit politici magistratus : and that as well among the pagans as christians . secondly , they had a commaund from god for the one ; but their lordships have none for the other . thirdly , these consecrations and purifyings were part of the ceremoniall law ; and so quite abolished by christ , acts . . . iohn . . to . . tim. . . col. . . to the end . heb. . and . therefore not now to be used . fourthly , the temple , tabernacle and iewish altars were consecrated and hallowed , because types of christ , of which our churches , chappell 's and church-yards are no types . fiftly , the iewes never consecrated their synagogues ( in which they had no altars ) nor yet their burying-places , in lieu of which our churches and church-yards succeed : therefore if their lordships will imitate them , they must not consecrate churches , chapples or altars , nor yet have any altars in our churches , much lesse take . . or . p. for consecrating them , as some of them have done , it being * simony in the highest degree , and nothing due by the cannon law but a dinner . iii. by what law of the land can our bishops , arch-deacons and their visitors in their visitations take money for procurations of those churches which they visite not in persone , or more money for procurations , then will defray their dyet and horse-meat , there being no † more due by their owne canon law , and that onely for the churches they personally visite : or by what law or canon can they take money of ministers or scholemasters for shewing their letters of order , or lycenses to preach , or teach schoole ; or of church-wardens and others for presentments . there being not one * penny due by law or canon to them , much lesse by patent or graunt from the king ? and whether may not his majestie lawfully call all our arch-bishops , bishops , arch-deacons , and their visitors to an account for all the money and extorted fees , thus taken by them in their visitations , and likewise in their consistories , for probate of wills and letters of administrations , where they take twice , thrice , yea . or . times as much as the statute of . h. . c. . allowes them , ( which is but . s. at the highest , where the goods amount to . p. or vpwards ) and punish them all in starre-chamber for extortion ( as hee hath lately done many officers in his temporall courts , since these their execrable extortions , taken duering his highnes raygne , will amount at least to . p. as much as the cleargie gave to king henry the . to exempt themselves from that premunire they had incurred by submitting themselves to cardinall woollseyds power legatine . iv. quo iure : can any d. of the civill law , or other chancelor , vicar generall , officiall or commissarie to any prelate or arch-deacon , exercise any ecclesiasticall iurisdiction vnder them , without speciall lycense and patent from his majestie or his predecessors royall , it being directly contrary to the expres statute of . h. . c. . which ordaines , that the kings majestie , his heires and successors shall ordaine , constitute , and depute all bishops and arch-deacons , chauncellors , vicars generall , commissaries , officialls , scribes and registers ( or els it gives them no power to execute any ecclesiasticall iurisdiction ) and that by speciall letters patents , ( as appeares by . eliz. c. . and . eliz. c. . ) which patents they all now wanting , cannot exercise any such iurisdiction , and so all their proceedings are meerely voyd , and their places in his majesties disposall , to whom they ought to be accountable for all the proffits they have already unjustly received in these their usurped offices . v. whether is it not now meete and convenient for his majestie to appoint one of his nobles , or some other learned layman , to be his vice-gerent generall for good and due ministration of iustice to be bad in all causes and cases , touching the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , and for the godly reformation , and redresse of all errors , heresies and abuses in our church , to take place of and sit aboue the arch-bishop of canterbury , and all other lord bishops in all places ; according to the statute of . h. . c. . yet in full force ; to bridle the pride , curbe the insolencies , redresse the usurpations , extravagances , innovations , and take away the pretended ius divinum , of our lordly prelates , directly repugnant to this act , and to . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . and . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . ed. . c. . . eliz. c. . . eliz. c. . on which i would desire their lordships to chew the cudd , to abate their favour . vi. by the statute of . h. . c. . every person or persons that shall cut out , or maliciously cause to be cut out the tongue of any person , or shall maliciously cut off , or cause to be cut of the eare or eares of any his majesties subjects , is to render trible damages to the partie , and so forfeite . p. sterling for every such an offence to the kings majesty and his heires : and . h. . c. . makes it felony for any man maliciously to cut off any mans tongue , or put out his eye . whether then our lord prelates and their officers for cutting out our faithfull ministers tongues , and closing up their mouthes that they may not preach gods word to their people , and cutting of some laymens eares , and threatning to have the eares of more , that they may not heare gods word , ( and that maliciously against the lawes and statutes of the realme ) are not fellons within the latter of these two acts , and malefactors in the first , to render ireble damages to the parties greeved , and maymed by them , and to make a fine to his majestie , is a question worthy resolution . vii . whether these lordly prelates that have stood mute for one , two , or three yeares space and more , and never preached , nor given answer to these quaeligres ; refusing to put themselves to the tryall of god and their countrey , for their episcopall pretended ius divinum , and other their fore-mentioned usurpations and exactions upon his majestie and his subjects , are not by the * common law of the land , to be pressed for mutes , as other malefactors that stand mute and silent , are in like cases . viii . whether if the apostles were now in england , and should preach jesus christ dayly in our temples and from house to house , without ceasing , as they did acts , . our lord prelates would not presently silence , suspend , and pursevant them into the high commission , and there fine and imprison them for convinticleers : and if they should preach notwithstanding their lordships inhibitions , ( as they did notwithstanding the chiefe priests commaund to doe it , ) whether their lordships would not therevpon be filed with indignation , and put them in the common-prison , and there keepe them fast , and beat them too , as their predecessors the high priests did , acts . . . . . since they thus serve our godly faithfull ministers for the same causes . ix . whether if our saviour christ himself were now on earth , and should be convented before our high priests , as hee was once before the iewes high priest , and they should offer to put him to an ex officio oath , and examine him concerning his disciples and doctrine ; and christ should refuse to take such an oath , and answer them as hee did the high priest : ( i spake openly to the world , i ever taught in the synagogue , and in the temple , whether the iewes and people alwayes resort , and in secreet have i sayd nothing . why askest thou mee ? aske them that heare me , what i sayd unto them : behold they know what i sayd : ) refusing to bring in a coppie of his sermons , or to accuse himself , would not their lordships pursevants officers upon such an answer as this stricke iesus with the palme of their hands , ( as the high priests officer did ) saying : answerest thou the high priest ( our lord arch-bishop and bishops ) so ? iohn . . . . . and would not their lordships for such an answer ( which satisfied the high priest ) commit our saviour forthwith to prison , to the clinke , the gate-house , fleete , new-prison , kings bench or counter , as they committed * mr. bambridg and m r. johnson of old , and many of christs ministers since , for the same answer . x. whether if s t. paul were now alive , and should preach so diligently in england , as he did amongst the iewes , our high priests , the prelates , would not lay the selfsame accusation against him before the kings majestie , as ananias ( the iewes high priest ) did by tertullus his orator before felix , and informe his majestie , that they had found this man a pestilent fellow , and a moover of sedition among all the iewes ( now english men ) throughout the world , or kingdome , and a ringleader of the sect of the nazarens ( the puritanes as they terme them , acts . . ) since they lay the selfsame accusations to the chardge of most godly ministers , as many late instances evidence . xi . whether if christ himself should preach * dayly in some of our prelates diocoese , as he did in the temple & jewish synagogues , and s t. paul † preach night and day ( morning and evening ) in our churches , as he did at ephesus , against our prelates inhibitions , and the people flocke from all parts and parishes to heare them , as they did to them ; our prelates would not forthwith suspend them from preaching , and clapp them by the heeles , and likewise present and punish all their hearers , for goeing out of their owne parishes , where they had no sermons , to heare them , since they thus use our painefullest preachers and hearers , who imitate their examples , contrary to the very doctrine of our homilies of the right of the church , p. . . which themselves have subscribed too , but refuse to practise ? xii . whether if our saviour should now descend in person from heaven , and give his precept to our lord prelates , which once he gave to his apostles luke . . . mat. . . . . yee know that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authority upon them : but it shall not be so among you , but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your minister , and whosoever will be chiefe among you , let him be your servant , &c. they would presently convent and arraigne him for it , as an open oppugner of their lordly iurisdiction and temporall offices and power , and censure him as severely as ever they did d r. bastwick , or any other , that hath writt against their pretended divine right to their lordly hierarchie ? xiii . whether these severall actions and writs at common law ( mentioned in the register ) will not lye against the prelates ? namely ; the write intituled ad iura regia , for violating the kings lawes and prerogative royall , by their owne extravagant lawes , articles , decretalls , and canons , to reduce them to the kings lawes , in ad quod damnum , to inquire , what great dammages they have done to his majesties subjects soules , bodies , estats , and to informe his majestie what nusances they are : an apostata capiendo : to imprison them , for their apostatie , from the doctrines and faith of the church of england , to the faith and ceremonies of the church of rome , and casting off their spirituall cares and functions , to follow temporall affaires and manage offices like so many temporall lords : an assisa de nocumento : for the great musances they have lately done to our religion , church , state , ministers , and people ? a writt of association , to ranke ministers and temporall lords in aeligquipage with them , over whom they now so much lord it , like lords paramount over all other people . * an attachment on a prohibition : that lay-men shall not be cited before them to take any oath , or make any recognition , unlesse in matters of testament and marriage usuall in former ages , and necessary now : an attachment against them for refusing to admit prohibitions in cases whereby law they lie , and stopping the current of this write : an audita quarela , to heare the ministers and peoples severall complaints against them : an acquiet ando de servitijs , to free the ministers and people from their late imposed ceremonies , services , & vassaladge : a cautione admittenda , to make people more warie of them , and to procure absolutions for their vniust censures : a cercierari , to remoove them from their temporall offices and imployments , and have spirituall and temporall causes out of their unlawfull consistories and visitations ( kept in their owne name without patent or commission from his majestie into the kings owne temporall courts : a cessavit de cantaria & servitijs , per biennium ; for not preaching in their diocoese to their people by two yeares space and more ( the case of divers of them . ) de clerico admittendo , to inforce them to admite our suspended , silenced ministers to preach againe freely , as in former times : de clerico infra sacros ordines constituto non eligendo in officium ; to hinder them from being chosen , and being thrust into temporall offices and affaires , incompitable with their functions : de cognitionibus admittendis ; to hinder them from medling with all causes and affaires of which they have no cognisance : a writt of collution and deceipt ; for their hypocrisie and jugling , both with god , his majestie , and his subjects , and for seeming holy , pious , just , religious , yea fathers and pillars of our church , our faith , and being nothing lesse : an action of the case ; for vexing , excommunicating , suspending and silencing ministers and others against law , and without iust cause : an action of accompt ; to call them to an accompt for all their extortions and usurpations , both upon the king and subject : an action upon the statutes against ingrossers , regraters , and forestallers ; for forestalling all good bookes against their papall antichristian hierarchie , iurisdiction , extortion , injustice , and other episcopall vertues , both at the presse and porth , and ingrossing them all into their owne hucksters hands , of purpose to enhaunse the prises of them , and deprive the kings good subjects benefite of them . a writt of conspiracie ; for conspiring together against the kings ecclesiasticall prerogative , and the subjects liberties , and to set up new ceremonies , innovations and taxes : a contra formam collationis ; for mis-using their jurisdiction and office , and mis-imploying their temporallities and revenues ( which should be spent in releeving the poore ) upon their children , kindred , purchase of greater dignities and preferments , or maintenance of their owne pompe , pride , state , luxury , venery , and lust . a copia libelli deliberanda ; to enioyne them to give coppies of libells and articles to his majesties subjects , beforethey force them to sweare or answer to them . a curia claudenda ; to cause them to shut up their consistories , visitations , and ecclesiasticall courts , till they have a patent from his majestie to keepe them in his name and right alone , and grace to use them better , and to better purposes then hetherto they have done . a quo warrento : to question them by what authority they keepe their consistories , visitations , and make out proces , private articles , impose new oathes , ceremonies , and iurisdictions in their owne names upon his majesties subjects . de custode amovendo & alio admittendo ; to remoove them from their bishopprickes , and put better and other kinde of men in their places . an ejectione custodiaelig , for suspending and ejecting ministers from their churches and cures : an errore corrigendo ; to cause them to amend their manifold errors , both in life , doctrine , practise and proceedings . an essendo quietum de theolonia ; to exempt ministers and people from their intollerable exactions , extortions , and new imposed fees and contributions , both in their visitations and consistories . an excommunicato deliberando : to cause them to absolve and free all those ministers and people they have most unjustly excommunicated . an executione judicij ; to gett some judgements in starre-chamber and other his majesties temporall courts executed against them , and their most unjust proceedings . ex gravi querela ; to heare the grievous complaints , both of ministers and people , against their tyranny , lordlynes , pride , oppression , impietie , and other vices , their altars , crucifixes , popish ceremonies , ex officio , and visitations oathes , articles , proceedings and late dangerous innovations . a writt of false judgement ; for their wrong late unjust censures , excommunications , suspencions , sentences , and determinations , both in their consistories , visitations , and high commission , and resolving their episcopall lordlynes and iurisdiction to be iure divino ; contrary to the expresse acts of . h. . c. . . . h. . c. . . h. . c. . . . h. . c. . . ed. . c. . . eliz. c. . . eliz. c. . and other statutes , as . and . phil. and mary c. . resolving the contrary . de fine adnullando ; to anull their severall fines illegally imposed upon his majesties subjects in their high commissions , and lately in their consistories and visitations , where they have gotten a tricke to fine church-wardens and others , contrary to law , as is resolved fitzh nat. brevium fol. . p. . k. . ff . . a. . h. . . a. . e. . . b. . e. . . . h. . . . artic. cliri . c. . cooke . report to . . ass. . a fieri facies episcopa ; to cause them diligently to preach , and follow their spirituall ministeriall functions . an habeas corpora & homine replegianda ; to free the subjects wrongfully imprisoned by them and their pursevants . an habere facias seseinam & possessionem ; to restore good silenced , deprived , and suspended ministers againe , to the seisine and possession of their livings and lectures , and the exercise of their ministry . an habere facias visum ; to cause them to shew men their articles in their courts and high commissions , before they put them to answer , or take an oath . an idemptitate nominis ; to restore ministers to their ancient stile and titles of bishops , which they have ingrossed to themselves , though the scripture gives onely to ministers and presbyters , acts . . . phil. . . . timot. . . . . tit. . . . . pet. . . . . and knoweth no other bishops , but them alone of divine institution . de intrusione in hereditatem ; to shew by what divine title they have intruded themselves into the church , christs owne inheritance , into temporall offices , imployments , and state affaires , and into those great lordships and honors they now possesse . ad inquirendo de damnis ; to inquire what great hurt and damages they have done to their severall diocoese , his majesties prerogative , his peoples liberties and estates , the ministers and preachers of gods word , our religion and to the whole state of england . an inquirendo de vasto ; to inquire of the great waste and havocke they have made of late amongst the ministers and preachers of gods word , and the purity of his ordinances , and thereupon to render treble dammages a leproso amovendo ; to remoove these leopards out of our church , before they have so farr infected it with the leven and leprosy of rome , that she become incurable , and to remoove them farr from his majesties court , no place for lepers . a libertate ; to free both ministers and people from their late encrochments , visitations , articles , oathes , altars , bowings , ceremonies , and unjust censures , and proceedings . a libertatibus allocandis ; to enforce them to allow and no wayes to encroach upon the subjects liberties . a mandamus ; to commaund them to give over lording and loyetering , and sett themselves to frequent and diligent preaching . a melius inquirendo ; to inquire better of their pretended ius divinum , their oppressions , exorbitances , lives , proceedings , and underhand juglings , and to certify them into the starre-chamber , or some other court of record . an action upon the statute of monopolies ; for engrossing all temporall and ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , the sale of letters of order , lycenses to marry , preach , keepe schoole , &c. ( all grosse symony into their owne hands . ) a ne admittas ; to prohibite them to admit any altars , images , crucifixes , taxers , new articles , ceremonies , doctrines , or innovations into our church . a ne injuste vexes ; to restraine them from all unjust vexations , suspentions , excommunications , and proceedings against ministers and others . a writt of nusans ; to remoove their late nusances , altars , crucifixes , new oathes , articles , innovations , rayles , ceremonies , arminian and popish doctrines , out of our church . a non distringas ad respondendum , sive breve regis : to force them to summon all their visitations by the kings writt , as they ought , . h. . c. . and to make out all proces , citations , commission of administration , probat of wills &c. in the kings name and sti●e alone , and under his seale , according to . ed. . c. . . eliz. c. . a non molestando ; to hinder them from molesting good ministers , preachers , people , and other his majesties subjects without just cause . a moderata misericordia ; to moderate their illegall and excessive fines , and teach these holy fathers more mercy : a writt of false imprisonment ; for pursevanting and imprisoning men against law , which they have no power at all to doe : a writt de odia & atia ; to examine their malicious unjust accusations , imprisonments , and proceedings of and against his majesties subjects . a parco fracto ; for breaking the pales and hedges , both of the lawes of god and the realme , and ruling onely by their meere lusts and wills . a perambulatione facienda : to bound out the true limites of their ecclesiasticall and episcopall iurisdiction , courts , and power , and to cause them to give those prisoners they have a long time shut vp : and the common law and course of prohibitions , which they have pent up of late , to walke freely abroad . a ponendo in ballyam ; to enforce them to dischardge and bayle those they have unjustly imprisoned . a praeligcipe in capite ; to render to god and the king those their severall rights , iurisdictions , and prerogatives , they have a long time unjustly detayned from them as their owne . a prohibition : to hinder all their innovations , oathes , visitations , articles , extravagant proceedings , fines , imprisonments , extortions , excommunications , suspentions , encroachments on the common law and the like . a pro rata portione ; to give them onely that power and authority , and such competent maintenance as gods lawes allowes them , and no more . a quale jus : to examine their divine title of their bishopprickes , what right it is ? a quare impedit ; to force them to shew good cause , why they hinder ministers from preaching to their people , and prohibit those to heare sermons abroad , who have none at home . a quare incumbravit ; to shew cause why they have lately incombred our churches , ministers , people , with so many innovations , alterations , injunctions , articles , oathes , fees , taxes , rayles , ceremonies , erronious , and licentious bookes , and false doctrines , and to censure them severely for doeing it . a quare non admisit : to shew cause why they permit not ministers to preach on lords dayes afternoone , on lecture dayes , and other occasions , or so osten as heretofore , and why they resuse to admit those into the ministry , or to livings , who will not subscribe to their new innovations , and those articles they secretly tender to them under hand . a quod permittat : to permit the lords table to stand quietly in the midst of the church or chauncell , without being rayled in and remooved altar-wise against the wall , and to suffer ministers to preach , and people to heare and receive the sacrament , in such manner as they have formerly used . a querela coram rege , & consilio discusiendo & terminando ; to bring all these quaeligres and the complaints of the subjects against the bishops , and their officers , before the king and his counsell , to be there heard and determined by them . a quo iure : to examine by what law they have turned communion tables into altars , set up crucifixes , silenced our ministers , put downe lectures , and preaching , made and printed new oathes , articles and injunctions in their owne names &c. and by what law , and in what court they may be punished for them . a restitutione abstracti ab ecclesia : to restore our silenced ministers and preachers to their chruches . a salva conductus ; to suffer his majesties subjects to goe peaceably and safely about their busines , and ministers without danger of their pursevants and catch-poles . a securitate pacis ; to bind them to the peace and good behaviour , that they may no longer disturbe the peace , both of our church , state , and people . a supersedeas ; to stay all their innovations , and proceedings in their consistories and visitations , till they have a patent and commission under the kings great seale , to keepe them in his name and right alone . a writt of trespase against them , and their pursevants , for rifling and breaking vp mens howses , clossets , trunckes , chests , and carrying away their bookes and papers violently , against law and iustice , as if they were felons and traytors . an action upon the statute of vagarant rogues and vagabonds ; for wandering abroad from their owne callings ecclesiasticall , imployments , and diocoeligse , into temporall carnall worldly state affaires , and following the court like a company of flattering fawning beggers , hunting after greater preferments and revenues , and being seldome resident at their cures . a writt of ventre inspiciendo ; to inquire after and inspect , how many great bellyes their lordships with their officers , and servants have impregnated of late yeares , and to take the full measure of their lordships pampered bellyes , which they onely feed and take care of ; which must needs be monstrous great , when as their very tayles are so vaste , as to require an whole cathedrall church to make a seat for them ; pauls it self , being litle enough to make a lord prelates chayre ; and two or three sheires scarce able to make up one diocoeligse , or parish bigge enough for his oversight . a vi laica removenda ; to remoove all lay force and violence out of the church , and take away the temporall power of fining , imprisoning , pursevating , breaking open mens houses , &c. from their lordships , with all other lay power and iurisdiction now crept into the church . and a fieri facias ; for their lordships to shew cause , why they with their oppressing arch-deacons , commissaries , registers , and other officers , should not forthwith be indicted and convicted in a premunire ( and that ex officio by his majesties atourney generall and his iudges ) or deepely fined in starre-chamber , for all their severall misdemeners specified in the premises . xiv . whether those bloudy prelates , who out of their desperate malice to our saviour ( to evacuate the use of this his last supper , instituted purposely by himself to shew forth his death till he come , . cor. . . . coll. . . ( which now these crucifixes must doe as if this sacrament were not sufficient to doe it , no not when it is administred , unlesse there be a crucifixe then standing on or over the altar ) and to reduce us backe againe to rome ) now crucify him dayly in their new erected crosses and crucifixes , both in cathedralls , private chapples , and elsewhere , and that in the direct opposition to the . article of our church , and the homilie of the perill of idolatry ; which they have prescribed ost times too ; ( expresly prohibiting the very making and setting up of crucifixes , and other images in churches , or chappell 's , as unlawfull and idolatrous : yea to his majesties declarations prohibiting all innovations and backesliding unto popery in the least degree : ) to be guilty of perjury to god , and disobedience to his majestie in the highest degree , and to be deprived of their bishopprickes for it , by the statute of . eliz. c. . confirming the sayd articles of religion and homilies ? and whether their cathedralls , chappell 's and churches , wherein they have sett up such crosses to crucify their saviour owne ( whose holy , paynefull , dayly , preaching life , they have never before their eyes ; and therefore represent his death in these dumbe pictures , because they are growne so lazy , that they seldome or never preach it ) be not ipso facto forfeited to the king by the statute of . e. . c. . against setting up of crosses and crucifixes , and their very bishopprickes too ; which they better deserve to loose for this their open insolent erecting of crucifixes , altars , tapers , and other romish superstitions to usher in popery , then any godly ministers to be deprived of their livings for not wearing of a surpluse , or not bowing at the name of iesus , or not kneeling at the sacrament , or not yeelding to any other late innovations , for which their lordships against all law and conscience have deprived , and suspended so many of their godly brethren , more worthy a bishoppricke , and farr more innoxious , pious , obedient to his majesties and gods lawes , then themselves ? xv. whether the prelates , for disguising themselves with strangevestments , disguises vizors , and playe like apparell , as rochetts , copes , stoles , abbies , and other massing trincketts to difference themselves from all other men , and daunceing , cringing and playeing the mummers , with divers new antique gestures , piping organs and minstrelsy , before their new erected altars , hopping , limping and dauncing before them like the ancient pagan priests about their idolatrous altars , or like mummers about a cobloase , and putting on a meere vizor of piety & gravity on their faces , when as they have neither of them nor any other true christian graces in their hearts ; and under these disguises doeing greater hurt and mischiefes , both in church and state , be not finable , and to be imprisoned for the space of three monethes without buyle or mayneprise ; for every time they shall be thus masked and disguised , by the expres words of . h. . c. . intituled : an act against mummers and delinquents within that law : and whether the best use these lord bishops , thus disguised in their pontificallibus , can be put unto , be not to make skarrecrowes in some cornefeild or other , or to stand in the church-porch to keepe out dogges , from their holy consecrated temples , which would be so affrighted with their mumming vestments and disguises , that they never durst come neare the corne or church , for feare of these terrible lordly bugbears and skarre-crowes . xvi . whether by the statutes of . ed. . c. . and . ed. . c. . every arch-bishop and bishop of england , ought not personally to read the statutes of magna carta , and of the forest , with king edward the first his confirmations of them , in their severall cathedrall churches twice every yeare , and upon the reading thereof , openly to denounce , excommunicated , banned , and accursed , all those that willingly doe or procure to be done any thing contrary to the tenour , force and effect of them , or either of them , by word , deed , or counsell : whether they ought to be destrayned , suspended and excommunicated for not doeing of it , with farr greater justice and reason , then themselves suspend and silence ministers , for not reading their lordships declaration for sports on the lords day ( coulored over with his majesties name , to dishonor his highnes , and excuse themselves ) these two statutes enjoyning them , the one in expresse termes , and inflicting these penalties on them for neglecting it , but no law , precept or canon prescribing ministers the other , nor yet that booke it self ? whether their lordships both by word , deed and counsell infringing magna carta , these statutes sundry wayes , especially by their imprisoning , fining , excommunicating , suspending and depriving men against law , and by their new invented taxes , and talleges , to pill and poll the subjects , and in procuring iudges and others by menaces , flatery , or ill counsell , to deny prohibitions , and habeas corpore , to doe many things against the tenour and effect of these good lawes , now miserably every-where trampled vnder feet , be not ipso sacto excommunicated by divers ancient excommunications , fulminated against such desperate infringers and transgressors of those acts in a most direfull manner by their predecessors , and by the tenour of these statutes themselves , and so altogether irreguler , and to be shut out of all churches , his majesties court and chapple , all christian mens societie , and sequestred both from their office and benefice , till they have done publicke penance , and given sufficient satisfaction to the whole realme of england , for their enormious dayly multiplyed crimes , under which both church and kingdome groane and languish at this present . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * see summa angelica & summa rosella tit . simonia . * . chron. &c. . . † exod. . . &c. &c. . * summa angelica & rosella tit . simonia & consecratio ecclesiaelig . † lindwode de censibus & procurationibus , where all this is resolved . * lindwode ibid. & . eli. c. . * . ass. . . ass. . . ass. . stamford . l. . c. . fitz. ca. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . br. pa. . . . . . . . . . . . * petition to q. eliz. p. . * luke . . c. . . c. . . . c. . . † acts . . . . c. . . * regist. par . . f. . ras. prohibition . a nevv discovery of old pontificall practises for the maintenance of the prelates authority and hierarchy. evinced by their tyranicall persecution of that reverend, learned, pious, and worthy minister in jesus christ, mr. john udall, in the raigne of queene elizabeth. to give satisfaction to all those that blindely endeavour to uphold episcopall government, that their lordly rule in the purest times of the said queene, is the very same with that they have exercised ever since, even to these times. together with the prelates devises to make him submit, and to subscribe to submissions of their own contriving and invention. and also king james his letter out of scotland to the queene, in the behalfe of mr. vdall and all other persecuted ministers in her realme. udall, john, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing u thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) a nevv discovery of old pontificall practises for the maintenance of the prelates authority and hierarchy. evinced by their tyranicall persecution of that reverend, learned, pious, and worthy minister in jesus christ, mr. john udall, in the raigne of queene elizabeth. to give satisfaction to all those that blindely endeavour to uphold episcopall government, that their lordly rule in the purest times of the said queene, is the very same with that they have exercised ever since, even to these times. together with the prelates devises to make him submit, and to subscribe to submissions of their own contriving and invention. and also king james his letter out of scotland to the queene, in the behalfe of mr. vdall and all other persecuted ministers in her realme. udall, john, ?- . james i, king of england, - . [ ], p. printed for stephen bowtell, and are to be sold at his shop in popes-head-alley, london : . annotation on thomason copy: "jan: ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -- government -- early works to . bishops -- england -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no a nevv discovery of old pontificall practises for the maintenance of the prelates authority and hierarchy.: evinced by their tyranicall per udall, john f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new discovery of old pontificall practises for the maintenance of the prelates authority and hierarchy . evinced by their tyrannicall persecution of that reverend , learned , pious , and worthy minister of jesus christ , mr. john udall , in the raigne of queene elizabeth . to give satisfaction to all those that blindely endeavour to uphold episcopall government , that their lordly rule in the purest times of the said queene , is the very same with that they have exercised ever since , even to these times . together with the prelates devises to make him submit , and to subscribe to submissions of their own contriving and invention . and also king james his letter out of scotland to the queene , in the behalfe of mr. vdall and other persesecuted ministers in her realme . my sonne feare thou the lord and the king : and meddle not with them that are given to change . prov. . . london , printed for stephen bowtell , and are to be sold at his shop in popes-head-alley , . an introduction by way of advertisement to the reader . in these prejudicate opinionated times it is difficult to give satisfaction , that the bishops illegall and unconscionable courses , have alwaies , without any variation , bin one and the same ; but if the impartiall reader will deigne to peruse this ensuing relation of mr. vdalls harsh usuage by ▪ them , he shall finde no mutation , neither in their councells nor actions : they were persecuters from all antiquity , of such as disclosed the dissonancy , betweene their authority , and the true rule of the word of god , as all ancient and neoterick histories record , both domestick and exoticke : and in this kingdome , they have not onely vented their fury against good men in the times of popery as in the raignes of king edward the third , richard the second ▪ and henry the fourth ; against iohn wicklisse , and such as they termed lollards , even untill the raignes of king edward the fixt , and queene elizabeth , but also in her time , when popery was relegated , and the protestant religion began to dispell the misty fog of errour and ignorance ; yet the reliques of darknesse could not endure the true light of perfect reformation ; which this worthy person mr. vdall , striving to introduce , was by the instigation of the prelates , hurried from his ministery at newcastle , in the depth of winter and in the bitterest weather that could be , brought to be examined by the lords of the queenes councell ; and because contrary to the laws of the land , he would not betray himselfe , he was by them committed to the gate-house , and there to be kept close prisoner , and not to be suffered to have pen , inke or paper , or any body to speake with him , his wife being also debarred his company , and his chamber-fellowes being professed papists , seminary priests and traytors : from thence he was conveyed to the white lyon in southwarke , and at the assises holden in croydon , ●uly , . was brought to the bar with fetters on his leggs , and there indited for malitiously publishing a scandalous and infamous libell against the queene , and no testimonies viv . ● voce produced to attest the same , but only depositions of men taken in the high commission court , ( which by the laws of the land was no court of record ) and reports upon heare-say urged against him , his witnesses not being permitted to testifie in his behalfe , because it was against the queene , ( which notwithstanding the laws allow , both in felony and in treason ) and the words of the stature eliz. cap. . wrested by the judges , viz. baron clarke and serjeant puckering , that because the booke of demonstration of discipline , whereof he was supposed the author , and for which he was then indited , was against the bishops that exercised the government appointed them by the queene , therefore by consequent it was against her royall person ; and because that he strove against the prelates , who were put in authority by the queene , therefore he did strive against her , which was contrary to the maxime of law , that no penall or criminall statute which concerneth a mans life , ought to ●e extended beyond the power of naturall words of the same ( such an awing power have the bishops alwaies carried over the laws , judges and lawyers , as to over-rule them all , and to make them sing ●lacebo ) and then the said judges directed the jury to finde him the author of that booke , without legall proofe , and to leave the felony to them , which they said , was resolved by all the judges of the land , and the jury for feare complying with them , found him guilty of felony , being drawn thereunto by a promise , that it should be no further danger unto him but tend to his good ; for which afterwards , they were exceedingly grieved and troubled . then they kept him in durance for halfe a yeare uncondemned and at the assises in february after , holden in southwarke , used all the meanes and perswasions they could exc●gitate , to make him submit and relinquish his tenets against the bishops , which he refusing to yeeld unto , had the sentence of death pronounced against him by puckering , but they not daring to execute him , because his adertions were the constant doctrine of all the reformed churches in christendom , he was reprived by the queenes speciall command , then the court chaplaines repaired unto him , and tendered ready written submissions unto him , which he rejected ; and being perswaded by a friend of his to solicite sir walter ●awleigh to obtaine his pardon and freedom , he wrote unto him , and sent him also a confession of the severall points which he maintained ; in the interim came unto him dr. nowe●● deane of pauls , a man in those daies famous for his learning and pretended piety , who brought another submission unto him , whereunto he at the first refused to subscribe ; but after some advice and consideration he assented and attested it ; but afterwards perceiving that this was a trick of legerdemaine used by the deane , ( who had ingaged the word and faith of a christian ▪ to obtaine his remission and liberty ) which would be a meanes to hasten his end , he wrote to the deane modestly ▪ reprehending him for that prestigious device , desi●ing him to leave no stone unturned , that might further his liberty , or at least to cleare his own conscience from being any way accessary to his death . while these affaires were in agitation , james king of scotland wrote a letter to the queene , wherein he requested , that mr. vdall , mr. car●wright and other ministers of the gospell in her realme for their dissent from the bishops and others of her clergy , touching matters of conscience , might not be hardly dealt with , but that at his intercession they might be released from their restraints , and not further prosecuted for their professions of the gospell and their consciences , &c. hereupon mr. vdall , who was conveyed to the assises at kingston , and as was supposed , should have bin executed there , was immediately returned from thence by the judges unto the white lyon , in the evening before the first day thereof : and afterwards geting a copy of his inditement ▪ by the lord treasurers procurement , he framed a pardon upon the same and sent it to the privy councell ▪ who r●ferred him to the arch-bishop ; but his anger was still immortall , neither would he relent , or condiscend to his freedom , notwithstanding all his petitions nor all the entreaties of honourable persons , and others of good quality that mediated for him . at last the turky marchants sued to the arch-bishop , that hee might goe into guinea to teach their traffiquers in that place , who assented thereunto upon condition , that they would be bound he should goe as soone as he had his liberty , but when of the ancients of that company desired to have the arch-bishops hand thereunto , he refused to subscribe , unlesse they would be bound not only for his present departure but that he should remaine there untill he had the queenes licence to returne againe into england &c. these premises being duly perpended , let any indifferent man give a solid reason , why such episcopall government should be restored ; for how they deported themselves in those pure times of queene elizabeth , ( as it is now termed ) by this relation is made apparent ; and in the time of king james there was no alteration , for it is well knowne that they persecuted mr. dighton and other good men for meere ceremonies , and silenced also many worthy ministers in his raigne ; yet it is observable that they seduced that learned king , after he once came amongst them ; and that is evident by the difference betweene his letter in this relation , and his conclusive sentence to maintaine the prelates authority , at the conference at hampton court , in the first yeare of his raigne . likewise in this king charles his time ▪ they have stopped the mouths of sedulous and faithfull preachers ; they have abolished lectures , mutilated , stigmatized , whipped and tortured sundry of the clergy and laity , as mr. burton dr. bastwicke , mr. prynne , dr. leighton and others , for disclosing their tyranny and abuses : and yet some sillie men are so farre enamoured of them that they had rather a destructive episcopacy should roughly sway in this kingdome , then that a preservative parliament should free both clergy and laity from such scorpions stings . and since experience in all ages evinceth , that wheresoever episcopacy is , there will be tyranny therefore all the truely reformed churches in europe have abolished the cause , that thereby the effect might also be utterly extinguished . to conclude , this pious and worthy person mr iohn vdall , ( as this ensuing relation testifieth ) stood firme and constant for the reforma●ion even to death , and would not be deterred from it , though strictly imprisoned , fettered , condemned , and bereft of all worldly comforts , which should prove a mirrour to all of that tribe , but especially to his own posterity , to instruct them not to deflect from so singular a patterne , and deviate into oblique and erroneous courses lest those objurgations of the prophet be justly applied to them , as namely hosea . . ephraim is also like a dove deceived , without heart : they call to egypt ; they goe to ashur , &c. the same is reiterated , hosea . . ephraim is fed with the winde , and followeth after the east winde , he increaseth daily lies and destruction , and they do make a covenant with ashur , and oyle is carried into egypt . and these places of scripture may one day heavily reflect upon mr. ephraim vdall his sonne unworthy of such a father , who hath forgotten to follow his fathers steps , but runeth a retrograde course from them , in erecting a new raile at his own charge about the communion table in his church , since the former was removed by the order of parliament ; and delivering the elements to none but those that come up to his rayle ; and denied to subscribe for moneys for the defence of the king and parliament ; refusing to read the orders that come from the parliament or lord major of london , but none was so forward as lie in permiting the booke of sports on the lords day and the prayer against the scots to be read in his church , and as it seemeth , he loveth the parliament so litle that hee never prayeth for good successe to their army , but on the contrary he prayeth , that the hand of vengeance may strike such as take up armes against the king : and no one can judge , but that the intent of such expressions are onely the calling for vengeance on the heads of those , who endeavor to defend religion , laws and liberties , against those trayterous and wicked counsellours which have too much entercourse with his majesty . and by report , his house is a receptacle for disaffected ministers that frequently resort thither , and as it may be conjectured by the persons , little good is hatched amongst them ; and he is growne into such estimation with birds of that feather , that doctors , proctors and such malecontents against the parliament are his constant auditors . the apostles councell is good and salubrious , study to be quiet and do your own businesse , thess . . which if all perverse spirits would have practised ▪ these miserable distracters would never have ingulphed us in this unnaturall war . farewell the particular examinations , arraignement and condemnation , of iohn vdall , minister of the word of god , together with such things as passed betweene him and others by occasion thereof . seeing you desire to understand the particular things that have passed betwixt mee and them in authority , that have from time to time molested mee ; i am willing to satisfie you at this time , in that which concerneth this my last and greatest trouble , that ever befell me ; for that it brought me to prison , referring you to get the former of ▪ &c. by such meanes as you may , and to learne the particulars of my arraignement of those that heard it , seeing it was at the publike assises , in the presence of many hundreds , divers whereof i thinke were both able and willing to t●ke note thereof . after that i was silenced at kingston ( in manner as appeareth in the papers that contain a particular remembrance of the same ) i rested about hal a yeer preparing my selfe to a private life for that i saw so little hope of returne into my ministery , or any rest in it , to the good of the church . but god would not have it so : for meanes were made by some , that feared god in newcastle upon tyne to the earle of huntington to send me thither who did so and i was received thither in such sort as contented mee , and joyned in the ministery of the word there with two godly men , mr. houldesworth the pastor , and mr. bamford a teacher , through whose joynt l●bours god vouchsafed so to draw the people to the love of the word , ( no●withstanding that the plague was grievous in the towne all the while i was there , and consumed above of the inhabitan●s ) as we had hope in time to see much fruit and receive great comfort of our labours . but the enemy so envyed the same that after a yeares abode there , i was fetched thence by letters from the lord hunsdon lord chamberlaine in the name of the whole councell . whereupon i came thence , december● . in the forest weather that could bee , yet through gods mercy i and christopher applebie ( whom the major appointed to conduct me ) came safe to london , ianuary ▪ and upon the . being tuesday i appeared at my lo. cobhams house in the blackfryers , before my l. cobham , my lo. buckhurst , my l. anderson , the bish. of rochester , mr. fort●scue , mr. egerton , the queens solicitor , doctor aubery ▪ doct. lewen . then was i called in before them , whereupon my lord anderson said unto me . anderson . how long have you bin a●newcastle ? vdall . about a yeere if it please your lordship . anderson . why went you from kingston upon thames ? vdall because i was silenced there , and was called to newcastle . rochester . what calling had you thither ? vdall . the people made meanes to my lord of huntingdon , who sent mee thither . roch. had you the allowance of the bishop of that diocesse ? vdall . there was none at that time . roch. then you should have gone to the archbishop . vdall . there was no archbishop at yorke neither . anders . you are called hither to answer concerning certaine books which are thoug●t to be of your making . vda . if it be for any of martins bookes ( according as my lord chamberlaines letters that fetched me import ) i have already answered , and am ready so to doe againe . ander . where have you answered , and in what manner ? vda . at lambeth a yeere and a halfe agoe , i cleared my selfe not to bee the author , nor to know who he was . ander . is this true mr. beadle ? beadle . i have heard that their was such a thing , but i was not there at it , if it please your lordship . aubery , lewen there was such a thing , as my lords grace told us . vda . i am the hardlier dealt withall to bee fetched up so farre at this time of the yeere . i have had a journey i would not wish unto my enemy . roch. you may thanke your owne dealing in matters that you should not have medled withall . ander . it is more then i heard that ever you were called to answer , but you are to answer concerning other bookes . vda . i hope your lordships will not urge mee to any others , seeing i was sent for about those . ander . you must answer to others also : what say you to those bookes , a demonstration or a dialogue . &c. did you not make them ? vda . i cannot answer thereunto . ander . why would you cleere your selfe of martin , and not of these , but that you are guilty herein ? vda . not so my lord , i have reason to answer in the one , but not in the other . ander . i pray you let us heare what reason , for i cannot conceive of it , seeing they are all written concerning one matter . v. this is the matter my lo , i hold the matter propos'd in them al to be one but i would not be thought to handle it in that manner , which the former bookes doe , and because i thinke otherwise of the latter , i care not though they should be fathered upon mee . buckhu . but i pray you tell me know you not penry ? vda . yes my lord that i doe . buckhu . and doe you not know him to be martin . vda . no surely , neither doe i thinke him to be martin . buck . what is your reason ? vda . this my lord , when first it came out he ( understanding that some gave out that he was thought to bee the author , wrote a letter to a friend in london , wherein he did deny it , with such tearmes as declare him to bee ignorant and cleere in it . buck . where is that letter ? vda . indeed i cannot now shew you , for i have forgotten unto whom it was written . buck . you will not tell where it is . vda . why my lord it tendeth to the clearing of one and the accusing of none . buck . can you tell where penry is ? vda . no surely my lord . buck . when did you see him ? vda . about a quarter of a yeere ago . buck . where ●id you see him ? vda . he called at my doore and saluted mee . buck . nay he remained belike with you ? vda . no indeed he neither came in my house , neither did hee so much as drinke with mee . buck . how came you acquainted with him . vda . i thinke at cambridge , but i have beene often in his company buck . where . vda . at divers places , and namely in mine owne house whilest i dwelt at kingston . buck . what cause had you to be so often in his company ? vda . he being a scholler & student in divinity , and one whom i alwaies thought to be an honest man your lordship may easily conceive he cause . here was much to this same effect spoken about mr. penry and my being at mrs. cranes house at moulsley and with her , &c. which i alwaies answered , as in the like case concerning m. horton of richmond before the archbishop . then doctor lewen reading my answers to those questions , that had beene by the archbishop propounded unto me concerning my papers in my study , and namely the notes of my severall conferences , with the bishops and their officer ▪ i was asked as i remember by mr. fortescue . fortescue . why did you pen such things and keepe them . roch. because he and such like might apisbly imitate the mart●rs of former times , and accompt themselves persecuted by us as those were by the popish bishops . vda . the cause is this , for that in the quicknesse of wit and readinesse of memory in youth those things may be spoken , that in age will be more easily made use of in writing then otherwise , the memory of man not being infinite . ander . what say you did you make these bookes , or know you who made them ? vda . i cannot answer to that question , my lord . ander . you had as good say you were the author . vda . that will not follow ; but if you thinke so , i cannot do withall . cobha . mr. vdall if you be not the author say so , and if you be confesse it , you may find favour . vdall . my lord i thinke the author for any thing i know did well and i know that he is enquired after to be punished & therefore i think it my duty to hinder the finding of him out , which i cannot do better then thuss ander . and why so i pray you ? vda . because if every one that is suspected do deny it , the author at the length must needs be found out . ander . why dare you not confesse it if you be the author of it ? dare you not stand to your owne doings ? vda . i professed before that i lik'd of the bookes and the matter handled in them , but whether i made them or no i will not answer , neither of any other book of that argument , whatsoever goeth without name if you should aske me for the reason alleadged before , besides that if i were the author i thinke that by law i need not answer . ander . that is true if it concerned the losse of your life . vda . i pray your lordship , doth not the law say generally no man shall be put to answer without pres●ntment before iustices or things of record , or by due processe or writ originall , &c. a●no . edw. . cap ▪ . ander . that is law and it is on t law . vda . i understand you not my lord , it is a statute which is in force if it be not repealed . ander . i tell you by law you ought to answer in this case ▪ vda . good my lord shew me this favour to tell me in what booke of the law i shall find it , for i professe to understand , the latine , french , and english tongues , wherein all the lawes be written . fortescue . you are very cunning in the law , i pray you by what law did you preach at new●astle being f●rbidden at kingston . vd. i know no law against it , seeing it was the official doctor hone , who did silence me , whose authority reacheth , not out of his arch-deaconry . fortescue . what was the cause for which you were silenced ? vda . surely i cannot tell nor yet imagine saving the secret suggestions of mr ▪ harvie fortescue . to bee ignorant of that , is crassa et supina ignorantia . vda . no sir the action was crassa et supina injurta . and. well what say ●●u to those books , who made them and where were they printed . vda . though i could tell your lordship , yet dare i not for the reasons before alleadged . roch. i pray you let me aske you a question or two concerning your booke . vda . it is not yet proved to bee mine , but i will answer to any thing concerning the matter of the booke so farre as i know . roch. you call it a demonstration , i pray you what is a demonstration ? i beleeve you know not what it is . vda . if you had asked me that question when i was a boy in cambridge of a yeers standing it had been● a note of ignorance in mee , to have beene unable to answer you . roch. surely it seemeth by the frame of the syllogismes and reasons , in it , that you know it not if you be the author of that booke , i read none of it late , but in the parliament time sitting in a morning in the house i read some of it , and it seemed to mee in many things , not to conclude probably much lesse demonstratively . vda . i will shew you as i take it why the author called it a demonstration , because the reason which is usually brought to prove the conclusions is commonly drawne from a place of scripture , which hath more force in it to manifest the conclusion {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} then any of aristotles proofes drawne as they say , ex primis , veris , necessarijs et immediatis causis . roch. indeed that which is proved by the scrip●ures is proved most demonstratively , but the proofes in that booke are far from any such . vda . let that be the question and try it in some one . ander . my lord of rochester , i pray you let us make short worke with him , offer him a booke ; will you sweare to answer to such things as shall be demanded of you in the behalfe of our soveraigne lady the queene ? vda . i will take an oath of allegiance to her majesty , wherein i will acknowledge her supremacy according to statute , and promise my obedience as becometh a subject , but to sweare to accuse my selfe or others , i thinke you have no law for it . ander . mr. soliciter , i pray you tell him the law in this point . then mr. solliciter ( who had sitten all the while very soberly , noteing what passed ( and if a mans mind may be knowne by his countenance seemed to mislike the course holden against me , upon my lord andersons commandement ) stood up , and puting off his hat unto me said : eger . mr. vdall , i am sorry that you will not answer nor take an oath , which by law you ought to doe : i can assure you , your answers are like the seminary priests answers , for they say , there is no law to compell them to take an oath to accuse themselves . vda . sir , if it be a liberty by law , there is no reason why they should not challenge it , for ( though they be very bad ones ) they are subjects ▪ and untill they be condemned by law , may require all the benefits of subjects , neither is that any reason , that their answering so , should make the claime of lesse value for me , seeing that herein we are subjects alike , though otherwise of a most contrary disposition . buck . my lord , it is no standing with him thus , what sayest thou , wilt thou take the oath ? vda . my lord , i have said as much thereunto as i can . then they commanded me to goe forth , and they consulted a little space and called me againe , at which time almost every one of them , used many words to perswade me to a confesse a truth , saying the queene was mercifull , and that otherwise it would goe hardly with me : to whom i said , my lords , i know not that i have offended her majesty , when it is proved that i have i hope her mercy will not then be too late , howsoever it bee i dare not take this oath . awbery lewen . you have heretofore taken it , and why will you not take it now ? vda . indeed you call to remembrance a good reason to refuse it , i was called to answer to certaine articles upon mine oath heretofore , which i voluntarily did , and freely confessed that against my selfe , concerning my iudgement and preaching of the points of discipline , which could never have bin proved ; and when my friends labored to have me restored to my place ; the arch-bishop answered , that there was sufficient matter against me , by mine own confession , why i should not be restored ; whereupon i covenanted with mine own heart , never to be mine own tormentor in that sort againe . and. whatsoever be the issue of it , you must do your duty and deale plainely with the magistrate . vda . i take my duty to be in this case , not to answer , nor the magistrats to require it of me , seeing the apostle saith , receive not an accusation against an elder ▪ under two or three witnesses , which semanca the spanish inquisitor alleadgeth to the same purpose . buck . what , you are an elder are you ? vda . my lord , howsoever the word elder be taken , whether so largely as i and any brethren that desire the discipline do take it , or only for a minister of the word , as our adversaries understand it , i am an elder . roch. it is true my lord , that an elder in that place containeth all such as he is , but none else . buck . yea but they would have other elders to governe the church , which desire of theirs , when it cometh to passe , i will give over my barony , and become an elder . vda . if your lorship understood what great paines and small worldly recompence belongeth to that office , you would never say so . roch. the day is past , and we must make an end , will you take the oath ? vda . i dare not take it . roch. then you must goe to prison , and it will goe hard with you ▪ for you must remaine there untill you be glad to take it . vda . gods will be done , i had rather goe to prison with a good conscience ▪ then to be at liberty with an ill one . roch. your sentence f●r this time is to goe to the gate-house close prisoner , and you are beholding to my lords here , that they have heard you so long . vda . i acknowledge it , and do humbly thanke their honours for it . and when they were all gon , my lord cobham stayed me to speake to me , who told me that it might be , he and others wished things to be amended as ▪ well as i , but the time served not , and therefore he wished me not to stand in it , and i praying his lordships good favour , he promised to do for me what he could , for which i humbly thanked him , and so was carried to the gate-house by a messenger , who delivered me with a warrant to be kept close prisoner , and not be suffered to have pen inke or paper ▪ or any body to speak with me . thus i remained there halfe a yeare , in all which time my wife could not get leave to come unto me , saying only that in the heareing of the keeper she might speake to me , and i to her , of such things as he should thinke meet , notwithstanding that she made suit to the commissioners , yea unto the body of the councell , for some more liberty : all which time my chamber fellowes were seminary priests , traytors and professed papists . at the end of halfe a yeare , i was removed to the vvhite-lyon in southwarke , and so carried to the assises at croydon , where what was done , i will not mention , seeing there were present such as were both able , and i th●nk willing to set down , unto whose report i refer those that would know the same . a collection of such things as were truely gathered concerning the arraignement of mr. john udall , at the assises at croydon the . and . of iuly , . noted faithfully by such as were beholders of the same . master iohn vdall , minister of the word of god at newcastle in the north , being suspected to be the author of a booke , called a demonstration of discipline , was sent for to come to london , who at his comming was committed close prisoner at the gate-house at westminster , from whence ( after he had b●n kept close there the space of six moneths and above ) he was in like manner committed to the prison of the white lyon in southwarck , and from thence the . of iuly , was carried to the assises held at croydon in the county of surrey , where were appointed for that assises to be judges , baron clarke and serjeant puckering , who according to the custome , gave the charge of the assises : wherein baron clarke shewed the intent of their comming thither , which he referred to heads , viz. the safety of the church , the good of the common wealth , and the preservation and honour of her most excellent majesty : and then speaking of these in particular , he shewed the great use and necessity of laws , and giving our laws their due commendation , hee preferred them before all other laws of any other nation in the world , and further declared how neere they were for outward government , to the laws of god ▪ wherein he noted some particulars of them ; shewing that as the laws of god did condemne blasphemers ▪ idolaters , prophaners of the sabath rebellious and disobedient against superiours . murtherers adulterers , thieves , raylers , and false witnesses : for most of these or all of them , hee shewed particular statutes of our land that condemned them , and shewed the punishments of them . then he shewed , that as the law of god would not have any to be condemned , but their cause must first be heard , and that not in corners , but in the gates and publique places , that all might heare and see with what equity they were dealt withall : so also our laws condemned none but in publique places , and those that were accused had free liberty to say what they could for themselves ; and as the law of god condemned none , but in publique places , and when there were witnesses to prove the guiltinesse of the offenders ; so also our law condemneth none but plaine evidences and true witnesses must be produced against them . many other things he spake of , which is too long to rehearse , but this is the sum of it : after the charge given , the prisoners were brought forth , amongst whom mr. vdal● came , having fetters on his leggs , which moved many greatly to lament to see a minister of the gospell , brought the foremost as principall of so many malefactors : then were the prisoners called by name ▪ and answered severally to their names , who were no further dealt withall for that time , by reason of many other things that the judges were busied withall : the next day in the morning , the iudges being set , and the prisoners standing at the bar , one iohn pepper a felon and a robber by the high way , was called forth to answer to his inditement , and according to the order he held up his hand at the bar and pleaded for himselfe , that he was not guilty ; and being demanded by whom he would be tried , he referred himselfe to be tried by god and and the country : after whom there were five or six others called , and were tried as the first was . then was mr. vdall called and commanded to hold up his hand at the bar , who held up his hand accordingly . then was his inditement read , being thus : iohn vdall , late of london clerke , thou art indited &c. the forme of which inditement was as against murtherers , namely , that he not having the feare of god before his eyes but being stirred up by the instigation and motion of the devill , did maliciously publish a slanderous and infamous libell against the queenes majesty , her crown and dignity : and being asked wheteher he were guilty or not guilty ? he answered thus : vda . my lords ▪ may it please you to heare me a word or two . iud. cla. answer first to the iuditement and then you shall be heard . vda , my lords i beseech you heare me first a word or twaine . iud. say on . vda . my case is rare , and such as hath not bin heard of heretofore , and consisteth upon divers points of law , i humbly crave of your lordships to grant me to answere by councell if it may be . iud. cl. you cannot have it , and therefore answer to your inditement . vda . then i answer ( my lrods ) that i am not guilty . iud. cl. how wil● thou he tried ? vda ▪ i do desire to be tried by an inquest of learned men , but seeing i shall not i am contented to be tried by the ordinary course as these men before me are , that is ( as you use to say ) by god and the country . then the clerke of the assises said to the parties a raigned ( after he had read the names of the iury before them ) these men whose names you have heard , are to goe upon your lives and your deaths , loooke upon them when they are called to be sworne ▪ and if you know any cause , take exception against them . then the rest of the felons haveing nothing to say , mr. vdall said my lords , i am ignorant of the law in this point , i pray you therefore shew me the manner of challenging the jury , how many i may challenge , and whether i may render a reason of the same . iu. i think you will know a cause in your conscience ; before you challenge any of them . vd. then i pray you my l. how many am i by law permitted to challenge ? iud. nay i am not to t●ll you that , i sit to judge , and not to give you counsell . then mr. vdal keeping silence , proclamation was made according to the manner that if any man could give in evidence against iohn vdall , prisoner at the bar ▪ that they should come into the court and be heard . then mr. daulton stood up . and in the meane while mr. vdall said to the iudges thus : my lords ▪ i beseech you answer me to one question before mr. daulton begin to speake : jud. sa● on . vda . is it permitted me by law to answer to those things in particular which are brought to prove this indictment ? jud. it is permitted . vda . then i humbly crave of your lordships to grant me two petitions , which i thinke will greatly further both him in speaking , me in answering and also be a more ready helpe to the memory of the jury , that they may be able to beare the matter away . jud ▪ what are your petitions ? vda . the first is , that when mr. daulton hath spoken to one point what he can ▪ i may answer to that before he proceed any further lest my memory being overwhelmed with multitude of matter , i should forget to answere to some points of importance and the jury made the l●sse able to discerne of the particulars . the second is , that it might please you to grant me to answer without interruption . jud. you shall have them b●th granted . dau. then mr. daulton said , mr. udall you have these petitions grandte you , i desire the same of you . and then he desiring leave of the judges , before he should prove the indictment , to say something touching this , that this man and such as he is do maintaine , &c. after leave given him ▪ hee used a very long speech to the great disgrace and slander of the cause , and those men that professed the same especially of mr. udall , and making mention in the same his speech ▪ of five severall bookes of common prayer , made by such as desire reformation , he affirmed , that in one of the said bookes there was horrible blasphemy in these words of the consecration of the lords supper , take eate this is my body , drink this is my blood . then he cryed out saving , oh horrible ●lasphemy , and taking occasion upon the variety of these bookes , he affirmed that there was no constancy in these men ; and whereas one of the bookes doth allow , that over every congregation there should be a faithfull pastor , that is quoth hee , a shepheard , whereby they may take the government out of her majesties hand , and so bring her majesty to be one of their sheepe ; no quoth hee , her majesty is no sheepe under any shepheard in the wo●ld ▪ except christ : and for the government that these men do seeke for , i am assured there is none such to be found in the word of god . vda . mr. daulton hath used a very large speech , which doth nothing concerne to prove the indictment or me in particular , and therefore seeing i am not called hither to dispute ( and if i would i should not be permitted ) i will not answer it , onely thus much will i say , ( if it please your lordships ) that seeing mr. daulton is by profession a lawyer , and the cause is yet in question amongst the learned divines ▪ methinks it had bin more modesty for mr. daulton to have suspend●d ●●s judgement un ill the controversie had bin determined amongst them ▪ to whose profession it belongeth ▪ especially seeing mr. daulton knoweth in his conscience , that he hath heretofore carried some shew of ●●keing to the cause which now he speaketh against . jud. sirra , sirra , answer to the matter that mr. daulton hath against you , mr. daulton proceed to the proofe of the points of the indictment . daul . my masters , you of the jury , &c. i will prove , first that he had a malicious intent in making of this booke : secondly , that he is the author of it : and thirdly , that these matters contained in the indictment are felony by the statute eliz. . cap. . then was mr. beadle the register called ▪ who was sworne that these examinations following ▪ were as the parties themselves confessed the same : and to prove the first , the clarke of the assises caused stephen chatfield to be called into the court , to give in evidence against iohn vdall , but he appeared not at all , for which the judges were offended and sergeant puckering said , there was a warrant sen● for him , whereupon some standing by affirmed ▪ that the warrant came after his departure from home . then mr. daulton said , that he went out of the way of purpose , and iudge clarke said , mr. vdall you are glad of that . mr. vdall answered : vda . my lords , i wish heartily he had bin here for as i am sure he never could say any thing against me to prove this point , so i have heard and am able to prove it to be true that he is very sorry that ever he made any complaint against me ▪ confessing he did it in his anger , when martin came first out ; and by their suggestions , whom he hath proved since by experience to be very bad men . dault. it is no great matter whether he be here or no ▪ for we have his articles , against you , and your own confession to prove this point sufficiently . then were mr. chatfields articles ( that he brought to the arch-bishop against mr. vdall ) read by the clarke ▪ containing a report of certaine written papers , tending as he supposed , to the making of such a booke as this is , and thereupon asked mr. vdall whose writing they were , who answered , they are a friends of mine , whereunto chatfield replied , wishing him to take heed of them , and to rid his hands of them , and to returne them to his friend from whom he had them , for he doubted they concerned the state . these papers he saw in mr. vdall ▪ study at kingston . also he further saith , that at an other time , he having conferred with mr. udall in a certaine field by kingston , called little ▪ field , about his putting to silence , he saith , that the said mr. vdall uttered these words , that if they put him to silence , he would give the bishops such a blow as they never had . vda . may it please your lordships that i may answer to these things in particular . jud. say on let us heare your answer . vda . i was accused this time two yeares upon the words of chatfield , that these papers that he did see in my studie , should be the matter of martyn mar-prelate , and because i cleared my selfe of that , it is now brought to prove an other matter , but it proveth nothing unlesse it were set downe in particular what they were . daul . it proveth this , that you had a purpose to write this booke , and those things were collections from your friends and preparations thereunto . vda . let the iury consider how that point is proved by it . besides it may be proved , that this boke was extant in mens hands before the conference betweene chatfield and me , therefore how can it be proved that this is the booke that should give them such a blow . dault. but you cannot deny the second point , that you had a pretenced malice , for it is extant in your own confession ; read his answer to those articles of mr. chatfield . then the clarke read his answer to this effect , tha● if the bishops put him to silence , they would give him occasion and leasure to be imployed in writing against them . then said mr. daulton , is not this most evident , what can be plainer then it is ? vda ▪ i pray your lordships to give me leave to explaine these things . iud. say on and be briefe . vda . mr. chatfield told me that he was commanded to come to kingst●n and be resident there ; of purpose that i might be put to silence , and that there might not appeare any want of a preacher ▪ i being put downe . whereupon i said in effect , as is above rehearsed : but i pray you heare in what sence these words were uttered . iud. the matter is cleare , and we see what you can say to it well enough , proceed mr. daulton to the proofe of the second point . dault. and that you be the author of this slanderous and infamous libell , it shall be proved cleerely to the iury before your face ; then said he to the clerke read the answer of ni●holas thompkins , which was made upon his oath before her majesties high commissioners then was read to this effect that thompkins knew that mr. udall was the author of that booke called the demonstration , for he said , that mr. udall himselfe told him so . also that he saw either in mr. udalls house , or in some other place in kingst●ne a catalogue of all the bookes that mr. udall had made , amongst which the demonstration was one . daul . you see here that this is cleare and a sufficient testimony . vda . it carryeth some shew , but it is nothing . iud. doe you c●ll the testimony of one being an honest man , and upon his oath , before the high commissioners to be nothing , can you answer it ? vda . my lords ▪ i answer it thus , denying it to be his testimony , for if it be , why is he not present to verifie it face to f●ce , according to the law ? iud. puck : it is verified to be his true answer under the hon●s of dr. auberie and dr. lewen , the latter wher●of c●nfirmed it before me upon his corporall oath . dault. you can take no exceptions against that , and will you say he is not an honest man ? vda . i am perswaded he was amazed , and answered he knew not what , for hee hath reported it so diversely , that it seemeth ●ee remembreth not what hee said . iud. but the oath of thompkins is to be preferred before his bare rep●●t . ude . my lords i answer , i protest unto you ( and will verifie it upon my oath ▪ if it please you ) that he told me the day before i was committed , at his masters house , that he could not say , neither would he for a tho●sand pounds affirme any more then this t●a● he heard me say , i would not doubt but set my name to that booke if i might have indifferent iudges . and further ( if it please you my lords ) here are some witnesses that upon their oaths will testifie , how diversly he hath reported of his confession to this thing , if it please your lordships to accept them . and the witnesses offering themselves to be heard , were answered ; that because their witnesse was against the queenes majesty , they could not be heard . and after other speeches passing , mr. udall said : uda . my lords , the speech of the catalogue is most vaine , and hath no sence in it , for can i have made so many bookes , as that i need make a catalogue of t●em ? it may be my lords , he saw a catalogue of the bookes in my study , wherin if that were one , it is ●ather an argume●t that i made it not , for men use not to put their own works in the catalogue of those that they have in their study . daul , you of the iury consider this , that thompkins was mrs. cranes man , and one that was privy to all the printing that was at her house , and m● , udall used to go often thither . uda . all that is nothing to me , what if i used to goe thither , she is of my acquaintance i know her to be an honest gentle woman , what can you gather by any of these things ? why is not thompkins here to d●clare his testimony , and to say what he can ? daul . he is beyond the seas about merchandises , sent away by mr. gore who married mrs. cranes daughter . vda . how doth that appeare he is no merchant but a serving-man , and if he were what is that to me , but it cannot be proved that mr. gore did send him so that here is nothing but bare papers to shew for evidence against me . then there was much said to prove that the testimony of a man absent was sufficient if it were proved to be his upon the oathes of others . and then the judge said . iudg. vvhat say you ? did you make the booke ( vdall ) yea or no , what say you to it , w●ll you be sworne ? will you take your oath that you made it not ? wee will offer you that favour , whi●h never any indited of felony had before , take your oath and sweare you did it not and it shall suffice . vda . my lords i pray you heare me to this , if i would have done so before the lords of her majesties privie counsell that committed mee , i had not come hither , but i neither then might nor may do so now ; whereof i pray you let me shew a reason to the iury . i and many more doe think the booke to be good ▪ for any thing wee can find in it , and to be written in defence of a cause which we take to be most true . now the author is sought for that he may be punished for some speeches that may be wrested in the booke ▪ therefore least he should be found ( if one after another that are suspected doe deny it ) it is thought best every one neither to confesse nor to deny , yea though we suffer some punishment rather then the author being found out should suffer extremity . iudg. nay this is but a shift , i will goe further with you , will you but say upon your honestie that you made it not ? and you shall see what shall be said unto you ? vda . my lords it is all one i make a conscience of my word as of my oath , for i must give accompt for both . this is no direct course in this place . iudg. you of the iury consider this ▪ this argueth that if he were not guilty he would cleare hims●lfe , and consider well of it ▪ and then speaking to mr. vdall , hee said doe not stand in it but confesse it and submit your selfe to the queens mercy before the iury find you guilty . vda . my lord i answer that according to my inditement i am not guilty , every point whereof must be proved or else the whole is false . and i beseech your lordships give me leave and i will be very briefe . my conscience doth not accuse me , that i have so much as offended her majestie , her councell ▪ or the meanest of her people in any thing , i have done concerning this cause , for if i should , of all other i deserved the least favour being one that professed to teach others loyaltie to her majestie , and love one to another , and would you have mee to confesse a fault where there is none , no i cannot doe it neither will i : wherefore proceed in your course begun . daul . we have yet more proofe then this , though yet this were sufficient of it selfe , wherefore read the other examinations . then was read the confession of henry sharpe of northampton who upon his oath before my lord chancellor had said that he ●eard mr. penry say that mr. vdall was the author of the demonstration . vda . sharpe and i were never above once in company together ( to my remembrance ) neither knew hee ever any of my dealings . this is nothing to prove me the author of the booke , reports bee uncertain , and if reports be true the archbishop himselfe told mee that mr. penry made it , which is more forcible for mee , then any of sharpes reports can be against me . daul . you mistake the matter , the force of the point resteth in mr penryes report , who was one of your great acquaintance and familiars , and you and walgrave and he were at mrs. cranes house . vda . here is one mans saying that another said so , let the iury consider of what force this proofe is , if you have any more let it appeare . iudg. clarke . you of the iury have not to enquire whether he be guilty of the fel●ny but whether he be the author of the booke , for it is already set downe by the judgement of all the iudges in the land , that whosoever was author of that booke was guilty the statute of felony , and this is declared ab●ve halfe a yeere ag●ne . vda . though it be so determined already , yet i pray your lordships give me leave to shew that which i have to say and i will be very briefe and it is to prove , that though i were found to be the author , yet it cannot be within the compasse of that stature , an. . eliz. cap. . whereupon the inditement is framed . iudg. you shall be heard to say for your selfe what you can , therefore say on . vda . though i bee not by profession a lawyer , yet i thinke i can shew it clearely by these reasons following . first , the intent of the law-makers , ( which alwaies is to bee regarded in these cases ) is to bee considered which appeareth in the preface of the statute in these words ; to suppresse the malice of those that be evill affected to her highnesse . now i pray you consider this , how can it be ? or how is it possible that a preacher of the same religion which her majestie professeth , and maintaineth who is known continually to pray unto god for her highnesse prosperity and happinesse both of soule and body ; how is it possible i say , that such a one should bee maliciously affected towards her ? therefore it is evident that the statute was made against the papists , who use to slander her highnesse with the tearmes of heretique , &c. and no way against us for i dare boldly say of my selfe , and in the name of all my brethren . cursed is he of god , and he deserveth doubtlesse to be hated of men that doth imagine the least hurt against her highnesse . secondly , the matter that maketh a man a felon by that statute , must proceeed from a malicious intent against her highnesse , which i or any such as i am can no way justly be charged with : pattly for that which is said before , and partly for that my course of teaching and living in this country these yeares ( saving this last yeere , wherein i have been absent ) is known to have tended to no other end then the provoking and perswading of the people to like of and yeeld obedience unto her majestie , and the religion received in her dominions , for the proofe whereof i referre my selfe to the consciences of all men in the country that have knowne me : and further it is likely that i who have bin trayned up in the universities under her majesties protection and have alwaies bended my studies to the advancement of the sincerity of the gospell ▪ so that those small crums of learning which i have gatheted , i doe acknowledge to have received by her majesties meanes these things considered , how can it be that i should bee evill affected towards her highnesse , whom i protest i unfaynedly reverence ? and therefore the worst that the author can be charged withall is his overheat and to much vebemency by reason of his zeale against the abuses , and not any malice against her majestie , or the meanest of her subjects : againe the matter to bring it within the compasse of the statute must be false . but this booke is written in the behalf of a most true cause . lastly the end of it , must be either to the defamation of the queenes majestie or stirring up of insurrection , sedition , or rebellion . for the former i trust that the whole course of our behaviour both in our ministery and conversation , declareth it selfe to bee so farre from seeking to defame her highnesse as it tendeth to the uttermost of our powers , to the advancement , of her honour . for i am perswaded that there is none of us that would refuse to undergoe any paine whereby her majestie might any way be the better honoured , yea wee would not refuse if need so required , to lay downe our lives for redeeming of the least aking of her majesties little finger wherewith shee might bee grieved . now for the second end which is the moving or staring ●p of rebellion &c. i pray your lordships , and you of the iury to consider this , there have beene since the first day of her majesties raign , learned men that have desired the advancemen● of this cause and many of the people that affected it . and yet hath it never appeared that by occasion hereof , there hath in all this time bin any in any place that have raised any insurrection or sedition : yea this booke which is now in question hath bin extant these yeeres , yet i trust neither your lordships nor any here present can shew that any people in any corner of the land , nay it cannot be justly proved that any one person hath taken any occasion hereby to enterprize any such matter , and therefore the making of this book cannot be felony . besides all this if there had bin any such thing meant by the author , or received by the people , as the indictment chargeth me withall , ( which is the defamation of her highnesse government ) yet ( as i take it ) it should not be felony by that statute , for the whole course of it , declareth , that it is onely meant of them that defame her highnesse person , and not her government , as it is manifest by the last proviso , wherein it is shewed , that the whole statute doth determine and end with her majesties life : and we may not thinke their wisdoms that made the law , to be so unadvised , as to make a law for the preservation of the princes government which is continuall , to last no longer then the life of one prince which is temporary . therefore it seemeth that the statute hath no further regard then this , that her highnesse person might be preserved in that honour and dignity which becometh her royall dignity and estate . and i do beseech your lordships to answer me , for i appeale to your consciences as you will answer to god for my life , and i pray you tell the iury whether you do thinke the ▪ intent of the statute were in any sort meant against us , and not rather against the papists . iud. puck . iudge puckering said , you do not well to charge us so with our consciences , which god only is to know : i answere you , the intent of the statute is against all , for so the words are . vdall . the words my lord , i confesse are so , but is the principall intent so ? iud. yea it is so . iud. cla. we have heard you speake for your selfe to this point at large , which is nothing to excuse you , for you cannot excuse your selfe to have done it with a malicious intent against the bishops ▪ and that exercising that government which the queene hath appointed them , and so it is by consequent against the queene . vda . my lords , i am perswaded that the author did it not of any malice against them , and for my selfe , i protest i wish them as much good as i do to my own soule and will pray to god to give them repentance . but the cause why the author did so earnestly inveigh against them was this , as it seemeth , because he perceived them not only to execute an authority which he taketh to be unlawfull by the word of god , but also for that they do not the tenth part of that good , ( even in those corrupt callings ) which by law they might doe : and i am perswaded , that your lordships know in your owne consciences , that they doe not the tenth part of that they are bound to doe . iud. clar. that is true , they do not the good that they might do ; but yet that doth not excuse you ▪ for it is plaine in your booke , that you writ not against them onely , but you writ against the state , for is it not against the state when you say , that it is more easier to live in england a papist , an anabaptist , of the family of love , and what not ? yea you say , i could live so in a bishops house it may be these twenty yeares and never be much molested for it ; what is this but a plaine standering of the state ? and marke the words , for you say , you could live so in england : and doth her majesties laws allow of papists ? this maketh eviden●ly against you , and it is so plaine that you cannot deny it . vda . my lords , if it might please you to heare me a word or two , i will shew the meaning of the author of the booke , i beseech you to heare me and i will be very briefe : i know that the laws of england do not allow of any such as are mentioned in the booke , for there are godly laws made for the punishing of them , if they were put in execution . but this i take to be the authors meaning , that it is not spoken in respect of her majesties government and laws , but in respect of the bishops whom your lordships know to be wholly imployed in finding us out , and punishing of us , not regarding ( in a manner ) the punishing any sinne else . iud. what sirra will you not confesse any fault to be in the booke , you seeke to excuse all . vda . my lords , i do acknowledge , that there was never any worke of man so perfect , but there have bin imperfections in the same , and therefore there may be some fault in the manner , but surely none in the matter : for the bishops themselves will confesse , that they may faile in their actions , and be partiall ( as they are men ) in the manner of handling of any thing ; so also the author of this booke , being assured that the matter is without reproofe , may erre in the manner , in being over-zealous in the handling of it , and this fault i will easily confesse to be in the booke my lords ; but i am sure the author never had any malicious intent against her highnesse , or any of her subjects . iud. clar. this booke hath made you to come within the compasse of the statute , though your intent were not so , for i am sure there was mr. stubbs , well knowne to divers here , to be a good subject , and an honest man , yet taking upon him to write a a booke against her majesty touching mounseir , he thereby came within the compass● of law , which he intended not in making of the booke , and i am perswaded , that he did it of a good affection towards her majesty ; and yet if this law had bin made then , which was made since , he had died for it : so you , though you intended not to come within the compasse of the statute , yet the law reacheth to your fact as that did to his . vda . my lords , his case and mine is not alike , for his booke , concerned her highnesse person , but the author of this booke toucheth only the corruptions of the bishops , and therefore not the person of her majesty . iud. but i will prove this booke to be against her majesties person , for her majesty being the supreame governor of all persons and causes in these her dominions hath established this kinde of government in the hands of the bishops , which thou and thy f●llows so strive against , and they being set in authority for the exercising of this government by her majesty , thou dost not strive against them but her majesties person , seeing they cannot alter the government which the queene hath laid upon them . vda . my lords , we are not ignorant of this , that her majesty hath a care that all things might be well , and in that respect hath given them often in charge , ( upon the considerations of these controversies ) to see to it that nothing be amisse , and because she hath a good opinion of them for their gravity and learning , she believeth them when they say all is well and in good case , whereas if they had the grace to looke into these things , and to make them knowne as they be , indeed her majesty and the state , i doubt not , would quickly redresse them , and therefore was it that the author did so charge them . then the iudge proceeding further in the booke to prove him to have offended , he tooke occasion by the same to speake against railing against magistrates , and speaking to mr. vdall he said in effect thus : iud. cla. sirra you that should have bin a teacher of her majesties people , you should have taught your selfe not to have rayled upon the rulers of the people , for do you not know what is written in the . of exodus , thou shalt not raile upon the ruler of the people , for whosoever doth so , shall die the death . and do you not know what is written in the of the acts , where the apostle paul being before the high priest , called him a painted wall ; and being smitten by one of the high priests servants , it was said unto him , revilest thou the lords high priest ? to which paul answered , i knew not brethren that he was the high priest , loe thus did he acknowledge his fault , do you know these things sirra ? vda . my lord , you know that we hold it not lawfull for a minister to be a civill magistrate , and there are at least . in this land amongst whom i am the most unworthy , that are of the same judgement in this point . jud. but how if the queene doth give it them ? vda . they ought not to take it . and my lord , ( if it please you ) i will answere to your proofes , though i came not hither to dispute . but in my answering , my purpose is not to give any liberty to any man , to raile upon any that are in authority . now to your proofes i say my lords , that the place out of the exod. doth rather concerne your lordships and such as are under her majestie for judges , then any way to concerne the bishops : and touching the second place out of the of the acts , where the apostle saith , brethren i wist not that it was the high priest : the meaning of that place is , as if he should say , i thought there had not bin any high priest now , seeing christ being come , the high priesthood was to cease , so that the apostle doth not acknowledge any fault in that his speech , for there was no lawfull high priest of that time , neither did he acknowledge any , seeing they did end in christ : and thus do the best divines expound the place . then after some further speeches of this exposition , the judge returned to the matter of the booke againe , saying , that the booke did concerne the state ▪ and sayd : iud. but sirrah thou canst not so excuse thy selfe , as though it touched not the qu. and the state , for is it not written in thy booke , that this saying will not serve their turnes , the queene and councell will have it so : whereby it is plaine , that thou didst speake against the queene and the state . vda . my lord ▪ the author only meaneth this , that when we are called before the bishops , they were often driven to use this argument ( when they had nothing else to say for themselves ) that they could be content many things were amended , but it must be so , for the queene and councell will have it so : and surely herein me thinks they slander her highnesse , and we tell them , that however they beare it out here before men , yet before god that excuse will not serve their turne . iud. thou canst not carry it away so , dost thou not plain●ly say , that they are not safe though they have humane authority on their side , but he that is on our side is mightier then they ; whereby thou both abasest her majesty , and also dost threaten them with some force and vi●lence . vda . it is true , that whosoever doth unjustly is not safe in it , though all the princes in the world should desend him in it ; and that is the meaning of the author . but to say that force and violence is threatned them , is furthest doubtlesse from his meaning ; for it is knowne to all the world , that we desire by all good meanes to commend this holy cause of reformation to her majesty and the state , and do not looke for neither , that ever it should by any force prevaile , but that it would please god to honour her highnesse with the advancement of the same . jud. no , no , these are but excuses , these malicious speeches proceeded from thee , and were the ground-worke of all these ▪ lihells that have bin dispersed since , and thou art ▪ known to be the ring-leader of this faction . vda . there is no reason to charge me with other mens doings , every man must answer for himselfe ; but as for me ( alas ) i am no body ; there are five hundred ministers in this land of my judgement in these things , the meanest of which i acknowledge to be far better learned then i am . but by the way my lords , i pray your lordships give me leave to say one thing which i being about to speake of before , was interrupted , and therefore seeing now it commeth into my memory , i pray you to heare me , though it be out of time , concerning the felony whereof i am accused , it maketh greatly for me . iud. what is it ? let us heare what you can say ? vda . when i was before the lords of her majesties councell at the time of my commitment , amongst other things that i alleadged against the taking of an oath to accuse my selfe , i said that the thing was accounted criminall , and therefore by law i was not to answer : my lord anderson said that i said true if the case had concerned either the losse of life or limb , whereby it is manifest that then my case was not esteemed felony . iud. though the iudges had not then concluded it , yet it was law before , or else it could not so be determined after ; the violent course of others since , hath caused your case to be more narowly sifted . then the iudge ( having spoken to the like effect also ) said to the iury , that they should not need to trouble themselves to find him guilty of the felony but onely it was sufficient if they found him guilty to be the author of the booke , for ( quoth he ) it is already determined by all the iudges of the ●●●d , that the author of that booke was in the compasse of the statute of ●●●●ny , and this quoth he , was concluded before we came hither : therefore you being ignorant of the law , and we being sworne as well as you are , you are ●o heare us , and to take our exposition of the law : and after many other speeches , the iudges said , goe thy way , we will heare thee no longer , get thee hence , and shaking his hand hee called for the other felons to heare their causes . iury. then the iury said , what can we finde ? iud. find him author of the booke , and leave the felony to us . and after some other speeches , mr. fuller said to the iury , you are to finde him author of the booke , and also guilty of a malicious intent in making it ; whereat mr. daulton said , what have you to do with the matter mr. fuller to speake to the iury ? then there being some noyse at the bar , mr. vdall could not any more be heard ; yet as he was ready to depart , hee said to the iury ; you of the iury consider this , that you have not to consult about the life of a seminary and popish priest , but of a minister of the gospell . then iudge clarke shewed the reasons to the iury , why they must find him guilty , saying , the evidences are manifest for the first point , that he is the author of the booke ▪ and the second is a point in law agreed upon by all the iudges , as i have said . so the iury after they had heard the evidences of the other felons at the bar , departed to consult about them , in which time of their consultation there came two severall messages exhorting him to submit himselfe , and to yeeld unto the iudges before the iury had given up their verdict , unto whom mr. vdall replyed willing them not to trouble him with any such matter , for he was cleare in his conscience , and therefore he was not to accuse himselfe ; in which time also the iury diverse times sent and received messages from the iudges ▪ and at the last , the fore-man of the iury went himselfe unto them . thus having debated of the evidences of the rest of the felons with mr. vdall , after the iudges had dined the iury brought in their verdict that he was guilty of felony . after that baron clarke had finished all other matters of law , and that the iuries had given their verdicts on the felons , finding some guilty , and some not guilty : the iudge commanded all the prisoners to stand forth and to answere to their names ▪ which did so ; and first mr ▪ vdall was called , who stood forth at the bar , but the iudge commanded him for that time to stand aside , saying that he would deale with him anon : then some of the prisoners which were saved by their bookes , were burnt in their hands , and for that night there was nothing more don . then the iudge commanding the iay●or to bring the prisoners betimes in the morning , commanded them to depart , and so for that time every man departed to his place . the second dayes worke , being the . of iuly . the next morning neere about ▪ of the clock the prisoners were brought to the bar , who stayed till the comming of the iudges ▪ who came thither by of the clock , or thereabouts , and called the prisoners by their names to receive sentence of death ; and first they began with mr. vdall , who after he was called was commanded to stand aside till anon , and then there were felons that received sentence of death ▪ who being taken aside , mr. vdall was called the second time and the clarke of the assises said , iohn vdall hold up thy ●a●d , what canst thou alleadge for thy self , why thou shouldst not receive judgment to dy . vda . my lords , notwithstanding my earnest pleading and protesting of mine innocency yesterday , which i could and would have done more cleerely , but that i was so much interrupted : yet it hath pleased the iury upon their consciences to finde me guiltie of that which i thank god never entred into my heart ; now therefore must i pleade another plea , and therefore i crave of your lordships to grant me the benefit of the pardon granted the last parliament . iud. i thinke you can have no benefit by it , for i am deceived if it be not excepted . then said he to the cleark or some other , reach me the statute booke , and whilest hee looked in the same : vda . mr. vdall said , i pray your lordships consider the ground of my plea , albeit ▪ indeed it seeme to be excepted : your lordships confessed yesterday , and i shewed it by my lord andersons speeches to me , that it was not thought felony till of late , and therefore the things that be excepted be such as be inquirable and punishable in the ecclesiasticall courts . jud. that is nothing , for if the lesser be excepted , much rather is the greater ▪ vda . my lords , i refer it to your consciences and favourable considerations : the words are these in the pardon , which he repeated , and they finding it to be as he had said , the judge said , here is no helpe for you : and after other speeches betweene them of the meaning of the words of the pardon , the judge said , mr. vdall your councell hath deceived you . vda . my lords , i have not received any councell herein , for i have bin close prisoner this halfe yeare , and therefore could not attaine to have any councell ; but thus much have i gathered , which is my judgement out of the booke . jud. what can you alleadge more for your selfe ? for this helpeth you not : vda . nothing but mine own innocency , but that your lordships may proceed . iud. what say you ? are you contented to submit your selfe to the queene : vda . yea , or else i were not worthy to live in her highnesse dominions . iud. but will you acknowledge your selfe to have offended her majesty in making this booke ? she is gracious and full of mercy , it may be , that we reporting your submisi●n unto her majesty , may procure her pardon for you . vda . may it please your lordships to heare me ; the cause for which i am called in question , i cannot forsake in any sort , for i hold it to be the undoubted truth of god : but , &c ▪ and then he was interrupted by iudge puckering , who said : iud. nay stay there , you cannot goe away with that speech unanswered , to buz ▪ into the peoples eares such a conceit , that it is an undoubted truth that you hold ; for i hold it to be an undoubted falshood : and then he proceeded further in a large set speech , the effect whereof was , that this land having bin governed by sundry nations , hath yet kept her ancient laws , which he affirmed would be overthrowne , if this government that these men seeke for should be established : and then he further shewed , what inconventences ( as he thought ) would come by the same , viz. that we having laws and iudges appointed to decide all controversies ; this presbitery which these men seeke for , would overthrow all , and bring to their censure and government , all mens causes ▪ or else they would excommunicate them from their churches ; yea and they are so hot for this government , that they will not stay for the magistrate , and if the magistrate will not , they will reforme themselves , and one of them writing in a letter to his friend of his , saith , let us number our hot brethren , that we may know who will stand to it , for it is high time . so that it is plaine , that if they cannot have it with her majesties consent , they will have it though it make our hearts to ake , as you say in your booke ▪ and whereas her majesty hath revenues belonging to her crown out of the church-livings , and cathedrall churches , these men would have her majesty give unto them those revenues , for the maintenance of their preshitery , and they would her a s●ipend allow at their discretions , so that they would bring the queene and the crowne under their g●rdles . and some of these men have gon so farre , that they say plainely we have no church , no sacrament , no ministers , nor any worship of god amongst us . if these things bee not loo●'t unto in time , what confusion shall wee have in this land shortly ? many other things be spake against the cause of reformation , which i cannot particularly lay downe but this is in effect the substance of it ; concluding he said , thus much mr. vdall have your speeches enforced me to speake least the people here present ( being deceived ) should be carried away by it . to which mr. vdall answered briefly . vda . my lords it is bootelesse for me to enter disputation with you in this place touching this matter , onely this i could wish you to leave it to be first decided by the learned divines to whose calling it belongeth . and although some weak men wan●ing iudgement have bin headily carryed in seeking the furtherance of this cause , and so for want of this government have runne into some errors , yet it is no reason to charge us with them , for your lordships know that wee have been the men that have taken the greatest paines to reclaime them to the joyning of themselves with the church , from which they have separated themselves . iudg. clar. you are deceived it is not a matter of divinity onely , but it is a matter of state , and within the compasse of our profession , and it is not so greatly in controversie as you would have us to beleeve it is . vd. it is diversly debated ( my lords ) and the greatest number of learned men in christendome doe maintaine the same . iudg. how doe you know that , have you bin beyond the seas , to know the greatest number of learned men to be of this judgement ? vdall . your lordships know that all the churches of france , the low countries , and of scotland doe maintaine the same ? besides many hundreds of learned men in this land . iudg. have you been in all these churches that you can tell so much ? vda . i know it to be true ( my lords ) for their practise doth shew them to be of this judgement . iu. well , if you can alleadg no more ; neither will submit your self to the queens mercy , then heare your judgement . vda . my lords i was beginning to speake , but you interrupted me , i pray you heare me , what i will say ▪ and then do as god shall move you . iud. let us heare what you will say . vda . as i said before so i say now , i beleeve the cause to be the undoubted truth of god , and therefore in the matter i cannot by any meanes yeeld ; yet seeing by your order of law i am found to be guilty , neither can i ( for the reverence i beare to her majesties lawes ) take any exceptions against you nor the iury , but that which you have done i acknowledge to bee done in all equity and right . seeing i say you have found me to bee guilty , whereby i cannot live without h●r majesties gracious and speciall favour . i acknowledge that whatsoever i have done to the advancement of the cause . i may offend in the manner , in which respect ( if i have offended ) seeing it hath pleased your lordships and the iury to find mee guilty , i doe willingly submit my selfe and heartily crave her majesties pardon . iud. but are you sorry , that you have offended the queenes majesty . vda . i am sorry , that the course of the law hath found me to have offended . iudg. so is every thiefe that is c●ndemned sorry , that his offence is found out , but not for the fact . this is a plaine fallacy . vda . my lord indeed if it were so as your lordship doth understand it , it were a plaine fallacy , but i say further , if in the manner of handling so good a cause , there be found in me any offence against her majesties lawes : and i acknowledge that in the manner of handling it her majestie may be justly offended , for which i am sorry . and i protest that i have never gone about to advance it by any other meanes , then by manifesting it to all men , and tendering it to them in authority , and that by such meanes as might not be contrary to the laws of this land , that so it might be received by her majesty and the state , and this is the care of us all , howsoever we be charged with factions . iud. you say if there ●e found any offence , whereby you call in question the equity of dealing in this court against you . vda . my lords i do not neither will i , let it be looked into by you and the rest whom it concerneth , i hope you would not deale otherwise then lawfully against me . iud. puck . you say you seeke no unlawfull meanes , what can be meant but unlawfull meanes in the words of your booke ▪ if it come in by that meanes that will make all your hearts to ake , blame your selves : what good meanes ca● bee meant by th●se word● ? vdall . my lords , yesterday i shewed you , what i tooke to bee the meaning of the author in some places of the booke alleadged against me in the inditement ▪ and then i would have spoken unto all , but you cut me off , i pray you therefore let me shew you the meaning of the author in those words now . iudg. let us heare you how you expound it . vda . my lords , your lordships must understand , that the author taketh it for graunted that the cause is gods and must prevaile , and therefore seeing god hath used all the meanes of his mercy to bring it in , in giving us a gracious prince , ●ong peace and aboundance ▪ and of stirring up some to exhibite s●●plications to the parliament ; these things not prevailing in his mercy , he will bring 〈…〉 some judgement as plague or famine , or some such like 〈…〉 his is alwaies the manner of gods dealing . 〈…〉 〈…〉 expound it so , for the words import another thing . 〈…〉 〈…〉 , the author himselfe expoundeth it so in the words follow - 〈…〉 saith , that it must prevaile , for such a judgment will overtake this land 〈…〉 eares of all that heare thereof to tingle , so that he meaneth nothing 〈…〉 god will bring it in by his owne hand by judgment , if by mercy hee can - 〈…〉 ▪ iud. no no , your meaning was that it should be brought in by force and violence . vda . god forbid ! farre be it from us to conceive any such imagination . the author of that booke doth plainely shew that hee meant no such thing , and the words following in the end of the epistle doe declare the same , for there he sheweth by whom it is to be brought in namely by her majesty and her honourable counsellors , that they may see it , and establish the same . iudg. nay the meaning is , that if the queene will not , yet you say it shall come in , for so the words are , that it must prevaile , maugre the heads of all that stand against it . vda . nay my lords the words are maugre the malice of all that stand against it ▪ for there are many heads that are not maliciously bent against it , there is great difference betweene malice and ●eads , for some are against the cause through ignorance ▪ iud. it is all one in effect ▪ vda . nay ( my lords ) there is great difference , iud. puck . well mr. vdall you were best to submit your selfe to the queenes mercy and leave these courses , for i tell you that your booke is most seditio●s and slanderous against her majestie and the state , and yet i assure you that your booke had bin passed over , if there had not come forth presently after it such a number of slanderous libels , as , martin marre-prelate , martins epitome , martin iunior , or thesis martiane , martin senior , and others such like , of which your booke was judged to bee the ring-leader . vda my lords those that are learned , and doe maintaine this cause , doe iudge this booke to be written very indifferently , howsoever it bee hardly construed . but for martin and the rest of those bookes that you have named , they were never approved by the godly learned . and i am fully perswaded that those bookes were not done by any minister , and i thinke there is never a minister in this land , that doth know who martin is . and i for my part have bin inquisitive but i could never learne who he is . iud. clar. you will not acknowledge your selfe faulty in any thing , and therefore it is in value to stand any longer with you . vda . i will easily confesse that in manner the author hath offended , for no man can handle a cause so well but there will fault appeare in it , as appeareth by iob who having a good cause handled it weakely : it is easier to handle an ill cause cunningly , then a good one well . iud. nay but you have maliciously offended in publishing this booke , which tendeth to the overthrowing of the state and the moving of rebellion . vda . my lords that be farre from me ▪ for we teach that in reforming things amisse if the prince will not consent , the weapons that subjects are to fight withall are repentance and prayers , patience and teares . iud. yea you had done well if you had used these weapons rather then to have made this booke . vda . god forbid but that wee should give unto her majestie that honour which justly is due unto her , for we have not taught the people to reforme the state without the prince , and our practice hath proved the same , for wee never taught any of her subjects to goe before her , but to leave that honour as belongeth to her majestie . iud. well ▪ will you submit your self or not ? for else i must proceed to iudgement , and i have no authority to favour you , neither will i stay sentence of death according to my office , what my brother hath i know not , and therefore shortly submit your selfe or else ! am to pronounce sentence of death . vda . and i am ready to receive it : for i protest before god ( not knowing that i am to live an houre ) that the cause is good , and i am contented to receive sentence so that i may leave it to posterity how i have suffered for the cause . but my lords the cause excepted , i will submit my selfe in any thing . iudg ▪ let the cause alone and tell us no more of it , but acknowledge your selfe to have offended the queenes majestie , vda . i may not in any case yeeld in the cause , i have almost ever since i was a preacher of the gospell professed it , and therefore i cannot bee at this time changed . iudg. let ( i say ) the cause alone and say what you will doe . vda . i must needs professe it and mention it , lest it should bee thought that i have started from it , but for any thing that i have done in the manner against law , i am heartily sorry for it , more then this i cannot say , do with me what you will . iudg. but are you sorry for offending her majestie and her laws , and be you conten●ed to amend and to live in obedience as becommeth a good subject ? vda . i am content to seeke the advancement of this cause by no other meanes , then that which may stand with the lawes of this land , and the duty of a good subject . iud. i come not here to intreate you to submit your selfe , but you shall doe it willingly upon your knees , and crave her majesties mercy . vdall . then mr. vdall kneeling downe said , i refuse not any kind of submission to her majestie : and i intreat your lordships to be a means to her majestie for me . and if i were worthy that my poore papers might come unto her majestie , or to her honourable councell , i would write thus much unto them . iudg. nay will you write thus much unto us , that wee may first see it and commend it to her majestie ? vda . i willingly doe it . thus they dismissed him . and this is the sum of that which i with the helpe of others could remember , having not any intent to leave out or enlarge any thing further the● the meaning of the speakers did intend ; notwithstanding many more things were said on both sides , especially the set speeches of both the iudges and of mr. daulton to the disgrace of the desired reformation , which could not well be expressed in particular , and therefore i have left them . also many other things mr. vdall purposed and begun to say , which they stopped , so that they could not be perceived . the assises being thus ended , mr. vdall was returned to the prison of the white-lyon againe where he continued till the sessions in s●ut●warke ▪ begining the . day of february , . during which time he wrote a supplication or submission to the queenes majesty , as followeth : to the queenes most excellent majesty . most gracious and dread soveraigne , the present lamentable estate wherein i stand , being found guilty by verdict , to be author of a book intituled , ● demonstration of discipline , and being without your gracious pardon ▪ to die for the same : i humbly prostrate my selfe at your majesties fe●● , submitting my selfe in most humble manner as becometh a dutifull subject , to such order as it shall please your highnesse to appoint ▪ to whom god hath given so high and soveraigne a power as is able both to kill and to quicken , to bring to the gates of death , and to cause to returne to the comfort of life againe : before whom standing thus convict , i am not to pleade my innocency : yet i most humbly desire it may not offend your excellent majesty , that i protest ( of the truth whereof i call god to witnesse who knoweth all secrets , and will judge both the quick and the dead ) that i had never any thought or imagination to publish , write , or doe any thing maliciously ▪ or tending to the dishonour or slander of your majesties royall person or princely estate ▪ under whose gracious government i have attained to so many benefits and blessings ; amongst which i most highly esteeme the true knowledge and ●●a●e of god ; in regard whereof , i have bin alwaies ▪ ready even to adventure my life , for the preservation of your most royal person and defence of your princely estate , and the same have also taught un●o others , as a thing ●pecially commanded by god ; notwithstanding feareing the severity of justice unto death : i flie for life unto your majesties most gracious mercy most humbly desiring your highnesse of your mercifull compassion for reliefe of my poore and miserable estate , to grant me your gracious and comfortable pardon , whereby ▪ i may be discharged , both of the offence and punishment ▪ which the law hath said upon me . other hope then this have i none ▪ ( but the trust i have in ▪ god , according to his promises ) that your majesty by a speciall gift of god , is gracious and mercifull , and have vouchsafed to shew mercy even to such as were not only by imputation of law but indeed malicious and mortall enemies to your highnes●e , and therefore ▪ i hope that the same goodnesse of so princely a nature may be moved , and will shew forth it selfe in like gracious compassion on my behalfe ; which gracious pardon on my knees i most humbly crave your excellent majesty to grant unto me ▪ by which speciall favour being raised as it were from the dead , i promise and vow to leade the rest of my life in all humble and dutifull obedience unto your majesty ; praying continually for the preservation of your highnesse precious life and happy government , to the honour of almighty god , and the comfort of all obedient and dutifull subjects . a declaration of that which passed betweene the judges and mr. vdall at the assises in southwarke febru. , . because you are ▪ ●●sirous to understand of me the particular things which passed betweene the iudges and me the ▪ , and . daies of ●●b . . albeit i had rather you should learne it of others , yet seeing the ground of all dependeth upon some things that passed between them and me in private , i am the rather induced to satisfie your request praying that it may be kept secret amongst those friends that may have good by it , and not given out unto any such sort as may aggravate this heavy burthen that is already ●aid upon me . being called the first day of the assises in the afternoon sergeant puckering said : puck . we do not meane now to deale with you , only i must put you in mind that you have made a ▪ petition , wherein you promise to submit your selfe to such order as her majesty shall appoint ; consider of it , and looke that you ●● it , for ●●an tell you , it is looked for at your hands ▪ vda . i know not my lord what you meane ▪ i made a petition but to her majesty , and will willingly performe any thing promised therein : puck . well , advise well with your selfe and looke that you do it , i tell you aforehand . vda . unlesse you meane that i know not your meaning . justice fenner dwelling in●urre sat on the bench and said , mr. vdall , i must needs say something unto you , i have heard much good of you , and that you are learned , it were pitty you should do otherwise then well , i pray you take heed that those good things which are in you , be not marred for want of humility : i tell you humility is a speciall vertue in a man of your calling ▪ the want whereof marreth all in them that what i● ▪ i pray you stand not in your own opinion too much , i have heard that you have don much good ▪ let not humility be wanting , &c. vda . my lord , i acknowledge that humility is a vertue generally required in men of my calling , without which all other gifts are nothing ▪ for god resisteth the proud , and giveth wisdome to the simple : and i desire that the same vertue may be found in me ; but i trust your meaning is not thereby to perswade me to deny the truth , which i trust the lord will keepe me from , whatsoever befall me . fenner . i speake to you of good will , i would not have you stiffe in your own conceipt . puck . remember what i said unto you . and so i was carried into a chamber to be conferred with by some of the bench ▪ &c. and when that promise which the judge so much spake of came to be examined , it was nothing but a sentence in my submission to her highnesse , the meaning whereof is ( as the words going before it and immediately following it do declare ) that i professed my selfe willing to live or die , according as that power which god hath given to her majesty ▪ shall appoint . i having bin dealt withall to this effect the first day of the assises ( by certaine of the bench in private ) as also the second day by some of them to this effect ▪ that i would make such a submission as would condomne the booke in question ▪ and justifie the hiera●chy ▪ and perceiving that i was not to be heard till the last day ▪ i intreated sir william moore and mr. bowyer to be a meane to the judges for me ▪ that ( for asmuch ▪ as ▪ my case was rare , and i had ( as i was perswaded ) sufficient to alleadge why ( notwithstanding the verdict against me ) judgement ought to be stayed ) i might be heard over-night , that so ( according to that good councell given by them unto me ▪ to advise with my selfe , and to consider what i would do ) also they mig●● have a night to thinke of what i had to say , and the next day to do with me as god should move them . hereupon i was ●etcht forth before the judges in private , immediately after dinner , who using many perswasions to draw me to relent ( which being in private i will not expresse ) told me that they sent for me , for that they understood i desired to be heard over-night , which they were willing then and there to do : i answered : my lords , my meaning was not to desire private but publique hearing , seeing i have nothing to say : but such as would prevent my selfe , and disappoint my publique speech , if i should utter it in private : yet because they told me their other affaires would not permit them to have any time with me till the latter end of the assises , i was rather willing that i should be prevented , then they should be constrained to determine on a suddaine upon so weighty a matter ; whereupon i did draw out a paper for each of them , containing these reasons following . i humbly pray your lordships to consider , whether these reasons ought not in conscience to move you to stay the sentence notwithstanding the verdict against me , and to be meanes of my release . . it seemeth that my case is not esteemed felony by the judges of the land ▪ seeing they do usually sit in the high-commission court , where the printing and dispersing of the same and such like bookes are usually enquired after as transgressions of another nature . . no judgement in law ought to be given in case of felony , but upon a party first found guilty thereof by verdict of twelve men , but i am not so , for proofe whereof i pray you it may be remembred , that your lordship gave the jurie in issue onely for the triall of the fact , whether i were author of such a booke , and freed them from enquiring the intent , without which there is no felonie . . i humbly pray you to call to minde by what meanes the iury was drawne to give that verdict they did , whether they were left wholly to their own consciences , or were wrought unto it partly by promise assuring it should be no further danger unto me , but tend to my good ; and partly by feare , as appeareth in that it hath bin an occasion of great griefe unto some of them ever since . and then i pray you to consider , whether upon such a verdict so drawne from twelve simple men , christian iudges in a good conscience , may proceed to sentence of death ? . in case the verdict were never so free , yet your lordships being men of wisdome and knowledge are to consider , whether the statute whereupon i am indicted , do agree to my case in the truth and meaning of it , there being nothing in that booke spoken of her majesties person , but in duty and honour ; and whether the drawing of it from her majesty to the bishops ( as being a part of her body politique ) be not a violent depraving and wresting of the statute , which if it be , you being christian iudges , cannot in a good conscience upon such a ground proceed to sentence , contrary to your own knowledge . . but if the statute be to be taken so as it is urged , it ought to be considered that without a malicious intent against her majesties person , the statute it selfe maketh no act forbidden by it to be felonious ; wherein i appeale first to god , and then to all men that have seene the whole course of my life & to your lps. own consciences wherin i pray you to examine your selves in the sight of god , whether either by your selves or the just report of any other you can finde me guilty of any act in all my life , that savoured of any malice or malicious intent against her majesty or of any other behaviour than standeth with the allegiance and duty of a most dutifull and christian subject . of which malice or malicious intent against her majesty , if your consciences cleare me before god , the act wherewith i am charged being not felonie without such an intent , i hope you will consider that you cannot with a good conscience proceed to judgement . . yet if the statute and intent were such as it is said , in case of life the evidences ought to be pregnant and full living witnesses ( i am sure by the word of god , and i trust also by the laws of this land ) were to have bin produced face to face to charge me . but i have none such against me , neither any other thing ▪ saving onely papers and reports of depositions taken by ecclesiasticall commissioners and others , which kind of proofe the judges of the land cast away in case of lands , and by no meanes allow to be sufficient , and therefore are much lesse to be allowed in a case of life , which being so , your lordships ought to have a conscience , that upon so weake evidences sentence of death be not pronounced . . but if the same that hath been given in for evidence in writing , had bin testifyed by men living ▪ standing out in the presence of the court and of mee the accused , i trust your lordships will consider that no one of the evidences do directly prove me to bee the author of the booke in question which as it was hath little force in it as appeareth by this ▪ that the author of the chiefest testimony is so grieved , that hee is ashamed to come where hee is knowne . whereupon howsoever the iury have not discerned thereof , yet you being men of skill and understanding , are to have regard of it , and not upon so weake and impertinent proofes to proceed to judgement of death . . if all these things were such as they ought to bee , yet your lordships are to consider ( supposing me to be the author of the booke in question ) that the said booke for the substance of it , containeth nothing but that which is taught and beleeved to be a part of the gospell of christ , by all the best reformed churches in europe ; wherein nothing being diverse hom them , i cannot be condemned without condemning in me all such nations and churches as hold the same doctrine . in which ( if there be no error in them ) the offence commonly be in forme , circumstance and manner of writing which some men may thinke worthy an admonition , some more severe worthy correction and amercement , the sharpest cannot judge it to deserve more then some short time of imprisonment . but death for an error of such a kind in termes and words not altogether dutifull of certaine bishops ▪ cannot be but extream cruelty : which seeing it ought to be farre from any christian man that hath the bowells of christ in him . surely christian judges professing the gospell , for a service of the gospell ( saving some oversight in words and termes ) ought not to proceed against me ( that hath endeavoured to shew himselfe a dutifull subject and faithfull minister of the gospell ) to give sentence of death . . my offence not being aggravated but remaining as it was the last assises ▪ when my submission was excepted , and judgement , thereupon stayed : i trust your favour will be the same towards mee now also , seeing i am ready to doe the like . if all this prevaile not , yet my redeemer liveth to whom i commend my selfe , and say as sometime jeremy said in a case not much unlike . behold i am in your hands do with me what seemeth good unto you ; but know you this that if you put me to dea●h , you shall bring innocent bloud upon your owne heads and upon t●e land . as the bl●ud of abell , so the bloud of vdall , will cry to god with a loud voice ▪ and the righteous judge of the world , will require it at the hands of all those that shall bee guilty of it . this is the summe of that which i delivered to the iudges . the assises being almost finished , and the other prisoners that were called to the barre to haue sentence of death , standing forth to heare the same ▪ i was at the last called , and demanded what i could say for my selfe , why i should not have judgement to die . hereupon i humbly craving audience began to this effect . vda . my lords i doe acknowledge that i have been hitherto proceeded against by due course of law , and that a verdict was given in against me the last assises as guilty of felony , &c. but i do not onely ( as heretofore ) protest mine inno●enc●● , but also think that i have sufficient to alleadge why ( not withstanding the verdict ) judgment ought not to be given where i intreat to be heard . iud. puck . i pray you stay , you seeme in the beginning to speake contraries , for first you acknowledge the course of law to be due , and afterwards stand upon it , that you are innocent . how can a due course of law condemne the innocent ? vdall . these things agree well enough , as i will shew if it shall please you to give mee leave : it is by due course of law ▪ that i have been indited , arraigned , have had a iury impanelled upon me ▪ bin accused , heard speake for my selfe , and testimony produced against mee . but in that the proofe by witnesse was insufficient and the iury either in judgement or affection missed ; thereupon it hath come to passe that ( notwithstanding the due course of law ) guiltin●sse is laid upon a guiltlesse person . but i pray you let mee proceed to the reasons that i have to alleadge for my selfe . then i lest the first reason of purpose seeing i did rather wish that they only should understand it ( which they did by my papers overnight ) then to blaze it to the world so that i did begin to speake according to the second reason mentioned before ; whereupon sergeant puckering prayed baron clarke to speake , seeing it did most concerne him . iudg. clar. i must needs tell you , you ●●e us and the seat of iustice great wrong , indeed ● told the iury what was the law in the opinion of all the judges of the land , for it was not my private opinion as i said also at that time . vda . it is not materiall my lord in this case what the judges thinke , for though all the judges in the world thought so , our lawes thought no man a felon , or capable of sentence as a felon till hee bee convicted by the verdict of . men . clar. you are so convicted as the record will testifie . vda . i acknowledge the record against mee , but i appeale to your lordships conscience whether you delivered not unto them speeches to this effect . as ●or the felony you are not so much to enquire , but only whether he made the booke , leaving the felony to us . clar ▪ you doe me great wrong , i onely told them the law . vda . well i leave it to your lordships favourable consideration you perceive my reason . then i spake to the third reason , whereupon it was said . puck . all that you say tendeth to the disgracing of the court of iustice holden against you heretofore , the jury were left to their owne consciences , and did as they saw meet to doe , vda . no my lords , i speake not any thing to disgrace the court of justice , for i acknowledge both this course and all others of the like nature , to bee gods holy ordinance , which i ought to reverence , neither doe i speake to defame the jury , but onely to give your lordships occasion why you may not to proceed to sentence , thereupon , for if the jury did well , why should it grieve any of them ? if they did ill your lordships may not proceed to sentence thereupon . puck . we cannot remember the particular circumstances that then passed ▪ ●either are we to call in question the verdict ▪ but it is our office to give sentence according to it . vdall , i pray your lordships tell mee one thing , must the judges alwaies give sentence according to the verdict , or may there not be cause to stay it ? clar. yes there may be cause to stay the verdict ; such may the case be , vda . and i desire no other but that my reasons may be well weighed whether my case be such or no . then i prayed for so much as they had the substance of that in writing afor hand which i meant to say , it would please them to give mee leave to say at once what i could ; lest my memorie ( being so much weakened and dulled be imprisonment should faile mee , and so i leave some materiall thing unspoken . then i spake according to the & reasons ▪ wherunto little was replyed saving such as things were mentioned at my arraignment . only baron clarke used a very long speech , wherein he compared mr. stubbs his cause and mine together and after the end of his speech , judge puckering said . puck . who taught you such law tell you , you are much deceived and abused in it ; one may bee within the compasse of felony , though hee doe not directly meant any such thing . vda . your lordship knoweth i pleaded these points the last assises , when i came from close imprisonment to the barre : i understand english which is the language wherein the statute was written , and i professe my selfe a scholler and therefore to have ( through gods mercy ) some understanding of the sence of that i read . it seemeth to me most direct , and no otherwise to be taken then i understand it . then i spake according to the , and , reasons whereunto it was replyed thus . puck . you are deceived in that you thinke the witnesses against you the lesse lawfull because the parties were not present . it is an ordinary thing to have witnesses examined in the chancery and other such like courts , which doe remaine thereof as sufficient credit for ever , as they were when the parties oath was taken upon the same . vda . then would i have answered that the case was not alike , seeing the high-commission is no court of record , but i was not then suffered to speake , for that it was said by the other judge . clar. where do you finde that there must needs ( by the word of god ) be two witnesses face to face ? vda . it is so cleare as the witnesses were also to have the first hand in executing the punishment upon the party offending . puck . that was according to moses law , which we are not tyed unto . vda . it is the word of god , which hath a parpetuall equity in it , for the life of man is so precious in the sight of god , as he would not have it taken away without most evident and manifest proofe , such as in his law is set down . clar. we are not now to call in question the proofes , seeing the iury did thinke them sufficient ; this speech of yours tendeth to prove the iury perjured . vda . not so my lord , i thinke of them that they did according to their consciences , but being men unlearned , and the case being strange unto them , they may have don their best , and yet you being men of more knowledge and judgement , are to looke further into the matter . puck . whereas you say that none of the witnesses did directly prove you the author of the fact , that was not necessary , for if all layd together , and the circumstances considered do prove it , it is as good a proofe as if every witnesse were direct . vda . but the law of god from which i trust our laws dis-agree not , would that every proofe be direct . puck . and do you thinke indeed , that the laws of this land are agreeable to the word of god . vda . i do not professe to know them , but surely i have so reverent an opinion of them ▪ that i trust the grounds of them are according to the word of god , however in some particulars the proceedings may misse thereof . puck . then the government by arch-bishops and lord bishops is according to the word of god . seeing the laws of the land do allow them . vda . i pray you my lord take me not so generall , for that will not follow upon my speeches . p. well you may not now disgrace the witnesses , you should have done it at your arraignement . vda . i neither meant then nor purpose now to disgrace the witnesses , but to shew the insufficiency of their testimony in this case , that your lordships may thereby see some reason to stay the sentence . the first testimony that was alleadged , was that of mr. chatfield , who affirmeth , that it was not given in against me upon his oath , but only in his anger he set his hand to , but is now sorry for it . puck . you should have alleadged this before , it is now too late . vda . it is alleadged too late , to prevent the verdict ▪ but if there be any force in it , it ought to be considered to stay the sentence ▪ i could alleadge it no sooner , because i knew it not till after the verdict . puck . we may not suffer you to proceed so to disgrace that which is passed already ; if you have any other thing to say , speake on ▪ otherwise we must do our office . vda . it is not my meaning howsoever you take it , to disgrace any thing passed hertofore , onely i pray you further to consider , that thompkins whose testimony onely carried some shew , protested before my commitment , that he would not for all the world affirme me to be the author of the booke . puck . why did you not pleade these things to the iury ? vda . i did so , and offered to produce sufficient proofe for it , but your lordships answered , that no witnesses might be heard in my behalfe , seeing it was against the queene , which seemeth strange to me , for methinks it should be for the queene to heare al things on both sides , especially when the life of any of her subjects is in question . puck . the witnesses were then thought by the iury sufficient to prove the matter which we may not now call in doubt , therefore say on if you have any more . vda . then i spake according to the eight reason , whereupon it was said , clar. i tell you , you are not called into question for the cause ( as you call it ) nor for the body of the booke , but only for slanderous things in the preface against her majesties government , and therefore you may let the cause alone . vda . but it is for the hatred borne to the cause that i am thus entreated , for had not it bin handled in the booke , such matter as is now made of the preface had never bin objected against me or any other . puck . well it is best for you to leave off all other pleas , and submit your selfe to the queenes majesties mercy . vda . i will do so with all my heart . puck . but will you do it as you did the last assises ? vda . yea that i will ; and so i spake according to the last reason , whereupon it was said : puck . you confessed that you were justly condemned . vda . i am not yet condemned : puck . i meane convicted by the iury ; then you acknowledged that you had offended her majesty , that you were sorry for it , and promised that you would never do the like againe . vda . my lord , it is not for me to oppose my word and credit , ( which is nothing ) against yours , i refer it to them that heard it ; onely i pray you give me leave to speake of it , as i take it that it was : first , i did avow ( and so i do now , and will do whilst i live ) that the cause handled in that booke , is an undoubted truth . clar. how often shall we bid you leave the cause , and tell you that you are not troubled for it . vda . but it is the cause that is sought to be defaced in my person , and therfore i must and will still prof●sse it and justifie it , wha●●●ver disgrace i receive by it unto my selfe . i pray you let me proceed . secondly i did protest that i never had any purpose to deface , but ever to seeke ●o honour her majesty and her government . thirdly , i professed that the course of law against me was due ; whereby what i have meant you have heard . fourthly , i said that i never had any purpose to do any thing to the advancement of this cause , but keeping my selfe ( to the uttermost of my power ) within the compasse of law . lastly ▪ i never confessed my selfe to be author of the booke . then my submission was this , that if i had don any thing to the advancement of so holy a cause ▪ which had brought me within compasse of the law , or might justly offend her majesty , i was hea●tily sorry for it ; if this be not it , let me have any other drawn , wherein the former points are justified , and i will set my hand unto it . puck . but all this is nothing to your booke in particular , what say you to it ? vda . i say this , that though i hold the matter in it to be a most manifest truth ▪ yet i confesse the manner of handling in some part to be such as might justly provoke her majesties indignation . puck : because you stand so much upon the cause , as you call it , you provoke me so , as i must needs say somewhat of it , lest the audience should thinke some matter in it more then is . vda . my lord , you understand my judgement therein , i beseech you speake not against it ▪ unlesse you will give me leave to replie unto you . puck . i may not do so , you pr●v●ke me to it , your discipline that you stand upon , whereupon is it grounded ? forsooth upon the saying of christ , tell the church : which never was expounded these . yeares , as you do within these few yeares . vda . my lord , he did abuse you that told you so , chrysostome expoundeth it thus tell the church ▪ that is the governors of the church : puck . he meant the governors of the iewish synagogue . vda . how can that be ? when he lived above . yeares after christ : puck . was there never any that could finde it out before now if it were a truth ? vda . yes it hath testimony sufficient if it might be received : puck . and lest men should thinke that your matter were as good as you pretend i will tell you what i know : it is written in one of your bookes , that without an eldership there is no salvati●n . vda . i am perswaded that cannot be shewed . puck . yes it is in theses martinianae , one writ that i● is time to number our hot brethren . another ( mr. snape of northampton by name ) wrote that the bishops should be p●t down all in one day . these things he did discourse of at large in an invective speech most bitter ●ending to perswade the people that we meant to rebell and set up the disc●pline , and pull downe the bishops by strong hand , and went about to imp●ir● the queenes prerogative and patrimony . after which with much adoe i got aud●ence to this effect . vda . my lord , i protest in the presence of god , and hearing of all this people that neither i nor any of my brethren that ever i was acquainted with to my knowledge , did so much as ever purpose or speake of any such means as your lordships mentioneth to bring in the discipline , but onely by prayer to god , supplication to her majestie , and such other peaceable meanes : this is my answer to your large invective . and whereas my lord you seeme to bee so hardly carried against the cause i would not doubt ▪ but if i might privately conferre with you , with the blessing of god to perswade you to be a friend unto it . and after some other speeches of other bookes , and the aforesaid speeches in the bookes mentioned already , judge puckering said . puck . nay i tell you there are as foule things in your owne booke , for doe you not say that the church is committed to the mistris of the stewes , and ruled by the laws of a brothel-house , vda . it is spoken of the popish canon-law , which is an unfit to rule the church of christ , as the laws of a brothel-house to govern an honest woman . puck . and those laws are established by her majesties lawes . vda . it would trouble the learnedst lawyer in england to prove that . then baron clarke began a voice , tending againe to compare my case to that of mr. stubs , and to perswade me to submit my selfe telling me what good i might doe , but because he spake low , and i said i did not well heare him , he gave over , and prayed the other to speake , who told mee his meaning , and then said . puck . wee shall make short worke with you , will you here acknowledge all the lawes ecclesiasticall and temporall of this land , to bee agreeable to the word of god . vda . my lord , i have disgrace enough upon mee already , you may easily perceive what i thinke of the present ecclesiasticall government . i pray you presse me not with these things , i can yeeld no further then you have heard . puck . then we must doe our office and pronounce sentence on you . vda . gods will be done . puck . yea gods will be done on you indeed . then he gave sentence upon me and the rest , after which i did purpose to speake according to the last sentence after the reasons . but the ●●amors of the other prisoners calling to the judges to be good unto them disappointed mee thereof . thus was i returned to prison , what will bee the issue i know not . the lord turne to his glory the good of his church , and shame of his foes , and then welcome life or death . i being reprieved ( as the sheriffe said by her majesties owne commandement ) doctor bond one of the queenes chaplaines , came to me as from the queene her selfe and from the councel , with the submission that was tendered an●o to conferre with me in generall , but specially to perswade me to yeeld thereunto , or to take the reasons of my refusall , after two dayes conference wee agreed upon a forme of submission , as followeth . the forme of that submission which was offered unto me , and i refused . i iohn vdall , have bin hitherto by due course of law convicted of felony , for penning and setting forth a certaine booke , called a demonstration , of discipline , wherin false , slanderous and seditious matters are contained , against her majesties prerogative royall , her crown and dignity and against the laws and government ecclesiasticall and temporall , established by law under her highnesse , and tending to the erecting of a new forme of government contray to her said lawes . all which points i do now by the grace of god perceive to be very dangerous to the peace of this realme and church , seditious in the common-wealth , and justly offensive to the queenes most excellent majestie , so as thereby i now seeing the grievousnesse of this my offence , doe most humbly on my knees before god and this presence , submit my selfe to the mercy of her highnesse , being must sorry , that so deepely and worthily i have incurred her majesties indignation against mee , promising if it shall please god to move her royall heart to have compassion on mee , a most sorrowfull convicted person , that i will for ever hereafter forsake all such undutifull and dangerous courses , and demeane my selfe dutyfully and peaceably to all authorities both civill and ecclesiasticall established in this realme , for i doe acknowledge them to be both lawfull and godly , and to be obeyed of every faithfull subject . the forme of that submission whereunto i did consent and set my hand . with these three protestations i doe submit my self in manner as followeth . . i hold the cause of discipline debated in that booke to be an undoubted truth . . i never imagined any evill against her majesties person or estate , but have sought to honour them both ▪ . i never purposed to do or perswade any thing whereby the discipline might be advanced but by peaceable meanes , endeavouring to keepe within the compasse of law . i iohn vdall , ●ave been by due course of law , convicted and condemned of felony , for penning and publishing a certaine book called the demonstration of discipline , in the preface whereof some matter as also the manner of writing , i confesse to bee in some part so bitter and undutifull , as deserveth justly to bee censured and punished , and justly offensive to the queenes most excellent majestie : wherefore the tryall of the law imputing unto me all such defaults as are in that booke , and laying the punishment of the same in most grievous manner upon me , and i seeing the grievousnesse of this offence , doe most humbly on my knees , as in the presence of god , submit my selfe to the mercy of her highnesse , being most sorry that so deepe and just occasions should be given to procure her majesties displeasure against me , promising that if it shall please god to move her royall heart to have compassion on me a most sorrowfull condemned person , that i will for ever hereafter forsake all undutifull and dangerous courses , and demeane my selfe dutifully and peaceably as becommeth a minister of the gospel , and as a loyall subject to the queens most excellent majestie . at the same time that doctor bond was with me , i received a letter from a friend of mine , that did solicite sir walter rawleigh for mee , wherein were these words . sir walter rawleigh willed me to let you understand , that her majestie is informed of you , that you hold that the church of england is no church , and the sacraments of the same , no sacraments , and that all her ecclesiast●●●●●●ws are against the word of god , and so her government , and that all ecclesiasticall matters ought to be governed by a presbytery , and shee her selfe to be subject to the censures thereof . and that for these things and such like you are not worthy to live . but if you will write halfe a dozen lines under your hand , unto sir walter concerning these opinions , that hee may shew it to her majestie ▪ he hopeth to obtaine your life . i know it is an easie thing for you to answer all these things , and therfore doe it with speed , and in your writing to sir walter take knowledge , that he hath sent you such word . hereupon i wrote a letter to sir walter rawleigh , and what i hold in these points as followeth . to the right honourable sir walter rawleigh , knight , lord warden of the stannery . my duty being remembred unto your lordship , i humbly thanke your honour for your great and honourable care over me and for my good ; whereof i trust you shall never be ashamed , m●st humbly beseeching your good lordship to be a meane to appease her majesties indignation conceived against me , by meanes of some accusations untruely suggested ; for god is my witnesse , i have never had any earthly thing in so precious accompt as to honour her highnesse , and to draw her subjects to acknowledge with all thankefullnesse the exceeding blessings that god bestoweth upon them by her majesties happy government , whereof i trust mine adversaries will be witnesses when i am dead . i have sent unto your lordship ( as in perplexity i could upon the sodai●e ) what i hold concerning certaine points declared unto me , as from your lordship , praying that it would please you to make known the truth thereof unto her highnesse : and if neither my submission heretofore delivered , nor these things now set down will be accepted to draw her highnesse of her gracious compassion to pardon me , that yet it would please her majesty ( that the land may not be charged with my blood ) to change my punishment from death to banishment . thus trusting your lordship will vouchsafe me this favour , and that it will please her majesty thereupon graciously to consider of me , i humbly take my leave , from the white-lyon , febr. . . your lordships to command , iohn vdall prisoner . . i do believe and have often preached , that the church of england is a part of the true visible church of christ , and that the preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments therein are the holy ordinances of god , profitable and comfortable to every one that rightly partakes thereof . in which regard i have bin and do yet desire to be a preacher in the same church ▪ and have communicated in the sacraments and prayers therein , for the space of yeares at kingston , and about a yeare at newcastle upon tyne , immediatly before mine imprisonment , and therefore i do from my heart utterly renounce the schisme whereinto the brownists have fallen in condemning the churches of england , and separating themselves from communicating in the publique ministery thereof . . i know no other but that the statute laws of this land do maintaine the holy ministery of the word and sacraments in such manner as any christian may with a safe conscience both administer therein and communicate therewithall . also that the law which requireth a subscription to the articles of religion so far as they contain the doctrine of faith and sacraments is agreeable to the word of god . . i do believe that by the word of god her majesty hath , and ought to have ▪ a supreame authority over all persons , in all causes , both ecclesiasticall and civill to inforce every man to do his duty and to be obedient in every thing that is not contrary to the word of god . and if the prince should command any thing contrary to gods word , it is not lawfull for the subjects to rebell or resist , no not so much as in thought but with patience and humility to beare all the punishments layd upon them ▪ seeking onely by prayer to god , and supplication to authority , and such like peaceable meanes to have ●aults amended . . i do believe that by the word of god , the churches rightly reformed ought to be governed ecclesiastically by the ministers , assisted with elders , and this is not my private judgement ▪ but such as i have learned out of the word of god , bin confirmed in by the writings of the most learned and godly men of ancient and latter times , and have seen practised with much peace and comfort in the best reformed churches in europe , and even by those exiles which her majesty to her great honour hath hitherto protected . . i do believe that the censures of the church ought meerely to concern the soule , and may not impeach any subject , much lesse any prince , in the liberty of body , dominion , goods , or any earthly priviledge whatsoever ; and that therefore the papall excommunication that deposeth princes , and freeth their subjects from their allegiance or any part of christian obedience to civill authority , is blasphemous against god , injurious to all men , and directly contrary to gods word : neither do i believe that a christian prince ought otherwise to be subject to the censures of the church , then our gracious queene professeth her selfe to be unto the preaching of the word & administration of the sacraments according to the doctrin of our church in mr. nowells catechisme and the hom : of the right use of the church , at this day appointed publiquely to be read . if i understand of any other thing that i am charged to hold as a strange and private opinion , i would be willing to shew my minde freely in it ; for my desire is , that her highnesse might truely be informed of every thing that i holde : so should i be sure to obtaine her gracious favour , without which i do not desire to live . these things thus passed , i remained as before , without any great hope of liberty , or feare of extremity , untill the next assises drew neere , at last there came mr. nowell deane of pauls , and mr. doctor andrews with a new submission yet containing nothing one clause excepted ) which was not in the former , which i condescended unto , notwithstanding i refused presently to set my hand unto it ▪ ( though they promised in the name of the councell , that in yeelding to it i should obtaine pardon and liberty , because i would do nothing without good advice and consideration . the copie of the submission given me by mr ▪ deane of pauls , with his name to it as followeth . i iohn vdall have bin heretofore by due course of law , convicted and condemned of felony , for penning and publishing a certaine booke called the demonstration of discipline , in the preface wherof some matter , as also the manner of handling of it . i confesse in some part to be so bitter and undutifull ▪ as deserveth justly to be censured and punished according to the laws of this realme , established under her highnesse , and justly offensive to the queenes most excellent majesty ; wherefore i now seeing the grievousnesse of this offence do most humbly on my knees and in the presence of god submit my selfe to the mercy of her highnesse , being most sorry that so deep and just occasion should be given to procure her majesties d●●pl●●sure against me , promising that if it shall please god to move her majesties royall h●●rt to have compassion on me , a most sorrowfull condemned person , i will ever hereafter forsake all undutifull seditious and dangerous courses , and demeane my selfe dutifully and peaceably , as becometh a minister of the gospell , and a loyall subject of the queenes most excellent majesty . this is the true copy of the submission ●●nt unto me from her majesties most honourable privy-councell . alexander nowell . when i had weighed with my selfe , that the clause which is added may admit a good interpretation , and the omitting of that which is left out of my former submission , causeth no ill sense of that which is set down i condescended ( being also advised thereunto by my good and godly friends ) to set my hand unto it , and thereupon wrote a letter unto mr. nowell as followeth . right worshipfull mr. deane , i praise god with all my heart , that authority hath so good remembrance of my lamentable estate , and yet more that by the same i am for my forme of submission to deale with a man of that piety and wisedome , that you have bin worthtly in the church long agone esteemed to be of , and so have continued to t●●● reverend age that you are come unto . it may please you sir to understand , that i have considered of the forme of submission , that your worship brought unto mee , and find nothing in it , but that in a good conscience i can yeeld unto , for it requireth not of me any dentall or disallowance of the cause of discipline debated in the booke , for which i am in question , the substance of which doctrine i believe to be the undoubted truth of god , and therefore ought never to deny or disallow it : notwithstanding with my perswasion i take god to witnesse , that i never purposed to doe or perswade any thing , whereby it might be advanced , but by peaceable meanes , endeavouring to keepe within the compasse of law ▪ further also the said forme of submission , chargeth mee not with any malice against her majestie , from which likewise i acknowledge as in the presence of our saviour christ , that is ready to come to judge the quick and the dead , that i have bin alwayes free and have carried a christian , loving and dutifull affection to her majesties royall person and estate , as i know by the word of god i ought to doe , which being so , i have resolved to satisfie the authority from which you brought me the said forme of submission , and at your good pleasure without further limitation simply to subscribe it . good mr. deane in the bowels of christ have compassion of my estate , more wayes lamentable then i can in a few or many words expresse , or ( as i thinke ) any other but only the spirit that is taught to pray with groans that cannot be uttered , and in such christian compassion by your favourable and earnest mediation to the authority that may relieve me , procure my pardon and free discharge , of the dangers and troubles wherein i am , that i may say with the prophet i shall not die , but live and declare the works of the lord . so shall not only my poore wife and children , but i hope many others praise god for you in that respect , and my selfe as beholding unto you in a case of life , continually pray for you your good estate to the lord of life blessed for ever . amen . after i had thus set my hand hereunto , i advised also to write unto certaine of the councell and other honourable persons besides , partly to let them understand in what sense i had yeelded hereunto , and partly to intreate their favour , and furthermore for my liberty : the copy of which letter ( for it was the same word for word to every one , the title of their severall estates excepted ) here ensueth . right honourable my present lamentable condition enforceth me in most humble manner , to crave so much leisure of your lordships from the weighty affaires of the state , as to consider of these few lines . the reverend mr. nowell deane of paules , and mr. doctor andrewes a few dayes agoe brought me forme of submission ( as they said ) from authority with hope of favour for my life , if i would yeeld unto it . whereof having considered and finding nothing in it , but which i had heretofore yeelded unto , when mr. doctor bond was with me , one clause excepted , to wit , that the faults doe deserve to bee punished according to the lawes of the land . which yet hath no such words but may beare so good a sense as i thinke may in such forme submit my selfe , without either condemning the suite for a further reformation or my selfe as justly deserving by the lawes to die . i cannot discerne sufficient cause to refuse it , for by the hardest word that i have by due course of law bin convicted and condemned . i understand the forme of proceeding by ind●●ment arraignement , jury , witnesses and such like as also by that clause , that the manner of writing is in some part such as deserveth justly to be censured and punished by the lawes of this land . i meane of such censures as the good lawes of this land administred with justice do ordaine for punishing of such offences in the manner of writing which cannot bee of death without malice against her majestie . from which ( i take almighty god to witnesse ) i have bin alwaies free . in regard wherof i feared lest i might be thought to stand too comentiously and undutifully with authority , & too be to carelesse of mine owne estate , if i should not yeeld to such a form of submission as they brought unto me . wherein having yeelded , as farre as in conscience i may , and as authority by their meanes requireth of mee . my most humble suite to your lordships is that in your christian and honourable compassion of my most lamentable estate , that that may please your lordships by your favourable mediation to her excellent majestie , to further my most humble suite , for my pardon and free discharge of these my grievous troubles . so shall i bee bound yet more heartily to praise god for your honour , and to pray unto god for your prosperous estate long to endure to the glory of almighty god , and to your own everlasting comfort . within foure or five dayes after mr. doctor andrewes returned unto me , signifying that all that was done was mistaken , for that was not the submission that was meant of me , but another . which when i had perused i sound it the same ( onely the last clause left out ) which was ostered mee by the judges at the assises . and he said the clarke to whom the making of the letter to mr. nowel putting in one for another . and because i utterly refused to consult of it , as having yeelded before to so much as i might hee prayed me to understand what i tooke exceptions against and for what reasons . so wee entred into many discourses , as first how the discipline could be said to be against the queenes prerogative royall seeing it was ( as i said i did beleeve ) expressed in the scriptures whereby all lawfull priviledges of princes are warranted . then we debeted whether the supremacy of a christian prince be the same with an heathen , or diverse from it . after that whether the authority of princes in making church laws be dejurt , or de facto only . and lastly of the most points of discipline . thus we continued or hours , and at last he would have no answer of me then , but he prayed me to advise of it , for he would come againe . i answered , that the oftner he came the welcomer he should be , but i told him i would not accept of it , yet hee came twice after and tooke my reasons of my refusall to yeeld thereunto , and promising me all the favour he could procure me , he departed . after this the assises approaching , and the generall report being that it would go hard with me . i being desirous to use any good meanes , did not onely solicite the earle of essex , and sir walter rawleigh , who had heretofore dealt for mee , but also i was advised to write againe unto mr. nowell , earnestly charging him to take my case to heart , seeing he had promised to procure me favour , whereupon i wrote unto him this letter following . right worshipfull mr. nowell , as i did rejoyce when i perceived that you were imployed to deale with mee about my submission , because of that reverend estimation that you have bin so long of among the worthies in the church of god , hoping , that i i should have found thereby , some comfortable meanes of meditation unto authority for my release , so i am now occaisoned to feare that all that credit with you are of , shall be used as an instrument to further and hasten extremity upon me . for so much time being passed since i voluntarily yeelded to that submission which you brought unto me and no liberty appearing from any place , but rather that being given out , that my submission shall be a speciall meanes to hasten my death , and no way to procure my liberty , i am constrained to write unto you , to let you understand , that as i looke for that end the next weeke at the assises at kingston ( where i have been a preacher ) which hath so long bin threatned , but ( to the doubling of my torments deferred , whereunto ( i doubt not the lord will strengthen me , as graciously he hath hitherto done . so i pray you as you will answer unto god for my blood , which i am perswaded your credit being imployed to the uttermost ( as in the word and faith of a christian you promised ) might have preserved that you would so take my case to heart , as it may inforce you to leave no stone unturned which may either further my liberty , or at lest cleere your conscience from being any way accessary to my death . for it will one day bee an heavy thing to your heart , to thinke that you should be set on worke , and the accompt that is worthily made of you , imployed under pretence , yea and as it were with assurance of life and liberty , to draw that from a preacher and professor of the gospel which afterward shall be used to hasten his end : and you will say it had bin better that you had never bin of any reckoning , then to bee made an instrument to further such an action . this i write unto you not in any troubled affection with the feare of death , for i thanke god i am willing to end my daies , and ( if it please the lord ) even in this manner and hope that my death shall further the cause , for which i suffer more then my life . but lest i should neglect any meanes which might seeme to be a furtherance to prevent the same , or leave that dutie unperformed unto you , which i take my selfe in conscience bound to discharge , the lord make us willing and able to discharge every good dutie , that he enjoyneth us to his glory , the good of his church , and our own comfort , whether by l●fe or death . about the same time came a letter from the king of scotland to a scotish merchant , one mr. iohnson lying in london , to be delivered to her majesty ( as was said ) being written in my behalfe , as he had done once before when i was close prisoner ; this letter did the merchant deliver to her majesty , and the dean of pauls upon my letter went to the councell , whereby whatsoever was wrought , as soone as the judges heard that i was brought to kingstone where the assises were then kept , i was immediately returned unto the white-lyon in the evening before the first day thereof . afterward mr. iohnson had the copy of the kings letter sent unto him , which then appeared to be written not for me alone , but also for the rest of my brethren the ministers in prison for the same cause of discipline , the tenor of which letter here followeth . right excellent high and mighty princesse , our dearest sister and cousen , in our heartiest manner we recommend us unto you : heareing of the apprehension of mr. udall and mr. cartwright and certaine other ministers of the evangell within your realme , of whose good erudition and fruitfull travells in the church we heare a very credible commendation ; howsoever that their diversitie from the bishops and others of your clergy , in matters touching them in conscience , hath bin a meane by their dilation to worke them your misliking ; at this present we cannot ( weighing the duty which we owe to such as are afflicted for their conscience in that profession ) but by our most effectuous and earnest letter interpone us at your hands to any harder usage of them for that cause : requesting you most earnestly , that for our cause and intercession it may please you to let them be relieved of their present straite , and whatsoever further accusation or pursuite depending on that ground , respecting both their former merit , in setting forth of the evangell the simplicitie of their conscience in this defence , which cannot well be their let by compulsion , and the great slander which could not faile to fall out upon their further straiting for any such occasion , which we assure us your zeale to religion , besides the expectation we have of your good will to pleasure us , will willingly accord to our request , having such proofes from time to time of our like disposition to you , in any matters which you recommend unto us . and thus right excellent , right high and mighty princes our deare sister and cozen , we commit you to gods good protection . from edenborough the th ' day of june . . the just copy of the kings letter , sent to her majestie . presently upon these things fell out that wretched matter of that lewd fellow h●cket , whereby the adversary did take occasion so to slander the truth and to disgrace the professors of the same unto her majestie , that i thought it bootelesse to sue . and so i did little til the lord chancellor was dead and forgotten by such as were sorry for it , so that about easter terme following , i sued for liberty to goe to church , which was denyed mee being a condemned man , but by the lord treasurers meanes i got a copy of my inditement , which before i could not obtaine . hereupon i getting a pardon framed according to the inditement , sent it with a petition by my wife to the councell , who referred mee to the arch-bishop , unto whom i both sent diverse petitions and dutifull letters , and also got many of my freinds both honourable personages and others , to sue to him , yet could not his good will be gotten . at last the turkie merchants having my consent to goe for a time into guynea to teach their people , that abide in that place , if they could procure my liberty sent unto him for his consent ▪ who promised his good will so that they would be bound that i should goe indeed , when i had my liberty . but when two of the auncients of the company went unto him for his hand thereunto , he would not yeeld it ▪ unlesse they would be bound not onely that i should goe ( which they were willing unto ) but also that i should tarry there , till i had her majesties licence to come thence . this condition they could not yeeld unto ▪ for that i denyed to go upon any such ground , so was their suite and my hope of liberty at an end , saving that one mr. ca●ell who had bin the first beginner of it , and being to goe into turkie did most affect it , moved the deane of pauls in it , who thereupon wrote unto my lord keeper , perswading him of the conveniencie of that journey for me , and my fitnesse thereunto , which letter when he received he did so deale with the arch-bishop , as they both promising at their next meeting at court to deale with her majestie , to signe my pardon , that so i might have liberty to goe the voyage . fjnjs . a briefe view of the state of the church of england as it stood in q. elizabeths and king james his reigne, to the yeere being a character and history of the bishops of those times ... / written ... by sir john harington ..., knight. harington, john, sir, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a briefe view of the state of the church of england as it stood in q. elizabeths and king james his reigne, to the yeere being a character and history of the bishops of those times ... / written ... by sir john harington ..., knight. harington, john, sir, - . chetwynd, john, - . [ ], [i.e. ], [ ] p. printed for jos. kirton ..., london : . "the epistle dedicatory" signed: john chetwind. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. includes index. eng church of england -- history. bishops -- england. a r (wing h ). civilwar no a briefe view of the state of the church of england, as it stood in q. elizabeths and king james his reigne, to the yeere . being a char harington, john, sir c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a briefe view of the state of the church of england , as it stood in q. elizabeths and king james his reigne , to the yeere . being a character and history of the bishops of those times . and may serve as an additionall supply to doctor goodwins catalogue of bishops . written for the private use of prince henry , upon occasion of that proverb , henry the eighth pull'd down monks and their cells . henry the ninth should pull down bishops , and their bells . by sir john harington , of kelston neer bath , knight . london , printed for jos. kirton at the kings arms in pauls churchyard . . to the noble lady , and his honoured friend , the lady jane pile , the sometimes vertuous consort of the late worthy baronet , sir francis pile of colingborne in the county of wilts , deceased . the publisher of these relations wisheth all presperity in this world , and the world to come . most honoured madam , i had fully designed another discourse , viz. concerning the nature & work of conscience for your ladiships patronage . but understanding of preparations by an abler judgement , on that subject , i have for some time suspended the publishing of my own conceptions . and therefore , though at present i shall not entitle your ladiship to my own , yet make bold to prefix your name to the labours of another , viz. this following supply to a former catalogue of bishops : a work that calls him authour , whom my mother call'd father , and in which i presume your ladiship with delight will read the duly merited commendations of that reverend prelate dr. john still , whom your ladiships children call great grandfather . this author stiles his acquaintance , his friend , his instructer , his diocesan , whom the diocesse of wells once knew their worthy bishop , and the poore of the almes-house of wells still remember their bountifull benefactor . now as this authour in the following relations hath avoyded the needlesse multiplying of words , and hath industriously studied a compact brevity : so i shall not widen the entrance to them by rarifying these dedicatory lines into any large compasse , either by an importunate craving your ladiships acceptance , that were to wrong your goodnesse , or else by any ample declaring the reasons that guided my thoughts to the publishing this tract , or entitling your ladiship to it . yet that i may somewhat satisfie the reader , i shall give a briefe account for the one and other . and thereby let the world know , that an equitable gratitude to the dead authors memory , and a good will that aimes at the pleasure and profit of the living hath engaged my desires to lend a helping hand to midwife this discourse , which hath layen ready for the birth above yeers , now at last unto the publique view ; it being the ingenious off-spring of his braine who was a remote instrument of my being . and indeed the discourse it selfe is so full of profit and delight mixt together , as acquainting us with many and choice occurrences of former men and times , that it would have engaged the greatest stranger to greater labour . and therfore prevents a needless commendation from my related pen , since it will abundantly commend it selfe to the ingenious reader . to whom it likewise will sufficiently be justified even in those passages that seem most likely to offend : since such that are ingenious are supposed duly to consider , the nature of the discourse : a history , the greatest commendation of which is impartiall truth . the quality of the author : a courtier , that writes to a prince , the sonne of that king who held that prophetick axiom as a sure truth , and we see it fulfilled , no bishop , no king . the time when , and the subject of whom this tract is . so that if any should take , what is not intended , offence at the honour he gives those , that have been since lesse honoured , or at the zeal he shews against some whom he supposed their adversaries : the publisher desires such to consider , that in those daies when this discourse was penned , those principles which now ap peare publiquely as the sun , and have burnt as a flame , were then but a small candle newly lighted , and that carried in a dark lanthorne , not to be seen by all , or in all places , and not at all to be seen in the court , where the authour lived ; which considered , the most displeased reader , if any such be , must impute those heats to the authors zeale , if not according to truth , yet according to his knowledge , and the then apprehended true principles of ecclesiasticall policy . and as for my prefixing your ladiships name to this discourse , i shall onely adde , that as i conceive it not incongruous to entitle one of those bishops grandchildren to the relation of the lives of those bishops , so am i exceeding glad by such an opportunity to have the advantage of letting your ladiship know , that in what soever may fall within the compasse of any capacity to be any way serviceable to your ladiships concernments , your desires or command shal not meet with a readier or more industrious compliance from any , then from him , who craving pardon for this boldness , takes the liberty to write himself , without complement or vanity , madam , your ladiships most humble and respectfull servant , john chetwind . wells , may . . a supply or addition to the catalogue of bishops to the yeare . and first of mr. parker . when i consider with my selfe the hard beginning , though more prosperous successe of the reformed church of england , me thinks it may be compared to a foughten battell ; in which some captaines and souldiers , that gave the first charge , either died in the field , or came bleeding home ; but such as followed , putting their enemies to flight , remained quiet and victorious . or i may more fitly ( without offence ) liken that to the successe of them of the primitive church , wherein the apostles and their immediatc successors were one while honoured and magnified , by their followers the christians ; as st. peter , at whose feet the believers layd down all their goods ; and st. paul , who was received as an angel of god ; another while tormented , and persecuted , by jews and heathen ; as the same apostles , whipped by jewes ; hanged and headed by the romans ; sometimes ( i say ) a centurion , a lieutenant● a proconsull favouring them ; straight a priest , a scribe , and a lawyer promooting against them . a few of caesars houshold wishing well unto them , and believing them . but the caesars themselves for yeeres ( except a very few ) detesting and suppressing them . for in such sort cranmer , ridley , latimer , hooper , rogers , coverdale , and many others enduring great conflicts in those variable times of king henry the eighth , king edward , and queen mary , suffering by fire , by imprisonment , banishment , losse and deprivation , with many fights , many flights and many frights for their conscience sake ; those that died had the glory of valiant souldiers , and worthy martyrs ; such as survived , have since in a long and happy peace , enjoyed the comfort of their victory , and are like still to hold the same , if some mutinous souldiers of their own camp , doe not by disturbing the peace at home , give heart to the enemy abroad . among the surveyors of these first leaders , that past so many pikes , the first in time , and the highest in place , was doctor matthew parker , ( who , as by this author is noted ) having lost all his livings for his marriage , now being made archbishop of canterbury , dissembled not his marriage , as cranmer in king henry the eighths time , was found to doe ; which , because some have taken occasion to note with too black inke , to exclude him from the reputation of a rubricated martyr ; and have cited the testimony of his sonnes widdow yet living , that she was carried in a trunk , and by misfortune almost stifled , by being set by an ignorant porter with her head downward ; which tale goes very current among the papists . i can truly affirme , that this is a meere fiction , for i have examined the gentlewoman her selfe ( being of kin to my wife , and a rogers by name ) and she hath sworn to me , she never reported , nor ever her selfheard , of any such misfortune . but now though this arch-bishop ( parker ) dissembled not his marriage , yet queen elizabeth would not dissemble her dislike of it . for whereas it pleased her often , to come to his house , in respect of her favour to him ( that had been her mothers chaplain ) being once above the rest greatly feasted ; at her parting from thence , the arch-bishop and his wife being together , she gave him very speciall thanks , with gratious and honourable termes , and then looking on his wife , and you ( saith she ) madam , i may not call you , and mrs. i am ashamed to call , you so as i know not what to call you , but yet i do thank you . it is true , she misliked marriage in bishops , and was not very forward to allow that , in some of the layety ; for i knew one of good place about her , that had contracted himself to a rich widdow , and yet would not adventure to marry her , till he had gotten the queen to write , for that , which he had obtained before , to the intent , that the queen reputing that as her benefit , might not dislike with her own act . but for clergy men , caeteris paribus , and sometime imparibus too , she prefer'd the single man , before the married . of arch-bishop edmond grindal . of mr. edmond grindal , whereas my authour writes he was blind , i have heard by some ( that knew somewhat in those dayes ) that he kept his house upon a strange occasion , the secret whereof is known to few , and the certainty is not easie to find out , but thus i was told ; that there was an italian doctor ( as i take that of physick ) that having a known wife a lyar , yet bearing himself on the countenance of some great lord , did marry another gentlewoman , ( which to do now , is by most godly laws since made fellony . ) this good arch-bishop , not winking at so publick a scandall , convented him for that , and proceeded by ecclesiasticall censures against him ; letters were presently written from this great lord , to the arch-bishop , to stop the proceeding , to tolerate , to dispense , or to mitigate the censure ; but the bishop remained still unmoved and unmoveable : when no subjects intreaty could be found to prevail , they intreat the soveraign to write in the doctors behalf ; but this john baptist not only persisted in his non licet habere eam , but also in a reverent fashion , required an account of her majesties faith , in that she would seem to write in a matter that ( if sh . were truly informed ) was expresly against the word of god . the queen in a gracious disposition , was purposed to have yielded an account in writing ; but the great lord not onely disswaded her from that , as too great an indignity ; but incensed her exceedingly against him ; whereupon , he was privately commanded to keep his house ; where because he was sometime troubled with sore eyes , his friends gave out he was blind . but if he were blind , that was like to the soothsayer tiresias that foresaw and told pentheus ruine as qvid writes . et veniet , nec enim dignabere numen honore , meque sub his tenebris nimium vidisse quereris . for that lord , that so persecuted this prelate about his physitians two wives dying twenty years since , left two wives behind him , that can hardly be yet agreed which was his lawfull wife , and so much for arch-bishop grindall . doctor whiteguift . upon the decease of arch-bishop grindall , the state desirous , to have a learned and discreet person , in so eminent a place ; and the queen resolved to admit none , but a single man ; choyce was made of doctor whiteguist , then bishop of worcester , a man in many respects very happy , and in the best judgements very worthy . he was noted for a man of great learning in cambridge , and he was grown to his full ripeness of reading and judgement ; even then , when those that they called puritans ( and some meerely define to be protestants scar'd out of their wits ) did begin by the plot of some great ones , but by the pen of mr. cartwright , to defend their new discipline . their indeavour as was pretended was to reduce all , in show , atleast to the purity , but indeed to the poverty , of the primitive churches . these books of mr. cartwright not unlearnedly written , were more learnedly answered by doctor whiteguift . both had their reward . for mr. cartwright , was by private favour placed about coventry , where he grew rich , and had great maintenance to live on , and honoured as a patriarck , by many of that profession . doctor whiteguift , was made bishop of worcester , and there having a great good report of houskeeping , and governing the marches of walles , he was ( as my authour hath told , called unto canterbury . while he was bishop of worcester , though the revenew of that be not very great , yet his custom was to come to the parliament very well attended , which was a fashion the queen liked exceeding well . it hapned one day bishop elmer of london , meeting this bishop with such an orderly troop of tawny coats , and demanding of him , how he could keep so many men , he answered , it was by reason , he kept so few women . being made arch-bishop of canterbury , and of the privy councel , he carried himself in that mild , and charitable course , that he was not onely approved greatly , by all the clergy of england , but even by some of those , whom with his pen he might seem to have wounded ; i mean these called puritans , of whom he won divers by sweet perswasions to conformity . in the star-chamber , he used to deliver his sentence in a good fashion , ever leaning to the milder censure as best became his calling . he was a great stay in court and councel , to all oppressions of the church , though that current was some time so violent , as one mans force could not stop that . he founded an hospitall in or nigh croyden , and placed poor men therein , in his own life time , and being grown to a full age , that he might say with st. paul . bonum certamen certavi , cursum confeci , &c. he was so happy , as to give to his soveraign and preferrer , the last spirituall comfort she took in this world ( i hope to her eternall comfort ) and after that , he not onely joyned with the other lords , for the proclaiming of king james , but on st. james his day following , did set the crown on his head , and anointed him with oyl , and so having first seen the church setled under a religious king , and the crown established in a hopefull succession , he fell into a palsey , to which he had been formerly subject , and with no long or painful sickness , he yielded to nature , deserving well this epitaph , written by a young scholar of oxford , who was with me at the writing hereof . candida dona tibi whyt●gifte , sunt nomen , & omen , candidior a tuis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dedit . nomen habes 〈◊〉 inscriptum nunc ergo lapi●●o , et sto●● pro meritis redditur alba 〈◊〉 . doctor richard bancroft . upon the death of arch-bishop whiteguift , divers worthy men were named in the vacancy . his majesty not after the manner of some princes , seeking to keep that vacant , but rather hastning to fill that . the bishops of durham and winchester were as it were , voce populi made competitrs with the bishop of london , rather by their eminence of merit and learning , then by any known desire , or endeavour of them or their friends . wherein methinks by the way , envy it self cannot but gratulate the church of england , that is so furnished with learned bishops , as if choyce had been to be made , not by a judicious prince , but by the fortune of a lot among those three , and many more beside , that could not have fallen amiss . but his majesty had long since understood of his writing , against the genevising , and scotizing ministers : and though some imagined he had therein given the king some distaste , yet finding him , in the disputations at hampton court , both learned and stout , he did more and more increase his liking to him ; so that although in the common rumour , thoby matthew then bishop of durham was likest to have carried that , so - learned a man , and so assiduous a preacher , qui in concionibus dominatur as his emulous and enemy wrote of him , yet his majesty in his learning knowing , and in his wisdom , weighing that this same strict charge pasce oves mes feed my sheep , requires as well a pastorall courage of driving in the stray sheep , and driving out the infectious , as of feeding the sound , made especiall choyce of the bishop of london , as a man more exercised in affaires of the state . i will add also my own conjecture out of some of his majesties own speeches , that in respect he was a single man , he supposed him the fitter , according to queen elizabeths principles of state : upon whose wise foundations , his majesty doth daily erect more glorious buildings . but i lose labour to repeat these things to your highnesse better known , then to my selfe . i should onely speak of the former times . of his beginning therefore , and rising , i will boldly say that , which i would i might as truly of all that follow in this treatise , viz. that he came to all his preferments very clearly , without prejudice or spoile of his churches . he was tutor in cambridge , to the lord cromwell , who had cause to wish , and ( as i have heard ) hath wisht , he had staid with him longer , though he were sharp and austere . my lord chancellor hatton made speciall choyce of him , to be his examiner . est a liquid de tot graiorum millibús unum a diomede legi . by his means queen elizabeth came to take knowledge of his wisdome and sufficiency . he both : wrote , as i touched before , and laboured earnestly by all good means for the suppressing of the fantasticall novellists . after the strange and frantick attempt of hacket and his fellows ; which practice , though the branches thereof were easily cut off , yet was it thought , to have a more dangerous and secret root . but for these his travels , as the queen and state favoured him , so the seditious sectaries ( to use judge pophams word , that would not have them call'd puritanes ) they , l say , no lesse maligned-him in libels and rimes ; ( for they were void of reasons ) laying the imputation of papistry unto him ; some of them were punished in the starchamber , namely one darling , the last . starchamber day in queen elizabeths time , was sharply censured . and it is no wonder , if they lov'd him not , for indeed he had stoutly opposed their chiefest darlings . as for the imputation of papistry , which they lay on all men that crosse their designes , he is so free from it , that i can truly affirme the greatest blow the papists received in all queen elizabeths time , came from his hand , or at least from his head : for having wisely observed the emulation , ambition ; and envy , that lurked in the minds of their secular priests , and the jesuits one against another , he found the means by the same policy , and with the like spirit , that st. paul set the pharisees against the sadduces , to set the priests against the jesuits , watson against parsons ( impar congressus ) but yet thereby he so divided their languages , as scantly they can understand one another as yet . these things acted , before the king your fathers happy entry , i thought good to touch , though more sparingly then my particular affection & his just deserts do give me occasion . of his late imployments of his great care , in setting ; forward and setting forth all his majesties godly proceedings , though i know much , yet if i should say all i know , perhaps it is lesse then your highnesse knowes ; therefore i will conclude with that which the truth , rather then my kindnesse enforceth me to say , that no bishop since i can remember hath been counted more vigilant in looking to his charge . ne quid ecclesia detrimenti capiat . of the bishops of london , and first of bishop ellmer . my purpose in this work from the beginning , and my promise to your highnesse , being to adde to this author , a supply of some matters that he purposely omitted writing in the latter yeers of queen elizabeth , and my relation being to write plainly , without feare or favour of those i doe write , i will proceed confidently , as i have begun ; in which , i perswade my selfe i have some advantage of the author himselfe , for freedome of speech , both in the time , and many other circumstances . for he was no foole that gave that rule , mitissima sors●est regnorum , sub rege novo . againe , i being a lay-man ; am not so obnoxious to their apprehensions ; that may be offended with that i shall say , as he was being a churchman . thirdly , i lived in a place , where i might know many things without enquiry ; which had been scarce safe for him , in that time to enquire after . lastly , he writes to the world publiquely , and i but privately to your highnesse . therefore i will proceed quoad sciam , poteroque . the first bishop of london i have to write of , is mr. john elmer , of whom my author hath spoken-too little , and i perhaps shall seem to say too much ; yet once i thought to have said somewhat of bonner , because i may remember him living in the late queens time unbishopped , and went sometimes abroad ; but i was so young then , as i could judge nothing ; and he was so hated , that every ill-favoured fat fellow that went in the street , they would say , that was bonner . but me thinks now , by that i have heard of him , i could liken him to dionysius the tyrant of syracuse , who being cruell and peremptory in prosperity , was both patient and pleasant in adversity . for example , that tyrant being expelled his realm , and living a poore pedant , was one day with men of mean sort drinking in a tavern , some diogenes espying him , came to him with reverence , opening , and shaking his upper garment ( for so they used in those daies , that came into the kings chambers , to shew they had no weapons . ) dionysius perceiving the scorn , was nothing troubled , but bad him come and drink with him , and shake his clothes at the going out , that his host might see he carried nothing with him . so bonner having twice lost his bishoprick , walking with his tippet in the strete , one begg'd it of him ( in scoffe ) to line a coat ; no ( saith he ) but thou shalt have a fooles head , to line thy cap. and to another , that bad him good morrow bishop quoudam , he straight replied , farewell , knave semper . i have been told also , that one shewed him his own picture in the book of martyrs , in the first edition , on purpose to vexe him ; at which he laught , saying , a vengeance on the foole , how could he get my picture drawn so right ? and when one asked him if he were not ashamed to whip a man with a beard , he laught , & told him , his beard was grown since ; but ( saith he ) if thou hadst been in his case , thou wouldst have thought it a good commutation of pennance , to have thy bum beaten , to save thy body from burning ; but this is too much of this sloven . i come now to bishop elmer , whom in my own particular i loved very well , and yet performing truly the taske i have undertaken , i shall shew perhaps no great signe of it . he was ā man but mean of stature , yet in his youth very valiant , which he forgat not in his age . when he first became a preacher , following the popular phrase , and fashion of the younger divines of those times , which was to inveigh against the superfluities of the churchmen , he is remembred , namely to have used these words in a sermon , beforē a great auditory , wherefore away with your thousands , you bishops , and come down to you : hundreds , &c. but this was but a heat of his spirit ; of which not long after , by reading and conference , he was throughly cured ; in so much as being asked by one of his own ranke , after he was bishop of london , what he meant , to preach of the brainsick fashion , he answered with the words of st. paul , cum essem parvulus , loqu●bar ut parvulus , sapiebam ut parvulus . but certain it is , no bishop was more persecuted and taunted by the puritans of all sorts , then he was , by libels , by scoffes , by open railing , and privy backbiting . it is vulgar , yet a passage not unworthy remembring , that past between one mr. maddoxe , and him : for when the bishop had recovered him about some matter concerning paritanisme , and he had answered the bishop somewhat untowardly and thwartly ; the bishop , ( as he was ingenious ever ) said unto him , thy very name exprefseth thy nature , for maddox is thy name , and thou art as mad a beast as ever i talked with . the other not long to seek of an answer , by your favour , sir , ( said he ) your deeds answer your name righter then mine : for your name is ellmar , and you have marr'd all the elms in fulham , by lopping them . he used for recreation to bowle in a garden ; and marton marprelate thence takes this taunting scoff● , that the bishop would cry , rub , rub , rub to his bowle , and when it was gone too farre , say , the divell goe with it ; and then , quoth he , the bishop would follow . thus they rubb'd one another , till they were all gall'd sometimes ; and the bishop was so weary of the place , that he would gladly have removed to ely , and made great suit for it , and was put in some hope of it . i have seen a letter or two of his , to his friend , subscribed thus , yours in love , but not in london ; yet would he not take it with those hard conditions that were proposed , lest mr. maddox , and his like , might call him ellmarr ; so as it was noted as an ill fortune of his , to have died bishop of london , which eight before him in an hundred yeers had not done , but been either preferred , or deprived . he was diligent in preaching at his cure , where he was first beneficed ; and when his auditory grew dull , and unattentive , he would with some pretty and unexpected conceit , move them to attention . among the rest was this : he read a long text in hebrew , whereupon all seemed to listen what would come after such strange words , as if they had taken it for some conjuration . then he shewed their folly , that when he spake english , whereby they might be instracted and edified , they neglected , and hearkned not to it ; and now he read hebrew , which they understood no word of , they would seem so carefull and attentive . when there was talk of dangers , rumours of warres , and invasions , then he was commonly chosen to preach in the court , and he would doe it in so chearfull a fashion , as not onely shewed he had courage , but would put courage into others . here is much doubt , saith he , of malum ab aquilone , and our coleprophets have prophecied that in exaltatione lunae leo jungetur leaenae , the astronomers tell of a watry trigon . but as long as virgo is in that ascendent with us , we need not fear of nothing ; deus nobiscum , quis contra nos , and for this , the queen would much commend him , yet would she not remove him . but though he were stout , and wise and rich , yet had he beside his conflicts with those called puritans , also some domesticall crosses . he had a daughter , a modest gentlewoman , and very well brought up , whom he gave in mariage to one mr. adam squire , a minister and preacher , and learned , but a very fantasticall man , as appeared partly the first day ; for as i have heard , he would needs preach at his own mariage , upon this text , it is not good for adam to be alone . this text he so pursued , after he had been some years maried , that though his wife were away , yet adam would not be alone . this course bread jealousie , jarrs and complaints , and the bishop as he had good cause , reprehended his son in law , he thinking to defend , or at least to revenge himself , by recrimination , accused her to have received a love letter from a knight ( but the squire himself had indited that ) and this was so cunningly handled by him , and with such probability , that her fault was as suspitious , as his was manifest , falshood will out at last . the bishop that feared never a knight , nor lord in england , sends for the knight ( contrary to the squires expectation ) boults out the whole matter , finds there were treacherous tricks put on his daughter , but no meretrix , and being too wise to publish his own disgrace , and too stout to indure that ; i have credibly heard ( and believe that to be true ) that with a good waster , he so mortified this old adam of his son in law squire , that he needed no other pennance but this , which was according to the old canon per disciplinam , & verbera . in his sons he was more fortunate , than many bishops in england have been thought to have been ; his eldest being a civil gentleman , and well left , another an excellent preacher , that hath preached oft before the king , and namely one sermon on this text out of the d of the canticles , verse . take us the foxes , the little foxes that destroy our vines : for our vine , have small grapes : which sermon so pleased his majesty , that besides other approbations of that , he said to me , that if mr. ellmer had not had his fathers collections and notes against puritans , he could never have made so good a sermon , and so much of bishop ellmer . of bishop fletcher . there succeeded in less then one years vacancy , as hath been already told , mr. richard fletcher , a comely and courtly prelate , but i may say , as tully - said , when he had commended king dejotarus to caesar , by the name of rex frugi , a frugall , or thrifty king , he straight addeth this parenthesis , quanquam reges hoc verbo laudari non solent , although said he , kings are not accustomed to be praised with this word thrifty , so i might say , that comely and courtly , are no fit epithetons for the true praise of a prelate . i remembred before how ely had been long vacant , almost years , and bristol and oxenford though both new erected bishopricks ( saved as it were out of the ruines and ashes of the abbies ) were thought in some danger again to be lost , for bristoll was held in commendam , and oxford not much to be commended ; wherefore about the year . that same annus mir abilis , some of the zealous courtiers , whose devotion did serve them more to prey on the church , than pray in the church , harkened out for fit supplies to these places , and sent their agents to find out some men that had great mindes , and small means or merits , that would be glad to leave a small deanry to make a poor bishoprick , by new leasing out lands , that were now almost out of lease , but to free him from the guilt of it , the poor bishop must have no part of the fine . there was then a deane whom i may not name ; but to give the story more life , i will name his place for names sake of coventry , a man of great learning , but of no great living . to him was sent one of these foxes , the little foxes that destroy our vines , and make small grapes with this favourable message , that his honourable lord , had sent him to him , to let him know , how much he respected his good gifts ( in which word also , there might be some equivocation ) and though that was hard in those times , to pleasure men of his worth , according to their merit , yet my lord in favour of him , hath bethought him of this course , that whereas salisbury was then like to be void by a remove , if this dean would for the present take the bishoprick of oxford , which was then in a long vacation also , and make leases , & c. ●he should the next year be removed to salisbury : the honest dean that in his soul detested such sacriledge , made this mannerly and ingenuous answer . sir , i beseech you commend my humble service to his honourable lordship ; but i pray you tell his lordship , that in my conscience , oxford is not my right way , from coventry to salisbury : what became of oxford i shall touch , and but touch hereafter , i come now to bishop fletcher , that made not so much scruple to take bristol in his way , from peterborough to worcester , though that were wide of the right way , upon the sinister or bow hand many miles ; as the card of a good conscience , will plainly discover . i fottuned to be one day at the savoy with mr. secretary walsingham , where mr. fletcher was then upon his dispatch for bristoll , a familiar friend of his meeting him there , bad god give him joy , my lord elect of bristoll , which he taking kindly and courtly upon him , answered that it had pleased indeed the higher powers , so to dispose of him ; but said his friend in his eare , do you not lease out tot & tot to such and such . he he clapping his hand on his heart , in a good gracefull fashion , replied with the words of naman the syrian . herein the lord be mercifull to me , but there was not an elizeus to bid him go in peace . what shall i say for him ? non erat hoc hominis vitium sed temporis ? i cannot say so , for your highness knowes i have written otherwise in a book of mine i gave you libro . numero . alass a fault confest were half amended , but sin is doubled , that is thus defended , i know a right wise man sayes and believes where no receivers are , would be no theeves . wherefore at the most i can but say dividatur . he was a well spoken man , and one that the queen gave good countenance to , and discovered her favour to him , even in her reprehensions , as horace saith of mecaenas . rerum tutela mearum , cumsis , & prave sectam stomacheris ob unguem ; for she found fault with him once for cutting his beard too short , whereas good lady ( if she had known that ) she would have found fault with him for cutting his bishoprick so short . he could preach well and would speak boldly , and yet keep decorum . he knew what would please the queen , and would adventure on that though that offended others . once i remember there had been two councellors sworn within compass of one year , and neither of them had a gray hair at that time , whereupon he glawnc't in his sermon at it with a sentence of seneca . which mr. daniel upon a better occasion did put into english verse in this sort , that we may truly say , these spoild the state , young councel , privat gain , & partiall hate . the queen as i said , found no fault with his liberall speech , but the friends of these councellers taxing him for that , i have heard he had this pretty shift , to tell the friends of either of them , he meant it by the other . being bishop of london , and a widower , he maried a gallant lady and a widow , sister to sir george gifford the pensioner , which the queen seemed to be extreamly displeased at , not for the by-gain of a bishop ( for she was free from any such superstition ) but out of her generall mislike of clergy mens mariage : this being indeed a mariage that was talked of at least nine dayes , yet in a while he found means to pacifie her so well , as she promised to come , and i think did come to a house he had at chelsey . for there was a stayre and a dore made of purpose for her , in a bay window , of which pleasant wits descanted diversly , some said that was for joy , to shew he would ( as the proverb is ) cast the house out at window for her welcome , some more bitingly called it the impresse or emblem of his entry into his first bishoprick , viz. not at the doore , but at the window . but certain it is that ( the queen being pacified , and hee in great jollity , with his faire lady and her carpets and cushions in his bed-chamber ) he died suddenly , taking tobacco in his chaire , saying to his man that stood by him , whom he loved very well , oh boy , i die ; whereupon many bolts were roved after him , and some spitefully fether'd , which both for charity sake , as wel as brevity , i wil omit ; but this blunt one , not knowing out of whose quiver it first came ; but fitting a gray goose wing , i wil produce as his most vulgar epitaph : here lies the first prelate made christendom see , a bishop , a husband unto a ladee , the cause of his death was secret and hid , he cry'd out i die , and ev'n so he did . he was buried in the church , the dean and chapter of pauls not being so scrupulous , as they of york were , the . of hen. . who because their archbishop died suddenly , buried him without the church-porch , notwithstanding he had been their great benefactor . bishop vaughan . mr. richard vaughan is the next i have to speak of , being the last man nam'd in my authors book , and of him he hath but two lines , onely declaring him to have been the bishop of chichester . upon the remove of my lord of canterbury that now is● he succeeded him in london , as is not unknown to your highnesse . his beginning of preferment was under the lord keeper puckering , being his examiner , of such as sued for the benefices in my lords gift ; in which , though some complaine he was too precise , yet for my part i ascribe to that one of his greatest praises . for this i know , that a preacher being a noblemans chaplaine , and therefore qualified for two benefices , came to him ●recommended in good sort , and brought with him a gentleman of both their acquaintance , that sometime had been an university man , to speak for his approbation . mr. vaughan examined him of no very deep points , and found him but shallow , and not very ready in the roman tongue , his friend having been fain to help him up in two or three foule stumbles , both of language and matter ; whereupon he dismist him , without all hope of the benefice , and after told the gentleman seriously , that if he would have it himselfe , he would allow him sufficient , but the suitor by no means . he was in those daies very prompt , and ready in speech , and withall factious ; he was an enemy to all supposed miracles , insomuch as one arguing with him in the closet at greenwich , in defence of them , and alledging the queens healing of the evil for an instance , asking him what he could say against it , he answered , that he was loth to answer arguments taken from the topick place of the cloth of estate ; but if they would urge hi● to answer , he said his opinion was , she did it by vertue of some precious stone in possession of the crown of england , that had such a naturall quality . but had queen elizabeth been told , that he had ascribed more vertue to her jewels ( though she loved them wel ) then to her person , she would never have made him bishop of chester . he grew heavy and corpulent of a sudden , not so much with too much ease , as with too little exercise . corpus quod corrumpitur aggravat animam , soon after his remove to london he fell into that drousie diseas● , of which he afte died , growing thereby unfit for the place , that requires a vigilantius , and not a dormitantius . he was held a milde man , and was well spoken of in the city , which sometime hapneth not to them that deserve the best . to conclude , being taken with an apoplexie , he may be properly said to have slept with his forefathers . doctor ravis . within a few moneths there succeeded him doctor ravis bishop of gloucester , who is not formerly mentioned in this book , because mr. goldborow his predecessor in gloucester was then living . his preferment to gloucester makes me remember a story that some record of scipio , who being made generall of the roman army , was to name his questor or treasurer for the wars , whom he thought fit ; being a place in those daies , as is now in these , of great importance , one that took himselfe to have a speciall interest in scipios favour was an earnest suitor for it , but by the delay , mistrusting he should have a deniall , he importuned him one day for an answer . think not unkindness in me ( said scipio ) that i delay you thus , for i have been as earnest with a friend of mine to take it , and yet cannot prevaile with him : noting hereby , that offices of charge and conscience , are fittest for such as shunne them modestly , rather then such as seek them greedily . and even so did my lords of the councell deale with mr. ravis , who being then dean of christ-church , which lightly is not held , but by some choise man of the university , being a place of good valew and reputation , was requested by them to take this bishoprick , when many that sued to have it , were put by . but as he was not willing to goe thither , so they of gloucester were more unwilling he should goe thence , he was in a short space in so good liking of all sorts , insomuch as some that can scaut well brook the name of a bishop , yet can be content to give him a good report . for my part , i have observed a great change in gloucester , from that it seemed nine yeers since , about the earle of essex going : into ireland ; for at that time neither their bishop seemed to care for them , lying at a prebends in worcester , which methought was very inconvenient ; nor they seemed much to care for themselves , all their buildings both publique and private looking old and ruinous : whereas of late yeeres , their bishop keeping his house neere them , and being daily with them , they have built them a new market-place , and are now building a faire hall for justice ; which commendable and comfortable disposition of the people , there and elsewhere , though it be principally ascribed to the joy and comfort that all wel affected persons took of his majesties happy entrance , and peaceable government , and of the succession established in his hopefull issue ; yet is not the leaft to be imputed to the discretion and diligence of the pastors that waken and stirre up their charity , and make them more sensible of gods good blessings bestowed on them ; and the rather by this good bishops means . the lord of shrewsbury hath very nobly , and like himselfe contributed to this so great and necessary work , giving a large portion of timber towards it . now , as i said , it hath pleased his majesty to place him in london , magistratus indicabit virum . this publique place ( for i count the other was almost private to this , will shew what is in the man , i need not prognosticate , but i can wish and hope , that as he is for his perfon comparable to mr. fletcher , so he may equall doctor ellmar in courage , doctor bancroft in carefulnesse , and doctor vaughan in his milde demeanour , to win the love of the people ; and thus much be said concerning the bishops of london . of the bishops of winchester . having past canterbury and london , both neighbours to the court , and as it were within the verge ; i thought the greatest part of my task passed over . howbeit winchester i finde also will afford some variety of matter ; and as it hath been a place that hath had many learned men , and bred many , both divines , philosophers , and poets , so i shall take occasion in speaking of some of these that ensue , to produce some poems both latine and english ; some made at winchester , some of winchester , some against winchester : not digressing herein much from the method and manner of my authour ; who , as your highnesse may see , produceth good old riming verses of fryers , both in praise and dispraise of some of the bishops , for my purpose from the beginning , though it were chiefly to inform your highnesse , knowledge , with a faithfull report of some things passed in queen elizabeths time , overpassed by my authour ; yet was it also to sauce it in such sort with some variety of matter , not impertinent , to cheer your spirit , lest a dull relation of the acts of grave gray-beards to a young prince might grow fastidious . first therefore of the first bishop wickham , whose life my author hath set out so amply and orderly , as i need adde nothing thereunto ; onely , because a man that hath made so many good schollers deserves a better verse then that on his tomb . willelmus dictus wickhā jacet hic nece victu● jugiter oretis , tumulum quicunque videtis . and such like stuffe , which a winchester scholler now would be scourged , if he make no better . i having this pretty poem of his whole life , made by doctor johnson , thought i could never doe it or him more honour , then to present it to your princely view , for as sir philip sidney curseth all despisers of poetry , with this poeticall anathema : first , that they may be in love , and lose their love for lack of a sonnet ; next , that when they die , their memory may die for want of an epitaph : so , i would wish such as wrong good poets , no worse punishment , then to have some vile verse written of him , whose reading ( as martial saith ) might make a mans physick work the better with him ; such as for the most part those lazie friers were were wont to write ; for my part , though wickhams epitaph be but seven or eight lines , and this elegie ( i think ) about twenty times seven lines , yet i must confesse , it were lesse tedious to me at this present to read the seven score , then the seven ; and hoping it may seem so to you , i have here annexed them . ortus & vita gulielmi de wickham olim episcopi wintoniensis , & conditoris istius collegii . qua capit australes comitatu hamptona britannos wickhamia est vicus nec nisi parvus ager ; vixit johannes illic cognomine longus cui fuit in casti , parte sibilla tori hanc habuit patriam gulielmus & hosce parentes wickhamus augurio , nec tamen absque bon● . namque loci ut nomen , sic vim matrisque patrisque haud dubie in vitam transtulit ille suam . longus enim ut longo duraret tempor a caute ut bene prospiceret cuncta sibilla dedit ergo sub edvardo natus regnante secundv tunc ubiter sceptri , sexta cucurrit hyems vinginti primos studiis & moribus annos wickhamiae patris cura ea summa dedit . nec tamen hic omnes , nam partē temporis hujus venta & edingdoni praesulis aula tulit : potinus edwardi translatus tertius in aulam non fieri nullo caepit & esse loco . namque bis octo annis recte & feliciter actis rem fidei plenam consiliique subit ; winde●ora a suit pagus celeberrimus illic rex statuit castri maenia magna sui : wick●amus huic operi praeponitur atque probatū est ingenio quantum polluit arte fide ergo fit edvardo charus custo sque sigilli non ita post multos incipit esse dies . nec tamen optati meta haec fuit ultima honoris crevit adhuc regi charior usque suo : usque adeo ut sexto sit factus episcopus anno jussus ventana pascere in urbe gregem hic mihi vaniloqui minuenda est fabula vulgi fabula de tanto non bene ficta viro namque nec estmeonam petiit fallaciter unquam , sed tulit auratum rege sciente pedum nec fuit indoctus doctos facturus ut illum fama refert regi verba dedisse suo . consule quae in tanti gessit molimine regni prudentem dices palla diumque virum . consule quae in sacri scribuntur calce statuti an faceret doctos addubit asse scies : adde quod chistorici si pagina vera frosarti ) rex intercessor praesul ut esset erat . missa igitur vulgi facimus verba prophani quaer at & exactam nostra thalia fidem : wickhamus ad summos evectus praesul honores edwardo inque dies charior inque dies jam patriae lumen , jam cancellarius idem summus er at regi presidiumque suo ; cum subito ( sic magna ruunt summisque negatum est stare diu ) ex tanto decidit ille gradu : namque per invidiam regi dilatus ab illo pellitur e patria missus ut exul humo . hoc factum est potius regem stimulante sonatu quam quod erat culpae conscius ille malae an tamen exiret regno non convenit & sunt qui paenae summum displicuisse putant . interea moritur rex hic edvardus & ejus opportuna nepos sceptra richardus habet : hic jubet exilio revocetur praesul ab isto utque locumrursus quem tulit ante fer at ; quin etiam census cereales reddit ad annos tres minus exilii quod puto tempus er at . his opibus dives , mentemque per omnia versans non male quo servet tam bene parta modo ; sed quid agat virtute sua quid praesule dignum quidve deo tantas cui reserebat opes post a lia oxonii ( quod longum duret in aevum possit & a memori posteritate coli , constituit pulchros studiis phoeboque penates atque sacram musis aedific are domum . septima crevit hiems post fundamenta locata ingreditur custos & sua turba larem ; turba atque his pue●is famulisque decemque ministri otia discentum qui bene semt er alant . magna quidem sunt haec tamen haec tam magna lector adhuc tanto non potuere viro namque opere exacto hoc vix proxima fluxerat placere cum parat alterius tecta locare domus quae prope ventanae bene caepta palatia sedis aestas crevit & in sexto vere parata stetit ; ergo illic totidem studiosos esse jubebat queis & rectores pedonomosque dedit . qui simulac primos complerint fortiter annos musarum in studiis rhetoricisque tropis , altius inque novas diducta colonia terras oxonium semper lecta juventus eat : haec duo pieriis collegia condita mistis sunt in tutela diva maria tua ; id●irco nova dicta puto quod nulla vetustas nulla dies morsus tentat in illa suos hic potuit credi finem fecisse struendi wickhamus & sumptus jam tenuisse suos . non tenuit divi nam quicquid in aede swithini nolari occiduam spectat ab arce plagam ; concio qua festis celebratur sacra diebus quaque suo in tumulo conditus ipse jacet . totum hoc tam vastam molem tantasque columnas impensis struxit restituitque suis ; regis opes dicet propius qui spectat & idem vix regum tantas esse putabit opes . forsitan & gallis ( nam sic & fama monastis quos rex a regno jussit abire suo . reddidit aequali praetio quaecunque recepit parisiiis fundos parisiisque lares . non tamen hoc sumptu minor esse domestica caepit cura , sed & famulos pavit ut ante suos . pavit , & ipsius testatur script a sepulchro littera gustavit dives , inopsque cibum huic it a viventi cum jam longaeva senectus corporis effaeti debilitasset onus , grata quies venit vitae non discolor actae , ultima curarum linea grata quies . annus erat vitae decies octavus & illis henrici quarti sceptra diebus erant ; j am testamentum quaeris si fecerit ullum , fecit ; si fuer at quod daret ille ? fuit . quod fuerit factis reliquū tot sumptibus ? ohe inveniet nullum pagina nostra fidem . et tamen hoc dicam regales vincere gazas quae dedit in scriptis ultima dona suis extat opus craesumque putes scripsisse vel illum cujus facta haeres roma superba fuit : vel cujus digitis mutatum fertur in aurum quicquid in aurifluas contigit ire manus ; nec tamē ignavos bona tanta reliquit in usus successusque bonus propositum gresuit . namque diocesin ditavit templa per omnem multaque cognatis , pauperibusque ded it : multa quoque & regi non fidis pauca ministris sed neque gimnasiis muner a pauca suis . haec sunt ergo viri monument a perennia tanti cujus dum vixit gloria tanta fuit . nec dubito qui sic vixit sic mortuus idem est , quin sit apud superos nobilis umbra deos . est etenim nam si caelestis clauditur aula tot meritis , nobis illa patere queat ? hactenus ire libet de magni laudibus , hosce suscipe conatus , lector amice meos . and hereby your highnesse may observe how vaine that foolish tradition is which my author discreetly omitted , as not beleeving that some will still maintaine that wickham was unlearned , and onely a surveyer of buildings , and by a kinde of fraud deceived king edward . ( no likely prince to be so deceived ) beging the parsonage of eastmeane , to which by like authority they will have the bishoprick of winchester annexed as unseparably as the earledome of arundell to arundell-castle , for who could think that such a king as edw. . would make sir john laclattin , first his secretary , then privie-seale , then master of the wards , and treasurer of france , and lastly prelate of the garter , and chancellor of england , and so much of the first wickham . of stephen gardiner . because i will not be alwayes be praysing , but sometimes when just cause is given , reprehend mens demerits , as well magnifie their merits , i will take occasion to speake somewhat of stephen gardiner , twice bishop of winchester ; and therefore may challenge to be twice remembred , though for some things of him that were to be wisht they were ever forgotten , my author derects this reader to mr. foxes booke of martyrs , for a more full relation of his doings ; but that is so full ( though i assure my selfe it is very faithfull ) that i doubt your highnesse will find it over tedious to read ; my purpose is therefore but to note some important observations out of this story , and after , as i did of wickham in latin , so to adde some english poetrie written of him , and to him , which is not to be found in mr. fox , though some of it helps to confirme something concerning him , affirmed by mr. fox , and called in question by others . mr. fox therefore first greatly prayseth his naturall gifts of minde , his sharpe wit , his excellent memory , which is indeed the store-house of all learning and knowledge , for tantum scimus quantum meminimus . but to these ( saith he ) he had great vices , as pride , envie , & cruelty , flattering to his prince , submisse to his superiours , envious to his equals ( namely to cromwel ) and haughty to his inferiours , these or the like are mr. foxes words . it seemes further in relation of his life and death , he was a catholick-protestant , or a protesting catholick , for as he showes at large out of his books & sermons , though he received the popes authority in queen maries time ; yet his opinion was as his writings before declared , and as the wiser sort i thinke , do still hold of it , that it is but a temporall constitution of men , and agreement of princes , to allow the same , which upon just occasions they may restraine or exclude , as they shall find cause ; but yet i observe this , that although it was necessary for queen mary , in respect of her birth to admit of the popes authority , as the contrary was as necessary for her sister , yet this so catholicke queen , and this so popish prelate could keep out the popes legat out of england by her royall prerogative when he would have sent a legat hither not to her liking ; again , he was earnest against marriage of ministers , yet he confesseth frankly , that a married man may be a minister : he defended the reall presence , yet he allowed the cōmunion under both kinds , he writ in defence of images , yet he publickly approved their pulling down when they were superstitiously abused . finally he said at his death , that that would marre all , to teach the people , that they are freely justified by the blood of christ , and yet even then , when hee could not dissemble , he confessed it to be true doctrine . loe how farre this stout prelate , cedere nescius , ( as mr. fox saith of him ) did yeeld in those many points of popery . . supremacy . . the marriage of some ministers . . the sacrament in both kinds . . removing images . . justification . but now for his sharp persecuting , or rather revenging himselfe on cranmer and ridley , that had in king edwards daies deprived him , his too great cruelty cannot be excused . lastly , the plots he laid to entrap the lady elizabeth , his terrible hard usage of all her followers , i cannot yet scarce think of with charity , nor write of with patience . my father , onely for carrying a letter to the lady elizabeth , and professing to wish her well , he kept in the tower moneths , and made him spend a thousand pounds ere he could be free of that trouble . my mother , that then served the said lady elizabeth , he caused to be sequestred from her as an heretick , insomuch that her own father durst not take her into his house , but she was glad to sojourne with one mr. topcliff ; so as i may say , in some sort , this bishop persecuted me before i was born . yet , that i speak not at all in passion , i must confesse i have heard some as partially praise his clemency and good conscience , and namely , that he was cause of restoring many honourable houses , overthrown by king henry the eighth , and in king edwards minority . the duke of norfolke , ( though mr. fox saith , that gardiner made him stay long for his dinner one day ) yet both he , and those descended of him were beholding to him : with the house of stanhops , and the lord arundell of warder ; and i have heard old sir matthew arundell say , that bonner was more faulty then he , and that gardiner would rate at him for it , and call him asse for using poor men so bloodily ; and when i would maintain the contrary , he would say , that my father was worthy to have lain in prison a yeer longer , for the saucy sonnet he wrote to him from out of the tower ; which sonnet , both because it was written in defence of queen elizabeth , and because ( if i be not partiall , it is no ill verse , for those unrefined times , and toucheth the matter i enforce ) i will here set down ; presupposing that in the eleven moneths before , he had sent him many letters , and petitions full of reason , ( that could not prevaile ) for his liberty . the distressed prisoner writeth this rime . . at least withdraw your cruelty , or force the time to work your will ; it is too much extremity , to keep me pent in prison still . free from all fault , voyd of all cause ; without all right , against all lawes . how can you doe more cruell spight , then proffer wrong , and promise right ? nor can accuse , nor will acquight . . eleven moneths past , and longer space , i have abid your divellish drifts , while you have sought both man and place , and set your snares , with all your shifts ; the fault lesse foot to wr ap in wile , with any guilt , by any guile ; and now you see that will not be , how can you thus for shame agree , to keep him bound you can set free ? . your chance was once , as mine is now , to keep this hold against your will , and then you sware you know well how , though now you swearve , i know how ill . but thus the world his course doth passe , the priest forgets a clerke he was ; and you that then cry'd justice still , and now have justice at your will , wrest justice wrong , against all skill . . but why doe i thus coldly plaine , as if it were my cause alone ? when cause doth each man so constraine , as england through hath cause to moane , to see your bloody search of such , whom all the earth can no way touch . and better were that all your kind , like hounds in hel with shame were shrind then you had might unto your mind . . but as the stone that strikes the wall , sometimes bounds back on th' hurlers head , so your foule fetch , to your foule fall , may turn and noy the brest that bred . and then such measure as you gave , of right and justice look to have ; if good or ill , if short or long ; if false or true , if right or wrong , and thus , till then i end my song . but to shew a pattern , what partiality can paint in his praise , and what ill will can pervert to reproach , i will adde an elegie in english also , written by one mr. prideaux , in commendation , and the same answered in execration of the same bishop . . the saints in heaven rejoyce , this earth and we may waile ; sith they have won , and we have lost the guide of our availe . . though death hath loosed life yet death could not deface his worthy work , his stayed state , nor yet his gifts of grace . . as gardner was his name , so gardned he his life with justice , and with mercy both , to 'stroy the weeds of strife . . a steven in religion stout , a bishop by his acts , a faithfull man most free from fraud , as witnesse be his facts ; . a judge most just in judgement seat , of parties no regard ; an eye to see , an eare to heare , a hand that shunn'd reward . . a heart to help , and not to harm ; his will was wisdomes law , a minde that malice could not move , such was of god his awe . . a faith in friendship firm and fast , a mount the right to raise . a spright ' not pall'd with slanderous bruits nor puft with pride by praise . . not light of credit to reports , revenge he never sought , but would forgive , and did forget the wrongs that were him wrought . . a truth , so tri'd in trust , as tongue could never taint . nor earst was heard in guilefull wise , a lie with lips to paint . . though natures child by birth , yet vertues heir by right , which held his height so madestly , as measure master'd might . . ambitions climing cliffe could never move his minde , nor fortune with her fawning cheer , his heart did ever blind . . nor misery which most he felt , or prison might him pall , but bare his minde in levell so , as change could be no fall . . in all these turns of joy and woe , he turned to the best ; and held him to the tried truth , which now hath won him rest . . from foes deface , and envies bell , his end hath made him free , and pluckt him from this wicked world , too worthy here to be . . who can give tears enough to plaino the losse and lack we have ; so rare a man , so soon bereft , when most we did him crave . . when age and yeers had made him ripe , and surely had him set , to know himselfe and weeld the world and right with mercy met . . and when of envy , and of hate , the conquest he had wonne , and falsehood forc'd to fly his fort , and right his race to run . . and when of glory and of grace , he wonne the palm and price , and conquered all affections force , with wisdoms good advice . . and in the office that he bare . and service of his queen , so choice a man to serve her call , scarce anywhere was seen . . then death , that fatall fce , the line of life did lose , and in the belly of the earth as earth shee did him close . . the prince may plaine his death , the realm his lack may rue ; all men may say , o winchester , most worthy wight adue . . the poor may plaine and pine , whose lacks he did relieve ; his servants may lament their lord which lordly did them give . . the bishops may behold a bishop then bereft , a perfect priest , a shield of faith , a mirrour of them left . his foes if any were , that first did wish him gone in length of time and lack of life too late his loss will mone . . o pastor past this pilgrims pain in earth thine acts do live , in skies thy vertues written are , all penns thee praise shall give . . which after all these heaps of kap a happy life hast led , and in the happiest hap of all in fame and love art dead . the same answered verse for verse by an ill-willer of the said bishop . . the devils in hell do dance , this realm and we may joy since they have got and we forgone the cause of our annoy . . though death hath wipt out life , yet death cannot outrace his wicked works usurped state nor faults of his deface . . a gardner such he was , as spoiled so our plants , that justice withered , mercy dy'd and we wrong by their wants . . a stev'n in name , a fox in fact , a bishop but in weeds , a faithless man full fraught with frauds as deem him by his deeds . . a partiall judge in judgement seat , of parties great respect , a blinded eye , a closed eare , a hand with bribe infect . a heart to harm and not to help his lust was laid far low , a mind with malice over-whelm'd of god nor man no awe . . a fained fickle friend and false that right could never bid , a courage every storm cast down and praise puft up with pride . . of fowle reports and slanderous bruts he nourisht up the brood ; his wrongs to pardon or to passe revenge and rage withstood . a tri'd untruth in trust , as tongues well try'd have told , a mouth that breath'd more odious lies then it ' upbraid am bold . . scant natures child by birth sure satans sonne in right which rule maintain'd with sword & fire , and measur'd all by might . . ambitious clyming cliffe had ravisht so his mind , as he was sotted drunk therein , and fortune made him blind . . the smell of prisons misery felt his pride did greatly pall he bare his staffe so staggeringly , as each change seem'd a fall . . in all these turns of joy and woe he turned with the best , and never left the surer side till breath did leave his brest . . from widow course and orphans crie his end him cannot save , though that have rid kim of his raigne unworthy rule to have . . who can give thanks and joy enough that we have scapt this syre , this monstrous man this bloody beast , when most we did desire . . when yeeres had fram'd him fit for hell and pride so high had set , as god nor man nor self he knew and might with mischiefmet . . and when the envy and the hate he wan of every wight , and falshood florisht in his fort , and wrong had wrong outright ; . and when he gloried most in pomp , in honour and in health , and by affection conquered all , and wallowed all in wealth ; . and in the office that he bare to rule above the queen , so cruel and so merciless , scarce ever man was seen ; . then god that most just judge lifes line to part was pleas'd , the earth his carrion corps hath caught ▪ the devil his soulhath seiz'd . the prince his death may please , this realm his life doth rue , all men may well his birth-day , ban this cursed wretch that knew . . the poor may plain and pine ; for none be would relieve , his men may joy his death was such his goods were his to give . . good bishops may beware this ravener them bereft , this popish-priest this shield of wrong , a warning for them left . . his friends if any were , that wisht him longer ruigne with length of time might cause have caught too late his rule to plain . o thou devourer of the good thy wrongs in earth do dwell , thy cruel thirst of guiltless blood now must thou quench in hell . . which in the world of deadly hurts most burtfull life didst lead , and now with englands common jay in shame and hate art dead . which of these wrote truest i will not take upon me to judge , left i should be thought partiall ; but that saying appeares true : scribit in marmore laesus . therefore i will conclude against all partiall poets , with two verses of horace , falsus honor juvat et mendax infamia terret quem ? nisi mendosum & mendacem . doctor john white . he was born of a worshipfull house , and in the diocess of winchester , and became after warden of winchester , thence for his great learning , and vertuous life prefer'd to the bishoprick of lincoln , and after upon the death of stephen gardner , made bishop of winchester ; wherefore of him i may say , his fame did well answer his name , and so would all men say ( how contrary soever to him in religion , but for one black sermon that he made ; yet for the colour is may be said he kept decorum , because that was a funerall sermon of a great queen both by birth and mariage , i mean q. mary . but the offence taken against him was this . his text was out of eccles. . . laudavi mortuos magis quam viventes , & faliciorem utroque judicavi qui nec dum natus est . and speaking of queen mary her high parentage , her bountifull disposition , her great gravity , her rare devotion , ( praying so much as he affirmed that her knees were hard with kneeling , her justice and clemency in restoring noble houses to her own privat losse and hindrance . and lastly her grievous yet patient death : he fell into such an unfaigned weeping , that for a long space he could not speak . then recovering himself , he said she had left a sister to succeed her , a lady of great worth also whom they were now bound to obey ; for saith he melior est canis vivus leone mortuo , & i hope so shall raign well and prosperously over us , but i must say still with my text , laudavi mortuos magis quam viventes ; for certain that is , maria optimam partem elegit : thus he , at which queen elizabeth taking just indignation , put him in prison , yet would proceed no further then to his deprivation , though some would have made that a more haynous matter . he was a man of austere life , and much more mortified to the world , than his predecessor gardiner , who was noted for ambitious , but vet to his prince very obsequious . but if doctor white had had a true propheticall spirit , he might have urged the second part of his text . sed faeliciorem utroque judicavi qui nec dum natus et ; for that may seem verified indeed in the kings majesty that now is , who was then unborn , and hath since so happily united these kingdoms ; yet least that which i would make in him a prophecy , others will take in me for flattery ; i will proceed to the next , or rather i should say to another , for of the two next i need add nothing , my authour having testified by both their epitaphs , that they lived and died well . doctor thomas cooper . i intend therefore to speak next of dr. cooper , because of bishop herne , and bishop watson , i cannot add any thing upon sure ground , for of the former times , i have either books of stories , or relation of my fathers that lived in those dayes ; but or these that lived in the first twenty yeeres of the queens raign when i was at school , or at the university , i could hear little , yet at my first coming to the court , i heard this pretty tale , that a bishop of winchester one day in pleasant talk , comparing his revenue with the arch-bishops of canterbury , should say , your graces will showe better in the rack , but mine will be found more in the manger , upon which a courtier of good place said , it might be so in diebus illis ; but saith he , the rack stands so high in sight , that it is fit to keep it full , but that may be , since that time , some have with a provideatur swept some provender out of the manger : and because this metaphor comes from the stable , i suspect it was meant by the mr. of the horse . to come then to bishop cooper , of him i can say much , and i should do him great wrong , if i should say nothing ; for he was indeed a reverent man , very well learned , exceeding industrious , and which was in those dayes counted a great praise to him , and a chief cause of his preferment , he wrote that great dictionary that yet bears his name , his life in oxford was very commendable , and in some sort saint-like ; for if it be saint-like to live unreprovable , to bear a cross patiently , to forgive great injuries freely : this mans example is sampleless in this age . he maried a wife in oxford , for that speciall just cause ( i had almost said onely cause ) why clergymen should mary , viz. for avoiding of sin . melius est enim nubere quam uri , yet was that his very hard hap that she proved too light for his gravity by many grains , or rather many pounds . at the first he winkt at that with a socraticall and philosophicall patience , taking , or rather mistaking the equivocating counsel of erasmus ecchoe . quid si mihi veniat usu quod his qui incidunt in uxores parum pudicas parumque frugiferas ? feras . at qui cum talibus morte durior est vita ? vita ; wherein i observe in the two ecchos , how in the first feras signifies either the verb , suffer , or that nown , wild beasts , or shrews . in the latter , vita signifieth the nown life , or the verb shun or eschew : so he ( good man ) construed feras , vita . suffer during life , and i should take that vita feras shun shrews . but this fera whom his feras made feram , committed wickedness even with greediness , more then was in power of flesh and blood to bear : wherewith being much afflicted , having warned his brother privatly , and born with him perhaps . times seven times . in the end taking him both in a place and fashion ( not fit to be named ) that would have angred a saint , he drave him thence , ( not much unlike ) as tobias drove away the spirit asmo●eus , for that was done with a roste , and this with a spit . it was high time now to follow the counsel . dic ecclesiae , so ( as all oxford knows ) her paramor was bound from her in a bond of one hundred pound , but they should rather have been bolts of an hundred pound . the whole university in reverence of the man and indignity of the matter , offered him to separate his wife from him by publique authority , and so to set him free , being the innocent party . but he would by no means agree thereto , alledging he knew his own infirmity , that he might not live unmarried ; and to divorce and marry againe , he would not charge his conscience with so great a scandall . after he was bishop , mad martin , or marprelate wrote his book or rather libell , which some ( playing with martin at his own weapon ) answered pleasantly both in ryme and prose , as perhaps your highnesse hath seen , or i wish you should see , for they are short and sharp . but this bishop with authority and gravity confuted him soundly ; whereupon martin madcap , ( for i think his cap and head had like proportion of wit ) replying , and anabaptized his bastard book by the name of work for the cooper ; and had not the wisdome of the state prevented him , i think he and his favourers would have made work for the tinker . and so much of bishop cooper , though i could adde a report , that a great lord dying in his time bequeathed him a great legacy , but because i have not seen his last testament , i cannot precisely affirm it . william wickham . this bishop my authour professeth to reverence for his names sake , and his predecessors sake ; and i much more for his own sake , and his vertues sake . about the yeere . he was vice-provost of eaton , and as the manner was , in the schoolmasters absence would teach the schoole himselfe , and direct the boyes for their exercises ( of which my selfe was one ) of whom he shewed as fatherly a care , as if he had been a second tutor to me . he was reputed there a very milde and good natured man , and esteemed a very good preacher , and free from that which st. paul calleth idolatry , i mean covetousnesse ; so that one may say probably , that as the first william wickham was one of the richest prelates that had been in winchester a long time , and bestowed it well ; so this was one of the poorest , and endured it well . he preached before the queen at a parliament , i think the last time that ever he preached before her ; and indeed it was cygnea vox , sweetest , being neerest his end , which if i could set down as he delivered , were well worth the remembring . but the effect was this , that the temporalities of bishopricks , and lands of colledges , and such like , were from the beginning for the most part the graces , gifts , and almes of princes , her majesties progenitors , that for some excesses and abuses of some of them , they had been and lawfully might be some quite taken away , some altered , some diminished , and that accordingly they were now reduced to a good mediocrity ; for though there were some farre greater bishopricks in france , spaine , and germany● , yet there were some also lesse and meaner even in italy . but yet he most humbly besought her majesty to make stay of them at least in this mediocrity ; for if they should decay so fast in thirty yeeres to come , as they had for thirty yeeres past , there would hardly be a cathedrall church found in good repaire within england ; which inconvenience ( he said ) would soon spread from the clergy to the temporalty , that would have cause with hippocrates twins to laugh and weep together . this , as he spake zealously , so the queen gave eare to it graciously , and some good effect was supposed to follow it , for which they both now feel their reward ; and thus much of wickham . william day . it was said that a pleasant courtier and servitor of king henry the eighth , to whom the king had promised some good turn , came and prayed the king to bestow a living on him , that he had found out , worth li . by the yeere more then enough ; why , saith the king , we have none such in england : yes sir , said his man , the provostship of eaton ; for ( said he ) he is allowed his diet , his lodging , his horse-meat , his servants wages , his riding charge , his apparrell , even to the points of his hose , at the colledge charge ; and li. per annum besides . how true this is , i know not , but this i know , that mr. day having both this and the deanry of windsor was perswaded to leave them both , to succeed him ( that had been once his vice-provost of eaton ) in the church of winchester . he was a man of a good nature , affable and courteous , and at his table , and in other conversation pleasant , yet alwaies sufficiently containing his gravity . when he was first deane of windsor , there was a singing man in the quire , one woolner , a pleasant fellow , but famous for his eating , rather then his singing ; and for the swallow of his throat , then for the sweetnesse of his note . master deane sent a man to him to reprove him for not singing with his fellows ; the messenger thought all were worshipfull at least that did then weare white surplices , and told him mr. deance would pray his worship to sing ; thank mr. dean ( quoth woolner ) and tell him , am as merry as they that sing ; which answer , though it would have offended some man , yet hearing him to be such as i have described , he was soon pacified . he brake his leg with a fall from a horse , that started under him ; whereupon some waggish schollers , of which my selfe was in the quorum , would say it was a just punishment , because the horse was given him by a gentleman to place his sonne in eaton , which at that time was thought had been a kind of sacriledge , but i may also say , cum eram parvulus sapiebam ut parvulus . he had in those daies a good and familiar fashion of preaching not mincing the word , as some doe , with three words to feed people , that goe away all sometimes as empty as they came ; nor as others , that are nodosi drawing their auditory with them into deep questions and dangerous passages ; that howsoever they suppose they come of themselves much admired , they leave their auditors many times more then halfe mired ; but this was a good plain fashion , apt to edifie , and easie to remember ; i will repeat one lesson of many , that i remember out of sermons of his , which i can imagine yet i heare him pronouncing , and it was concerning prayer : it is not ( saith he ) a praying to god , but a tempting of god , to beg his blessings , without doing also our own endeavours ; shall a scholler pray to god to make him learned , and never goe to his book ? shall a husbandman pray for a good harvest , and let his plow stand still : the pagans , and the heathen people would laugh at such devotion . in their fabulous legion they have a tale of hercules , whom for his strength they counted a god ; how a carter ( forsooth had overthrown his cart , and sate in the way crying , help hercules , help hercules ; at last hercules , or one in his likenesse came to him , and swadled him thriftily with a good cudgell , and said , thou varay lazie selly fellow ( so he used to pronounce ) callest thou to me for help & dost nothing they selfe ; arise , set to thy shoulder & heave thy part , and then pray to me to help thee , and i will doe the rest . and thus much of our good old provost , who being made a bishop , & of a register of the garter becoming now prelate of the garter , enjoying this dignity a very short time , turned his day into night , though no night can oppresse them that die in the lord . by the way , i think this worthy the noting , that whereas in anno dom. . being the first of king henry the seventh , it was found that three bishops successively had held this bishoprick six score yeeres save one , namely , wickham , beauford , and wainfleet . now in queen elizabeths raigne , there had been seven bishops in forty yeeres , five in seventeen yeers , and three in four yeeres . doctor thomas bilson . my author , following his own resolution of forbearing to speak of men now living , or but lately dead ; and i holding my purpose to speak frankly and truly , as farre as my understanding will serve me , both of dead and living ; i am now comming to speak of the present bishop of vvinchester , of whom i finde in this book but foure lines ; and if i should give him his due in proportion to the rest , i should spend foure leaves . not that i need make him better known to your highnesse , being ( as on just occasion , as i noted before ) one of the most eminent of his ranck , and a man that carried prelature in his very aspect . his rising was meerly by his learning , as true prelates should rise . sint non modo labe mali sed suspicione errantis , not onely free from the spot , but from the speech of corruption . hee ascended by all degrees of schooles ; first , wherein to win knowledge himselfe , next whereby to impart it to others , having sometime taught the schoole that doth justly boast of the name of vvinchester , where , if i mistake not , he succeeded the excellent scholler and schoolmaster doctor johnson , that wrote that forecited poem of vvickham ; and having praised all his predecessors in pretty disticks , he wrote this at the last in modesty of himselfe . ultimus hic ego sum , sed quam bene quam male nolo dicere , de me qui judicet alter erit . and accordingly his successor gave this judgement , ultimus es ratione loci , re primus johnson , sed quis qui de te judicet aptus erit . tam bene quam nullus qui te praecesserit ante tam male posteritas ut tua pejus agat . wherein mr. johnson became truly fortunate , according to the saying , laudari a laudato viro , laus est maxima . him fame doth raise , whose praiser merits praise . from schoolmaster of vvinchester , he became warden , and having been infinitely studious and industrious in poetry , in philosophy , in physick ; and lastly , ( which his genius chiefly call'd him to ) in divinity , he became so compleat , for skill in languages , for readinesse in the fathers , for judgement to make use of his readings , as he was found to be no longer a souldier , but a commander in chiefe , in our spirituall warfare , being first made bishop of worcester , and after of winchester . in the mean season a crew of mutinous souldiers ( a forlorne hope ) untertook to surprize one of the twelve fortresses of our faith , i mean one of twelve articles of the creed , and ere men were aware they had entred by a postern corrupted , a watchman or two thrown down a battlement and set up their colours of white and black ( black and blew had been fitter for them ) publishing a book in print , that christ descended not into hell . the alarum was taken by many faithfull servitors of the militant church , but many were not found fit for this enterprize , for that was whispered , ( nay rather publisht in the enemies camp , that some cowardly souldiers of our side had made a motion to have this fort , or part thereof rased , because there was thought to be perill in defending of it ; for so campian writes confidently , that cheyney bishop of gloucester had affirmed to him , how it had been moved in a convocation at london , quemadmodum sine tumultu penitus eximatur de symbolo ; how without many words it might be taken out of the creed wholy . but i leave erasmus eccho to answer it , oly . true it is , there was a hot shot one mr. browghton , no cannonere , for he loves no cannons , but that could skill of such fireworks , as might seem to put out hell fire ; this hot braine having with a petard or two broken open some old dore , tooke upou him with like powder out of some basilisk ( as i think ) to shoot hades quite beyond sunne and moon ; such a powder-work against all divinity and philosophy , as was never heard of , alwaies excepting the powder-treason . then this learned bishop , like a worthy leader ( that i proceed in this metaphor ) with a resolute troop , not of loose shot , but gravis armaturae , arm'd to proofe out of christs armorie , the old and new testament , fathers , doctors , schoolmen , linguists , encounters these lanzbezzadoes , casts down their colours , repaires up the raines , beautifies the battlements , rams up the mynes , and makes such ravelings , and counter-searfes about this fort , that now none of the twelve may seem more impregnable . their great inginere , before mentioned , upon griefe of this repulse , is gone ( as i heare ) to teach the jewes hebrew ; god send him to scape hades at the end of his journey . yet in the heat of these skirmishes there happened an accident worthy to be remembred , and i think by the very devise of the divell . this bishop preaching at pauls crosse , upon this article of the creed ; and there proving by authority irrefragable , that hell is a place prepared for the divel and his angels ; that it is beneath in corde terrae , and that christ descended into it . satan , that knew all this to be true , and was sorry to remember it , and wisht that none of the auditors would believe it , raised a sudden and causelesse feare , by the fraud or folly of some one auditor . this feare so incredibly possest not onely the whole multitude , but the lord major and other lords there , that they verily believed pauls church was at that instant falling down , whereby such a tumult was raised , as not onely disturbed their devotion and attention , but did indeed put some of the gravest , wisest and noblest of that assembly into evident hazard of their lives , as i have heard of some of their own mouthes . the bishop not so dismayed himselfe , sympathizing in pitty , rather then feare of their causelesse dismay , after the tumult was a little pacified , finished his sermon ; upon which accident , some favourers of that opinion make themselves merry with this story , that at least that which they could not confute they might seem to contemn . of eely . doctor martin heaton . of eely i have not much to say , yet in a little i may be thought by some to say too much ; which i will adventure , rather then your highnesse shall blame me for saying nothing . i was among others at bishop cox his funerall , being then either batcheler , or a very young master of arts ; but some yeeres after we thought it would have proved the funerall of the bishoprick , as well as of the bishop . something there was that had distasted the queen concerning bishop cox , in his life time ; either his much retirednesse , or small hospitality , or the spoyl he was said to make of woods and parks , feeding his family with powdred venison ; all which , i know not how truly , was suggested to her against him , in his life time , and remembred after his death . for our opinion of him in cambridge , we held him a good scholler , and a better poet then doctor haddon , who call'd him master ; whether as having been his scholler or servan't i know not ; but among his poems , is extant a distick written to b. cox. vix caput attollens e lecto scribere carmen . qui velit is voluit , scribere plura , vale . which verse being but even a sick verse , he answered ex tempore , as they tell , with this , te magis optarem salvum sine carmine fili , quam sine te salvo carmina multa . vale . as for his church of eely , it seemed he had no great love there , to have his monument defaced within twenty yeeres ( as this authour writes ) so as remembring his good beginning , one may say of him , coepisti melius quam desinis . but to let him rest , i must confesse that it was held for one of the blemishes of queen elizabeths virgin raigne . first , to keep this sea of eely vacant so long after bishop coxes death , and after to take away so large a portion from it , as is generally spoken ; yet that i may both speak my conscience , and shew my charity as well to my deceased soveraigne , as to the reverend bishop yet living , i will say this : first , i could wish it had not been so , and that the occasion of such a scandall between the crown and miter had been taken away . secondly , i doe say for the queen , she did no new thing ; and it is held a principle of state , that whatsoever there is a president for , is lawfull for a prince . i consider further , that eely was a bishoprick of none of the first erections , but many yeeres after the conquest ; so as england stood christned without a bishoprick of eely from augustine the monk above five hundred yeeres . it was a place also that the crown had been jealous of for the strength of it , having sometime held out the conquerour , as our writers affirm ; and king henry the third , a wise and fortunate prince , said , it was not fit for a cloyster man , and of late yeeres mooreton undertook to hold it against richard the third , for henry the second . adde hereunto , that though it was vacant in name , yet the profits thereof may seem to have been perhaps more charitably and honourably imployed then before , to relieve the poore distressed king of portugall , who was call'd by some schollers bishop of eely , which is lesse scandalous then for jeffrey plant agenet to hold the bishoprick of lincoln for seven yeeres , without consecration , the sea being kept voyd seventeen yeeres ; and for ethelmare to hold winchester in like manner nine yeeres in henry the thirds time ; to omit how stygand in the conquerours time , and woolsey in henry the eighth his time , both held winchester in commendam . as for changing or abating the possessions of it , the laws then in force allowed it ( though a most godly law since restrained the like ) and i would all the bishopricks in england were but so well left . now to come to doctor heaton , he was compelled in a sort so to take it ( for potentes cum rogant jubent ) and as long as there was not quid dabis , but haec auferam , the more publique it was , and by authority then lawfull he may be thought the more free from blame . but were eely as good as ever it was , that could not finde the mouth●s bread that finde fault with his taking it in that order . before his majesties comming to oxford , i was in oxford library , and some of good quality of both the universities ; and one of their chiefe doctors said merrily to a cambridge man , that oxford had formerly had a good library , till such time ( said he ) as a cambridge man became our chancellour , and so cancell'd or catalog'd and scattered our books ( he meant bishop cox in king edwards time ) as from that time to this we could never recover them . the other straight replied , then are you even with us , for one of your oxford men hath seal'd so many good deeds of our good bishoprick in cambridgeshire , that till they be canecl'd , it will never be so good as it should be . by his christen name also many take occasion to allude to this matter , which whether for brevity sake he writ mar or mart , or at full length martin , alwaies by adding eely unto it , it sounds to the like sence , that either he did marr it , or mart it , or martin it . but he is too wise to be troubled with these . sapientis est nil praestare praeter culpam . if any fare the worse for this now , it is himself . and as for his learning , nd other good parts belonging to a bishop , he is inferrour to few of his ranke , as your highnesse can tell , that have heard him preach before the kings majesty , who said of him , that fat men were wont to make lean sermons ; but his were not leane , but larded with much good learning . and so much of the bishoprick and bishop of eely . of lincoln . of doctor chaterton now living . following my authors method , i am next to speak of lincoln , a very large diocesse , yet not so great a bishoprick as it hath been , which i suspect by the oft removes from it , as bullingham , cooper and wickham in queen elizabeths time ; and white in queen maries time . i'note also , that one of these removed to worcester , namely bullingham ; of which i can imagine no reason , except the largenesse : of the diocesse make it more painfull , as indeed it would , if the decree made in a synod held by saint cuthbert in england were duely observed . of which the third , as mr. fox hath it is , that every bishop once every yeere should goe over all the parishes of his diocesse ; with which decree by what authority men dispence , i know not , but sure few doe keep it . this doctor william chaterton , now bishop of lincoln , and before of chester , i may remember in cambridge a learned and grave doctor ; though for his gravity hee could lay it aside when pleased him , even in the pulpit , it will not be forgotten in cambridge while he is remembred , how preaching one day , in his younger yeers , a wedding sermon ( which indeed should be festivall ) as the marchant royall was at my lord hays marriage ( with which being now in print many a good husband doth endeavour to edifie his wife . ) i say , mr. chatterton is reported to have made this pretty comparison , and to have given this friendly caveat : that the choice of a wife was full of hazzard , not unlike as if one in a barrell full of serpents should grope for one fish ; if ( saith he ) he scape harm of the snakes , and light on a fish , he may be thought fortunate , yet let him not boast , for perhaps it may be but an eele , &c. howbeit he married afterwards himself , and i doubt not sped better then his comparison . he was well beloved among the schollers , and the rather for that he did not affect any soure and austere fafhion , either in teaching or government , as some use to doe ; but well tempered both with courage and courtesie . being made bishop of chester , he was a very great friend to the house of darby . preaching the funerall sermon of henry earle of darby , for some passages whereof he was like to be call'd in question , though perhaps himselfe knew not so much ; i was present when one told a great lord that loved not ferdinando the last earle , how this bishop having first magnified the dead earle for his fidelity , justice , wisdome , and such vertues , as made him the best beloved man of his ranke ( which praise was not altogether undeserved ) he after used this apostrophe to the earle present ; and you ( saith he ) noble earle , that not onely inherit , but exceed your fathers vertues , learn to keepe the love of your countrey , as your father did ; you give , saith he , in your arms , three legs ; know you what they signifie ? i tell you , they signifie three shires , cheshire , darbishire , and lancashire ; stand you fast on these three legs , and you shall need feare none of their armes . at which this earle a little moved , said in some heat , not without an oath : this priest , i believe , hopes one day to make him three courtsies . but the two earles i trust are friends now , both being since departed this world , ( though neither as i could wish them ) the one dying of a yex , the other of an axe . the bishop was removed to lincoln , where he now remains in very good state , having one onely daughter married to a knight of good worship , though now they living asunder , he may be thought to have had no great comfort of that matrimony , yet to her daughter he means to leave a great patrimony ; so as one might not unfitly apply that epigram written of pope paulus and his daughter to this bishop and his grandchild . cum sit filia paule , cum tibi aurum , quantum pontifices habere raros . vidit roma prius patrem non possum , sanctum discere id sed possum beatum . which i thus translated , when i thought not thus to apply it . thou hast a daughter paulus , i am told , and for this daughter store thou hast of gold . the daughter thou didst get , the gold didst gather make thee no holy , but a happy father . but if the bishop should fortune to hear that i apply this verse so saucily , and should be offended with it , i would be glad in full satisfaction of this wrong , to give him my sonne for his daughter , which is a manifest token that i am in perfect charity with him . of coventry , and lichfield . doctor william overton , now living . of this bishoprick may be observed , that which hapned ( i think ) to no other in all queen elizabeths raigne , that from the first yeere of her entrance ( what time she made them all new ) she never after gave this bishoprick , but once , and that was to doctor william overton , the one and twentieth yeer of her reigne , he being then of good yeeres ; so as one may probably conjecture , that he honoured his parents well , because he had the blessing promised to such , viz. that his daies have been long in the land . i can make no speciall relation concerning him , but the generall speech as i have heard travelling through the countrey , which is not to be contemned ; for , vox populi , vox dei est . two speciall things are commended in him , which very few few bishops are praised for in this age : one , that he keepeth good hospitality for the poore ; the other , that he keepeth his house in good reparation . both which i have seldome heard a married bishop commended for ; and i will be bold to adde this further , that if they would doe both those , i think no man would take exceptions either for their marriage or bigamy . the churches also are very well kept ; and for those of coventry , they are ( of parish churches ) the fairest i have seen , though ( as i partly noted before ) they have had sometimes another kind of superintendency , for the bishops keepe most at lichfield . the pavement of coventry church is almost all tombstones , and some very ancient ; but there came in a zealous fellow with a counterfeit commission , that for avoyding of superstition , hath not left one penny-worth , nor one pennybredth of brasse upon the tombes , of all the inscriptions , which had been many , and costly . further i note this , that whereas in bishop langtons time there were many parks belonging to the sea , in which the prince committed some disorder in the time of edward the first , now it is much altered , for he hath not past one , the rest being perhaps turned to pastures , and the deere into tamer beasts . of salisbury . bishop jewell . of how great antiquity this bishoprick had been in former times , two things doe especially declare . one , that ever since the conquest ordinale secundum usum sarum was received over all england ; another , that the clergy of salisbury were able of their owne charge to erect such a goodly church , and stonesteeple , as that is which now stands , which at this day a subsidy were scarce able to performe . to omit how sherborn castle , and the devizes were both built by one bishop of salisbury , and in this state that continued till the yeer . what time doctor capon was translated from bangor thither , a man for learning and wit worthy to be of apollos crew ; but for his spoile and havock he is said to have made of the church-land , more worthy to be of apollions crew , for he is noted to be one of the first that made a capon of his bishoprick , and so guelded it , that it will never be able to build either church or castle again . the place being in this sort much impoverished , bishop jewel was preferr'd unto it the first yeere of queen elizabeth , a jewel indeed , as in name , re gemma fuit , nomine gemma fuit . he , though he could not maintaine the port his predecessors did , finding his houses decayed , and lands all leased out , yet kept very good hospitality , and gave himselfe withall much to writing books , of which divers are extant , and in many mens hands , viz. his apology of the church of england ; his challenge , answered by harding ; his reply to the said answer ; all in english , and all in such estimation , even untill this day , that as st. ofmond in william the conquerours time , gave the pattern for form of service to all the churches of england , so mr. jewels writings are a kind of rule to all the reformed churches of england , and hardly is there any controversie of importance handled at this day , of which in his works is not to be found some learned and probable resolution . one thing i will specially commend him for , though i shall not be commended for it my selfe of some , and that is , whereas he defended the marriage of priests , no man better ; yet he would never marry himselfe , saying , christ did not counsell in vaine , qui potest capere , capiat . he had a very reverent regard of the ancient fathers writings , and especially st. augustine , out of which books he found many authorities against some superstitions crept into the roman church . why he had such a mind to lie by bishop wyvill , i cannot guesse , except perhaps of his name he had taken a caurat , to keep himselfe without a wife . for the whole course of his life from his childhood , of his towardlinesse from the beginning , and how he was urged to subscribe in queen maries time , and did so , being required to write his name , saying , they should see he could write ; ( which shewed it was not ex animo ) doctor humphrey hath written a severall treatise . doctor john coldwell , doctor of physick . though doctor guest succeeded bishop iewell and my author makes him a good writer , yet he shall not be my guest in this discourse , having nothing to entertaine him with , or rather your highnesse with in reading of him . but how his successor doctor coldwell of a physician became a bishop i have heard by more then a good many ( as they say ) and i will briefly handle it , and as tenderly as i can bearing my self equall between the living and the dead . i touched before how this church had surfeited of a capon , which being heavy in her stomacke , it may be thought she had some need of a physician . but this man proved no good church physicians ; had she been sick of a plurisey , too much abounding with bloud as in ages past , then such bleeding physick perhaps might have done it no harm . now inclining rather to a consumption to let that bleed afresh at so large a veine , almost was enough to draw out the very life bloud ( your highnesse will pardon my physick metaphors , because i have lately look't over my schola salerni ) i protest i am free from any desire to deface the dead undeservedly , and as farre from any fancy to insult on the misfortunes of the living uncivilly , and in my particular the dead man i speake of never hurt me , and the living man i shal speake of hath done me some kindnesse ; yet the manifest judgements of god on both of thē i may not pass over with silence . and to speak first of the knight who carried the spolia opima of this bishoprick , having gotten sherborne castle , park and parsonage , he was in those dayes in so great favour with the queen , as i may boldly say , that with lesse suit then he was faine to make to her e're he could perfect this his purchase , and with lesse money then he bestowed since in sherborne in building and buying out leases and in drawing the river through rocks into his garden he might have very justly and without offence of the church or state have compassed a much better purchase . also that i have beene truly informed he had a presage before he first attempted it , that did foreshew it would turne to his ruine , and might have kept him from medling with it ( si mens non laeva fuisset ) for as he was riding post betweene plymouth and the court , as many times he did upon no small imployments , this castle being right in the way , he cast such an eye upon it as ahab did upon naboths vineyard and once above the rest being talking of it , of the cōmodiousnesse of the place , of the strength of the seat , and how easily it might be got from the bishoprick , suddenly over and over came his horse , that his very face , which was then thought a very good face , plowed up the earth where he fell . this fall was ominous i make no question , as the like was observed in the lord hastings , and before him in others , and himselfe was apt enough to construe it so ; but his brother adrian would needs have him interpret that not as a courtier but as a conquerour , that it presaged the quiet possession of it . and accordingly for the present that fell out , he got that with much labour and travell and cost , and envy , and obloquy to him & his heires habendu et tenendum but e're that came fully to gaudendum ; see what became of him . in the publick joy and jubile of the whole realme , when favour and peace and pardon was offer'd even to offendors , he that in wit , in wealth , in courage was inferiour to few , fell suddenly i cannot tell how into such a downfall of despaire , as his greatest enemy would not have wished him so much harme , as he would have done himselfe . can any man be so wilfully blind , as not to see and to say , digitus dei est hic , that it is gods doing and his judgement which appeares ? yet also more plaine by the sequel , for by st. augustines rule , when adversity breeds amendment , then that is a signe it is of gods sending , who would not have our correction turne to our confusion : so hapned it to this knight being condemned to dye , yet god in whose hand is the heart of the king put into his mercifull minde against mans expectation to save his life ; and since by the suite of his faithfull wife both to preserve his estate and to ease his restraint in such sort as many that are at liberty , tast not greater comforts then he doth in prison , being not barr'd of those companions ( i meane bookes ) that he may and perhaps doth take more true comfort of then ever he tooke of his courtly companions in his chiefest bravery . neither is he without hope , that upon his true repentance , god may yet further adde to incline his majesty ( e're seven times goe over his head ) to a full liberty . now to returne to the bishop that was the second party delinquent in this petilarceny , or rather plaine sacriledge , what was his purpose , to make himselfe rich by making his sea poore ? attain'd he his purpose herein ? nothing lesse : no bishop of sarum since the conquest dyed so notorious a beggar as this , his friends glad to bury him suddenly and secretly . sine lux , sine crux , sine clinco , as the old by word is , being for hast be-like clapt into bishop wyvills grave , that even at the resurrection , he may be ready to accuse him and say , i recovered sherborne from a king , when that had beene wrongfully detained two hundred years , and thou didst betray it to a knight , after that had been quietly possest other two hundred yeares . some might imagine this a presage that sherborne may one day revert againe to the bishoprick . but there is a signe in hydromanti against it . for in digging your grave ( notwithstanding all the hast was made ) so great a spring brake into that , as fill'd that all with water , & quite wash't away the presage , so as that dead bishop was drowned before he could be buried , and according to his name laid into a cold well before he was covered with the cold earth . doctor henry cotton . this bishoprick being now reduced to a mediocrity more worthy of pitty then envy , her majesty ( as i have heard ) made a speciall choyce of this her chaplain , being a gentleman of a worshipfull house , and her god-sonne when she was lady elizabeth , whereupon it is reported that she said , that she had blest many of her god-sonnes but now this god-sonne should blesse her ; whether she were the better for his blessing i know not , but i am sure he was the better for hers . the common voyce was sir waltcr raleigh got the best blessing of him ( though as i said before ) i rather count it a curse to have his estate in sherborn to be confirmed that before was questionable . but it was his wisest way rather then to have a potent enemy and a tedious suite . he married very young ; for i was told some yeares since , he had nineteene children by one woman , which is no ordinary blessing , and most of them sonnes . a man that had three sonnes or more among the ancient romans enjoyed thereby no smal priviledges , though the later romans make it not a merit in a bishop . his wifes name was patience , the name of which i have heard in few wives , the quality in none . he hath one sonne blind ( i know not if by birth , or accident ) but though his eyes be blind , he hath an understanding so illuminate , as he is like to prove the best scholler of all his brethren . one especiall commendation i may not omit , how by this good bishops means , and by the assistance of the learned deane of sarum doctor gourden , a seminary called mr. carpenter , a good schollar and in degree a batchelour of divinity , was converted and testified his owne conversion publickly in a sermon upon this text , acts . . there fell as it were scales from his eyes , saying that three scales hath bleared his sight , viz. antiquity , universality , and consent , but now the scales being fallen away , he saw plainly , their antiquity novelty , their universality a babylonicall tyranny , and their consent a conspiracy . and thus much be said of my god-brother , and ( be it said ) without presumption your highnesse god-brother , doctor henry cotton . of the bishops of bath and wells , and first of dr. oliver king . concerning bath i have such plenty of matter to entertaine your highnesse with ( i meane variety of discourse ) as i study rather how to abbreviate it , then how to amplifie it : i should have begunne at bishop barlow , but i respect so much the very name of king , as i could not let him passe without some homage ; and because the chiefe bath of which the towne hath the name is called the kings bath , i shall add somewhat also , either omitted , or but sleightly touched in the precedent booke by mine author , but somewhat more largely handled in the latin treatise mentioned by him page . in the life of stillington out of which i will cite a passage or two as occasion shall serve . first therefore for the city of bath , to omit all the antiquities noted by mr. camden and other good authors , as also seen by my selfe , i observe this , that amongst all our old traditions and legends thereof , that seemeth as it were purposely left in suspence and not yet fully determined , whether the crowne or the miter have more claime to the vertue that all men see and say to be in these waters . some affirme that king bladud a learned king , brought up at athens long before christs time , either by his cunning in magick did frame it ; or rather by his search did finde it , or at least with his cost did first found it : others believe that king arthurs uncle st. david a bishop of wales , that lived longer with leekes then we doe now with larkes and quailes , by his prayer procured this vertue to these springs , but this is manifest by most credible histories , that offa king of mercia built a goodly abby there , where before had been a temple of minerva and hercules , whom they feined to be presidents of hot bathes . this monastery built by offa was destroyed by the danes being then no christians about the yeare . then it was reedified by elphegus a bishop of canterbury . and continued in great estimation for a place of holy and strickt life , but had not yet the title of a bishoprick , till john de villula , a french man borne and a physician by profession , being made bishop of wells , which was in latin de fontibus , admiring the vertue of these bathes and the cures they wrought , for which it had been long before by the saxons surnamed akmanchester , that is sick mans towne . this john de villula thinking this place de fontibus , more honourable then the other cal'd wells , bought this city of k. william rufus and translated his seat thither . and finding that both that towne and abbey had beene late before defaced with fire , he new built both about the yeare and was the first bishop was buried there . then was that againe burned in the yeare and repaired againe by bishop robert , and remained still the bishops seat and inheritance , till that bankrout b●shop savaricus for covetousnesse of glastenbury , in mercedem bujus unionis ( to use my authors word ) for recompence of this union of glatenbury to wells , gave bath againe to king richard the first , and yet notwithstanding these two so huge revenues , he spent so prodigally and unprovidently in his many journeyes to the emperour , that it is written he had a legion of creditors , and for his wandring humours he had this written for an epitaph , though not set on his tombe at bath . hospes eras mundo , per mundum semper eund● sic suprema die , fit tibi prima quies . thus bath againe after yeares , became the kings , and ever may it be so . but the church was not so sufficiently repaired as it ought in so much that in henry the sevenths time it was ready to fall , what time that oliver king about . yeares since built it againe with so goodly a fabrick as the stone work stands yet so firme , notwithstanding the injuries of men time and tempests upon it . here i may by no meanes omit , yet i can scarce tell how to relate the pretty tales that are told of this bishop king , by what visions , predictions he was encouraged and discouraged in the building of this church , whether some cunning woman had foretold him of the spoyle that followed , as paulus jovius writes how a witch deceived his next successor hadrian bishop of bath , or whether his own minde running of it gave him occasion to dreame sleeping of that he thought waking , but this goes so currant and confirmed with pretty probabilities . that lying at bath and musing or meditating one night late after his devotions and prayers for the prosperity of henry the seventh and his children ( who were then all or most part living ) to which king he was principall secretary and by him preferred to this bishoprick ; he saw , or supposed he saw a vision of the holy trinity with angels-ascending and descending by a ladder , neere to the which there was a faire olive tree supporting a crowne , and a voyce said , let an olive establish the crowne , and let a king restore the church . of this dreame or vision he took exceeding great comfort and told it divers of his friends , applying it to the king his master in part , and some part to himselfe . to his mr. because the olive , being the emblem or hieroglyphick of peace & plenty , seemed to him to allude to king henry the seventh , who was worthily counted the wisest and most peaceable king in all europe of that age . to himselfe ( for the wisest will flatter themselves sometimes ) because he was not onely a thiefe councellor to this king , and had been his ambassadour to conclude a most honourable peace with charles the eight , who paid ( as hollinshed writeth ) . duckets , besides a yearely tribute of crownes , but also he carried both the olive and king in his name ; and therefore thought he was specially designed for this church work , to the advancement of which he had an extraordinary inclination . thus though ( as st. thomas of aquin well noteth ) all dreames be they never so sensible will be found to halt in some part of their coherence ; and so perhaps may this : yet most certaine it is , for the time he was so transported with this dreame , that he presently set in hand with this church ( the ruines whereof i rue to behold even in writing these lines ) and at the west end thereof he caused a representation to be graved of this vision of the trinity , the angels and the ladder , and on the north side the olive and crowne with certaine french words ( which i could not read ) but in english is this verse taken out of the booke of judges chap. . trees going to chuse their king , said be to us the olive king . all which is so curiously cut and carved , as in the west part of england is no better worke then in the west end of this poore church , and to make the credit of all this more authenticke , he added this word to it , de sursum est , it is from high . thus much the stones and walls ( though dumbe witnesses yet credible ) doe plainly testifie . but in midst of all this jollity having made so faire a beginning to his owne great content , and no lesse to the kings , who came into this country at that time , and lay at the deane of wells his house nine dayes ; i say in all this joy and comfort , that hapned the kings primogenitus , the noble prince arthur , having lately before married a great infanta of spaine to depart this life . this so daunted the heart and hopes of this good bishop , that he doubted now his vision would prove but an illusion , that his oliva would be but an oleaster , which melancholy thoughts were increast in him by the predictions as i touched before of some wizards ( to which kind of men that age was much affected ) concerning the new prince who was after henry the th , of his incest ious marriage , of the decay of his off-spring , that he should pull down what the kings had builded , which no marvell if the bishop being by sirname a king mistrusted to pertaine also to his buildings . i heard by one flower of phillips nortor , who said he saw henry the seventh in this country , that this bishop would wish he paid above the price of it , so it might have been finished , for if he ended it not , it would be pulled downe e're it were perfected . as for the later predictions or rather postfictions ( since this bishops death ) i willingly omit concerning the successors of this bishop , as things worthier to be contemned then condemned , written by cole-prophets upon whited walls , which the italian calls the paper of fooles . muro bianco charta di matio , of which sort many have beene made as well by our owne country men as others ; but the best i remember was this written by an english gentleman since the three and fortieth yeare of queen elizabeth on the church wall with a charcole . o church i waile thy woofull plight , whom king nor cardinal , clark nor knight have yet restored to ancient right . subscribed ignoto . whereunto a captaine of an other country wrot this for the comfort of this church , and i wish him to prove a true prophet ( though perhaps he dyed rather a martyr . ) be blythe faire kirk when hempe is past , thine olive that ill winds did blast shall flourish greene for aye to last . subscribed cassadore . but to proceed in this sad story , and leave this pleasant poetry , to pursue truths and eschue fictions to imbrace reason and refuse rime , it is most apparent that after the death of this oliver king , his successors cardinall adrian , cardinall woolsey , bishop clerke , and bishop knight , all succeeded in five and thirty yeares , of which the first two were supposed to poyson themselves , the third to be poysoned by others , the last survived to see the death , or at least the deadly wound of this church ; for while the builders were ready to have finisht it , the destroyers came to demolish it ; yet to give the devill his right ( as the proverb is ) it is said that the commissioners in reverence and compassion of the place , did so far strain their commission , that they offered to sell the whole church to the town under marks . but the townsmen fearing they might be thought to couzen the king , if they bought it so cheap , or that it might after ( as many things were ) be found conceal'd , utterly refused it ; whereupon certain merchants bought all the glasse , iron , bells and lead , of which lead alone was accounted for ( as i have credibly heard ) tun , worth at this day ! . but what became of these spoiles and spoylers . desit in hac miki parte fides , neque credite factum ; aut si credetis facti quoque credite paenam . for i may well say non possum quin exclamem . but in a word , soonafter the sellers lost their heads , the buyers lost their goods , being laid up in the great treasury of antichrist , i mean drowned in the sea , from whence ( as some write ) by the devills power , he shall recover all lost treasures for the maintaining of his unmeasurable guists . thus speedily it was pull'd down , but how slow it hath risen again , i may blush to write . collections have been made over all england , with which the chancel is covered with blew slate , and an alms house built ex abundantia , but the whole body of the church stands bare ex humilitate . the rest of the money never coming to the townsmens hands , is laid up as i suppose with that money collected for pauls steeple , which i leave to a melius inquirendum . and thus the church lies still like the poor traveller mentioned in the of luke , spoiled and wounded by theeves . the priests go by , the levites go by , but do nothing . onely a good samaritan honest m. billet , ( worthy to be billited in the new jerusalem ) hath powr'd some qyl in the wounds , and maintained it in life . in so much as a wealthy citizen of london , hath adventured to set his tomb there , whom i commend more worthily then the senate of rome did thank karra at his return from cannas , quod de salute reipublicae non desperasset ; for it seems this honest citizen did not despair of the reedifying this church that gave order to be richly entomb'd therein , and thus much be said of this last church of bath . bishop barlow . the next i am to write of is bishop barlow , of whom my authour in this book saith little in the latin treatise : there is somewhat more , and i will add a word to both . bath ( as i have noted before ) is but a title in this bishoprick , so as for many years bath , had the name , but wells had the game : but yet that one may know they be sisters , your highness shall understand that this game i speak of which was one of the fairest of england , by certein booty play between a protector and a bishop ( i suppose it was at tictak ) was like to have been lost with a why not , and to use rather another mans word then mine own to explain this metaphor : thus saith the latine relation of him . he was a man no less godly then learned , but not so markable in any thing as in his fortunate off-spring , for which niobe and latona might envy them , happy in his own children , more happy in their matches ( to let passe his sonnes , of whom one is now prebend in wells , and esteemed most worthy of such a father . he had five daughters whom he bestowed on five most worthy men , of which three are bishops at this hour , the other for their merit are in mens expectation designed to the like dignity hereafter . howbeit ( saith he ) in one thing this prelate is to be deemed unfortunate , that while he was bishop his sea received so great a blow losing at one clap , all the rents and revenues belonging to it . thus he , and soon after he tells that for his mariage , he was deprived , and lived as a man banisht in germany . here is his praise , here is his dispraise . if he were deprived for a lawfull act , no marvel if he be deprived for an unlawful : sith then my authour compares his felicity with that of niobe , i will also compare his misfortune with peleus , making ovids verse to serve my turn in changing but a word or two . faelix & natis faelix & conjuge barlow , et cuisi demas : spoliati crimina templi omnia contiger ant ; hoc tanto crimine sontem accepit profugum patria germanica tellus . but god would not suffer this morsell to be quite swallowed , but that it choaked the feeders ; to say nothing in this place , but how the protector was foretold by a poet , that he should lose his head . aestatis sedes qui sacras diruis aedes , pro certo credes quod cephas perdere debes . i speak now onely of the spoil made under this bishop scarce were five years past after baths ruines , but as fast went the axes and hammers to work at wells . the goodly hall covered with lead ( because theroof might seem too low for so large a room ) was uncovered , and now this roofe reaches to the skie . the chappel of our lady late repaired by stillington a place of great reverence and antiquity , was likewise defaced , and such was their thirst after lead ( i would they had drunk it scalding ) that they took the dead bodies of bishops out of their leaden coffins , and cast abroad the carcases scarce throughly petrified . the statutes of brasse , and all the ancient monuments of kings , benefactors to that goodly cathedrall church , went all the same way , sold as my authour writes to an alderman of london , who being then rich , and by this great bargain , thinking to have increast it , found it like auruin tholosanum ; for he so decayed after , no man knew how , that he brake in his majoralty . the statues for kings were shipt for bristoll , but disdaining to be banisht out of their own country , chose rather to lie in st. georges channel , where the ship was drown'd . let atheists laugh at such losses , and call them mischances ; but all that truly fear god will count them terrible judgements . these things were , i will not say done , i will say at least suffered by this bishop ; but i doubt not but he repented hereof , and did pennance also in his banishment in sacco & cinere . but some will say to me , why did he not sue to be restored to his bishoprick at his return , finding it vacant , but rather accepted of chichester : i have asked this question , and i have received this answer , by which i am half perswaded , that wells also had their prophecies as well as bath , and that this bishop was premonstrated ( that i may not say predestinate ) to give this great wound to this bishoprick . there remain yet in the body of wells church , about foot high , two eminent images of stone set there as is thought by bishop burnel that built the great hall there in the raign of ed : i. but most certainly long before the raign of h. . one of these images is a king crowned , the other is of a bishop mitred . this king in all proportions resembling h. . holdeth in his hand a child falling , the bishop hath a woman and children about him . now the old men of wells had a tradition , that when there should be such a king , and such a bishop , then the church should be in danger of ruine . this falling child they say was king edward , the fruitfull bishop , they affirmed was doctor barlow , the first maried bishop of wells , and perhaps of england . this talk being rife in wells in queen maries time , made him rather affect chichester at his return than wells , where not onely the things that were ruined , but those that remained serv'd for records and remembrances of his sacriledge . of bishop thomas godwin . of bishop gilbert bourn i can add nothing , and of the other gilbert but a word , that he was a good justicer , as saith the same author ( nisi quatenus homo uxoris conjugis importunitate impulsus a veri ac recti tramite aberravit ) saving that sometimes being ruled by his wife , by her importunity he swarved from the rule of justice and sincerity , especially in persecuting the kindred of bourn his predecessor . the fame went that he dyed very rich , but the same importunate woman caried it all away , that neither church nor poor were the better for it . but for doctor god win of whom i am to speak , i must with my authors leave add a word of mine own knowledge . he came to the place as well qualified for a bishop as might be unreprovably without simonie , given to good hospitality , quiet , kind , affable , a widdower , and in the queens very good opinion , non minor est virtus quam quaerere parta tueri , if he had held on as clear as he entred , i should have highly extold him : but see his misfortune that first lost him the queens favour , and after forc't him to another mischief . being as i said , aged , and diseased , and lame of the gout , he maried ( as some thought for opinion of wealth ) a widow of london . a chief favourite of that time ( whom i am sory , to have occasion to name again , in this kind ) had labored to get the mannor of banwell from this bishoprick , and disdaining the repulse , now hearing this intempestive mariage , took advantage thereof , caused it to be told the queen ( knowing how much she misliked such matches ) and instantly pursued the bishop with letters and mandats for the mannour of banwell for yeers . the góod bishop not expecting such a sudden tempest , was greatly perplext , yet a while he held out and indured many sharp messages from the queen , of which my self caried him one , delivered me by my lord of leicester , who seemed to favour the bishop , and mislike with the knight for molesting him , but they were soon agreed like pilat and herod to condemn christ . never was harmless man so traduced to his soveraign , that he had maried a girle of twenty years old , with a great portion , that he had conveyed half the bishoprick to her , that ( because he had the gout ) he could not stand to his mariage , with such scoffs to make him ridiculous to the vulgar , and odious to the queen . the good earl of bedford happening to be pr̄esent when these tales were told , and knowing the londoners widow - the bishop had maried , said merrily to the queen after his dry manner , madam , i know not how much the woman is above twenty , but i know a sonne of hers is but little under forty ; but this rather mar'd then mended the matter . one said , majus peccatum habet . another told of three sorts of mariage , of gods making , as when adam and eve two young folks were coupled , of mans making , when one is old , and the other young , as josephs mariage , and of the devills making , when two old folks marry not for comfort , but for covetousness , and such they said was this . the conclusion to the premisses was this , that to pacifie his persecutors , and to save banwell , he was fain with wilscombe for yeeres , ( i would it had been . ) and so purchased his peace . thus the bishoprick as well as the bishop were punished , who wished in his heart he had never taken this preferment to foile himself in his decrepid age , with that ftain , that all his life he had abhorred , and to be made an instrument of another mans sacriledge , and used like a leaden conduit pipe to convey waters to others and drinke nothing but the dreggs and drosse and rust it selfe , wherefore right honesty and modesty and no lesse learnedly writes his owne sonne of him in the forenamed treatise . o illum faelicem si faelix mane●e maluisset , quam regi ●inis ecclesiastici labo is tum susciper , cum laboribus i●par fractus senio necessu n illi fuerit aliorum uti auxilio , &c. o happy he if he would rather have remained happy ( where he was ) then to undergoe the labours of ecclesiasticall government when he grew unable to travell , broken with age constrained to use the helpe of others , who though their duty required a care of so good a natur'd old man , yet they proving as most do negligent of others good , and too greedy of their owne , overthrew both ; for my part , though i loved him well and some of his , yet in this case i can make no other apology for him , nor use no other plea in his defence but such as able debtors doe , that when they are sued upon just occasions plead per minas , or rather to liken him to an husband-man , that dwelling neare a judge that was a great builder , and comming one day among divers other neighbours with carriages , some of stone , some tin : the steward , as the manner of the country was , provided two tables for their dinners , for those that came upon request , powdered beefe and perhaps venison , for those that came for hire , poor-john and apple pies , and having envited them to fit downe in his lordships name , telling them one boord was for them that came in love , the other for those that came for money , this husband-man and his hind sate not downe at either , the which the steward imputing to simplicity repeated his former words again , praying them to sit downe accordingly , but he answered ( for there is craft in the clouted shooe ) he saw no table for him , for he came neither for love nor mony , but for very feare ; and even so i dare answer for this bishop , he neither gave wilscombe for love , nor sold it for money , but left it for fear . how strangely he was intrapt in the unfit marriage : i know not if it may be called a marriage . non hymenaeus adest illi , non gratia lecto . himselfe protested to me with teares in his eyes , he tooke her but for a guid of his house , and for the rest ( they were his own words ) he lived with her as joseph did with our lady . setting this one disgrace of his aside he was a man very well esteemed in the country beloved of all men for his great hospitality , of the better sort for his kinde entertainment and pleasant discourse at his table , his reading had beene much , his judgement and dcctrine sound , his government mild and not violent , his minde charitable , and therefore , i doubt not but when he lost this life he wonne heaven according to his word , win god , win all . this i say truly of him which his son was not so fit to say for feare perhaps of the foolish saying , yet wise enough if it be well understood . nemo laud at patrem nisi improbus filius . doctor john still . but what stile shall i use to set forth this still , whom well nigh thirty yeares since my reverent tutor in cambridge stil'd by this name divine still , who when my selfe came to him to sue for my grace to be batchelour , first he examined me stricktly , and after answered me kindly ; that the grace he granted me was not of grace , but of merit , who was often content to grace my young exercises with his venerable presence , who from that time to this hath given me some helpes , more hopes , all encouragements in my best studies . to whom i never came but i grew more religious , from whom i never went but i parted better instructed . of him therefore my acquaintance , my friend , my instructor , and lastly my diocaesan , if i speake much , it were not to be marvelled , if i speake franckly , it is not to be blam̄ed , and though i speake partially it were to be pardoned , yet to keep within my proportion , custome , and promise , in all these i must say this of him , his breeding was from his childhood in good literature , and partly in musick , which was counted in those dayes a preparative to divinity , neither could any be admitted to primam tonsuram , except he could first bene le bene con bene can , as they called it , which is to read well , to conster well , and to sing well , in which last he hath good judgement and i have heard good musick of voyces in his house . in his full time more full of learning , he became batchelor of divinity , and after doctor , and so famous for a preacher , and especially a disputer , that the learned'st were even afraid to dispute with him , and he finding his own strength could not stick to warne them in their arguments to take heed to their answers , like a perfect fencer that will tell aforehand in which button he will give the venew , or like a cunning ches-player tha will appoint aforehand with which pawne and in what place he will give the mate ; and not to insist long in a matter so notorious , it may suffice that about twenty yeares since when the great dyet or meeting should have beene in germany for composing matters in religion , doctor still was chosen for cambridge , and doctor humphrey for oxford , to oppose all commers for the defence of the english church , for this his knowne sufficiency he was not long unfurnish't of double honour . the puritans in cambridge wooed him , and would fain have wonne him to their part ; and seeing they could not , they forbare not in the pulpit after their fashion to glaunce at him among others with their equivocations and epigrams . there was one mr. kay that offended them , and one said in a sermon , that of all complexions the worst neare such as were kay-cold , and in the same sermon and the like veine he said that some could not be contented with a living worth l. a year , another worth l. but still will have more . but howsoever they snarl'd , this still was counted worthy of more , so as in the year . being the of the late queen he was prefer'd to this sea after it had bin vacant wel nigh three years ; during the vacancy i can well remember there was great enquiring who should have it , and as if all bishops should now be sworn to follow usum sarum , every man made reckoning that the mannour house and park of bamvell should be made a reward of some courtier , it encreast also this suspition that sir thomas : hennage an old courtier , and a zealous puritan was said to have an ore in the matter , whose conscience , if it were such in the clergy , as that was found in the dutchy , might well have disgested a better booty then banwell . but when it was notified once who was named to it , i had better conceit , and straight i wrot to him as of old cambridge acquaintance , and in such rusty latin as i had left , gave him warning of this rumour , which he tooke exceeding kindly at my hands , though some others frowned on me for it many months after . so that for his entry to it i may boldly say that i said before of his predecessor , that he came cleerly to it without any touch or scandall , that he brought a good report from the places where he had lived , shewed himselfe well natured and courteous to the kindred of his predecessor , had a farre greater fame of learning and merit , and which the queen liked best of all , was single and a widdower . nay i may compare them yet further , he married also soone after he was setled , and the queene was nothing well pleased with his marriage . howbeit in all indifferent censures this marriage was much more justifiable then the other for age , for use , for end ; he being not too old , nor she too young , being daughter to a worshipfull knight of the same country and a great house-keeper , and drawing with her a kinde of alliance with judge popham that swayed all the temporall government of the country . these respects though i will not strive greatly to praise in a bishop , yet the common sort will allow no doubt for wise and provident , so as the queenes displeasure ( your times being somewhat more propitious and favourable to bishopricks since bishop wickbams sermon ) was the easier pacified without so costly sacrifice as a whole mannour , and she contented her selfe onely to breake a jest upon the name of the bishop , saying to sir henry barckley , it was a dangerous name for a bishop to match with a horner . since which time he hath preached before her more then once , and hath received good testimonies of her good opinion , and god hath also blest him many wayes very greatly to see his children well brought up , well bestowed , and to have an unexpected revenue , out of the entralls of the earth ( i mean the leaden mines of mendip greater then his predecessor had above ground , so as this bishop seemes to be blest with josephs blessing , benedictionibus caeli sur sum , benedictionibus abyssi jacentis deorsum , benedictionibus uberis & vulvae , with blessing from heaven above , blessing from the deepe that lyeth beneath , blessings of the breasts and of the wombe , which fortunate increase of living hapning to a provident man that was ever homo frugi , it is supposed hath brought him to a great ability . in so much that his church of bath seemes to conceive some hope that he will have have compassion of her ruines at the least ( as sir arthur hopton a good knight of the bath was wont between earnest and sport to motion unto him to give toward it , but the lead to cover it which would cost him nothing , but he would reply againe , well said gentle sir arthur , you will coffe me as you scoffe me , which is no great token that he liketh the motion . yet at his being at bath he promised them very faire , which they are bound to rem ember to remember him of sometime by their friends . one trifling accident hapned to his lordship there that i have thought of more consequence , & i tell him that i never knew him nonplust in argument but there . there was a crafts man of bath a recusant puritan who condemning our church , our bishops , our sacraments , our prayers , was condemned himselse to dye at the assizes , but at my request judge adderton reprieved him , and he was suffered to remain at bath upon baile the bishop confer'd with him in hope to convert him , and first my lord alledged for the authority of the church st. augustine ; the shoomaker answered austin was but a man , he produced for antiquity of bishops the fathers of the councell of nice , he answered , they were also but men and might erre ; why then said the bishop thou are but a man and mayest and doest erre . no sir , saith he , the spirit beares witnesse to my spirit i am the child of god ; alasse saith the bishop thy blinde spirit will lead thee to the gallowes : if i dye saith he in the lords cause i shall be a martyr . the bishop turning to me stirr'd as much to pitty as impatience ; this man said he is not a sheepe strayed from the fold , for such may be brought in againe on the shepheards shoulders , but this is like a wild buck broken out of a parke , whose pale is throwne downe , that flies the farther off the more he is hunted . yet this man that stopt his eares like the adder to the charmes of the bishop , was after perswaded by a lay-man and grew comfortable ; but to draw to an end ( in one question ) this bishop whom i count an oracle for learning would never yet give me satisfaction , and that was when i askt him his opinion of witches . he saith , he knowes other mens opinions both old and new writers , but could never so digest them , to make them an opinion of his owne . all i can get is this , that the divel is the old serpent , our enemy that we pray to be delivered from daily ; as willing to have us thinke he can doe so much as to have us perswaded he doth nothing . to conclude of this bishop without flattery i hold him a rare man for preaching for arguing , for learning , for living ; i could onely with that in all these he would make lesse use of logick and more of rhetorick . of exeter . doctor william cotton . when i reflect my thoughts and eye upon that i have written formerly , and see that i am like to equall or rather exceed my author in quantity of volume , taking the proportion of the longest kings raigne to that of queen elizabeth , i am the lesse troubled to thinke , that for lack of sufficient intelligence , i shall be constrained to doe as he also hath done with divers of those former bishops , namely , to obscure and omit the good deserts of some , and to conceale and hide the demerits of others , which if i fortune to doe , yet will i neither crave pardon of the one , nor thanks of the other , being to be excused of both by an invincible ignorànce . howbeit , if in these i have or shall treat of , i have been so plain and liberall , as thereby i may move the spleen of some bishop to write against me , as bishop jovius did against petro aretino , whom notwithstanding some italians call unico & divino , whose epitaph paulus jovius made thus , the man being long after alive . qui giace l' aretino l' amoro tosco , che besthemia ognivno fuor che dio , scusandoi con ill dire non lo cognosco . which one did thus put into english : here lies aretine , that poysonous toad , whose spightful tongue & pen ( all saints beshrew him ) did raile on priest and prince , and all but god , and said ( for his excuse ) i doe not know him . i say , if any should follow this humour of jovius , yet shall he not thereby put me into the humour of aretine , that answered him . for i reverence all their places , and many of their persons . i know how high their calling is , that may say , pro christo legatione fungimur . i know that next to kings , bishops are most sacred persons , and as it were gods on earth ; howbeit also some of them have the imperfections of men , and those not prejudiciall to the acts of their office . for my part , i would i could speak much good of all , and no ill of any , and say ( for mine excuse ) i doe not know them . accordingly of the bishoprick and bishop of exceter , i can say but little , namely , that it is since bishop harmans time ( as my author noted , pag. . ) reduced to a good mediocrity , from one of the best bishopricks of england ; so as now it is rather worthy of pitty then envy , having but two mannors left of two and twenty ; and i will adde thus much to your highnesse , that as in publique respect , your highnesse should specially favour this bishop , in whose diocesse your dutchy of cornwall , and your stanneries are ; so the duke may uphold the bishop , and the reverend bishop may blesse the duke . of norwich . concerning norwich , whether it be the praise of the bishops , or the people , or both , i know not , or whether i have here a partiall relation . but by that i have heard , i shall judge this city to be another utopia : the people live all so orderly , the streets kept solemnly ; the trades-men , young and old , so industrious ; the better sort so provident , and withall so charitable : that it is as rare to meet a begger there , as it is common to see them in westminster . for the four bishops that were in queen elizabeths time , i know nothing in particular , but that they lived as bishops should doe , sine querela , and were not warriours , like bishop spencer their predecessor in henry the fourths time ; nor had such store of gold and silver , as he had that could leavy an army . but for the present bishop , i knew him but few yeeres since vicechancellor of cambridge ; and i am sure he had as good latine as any of his predecessors had , and accounted there a perfect divine ; in both which respects he is to be thought very fit for the place , being a maritine town , and much frequented with strangers , very devoutly given in religion , and perhaps understands latine as well as english . worcester . doctor gervase babington . worcester hath been fortunate in this last age to many excellent bishops ; of which but two in an hundred yeeres have died bishops thereof , the rest having been removed . also in lesse then fourteen yeeres that had one bishop became pope , namely clement the seventh ; another that was a protestant , as hugh ladymer . of the seven therefore that were in queen elizabeths time , i shall in this place speak but of one , and that is him now living , who by birth is a genman of a very good house ; for learning inferiour to few of his rank . hee was sometime chaplaine to the late earle of pembrooke , whose noble countesse used this her chaplaines advice , i suppose , for the translation of the psalmes ; for it was more then a womans skill to expresse the sence so right as she hath done in her verse , and more then the english or latine translation could give her . they first were means to place him in landaffe , neere them ; where he would say merrily his true title should be aff , for all the land was gone thence . he came back over the sea to the sea of exeter , and thence on terra firma to worcester ; a place where both the church and town are at this day in very flourishing estate , and the church especially in good reparations , which i take ever for one good argument of a good bishop ; for where the sheep be ragged , and the folds rotten , there i straight suppose is no very good shepheard : yet , as every generall rule , hath commonly some exceptions , so hath this in some places in england , and many more in wales , of which i shall in their due place note somewhat in the insuing treatise . and thus much of worcester . of hereford . john scory . of this twice bishop scory i have heard but little , yet it hath been my fortune to read something that will not be amisse to acquaint your highnesse with , that you may see how satan doth sift the lives and doings of english bishops with the quills sometimes of strangers and forraigners . for whereas this our english modest writer onely reports how he was first bishop of chicester , being but batchelour ; of divinity , and deprived for no fault but that he continued not a batchelor whereupon he fled for religion ( as the phrase was ) till comming home in the yeare he was preferred to hereford : the french writer stayeth not there , but telleth how that being setled there , though he professed to be a great enemy to idolatry , yet in another sence according to st. paul , he became a worshipper of images ( not saints but angels ) belike he feared some future tempest , and therefore ●his h● to provide better for himselfe then he had at chichester , so as what with pulling downe houses and selling the lead , and such loose ends , what with setting up good husbandries , what with leases to his tenants , with all manner of viis et modis , he heaped together a great masse of wealth . he that hath store of mettle must have also some drosse , and no marvaile if this bishop then according to his name had much scoria with this treasure . a noble and honourable councellour and thenlord president of wales , hearing so frequent complaints made of him for oppressions , extortions , symonies , and the like , caused a bil to preferred into the star-chamber against him ; in which bill was contained such matter as was enough not onely to disgrace him , but to degrade him if it had been accordingly followed . his sollicitour of his causes brings him a copy of the bill , and in reading it with him seemed not a little dismaid in his behalfe much , like to the servant of elisha that came trembling to his master , and told him how they were beleagred with a huge army . but this bishop though not indewed with the spirit of a prophet , yet having a spirit that could well see into his profit , bids his sollicitour ( who was his kinsman , perhaps his sisters brothers sonne ) to be of good comfort ; adding it may be the very words of elisha , for there are more of our side then against us . but when his gehezi ( for the comparison suits better to the man then to the master ) could see as yet no comfortable vision ; the good bishop did not open his eyes to let him see as elisha did the chariots of fire on the tops of the mountaines : but he opened his own bags and shewed him some legions or rather chiliads of angells , who entring all at once , not into a herd of swine , but into the hoard of a lady that then was potent with him that was dominus fac totum , cast such a cloud into the star-chamber , that the bill was never openly heard of after . this or the like and much more to the like effect writes this french author of the said bishop of hereford , though the treatise it selfe was not specially meant against the bishop , but against a temporall lord of a higher ranck that was not a little netled with the same . in so much as many travelling gentlemen , and among other this bishops son was called in question for the publishing of this booke , belike because some particularities of this matter were discovered that could come from none but him . but to come againe to this bishop ; i hope it shall be no just scandall to other good bishops , judas will have successors as well as james , and simon magus as well as simon peter ( and sometime perhaps both in one chaire . this man indeed had been brought up in the age of the fryars that made much of themselves , and relinquisht their cels , that read in the old testament laetare & fac , but left out bonum ; for so he followed the text in the new testament , make you friends of the wicked mammon , but left out that part that should have brought him to everlasting tabernacles . for if gods mercy be not the greater , i feare his friend and he are met in no pleasant mansion , though too too durable , if the vision of henry lord hunsdon were true , as an honest gentleman hath often reported it . but all this notwithstanding , his posterity may doe well , for god himselfe forbids men to say , that the fathers eate soure grapes , and the childrens teeth be on edge ; and if the worst be , the english proverb may comfort them , which , lest it want reason , i will cite in rime . it is a saying common , more then civill , the son is blest , whose sire is with the divel . after his decease a great and long suit was held against him about his dilapidasions , which makes the former report to eem the moreprbable . doctor herbert westphaling . there succeeded him a learned & famous doctor indeed , dr. westphaling , who after he had been a bishop divers yeeres , yet to showe that good bishops do not quite discontinue their studies , but rather increase their knowledge with their dignity , came to oxford at her majesties last being there , and made an eloquent and copious oration before her , for conclusion of the divinity disputations : among which one speciall question , that bred much attention , was this , whether it be lawfull to dissemble in cause of religion ? and one argument more witty then pithy , produced by an opponent was this , it is lawfull to dispute of religion , therefore it is lawfull to dissemble , and urging it further , he said thus , i my self now do that which is lawfull , but i do now dissemble . ergo , it is lawfull to dissemble ; at which her majesty , and all the auditory were very merry , i could make a rehearsall of some of the bishops oration concerning this question , how he allowed a secrecy , but without dissimulation , a policy but not without piety , least men taking too much of theserpent , have too little of the dove , but i am sure in all his speech he allowed no equivocation . howbeit , if i should-insist long hereon , i might commit the same fault to your highness , that the queen at that time found in him , which was that she thought him too tedious . for she had sent twice to him to cut short his oration , because her self went to make a publique speech that evening , but he would not , or as some told her , could not put himself out of a set methodicall speech , for fear he should have marr'd it all , and perhaps confounded his memory . wherefore she forbare her speech that day , and more privately the next morning , sending for the heads of houses , and a few others she spake to them in latin , and among othere she school'd doctor reynolds , for his preciseness , willing him to follow her laws , and not to run before them . but it seemed he had forgotten it when he came last to hampton court , so as there he received a better schooling . i may not forget how the queen in the midst of her oration , casting her eye aside , and seeing the old lord , treasur er burleigh standing on his lame feet for want of a stool , she call'd in all hast for a stool for him , nor would she proceed in her speech till she saw him provided of one , then fell she to it again , as if there had been no interruption : upon which one that might be so bold with her , told her after , that she did it of purpose to showe that she could interrupt her speech , and not be put out , although the bishop durst not adventure to do a less matter the day before . but this bishop was every way a very sufficient man , and for such esteemed while he was of christ-church . trifling accidents showe as good proof of times , as the waightiest occasions . such a one hapned this doctor while he was of the university as a scholar of that time hath told me , and it was this . there had been a very sharp frost ( such as have been many this year , and a sudden rain or sleet falling with it from the south-east , had as it were candied all that side of the steeple at christ-church , with an ice mixed with snow , which with the warmth of the sun soon after . of the clock began to resolve , and doctor westphaling being in the middle of his sermon , it fell down altogether upon the leads of the church , with such a noyse , as if indeed it would have thrown down the whole church . the people ( as in sudden terrors is usuall ) fill'd all with tumult , and each man hasted to be gonē so fast that they hindered one another . he first kneeling down , and recommending himself to god , as in the apprehension of a sodain danger , straight rose again , and with so chearfull , both voice and countenance , encouraged them as they all returned , and he quietly finished his sermon . but his chief praise i reserve for the last , which was this ; for all such benefices as either were in his own guift , or fell into his hand by lapse , which were not few , and some of great value , he neither respected letters nor commendations of lords nor knights , nor wife nor friends in preferment of any man , but onely their sufficiency and their good conversation , so as to sue for a benefice unto him , was rather a means to miss then to attain it . doctor robert bennet . this bishop was preferr'd to this place since my authour wrote his catalogue , so as he is not therein specified ; yet must i not do him that wrong to omit in this relation . this is he ( if your highness do remember it ) of whom his majesty said , if he were to chuse a bishop by the aspect , he would chuse him of all the men he had seen , for a grave reverent and pleasing countenance . concurring herein in a sort , though by contraries with the judgement of henry the foūrth emperour , who comming from hunting one day ( as malmesbury writeth ) went for devotion sake into a church , where a very ill-favoured faced priest was at service . the emperour thinking his virtues suted his visage , said to himself , how can god like of so ugly a fellows service . but it fortuned at that instant , the priests boy mumbling of that versicle in the hundred psalm , ipso nos fecit & non ipsi nos , and because he pronounced it not plainly , the priest reproved him , and repeated it again , aloud , ipse nos fecit & non ipsi nos , which the emperour applying to his own cogitation , thought the priest to have some prophetical spirit , & fromthat time forward esteemed him greatly , and made him a bishop . thus that bishop , though he could not set so good a face on it , yet perhaps he got as good a bishoprick . but to come to our bishop whom my self knew in cambridge , a master of art , and a proper active man , and plaid well at tennis ; and after that , when he came to be batchellor of divinity , he would tosse an argument in the schools , better then a ball in the tennis-court . a grave doctor yet living , and his ancient alluding to his name in their disputation , called him erudite benedicte , and gave him for his outward , as well as inward ornaments great commendation . he became after chaplain to the lord treasurer burleigh , who was very curious , and no lesse fortunate in the choyce of his chaplains , and they no lesse happy in the choyce of their patron , as mr. day after bishop of winchester , the bishop i now speak of doctor neale now dean of westminster , and divers others . chichester . i finde in former ages many unlearned and unfit men , by favour recommended to bishopricks , but of a man recommended by the king , and refused by the clergy , onely for his want of learning , i think there is but one example , and that was one robert paslew in the time of hen. . which prince is no less to be commended for admitting the refusall , then they for refusing ; but yet in speaking of learned bishops , this church may say their last have been their best . doctor watson your highness can remember his majesties almoner , he was a very good preacher , preferred by the queen first , to the deanry of bristol , where he was well beloved ; and after to chichester , where he was more honoured , if not more beloved , for the course of his life , and cause of his death , i might in some sort compare him to bishop vaughan , late of london , he grew somewhat corpulent , and having been sick , and but newly recovered , adventured to travel to wait in his place , and so by recidivation he dyed . doctor andrews . his majesty having a great desire to prefer doctor andrews , then dean of westminster , made speciall choyce of him to succeed him as well in the bishoprick as the aumnership , and i suppose if hen. the d his chaplain had been so good a schollar , he had not been refused for his learning . this bishop your highness knoweth so well , and have heard him so oft , as it may be you think it needless to hear more of him . but i will be bold to say your highness doth but half know him , for the vertues that are not seen in him , are more and greater then those that are seen , i will therefore play the blab so far , that your higlmess may know him better . he was born in london , and trained up in the school of that famous mulcaster , and for the speciall towardness was found in him in very young yeares , he was not onely favoured , but had liberall exhibition given him by a great councellor of those times , as i shall note hereafter . the course of his study was not as most mens are in these times , to get a little superficiall fight in divinity , by reading two or three of the new writers , and straight take orders , and up into the pulpit . of which kind of men a reverent bishop yet living said as properly as pleasantly , when one told of a young man that preached twice every lords day , beside some exercising in the week dayes , it may be ( saith he ) he doth talk so often , but i doubt he doth not preach . and to the like effect the late queen said to the same bishop , when she had on the fryday heard one of those talking preachers much commended to her by some body , and the sunday after heard a well labour'd sermon that smelt on the candle , i pray said the , let me have your bosom sermons , rather then your lip-sermons ; for when the preacher takes pains , the auditor takes profit . but to come to doctor andrews that gathered before he did spend , reading both new writers and old writers , not as tasting but as disgesting them , and finding according to our saviours saying . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the old to be more profitable , at last his sufficiency could be no longer conceal'd . but as an industrious marchant that secretly and diligently follows his trade with small showe , till his wealth being grown so great , it can be no longer hidden , is then call'd on for subsidies and loans , and publique services : so did this mans excellencies suddenly break forth . his patron that studied projects of policy , as much as precepts of piety , hearing of his fame , and meaning to make use thereof , sent for him ( as i have credibly heard ) and dealt earnestly with him , to hold up a side that was even then falling , and to maintain certain state points of puritanisme . but he had too much of the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in him to be scar'd with a councellors frown , or blown aside with his breath , answered him plainly , they were not onely against his learning , but his conscience . the councellor seeing this man would be no fryer pinhie ( to be taught in a closet what he should say at pauls ) dismist him with some disdain for the time ; but afterward did the more reverence his integrity and honesty , and became no hinderer to his ensuing preferments . of these one was a prebend in pauls , belonging to him , they call the confessor or confessioner , a place notoriously abused in time of popery by their tyranny and superstitition ; but now of late by a contrary extream too much forgotten and neglected : while he held this place , his manner was , especially in lent time , to walk duly at certain hours , in one of the iles of the church , that if any came to him for spirituall advice and comfort , as some did , though not many , he might impart it to them . this custom being agreeable to scripture , and fathers , expressed and required in a sort in the communion book , not repugning the articles , and no lesse approved by calvin in his institutions , yet was quarrel'd with by divers ( upon occasion of some sermons of his ) as a point of popery . the like scandall was taken of some , though not given by him , for his reverent speaking of the highest mystery of our faith and heavenly food the lords supper , which some are so stiffe in their knees , or rather in their hearts , that they hold it idolarry to receive that kneeling . but whatsoever such barked at , he ever kept one tenor of life and doctrine exemplar and unreproveable . two speciall things i have observed in his preaching , that i may not omit to speak of . one to raise a joynt reverence to god and the prince , to spirituall and civill magistrate , by uniting and not severing them . the other to lead to amendment of life , and to good works , the fruits of true repentance . of the first kind , he made a sermon before the queen long since , which was most famous of this text . thou leddest thy people like sheep by the hands of moses and aaron . which sermon , ( though courteous ears are commonly so open , as it goes in at one ear , and out at the other ) yet it left an aculeus behind in many of all sorts . and henry noel one of the greatest gallants of those times , sware as he was a gentleman , he never heard man speak with such a spirit . and the like to this was his sermon before the king , of two silver trumpets to be made of one peece . of the second kind i may say all his sermons are , but i will mentition but his last , that i heard the fifth of the last november , which sermon i could wish ever to read upon that day . when the lord turned the captivity of sion , &c. and i never saw his majesty more sweetly affected with any sermon then with that . but to conclude , i perswade my self , that whensoever it shall please god to give the king means , with consent of his confederate princes to make that great peace which his blessed word beati pacifici seemeth to promise , i mean the ending of this great schisme in the church of god , procured as much by ambition , as by superstition ; this reverent prelate will be found one of the ablest , not of england onely , but of europe , to set the course for composing the controversies , which i speak not to add reputation to his sufficiency by my judgement ; but rather to win credit to my judgement by his sufficiency . and whereas i know some that have known him so long as i have , yet have heard and believe no lesse of his learning then i speak , find fault that he is not so apt to deliver his resolution upon every question moved as they could wish , who if they be not quickly resolved of that they aske , will quickly resolve not to care for it . i say this cunctation is the mean between precipitation and procrastination , and is specially commended by the apostle st. james , as i have heard him alledge it , sit omnis homo {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} tardus ad loquendum , tardus ad iram . rochester . doctor barlow . this bishoprick having been noted in hen. the d his time , to have been one of the poorest of england , hath i suppose the less been impoverished in the spoyling times . the grand spoylers being of the mind of some taylors , that when their allowance of stuffe was most scant , they would make the garment the larger . thiscity in these last years , hath had bishops , of which one was a cardinall , two were arch-bishops , and i take it but one hath dyed bishop , and that was the last before this whose name was young , but lived to be very old , and desired not to remove . his successor doctor bar low is one of they oungest in age , but one of the ripest in learning of all his predecessors , since bishop fisher that had ill luck with his learning , to die upon tower-hill . there are so many printed testimonies of his sufficiency , as i need say the lesse of it ; but it is like he shall not abide there long . of all his sermons he preached before queen elizabeth , which were many , and very good . one that she liked exceedingly was of the plough , of which she said , barlows text might seem taken from the cart , but his talk may teach you all in the court . he made a sermon not long after that at pauls , which man , especially puritans , did much mislike , and for that cause call it ( alledging to his name ) the barley loaf , not marking how much honour they give it in their scorn , by example , both of the old testament and new . in the old testament , the barley loaf signified gedeons sword , ordained to destroy the wicked . in the new , by the blessing of our saviour , that fed more thousands of honest men then this offended . of oxenford . doctor underhill . from rochester i should go a long pilgrimage to st. davids in wales , save i must bait a little out of my way at four new bishopricks erected by king henry the eighth of famous memory , and therefore i hope not ordained to be dissolved of a henry the ninth of future and fortunate expectation ; i say i will but bait especially at oxford , lest i be baited , if i stay too long , for i know this discourse is to some as unguis in ulcere . this bishoprick being but yeers since erected , had two bishops in yeeres , and then continued voyd . yeeres , what time of pure devotion to the leases that would yield good fines , a great person recommended doctor underhill to this place , perswading him to take it , as in the way to a better ; but god knowes it was out of his way every way . for ere his first fruits were paid , he died ( as i heard at greenwich , in much discontent and poverty ; yet his preferrer to seem to doe some favour to the university of oxford , for recompence of the spoyle done on the bishoprick of oxford , erected a new solemne lecture there at his own charge , which doctor reynolds did read , at which lecture i hapned , once to be present with the founder , where we were taught , nihil & non , . as elsewhere i have at large shewed to your highnesse . but though the many-headed beast , the multitude was bleared with this bounty ; yet the schollers that were more nasuti , oculati & cordati , did smell , and see , and say , that this was but to steale a goose , and stick a feather . and indeed this was the true theorique and practique of puritanisme . one impugning the authority of bishops secretly , by such lectures ; the other impoverishing their livings openly by such leases . after the bishop underhill was laid under the earth , i think the sea of oxford would have been drowned in the sea of oblivion , if his majesty , whose soule abhors all sacriledge had not supplied it with the good father that now holdeth it , doctor john bridges , a man whose volumes in prose and verse give sufficiend testimony of his industry , though for mine own part i am grown an unfit praiser of poetry , having taken such a surfeit of it in my youth , that i think now , a gray head and a verse doe not agree together , and much lesse a grave matter , and a verse . for the reputation of poetry is so altered by the iniquity of the times , that whereas it was wont to make simple folke believe some things that were false , now it makes our great wise men to doubt of things that be true . when the creed was first put into english verse , as it is now sung in the church , the descending of christ into hell , was never questioned , but since it hath been sung yeere or more , his spirit did after this descend into the lower parts to them that long in darknesse were , the true light of our hearts . the doubt that was made of the latter of these two verses , hath caused the truth of the former to be called in question . wherefore though i grant that psalms and hymns may , and perhaps ought to be in verse as good linguists affirme , moses and davids psalms to be originally , yet i am almost of opinion that one ought to abjure all poetry when he comes to divinity . but not derogating herein from the travels of my betters and the judgement of mine elders i proceed or rather post to my next stage . of glocester . dr. thomson . at glocester i shall at this time make a very short bait , the last bishop thereof being but lately removed to london , and the present bishop scant yet warme in his seat ; yet this i must say , that i have heard some students of good judgement that knew him in oxford affirme , that in his very young yeares he gave a great hope and good presage of his future excellency , having a rare gift ex tempore in all his schoole exercises , and such a happy wit to make use of all occurrents to his purpose , as if he had not taken the occasions , as they fell out by accident , but rather bespoken such pretty accidents to fall out to give him the occasions . i have often heard him before queen elizabeth , and it was not possible to deliver sounder matter nor with better method , for which cause he was greatly respected and reverenced at the court . but for his latter sermon before the two most magnificent kings , your highnesse father and unckle , i cannot praise him ; no , for i am a cambridge man , but i can envy him , that in two judgements , omni exceptione majoribus ▪ did carry the commendation of the pure latine language ( peculiar as i thought unto cambridge ) to her younger sister of oxford ; and thus much for him whose vertues no doubt will give matter for some further relation under some other title hereafter . of peterborough . dr. thomas dove . i should doe both this worthy prelate and my selfe much wrong , if i should not commend him for many good parts , being one whom i have long known to have been greatly respected and favoured by the late queen ; and no lesse liked and approved in the more learned judgement of his majesty . how beit the ground on which i would build his chiefe praise ( to some of the aristarchy and sowre censures of these daies , requires first an apologie . for i remember that even in cambridge , about twenty five yeers since , and i am sure he remembers it too ) a question arose among the divines scarce fit for the schooles , lesse fit for the pulpit , yet was it both handled and determined in the pulpit , whether rhetoricall figures and tropes , and other artificiall ornaments of speech taken from prophane authors , as sentences , adages , and such like , might be used in sermons , and not rather the plaine naked truth delivered out of the word of god . the precise fort , that would have the word , and church and all goe naked , saving some apron perhaps of fig-leaves , were not onely earnest but bitter against the use of all such humane , or ( as they call them ) prophane helps , calling them paintings fitter for strumpets , then for chaste matrons . but the graver and more orthodox were of the other opinion , and namely my learned tutor doctor flemning , by appointment of the heads of the colledges in an excellent sermon determined the controversie . that seeing now the extraordinary gift , first of tongues , then of miracles was ceased , and that knowledge is not now infusa but acquisita , we should not despise the helpe of any humane learning , as neither st. paul did , who used the sentences of poets , and hath many excellent tropes , with exaggerations and exclamations in his epistles ; for chastity doth not abhor all ornaments , for judeth did attire her head as curiously as jesabel , &c. about twelve yeeres after this , the very same question in the same manner was canvased at oxford , and determined in the pulpit by dr. house against doctor reynolds , who held the other opinion . but upon occasion of this sermon , at which my brother ( that had been his scholler ) and my selfe hapned both to be present ; he retracted to us his opinion , or rather disclaimed , as my lord of duresme that now is ( but then dean of christ-church ) doth well remember . this opinion then being sound , that eloquence may serve as an handmaid , and tropes and figures , as jewels and ornaments to this chaste matron , divinity ; i must say as i began , that his sermons are as well attended and adorned in this kind , and as plentifully as any of his predecessors have been , or his successours are like to be ; and that they were wont so to be long since sufficeth this testimony , that her majesty that last raigned when she first heard him , said , she thought the holy ghost was descecded again in this dove . of bristol . dr. john thornbury . bristoll being a bishoprick of the later erection , namely but . years since , no marvaile it never had any bishop thereof cannonized for a saint , yet it cannot be denyed since to have had one holyman ; and if copulation with a bishop might make them holy , it hath had also in his short time more then one holy woman . ispent a roving shaft on fletchers second marriage , i would i could as well plucke out the thorne of doctor thornburies first marriage out of every mans conscience that have taken a scandall of his second . for my part whatsoever i think in my private , it becoms us not to judge our judges , the customes and lawes of some countries differ from other , and sometimes are changed and mended in the same , as this case of divorce is most godly reformed in ours , and as vincentius lirinensis saith well of st. cyprian who had before the councell of carthage defended rebaptizing . the author of this errour , saith he , is no doubt in heaven , the followers and practifers of it now goe to hell , so i may say of this bishop , his remarriage may be pardoned , et in hoc saeculo et in futuro , but he that shall so do , again may be met with in hoc saeculo . but it was the bishop of limbrick in ireland and not the bishop of bristoll in england that thus married ; what ? doth this lessen the scandall ? i suppose it doth . for i dare affirme , that most of that diocesse are so well catechised , as they thinke it as great a scandall for their bishop , ( yea rather greater ) to have one wife as to have two , and though for lay mens marriage , their priests tell them it is a holy sacrament in them ( which they count a sacriledge in a bishop ) and they conferre to them out of st. paul {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , there is a great sacrament , yet their people and some of their peers also regard it as slightly , and dissolve it more uncivilly then if it were but a civill contract , for which they draw not onely by their bastardies and bigamies many apparent scourges of god the heavenly father , but also a peculiar pennance unto their nation of one fasting day extraordinary from their holy father the pope . but setting aside this misfortune rather then fault , which is god and the king pardon him for , who shall impute to him ? for other matters , i have reason to think him and his in gods and the kings favour . he and his whole family had a miraculous escape in ireland , which i would all our bishops did know ▪ that they might remember to keep their houses in better reparations . lying in an old castle in ireland in a large room , partitioned but with sheets or curtens , his wife , children , and servants , in effect a whole family ; in the dead time of the night , the floore over head being earth and plaster , as in many places is used , overcharged with weight , fell wholly downe together , and crushing all to pieces that was above two foot high as cupbords , tables , formes , stooles , rested at last upon certaine chests , as god would have it , and hurt no living creature . he did many good services in ireland for our queen and state , for which he was thought worthy of a better aboade , then in that purgatory . he hath very good understanding of that countrey , and if some others , who are since gone out of this world , had been as willing as he to have reported to his majesty the diseases of that countrey and the fittest cures , it may be it would not in long time have needed those desperate remedies of secandum and vrendum , as sharp to the surgeons oftentimes as to the patients . but to conclude , of this bishop , whom i love more then i praise , he is not unfurnisht of learning , of wisdome , of courage and other as well episcopall as temporall panoplia or furniture beseeming a gentleman , a dean , and a bishop . of st. davids , and the present bishop , dr. anthony rudd . of this ancient bishoprick or rather archbishoprick of st. davids ( as the old true brittans doe call it ) in latter called menevia , and the bishop menevensis , i was told of an old indulgence granted by calixtus the second , of a very speciall note , ascribing thereby great holinesse to this place , viz. that two pilgrimages to st. davids should be equal in merit to one pilgrimage to rome , expressed since for brevities sake by some fryer in a ryming verse , roma semel quantum , bis dat menevia tantum . this place hath yielded many excellent bishops , as well for good learning as good life , and for abstinence miraculous , if we believe stories that . bishops successively did eat no flesh . i can adde little of the bishops save of him that now lives whom if i knew not , yet by his looke i should guesse to be a grave and austere man , even like st. david himselfe , but knowing him as i doe , he was in more possibility to have proved like to st. john baptist in my opinion . there is almost none that waited in queen elizabeths court and observed any thing , but can tell , that it pleased her very much to seeme , to be thought , and to be told that shee looked young . the majesty and gravity of a scepter borne . yeares could not alter that nature of a woman in her ; this notwithstanding , this good bishop being appointed to preach before her in the lent of the yeere , the court then lying at richmond , wishing in a godly zeale , as well became him , that she should thinke sometime of mortality , being then . years of age , he tooke this text fit for that purpose out of the psalms , psalm . . vers. . o teach us to number our dayes , that we may incline our heart unto wisedome , which text he handled so well , so learnedly , and so respectively , as i dare undertake & so should i if i had not been somewhat better acquainted with the humour , that it would have well pleased her , or at least no way offended her . but when he had spoken a while of some sacred and mysticall numbers , as three for the trinity , three times three for the heavenly hierarchy seven for the sabbath , and seven times seven for a jubile ; and lastly ( i doe not deliver it so handsomely as he brought it in ) seven times nine for the grand climactericall yeare ; she perceiving whereto it tended began to be trouled with it . the bishop discovering all was not well , for the pulpit stands there vis a vis to the closet , he fell to treat of some more plausible numbers , as of the number . making latinus with which he said he could prove the pope to be antichrist also , of the fatall number of . which being so long before spoken of for a dangerous year , yet it hath pleased god that yeare not onely to preserve her but to give her a famous victory , against the united forces of rome and spaine ; and so he said there was no doubt but she should passe this year also and many more , if she would in her meditations and soliloquies with god , as he doubted not she often did , and would say thus and thus . so making indeed an excellent prayer by way of prosopopeia in her majesties person acknowledging gods great graces and benefits , and praying devoutly for the continuance of them , but withall interlarding it with some passages of scripture that touch the infirmities of age ; as that of ecclesiastes . when the grynders shall be few in number , and they wax darke that looke out of the windowes &c. and the daughters of singing shall be abased : and more to like purpose , he concluded his sermon . the queen as the manner was opened the window , but she was so farre from giving him thanks or good countenance , that she said plainly he should have kept his arithmetick for himselfe , but i see said she the greatest clerks are not the wisest men , and so went away for the time discontented . the lord keeper puckering though reverencing the man much in his particular , yet for the present to asswage the queens displeasure , commanded him to keep his house for a time , which he did . but of a truth her majesty shewed no ill nature in this , for within three dayes after she was not onely displeased at his restraint , but in my hearing rebuked a lady yet living for speaking scornefully of him and his sermon . onely to shew how the good bishop was deceived in supposing she was so decayed in her limbes and senses as himself perhaps & other of that age were wont to be ; she said she thankt god that neither her stomack nor strength , nor her voyce for singing nor fingring instruments ; nor lastly , her sight was any whit decayed , and to prove the last before us all she produced a little jewell that had an inscription of very small letters , and offered it first to my lord of worcester , and then to sir james crofts to read , and both protested bona fide that they could not , yet the queen her selfe did finde out the poesie , and made her selfe merry with the standers by upon it ; and thus much for st. davids . yet i have been told of a strange story of a huge waight and bignesse that hath a pretty quality , namely , that with one finger you may stir it , yet twenty yoke of oxen cannot remove it ; but i rather think it is mistaken , for the stone mr. cambden writes of is neere pensance in your country of cornwal , called mam amber , of which he writes page . hath the very like quality . of landaff . doctor francis godwin . it is doubtlesse a wonderfull antiquity that my authour produceth of landaff , that it professed christianity , and had a church for christian religion in the yeer of our lord . but alas , for a man to boast of great nobility , and goe in ragged clothes , and a church to be praised for great antiquity , and make ruinous showes , is in mine opinion according to the vulgar proverbe , a great boast and a small roast . but by this authors relation it appeares , this rost was so marred by an ill cooke , as by a worse kitchen ; for in the yeare . being the yeare of henry the eight , doctor kitchen being made of an idle abbot , a busie bishop , & wading through those hazardous times that ensued till the first yeare of queene elizabeth , to save himselfe was content to spoile his bishoprick ; satan having in those dayes more care to sift the bishoppricks then the bishops , else how was it possible for a man of that ranke to sing , cantate domino canticum novum four times in fourteen yeares , and never sing out of tune , if he had not lov'd the kitchen better then the church . howbeit , though he might seeme for name sake to favour the kitchen , yet in spoyling that sea hee was as little friend to the kitchen as the rest , spoyling the woods and good provisions that should have warm'd it , which gave occasion to doctor babbington , now bishop of worcester , to call it aph without land , and doctor morgan after to remove to saint assaph , from thence not for name sake , but for his own name sake , that is more-gaine : at what time the present bishop i now speake of , being then sub-deane of exeter , doctor francis godwin , having that yeare newly published this worke , she gave him presently this bishoprick , not full two moneths vacant , and would as willingly have given him a much better in her owne disposition , as may well appeare in that she gave doctor cooper the bishoprick of lincoln● , onely for making a dictionary , or rather but for mending that which sir thomas eliot had made before . of this bishop therefore i may speake sparingly , yea , rather spare all speech , considering that every leafe of his worthy worke , is a sufficient testimony of his vertuous mind , unfatigable industry , and infinite reading ; for even as we see commonly , those gentlemen that are well descended , and better bred , are most carefull to preserve the true memory and pedigree of their ancestors , which the base and ignorant , because they could not conserve , will seeme to condemne : so this worthy bishop , collecting so diligently , & relating so faithfully the succession and lives of so many of our christian most reverend bishops in former ages , doth prove himselfe more by spirituall , then carnall birth , to come of those ancestors , of whom it was long before prophecyed by the princely prophet , in stead of thy fathers , thou shalt have children whom thou shalt make princes in all places . though the policy of these latter times hath sought to make our fathers all but children , and younger brothers ( as they say ) and to disinherit them of their patrimonie ; he deserveth therefore a pen much better then mine , and equall to his own , to doe that for him he hath done for others . before his going to ex eter , i had some acquaintance with him , and have heard him preach more then once at our assizes and else where , his manner was to be sharpe against the vices most abounding in that time , sacriledge symony , contempt of god in his ministers , and want of charity . amongst other of his sermons , preaching once of dives and lazarus , the said , that though the scriptures had not expressed plainly who dives was , yet by his clothes and his face he might be bold to affirme , hee was at the least a justice of peace , and perhaps of oyer & terminer too . this speech was so ill taken by some guilty conscience , that a great matter was inforc'd to be made of it , that it was a dangerous & seditious speech ; and why ? forsooth because it was a deare yeare ; but see how a mans enemies sometimes doe him as much good as his friends : their fond accusation & his discreet justification made him both better known , & more respected by them that were able to doe him most good . since this he hath lived in so remote places from my occasions , first at exeter , and then beyond sea in wales , that i am become almost a stranger to his person , but yet i am growne better acquainted with his writings both in latin and english , and namely by this his catalogue , which having read first with great contentment to my self ; i have since for your highness pleasure perused again , and presumed to adde some notes , and a table , by way of alphabet , for the more readie finding of most memorable matters , beside a supply of such as were in his edition wanting ; of whom finding himselfe to be one , that comming in so worthily was unworthy to be left out . i give him here in his due place his more due commendation , which if i should fortune upon some envie to have forborn , or upon judgement to have omitted , as a praise needlesse where the whole worke is his praise , he might worthily have said as much of me , as i wrote of a certaine poetaster some yeares paft , who left me out of the bead-roul of some riming paper blotters that he call'd poets . of poets balbus reckoning up a table , doth boast he makes their names more honourable , and nere vouchsafing me to name at all , he saies he knowes he grieved me to the gall . i galled ? simple soule ; no , thou art gulled to thinke i prize the praise of such a dull-head , whose verse 〈◊〉 guilty of some b●dge or blame , let them seeke testimonialls of their fame . then learn untaught , then learn ye envious elves , no books are prais'd , that praise not most themselves . and thus much be said for the province of canterbury and the bishops of the severall diocesses thereof . there follows now to say somewhat also of the province of yorke , which i shall indeavour to accomplish with like brevity and fidelity . of the arch-bishops of yorke , and first of doctor thomas young . concerning the arch-bishops of yorke that have been in the former ages , whose lives are particularly-related by this author , it seèmes to me a matter worthy some note , that there have been of them , for devotion and pietie , as holy , for blood and nobilitie , as high , of wealth and ability as huge , as any not onely of england but of europe . now that every age may have his excellency , i will say of this our age , i meane for some fifty yeares past , in which there hath bin seven arch-bishops of yorke , that these have been as excellent in courage , in learning , and eloquence ; for doctor nicholas heath whom her late majesty found both arch-bishop and chancellor ( though she did take or rather receive both from him ) yet did she ever gratefully acknowledge both his courage & fidelity show'd in her cause , & used no man of his religion so graciously . of arch-bishop grindall i have spoken before , and in his due place given him his due praise ; now i am to adde a word or two of arch-bishop young , that in the third yeare of queen elizabeth was made arch-bishop . he was first bishop of saint davids , and either next or very soon after bishop farrar , who among other articles that were alleaged against him , had one that i thinke was never alleaged against clergy-man or lay-man before , and that was for riding on a scottish saddle ; but this bishop walked more warily then that bishop did ride , so as this came to live in a state when t'other died at a stake : and how great soever his honour was in being both arch-bishop and president , he left one president that too many are apt to follow , which was the pulling downe of a goodly hall , for the greedinesse of the lead that covered it . plumbi faeda fames . a drossie desire and unworthy part , with which he stained the reputation of learning and religion , that was before ascribed to him , and although by meanes of some great friend this was lesse spoken of in his life time then after , yet if i have beene rightly informed , even by that he was made no great gainer . true it is , he purchased great things of the earle of arundell , and how his heires thrive with it , i do not heare , but there is a perilous verse , demale quaesitis vix gaudet tertius baeres . for my owne part i must confesse , that where i finde that same destroying and reviving spirit , that in the apocalyps is named in hebrew abaddon , & sounds in my english care and heart , a bad one , i suspect there is little true vertue or godlines harbour'd in that breast . but if he were finely beguiled of all this lead by his great friend that would be bold with him , i imagin that none that heares it will much lament it ; at a venture , i will tell your highnesse the tale that i heard , from as good a man as i tell it of , onely because he named not the parties , i cannot precisely affirme it was this man , but i dare affirme this man was as worthy of it . a great lord in the court in those daies sent to a great prelate in the north to borrow livre. of him : the prelate protested on his faith ( i think not a justifying faith ) that he was not able to doe it , but if he were , he would be very willing , acknowledging great favours of the said lord , and sending some present enough perhaps to pay for the use of li. the noble man that had a good espyall both north and south , hearing of a certaine ship loaden with lead , belonging to this prelate , that came to be sold at london , even as it came to land , sends for the prelates agent , shows him his lords letter and protestation under his hand , proves the ability demonstrable by the lead , and so by treaty or terrour , or treachery of the servant , made him betray his master for li . doctor edwin sands . as those that saile from flanders or ireland , to london or bristoll , being past the tempestuous and broken seas , and now in sight of the harbour , yet even their fear to miscarry sometime by mistaking the channell , are oft so perplext , as one bids to set saile againe , another advises to cast anchor ; so is it now with me , drawing toward the end of this my short and voluntary voyage : i remember a ship of london once that having past the goodwin sands very safe , and sayling on this side black-wall to come up to ratcliefe , struck on the black rock at the point below greenwich , and was almost cast away . i have , as your highnesse sees past already the godwins , if i can aswell passe over this e'dwin sands , i will goe roamer of greenwich rock , not forgetting to vaile as becomes me in passing by , and if the spring tide serve , come to anchor about richmond . for i am entring now to write of an archbishop , who though he dyed twenty yeares since in that anno mirabili of . yet he lives still in his off-spring , having a sonne of his name that both speakes and writes admirably , whose profession , though it be not of religion as his fathers was , yet never did his fathers preaching shew better what to follow , then his writings shew what to shun ; if my pen therefore should wrong his father , his pen no lesse might wrong me . i must appeale therefore for my justification in this point to the most indifferent censurers , and to yours especially sweet prince , for whose fake i write ; for ifi should let passe a matter so notorious as that of this archbishop of yorke and sir robert stapleton , it were so willfull an omission as every one might accuse me of ; and if i should speake of either partially and against my owne conscience and knowledge , i should much more accuse my selfe . here then is the scylla and carybdis that i saile betweene , and if i faile of my right course , i shall be driven to say as a filly preacher did upon an unlike occasion , and much lesse to his purpose when he hapned unawares to have a more learned auditory then he expected . incidi in ancillam cupiens vitare caribden . but the story that i make this long introduction unto is shortly this . about . yeares since there was great kindnesse , and had long continued between archbishop sands and sir robert stapleton a knight of yorkeshire , whom your highnesse hath often seen , who in those dayes for a man well spoken , properly seen in languages , a comely and goodly personage , had scant an equall , and ( except sir philip sidney ) no superiour in england : for which reasons the arch-bishop of all his neighbours and countreymen , did make a speciall account of him . about the year . also he was high-sheriffe of york-shire , and met the judges with seven score men in sutable liveries , and being at this time likewise a widdower , he wooed and won , and wedded soon after , one of the best reputed widdows in the west of england . in this felicity he sailed with ful sails , but somewhat too high , and no lesse the arch-bishop in like prosperity of wealth , and friends and children , yet seeming above all , to joy in the friendship of this knight , who answered in all good correspondence , not onely of outward complement , but inward comfort ; but well said the spanish poet , nulli te facias nimis sodalem , gaudebis minus & minus . dolebis . too much companion make your self to none , your joy will be the lesse , and less your mone . these two so friendly neighbours and consorts swimming in this calm of content , at last hapned to fall foul one on another by this occasion . the knight in his great good fortunes , having as great defigns among other things , had laid the foundation of a fair house , or rather palace , the model whereof he had brought out of italy , which house he intended to name stapletons stay ; and for that cause invited the arch-bishop in good kindness to see it , and requested him for the more credit , and as it were , blessing to the house , that his grace would give it the foresaid name . but when the arch-bishop had fully beheld it , and in his judgement found it fitter for a lord treasurer of england , then for a knight of york-shire . he said to him , would you have me call this intended house stapletons stay . nay rather let me say to you , stay stapleton ; for if you go forward to set up this house , it will pull you down . how often a man loses a friend with a jest , and how grievous it is for a mans vanity to be crost in the humour . this speech of my lords that i should think , intended friendly , uttered faithfully , and applyed even fatherly unto him , he took in so deep disdain and despite , that howsoever he smothered it for the present , from that time forward he sought a mean to revenge it . and wanting neither wit to devise , nor courage to execute his design , he found out , or at least he supposed he had found a stratagem , not onely to wreak this scorn on the good bishop that mistrusted nothing , but also to make the old mans purse pay for the finishing of the new house . he acquaints him with an officer in my lords house , some malecontent that had been denyed a lease . these two devise , that when my lord should lie next at doncaster , where the hostess of the house having been ( formerly i suppose ) mistriss sands maid , was bold sometimes to bring his lordship a cawdle to his beds side ( for in charity i may surmise no worse ) sir robert should also by chance come and host at the same house . this bad wife and her good man are made partakers and parties of this stratagem , her part was but a naked part , viz. to slip into my lords bed in her smock , mine hoast must sodainly be jealous , and swear that he holds his reputation , though he be but a poor man , more dear then that he can indure such an indignity , and thereupon calls sir robert stapleton , brings him to the bishops chamber in his night-gown , takes them in bed together with no small exclamation . the knight that acted his part with most art , and leaft suspition , takes great pains to pacifie the hoast , conjures all that were admitted to secresie and silence , and sending all to their lodgings without tumult , asketh of my lord how this came to passe . the bishop tells him with a great protestation , that he was betrayd by his man and his hoast , little suspecting the knight to be of the quorum . the knight sooths him in all he said , condoles the great mischance , is sorrowfull for the danger , and carefull for the honour of the bishop , and specially the church . proh superi quantum mortalia pecior a caecae noctis habent ? ipso sceleris molimine ( miles ) creditur esse pius . the distressed archbishop distrusting no fraud in him , asketh his advise in this disaster , and following his counsel from time to time , gives the hoast a peece of money , the false officer a farm , and the knight for his travail in this matter many friendly recompences . but when he found after all this smoothing and soothing , that he grew so bold at last to presse him beyond all good manner , for the good mannour of soothwell , then he found that in sooth all was not well , and was even compell'd too late , to that he might much better have done much sooner , viz. to complain to the lords of the councel , and to his ancient and dear friend , the earl of leicester ( for whose father he had almost lost his life ) by whose help , he got them call'd to the star-chamber . ore tenus , where they were for this conspiracy convicted , fined and imprisoned . the fame , or rather the infamy of this matter specially before their conviction was far and diversly spread , according as the reporters favoured or disfavoured either : and the friends of each side had learned their tale so perfect , that many long time after , held the first impression they had received , notwithstanding the censure and sentence in the starr-chamber . part whereof being , that the knight should publickly acknowledge how he had slandered the arch-bishop , which he did in words conceived to that purpose accordingly , yet his friends gave out , that all the while he carried a long whetstone hanging out at the pocket of his sleeve , so conspicuous , as men understood his meaning was to give himself the lie , which he would not in another matter have taken of any man . but thus the bishop had a conquest which he had no great comfort of , and lived but few years after it , and the knight had a foile that he would not seem much daunted with , and lived to have part of his fine releast by his majesties clemency ; but yet he tost up and down all his life without any great contentment , from wiltshire into wales , and thence to the isle of man , a while to chelsey , but little to york-shire where his stay should have been , so that of this story i could collect many documents , both for bishops and knights , but that i shun prolixity in a matter no way pleasing . howbeit because one p. r. or r. p. for he can turn his name as mountebank turns his capp , in his epistle before the resolution ( a book much praised by sir edwin sand , hath a scoffe after his manner at this hostess of doncaster ; i would pray him but to peruse the life of st. bernard , not that of their lying legend , but that which unworthily perhaps goeth among his most worthy works , written by william abbot in five books . there he shall find in the third chapter of his first book , how that same maidenly saint was subject to the like manner of scandall : first , of a young woman lying by him in naked bed , half a night when himself was not year old , and yet we must believe he toucht her not ; and next of his hostess also offering three timesin one night to come to his bed , and he crying out each time , latrones , latrones , theeves ▪ theeves , which our bishop had much more cause to have cryed , and had he but remembred it , as i doubt not but he had read it , he might peradventure have dissolved the pack with it . to utter mine own conceit franckly , if parsons conjecture were true , that by humane frailty this prelate had in his younger dayes been too familiar with this woman , which is said to passe but as a veniall sin among those of his profession , yet was the knights practise very foul , and the lords censure very just that condemned him : for i heard judge anderson , a learned and stout judge , condemn one for a rape , upon the oath of a woman ( notwithstanding , the man affirmed , and the woman denyed not , but she had often in former times yielded her self to his lust ) because it seemed she had repented that course of life , in betaking her to a husband . so my lord , if he had once such a fault , yet now that the fault had left him , as well as he the fault , had just cause to complain , and the knights practise was blame-worthy to seek to entrap him thereby to the spoile of the church and disgrace of his calling . and the arch-bishop did much noblier to hazard this obloquie of some idle tongues then to have incurred the greater scandall of betraying his church . to conclude therefore , i wish all squires and all knights to be fuller of reverence toward bishops and arch-bishops , and not to oppose or contest with them . the play at chess , a game not devised for or by fooles may teach , that the bishops due place is nearest the king , and though some knight can leap better over the pawns heads , yet ofttimes he leaps short , where the bishops power , if you crosse it , reacheth the length of the whole province . doctor john piers. of this doctor john piers , who lived and dyed a moft reverent prelate , i must , to give him the greater commendation , do like those , that when they will enforce them to leap their farthest , go back the contrary way some part of the ground , and by little and little amending their pace , at last over-leap the mark themselves had designed , so shall i look back into some part of his life , and showe first how unlikely he was to come to such high honour and place as he dyed in . for although he was a scholar towardly enough in his youth , of good wit , and not the meanest birth , having a gentleman of good sort to his brother : yet hasting to a competent ftay of life , he accepted of a small benefice in the countrey , as i take it near oxford , and there was in great hazard to have drowned all those excellent guifts that came after to be so well esteemed and rewarded in him : there first he was enforced to keep mean and rusticall company , that company enticed him to the german fashion , even then grown too common in england , to sit whole nights in a tipling house at ale and cakes , as ennius & cato are noted , of the former of whom horace saith , ennius ipse pater nunquam nisi potus ad arma prosiluit dicenda , and of the latter martial saith , quod nintio gaudes noctem producere vino ignosco vitium forte catonis habes . howbeit this gentleman never met with such a disgrace by such company as the parson of limmington had , whom our countreyman sir amias pawlet about a drunken fray set in the stocks , and yet after he proved both arch-bishop of york , and one of the greatest cardinals of christendom . neither do i bring these examples to lessen this fault , as if i were to leave some aspersion hereof upon him , my purpose is nothing lesse , for i am rather of that gentlemans mind , that having by fatherly indulgence tolerated the humour of gaming and wenching in his sonne , disinherited him for drinking , saying of the first , if he had wit he would not lose much by it : of the second , that in time for his own ease he would leave it ; but of the third he said , he would prove the elder the viler , and hardly ever amend it . now therefore that i have show'd you how this bishop was in danger by this fault , let me also showe how he was freed from it . being once against preparing , as well himself as others for receiving the holy communion , and making choice of a discreet confessor , before whom he might powre out his soul , a custom as pittifully abused in those dayes , as disused in these , he declared to him by the way this disposition of his to company and drinking . the preacher like a true spirituall father indeed , no less ▪ learnedly then zealously , laying before him the enormity of such a custom , did earnestly dehort him from it , affirming to him , that though every particular excess in that kind , did not reach to a habit , or height of mortall sin , as one act of adultery , murder , or false witness doth , yet if it should grow to a habit , it were not onely an ugly scandall in that profession , but would draw also as bad sins as it self with it . behold a comfortable example , how where nature is weak , grace can strengthen it ; upon this grave admonition , he left first the vice , and after the company , and following his study more industriously then before at the university , he ascended worthily the degrees of doctor and deane , and bishop and arch-bishop , and lived all his life not onely continent , but abstinent : of his continence , my authour hath said sufficient , of his abstinency this may be one proofe , that being sickly toward his end , he was so fearfull to drinke wine though his stomacke required it , that his physician being a pleasant man , and loving a cup of wine himselfe very well , was wont to fay to him sometimes , now if your grace will call for a cup of wine and drinke to me , i warrant it will never hurt you . doctor matthew hutton . i no sooner remember this famous and worthy prelate , but me thinks i see him in the chappel at white-hall , queen elizabeth at the window in the closset , all the lords of the parliament spirituall and temporall about them , and then after his three courtsies that i heare him out of the pulpit thundring this text : the kingdomes of the earth are mine , and i doe give them to whom i will , and i have given them to nebuchodonozor and his son , and his sons son : which text , when he had thus produced , taking the sense rather then words of the prophet , there followed first so generall a murmur of one friend whispering to another , then such an erected countenance in those that had none to speake to , lastly so quiet a silence and attention in expectance of some strange doctrine , where text it selfe gave away kingdomes and scepters , as i have never observed either before or since . but he , as if he had been a jeremiah himselfe , and not an expounder of him , shewed how there were two speciall causes of translating of kingdomes , the fulnesse of time and the ripenesse of sinne , that by either of these , and sometime by both , god in secret and just judgments transferred scepters from kindred to kindred , from nation to nation at his good will and pleasure , & running over historically the great monarchies of the world , as the kingdome of egypt and after of israel swallowed up by the assirians , and the golden head of nabuchodonozor , the same head cut off by the silver brest and armes of the medes . and perfians . cyrus and darius this silver consumed by the brazen belly , and this of the graecians and alexander , and that brasse stamped to powder by the iron legges of the romans and caesar . then coming neerer home , he shewed how oft our nation had been a prey to forreiners , as first when we were all brittans subdued by these romans , then , when the fulnesse of time and ripenesse of our finne required it , subdued by the saxons , after this a long time prosecuted and spoyled by the danes , finally conquered and reduced to perfect subjection by the normans whose posterity ▪ continued in great prosperity till the days of her majesty , who for peace , for plenty , for glory , for continuance , had exceeded them all , that had lived to change all her councellours but one , all officers twice or thrice , some bishops foure times , onely the uncertainty of succession gave hopes to forreiners to attempt fresh invasions and breed feares in many of her subjects of new conquest , the onely way then said he that is in pollicy left to quase those hopes and to asswage these feares were to establish the succession . he noted that nero was specially hated for wishing to have no successor , that even augustus was the worse beloved for appointing an ill man to his successor , and at last insinuating as farre as he durst the neernesse of bloud of our present soveraigne , he said plainly , that the expectations and presages of all writers went northward , naming without any circumlocution scotland , which said he , if it prove an errour , yet will it be found a learned errour . when he had finished this sermon there was no man that knew q. elizabeths disposition , but imagined that such a speech was as welcome as salt to the eyes , or to use her own word to pin up her winding sheet before her face , so to point out her successor and urge her to declare him , wherefore we all expected that she would not onely have been highly offended , but in some present speech have shewed her displeasure . it is a principle not to be despised , qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare , she considered perhaps the extraordinary auditory , she supposed many of them were of his opinion , she might susspect some of them had perswaded him to this motion , finally she ascribed so much to his yeares , to his place , to his learning , that when she opened the window we found ourselves all deceived ; for very kindly and calmly without shew of offence ( as if she had but waked out of some sleepe ) she gave him thanks for his very learned sermon . yet when she had better confidered the matter , and recollected her selfe in private , she sent two councellours to him with a sharp message , to which he was glad to give a patient answer . but in this time that the lords and knights of parliament and others were full of this sermon , a great peere of the realme that was then newly recovered of an impediment in his hearing ( i would he did heare no worse now ) being in great liking of the archbishop for this sermon , prayed me to prove my credit with his grace to get a copy thereof , and to use his name if need were , alledging that impediment which caused though he were present , that he carried away little of it , i did so and withall told how my selfe had stood so incommodiously by meanes of the great presse , as i heard it not well , but was faine to take much of it on trust on others mens reports , who varyed so , as some i was sure did him wrong . the archbishop welcom'd me very kindly , and made me sit with him a pretty while in his lodging , but in fine he told me plainly he durst give no copy , for that sir john fortescue and sir john wolley ( as i remember had beene with him before from the queene with such a greeting as he scant knew if he were a prisoner or a free man , and that the speech being already ill taken , the writing might exasperate that which already was exulcerate so he denyed my suit , but in so loving a fashion as from that time to his end i did greatly honour him , and laid up in my heart many good lessons i learned of him , and it was not long ere the queen was so well pacified , that he went downe with the presidency of yorke in the vacancy ( halfe against his will ) committed to him . till afterward the lord burleigh now earle of exeter , of whose courage fidelity and religious heart the queen had great assurance , was made the lord president . but to returne to this archbishop ; as he was in place , so was he in learning , and especially in reading , not second to any in his time , insomuch as in cambridge long since , he was one of the chosen disputants before the queen , and a jesuit . yeares since disgracing our english students , as neglecting and not reading the fathers , excepts this matthew hutton , and one famous matthew more , and of this hutton he saith , qui unus in paucis versare patres dicitur , who is one of those few that searcheth the fathers : for matters of the world i can say but that that is known to the world ; his eldest sonne is a knight of faire living , and now or lately sheriffe of yorkeshire , and a man of very good reputation . one other sonne he had , that had an ill life , brought to a worse end , his name was luke hutton , so valiant that he feared not men nor laws , and for a robbery done on st. lukes day , for names sake he died as bad a death , i hope with a better mind then the theef , of whom st. luke writes , that he bad our saviour , if he were christ to save himself and him . the arch-bishop herein show'd the constancy and severity worthy of his place ; for he would not endeavour to save him ( as the world thought he easily might ) deserving herein the praise of justice , which eli wanted , that was too indulgent of his sonnes voices , and having hereby no blot , but such as may sort him with the great monark of this last age , king philip , with two famous warriors of the old romans , manlius and brutus , and with the highest priest even aaron . his own death was more happy then his life , to die satur annorum , full of years , and to see and leave peace upon israel . doctor thoby matthews . the praises of a friend are partiall or suspicious , of strangers uncertain and not iudicious , of courtly persons complementall and mannerly , of learned and wise men more pretious , of a prince most cordiall and comfortable ; but of an adversary , though often dangerous , yet never undeserved : what exceptions then can be taken to his just prayses , whom friends commend , strangers admire , nobles imbrace , the learned affect and imitate , his soveraigns have advanced , and even his enemy and emulous cannot chuse but extoll and approve . for edmond campion in his pamphlet of the ten reasons , which the catholiques count an epitome of all their doctrine , labouring to prove , that the fathers were all papists , to give the uttermost credit he can to his assertion , saith , that thoby matthew confest to him so much . pertentavimus ( saith he ) aliquando familiariter thobiam mattheum , qui nunc in concionibus dominatur , quem propter bonas artes & virtutum semina dileximus . we did once in familiar sort sound thoby matthews opinion , he that now domineers in your pulpits , whom for his good learning and seeds of vertue , we esteemed &c. this then is the testimoniall of their champion concerning his excellent guifts yeers since ; if this commendation were then due , as indeed except it had been very due , that pen would never have given it , what may we think of him now , that for preaching may say with st. paul , i have laboured more then ye all , for reading lets no book passe , which for authour , matter , or wit hath any fame , who hath so happy a memory that no occasion slips him , whether premeditate or sudden , either in publick or private , to make use of that he hath read . but it is worth the hearing , which he answers to this calumniation , as well as commendation , which answer being in a long and learned latine sermon , ad clerum , i will not wrong so much to abbreviate in this place , but only for that same point . qui in concionibus domininatur , his sharp and modest return , i could not let passe being but a line . neque enim nostrū ministeriū est dominatio , neque dominatio vest : ministeriū . for neither is our ministery any lordly authority , nor your lordly command a true ministery . but his reading , learning & preaching is so well known to his highness , as i do but lose labour in recounting either generall or particular prayses thereof . i will descend now to some personall matters , which though commonly they are more captious for the writer , yet are they withall more pleasing and acceptable to the reader . he was born of honest rather then honourable parents in the city of bristol , which city , standing in two counties , somerset and gloucester , might move both counties hereafter to challenge him for their countreyman , as divers cities of greece did homer , if himself would not somtime clear it , by saying that he is a somersetshire man , or to write it as he spake sportingly a zomersetshire man , showing a towardliness in his very infancy to learning , he was set very young to school at wells ; but over-running his school-masters doctrine with his docility , he went quickly to oxford , yet ere he went , he had a marvellous misfortune ; for even as if sathan had foreseen that he should one day prove some excellent instrument of his service that must bruise the serpents head , he forgot not to attempt his part insidiari calcaneo , procuring him in a plain easie way so terrible a fall , as brake his foot , and small of his legg and ankle almost to pieces . but if the strong man procured this harm , a stronger granted the remedy ; for he was soon after so soundly cured , as there remained after , no sign or scar , no effect or defect . either for fight or use of this rupture . after his coming to oxford , he took all his degrees so ripe in learning , and so young in age , as was half a miracle . there it seems also the colledges strove for him , he removed so oft , till he rested in that for which he was ordained a principall vessel , christs church ; during his abode , there being dean of christschurch , it was hard to say , whether he was more respected for his great learning , eloquence , authority , countenance given by the queen , and the great ones : or beloved , for his sweet conversation , friendly disposition , bounty , that even then showd it self , and above all a chearfull sharpness of wit , that so sawced all his words and behaviour , that well was he in the university , that could be in the company of thoby matthew , and this name grew so popular and plausible , that they thought it a derogation to their love , to add any title of doctor or deane to it ; but if they spake of one of his men , as he was ever very well attended , they would say mr. matthew , or mr. thoby matthews man , yea even since he was bishop , and archbishop , some cannot leave that custom yet . among some speciall men that enjoyed , and joyed most in his friendship and company in oxford , and in remembrance of it , since they were sundred , was doctor eedes , late dean of worcester , one whose company i loved , as well as he loved his thoby matthew . he for their farewell , upon his remove to durham , intending first to go with him from oxford , but one dayes journey , was so betrayed by the sweetness of his company , and their old friendship , that he not onely brought him to durham ; but for a pleasant penance wrote their whole journey in latine verse , which poem himself gave to me , and told me so many pretty apophthegmes of theirs in their younger years , as might make a book almost by it self . and because i wrote onely for your highness pleasure , i will hazard my lords displeasure to repeat one or two of his , of one two hundred , that doctor eedes when he lived , could remember , being vice-chancellor in oxford , some slight matters & men coming before him , one was very importunate to have them stay for his councel : who is of your councel saith the vice-chancellor , ( saith he ) mr. leasteed , alas said the vice-chancellor , no man can stand you in less stead , no remedy saith the other , necessity hath no law . indeed quoth he , no more i think hath your councellor . in a like matter another was to be bound in a bond very like to be forfeited , and came in hast to offer it , saying he would be bound if he might be taken , yes saith he , i think you will be taken , what 's your name , cox saith the party , and so prest as the manner is to come into the court , make him more room there said he , let coxcome in . such facetious passages as these that are as delightfull to the hearer , as a fair course at tilt is to the beholders , where the staffe breaks both at the point , and counterbuffe even to the hand , such i say a man might collect a volum of , not at the second hand but at the first , that had been so much in his company , and so oft at his board as i have been , but that i must keep good manners , remembring the greek proverb , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} odi memorem compotorem . and if your highness had a fancy to hear more of them , mr. doctor dromond can as well relate them as my self , both of us having met in his graces dish sometimes , and tasted of this sawce . yet this kind of pleasantness that i repeat as one of his prayses , himself will most seriously check in himself , sometime as his fault and infirmity , which he confesses he is inforced to use , sometime as a recreation of his wearied spirits , after more painfull and serious studies , and though in these conceits , the wit might seem to labour , as much as in these gravest , and had need to carry as it were , a good bent to send them so smartly as they come from him ordinarily : yet methinks it may be fitly compared to a bow that will endure bending the contrary way , and thereby come to cast the better in his right bent , or by a more homly comparison , to a true and tough laborer in our countrey , that having sweat at hard labour all the week , asketh no better refreshing , then to sweat as fast with dancing about the may-pole , or running at base , or wrestling upon the holiday . wherefore let himself call it his fault , as i have heard him oft , and say he knows such nugacity becomes not his place , and lament that nature and custom have so fram'd him , that when he ceases to be pleasant at his meat , he must cease to be ; for my part , i' speak frankly , i will love this fault in him , if it be a fault , and be glad if i can follow it , having learnt an old rule of my mother in law , at meat be glad , for sin be sad ; and i will say hereafter for my selfe , haud metuam si jam nequeo defendere crimen cum tanto commune viro . or , as upon no unlike occasion , i wrote ten yeers since to dr. eeds . though m●s love mens lines and lives to scanne , he saith he thinks me no dishonest man ; yet one great fault of mine he oft rehearses , which is , i am too full of toyes and uerses : true 〈◊〉 true it is , my fault i grant ; yet when thou shalt thy greatest vertues vaunt , i know some worthy spirits one might entice to leave that greatest vertue for this uice . but if any wil be so stoicall , as to make this confession of my lords grace ( which is indeed of grace ) to serve them for an accusation , to give him thereby the nick-name of nugax , given yeers past to radulphus archbishop of canterbury , and successour of the great anselme , as is noted in the catalogue p. . i should think them unjust and undiscreet to stir up new emulation between canterbury and yorke ; but rather i might compare him with one of his own predecessors in durham , cuthbert tunstall , p. . of the same book , well worth the reading and remembring . in the mean time let me lay their censorious mood with this verse . qui sic nugatur tractantem ut seria vincat , hic tractaturus seria quantus erat . but to draw to an end , i will tell one act of his of double piety , done not long since . he made a journey , accompanied with a troop , fit for his calling , to bristol , to see his mother , who was then living , but not able to travel to him ; after much kindnesse shewed to her , and much bounty to the city , he went to visit his other mother of oxford , and comming neer the town with that troop of his retinue , and friends to the water , it came into his mind how that time yeer , or more , he past the same water , as a young poor scholler , going to oxford , remembring jacobs words , in baculo meo transivi jordanem istum , &c. with my staffe i passed over this jordan , and now i passe over again with these troups , he was so moved therewith , that he alighted from his hors , and going apart , with devout tears of joy and thankfulnesse , he kneeled down and used some like words . it may seem pity that a man of so sweet and milde disposition should have any crosse , but he that sends them knowes what is best for his . he hath had one great domesticall crosse , though he beares it wisely , not in his wife , for she is the best reported and reputed of her sort i thinke in england , and they live together by st. pauls rule . uientes hoc seculo . but i meane such a crosse as david had in his sonne absalom , for though he gave both consent and commission to prosecute him , yet nature overcame displeasure , and forced him to cry , absalom my son , my son , i would i might suffer for thee or in thy stead my son , my son . for indeed this son of his whom he and his friends gave over for lost , yea worse then lost , was likely for learning , for memory , for sharpnesse of wit and sweetnesse of behaviour to have proved another thoby matthew , neither is his case so desperate , but that if he would belief matthew better then thoby , i would thinke yet there were hope to reclaime him . of durham , and the present bishop thereof dr. james . it is noted of dionysius of sicily that he had no care of any religion that was professed in his country , as neither had his father before him , making but a sport to robbe their gods , taking away aesculapius beard of gold , because his father apollo had no beard , and jupiters golden cloake saying that it was too heavy for sommer and too cold for winter , yet used he to conferre sometimes with philosophers , and have the choysest of them and give them honourable entertainment , which honour at last bred him this commodity , that losing his crowne hee learned to beare poverty not onely without dismay but with some disport . the like i may say of a late great earle of this realme , son of a great duke , who though he made no great conscience to spoyle the church livings no more then did his father , yet for his reputation and perhaps for his recreation , he would have some choyce and excellent men for his chaplaines of both universities , as doctor thoby matthew now archbishop of yorke , doctor john still bishop of bath and wells , and this prelate that i am now to speake of doctor james then deane of christchurch and this hope of comfort came to his lordship thereby , that if it pleased god to impart any mercy to him ( as his mercy endureth for ever ) it was by the speciall ministery of this man , who was the last of his coat that was with him in his sicknesse . concerning this bishoprick it is formerly noted by mine author , that it was once dissolved by act of parliament in the minority of king edward the sixth , what time the two new dukes of sommerset and northumberland like the souldiers that cast lots for christs garment divided between them patrimonium crucifixi , namely , the two good bishopricks of bath and durham , one being designed as a seat for the western duke , the other for the northern ; and whereas by an old metamorphofis the bishop of durham had been earle of northumberland , now by a new apotheosis the duke of northumberland would have beene bishop of durham : but qui despexit de coelo deribedat eos . that visible hand that wrote in the wall while balthasar was quaffing in the holy vessels , that hand though invisible weighed these petty monarks in the ballance of gods judgements , found them too light ; and because they should not grow too long , they were both cut shorter by the head : the bishopricks restored to what they now are by queene mary , one being in substance , the other by accident of leaden mines , two of the best bishopricks of england , and as worthy bishops they have had , especially these two of them , namely two matthews are spoken of in the title of yorke . there remaines now this third , who having had yet scant a yeare and a day as they say , i have the lesse to speake of as of a bishop . but that examining by the infallible square set downe by st. paul to timothy chap. . for choyce of a bishop he will be found as worthily chosen as any : for his learning it may be sufficient to say he was deane of christchurch , which as i have said formerly attaines not to but choyce men , and there are sermons of his extant in print that testifie no lesse . for hospitality which is a speciall praise of a bishop , he shewed in oxford his disposition thereto in that lesse hability , and for both at once at the comming of divers great states , and lastly fifteen yeares past of the queen her self before whom he preached , and to whom he gave so good entertainment , as her majesty commended the order and manner of it long after ; which commendation of well setting out and ordering a feaft , i should have thought of the lesse moment , if i did not finde in plutarke in the life of paulus aemylius a great captain and conquerour , and otherwise a man of much vertue and temperance , the well ordering of a feast to be esteemed not one of his least commendations . but i will conclude with a greater and more worthy commendation ; and which i could wish , as it is exemplar , so it might be followed by all ensuing bishops . for whereas durham house had been granted to queen elizabeth only during her life , when few thought that such a house would have proved too little for her estate . it fortuned after she was queen this house to be neglected according to the proverbe not unfit to be applyed to his learning that first built it : praestat esse caput asini quam cauda leonis . among other roomes the chappell was not onely prophaned but even defaced this good bishop the first thing he doth at his comming repaires this chappell , and and furnisheth it within in comely and costly sort ; for which good mind and act , i doubt not but god wil build him a house , toward which he shall ever have my best wishes . of carlile , and the bishop dr. henry robinson . this bishopricke , as my author hath touched page . and . hath beene so fortunate to have yeilded two singular examples of fidelity and loyalty of prelats to their soveraigne , one of especiall marke worthy to be cannonized with the patron of venice . st. marke was also named merks commended here by my author , and no lesse worthily extolled by mr. samuel daniel , in his excellent poem of the civill warres of lancaster and yorke . the other was bishop oglethorpe , who when all the bishops of england refused to crowne elizabeth because of her religion , yet he being himselfe of a contrary religion performed it , neither of these received their reward in this world that they were worthy . merks being removed from carlile to samos in greece , viz. out of gods blessing into a warme sunne as the saying is , oglethorpe enduring deprivation because even at the coronation he would not omit the ceremony of elevation , howbeit it is supposed if he had not so suddenly after dyed of the griefe , her majesty would have had some speciall respect of him above all fellowes , which i speake not upon meere conjecture , but upon some speech of her majesty used to the present bishop that now is , for when shee received his homage , she gave many gracious words to him of her good opinion , for his learning integrity , and sufficiency to the place , concluding that she must ever have a care to furnish that place with a worthy man ; for his sake said she that set my crowne first on my head , and many words to like effect , as the bishop himselfe hath partly told me . he seemes a man of great gravity , and temperance very mild in his speech , but not of so strong a constitution of body as his countenance doth promise ; but having seen his sea never , and himself but seldome , i must content me of him with this short relation . of chester ; and the present bishop , dr. flood . of this new bishopricke , and new lord bishop also i have very little to say , and i need say the lesse , because your highnesse hath heard him preach often , and very well ; i call him a new lord bishop , because though he were a bishop before , yet was he not thereby a lord of the parliament house ; howbeit his title before sounded to the vulgar ears more universall then either rome or constantinople , namely bishop of man : but from thence he was translated to chester the chiefe city of that shire , that some call chiefe of men , which shire having a speciall temporall blessing ( to abound ) not with milke and honey , as the land of promise , but with milke and salt , a matter more necessary in sacrifice ; i wish it may also flow in spirituall blessings , and doubt not but that by the irrigation rather then inundation of this floud they shall encrease in them , and as our saviour commands to joyne peace with salt , and especially i wish that blessing to their neighbours beyond the salt water , i meane in ireland , who though they have milk , and are so weake in faith they cannot yet digest hard meat , yet for want of this salt and peace , they make many goe of pilgrimage to westchester against their wills from both realmes , some of whom the bishop of chester was wont to entertaine in kinde sort , as my selfe can testifie , and this bishop i heare doth herein succeed also his worthy predecessor doctor vaughan . thus have you , most highly esteemed and most entirely beloved prince , this unworthy supply of mine to the worthy worke of a more worthy man . it is growne into greater length then i expected , by reason i tooke some kinde of pleasure with the paine of writing hereof , supposing i was all the while telling a story as it were in your highnesse presence and hearing . now if any that favour not the persons i write of , nor the purpose i write for , happen to sport at this my fashion of writing to your highnesse , as tigranes jested at lucullus army , saying , if he came as an embassadour his traine was to great , if as a warrier , his troop was too small . so if they say this treatise for an epistle is too long , for a history too little , i will also hope that this whether long epistle or short relation , shall have like successe in your highnesse approbation , as that contemptible army had to conquer their contemners . finis . an alphabeticall table according to the sir-names of those bishops who are discours'd of in the fore-going relation . bishops names . place . page . andrews chichester babington worcester bancrost canterbury barlow bath and wells barlow rochester bennet hereford bilson winchester chatterton lincoln coldwell salisbury cooper winchester cotton salisbury cotton exeter day vvinchester dove peterborough elmer london fletcher london flood chester gardiner winchester godwin bath and vvells godwin landaff grindall canterbury heaton ely hutton york james durham jewel salisbury king bath and vvells matthew york overton coventry & lichfield parker canterbury piers york ravis london robinson carlile rud st. davids sands york scory hereford still bath and vvells thompson gloucester thornbury bristoll vaughan london underhill oxenford vvatson chichester vvestphaling hereford vvickham elder winchester wickham younger winchester white winchester whiteguist canterbury young york finis . a consideration and a resolvtion first concerning the right of the laity in nationall councels : secondly concerning the power of bishops in affaires secular : prepared for the honourable house of parliament / by sr. e.d. ... dering, edward, sir, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing d ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing d estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) a consideration and a resolvtion first concerning the right of the laity in nationall councels : secondly concerning the power of bishops in affaires secular : prepared for the honourable house of parliament / by sr. e.d. ... dering, edward, sir, - . p. printed for f. eglesfeild, london : . attributed to edward dering. cf. blc. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng bishops -- temporal power. a r (wing d ). civilwar no a consideration and a resolution. first, concerning the right of the laity in nationall councels. secondly, concerning the power of bishops dering, edward, sir f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a consideration and a resolvtion . first , concerning the right of the laity in nationall councels . secondly , concerning the power of bishops in affaires secular . prepared for the honourable house of parliament . by sr. e. d. kt. and baronet . a consideration vpon the late canons . that the late canons are invalidous , it will easily appeare , and that they are so originally in the foundation , or rather in the founders of them , i will assume upon my selfe to demonstrate , having first intimated my sence by way of preparative . the pope ( as they say ) hath a triple crowne , answerable thereunto , and to support that , hee pretends to have a threefold law . the first is , jus divinum , episcopacie by divine right ; and this hee would have you thinke to be the coronet next his head , that which doth circle and secure his power . our bishops have ( in an unlucky time ) entred their plea and pretended title to this crowne , episcopacy by divine right . the second is ius humanum , constantin's donation , the gift of indulgent princes ; temporal power . this law belongs to his second , or his middle crowne ; already also pleaded for by our prelates in print . these two crownes being obtained , he ( the pope ) doth frame and make his third crowne himselfe , and setts that upmost , upon the toppe — this crowne also hath its law , and that is ius canonicum , the canon law , of more use unto his popeship then both the other — iust so our prelates from the pretended divinity of their episcopacy , and from the temporall power granted by our princes they would now obtrude a new canon-law upon us . they have charged their canons at us to the full , and never fearing that ever they would recoyle backe into a parliament they have rammed a prodigious ungodly oath into them . the illegality and invalidity of these canons ( as i conceive ) is easily discoverable by one short question , viz. what doe you call the meeting wherein they were made ? give it a name to know it by : who can frame his argument aright unlesse hee can first tell against what hee is to argue ? would you confute the convocation ? they were a holy synod ? would you argue against the synod ? why they were commissioners , would you dispute the commission ? they will mingle all powers together , and answer that they were some fourth thing , that we neither know nor imagine . quo teneam nodo mutantem protea ? unlesse they will unriddle thēselves , & owne what they were , we may prosecute , but hardly with concludent arguments . yet i venture . i have conferred with some of the founders of these new canons , but i professe clearely , that i could never yet meete with any one of that assembly , who could ( in behalfe of their meeting ) well answer me the first question in the catechisme , what is your name ? alas , they are parted before they know what they were when they were together . the summe of the severall answers , that i have received , doth amount to this . they were a convocationall — synodicall — assembly of commissioners , indeede a threefold chimaera , a monster to our lawes , a cerberus to our religion . a strange commission wherein no one commissioners name is to bee found . a strange convocation that lived when the parliament was dead : a strange holy synod where one part never saw , never confirred with the other . — but indeede what use or need of conference , if that bee true of these canons , which i reade of the former ones , notum est canones formari lambethae , priusquàm in synodo ventilentur ? thus farre preparatory . i proceede to my argument , whereby to manifest the invalidity of these canons , not borrowing but avoiding what have formerly beene instanced by others . i will neither inveigh upon them as unnamed commissioners , nor infirme them as the worke of a dead convocation ; but will take them in the capacity of their owne affected title of a synod . such they bragged themselves to bee whilest they sate : such they stile themselves in the title-page of these ( never to be canonized ) canons — the words are — canons treated upon in convocation — agreed upon in synod . thus treating in one capacity and agreeing in another : is a new mould to cast canons in never used before . canons bredde , in a convocation , borne in a synod . thus although wee finde not one good father , here are yet two mothers to one illfavored child ; never knowne before , nor imagined but of bacchus , whom the poet calls among other attributes — solúmque bimatrem . i proceede , if their meeting be a synod , eyther it is so by donation , by election , or onely by vsurpation . donation from the king , is this title and authority , indulged to them by his majestie : looke through all his highnesse letters patents , and they are not once saluted with the ambitious title of a synod . yet in the canons they have assumed it seventeen times , it is their owne pride , their owne presumption . the king hath not done it , ( pardon me ) no prince ever did it or can doe it ; no power regall , imperiall , or papall did ever attempt it , to ordaine that william , & richard , mathew and iohn , &c. and i know not who more , being met and assembled upon other summons shall by a commission be on a sudden translated from what they were , into an unthought-of nationall synod , without voyce or choyse of any man to bee concerned : this never was done , this never can be well done . as for due election for such meetings , this indeede is or ought to bee of the true esse to a legitimate synod . but due election made up by voyces is so much a stranger to this synod , that their fatherhoods will confesse that they were never trusted to this synod , as a synod by any , either of the clergy or of the laity . concerning the choise of a few of them , and but a few ( about . as i guesse ) chosen to the convocation house , that will never render them a lawfull synod , untill they can prove metamorphosis and transubstantiation . — for the votes of all their chusers upon expiration of the convocation house returned backe home to every mans bosome from whence they breathed . so that if you will en-live the same men to bee now synodall , who were before but convocationall , you must renew the old pythagorean transmigration , for they want the breath and life of an election . a new one you have not , and the old one is not to be had but by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . besides i do affirme & shall approve , that the electors to a convocation and to a synod are not all one . the clergie only doe , and of right onely ought to chuse unto the convocation house . the reason ; we of the laity ( so they will call us ) have our houses of commons where our trustees by vertue of our voyces doe sit at the same time . but in the choice unto a synod , wee who must be bound by the determinations of the synod , ought also to be interessed in the parties determining . this is cleare enough in reason , and will bee better cleared presently . of synods i finde five severall sorts , first a generall or universall synod ; secondly , patriarchichall , thirdly national , fourthly provinciall ; fiftly a diocesan synod . i passe by the two first and last , as not pertinent to this time and affaire . concerning provinciall and nationall synods a word or two ; if i knew which to call their late meeting . they runne on in riddles : and i want oedipus at every turne . these canons , were they forged in one synod nationall , or in two proncialls ? — were they two provinciall synods ? how then come their actes and canons to bee imbodyed together ? how comes it to passe that all the canons speake in the singular number ? the synod ; the holy synod ; the sacred synod . sacred will now be hardly granted , unlesse as the poet doth , — auri sacra fames . was it then but one ? was it a nationall synod ? why the provinces ( wee all know ) never did convene , they never met together . looke on the representative body of the commons of this whole land : every one within the same walles hearing every ones argument , and thereupon mending , altering , and ( as occasion is ) correcting his own judgement , & afterwards ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ) joyning in unanimous consent . and if the able members of the north beyond trent were divided frō the rest , there would be quickly found a want of their worth and weight , nor could their sitting at the same time at yorke , make the rest a house of commons here , for the whole kingdome must be represented entire . but as we have done the title synod , so let us give them the attribute nationall , a nationall synod , and yet see how inconsistant and invalidous they are ! the very esse of every synod doth subsist in a double foundation . fundamentum materiale and fundamentum formale . — the due materialls of a synod are the inteteriour qualities and indowments of the persons where of the synod consisteth , not their externall dignityes and promotions . and therefore every man thus qualified is as capable to bee of the synod , as any deane or archdeacon of them all . the fundamentum formale , is delegatio ab ecclesia & debita electio . a due choyce to be made by all that are or shall bee concerned in the determinations of the synod : and this trust of choyce may fall upon another man , as well and as soone as upon deane or archdeacon . i will not quarell the want of able parts in any the members of that late doubtfull dangerous meeting : i grant them the materialls of a true synod , but will insist onely upon the second , want of forme , want of due election : which if they want the most virtuall and most obliging tye , and the most binding part is wanting . that they had no such election , we need not goe forth to prove ; no one man in the kingdome can say that he gave a voice to the election of any one deane or archdeacon to sit for him in that synod , nor were the clarkes chosen by all who were to be bound . so then there remaineth only to bee proved this . that such election of persons , by all persons to be concerned in the decrees , and canons , is necessary to the constituting of a lawful synod ; which is all one as to say , that the elections to a synod ought to by , both be the clergy and the laity . i will trouble you but with one reason , and a very few instances , all br●ifely . the acts and canons of every lawfull nationall councell or synod , ought to binde the whole nation both laity and clergie : but this cannot bee reasonable and just , if the laity bee excluded both from consultation and from choyce of consulters . the reason is plaine . it is ground in nature , and so confessed upon this very case by dr. feild , who hath it out of occom — quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debet . and this is so cleare a maxime , that in this very sence also ; for the laity to be present at councells this very aphorisme is used by the pope in his own glosse upon the canonist gratian . quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debet . surely our clergie are much too high , if herein they would outgoe the very canons of the papall synods , and conclude that which shall binde all , where all are not admitted to treate ; neither by themselves nor by proxy . now the benefit of this law of nature and of reason ( as dr. field calleth it ) we clayme . the present canons doe concerne us . i may be a church-warden , my sonne may bee a master of art ; then must i present upon their yet unborne articles , and he must sweare their oath of covenant — well , they were never trusted by us unto a synod , and therefore ought not to tye us up un-heard , it is against nature and reason . to second this argument by instance in proofe of practice , i shall produce a few , and but a few of many examples and authorities : the originalls i cannot now command , but must bee content to name a few extracts , which by way of transcript doe walke along with my vademecum . the point that i would establish is this , that in synods and councells where lay men are concerned in the decrees , there the laity ought to be present to consult if not also to decide the conclusions . i will but point , i will not enlarge to the vouching every place verbatim ; dr. feild , dr. fulke , goulartius , are cleare and positive in this point . our statutes for correcting & gathering together the former canons into a new body , doe clearely evidence this unto us ; in all which there is an equall proportion mixed , sixteene of the clergie and as many of the laity . the author of the history of trent is frequent in this point , adding this for a reason , that in a generall councell , the universall church cannot bee represented if the laity be excluded . so by the rule a paribus : the reason holdeth the same , a nationall councell cannot represent a nation if but one degree of men , men of one quality and capacity be onely present , and the rest altogether excluded . gratian , the canonist doth allow the laity to bee present , especially in such councells as doe treate of faith , and for proofe doth vouch pope nicolas . i will omit many proof●s of many emperours being personally present and president in many councells , by themselves and sometimes by their vicegerents , as marcellinus , candidianus , martianus , &c. yet even this is argumentative for us , and a preservative of our right , for the laity to be present . the greeke historians are so plentifull that i will but name them . theodoret. l . c. . eusebius de vita constantin . l. . c. & sozomen . l. ● . c. . & . niceph. callistus . l. c. . socrates . l. . c. . & l . c. . among the latine fathers cyprian is very plentifull . as for councells , looke , nice . . vouched by eusebius de vita constantini — conc. carthag . cited by gratian . — the councell of eliberis in spaine . councell of constantinople in theodoret. — councell of constance ; and the second of nice . — where it is said of that imperiall lady the famous pulcheria augusta , that ipsa persemet ipsam in sancta quarta synodo sedit : which fourth synod was with martianus the emperour . to these i adde the very ordo celebrandi concilia written by isidor , and like unto the modus tenendi parliamentum . thus much for humane testimonie , i have done with my hasty notes , onely i adde this , and i beseech you to intend it . whilest we of the laity had our power and voices to chuse our owne ministers , and our owne bishops , ( which was our ancient right , constantly allowed & practised in the best primitive times , whereof the proofes are yet evident enough ) so long ( i say ) we might trust them in a synod , whom wee first had trusted to direct and guide our soules in all the ministeriall function . — but to conclude us up now and shut us out contrary to the law of nature and reason , contrary to ancient usages : not to admit us to determination , nay to exclude us from consultation , and after all to take from us all assent both in choyse and in refusall of pastors to be set over us , and yet to binde us by decres so made , may prove ( i feare ) no lesse then soule-tyranny . i doe not presse the deserved right of our choyse of pastors : but one thing more , lend me patience to adde as supreme coronis to all that i have said for right of laity in synods . looke i beseech you in the first synod that ever was held in the christian church and that for so great and singular a cause as never was occasion for the like in the world before or since : you have it in the first of the acts of the holy apostles , and it is for the choice of a new apostle . there were in this synod and of this synod , the eleven apostles , acts . . with the brethren of the lord , verse . there were the disciples , there was turba {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a multitude , of abovt a names , ver. . saint peter tells them that out of that number one must bee ordained to be a witnesse of the resurrection of our saviour ; thereupon what doth the multitude of disciples there present . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} verse . they place or set two before the apostles : and the same men viz. all the disciples verse . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} they give forth their lots , and thereupon , the lot falling upon matthias , he was numbred ( saith our translation ) with the eleven apostles ; but the originall is more {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} communibus calculis annumeratus est , he was by common assent or by common voyces reckoned with the eleven . now who were these common voyces , who were these men ? evangelists , bishops , deacons , and presbyters or elders , as yet there was not one in all the world , the apostles were but eleven , perhaps not numbred in this . the disciples if you will say , that they were there and were clergy men , yet they were but . so that here is no evasion : the laity were present , and not passive only , they were active in this so originall , so weighty a synod . my second instance in this kinde , is out of the second councell that ever wee read was held , and this is acts . where the apostles call a councell for the choyse of deacons . then the twelve called the multitude of the disciples to them , ver. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . they being assembled doe not say , we have decreed , we have ordered and ordayned , and injoyned , but their language is verse . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , brethren looke ye out , the word is the same as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} both from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to oversee , doe you oversee among you , seven men of honest report . and the saying ( as it is verse . ) pleased {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the whole multitude , there is a consent of theirs , more plaine in {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} they the multitude chose seaven , stephen and philip , &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} whom they ( still the multitude {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) verse . did set or place before the apostles . the third and the last shall be the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the great and generall councell held by the apostles upon the dissention of the church in point of circumcision ( and that is acts . ) there you shall againe finde present , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} verse . all the multitude : but you will say and object that the next word is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the multitude kept silence . true , ergo what ? therefore they speake not at all in this councell ? nothing lesse . but ergo they had spoken before : for it is plaine by the word . then all the multitude kept silence . if they had nothing there to doe but to be alwaies silent , this particle of time , then might well have beene spared . this may perhaps be objected and therefore ought to bee prevented , for the further clearing whereof , observe ( i pray ) the next verse , v. . where in like manner , it is said of paul and barnabas {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . and after they held their peace , ergo they had spoken . and therefore the fryer who collected together a body of councells ( peter crabbe the german ) doth even from this place inferre a consent of the people saying , tacuit omnis multitudo consentiens petro . but if you would have this more clearely evidenced beyond all exceptions , i pray take notice of the resolution of this synod , verse . then pleased it the apostles and elders with the whole church . with the whole church , what is that ? the blessed apostles and their fellow labourers did not engrosse , and ( as our church-men affect to doe ) usurpe and monopolize the word church , as proper onely to church-men . — no you shall finde it even in the epigraphe of the canons and decrees of this true , holy , and sacred synod , that the despised laity are in these canons conjoyned with the blessed apostles although pope and patriarch , primate and metropolitan , archbishop and bishops , yea even downe to deane and archdeacon : ( i have heard it ) doe dispise the thought of admitmitting the laity . i do not say to decision , but even to consultation , nay to the very choyce of consulters in religion : nay lower even so much as to have a negative power , when a man of inabilitie , and of ill life is obtruded upon them ; i proceed , for i would not orare but probare , looke verse . they that were present had voyce , they who voiced the canons , joyned in the decree , and sending the decree unto antioch . the words are thus , the apostles and elders , and brethren send greeting to the brethren which are in antioch , &c. here the brethren at hierusalem are ( with the apostles and the elders ) actors in and authors of the canons in this councell agreed . there is no evasion , no clusion , to be had , unlesse you can prove that all the brethren in antioch to whom these brethren in hierusalem did write , were onely clergie men . which if you should affirme , our clergy will hardly bee pleased with you , for they must then be of the multitude ( not a speciall lot ) for barnabas and paul did deliver this epistle ( being t●e decree of this synod ) to the multitude {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as it is found in the verse . and when they had gathered the multitude together they delivered the epistle . thus much in way of pursuit for this one argument , that no canons can binde the laity where we have no voyce of our owne , nor choyce of the clergie persons who doe found them , nor assent in the susception of them after they are framed . quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debet . it remaines as a wish that every member of that meeting , who voted these exorbitant canons , should come severally to the barre of the parliament house with a canon booke in his hand , and there unlesse he can answer his catechisme ( as i call'd it ) and shew what is the name of their meeting , and ( unlesse hee can manifest that the laity are no part of the church ) conceptis verbis in such expresse termes as that hovse should thinke fit , to abjure his owne ill begotten issue , or else be commanded to give fire to his owne canons . finis . hosea . . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . they have reigned to themselves , and not by me : they have beene princes , and i knew it not . that bb. ovght not to hold secvlar power . ovr lord and saviour ( blessed for ever ) being indeede a king , pilate ( his judge ) seemeth to start and bee in feare at that great title : although our saviour had told him ( iohn . . ) saying , my kingdome is not of this world : pilate ( still in feare ) sought to release him ( iohn . . ) but more in feare of caesar ( the king at that time of this world ) he adjudged the lord of life to death , yet honorably writeth his title ( mat. . . ) this is iesus the king of the iewes . this title he then was crowned withall , when life and death divided his soule and body asunder ; that in a manner it may bee said , hee never was king indeede , untill he was out of this world . if he who was our lord and master ( ioh. . . ) had not this worlds royalty , whence commeth that the pope is crowned ? and his cardinall 's in purple ? whence have our bishops their lordships ? and as themselves call it ( bishop hall in his episcopacy , &c. part § . p. . ) jura regalia ) their royalty and rites of baronage ? it may prove a disquisition deepe and dangerous , yet i desire ( without envy to their pompe or persons ) to wade so farre as may satisfie a minde that loves truth , and desires to be led by it : and this with all possible brevity . there hath beene a happie and blessed reformation of our church , god send a better , and a more severe reformation of our churchmen , or else our church is now in danger to be deformed againe . the state of this inquirie may bee this , viz. whether the ministers of christs kingdome may receive worldly titles , and execute worldly offices and powers ? or more generally thus : whether a clergy man may semel & simul , be both a clergy man and a layman , in power , office and authotity over other men in both kinds ? goe we to the fountaine head ( luke . ) there was a strife among them ( the apostles ) which of them should bee accompted the greatest ; which of the twelve soever beganne this emulation of power . certaine it is that the two soones of zebedee , iames and iohn with their mother first presumed ( mat. . . ) to come and aske the highest places of honour ( next to the very throne ) in the kingdome of christ ; which kingdome was conceited by them shortly after to be raised in the splendour of this world : this is genuinely gathered from this very story , generally confessed , & clearely confirmed in the historie of the acts , &c. where the apostles doe aske our saviour , even after his resurrection saying ( acts . . ) lord wilt thou at this time restore againe the kingdome to israel . therefore to these two brethren and their mother , so much mistaken in the nature of his kingdome he maketh answer ( mat. . . ) yee know not what you aske . he presently sheweth the entertainement of his kingdome , a cup to drinke of , that many were like to pray might passe from them ; but they answer they are able to drinke thereof . this their answer as it proved true in all the twelve apostles , so by the providence of god , one of these two brothers ( acts . ●● ) iames , was the first of all the rest , who dranke the cup of martyrdome , and as some thinke iohn was the last of the apostles . equalls looke awry on the ambition of their fellowes . these two were vaine in their high request , and the other ten murmured at their presumption ( math. . . ) they were moved with indignation saith saint matthew : ( mar. . . ) they began to be much displeased , saith saint marke . but by this happie error of these two apostles , our saviour takes occasion to instruct them , and the other ten , and in them all other ministers belonging unto him , how farre different the pastorall care of his church , is from the power which governeth in commonwealthes . here upon the sonne of god calleth unto him all the twelve apostles , saying , ( mat. . . ) ye know that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion , &c. ( mar. . . ) ye know that they which are accompted to rule over the gentiles , exercise lordships , &c. ( luke . . ) the kings of the gentiles exercise lordships , &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . but it shall not be so among you . this is a statute not to be repealed . this is spoken authorative & definitivè , it is the determinate law of a just authority . a canon ordained and irrevocably fixed by the wisedome of god . confirmed by an example above all argument ( mat. . . mar. . . ) for the sonne of man came not to be ministred unto , but to minister . ( luke . . ) i am among you as he that serveth . and before this hee had taught them , ( mat. . . ) that the disciple is not , above his master . ( ioh. . . . ) i have given you an example , that you shall doe as i have done to you , verily , verily , the servant is not greater then the lord . this ministry being thus performed in humility , and without worldly titles . the ministers shall be then exalted . our blessed saviour in the expresse words following saith unto them ( luke . . ) i appoint unto you a kingdome ( but addeth ) as my father hath appointed me . now his owne kingdome is spirituall , or as himselfe said unto pilate , not of this world . let them then renounce temporall , and they shall have spirituall honour . but some of the clergy would ( it seemes ) confound both kingdomes , being ambitious to inherit glory in the kingdom of grace . i feare our bishops doe not know how sublime a vertue christian humility is ! how full of honour . every {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} must bee {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , let the greatest be ( lu. . . ) as the youngest that is the way to be a right elder , he must be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} luk. . . as he that serveth that is the way to be ministred unto . he must be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( matthew . . marke . . ) a servant , that he may be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the prime or chiefe . he must be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( mat. . . ) a minister that he may bee {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} a great one . these antitheses our saviour hath placed in the text upon the former occasion . from hence , may well bee argued as a corollary , to these undoubted premisses , that no minister of the gospel can lawfully assume , hold , or exercise that power which by the lord of the gospel is inhibited to his ministers . but our saviour iesus christ ( lord and only head of his church ) hath inhibited all temporall lordship , magistracy & dominion unto his servants . therefore no minister of this gospel may hold or exercise temporall lordships or dominion . these words {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. it shall not bee so among you , doe so straighten the bishops miters , that they sit uneasie on their heads : to soften & as it were to line them for their ease : the bishops that are and would bee both papall and protestant do quilt a gentler sence into these words then can beare analogy with the text . they search the originall and pretend to finde another sence in our saviours sentence . this text ( say they ) forbids not unto clergy men , the use and exercise of worldly titles , power , offices , dignities , commands , dominion , lordships , &c. but the abuse of them : domineering and tyrannizing with them . this they pretend to make firme out of the greeke word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ; which they would have so taken in the worst sence of exorbitant power , even for tyrannizing . so then , they would teach us , that , lord it they may , & lord it they may not : lord it they may with all pompe , state , power ; lord it they may not , with pride , vanity , & oppression . but i shall easily prove this interpretation to be inconsistent with the scope & analogy of the context . will they frame their argument from the verbe {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to be a lord , or to rule ? or frō the preposition {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , added and united thereunto ? neither will serve . and if the pompe of our prelates cannot avoyd the power of this text , they are downe for ever . let me therefore scan it to the full . first {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to be a lord , or to have rule or lordship , is never properly taken in that ill sence which they would he ere create , as having unjust , or oppressive power . it is derived from the usuall and most frequent title of our lord and saviour , whom the holy scripture so often saluteth {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} lord . heere is no shaddow for tyranny . the true sence of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is authoritatem habens one that hath authority : beeing derived from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} authority which is knowne to bee approved and ordeyned by god himselfe from whom all lawfull authority is derived . marke how well this word is senced through all authours : demosthenes calleth the heads and cheife of the citty {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . a law in force and principall authority is called by aeschines {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . gallen calleth the cheife and principall members of a mans body {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : yet one member doth not tyrannize over another . aristotle ( . ethic. ) hath {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} propria virtus , ( that is ) a vertue properly or principally so called . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is one that is lord or master of himselfe , not one that domineeres over himselfe . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( apoc. . . ) the lords day . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( cor. . . ) the lords supper . saint paul saith that ( rom. . . ) the law hath dominion over a man so long as he liveth , hee doth not meane that the law is a tyrant , yet the word is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( rom. . . ) christ both dyed , and rose , and revived , that he might bee lord both of the living and the dead : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} lord commeth {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} lordship : foure times mentioned by the holy apostles , but never taxed as a power tending to tyranny , but to be obeyed in them who duly are therewith invested , as may be seene . ( ephes. . . coloss. . . pet. . . and iude . ) clearely then in {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} there is no print of usurpation or of oppressive and tyrannicall power . if there be , we are then well warned to beware of our bishops , who not onely owne the title {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but expressly pleade for it , as bishop hall in his late episcopacy , ( part . page . secondly , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the very word ( used by saint matthew , and saint marke , in these before alleaged textes ) whereby our saviour forbiddeth his apostles to exercise dominion or lordship is a compounded word of two {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . that is , to rule as one that hath authority . i may render it to be , or to behave one selfe ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} juxta , secundum ) according as one that hath authority . this preposition in words compounded hath sometimes a signification of his owne , sometimes none at all as in {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. clearely it hath no speciall signification in this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , much lesse a force so exegeticall as to draw the lawfull power of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} into the exorbitancy of a tyranny . that it hath no force here , is by this apparent , for that the speech of our saviour , recorded by the holy ghost in saint mat. and s. marke by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} are rendred by the same spirit in saint luke ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . so that plainely you must not pretend tyrannizing to be meant in the sence of one place except you can finde it also in both , unlesse you will come to this that he forbiddeth tyranny in one place , & worldly power in the other , which if you doe you grant the question . this is enough alone , yet for a further interpretation of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} looke in ( . . genesis ) where god giveth unto man in the time of mans innocency , the rule and dominion over all his creatures , even whilest they all were ( gen. . . ) very good . the name and word of power in that great charter granted is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . now the time of this power granted , the person to whom it is granted , the creatures all good on whom it was to be exercised , & above all the goodnesse of almighty god who granted it , do exclude all imaginatiō of a tyrannicall power , and admit onely of a fatherly mastership over the new creatures of god . if then the frequent and constant sence of both {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , bee onely to have power and authority , civill , temporall , and ordinary dominion , and that all such authority is forbidden them , how poore and weake is that evasion for our bishops , who would have this speech of our saviour taken in a forced sence different from all these other places ? and would forge a new meaning , as if our saviour did not here forbid {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} but only {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , not a commanding lordlines , but a tyrannuos use of it ; when as it is hereby evident , that christ having ordained the aristocracy of twelve , did therein and in his reprehension here take away those severall benches of honour , and that proud imparity of temporall power which our bishops doe swell withall . that the former speeches of our saviour , doth destroy the lordlinesse of our prelates , let us confirme it with a farther consideration , which is thus . our saviour christ being ( cor. . . ) the wisedome of god , must be thought to fit and suite his answer to the question and request made unto him by the two apostles . but what bishop in defence of his usurped power , dares affirme that two such admirable ( gal. . . ) pillars , as iames , and iohn , should aske of such a master iniquam dominationem , a cruell dominion over their fellowes , as if the meaning of their request were thus . master , gives us two leave to tyrannize over the other ten ! he had taught them before , ( mat. . . ) blessed are the meeke and ( math. . . ) learne of me for i am meeke and lowly in heart : can it then bee thought that the beloved disciple and his brother , shall aske of the master of all humility , a tyrannicall power to oppresse their partners ? no man hath such a heart of leade to think , yet there have not wanted foreheads of brasse to affirme so : certainely , in that kingdom of christ , by them as then supposed to bee temporall , they desired the honour to shine in civill dignity , & eminency of power and authority , which ( no question ) they intended to have exercised with all brotherly moderation , yet are they ( and i wish our bishops also were ) answered with his reprehension , first ( math. . . ) yee know not what ye aske , next with his absolute denyall and forbiddance , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. it shall not be so among you . will the practice of saint paul , and the councell of saint peter serve for comment to this text ? saint paul saith {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ( cor. . . . ) we lord it not . saint peter ( pet. . ) himselfe an elder to other elders , exhorteth them to feede the flocke , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} overseeing it : and that not by constraint {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , nor as being lords . but as in the fifth verse , all of you be subject one to another . therefore my resolution stands cleare upon this vote ; that it may bee declared that true and right episcopacy is incompatible and inconsistant with secular power . they who give in their names to be labourers in gods vineyard must not goe out of the doore , and thinke to returne at pleasure : their whole time they have vowed to the great master of the vineyard , and i find no wages promised but to them who enter and continue there to the last houre . no man putting his hand to the plough and looking backe , is fit for the kingdome of god . luke . . let therefore this inhibitory statute against bishops having temporal lordships , stand ( as it must stand ) irrepealable {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . it shall not be so among you . finis . church-history of the government of bishops and their councils abbreviated including the chief part of the government of christian princes and popes, and a true account of the most troubling controversies and heresies till the reformation ... / by richard baxter ... baxter, richard, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) church-history of the government of bishops and their councils abbreviated including the chief part of the government of christian princes and popes, and a true account of the most troubling controversies and heresies till the reformation ... / by richard baxter ... baxter, richard, - . 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edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion church-history of the government of bishops and their councils abbreviated . including the chief part of the government of christian princes and popes , and a true account of the most troubling controversies and heresies till the reformation . written for the use especially of them : i. who are ignorant or misinformed of the state of the antient churches . ii. who cannot read many and great volumes . iii. who think that the universal church must have one visible soveraign , personal or collective , pope or general councils . iv who would know whether patriarchs , diocesans , and their councils , have been , or must be the cure of heresies and schismes . v. who would know the truth about the great heresies which have divided the christian world , especially the donatists , novatians , arrians , macedonians , nestorians , eutychians , monothelites , &c. by richard baxter , a hater of false history . london : printed by b. griffin , for thomas simmons at the princes arms in ludgate-street . mdclxxx . the preface . the great usefulness of history needs not many words to prove it , seeing natural inclination it self is so much for it , and reason and experience tell men , that they cannot spare it , as to natural , civil , or religious use . god himself hath highly commended it to us , by writing the sacred scriptures so much historically ; yea and making some of it part of the necessary articles of our creed . children that yet understand not the doctrinal part of the bible , do quickly take delight in the historical part ; which prepareth them for the rest . ignorant and ungodly persons that have no true sense of sacred doctrine , can yet understand and with lesse aversness and weariness read the history . melancholy and sad persons who can hardly bear long doctrinal studies , are often eased and recreated with useful history . man is a part of the vniverse , and every man is a part of the world of mankind , and therefore thinketh the case of the whole to be much of his concerne . and were not narrow selfishnes much of our pravity , we should take the universal and publick good , and gods love to it and pleasedness and glory in it , to be much more our end , and the object of our desire and delight , than any personal felicity of our own ; it is a monster of inhumanity in the doctrine of the sadducees , spinosa , hobbes , and their bruitish followers , that they set up individual self interest as a mans chiefest end and object of rational love and desire ; and own no good , but that which relatively is good to me , that is , either my personal life and pleasure as the end , or other things as a means thereto : though grace only savingly cure this base inhumane maladie , yet common reason beareth witness against it , and only sense , and reason captivated by sense do patronize it . put not the question to a reasonable man , though wicked , what he can do or doth : but what in reason he should do , and he cannot deny but that he should think of a more excellent person at the indies , that never will do anything for him , as more amiable than himself , much more many thousands such ; and as goodness and amiableness are all one , so that which is best , should be loved best : and he that would not die to save his country is worse than sober heathens were . and he that would not rather be annihilated than all or halfe the world should be annihilated , is so basely selfish , that i should sooner believe that analogical reason ruleth some bruites , than that true reason determineth this mans choice . spinosa taketh the knowledge of our union with universal nature ( which he calleth god ) to be mans perfection and his chief good , in comparison of which sensual pleasure , riches and honour are but troubles further then they are a meanes hereto : and if he had better known god , as the creator and governour and end of the material vniverse which he took to be god , and had joyned [ holy uniteing joyful love to the universe , and specially to the heavenly society , and above them all to god himself ] unto this knowledge , and extended it to the perpetuity of an immortal state , he had been happily in the right , which missing , he became a pernicious seducer of himself and others . but thus nature and grace do loudly tell us , that each part should be greatly concerned for the whole , and therefore every one should desire to know as much of the whole , as he is capable , and as tendeth to his duty and delight . and how small a parcel of time , or men , or actions are present or in our daies ? how little knoweth he that knoweth no more than he hath lived to see ? what religion can he have who knoweth not the history of creation , redemption or the giving of the holy ghost , or the planting and propagating the church , and also what will be when this life is ended ? but it is not all history that is needful or useful to us : there are many things done which we are not concerned to be acquainted with . but the history of the church , of the propagation of the christian faith , and what the doctrine was that was then received , and how it was practised , promoted and defended , and how it was corrupted invaded and persecuted , is of so great use to posterity , that next to the scripture and the illumination of gods spirit , i remember nothing more needful to be known . when philip nerius set up his oratorian exercises at rome , as to win the people , they found it necessary to use large affectionate extemporate prayers and expositions and serm●●s , so the next thing found necessary was , to bestow constantly one exercise in opening church-history to the people . and this did both entice their attentions by delight , and also by fitting reports more to the papal interest than to the truth , did greatly bewitch them into a confident beliefe , that the papal sect was all the true church , and all other christians were but sectaries and branches broken off and withered , and therefore to be burned here and hereafter ( abusing joh. . . &c. ) and i have oft thought that the right use of such an historical exercise , in an ordinary congregation would be of great use to the ignorant vulgar and unlearned zealous sort of christians : for i find that for want of the knowledge of church-history , and how things have gone before us in all former times , many errours and sins are kept up that else would more easily be forsaken . to instance in some few . i. as it was the craft of baronius ( who performed that exercise in nerius his conventicles at rome , ) to write afterward his church-history in latin so voluminously , that few but the clergie byassed by interest would read it , and so the clergy might be the credited reporters of all to the vulgar ; so to this day , the papist-priests contrive to be the masters and reporters of church-history as well as of unwritten tradition , and to keep the laity so far ignorant of it , that when they tell men confident stories for their advantage , few or none may be able to contradict them , and so their report must passe as undenyed truth . and thus false history is made the chief foundation of the roman kingdom . thus they will face you down that you are ignorant or impudent , . if you question whether peter was a true bishop at rome , ( yea or ever there , which nilus hath shewed to be somewhat uncertain ) . or that he setled the roman bishop as his successour in a supremacy over all the christian world , . or that the popes primacie was over all the churches on earth , which indeed was but ( as canterburie is in england , ) in one roman empire only . . they will perswade you that this primacie was setled by christ or his apostles , which was done only by councils and emperours of rome , . they would make you believe that this was from the apostles daies , which began long after , . they would perswade you that all the christian world submitted to it , even abassia , and all the extra-imperial churches , which is no such matter , . yea , that before luther none contradicted the papal power and claime , but all the christian world were papists . by many such lies they deceive thousands of the ignorant : and when they challenge men to dispute , by word or writing , their last refuge is to bring them into a wood of history , that there they may either win the game or end the chase : and if a minister of christ be not armed here , to confute their historical forgeries , they will take it for a victory and triumph , which made me write my last book against johnson ( or terret ) to shew historically the antiquity of our church , and the novelty of theirs ( which i could wish young ministers unacquainted with church-history would peruse . ) but if our people were truely acquainted how things have gone in the church from the beginning , it would be one of the most effectual , preservatives against popery , when now the falsifications are become its strength . i have oft thought that it had been greater policy in the papists , if they could , to have burnt all church-history , but specially of the councils , that the credit might have depended on their bare word : for verily once reading of crab , binnius , surius , or nicolinus would turn against them any stomack , that is not confirmed in their own disease . but they have overdone baronius , and now made so great and costly a load of the councils , as that the deficiency of money , time , wit and patient industry , shall save the most , even of the priesthood from the understanding of the truth : and such epitomes as caranza's leave out most of the culpable part : and yet even such they can hardly tolerate . ii. the more moderate french papists who magnifie councils aboue popes , would make us believe , that though popes are fallible and may miscarry , yet general councils , have been the universal church-representative , which have a legislative and iudicial vniversal power , and that our concord must be by centring in their decrees ; and all are schismaticks at least , that take not their faith and religion upon their trust : but if men knew that there never was a general council of all the christian churches but only of the empire , and how wofully they have miscarried , it would do much to save them from all such temptations . iii. the overvaluers of church grandure , and wealth , and maintainers of the corrupt sort of diocesane prelacy , patriarks , &c. write books and tell the ignorant confident stories , how such a prelacy hath been in the church ever since the dayes of the apostles , and that all the churches on earth consented to it : but if the people were acquainted with church . history they would know , that the primitive fixed episcopacy was parochial , or every church associated for personal present communion had a bishop , presbytery and deacons of their own : ( unfixed itinerant general pastors , indefinitely taking care of many churches ) : and that it was the bishops striving who should be greatest , and turning single churches into an association of many churches , and to be but chappels or parts of the diocesan church ( that their power and wealth might be enlarged with their territories ) and the turning of arbitrating bishops into the common indicatures , which must govern all christians , and such like , which poysoned the church , and turned the species of particular churches , episcopacy , presbytery and discipline , quite into another thing . and to speak freely , it was the many blind volumes and confident clamours of some men , that rail at us , as denying an episcopacy , which the universal church hath always agreed in , which drew me to write this abridgement of the church history of bishops , councils and popes . iv. and those that make the ignorant believe that seditious disobedient presbyters have in all ages been the dividers of the church , and the bishops the means of vnity , concord and suppression of such schismaticks and hereticks , could never thus deceive the people , were but so much church-history commonly known , as i have here collected . read church-history and believe that if you can . v. and many that take up any new opinion or dotage which is but newly broached among them , would have been saved from it , if they ●a● but known how that same opinion or the like , was long ago taken up by hereticks , and exploded by the faitbful pastors and people of the church . vi. and the sectaries who rashly seperate from some churches , because of some forms , opinions or ceremonies , which almost all christians on earth have used , in the former purer ages , and still use , would be more cautelous and fearful in examining their grounds , and would hardly venture to seperate from any church for that , which on the same reason would move them to separate from almost all christians in the whole world ; if not vnchurch the church of christ : and ancient errours and crimes would affright us from imitating them . vii . and those that make new ambiguous words or unnecessary practices to become necessary to church communion , and hereticate all that differ from them , or persecute them at least , would be more frightened from such pernicious courses , if they well knew what have been the effects of them heretofore . viii . and it is not unuseful to princes and magistrates to see what hath corrupted and disturbed the churches in f●rmer times : and what cause they have to keep the secular power from the clergies hands , and to value those that for knowledge and piety are meet for their proper guiding office , and use of the church keys : but not to corrupt them by excess of worldly wealth and power , nor to permit them by striving , who shall seem greatest , wisest and best , to become the incendiaries of the church and world , and the persecutors of the best that cannot serve their worldliness and pride . the reader must note , . that though much of the history be taken from others , the councils are named and numbred according to binnius and crabbe : . and that because so much evil is necessarily recited , i thought it needful in the beginning and end to annex a defence of the pastors and their office and work , lest any should be tempted to think hardly of religion and the church for mens abuses . . and if micrelius , gutlerbeth , phili pareus , funcius , carion , melancthon , buchotzer , scultetus , pezelius , helvicus , or any other that i have seen , had answered the ends which i here intend , i should have gladly saved my self this labour and have refer'd the reader to them . the councils are now published voluminously , and many young students want money and time to read them at large . to such this abridgement may not be unuseful ; especially to men that have mistaken the case of the great heresies and hereticators , and would know what prelacy and councils have done to the concord or discord of the churches . the description of the state of alexandria recited in the beginning as a letter from a friend , was from mr. clerkson a learned and worthy minister ( though silenced ) now in london . the lord pardon and heal our common faultiness , and give better teachers to his churches when we are dead and gone , who will take warning by all our errours and miscarriages , especially to escape a wordly spirit , pride , church-tyranny and schism , and serving the world , the flesh and the devil , by pretence of authority from christ. amen . march . . london ▪ vvhat history is credible , and what not . as the holy ghost saith , believe not every spirit ; i may say , believe not all reports , or history . it was not only ahabs prophets , in whose mouths satan was a lying spirit : as lying and deceiving is his work in the world , for the destroying of holiness , and of souls , even when he turneth himself into an angel of light ; so is it the work of his ministers , when they seem to be ministers of righteousness ; when it is oft said ( be not deceived ) and [ let no man deceive you with vain words ; ] it is more necessary advise , and hardlier followed , than most men understand . as truth is gods means to work the will to holy love , and lead us in a holy life , so lying is the devils means to oppose them : and of all lyars , none are more pernicious than lying historians , and lying preachers . it is a sad perplexity to the world , that when men read and hear , even the more confident and plausible histories and reports , they know not whether they are true or false ; and if they believe that to be true which is not , the effect is worse than this perplexity . i will tell you what i take to be credible , and what not . i. it is presupposed that a man must believe his senses , if sound , about their proper objects : papists that tell us that all mens senses are deceived , when they seem to perceive bread and wine in the sacrament , do but tell us that no man then is to be believed , and therefore not they themselves . ii. the history of the gospel is certainly credible , because it was confirmed by multitudes of uncontrouled miracles wrought by christ , and by his apostles , and multitudes of christians ; as the doctrine it self beareth the image and superscription of god. iii. the prophets that had divine inspiration and vision , had that evidence which gave themselves a certainty , though not to others . iv. when history delivereth a matter of fact and sense , by the common consent of all men that knew it , though of contrary minds , dispositions , and interests , it giveth us a certainty which may be called natural ; because nature hath nothing in it that could cause such a conspiracy in lying : that it is so credible as to be a natural certainty , that there is such a place as rome , paris , ierusalem ; that the statutes of the land are not forgeries , while all contenders plead them against each other , and hold by them their estates and lives : and so that there was such a person as jesus christ , and that the scriptures were written by the prophets and apostles , &c. v. when the history of any person and action is proved by continued or visible effects : as that william of normandy conquered england , while so many of the effects of that conquest in our laws and customs are still visible : and that the welsh were the ancient britains , driven by the saxons into wales , while their language , habitation , &c. shew it : and so that christ instituted baptism , and church-communion , and the apostles separated the lords day for holy worship , when the christian world hath used all these publickly in all places ever since , and do 〈◊〉 them : and so that temples were built for holy worship , and endowed , when we still see and possess them . vi. that history is credible which consentingly speaketh against the known interest of the author ; for mans corrupt nature is apte● to false boasting , than to false confessions of sin ; against a confessor there needs no witnesses : and this is much of the credibility of the harsher part of the church-history which i here recite : what i say of the miscarriages of bishops and councils , is mostly in their own words , and what i say against popes , is but the recital of what is said by the greatest defenders or flatterers of popes : i give you no reports against the pride , contentions and corruptions of patriarchs and prelates , out of the supposed hereticks , or protestants ; i give you not a word out of lut●er ( who de conciliis ) hath very much ; and especially speaketh much like as i here do of cyril and nestorius ; nor out of illyricus his catalogus testium veritatis , nor out of the mornay's mystery of iniquity , no nor out of the collections of goldastus , marquardus , freherus , ruberus , pistorius , &c. but the substance of the common history is taken out of the commonly received church-historians ( eusebius , socrates , sozomene , cassiodorus , theodorite , ruffinus , evagrius , nazianzen , hierom , victor , ni●ephorus , liberatus , nicetas , and such others ; and the sum of the councils and popes is out of baronius , anastasius , but most out of binnius , and platina , and aeneas sylvius ( a pope , ) petavius , and such other as are the greatest papal zealots : when these speak for their cause , i leave you to just suspition ; but when they speak against it , by way of confession or lamentation , they are not to be suspected . vii . the next degree of credibility dependeth on the veracity or credible fitness of the reporter ; some men are much more credible than others : for instance . . one that was upon the place , and saw what was done , or lived near , where he had full information , is ( caeteris paribus ) more credible than one that followeth uncertain reports , or hear-say . . a wise man is much more credible than a proud self-conceited confident fool. . one that hath made a matter his long and hard study , is ( caeteris paribus ) more to be believed in that matter , than many ignorant men . . one that is impartial , a lover of peace , and not ingaged by faction or interest to one side against the other , is caeteris paribus much more credible than a factious interested man. . a sober , calm , considerate man , that will stay and try before he judgeth , is more credible than a passionate or hasty judger . . a man of manifest honesty , conscience , and the fear of god , is much more to be believed than a worldly , wicked , bloody , unconscionable man. . caeteris paribus many agreed honest impartial men are more to be believed than one , or a few odd and singular persons , who have no more advantage than the rest to know the truth . . the young and unexperienced owe some eoverence to the judgment of their seniors , as more credible by age and experience than their own . . accordingly children to their parents , and scholars to their masters and tutors owe such belief as is answerable to their difference , and the use of their learning of them . by this you may see on the contrary who is not worthy of belief . i. one that pretendeth inspiration , vision , revelation , and giveth the hearer no sufficient proof of it . ii. one that pretendeth to tell you things beyond his reach ; as many philosophers do about the mysteries of nature , spiritual and corporeal , elements or mixt bodies , above and below , of which the books of many are full , and malignant men , that take on them to tell you other mens hearts , without just proof , that they are hypocrites , and intend that which they never did , or meant ill , when they said or did well ; and when false historians will tell you with what ( unproved ) ill purposes or deceits , persons a thousand miles off , and perhaps a thousand years past , whom they never knew , did say and do all that is reported of them . iii. when there are but few reporters of things pretended to be known publickly in the world , especially when more credible persons contradict them . iv. when the person is deeply ingaged in a party , and carrying on all for the interest of his party , doth give you but his word , or the report of his own party for what he saith ; so that you may perceive that interest byasseth him to partiality . v. when the historian sheweth a malignant spirit , that extenuateth or denieth all the good that was in his adversaries , and fasteneth on them as much odium as he can without just proof , and justifieth all the reproach that is used against them . vi. when the historian liveth so far off from the place and time , that he is no competent reporter , having all his notice but by the fame of his own faction , as uncapable as himself . vii . when the sober moderate men of his own party contradict him , and speak well of the persons whom he reproacheth . viii . when the reporter is manifestly a proud , worldly , wicked , unconscionable man , especially of a bloody hurtful disposition : for as gods threefold influence , or the vnderstanding , will and life is but one , so the devil doth usually vitiate together the vnderstanding , will and life ; and he that is from the beginning an enemy , and a murderer , is also a lyar : though a wicked , malignant , and cruel man , may yet have an opinionative faith and knowledge , and preach the truth , when it is for his carnal interest ; yet when his malice and interest tempteth him against it , there is no trusting his word . ix . when an ignorant proud man thinketh that he must be believed meerly for the reverence and authority of his place . x. when the reporter liveth in a time and place where carnal interest hath got the major vote for falshood , and it passeth commonly for truth , especially where tyranny , civil or ecclesiastical , silenceth the truth in press , pulpit , and discourse , that it dare not be spoken ; by which the papists have not only made their own writings and reports incredible , but by their indices expurgatorios , and base corrupting of ancient writers , have weakned our certainty of much of the old history and fathers . xi . when the reporter is a weak and silly man , that hath not wit to sift out the truth . xii . when he is passionately rash , and of hasty judgment , and hath not patience to stay and suspend his judgment till he hear all . xiii . when it is a novice or raw student , that hath not had time , helps and experience to know what he pretends to know , and yet contradicteth wiser men of more advantage and experience . xiv . when present experience telleth us , that the party that he writeth against as unlearned or wicked , are men of eminent learning , and the fear of god ; and that the party that he magnifieth as such , are contrary ; by such marks incredible history may be discerned . qu. but how can we know mens wisdome , and piety , and honesty , and impartiality , when we never knew the men ? ans. though hypocrites may much counterfeit truth and goodness , its hard so to do it , but the contrary which ruleth in them will break out , as a s●ink will get through narrow passages : and though truth and honesty may be much clouded , they have , like light , a self-revealing power . to give you some instances ; as among physitians hypocrates , and galen , and celsus of old ; and of late montanus , crato fernelius , platerus , hildanus , and such others , do speak with that self-evidencing honesty , and many paracelsians with that palpable vanity , that one of them will constrain belief , and the other unbelief , even in them that never heard what they were : so among historians , eusebius , though counted an arrian , and socrates , and sozomen , though called novatians , and theodoret , and liberatus , and some others , do write so as to constrain belief of things which were within their notice , and with honest impartiality : among the papists , what clear footsteps of understanding , honesty , and impartiality , and so of truth , is there in thuanus , and much in commines , guicciardine , father paulus servita hist. of trent council , and divers others : though doctor iames bid us keep crab , because the later councils are corrupt , and all of them must be taken with due antidotes , yet because most of the matter is fetcht from publick acts and records , they are more credible than most single history ; acosta speaketh impartially of the west indies , and godignus of the abassians , matth. paris of england , and the pope , and so of some others : of protestants , some do but recite recorded testimonies , or publick acts , and the very writings themselves of the times they speak of , when others do but tell you stories on their bare word : goldastus , ruberus , freherus , and pistorius , do but give us collections of the writings of those former ages , and nothing of their own : so doth mr. rushworth now in his three volumes of collections ; and mr. fuller hath partly done so , and writeth moderately ; mr. gilbert burnet thus writeth the history of the reformation , laying not the credit on his word , but on his evidences ; and cambden impartially thus writeth of queen elizabeth , and in his brittania : vsher hath done the like , de succes . eccles. of the waldenses ; and in his de primordiis eccl. brit. of the pelagians , not saying , but proving by records , and old evidences , what he delivereth , besides the advantage of his known extraordinary learning , honesty , and impartiality ; so doth fox for the most part in his martyrology give you but the publick record , or proved histories ( though cope call him lyar ) melancthon and bucholtzer were men of such known sincerity , as constraineth credit to their reports . on the other side , who can believe such palpable railers as tympius , cochleus , genebrard , and many such , that lye contrary to certain evidence ? such as make the vulgar believe , that luther learnt his religion of the devil , and was killed by him ; that oecolanpadius was kill'd by the devil ; that bucer had his guts pull'd out , and cast about by the devil ; that calvin was a stigmatized sodomite and sensualist ; that beza died a papist ( who lived long after to write a confutation ) and abundance such . melchior adam gathereth his history of lives from the pens of those that most intimately knew the persons , what able , holy , laborious , and excellent servants of god were calvin , beza , daneus , knox , and many such , as described by adamus , and in the judgment of those that were their most knowing observers : but what vile rebellious wretches were they in the judgment of doctor heylin , and such as he ? what excellent persons did god use for the beyond-sea reformation ? even as in france ; and holland ; iewel , bilson , and other bishops , defend that which heylin describeth as the most odious rebellions : he maketh the geneva presbyterians to do that against their bishop , which dr. pet. moulin in his answer to philanax anglicus , sheweth was done before , while they were papists . some things in heylins history of the reformation , and the presbyterians , i believe , which he bringeth records for ; but upon his own word i can scarce believe any thing that he saith , so palpably partial is he , and of so malicious and bloody a strain , representing excellent persons as odious intollerable rogues , and the reformation , even of the lutherans ▪ as too bad , but that in france , belgia , friesland , the palatinate , hungary ▪ transilvania , scotland , to be but a series of the most odious rebellions , murders , and horrid sacriledge ; and ours in england to be much the spawn of king henries lust , and thinking king edward . his death a seasonable mercy ; and odiously representing such excellent bishops as grindall , abbot , and vsher , and such excellent divines as we sent to dort , davenant , hall ▪ ward , carlton , &c. it pleaseth the prelatists to say truly of me , that i am no presbyterian , and th●●fore speak not for the persons in partiality , as one of their party ; but i 〈◊〉 say , as in gods sight , that in my own acquaintance , i have found that sort of men , whom dr. heylin and such other reproach as presbyterians and puritans , to be the most serious , conscionable , practical , sober , and charitable christians that ever i knew , yea verily the knowledge of them hath been a great help to the stedfastness of my faith in christ : had i known no christians but carnal , worldly , and formal men , who excel not heathens in any thing but opinion , it would have tempted me to doubt whether christ were the saviour of souls , as i should think meanly of the physitian that doth no cures : but when i see holy mortified persons , living in the love of god and man , i see that faith is not a dead fancy : and when i have lived in intimate familiarity with such , from my childhood , to the sixty fifth year of my age , and known their integrity , notwithstanding their infirmities ; and then read such histories as represent them as the most odious , flagitious persons , i see it is not for nothing that some men are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the scripture , and the children of their father the devil , who was from the beginning a lying malignant murderer . two crimes i have long ago heard the rabble charge on those whom they called puritans , lying and covetousnes ; whereas near two thousand ministers are cast out , and suffer , which they could mostly escape , if they durst but lye ; and if i ask money for the poor ( of what party soever ) i can sooner get a pound from those called puritans , than a shilling from others far richer than they . can i take any men to be other than malignant lyars who would make men believe that such men as hildersham , dod , rogers , ball , paul bagne , ames , bradshaw , &c. were rogues and seditious rebels , or that revile such as vsher , hall , davenant , & c. ? reader , believe not a word of any of the revilings or odious characters and stories , which any aspiring worldly factious clergy man writeth of such as are his adversaries : lying is their too common language ; yea , if they do but once set themselves eagerly to seek preferment , i will never trust them , or take their words : it hath been so of old , the same man that was a saint to his acquaintance , hath been described as wicked , or a devil by others : how bad were origen and chrysostome to theophilus , alexand. and epiphanius ? and how bad was theophilus to the historians that write his actions ? how excellent a person was cyril alex. to the council of colcedon , and how bad a man was he to theodoret , isidore , pleus . &c. ignatius const. was a saint to nicetas , and many others , and to photius he was an antichrist , and wicked limb of the devil : photius was a holy man to his party , and a wicked wretch to nicetas , and others : yea , see the credit of worldly prelates ; the same bishops one year cry down ignatius as a wicked man , and call photius a holy person , and the next year , or shortly after , cry down photius for a rogue , and cry up ignatius ; yea , and upon the next turn cry up holy photius whom they had anathematized : these doings were familiar with carnal prelates . but as gods spirit in his servants is so suited to the doctrine of the same spirit , that they relish it where they find it ; so their piety and honesty is such a self-evidencing thing , that pious and honest-men that knew them , cannot believe their lying slanderers . and when satan hath done his worst , the very writings of such men as calvin , bez● , melancthon , hildersham , ames , dod , burges , gataker , vsher , d●venant , h●ll , &c. will not suffer men to believe their odious revilers : even among papists , when i read the works of bernad , gerson , kempis , th●ulerus , sales , and the lives of nerius , renti , &c. i cannot believe him that would tell me they were wicked men ▪ though faulty : and the lives written by adam , clerk , fuller , &c. shall be believed before calumniators . alas , how little are most histories to be believed , where they prove not what they say ; there are about sixty that say there was a pope ioan , and near as many that say no such thing . hildebrand to one half of the bishops was the holy restorer of the church , to the other half the vilest rebel . we are not agreed here ●n london who burnt the city in . nor what parties began the late war , nor what party brought the king to death , while we are alive that saw these publick facts : not only lads that knew it not , but heylin ( the great reproacher of the reformers ) would make men believe that it was presbyterians in england that began the strife and war , when yet he had himself laid so much of it on archbishops , and bishops , and on the parliaments complaints of popery , arminianism , and arbitrary illegalities ; and after saith ( hist. presb. p. . . ) the truth is , that as the english generally were not willing to receive that yoak ; so neither did the houses really intend to impose it on them , though for a while to hold fair quarter with the scots , they seemed forward in it . this appears by their declaration of april — nor have they lived to see their dear presbytery setled , or their lay-elders entertained in any one parish of the kingdome ( that 's false on the other side ) and yet all must be done by this parliament , as presbyterians , four years before , when they were episcopal , distasting only the persons and actions of bishop laud , wren , and some other present bishops . if i find a man like schlusselburgi●s , fall pell-mell with reproach on all that differ from him , or dr. heylin , speak of blood with pleasure , and as thirsty after more ( as of thacker , vdall , &c. ) or as designing to make dissenters odious , as he and most of the papists historians do , ( as the image of both churches , philanax anglicus , the historical collections out of heylin ) i will believe none of these revilers , further than they give me cogent proof . i hear of a scots narrative of the treasons , fornications , witchcrafts , and other wickedness of some of the scottish presbyterians ; and as for me , the author knoweth not what to call me , unless it be a baxterian , as intending to be a haeresiarcha , being neither papist , nor of the church of england , nor presbyterian , nor independent , &c. to this i say , i have no acquaintance with any scots minister , nor ever had in my life , except with bishop sharp that was murdered , and two other bishops ( and two or three that live here in london ) therefore what they are i know not , save by fame : but though i have heard that country asperst , as too much inclin'd to fornication , i never before heard the religious part and ministers so accused : either it is true , or false ; if false , shame be to the reporters ; if true , what doth it concern us here , or any that are innocent , any further than to abhor it , and lament it , and to be thankful to god that it is another sort of men that are called puritans in england ; and that in all my acquaintance with them these years ( which hath been with very many in many countries ) i remember not that ever i heard of one puritan , man or woman , save one , accused or suspected of fornication ; and that one yet living , though openly penitent , hath lived disowned and shamed to this day ; but i have heard of multitudes that revile them , that make a jest and common practice of it : try whether you can make the inhabitants of this city believe , that the nonconformists or puritans are fornicators , drunkards , or perjured , and that their accusers and haters are innocent men that hate them for such crimes ! but it s possible that you may make men of other countries or ages believe it , and believe that we wear horns , and have cloven feet , and what you will ; but i fear not all your art or advantages on those that are acquainted with both sides : but the misery is , that faction ingageth men to associate only with their party where they hear reproaches of the unknown dissenters , from whom they so estrange themselves , that the neighbours near them are as much unknown to them , save by lying same , as if they lived an hundred miles from them . i remember mr. cressey once wrote to me , that he turned from the protestant religion to the roman , because there was among us no spiritual books of devotion for soul elevations , and affectionate contemplation : and i told him it was gods just judgment on him , that lived so strange to his neighbours , because they are called puritans , and to their writings , which shops and libraries abound with ; had he read bishop halls , mr. greenhams , mr. ri. rogers , mr. io. rogers , mr. hildershams , mr. boltons , mr. perkins , mr. downhams , mr. reyners , dr. sibbes , &c. yea or no better than my own ( the saints rest , the life of faith , the divine life , the christian directory , &c. ) or had he read the lives of divines called puritans ( or but such as two young men ( published partly by my self ) ioseph allen , and iohn ianeway ) he would never have gone from the protestants to the papists , because of our formality and want of an affectionate spiritual sort of devotion , especially knowing what excess of formality is among the papists , and how much it is of the clergies accusation of the puritans , that they are for too little form , and too much pretence of spiritual devotion . but if any called religious , or puritans , or presbyterians be vicious , i know no men that so heartily desire their punishment and ejection , as those that are called by the same names : i thank god that these twenty years , while neither wit , will , nor power hath been wanting against them , i have scarce heard of two men ( if one ) that have been judged and proved guilty of any such immorality , of all the ejected silenced ministers in this land : i would i could say so of their adversaries . ii. and now i must speak to the accusers speeches of my self ; i thank you sir that you feigned no worse against me ; if i am an haeresiarcha , why would not you vouchsafe to name that heresie which i have owned : i have given you large field-room , in near books ; and few men can so write , as that a willing man may not find some words which he is able to call heresie : a little learning , wit , or honesty , will serve for such an hereticating presumption . . i never heard that arminius was called an arminian , nor ●●ther a lutheran , nor bishop laud a laudian ; but if you be upon the knack of making names , you best know your ends , and best know how to fit them to it . . but seriously , do you not know my judgment ? will not about books inform you ? how then can i help it ? . no , but you know not what party i am of , nor what to call me ; i am sorrier for you in this than for my self ; if you know not , i will tell you , i am a christian , a meer christian , of no other religion ; and the church that i am of is the christian church , and hath been visible where ever the christian religion and church hath been visible : but must you know what sect or pa●●y i am of ? i am against all sects and dividing parties : but if any will call meer christians by the name of a party , because they take up with meer christianity , creed , and scripture , and will not be of any dividing or contentious sect , i am of that party which is so against parties : if the name christian be not enough , call me a catholick christian ; not as that word signifieth an hereticating majority of bishops , but as it signifieth one that hath no religion , but that which by christ and the apostles was left to the catholick church , or the body of jesus christ on earth . and now sir , i am sorry that you are not content with meer christianity , and to be a member of the catholick church , and hold the communion of saints , but that you must needs also be of a sect , and have some other name : and how shall i know that your sect is better than another ? were not the papists sectaries and schismaticks , damning most of christs body on earth ▪ for not being subject to their pope , i should not be so much against them . i find promises of salvation in scriptures to believers , that is , christians as such ( if such sincerely , ) but none of the salvation of men as papists , diocesans , grecians , nestorians , eutychians , &c. i would say also [ nor as protestants ] did i not take the religion called protestant ( a name which i am not fond of ) to be nothing but simple christianity , with opposition to popery , and other such corruption . and now you know your own designs , your tongue is your own , and who can controul you , whatever you will call us ; but i , and such others , call our selves meer christians , or catholick christians , against all sects and sectarian names , and haters both of true heresie , schisme , and proud , unrighteous , hereticating and anathematizing . psal. . o ye sons of men , how long will ye turn my glory into shame ? how long will ye love vanity , and seek after lying ? but know that the lord hath set apart him that is godly for himself : psal. . , , , , . help lord , for the godly man ceaseth ; for the faithful fail from among the children of men : they speak vanity every one with his neighbo●r , &c. see the rest . i will add , that if to be serious in the belief of the christian faith , and the life to come , and in seeking it above this world , and in constant endeavours to please god , whoever be displeased by it , is it that maketh a man a puritan , because he is not a formal hypocrite , then i would i were worthy of the titles which your pseudo tilenus and his brother give 〈◊〉 , who say , i am purus putus puritanus , and one qui totum puritanismum totus spirat : alas i am nor so good and happy . but readers when this so● of men have described the purit●ns as the most ●●toverable villains , you that knew them not may conclud● , that they were men no more erroneous , or worse than i , how much better soever ; for bishop morley saith of me , ab uno disce omnes : and of my doctrine , i ●ave left the world a full account ; and must shortly be accountable for it and my life to god , whose pardon and grace through christ i daily beg and trust to . a notice concerning mr. henry dodwell . mr. dodwell having written a copious discourse , asserting , that we have no right to salvation , but by gods covenant validly sealed by the sacrament ; and that the sacrament is not valid , unless delivered by one that hath ordination by such a bishop as hath his ordination by another bishop , and so on by an uninterrupted succession from the apostles , with much more such schismatical stuff , which i fully confuted in my books called , [ the true and only terms of the concord of all the christian churches ] and i aggravated his schismatical condemnation of the reformed churches , and most others ( as having no true ministry , sacraments , nor covenant-title to salvation , and as sinning against the holy ghost , because he professeth himself a protestant : the said mr. dodwell saith , that these words would perswade men that i take him for a papist , and expecteth that i therein right him : be it therefore known to all men , that i never meant by that word to accuse mr. dodwell of being a papist , but to aggravate his abuse of protestants ; and that i take my self bound to charge no man to be of a religion which he denieth : and what his religion really is , his books may best inform him that would know . the contents . chap. . what order and government christ and his spirit settled in the churches ; and what was the appointed work of bishops . that particular churches , that had every one a bishop , were associated for personal communion of neighbours : that none on earth for about two hundred years , and none but rome and alexandria for longer time , can be proved to be more numerous than our greater parishes , no nor half so big . the case even of rome and alexandria examined , and the like proved even of them against the contrary arguments . how the change was made ; and what change it is . how prelacy became the diseasing tumour of the church . many reasons against an ill use of the history of councils and prelates usurpations ; that no man thence dishonour christ , christianity , the ministry or church . chap. . of heresies : what errors are not damning , and what are . how the most erroneous come to cry out against errors : instanced in all wicked men , and in papists , arrians , nestorius , dioscorus , &c. what horrid work blind zeal against error hath made , many instances , even good men , as hillary and popes and councils . the history of all the councils begun . the first councils about easter contrary to each other . the second being at carthage erroneous , and tertullian , novatus and novatian . the roman presbiters govern the church and call a council , having no bishop , and are said by binius to have the care of the universal church . cyprians council condemneth a dead man victor , for making faustinus a presbi●iter , guardian of his sons , and so entangling him in worldly business . the council iconie●se is said to erre , and all those oriental bishops excommunicated by the pope ( about hereticks baptism ) . many other councils for rebaptizing , with cyprian's pleading tradition . bishops of bishops there censured . cyprian's conversion . a sad hereticating council at cirta against traditions . the concilium eliber novatiani : and against images in churches , &c. approved by pope innocent . the beginning of the donatists schism for a bishop . constantines reproof of alexander and arius silencing their disputes . concil . laodic . silvesters strange roman council . chap. . the council of nice : constantine keepeth them in peace . the strange schism between peter alex. and meletius : two bishops and churches in the same cities . the sad story of alexanders troubling the meletians , and driving them to seek help of the arrians , and so to strengthen them . epiphanius good character of constantius and valens . his notable character of audius , and how the violence of dissolute bishops forced him to separate ; and of alexander and of crescentius's strife : and of some confessours and martyrs great faults . audius banished converteth the gothes . the slander of eustathius antioch . notes of the nicene decrees : the ordination of scandalous uncapable men nullified by them . concil . rom. the people united at the making of bishops and priests . arius's creed and restoration at a council . jerusil . marcel . ancyr . ●oudemned at const. as denying christs godhead , by the arrians whom he was for the same cause against . a concil . antioch deposed athanasius and made canons for conformity . anno a fourth creed reconciling at antioch : the general council of sardica divide : the oriental bishops at philippolis strange charge against athanasius , paulus const. &c. and their plea for peace . the donatists unjust justice . the slander and fall of bishop euphratas . anno a general council at milan where the arrians prevail . hilary banished by the semiarian bishops as a separatist . the council of sirmium curse arius , photinians , and condemn athanasius , pretending to reconcile . constantius labours union : the general council divided at ariminum and selcucia : the arians , orthodox , and reconcilers fall into more sects : ten creeds , sometimes one , sometimes another liked or condemned : the bishops deposing and damning each other . of meletius antiochenus , the dissention , danger and reconciliatior about hypostasis & persona , at a council of alexandria . julian . jovian for peace : valentinian and valens charge the asian bishops to giveover persecuting any of christs labourers . valens a zealous arrian persecutor . damasus bloody election against sisinnius . the schism at antioch how ended . chap. why rome was yet orthodox . § . valens persecution . § . gratian and valentinian junior , theodosius . the council at constance . § . greg. nazianzens case . § . his sad description of the councils and madness of the prelates of his time . § . . the 〈…〉 schism again . nectarius a bishop and pa●riark before he was a baptized christian. § . the councils decrees § ▪ . the history of the bishops that prosecuted the priscillanists , and st. martins . § . . a council at capua decreed that the two bishops and churches at antioch live in love and peace . § . bishop bonosus heresie denying mary's perpetual virginity . § . jovinians heresie described . § . a wise novatian council . § . carthage good councils . § . , , . the history of melania , and the bishops persecution of the friends of origene . § . &c. theophilus alex-story . § . . . chrysostomes history . § . and the joannites . § . . those that believe the astrologers and mathematicians cursed at tolet. § . the melivitane councils against appeals to rome , and of liturgies to be approved . § . pelagius and celestius absolved by one council and one pope and condemned by others , § ▪ . &c. pelagius confession , . boniface and eulalius schism at rome , § . p. boniface's decree that no bishop be brought or set before any civil or military judge , § . the sixth council of carthage that resisted the popes , § . p. celestines decree , that no bishop be given to the unwilling . chap. . atticus const. peaceableness : the pretty story of the people deposing theodosius bishop of synada , § . cyrils violence ; the monks assault of orestes , and the peoples cruel usage of hypatia , § . alexand. antioch . and atticus const. by his council are for restoring the non-conformists joannits : cyrils reason against it , § ▪ . whether cyril repented , § . isidore pelus . words of him , § . proclus refused bishop at cyzicum by the people , § . nestorius chosen , § . he is a persecuter of hereticks . his opinion § . the first ephes council , § . they divide and condenmn and depose each other and fight , and nestorius , cyril and menmon , are desposed by the emperours command , but the two last restored . whether nestorius or cyril was the heretick . the issue of that council , § . , . derodon prooves that cyril was an eutychian and nestorius orthodox , § . . the truth , § . the present churches of the nestorians . that these bishops set the world on fire about a word while they agreed in sense , § . , &c. the emperour ●orceth the bishops to comminion , and setteth simeon stilletes to pray down their horrid discord , § . bowing eastward forbidden , because the manichees bowed to the sun among them , § . leo's roman council of bishops , priests and lay-men : another against hilary ▪ arelatensis , § . . chap. . of the eutychians , &c. the true case of the controversie , § . vnity taken by one sids for undivided , and by the other for undistinguished , and so the world set again on fire : the constantinople council about eutychius , § . another constantinople council contrarily cleareth him , § . ibas cleared at council beryt , § . the second ephesine council , under dioscorus . eutyches justified there . flavianus , euseb. dor. ibas and theodorite condemned and deposed . all the patriarks else and bishops subscribe , save the popes legates . flavianus hur ▪ and dieth , § . leo in a roman council condemneth this , eph. . § . dioscorus in a syned at alexandr . excommunicateth leo , § . theodosius virtue and miraculous victory , § . his praise of the second eph. council , § . martians reign , and the council of calcedon , § . . turnings , mutual condemnings , recantings and rigor there , § . , . the cry of the egyptian bishops , § . the abbots protestation to cleave only to the nicene creed ( as pioscorus did to the nicene council and eph. . ) and not to subscribe leo's epistle , and to contemn excommunications , § . dioscorus not condemned for heresie , saith anatolius , § . theodorites usage by the bishops , § . the canon equalling const. and rome , § . the doleful issue of this council , § . the woful work at alexandria . the murder of proterius , § . . the bloody tragedy against the calcedon council and juvenal ( as betrayers of the nicene faith ) by the monks at jerusalem , § . eudocia and pulcheria the spring of all . leo is emperour , and for the council of calcedon . he desposeth timothy aelu●us at alexandria , peter gnapheus usurpeth martyrius seat at antioch : martyrius renounceth his rebellious clergy and people . gnapheus banished by leo. stephen that is for the council is put in : the boyes kill him with sharp quills , and cast him into the river , § . zeno emperour , basiliscus usurping commandeth the bishops to renounce the council of calcedon . three patriarks and five hundred bishops subscribe against it ( before most were for it ) basiliscus changing his mind commandeth that the council be owned . the bishops obeyed this , § . zeno restored , and being for the council , the asian bishops said they subscribed to basilicus first orders for fear and asked pardon . zeno by his henoticon silenceth the controversie , leaving it free to all to own or disown the council . the bishops and people are still worse , at alexandria and antioch , &c. acacius const. and faelix rom excommunicate each other , § . flavitas const. cheateth the emperour that would have god by an angel choose the bishop , § . the bishops of alexandria and antioch successively curse the council : and the bishop of rome and const : curse them for it , § . anastatius emperour is for toleration : three parties of bishops there condemning each other in east , west and lybia , some strict for the council ; some cursing it , and some for the henoticon or peace . he desposeth euphemius const. and would have deposed macedonius that came ●ext , but the people rose for him , and forced the emperour to submit , § . cruel bloodshed in antioch of monks and others , § . xenaias an unchristened man made bishop , forceth the bishops to curse the council , § . severus at antioch maketh men curse the council : some bishops repent and condemn severus , . the emperor against all bloud for this cause , and the monks in palestine for it , § , . helias bishop of jerusalem and the monkes resist the emperours souldiers , once and again , § . timothy const. on both sides , § . rome under theodorick ; their schism or two popes with blood three years , § . anastatius wearied with the orthodox rebellions , offereth to resign his crown : in remorse they desire his continuance , § . valentinian maketh a law , that bishops ( except chosen by both parties ) shall no more be iudges in any causes , save of faith and religion . binius reproacheth this , as being absurd , that the sheep judge the shepheard , ● § . fully confuted . the pope excommunicateth acacius const. with a [ nunquam anathematis vinculis exuendus ] § . leo rom. his decree against the ma●ichees ; and all other that take the bread without the c●p , § . gelasius : the popes separatists , condemn euphemius and acacius : gelasius saith any bishop may excommunicate an heretick bishop ( though a patriach ) his catalogue of apocrypha , and canonizing leo's epistle , § . the pope excommunicateth the greek emperour and patriarch of constantinople , but not king theodorick the arri●n at home , § . ordination resolved on against the kings commands § . council agath . decreeth that if a bishop excommunicate any wrongfully , another bishop may receive him , &c. that if any citizen on the dayes of great solemnity refuse to meet where the bishop is , he is three years denied communion ( which sheweth , that the bishops church was no greater than our parishes ) lay-murderers punished with denying them the communion , and deacons put in monasteries , &c. § . council apannens saith hereticks temples cannot be purged nor applied after to holiness , § . council sydon curse the calcedon council , . bishops having the third ( or fourth ) part of all church profits sheweth how big their diocess or churches then were § . council gerund of seven bishops ordered litanies , and that the metropolitanes liturgy be used in other churches § . justine the emperour against eutychians restoreth the names of euphemius and acacius against the pope , their case opened § . justine an orthodox murderer . antioch cast down by an earthquake , the bishop killed , the rest burnt by the lightning , § . euphremius the lieutenant relieving the people is chosen their bishop . the bishops turn to the council of calcedon again , under justine , § . &c. popes prosecute the d●ad bishops of constantinople . § . justine violent against arrians . theodorick maketh pope john go beg for them , least italy suffered as much : he killeth symmachus and boetius , imprisoneth john and maketh felix pope , § . clergy murderers suspended from the sacrament , &c. § . theodorick subjecteth the clergy to civil iudicature . athalaricus freeth them again § . justinian his laws , he is against the eutychians , and his wife for them , § , . thirty thousand kill'd by insurrection in constantinople , § . the miraculous speaking of preachers , when their tongues were cut out by the kings command , § . king theodorus a lover of books giveth up rome , § . in justinians time three countries converted : the persians prevail : a dreadful plague , § . pope boniface chosen by the arrian athalaricus , § . pope hormisda denying that [ one of the trinity was crucified ] justinian sending to pope john who said the contrary ; binius excuse is [ weapons must be changed with changed enemies . ] many notes on the excellent disputation of hypatius with the eutychians caused by justinian , opening fully cyrils weakness , and that the difference was but verbal , § . a council at constantinople under menna called him patriarcha occumenicus , and set leo after the before cursed bishops . macedonius the orthodox bishop put out , the people that were orthodox seperate , § . silverius made pope by an arrian , p. vigilius the antipope imprisoneth and famisheth him , § . the schism between two bishops and their parties in alexandria ; one for the corruptibility of christs body called corrupticol● ; the other for the incorruptibility called the phantasiastae ; and the bloody fight between them , § . paulus alexand : murder of a deacon , § . p. vigilius denieth two natures , § . p. vigilius excommunicateth menna , and is dragg'd with a rope , till he repented , . justinian called a heretick and damned by evagrius , § . chap. . of the controversie de tribus capitulis , & the fifth general council , &c. of the heresie of the apthardocitae , & justinians piety and heresie ; & the bishops appeal to anastasius antioch . § . , . the conversion of the justinian's punishing the sodomitical heresie of some bishops . § . . the people dye rather than eat flesh in lent ▪ the council at orleance decree that qui omnibus praeponendus est ab omnibus eligatur : of incest , too strict keeping the lords-day . § . . concil . avernens . decree that men seek to be bishops by merits , and not by votes or favour , yet be chosen by all . § . . all citizen christians to be in the bishops meeting at easter , &c. by concil . aurelian . § . . and the bishop to be ordained in that church which he must oversee . caesar's project to condemn the tria capitula ( theodor. mopsuest . theodorite and ibas : ) justinians endeavours . § . . an orleance council decree that king , clergy and laity agree , and none be made bishop , populo invito , or forced to consent , and that the bishop else be deposed . the bishop to relieve all the poor . § . . null the former living . its emperours that call councils , saith justinian . § . . the fifth constant. council to cure the doleful separations of the bishops § . . p. vigilius difficulty : dare not joyn with the council : their slighting him : only two or three western bishops at the four first generals councils . § . . theod. mops. accused . theodorite accused for saying that mary begat not god in the nature of god , but man as united to the god-head : that christ was forsoken , suffered , hungred , slept , &c. as man and not as god. § . . theodorites virulent ep. against dead cyril , and the theopathitae . § . . the tria cap. condemned vigilius's sober judgment of it . § . , . instead of healing , this council set all on fire , and justinian on persecution . § . . vigilius changeth ; and condemneth again the tria capitula . § . . vigilius is by binnius called , homo perditus , the buyer of anothers place , a violent invader , a wolfe , a thief , a robber , not entring by the dores , a false bishop , and quasi antichristus , that the lawful pastor yet living did add pernicious heresie to his schism : yet sanctissimus papa as soon as he had murdered his predecessor , and had sole possession ▪ § . . a jerusalem council received the conc. const. § . . a council at aquileia condemn it , and the western bishops are seperated near years from the cath. church ( about the words of three dead men . ) § . . justinian made pelagius pope ; two bishops & a presbyter ordain him , the western bishops disobey him & reject him , and so reject the council const. v. confirmed by a pope : he gets narses to persecute them . § . . the romans for this incline to the goths again justinians laws censured by binnius . § . . a council paris . confirmeth the free election of bishops by the people and clerks . § . . all hereticks that refused to eat hearbs boill'd with flesh. § . . whether only the bishop must say the pax vobiscum , ( and to have but one church . ) § . . king clotharius forceth the bishops to receive a bishop of his choice . § . . not popes , councils nor bishops , but kings divided diocesses and parishes , as bin. § . . a council at tours that bishops may keep their wives as sisters for house-keepers , so they lye not with them . all condemned malefactors that are penitent and will obey the preacher , to be pardoned . § . . the villanies of two bishops quit by the pope . § . . a canon against reading apoery plia or any thing but canon scriptures in the church . § . . pope pelagius the second , got smaragdus to force the western bishops to condemn the tria capitula . § . . king gunthram represseth the murders and adulteries of bishops against the clergies sentence . § . . a council at constantinople calleth john const. universal bishop , pope pelagius the second damneth the title as unlawful in any , and commandeth them rather to dye than yield it . some queries hereupon . § . . king gunthram finding all grow worse and all long of the bishops , calls a council at mascon , where the stricter keeping the lords day is decreed . § . . the bishops of venice , istria and liguria continue separate from rome and chose paulinus bishop of aquileia their patriarch , and supreme bishop instead of the pope . § . . oft pennance to embolden oft sinning . § . . philoponus against the council of calcedon . § . . the factions now called jacobites and melchites , and why . § . . the armenians plead tradition for their error . § . . the partarchs of aquileia persecuted by mauritius and pope gregory . § . . dead gregory fights with sabinian his successor that would have burnt his books . § . . boniface the third chosen by phocas , § . . chap. , councils about the monothelites and others : cyrus alex. by the word [ deivirilis ] would heal the divisions ( in vain ) § . , . pope honorius called a monothelite , for his good council , § . , . the emperour heraclius a monothelite censured by binnius for using his own judgment in matters of faith , § . ▪ a constantinoplitane council for the monothelites , § . . the emperour condemned , and pope honorius commended for forbidding the names of [ one ] or [ two ] operations and wills , § . . the popes agents beaten at constantinople , § . . pope martin imprisoned , banished and dead by the emperour for condemning his act of silencing [ one and two ] called typus . § . . his laterane council asserteth two operations and wills. § . . the king of spain finding all laws fail against priests and bishops leachery , decreeth that the children of their women servants be uncapable of inheritance , and be the churches servants , and the co●eubines whipt with an hundred stripes . § . . kings preach to bishops . § . . . ordination without election of clergy and people null . § . . the bishop of ravenna reconciled to rome , after long separation . § . . a millan council , and the third constantinople , ( general ) condemn the monothelites , and macarius antioch , that would have silenced [ one ] and ( two ] but not assert [ two ] § . . their partiality . § . . pope leo confirmeth the constantinopolitan council which damned pope honorius as an heretick . § . . a new controversie , whether christ hath three substances , divinity , soul , and body . § . . a toletane council defends it , and that voluntas genuit voluntatem . § . . the concil . trull . called quini sextum : railed at by papists : notes hereon . § . ▪ . called by binnius monothelites : the same men that were in the th council . it forbideth priests to put away their wives . § . . it deposeth bishops and priests that were not duly examined and elected . § . . it equaleth the priviledges of constantinople with rome . § . . it ( ill ) ordereth , that whatever alteration the imperial power makes on any city , the state ecclesiastical follow it . § . . other notable c●nons . § . . &c. every parish of twelve families must have their proper governour ( in spain . ) § . . paul contradicted as to the believer and unbeliever staying together § . . a council at aquileia condemneth the th general at constantinople . § . . k. wiliza and the spaniards forsake rome . § . . a general council of innumerable bishops at constantinople under philippicus are for the monothelites . § . . they condemn the th general council that was for two wills and operations . binnius note of the bishops temporizing . chap. . councils about images and others . images how introduced in england . § . . &c. spelmans proof that the old saxons prayed not to saints . § . . a parliament role recited , proving the old popish worshiping of images . § . . leo isaurus puts down images : gregory the second rebels for it , and confederates with charles martell against his prince , and absolveth his subjects from their allegiance . binnius records it as an excellent example to posterity , not to permit pertinacious heretical princes to reign . § . . the consequents of this doctrine : how the pope ruined the eastern empire , and betrayed christianity . § . . wilfrids oath to the pope . § . . councils pro imaginem cultu , al●onsus first calls himself the catholick king. § . . p. zachary , and charles martell against the emperour : pipin and the popes treason in france , and baronius and binnius treasonable doctrine . § . . twenty queries hereupon . § . . p. zachary and bishop boniface excommunicate virgilius for holding antipodes : queries hereupon . § . , . philastrius of the stars . § . . a caution against misapplying all . § . . when lard must be eaten . zachary's decree . § . . caroloman's council to recover christianity , and save mens souls from false priests . § . . boniface finely made arch-bishop of mentz : accuseth bishop adelbert and clemens . § . , . pipin helpeth the pope and desiderius traytors , and maketh a donation of cities to the pope . § . . a general council at constantinople condemn image worship as idolatry , and swear men against it , and against praying to the apostles , martyrs , and virgins ( i suppose before images . ) § . . this council and the council of nice second , determine that christ glorified body is not flesh ( with anathema . ) § . . noted as to transubstantiation and other errours . § . , . pipins council decreeth every city a bishop , and joyneth the sword or force to excommunication , banishing the despisers of it . § . . the greeks accuse the latines for adding [ filioque . ] § . . the people still choose popes . § . , . three popes fighting for it : one putting out the eyes and cutting out the tongue of the other , and of his adherents . § . . constantines acts invalid , except baptizings and consecrating . § . . christophers eyes and life taken away through the pope that he set up . § . . desiderius fighteth against the pope , charles m. overcometh him , and maketh pope adrian grater than any before him . § . . why deacons mostly made popes : no bishop might be made pope , or removed . § . . the termes of papist writers expounded . § . . putting penance on murderers for hanging , fill'd the church with rogues . § . . the historians give the lie to each other about the power given carol. m. in making popes and bishops . baronius argument against it vain . that the people and clergy by the french constitutions still choose bishops . § . . irene set up images again ; women and rebels set up popes . § . . the fable of sylvesters baptizing constantine , and the images shewed him . § . . pope adrian owneth the whole council of calcedon . § . . many notable old canons sent by adrian to carol. m. a bishop neglecting to convert hereticks ▪ he was to have them that delivered them , &c. § . . ch. mag. forceth the saxons to profess themselves christians and swear perseverance , which they oft broke . § . . eight more old canons collected by adrian , e. g. the bishops sentence void , not confirmed by the presence of the clergy . the judgment of a bishop in anothers parish void , for none is bound by the sentence of any but his own judge . foreign judgments forbidden : all to be judged by men chosen by themselves . no clergy-man to be judged without lawful accusers present , and leave to defend himself . bishops tyrannical judgments null : constitutions contrary to good manners of no moment . delators , that is , qui ex invidia produnt alios , to have their tongues cut out , or their heads cut off . the danger of the judge greater than of the judged , &c. and let no man receive a lay-mans witness against a clergy-man ( no wonder if the clergy were unpunished and wicked . ) § . . irene calls a council at constantinople for images . the old souldiers of the former emperours not enduring it , routed them . she and tarasius agreeing call them to nice . the bishops that were sworn against image-worship , presently turn generally for it , by a womans and a patriarchs known will. § . . . how could the iconoclast emperours be hereticks , unless the use of such images were an article of faith ? § . . the empress and emperour called the governours of the whole world : they are the callers of that council . § . . basil ancyr . and other bishops that were leaders against images in the former council , lament it , and curse all that are not for images , and all that favour such , &c. theodosius bishop of amoricum also curseth himself , if ever he turn again , and curseth those who do not from their hearts teach christians to venerate images of all saints , praying for their intercession , &c. queries hereon . when general councils curse each other , is the whole church cursed ? &c. § . . a crowd of changling bishops crying mercy , tarasius puts them hard to it , what made them of the contrary mind heretofore , and what reason changeth them ? § . . whether these penitent hereticks should be restored to their bishopricks . tarasius saith , arians and these against images and all heresies and evils are alike . but another , that this was greater than all other heresies , subverting christs oeconomy . the instance of the calcedon peccavimus omnes prevaileth . § . , . a shrewder doubt raised , whether all these were truly ordained by former hereticks ( iconoclasts● ) the popes vicar denyeth it . tarasius durst not so unpriest almost all the christian world of the east , and is contrary . by a cunning argument he prevailed ; viz. the fathers agree among themselves : ergo , all the rest are of the same mind with some before cited . § . . gregory bishop of neocaesaria next recanteth , a leader of the iconoclasts . § . . yet tarasius and this council disclaim giving latria to images of creatures . ●ea honour them but ●s memorative . § . , . the constantinopolitan councils arguments against images . § . . &c. bread not transubstantiate . § . . the two councils contrary about tradition of images . § . . the nicene council curseth from christ all that are not for saluting and adoring images . § . . bishops and priests made by magistrates election , or that use the magistrate to get the place , are void . a canon against silencing preachers and shuting up churches . § . . a sober council at horojulium . § . . foeliy urgelitanus , and elepandus , condemned , for saying christ was gods natural son in the deity , and his adopted in his humanity . § . . claudius taurinensis against images . § . . car. mag. book , and the council of franckford against images . § . , . foelix and elepandus condemned , for saying christ was a servant . § . . the frankford council decreeth that christ was not a servant subject to god by penal servitude . § . . pope leo's eyes put out , and tongue cut out , and restored , and he made great by charles the great . § . . kissing the popes foot. § . . irene killeth her son , and is banished her self . § . . filioque added by the spanish and french bishops without the pope . § . . carol . mag. being dead the people rebel against the pope . till ludovicus subdued them . § . . a council at constantinople for the emperours adultery : and another against plato and theodorus studita , that were against it ; which saith binnius passed the sentence of anathema on the whole catholick-church ▪ and decreed that gods laws can do nothing against kings , nor is any man a martyr that suffereth ( as chrysostome ) for opposing them for truth and justice . § . . a council at arles , and another at tours have good canons , one that is for the old prohition of genuflexion on the lords daies . § . . charles m. restoreth learning : a council at chalones decreed against the oath of canonical obedience . § . , . another against arch-deacons ruling presbyters , and taking fees of them . § . . others for the old excommunication , and about confession to god and man , and against trust in pilgrimages . § . , , . another council at constantinople curseth that at nice , ●d , and pull down images , and the bishops turn again . § . . the murder of bishops punished by ●ayments at last . § . . ludovicus pius , emperour , bishops with bernard rebel , stephen made pope without him , pardoned . § . . his care of lost learning : a pious treatise out of the fathers ; against bishops domination , and for their equality with presbyters in scripture-times . § . . against clergy sins , and womens company . against ge●●flection on the lords days : augustines contempt of appeals to councils and rome : a strange temperance of the canonical monks , that were tyed to four pound of bread and five pound of wine in a day ; or in scarcity , to three pound of wine and three pound of beer ; or in greater scarcity , to one pound of wine and five of beer . § . . ludovicus pius maketh the pope greater than ever . § . . michael balbus murdering armenus●endeth ●endeth to ludovicus pius about images : an assembly at paris called by him judge the judge of the world , and the nicene second council saith bellarmine . § . . now both east and west judged the pope and his general council to erre ; yea this emperour that made him great . § . . a book of concord by the pope and emperour , that images are neither to be contemptuously broken , nor adored . bellarmines words against it . he revileth the popes words , that princes are governours of the church . § . , . confuted . faith and love may be without images . § . . it was the right of the empire to consent or not , to the chosen pope . § . . platina wisheth for a ludovicus to reform the luxurious clergy then . § . . a paris council write an excellent book : they tell of some struck with thunderbolts , convulsions , &c. for and as working on the lords day . and say beati petri vicem gerimus . § . . the emperour making his three sons kings , they rebel : he conquereth pipin , lotharius rebelleth again . ebbo and a council of bishops wickedly depose him absent and unheard , and force him to resign his scepter on the altar , and thrust him into prison : thus was the best of princes that most advanced the clergy used by them , on religious pretense ludovicus restored the second time . lotharius rebelleth still , till pardoned . ludovicus dyeth . § . . the form of his condemnation by the bishops at large ; with all the articles of accusation and his penance at the bishops high court of iustice. § . . the emperour restored by force , the bishops recant and he forgiveth them , ebbo resigning . § . . the wars between ludovicus sons : lotharius justly conquered . § . . the bishops depose him upon impeachment as they did his father by his will. § . . images restored at constantinople by theodora a woman : she sped as irene . photius patriarch § . , . the bishops suddenly turn again . § . . strife for the popedom § . . lotharius and his brothers agree . § . . the archbishop of rhemes fled and the seat vacant was ten years governed by two presbyters . § . . carolus calvus alienateth church-lands . § . . pope leo and his city leonina : he writeth massing rules , and deposeth priests that cannot read till they amend . § . . singing liturgies the occasion of imposed forms . § . . a council at mentz punisheth murder even of priests , but with putting them from the communion . § . . chap. . councils about ignatius and photius , with others . hin●marus's description of godescalcus and his heresie . § . . canons , that arch-presbyters examine every master of a family personally , &c. that none denyed communion have any office civil or military , § . . whether unconstrained sufferers are martyrs . § . . a hard case about the nullity of ebbos ordinations : two popes differ . § . . ignatius case . § . . remigius and eleven more at valence make notable decrees about predestination , redemption , perseverance , and choice of bishops . § . . the clergy and people to choose bishops . § . , . lotharius turneth monk. § . . no pope joan. § . . two strive for the papacy : anastasius against images , repulst . § . , . thunderbolts in the church . § . . john bishop of ravenna forced to submit to the pope . § . . the schism between ignatius and photius . § . . bishops for the emperours divorce , censured by the pope , despise him . § . . pope nicolas , against hincmarus : against the greek emperour : his notable epistle : he maketh the greater number of bishops and people no sign of truth ; nor fewness of errour . § . . baptism valid by one that is no priest nor christian. § . . none proper patriarchs but apostles successours . § . . all other churches and dignities made by rome , and rome by christ. § . . peter had the empire of heaven and earth . ill. chosen popes not apostolical , § . many other papal vsurpations , against oaths , princes , &c. § , &c. people still chuse bishops , § . none may hear mass of a fornicating priest , § . lay men must not judge or search the lives of priests . k. charles saith none but the bishops may depose him , § . photius setled by councils , § , , . divers councils for k. lotharius divorce against the pope , § , , . the pope curseth them , § , and curseth his legates at const. § , and at metz , § . hincmarus and the pope's contention , § , . historians say the papacy was void eight years , and others but seven days , § . photius and his counsels despised the pope . his deposition by basilius a murderer , § . basilius craveth the popes pardon for the bishops , because they had almost all been deceived or false , by following the upper powers , and the churches would else be left destitute , § . what nullifying ordinations hath done , § : men wrongfully excommunicated to be received by other bishops : presbyters to annoint the sick , because the bishops cannot visit all , § . a const. council ejecteth photius ; where the bishops that were for him , turn again and condemn him , crying peccavimus ; save some few : subscriptions denyed , and why , § . . this eighth general council decreeth equal honour to christs image as to the gospel : forbiddeth patriarchs to require bishops to subscribe to them , but only to the faith , and deposeth them that do it , § : curseth them that say man hath two souls : all bishops to be worshipped by princes , and not go far to meet them , nor light from their horses to them , nor petition them , on great penalties , § . princes as profane may not be present at councils ; nor have been , ( impudent ! ) § . no lay man may dispute ecclesiastical sanctions , be he never so wise or good : but a bishop must not be resisted though manifestly destitute of all virtue of religion , § . they decree that photius be not called a christian , § . bishops above kings , as heaven above earth , § . the pope but one patriarch cannot absolve them that many patriarchs condemn , § . nicetas life of ignatius in brief , § . the pope deposed by a const. council . the bishops wrote not photius condemnation with ink but with christs blood , and yet restored him and honoured him as the emperour turned . photius deposeth and re-ordaineth , and requireth subscription to him , § . votes hereon , § . the contention between rome and const. for ruling the bulgarians , and the effects , § . the pope's monarchy then unknown , § , . the french bishops against the pope gave ludovicus's kingdom to charles calvus , § . the king , hincmar . and bishops against the pope , § , . deposing and blinding hincmaru's laudunensis . the romans imprison pope john , § . his acts ; decree for perjury , § , . going to rome merits the pardon of murder , § . service in the sclavonian tongue forbidden them , § . auspertus bishop of milan refuseth to obey the pope : sclavonian service yielded to : the bishop of vienna rejecteth a bishop of geneva ( aptandus ) sent by the pope , because he was never baptized , made clerk , nor learned : the pope tells him that he himself had none of these when he was consecrated bishop of vienna , § . whether the right of emperours was only by the pope's guift , § . binius resolution : one church had two bishops , § . a general council at constant. restoreth photius , expungeth filioque condemneth the last general council there ; yet both approved by popes , § . the council accuse rome , § . rome's jurisdiction excluded , § . adders to the creed ( filioque ) anathematized : pope martin and hadrian condemn photius , and enrage the greek emperour against them , § , . bishops and lords depose carolus crassus ; he is put to beg his bread , § . the pope above emperours as heaven above earth ; kings are servants , and not above the clergie their masters , § . a king ruling ill decreed to be a tyrant : bishops and priests lying with their own sisters , restrained : but no bishop is to be accused by a presbyter , nor judged under seventy two witnesses , nor priests under forty two , &c. he that would lye with his sister before so many deserved blame : murderers of priests denyed flesh , wine , coaches , &c. § , . formosus perjured ; was the first bishop that ever was made pope , § . chap. . the progress of councils , till leo the th , especially in the west . the bishops depose odo , and set up charles . § . . the virgin mary's smock works wonders . § . . bloud and confusion in italy . § . . bishops to be obeyed before earls and magistrates . clergy-men must not be put to swear . no presbyter to be depos'd , but by six bishops , § . . two wicked popes at once : stephen iudgeth , dismembreth , and drowneth dead formosus , and re-ordaineth those ordained by him , § . , . the bishops in council approve it ; yet now papists detest it . § . . when popes are infallible . § . . popes undo what their predecessors did . § . , , , , . platina's description of a malignant pope . § . . popes crown for fear , and uncrown , and crown others . § . . bishops turn and return , and cry peccavimus , reordinations forbidden . § . . bad princes the cause of bad bishops . § . . wicked christians on whom the pope durst not use discipline . § . . schismes and violence on popes . § . , , . sergius made pope the third time , keeps it ; by whores and whoredom the most wicked of men , saith baron . and bin. § . . formosus again executed dead , § . . questions to the papists of their holyness and succession . § . . photius last deposition , and the murders of emperours at constant . § . . a whore ruleth at rome , § . she maketh her fornicator pope ; baronius and binnius . hard put to it § . . earl heribert's son , not five years old , made archbishop so rhemes . § . . ratified by pope john , lamented by baron . that by this example other great men did the like : johns end by a whore , § . . none to marry within the seventh degree , as incest . § . . sergius bastard-son under age made pope john by a whore , and destroyed after a monster saith binnius . § . . none to fast privately , but by the bishops consent . § . . the king of denmark made christian by henry king of germany . § . . st. peter made the example for many bishopricks to one bishop . § . . albericus ruleth , and mangleth the pope . § . . the bishops judge the infant before the perjured monk to be bishop of rhemes , § . the treasons and changes in france , § . tryphon illiterate finely cheated of his patriarchate const. § . councils do and undo between the two bishops of rhemes , § , , . john xii lawful pope wanted all things necessary to a pope , say baronius and binnius , § . notes hereon , § . pope john dismembreth his cardinals , § . he fled , § . the bishops depose him , and make another by otho's means , § . the horrid charges against pope john sworn , § . baronius and binnius against his condemnation answered , § . two popes and churches , § . not yet known who was the true pope , § . john killed in adultery , § . another antipope perjuriously chosen , § . a martyr , § , . an interruption of the succession by baronius and binnius account , § . otho saveth them . the next imprisoned and strangled , § . boniface vii . runs to constantinople with the church treasure , § . two more popes , § , , . boniface murders another pope , and gets in ; dyeth , and is drag'd about the streets , § . john xv , durst not dwell at rome , § . hu●o capet turneth the bishops , § . popes fighting . john xvii . blinded , mangled , disgraced , kill'd , § . seven electors of the emperour settled , § . gerbert how made pope , § . the king of hungary converts the transilvanians , § . good kings , § . leutherius archbishop of seus against transubstantiation , § . two popes fighting . the king of hungary converted by the emperour henry , § . the first burning of hereticks ( manichees ) § . henry the emperour leaveth his wife a virgin , § . benedict . ix . a deboist boy-pope : put out again , § . gets in again : a third enters at once . the cerberus hired all out by dividing the church-rents between them ; do resign ; but the hirer as pacificator is made pope , § . six that had been popes alive at once : one honest pope that could not read made a fellow pope to do it , § . gregory vi. the illiterate reconciling pope variously described : put out with the other three , and a fifth chosen , § . benedict . gets in the third time , § . another gets in by poyson , and dyeth the day , § . baron . answered , § . the monster bened. . is he that condemned berengarius , § . leo th . of the resurrection : renounceth the title of vniversal patriarchs , as of the bawd of antichrist : peter not vniversal apostle . bishops equal ; varied by city priviledges , save in africa by seniority . the romish church usurped by no pastors , § . michael patr. of const. rebaptizeth papists , saith they had no true baptism , or sacrifice , § . a roman council pardon simoniacal bishops and priests , lest the church be utterly destitute , § . the popes hold a council in france against the king ' s will : a bishops horrid crimes , and a miracle there . still clergie and people must chuse every bishop . chap. . the continuation till the council of constance : councils against berengarius , § , &c. adulterous and symoniacal . bishops : a miracle , § , . hildebrand , a sub-deacon , presideth in councils , and deposeth bishops , and excommunicateth , § , . bishops by excommunication rule k. ferdinand , § . milan separated from rome years , § . another schism , § , . hildebrands new foundation of popes ( by cardinals election ) § . notes hereon , § . a roman council forbids hearing a fornicator priest , § . bloody fights between two popes : five years schism , § . p. alexander giveth england to william the conqueror , § . councils . for each pope , § , . gods word affirmed violable , § . hildebrands war in rome : italian bishops against him . his hard work . obedience to the pope forbidden by a council at mentz . he deposeth the emperour for seeking to diminish the majesty of the church : and absolveth his sworn subjects : an antipope made that sate years , ( the d schism . ) the emperour barefoot in frost three days begs pardon , and promiseth obedience . he is again cursed by the pope in council , as having power to take away kingdoms , and all that men have , § , . the siege of rome : two popes : gregory's death , § . he threatneth to depose the king of france : claims hungary , &c. § . binnius record of the popes dictates , telling in articles what popery is , § . he claimeth spain , § : and dalmatia , § . a great part of the bishops against him , § . pronounceth unsincere repentance fruitless , § . denyeth divine service in the sclavonian tongue , § . ill weather imputed to the ill lives of priests : the armenians errours what , § . apulia , &c. the popes , § . one man turned an hundred thousand men in spain from the pope . he threatneth to excommunicate and depose the king of spain , as an enemy to the christian religion , § . he newly found st. matthews body , § . he will expose the prince of sardinia unless he obey him in making all priests shave their beards , § . notes hereon . the french convert the sweeds , and the pope would reap the fruit , § . his notable epistle to prove popes , priests , ( and exorcists ) above kings , § . answered , § . peter pence , § . an arch-bishop suspended for not visiting rome , § . a pious lie for peace is a sin , § . the old spanish liturgy partly contrary to the christian faith till now , § . his respect to william the conquerour , &c. § , . the german bishops hereticate the pope , for forbidding marriage , § . matthew is forsaken , § . philip king of france and many great bishops excommunicate , § . divers councils excommunicating contrarily ; the antipopes , § , to . ordinations null that are made pretio , precibus vel obsequio , and not by the common consent of clergy and people , § . he excommunicateth the greek emperour usurping , § . the greek affairs summ'd up , § . the power of pope and bishops to depose kings , § . a council character of gregory , § . a council make loyalty to be haeresis henriciana , § . the disciple is not above his master , answered , § . wecilo's heresie , that men obey not unjust excommunications , but may by others be received , § . the d . schism , § . victor's soldiers conquer clement's , § . lay princes presentations or investitures are heresie : every heretick is an infidel : it 's better be without visible communion than have it with such , § . consectaries overthrowing rome , ib. a new pope marrieth mathildis to welpho on condition they use not carnal copulation , § . a jerusalem expedition causeth peace at home . conrade rebelleth against his father , § . the emperour commits fornication , § , . wrongs on monday , wednesday , or thursday , no breach of holy peace : no bishop or priest must swear or promise allegiance to a king , nor take preferment from any lay-man , § . none to communicate in one kind , § . all the bishops of england save rochester renounce obedience and society with anselme archbishop of canterbury , because he would not renounce the pope , saying , he blasphemed the king , setting up any in his kingdom without his consent , § . time given the king of england to repent , § . the anti-pope clement digg'd up and burnt : paschal . council decree that all bishops of the henrician heresie ( loyalists ) if alive be deposed , if dead , digg'd up and burnt ( that is , most of the western bishops , ) § . the schism continued , § . the pope set up young henry against his father , who taketh him prisoner to the death : he keeps his fathers corps five years unburied , because excommunicate . yet proveth hereticus henricianus , imprisoneth the pope till he grant him investitures . the pope absolveth himself , § , . cases on binnius , § . note that investitures supposed the people and clergies free choice of bishops , § . the bishops usage of old henry to the last , § . to take the popes excommunications as not obligatory is a heresie , § . the dangerous doctrine of fluentius bishop of florence ( that anti-christ was come ) § . only the church made henry rebell , § , . tybur coloured with bloud : the earl of millans flesh given to dogs : the popes sacramental covenant broken , § . god will have no involuntary service , § . the same is a henrician heresie in others which is none in the pope , § . he may forswear for the people of god. § . two popes contending and excommunicating : the emperour giveth up investitures , § to . four doctrines of guilb . porretane condemned in council ; . that divinitas and deus are not the same ( in signification : ) . that the three persons are not unum aliquid : . that there are eternal relations besides the persons : . that it was not the divine nature that was incarnate . two more popes , § , . a preacher murdered at rome , § . two more popes , the succession from the wrong , § . they fight for it , § . how clergy and people first lost their votes in choice of popes , § . two popes still striving . § , &c. many castles in england built by two bishops , § . abailard condemned unheard , § . caelestine ii. the first pope without the peoples election , an. . rome against the pope : bishops are his strength , § . porretane again accused , and puzzled the council , § . he is again accused by bernard , whom the cardinals accuse for writing his faith and getting bishops hands to it , § . the romane people excommunicate by pope adrian . they are for a preacher called by him an heretick , § . rome fighteth with pope and emperour : they fight again , and expel the pope , § . the pair of popes : wars between the emperour frederick and pope : the crown of england held as from the pope : yet rome receiveth him not : the emperour submitteth , being deserted , &c. § . the setling the choice of popes by cardinals : the pope no bishop by the canons , § . the roman succession is from alex. . when the clergie , people , emperour , princes , and a council of innumerable bishops were for victor , § . parliaments called councils , § . ireland the popes , § . the albigenses henricians , § . no bishop may suspend a presbyter without the judgment of his chapter : a perjured clergie-man perpetually deprived : doubtful words to be understood as usually , § . the popes party in rome have their eyes put out , § . frederick drowned in asia , § . the kingdom of france interdicted , § . the pope seus up an anti-emperour , who prevaileth , § . england interdicted six years and three months , § . the famous twelfth general council at the laterane under inoc. . for transubstantiation , exterminating hereticks , deposing princes , absolving subjects , forbidding unlicensed preachers , &c. § . almaricus burnt dead , § . stephen langton and king john , § . ten queries upon this council , § . the canons of this council true : mr. dodwel's arguments for it , § . the papists excuses answered , § . ( misnumbred . ) the bloody execution , § . oxford canons , that every great parish have two or three presbyters , &c. § . against preaching when silenced , § . the pope twice banished by the romans : the emperour excommunicate and deposed ; fights it out : the pope dyeth , § . a mortal sin to have two benefices , if one will maintain him , § . the emperour again excommunicate : a merry excommunication , § . rebellions , § . conrade and king henry , § . bishop grosthead's notable letter to the pope , and its reception , § , . obedient disobedience : all power for edification , ib. the pope calls the king of england his slave , whom he can imprison , &c. § . the cardinals speech to quiet the pope : a defection foretold , § . grosheads death : he taketh them for hereticks that tell not great men of their sin , &c. the pope antichrist , for destroying souls . the popes pardoning letter : the pope described , § . miracles at robert grosheads death : the pope would have burnt and damned his corps : in a vision he mortally woundeth the pope , § . , . h. iii. pawneth his kingdom to the pope , § . the th general council at lyons excommnnicateth and deposeth the emperour and absolveth his subjects , § . . guelphus for the popes , gibelius for the emperour , § . the english parliament demand the choice of the lords iustice , chancellour and treasurer , § . the plot of king henry and the bishop of hereford , to get money by the pope , § . the parliament resist it : m. paris talks too boldly of the king , § . buying bishopricks : brancaleo at rome mastereth the pope , § , . sewale archbishop of york against the pope : doth miracles , § . rome not ruled by the pope , § . near three years vacancy of the papacy , § . cardinal portuensis jeast , . the foolish pope john sadly confuted , § . king peter of arragon deposed , § . the popes tenth peny denyed , § . two years more vacancy . the greeks enmity to rome , § . . pope celestine cheated to resign , and imprisoned , § . boniface the viii . his conflict with the king of france : taken prisoner , and dyeth : platina's good counsel to all rulers , § . the clergy not to be taxed by princes , § . the pope setled in france by clement v. continueth years , § . above years vacancy , ibid. . articles of the king of france against boniface viii . three herisies of petrus joannis , . the rational soul , as such is not forma corporis humani . . grace habitual , not infused in baptisme to infants . . the spear pierced christ before his death , § . the heresie of the beguines and beguardes for perfection , § ibid. pope clements decrees , de fide . . of the form of the body ( the soul. ) . infants infused grace . . vsury a sin . . to be restored . the contrary to suffer as hereticks , § ibid. the falshood of some of these new articles of faith , § . magistrates excommunicated that disgrace wicked , priests , § . or compel them to answer to them , § . popes and councils condemn each other as hereticks , § . the pope claimeth the empire by escheate , § . the priest to take the name of every parishoner , that being confessed and confirmed they may communicate only by his counsel , § . the greek affairs , § . a toletane council decree that their provincial constitutions bind only ad poenam , not ad culpam , lest christians consciences be burdened , § . after seventy years residence at avignion , forty years more there were two popes ( and sometime more ) one at avignion and one at rome . discord chooseth an honest pope , but concord an anti-pope . their wars : the pope drowneth cardinals in sacks , and makes twenty nine new ones in one day , § . italy still the most unpeaceable warring place of the world , § , . the popes bloody way of curing schism . § . the council of pisa thinking to have but one pope made a third , § . who deposed king ladislaus , § . chap. . the councils of constance , basil , &c. that at constance , called by pope john ( alias or or ) by sigismund the emperours means , councils above the pope , § . wickliffs articles , § . one is , that they are traytors to christ , who give over preaching , and hearing gods word , for mens excommunications , § , . heynous articles against pope john , commonly called the devil incarnate : an obstinate heretick , denying the life to come , &c. § . he ratifieth all himself , and with other two popes is deposed , § . a decree against giving the sacramental cup , though christ and the ancient church used it , § . articles against john hus as wickliff's ; more as his own , § , . excommunication must not make us leave off preaching : against hierome of prague breaking safe conducts , § , . the third pope depos'd , § . decrees for frequent general councils : popes elections regulated : a new pope chosen , § . the fate of p. john and the rest , § , . continued wars at rome , against the pope , and in italy , § . the council at basil. the bohemians case : their four articles , . for the full sac●ament . . for correcting publick crimes . . for liberty to preach gods word . . against the clergies civil power : all eluded , § . bishop augustinus de roma's errours ( phanatick ) pardon of all sins confest with a contrite heart , sold for money and fasting , § . their catholick verities : . for councils supremacy . . they may not be dissolved , removed , prorogued , but consenting . . it s heresie to oppugn these § . p. eugenins deposed as a pertinacious heretick , &c. § . . queries hereon , § . the immaculate conception decreed , § . two popes again , § . epistles of and against the pope , § . four treatises against the bohemians four great articles , § , . god only pardoneth the fault , and the pope part of church penances . whether silenced preachers must cease : vnjust sentences not regardable , confessed : the council confirmed , § , . a council at briges confirmeth this , § . the council at florence : two general councils at once , § . the romans still fight against the pope , § . constantinople lost , ib. p. pius . his character and sentences : for priests marriage : yet for rome's vniversal headship to be received as necessary to salvation , § . p. paul . a just and clement simoniast and tyrant : tormenteth platina and many others : accuseth them of heresie for praising plato and gentile learning , &c. against learning , § . p. sixtus wars and treachery , § . denying the decrees of a general council de fide ( of the immaculate conception of b. m. ) no heresie , § . p. inoc. . fights to be king of naples , § . pope alexander the sixth his ugly character , and his son borgia's villanies : both drinking the poyson prepared for others : the pope dyeth of it , § . pius . § . p. julius . italy in blood still by him , § . councils against the pope : the king of france excommunicated , § , . the anti-council at lateran , against the pisane , against the french pragmat . sanction : the not able titles of the pope , § . decreed that simoniacal election of popes is null , and giveth no authority , ( which nullifieth the roman succession ) § . decrees about souls , § . leo . a cardinal at . and an archbishop in his childhood : his wars and bloodshed , § . luther : the reformation : the end of charles . § . leo's death , § . reformers drive the papists to learning , § . all papist princes owe their safety , crowns , and deliverance from papal deposition to the reformation ; and italy its peace , § . the history of the reformation , and of papists murders of martyrs passed by , § . freder . of saxony refuseth the empire and money , and chose charles , § . thirty five cases for which men must be denyed communion in the eucharist , § . later reforming papist councils , § , &c. the conclusion , what this history specially discovereth , § . a poem of mr. herbert's , called the church militant . chap. . a confutation of papists and sectaries , who deny and oppose the ministry of the reformed churches . chap. . a confutation of the prophane opposers of the ministry . an account of some books lately printed for , and to be sold by thomas simmons , at the prince's arms , in ludgate-street . a supplement to knowledge , and practice : wherein the main things necessary to be known and believed , in order to salvation , are more fully explained , and several new directions given for the promoting of real holiness , both of heart and life : to which is added a serious disswasive from some of the reigning and customary sins of the times , viz. swearing , lying , pride , gluttony , drunkenness , uncleanness , discontent , covetousness , and earthly-mindedness , anger , and malice , and idleness ; by sam. cradock , b. d. late rector of north-cadbury , in somersetshire : vseful for the instruction of private families : price bound s. de analogia , sive arte linguae latinae commentariolus : in quo omnia , etiam reconditioris gramaticae , elementa ratione novâ tractantur , & ad brevissimos canones rediguntur : in usum provectioris adolescentiae . opera wilhelmi baxteri philistoris , price bound s. d. the lively effiges of the reverend mr. mathew pool : so well performed as to represent his true idea , to all that knew him , or had a veneration for him : design'd on purpose to befriend those that would prefix it to his synopsis criticorum , price d. moral prognostications : . what shall befall the churches on earth , till their concord , by the restitution of their primitive purity , simplicity , and charity : . how that restitution is like to be made ( if ever ) and what shall befal them thenceforth unto the end , in that golden age of love : written by richard baxter , when by the kings commission , we in vain treated for concord , . and now published , price s . the nonconformists advocate ; or an account of their judgment in certain things in which they are mis-understood : written principally in vindication of a letter from a minister to a person of quality , shewing some reasons for his nonconformity , price s . there is published every thursday , a mercurius librarius , or a faithful account of all books and pamphlets published every week : in which may be inserted any thing fit for a publick advertisement , at a moderate rate . directions to the binder of baxter's church history , &c. after the title sheet follows a , b , c , d , e ; then b , c , d , e , f , g , h , i , k , l , m , n , o , p , q , r , s ; then aa , bb , cc , dd , ee , ff , gg , hh , ii , kk , ll , mm , nn , oo , pp ; then ss , tt , vv , xx , yy , zz , aaa , bbb , ccc , ddd , eee ; then ggg ; and so on to qqq ; which signiture ends the book . church-history of bishops and their councils abridged , &c. chap. i. of the sacred ministry , episcopacy and councils , necessary premonitions : and of the design of this book . § . . god that could have enlightned the earth without the sun and stars , could immediately alone have taught his church , and communicated knowledge to mankind : but as he is the most communicative good , he was pleased not only to make his creatures receptive of his own influx , but also to give them the use and honour of being efficient sub-communicants under him , and causes of good to themselves and to one another : and as his power gave being and motion , his wisdom gave order and harmony , and his love gave goodness and perfection , felicity and love , as he is the creating and conserving cause of nature ; and this in much inequality , as he was the free disposer of his own ▪ so in the kingdom of grace he doth by the spirit of life , light , and love ▪ . quicken and strengthen the dead and weak souls , and awaken the slumbering and slothful ; . illuminate the dark with faith and knowledge ; and . sanctifie the malignant enemies of holiness , by the power of his communicated love , making them friends and joyful lovers : this spirit first filled the humane nature of christ our head ; who first communicated it to some chosen persons in an eminent manner and degree , as nature maketh the heart and brain and other principal parts to be organical , in making , preserving , and governing the rest . to these he gave an eminence of power to work miracles , of wisdom to propagate the word of life , and infallibly by preaching and writing promulgate and record his sacred gospel , and of holy love to kindle the like by zealous holiness in the hearts of others . to these organical persons he committed the oeconomy of being the witnesses of his words and actions , his resurrection and ascension , and of recording them in writing , of planting his first churches , and sealing the truth of their testimony by many miracles , promising them his spirit to perform all that he committed to their trust , and to bring all to their remembrance , and to lead them into all truth , and to communicate instrumentally his spirit to others , the sanctifying gifts by blessing their doctrine , and the miraculous gifts by their imposition of hands . § . . by these principal ministers the first church was planted at ierusalem , ( fitliest called the mother-church ) and after by those that were sent thence many churches were gathered in many kingdoms of the world , darkness being not able to resist the light . the apostles and evangelists and prophets delivered to them the oracles of god , teaching them to observe all things that christ had commanded them , and practically teaching them the true worship of god , ordering their assemblies , and ordaining them such officers for sacred ministration as christ would have continued to the end of the world , and shewing the churches the way by which they must be continued , and describing all the work of the office appointed them by christ. § . . the apostles were not the authors of the gospel , or of any essential part of the christian religion , but the receivers of it from christ , and preachers of it to the world : christ is the author and finisher , or perfecter of our faith . but they had besides the power of infallible remembring , knowing and delivering it , a double power about matters of order in the church : . by the special gift of the spirit 's inspiration , to found and stablish such orders as were to continue to the end , and none that came after them might change , they being the ordinances of the holy ghost in them . . temporarily , pro re natâ , to make convenient mutable constitutions , in matters left by the great legislator to humane prudence , to be determined according to his general regulating laws . in this last the apostles have successors ; but not in the former : no other have their gift , and therefore not their authority : no men can be said to have an office that giveth them right to exercise abilities which they never had nor shall have . § . . christ summed up all the law in love to god and man , and the works of love ; and all the gospel in faith , and hope , and love by them kindled and exercised by the spirit which he giveth them ; even by the belief and trust of his merits , sacrifice , intercession and promises , and the prospect of the future glory promised , fortifying us to all holy duties of obedience , and diligent seeking what he hath promised , and to patient bearing of the cross , conquering the inordinate love of the world and flesh and present life , and improving all our present sufferings , and preparing for his coming again , and for our change and entrance into our masters joy . § . . christ summed up the essentials of christianity in the baptismal covenant , in which we give up our selves in faith , hope , and consenting love , to god the father , son , and holy ghost , our creator , redeemer , and sanctifier , and in which god receiveth us in the correlations as his own . and all that are truly thus baptized are christened , and are to be esteemed and loved as christians , and to be received into christian communion in all christian churches where they come , until by apostasie or impenitency in certain disobedience to the laws of christ , in points necessary to christian communion , they forfeit that priviledge . nor are men to deprive them of the great benefit thus given them by christ , on pretence of any wit or holiness , or power , to amend christs terms , and make the church doors narrower , or tie men to themselves for worldly ends . yet must the pastors still difference the weaker christians from the stronger , and labour to edifie the weak , but not to cast them out of the church . § . . the sacred ministry is subordinate to christ in his teaching , governing , and priestly office , and thus essentiated by christs own institution , which man hath no power to change : therefore under christ they must teach the church by sacred doctrine , guide them by that and sacred discipline , called the power of the keys ( that is of judging who is fit to enter by baptism , to continue , to partake of the communion , to be suspended or cast out ) and to lead them in the publick worship of god , interceding in prayer and speaking for them , and administring to them the sacraments or holy seals of the covenant of god. § . . the first part of the ministers o●●ice is about the unbelieving world , to convert them to the faith of christ ; and the second perfective part about the churches . nor must it be thought that the first is done by them as meer private men . § . . as satan fell by pride , and overthrew man by tempting him to pride ( to become as gods in knowledge ) so christ himself was to conquer the prince of pride by humility , and by the cross , by a life of suffering ; contemned by the blind and obstinate world , making himself of no reputation , despising the shame of suffering as a malefactor ( a traitor and blasphemer : ) and the bearing of the cross was a principal part of his precepts and covenant to his disciples , without which they could not be his followers . and by humility they were to follow the captain of their salvation , in conquering the prince of pride , and in treading down the enemie-world , even the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eyes , and pride of life , which are not of the father but of the world . § . . accordingly christ taught his chief disciples , that if they were not so converted as to become as little children , they could not enter into the kingdom of heaven , matth. . . his school receiveth not masterly disciples , but humble teachable learners , that become fools that they may be wise . and when they were disputing and seeking which of them should be greatest , he earnestly rebuked all such thoughts , setting a little child before them , telling them that the princes of the earth exercise authority , and are called benefactors ( or by big names ) but with them it should not be so ; but he that would be the greatest must be servant of● all , luk. . shewing them that it was not a worldly grandeur , nor forcing power by the sword ( which belongeth to civil magistrates ) which was to be exercised by the pastors of the church : but that he that would be the chiefest , must be most excellent in merit , and most serviceable to all , and get his honour and do his work by meriting the respect and love of volunteers . the sword is the magistrates , who are also christs ministers ; ( for all power is given him , and he is head over all things to the church . ) but they are eminently the ministers of his power ; but the pastors and teachers are most eminently ministers of his paternal and saving love and wisdom . and by wisdom and love to do their work . the word preached and applied generally and particularly ( by the keys ) is their weapon or arms , and not the sword. the bohemians therefore knew what they said , when they seemed damnable hereticks to the worldly clergie that destroyed them , when they placed their cause in these four articles : . to have the whole sacrament , bread and wine . . to have free leave for true ministers to preach the word of god ( without unjust silencing of proud worldly men that cannot stand before the truth . ) . to have temporal dominion ( or government by the sword , and power over mens bodies and estates ) taken from the clergie . . to have gross sin suppressed by the lawful magistrate by the sword. § . . had it been necessary to the churches union against schism or heresie for christians to know that peter or some one of his apostles must be his vicar-general , and head of his church to whom all must obey , who can believe that christ would not only have silenced so necessary a point , but also at a time when he was desired or called to decide it , have only spoken so much against it , to take down all such expectations . yea we never read that peter exercised any authority or jurisdictions over any other of the apostles , nor more than other apostles did ; much less that ever he chose a bishop to be lord of the church , as his successor . nay he himself seemeth to fore-see this mischief , and therefore saith , . pet. . , , . the elders which are among you i exhort , who am also an elder and a witness of the sufferings of christ , and also a partaker of the glory that shall be revealed . ( these are his dignities . ) feed the flock of god which is among you , ( not out of your reach and hearing in a vast diocess ) taking the oversight , not by constraint , but willingly ( and on willing men ) not for filthy lucre , but of a ready wind ; neither as being lords over gods heritage , but being examples to the flock ; and when the chief shepherd shall appear , ye shall receive a crown of glory that fadeth not away . § . . nothing is more certain than that the church for above years had no power of the sword , that is , forcibly to meddle with and hurt mens bodies or estates , ( except what the apostles had by miracle ) : and to this day no protestants , and not most papists claim any such power as of divine institution , but only plead that the secular powers are bound by the sword to destroy such as are judged hereticks by the bishops , and to punish such as contemn the censures of the church . § . . he that would see more for the power of princes vindicated from the clergies claim and usurpation , may find much in many old treatises , written for the emperours against the pope , collected by goldastus de monarch . and in will. barclay , but much better in bishop bilson , of obedience , and in bishop andrew's tortura torti , and in bishop buckridge roffensis of the power of kings , and much in spalatensis de repub. § . . the vniversality of christians is the catholick church , of which christ is the only head or soveraign ; but it is the duty of these to worship god in solemn assemblies , and to live in a holy conversation together ; and to join in striving against sin , and to help each other in the way to life ; therefore societies united for these ends are called , particular churches . § . . when the apostles had converted a competent number of christians , they gather'd them into such assemblies , and as a politick society , set over them such ministers of christ , as are afore described , to be their guides . § . . these officers are in scripture called sometime elders , and sometimes bishops , to whom deacons were added to serve them and the church subordinately . dr. hammond hath well described their office in in his annotat. which was to preach constantly in publick , and private , to administer both sacraments , to pray and praise god with the people , to catechize , to visit and pray with the sick , to comfort troubled souls , to admonish the unruly , to reject the impenitent , to restore the penitent , to take care of the poor , and in a word , of all the flock . § . . the apostles set usually more than one of these elders or bishops in every church , not as if one might not rule the flook where no more was necessary , but according to their needs , that the work might not be undone for want of ministers . § . . they planted their churches usually in cities , because christians comparatively to the rest were few ( as sects are among us ) and no where else usually enough for a society , and because the neighbour-scattered villages might best come to the cities near them ; not but that it was lawful to plant churches in the country , where there were enough to constitute them , and sometimes they did so , as by clemens roman . ad corinth by history appeareth . § . . grotius thinketh that one city at first had divers churches and bishops and that they were gathered after the manner of the synagogues ; and dr. hammond thinketh that for some time there were two churches and bishops in many cities , one of jews and one of gentiles ; and that in rome paul and peter had two churches , whom linus and cletus did succeed , till they were united in clemens . § . . there is great evidence of history that a particular church of the apostles setling was essentially only [ a company of christians , pastors and people associated for personal holy communion and mutual help in holy doctrine , worship , conversation , and order . ] therefore it never consisted of so few or so many , or so distant as to be uncapable of such personal help and communion : but was ever distinguished as from accidental meetings , so from the communion of many churches or distant christians , which was held but by delegates , synods of pastors or letters , and not by personal help , in presence . not that all these must needs always meet in the same place : but that usually they did so , or at due times at least , and were no more nor more distant than could so meet : sometimes persecution hindred them ; somtimes the room might be too small : even independent churches among us sometimes meet in divers places : and one parish hath divers chappels for the aged and weak that are unfit for travel . § . . scotus began the opinion ( as davenport , fr. a santa clara intimateth ) and dion petavius improved it , and dr. hammond hath largely asserted it , that the apostles at first planted a single bishop in each church , with one or more deacons , and that he had power in time to ordain elders of a different order , species , or office , and that the word elder and bishop and pastor in scripture never signifie these subject elders , but the bishops only , and , saith he , there is no evidence that there were any of the subject sort of presbyters in scripture-times : which concession is very kindly accepted by the presbyterians ; but they call for proof that ever these bishops were authorised to make a new species of presbyters which were never made in scripture-times ? and indeed they vehemently deny it , and may well despair of such a proof . § . . but for my part i believe the foundation unproved ( that then there was but one elder in a church ) and think many texts of scripture fully prove the contrary . but i join with dr. hammond in believing that in scripture-times there was no particular church that had more stated meetings for publick communion than one : for if there was so long but one elder , there could be but one such assembly at once ; for they had no such assemblies which were not guided by a presbyter or bishop , in doctrine , worship , sacraments and discipline : and they used to have the eucharist every lords day at least , and often much more . and one man can be at once but in one place . § . . i have elsewhere fully proved , that the ancient churches that had bishops were no bigger than our parishes ( and few a quarter so big as the greatest of them ) and consisted of no more than might have such present personal communion as is before described ; the proofs are too large to be here recited . ignatius is the plainest , who saith , that this was the note of a churches unity , that [ to every church there was one altar , and one bishop , with his fellow presbyters and deacons : ] and elsewhere chargeth the bishop to take account of his flock whether they all come to church , even servant-men and maids . clemens romanus before him intimateth the like , mentioning even country bishops . martyr's description of the christian assemblies plainly proveth it . tertullian's description of them and many other passages in him prove it more fully . he professeth that they took not the lord's supper save only from the hand of the bishop ( antistitis manu ) who could give it but to one assembly at once . many canons also fully shew it ( elsewhere cited ) some appoint all the people to joyn with the bishop on the great festivals of the year , even above years after christ. the custom also of choosing bishops sheweth it , where all the people met and chose him : yea in cyprian's time the exercise of discipline proveth it , when even in such great churches as carthage it was done in the presence of the people , and with their consent . § . . the only churches in the world , that for about years after christ , if not more , had more than one ordinary assembly , for church-communion , though but like our parish chappels , were rome and alexandria , as far as i can learn in any history : for that at ierusalem for all the numbers had no more stated members than oft met in one place ( excepting occasional absents ) . and i find no reason to believe that ever these two ( the chief cities of the empire , ) had so long more than some london parishes ( which have above sixty thousand souls as is supposed ) no nor near ( if half ) so many . and because elsewhere i have only excepted these two cities , i will yet add somewhat to shew , that even there the case was not as many now imagine . § . . cornelius in an epistle to fabius of antioch ( in euseb. hist. l. & c. . alias . ) saith that in the church of rome were presbyters , deacons , and of other officers . that is , acolites , exorcists and readers , with porters , widows , and impotent persons above souls , who are all relieved by the grace and goodness of almighty god , &c. ] this is the chief testimony in the third age to prove that this one church had more than could either meet in one place , or hold personal communion . § . . but let it be considered , . that partly for the honour of qualified persons , and partly that all the church might in season have the help of all mens gifts , they were so far in the ancient churches from having so few as dr. hammond and petavius imagine , that they multiplied officers , and dignified , and so employed a great part of the church that had useful gifts : insomuch that a most credible witness shortly after , even gregory nazianzen , saith , orat. . pag. . that by the intrusion of men for dignity and maintenance , the church-rulers were almost more than the subjects . the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. of others i am ashamed , who when they are no better than others , ( and i wish they were not much worse ) thrust themselves upon the most holy mystories , as we say , with unwashen hands and prophane minds , and before they are worthy to approach to holy things , ambitiously enter the vestry it self ( or chancell ) and press and thrust themselves about the holy table , as if they judged this order not to be an example of virtue , but an occasion and help of getting maintenance , and not to be an office lyable to give account , but a command in which they may be free from censure : who being miserable ( or pitiful persons ) as to piety , and unhappy as to splendour , that is , low in the world and parts ) do now in number almost exceed those whom they are over ( or are to govern ) . [ this would make one suspect that there were then many ruling elders that preach'd not ; but it 's plain they had an office about the sacraments . ] therefore this evil increasing and getting strength with time , it seems to me that they will have none under them to rule , ( or guide ) but that all will turn teachers and will prophesie , instead ( as was promised by god ) of being all taught of god : so that of old the history and parable said , saul also is among the prophets . for there neither now is nor ever was so great plenty of any other thing as there is now of these frequent shames and criminals ; for other things , as they have their flourishing time , have also their decay . and though to repress their impetuousness be a work above my strength , yet certainly to hate it and be ashamed is not the least part of piety . judge by this , what numbers of officers of clergy-men then the church had . § . . next for the poor , consider their proportions in and by other churches ; chrysost. in matth. edit savil. p. . supposeth the poor of the church of antioch ( whence he came ) to have been about the tenth part and dividing the city into three ranks , he accounts a tenth part rich , and a tenth part poor , and the rest of a middle estate between both . now in chrysostom's time the church was so high , being owned by the greatest emperours as we may well suppose almost all or most of the rich came in : whereas at rome in the time of cornelius it being under reproach and cruel persecution , we may well conclude , that most of the rich stood out , and they might say with paul , not many great , not many noble are called ; few rich men comparatively receiving the gospel , it 's most likely that the poor were then far more than a tenth part , if not the greater part of the church . but suppose them a tenth part , which is not probable , the whole church of rome then would be but souls , which is about the fifth part or sixth as big as martins parish , and about a quarter as big as stepney parish , and about a third or fourth part as big as giles cripplegate parish , and not half so big as giles in the fields and other parishes . moreover chrysostome , hom. . in act. p. . computes the poor at constantinople to be about half as many as all the other christians , and this in the most flourishing city and age : and by this measure they would yet fall further short . it may be you will say , that these were not the poorest of all that were kept by the church : but it 's known that ever since the times of extraordinary community , the churches relieved all the needy according to the several degrees of their wants ; and these were such as were in want , though not equally , and they are such poor as were distinguished not only from the rich , but also from the middle sort ; and such as the church took care to relieve . § . . and as for alexandria , the greatest city of the empire next rome ( as iosephus saith , de bello iud. l. . c. ult . it is certain that in the third century the christians had more meeting places for divine worship than one , and in the fourth century had many : epiphanius nameth divers , haeres . . p. . arius having one wherein he preached , had that advantage to propogate his heresie . but all know that the building of temples began after emperours were christians , and the fair churches which , eusebius saith , they had in dioclesians time ( till he destroyed them ) were but like our tabernacles or private churches , and grew to number and ornament but a little before , as eusebius intimateth . it was a good while before there were two churches , even in constantinople . indeed , it is noted , as a singularity , that they had two churches : but they mistake , that apply that to two meeting places , which is spoken of two societies , because in meletius time they had two bishops . § . . but yet let us see how big the christian church was in this great city , even when it had many chapels ; even in athanasius time , in the fourth century , tom. . ed. commel . p. . in his apology to constant. you may find ( in words too large to be all transcribed ) that he being accused for assembling the people in the great church , maketh this part of his defence , [ the confluence of the people at the easter solemnity was so great , that if they had met in several assemblies ( or by parties ) the other churches were so narrow or small that they would have been in danger of suffering by the crowd ; nor would the universal harmony and concord of the people have been so visible and efficacious if they had met in parcels ; therefore he concludeth it better for the whole multitude to meet in that great church , ( being a place large enough to receive them altogether ) and to have a concurrence of the people all with one voice ( in symphony : ) for if according to christ's promise where two shall agree of any thing it shall be done for them — how prevalent will be the one-voice of so numerous a people assembled together , and saying , amen , to god ? who therefore would not admire ? who would not count it a happiness to see so great a people met together in one place ? and how did the people rejoyce to see one another , whereas formerly they assembled in several places . ] thus plainly athanasius . i do not hence gather that every man , woman , and child was present : in our parish churches that hold the assembly , some are there , and usually some stay at home and come by turns : but it seemeth hence plain that even in alexandria the christians were no more than that the main body of them at great solemnities could meet and hear in one assembly . which in many of our parishes they cannot do . § . . add to this , that athanasius tells them that his predecessor alexander did as much as he had done , on such occasions assembling their whole multitude in one church before it was dedicated , pag. . § . . i add a further argument from the city it self , as offered me also while i was writing this , by a learned friend in his own words . this city was , by strabo's description of it , like a souldiers coat , whose length at either side was almost thirty furlongs , its breadth at either end seven or eight furlongs , geogr. li. . p. . so the whole compass will be less than ten miles . a third or fourth part of this was taken up with publick buildings , temples , and royal palaces , ibid. thus is two miles and a half , or three and a quarter taken up . i take this to be that region of the city which epiphanius calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( where he tells us was the famous library of ptolomy philadelphus ) and speaks of it in his time as destitute of inhabitants , de ponder , & mensi●r . n. . p. . a great part of the city was assigned to the jews . so strabo indefinitely , as josephus quotes him , antiqu. jud. l. . c. . others tell us more puncutally that their share was two of the five divisions ( vshers annals lat. p. . ) though many of them had their habitations in the other divisions , yet they had two fifth parts intire to themselves : and this is i suppose the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which josephus saith the successours of alexander set apart for them , bell. jud. l. . c. . thus we see how six or seven miles of the ten are disposed of . the greatest part of the citizens ( as at rome and other cities ) is the beginning of the fourth age were heathens . else antonius had wronged their city , who in athanasius time is brought in thus , exclaiming by jerome , vit. paul. p. . civitas meretrix in quam totius orbis daemonia confluxere , &c. a charge thus formed supposeth the prevailing party to be guilty . but let us suppose them equal and their proportion half of the five or four miles remaining . let the rest be divided between the orthodox , and the arians , and novatians , and other sorts . and if we be just , a large part will fall to the share of hereticks and sectaries . for ( not to mention others ) the novations had several churches and a bishop there , till cyrils time , vid. socrat. hist. l. . c. . the arians were a great part of those that professed christianity , sozom. hist. li. . c. . and if we may judg of the followers by the leaders , no less than half : for whereas there were nineteen presbyters and deacons in that church ( theodor. hist. li. . c. . ) ( twelve was the number of their presbyters by their ancient constitution , and seven of their deacons as appears by eutychius , here and at rome , and elsewhere ) six presbyters with arius , and five deacons fell off from the catholicks , sozom. hist. li. . c. . but let the arians be much fewer , yet will not the proportion of the catholick bishops part in this city be more than that of a small town , one of eight or twelve furlongs in compass . and so the number of christians on this account will be no more than might well meet for worship in one place . if the reader will peruse epiphanius history of the fraction between alexander and the followers of meletius in alexandria , how alexander was impatient with their separate meetings , when meletius was dead ( though till then two bishops and churches lived quietly in one city ) because they came not to his church ; with the rest of the story , he will easily see what a church was then even in alexandria . thus you see the difference of a just computation , and the hasty accounts of men , that judg of places and persons as they are in their misled imaginations , and not as they were indeed and truth . mr. dodwell in a letter to me layeth so much on the number of the officers and poor before mentioned , as if it proved undoubtedly a diocesane church , when the conclusion ariseth from an erroneous comparing their cities and times with ours , and their presbyters with our parish-priests and curats . and when all 's done a grand patriarchal church is not the measure of a diocesane , or of every bishops church : their presbyters had other work than our curates have : they met in the same assembly with the bishop , and sate in a semicircle on each side him , and were as a colledge of governours to rule one church , and that only by the word ( applyed by the keys ) and not by the sword , till cyril first usurped it , for which by historians he is noted . if our times tempt you to marvel how so many officers or clerks were maintained by so few people , church-history affordeth you matter enough to resolve your doubt . § . . but if these two great cities had indeed had yet more altars and churches , orbis major est vrbe , saith hierome : two singular cities may not over-weigh the contrary case of all the churches : if any other had been like them it would have been antioch the third patriarchate , when as in ignatius time , as is aforesaid , the churches unity there and elsewhere was notified * by [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one altar ( or altar-place ) and one bishop with his presbyters and deacons . ] and hence came it to be the note of a schism , to set up altare contra altare because one bishop and church had but one altar . mr. mede ( no injudicious nor factions man ) saw this , and asserteth it from the plain words of ignatius . § . . how the case came to be altered it is easie to know : but whether it was well or ill done , is all the controversie , or the chief . i confess there want not some that think that the apostles had their several assigned provinces , and that they left them to twelve successours , and this is the foundation of patriarchal or provincial churches , with such unproved dreams : . we doubt not but that the apostles wisely distributed their labours : but we believe not that they divided the countreys into their several dioceses , or provinces : nor that two of them ( e. g iohn and paul , peter and paul , iames and other apostles ) might not and did not do the work of an apostle in the same country and city . much less do we believe that one of them ( e. g. iames at ierusalem , whether an apostle or not i contend not ) was a bishop over the apostles when they resided there . . nor do we believe that they left any such divided provinces to their successors : if they had , it 's strange that we had not twelve or thirteen patriarchal or provincial churches hence noted . which were they , and how came they so soon to be forgotten and unknown ? and why had we first but three patriarchs , and one of those ( alexandria ) accounting from no apostle , but from s. mark , and the other two reckoning from one and the same apostle , save that rome reckoned from two at once , peter and paul , when as one city must ( say they ) have but one bishop ? § . . the case is known ; that , . when christians so multiplyed , that one assembly would not serve , but they became enough for many , the bishops greatness and wealth increasing with the people , they continued them all under their own government , and so took them all to be their chapels , setling divers altars but not divers bishops in one church . . and herewith their work also , by degrees , was much changed ; and they that at first were most employed in guiding the whole church in gods publick worship , and exercised present discipline before them , and were the sole usual preachers to them all , ( the rest of the elders preaching but when the bishop could not , or bid them , ) did after become distant judges , and their government , by degrees , degenerated to a similitude of civil magistracy . . and then they set up the old exploded question , which of them should be the chief or greatest : and then they that had the greatest cities being the richest and greatest bishops in interest , because of the greatness and riches of their flocks , they got the church government to be distributed , much like the roman civil government within that empire ; and where the civil magistrate had most and largest command , they gave the ecclesiastical bishop the like : and so they set up the bishops of the three chief cities as patriarchs , rome being the first , because it was the great imperial seat , as the chalcedon council giveth the true reason . afterwards constantinople and ierusalem being added , they turned them into five : and carthage and other places , not called patriarchal seats , had exempt peculiar jurisdictions with a power near to patriarchs . and the rest of the bishops strove much for precedency , and got as large territories as they could , and as numerous flocks and many parishes , though still the name paroeciae was used for the whole episcopal church when it was turned into a diocess . § . . i conceive that this change of one altar into a diocesane church of many altars and parishes was not well done , but is the thing that hath confounded the christian world , and that they ought to have increased the number of churches as the number of christians did increase , as the bees swarm into another hive . my reasons are , . christ and the holy ghost in the apostles having setled a church species and order ( like that of the synagogues , and not like that of the temple , ) no man ought to have changed that form : because they can prove no power to do it : and because it accuseth the institution of christ and the holy ghost of insufficiency or errour , which must so soon be altered by them . perfective addition , as an infant groweth up to manhood , we deny not . but who gave them power to abrogate the very specices of the first instituted churches ? that the species is altered , is certainly proved by the different uses and termini of the relation . for a church of the first institution was a society joyned for personal communion in doctrine , worship , and holy living : but a diocess consisting of many score or hundred parishes that never see or know or come near one another , are uncapable of any such present personal communion , and have none but mental , and by officers or delegates . . by this means , all the parish-churches being turned into chapels and un-churched , are all robbed of their right ; seeing each one ought to have a bishop and presbyters , and the benefit of that office and order , which is now denied them , and many hundred such parishes turned into chapels have no bishop to themselves but one among them all to the diocess . . because by this means true discipline is become impossible and unpracticable ; by the distance and multitude of the people , and the distance and paucity of bishops : what christ commandeth , mat. . being as impossible to be done in many hundred parishes , by one bishop and his consistory , as the discipline of so many hundred schools by one school-master ( though each school have an usher ) or the care of many hundred hospitals by one physician , perhaps at twenty , or forty , or eighty , or an hundred miles distance . . because it altereth the antient office of a bishop and of a presbyter , and setteth new ones in the stead : as a bishop was the bishop of one church , so a presbyter was his assistant , ejusdem ordinis , in the government of the church , who now is turned into a meer usher , or worshipping-teacher , or chaplain . . because it certainly divideth the churches : for christians would unite in a divine institution , and the exercise of true discipline , that will never unite in a humane policy which abrogateth the divine , and certainly destroyeth commanded necessary discipline . § . . the very work also of the bishop , and so the office came thus to be changed : christ having appointed no other church governours ( besides magistrates ) but such ( as philosophers in their schools ) who were appointed to set up holy societies for divine doctrine , worship , and holy living , and to guide them accordingly , by teaching , worship , and government by the word , forbidding them the sword or force , they are said to have the keys of the church and the kingdom of heaven , because as grace is glory in the seed , the church is heaven in the seed , and the pastors were the administrators of sacraments and church-priviledges , and therefore the judges who were fit for them , who should be baptized , who should communicate , and in what rank , and who should be denied these , admonished or excluded , and who should , as far as belongeth to others , be judged meet or unmeet for heaven : and so the christian societies were to be kept clean , and not to be like the polluted world of infidels . and the pastors had no other power to use ; but were to judge only those within , and leave them without to gods own judgment , and to the magistrate , who was not to punish any one for not being in or of the church , or for departing from it , which is a grievous punishment it self . but magistrates being then heathens , the christians were hard put to it for the decision of their quarrels : for the love of the world and selfishness were but imperfectly cured in them . they went to law before heathen judges with each other ; and this became a snare and a scandal to them . s. paul therefore childeth them for not ending differences by christian arbitrators among themselves , as if there were none among them wise enough to arbitrate . hereupon the churches taking none to be wiser or trustier than their pastors , made them their arbitrators , and it became a censurable scandal for any to accuse a church-member to a magistrate , and to have suits at law. by this means , the bishop becoming a stated arbitrator , thereby became the governour of the christians , but with his presbyters and not alone . but because bishops had no power of the sword , to touch mens bodies or estates , but only to suspend them from church-communion , and excommunicate them , or impose penitential confessions on them , therefore they fitted their canons ( which were the bishops agreements ) to this governing use , to keep christians under their government from the magistrates . and so they made canons , that a fornicator or adulterer should be so long or so long suspended , and a murderer so long , and so of the rest . § . . and when constantine turned christian , he had many reasons to confirm this arbitrating canonical power to the christian bishops by the civil sanction . . because he found them in possession of it as contracters by mutual consent ; and what could a christian prince do less than grant that to the christians which they chose and had . . because the advancement and honour of the teachers and pastors he thought tended to the honour of their religion , and the success of their doctrine upon the heathens with whom they dwelled . grandure and power much prevail with carnal minds . . because he had but few magistrates at first that were christians , and none that so well knew the affairs of christians as their own chosen bishops . and he feared lest the power of heathen magistrates over the christians might injure and oppress them . . he designed to draw the heathens to christianity by the honouring of christians above them . . and withal his interest lay most in their strength ; for they were the fastest part of his souldiers and subjects , that for conscience and their own interrest , rejoyced to advance and defend him to the utmost , ( when he lost many of the pagans ) and they were not of the spirit of the old pretorian souldiers , that set up and pulled down emperours at their pleasure . had constantine faln , the christians had much faln with him , and had the christians been weakned he had been weakened : they were become his strength . and he fore saw not the evils that afterwards would follow . some must govern , and there were then no wiser nor better men than the bishops and pastors of the churches . and their interest in the christian people ( that chose them ) was greatest : as now all differing parties of christians among us ( papists , presbyterians , independents , anabaptists ) would desire nothing as more conducing to their ends , than that the king would put the greatest power ( especially of religion ) into the hands of those teachers whom they esteem and follow ; even so was it with the christians in the days of constantine : and hereupon laws were made , that none should compel christians to answer in any court of justice , saving before their own bishops , and so bishops were made almost the sole governours of the christians . § . . by this means it is no wonder if multitudes of wicked men flock'd into the church and defiled and dishonoured it : for the murderer that was to be hanged if he were no christian , was but to be kept from the sacrament if he were a christian , and do some confessing penance ; which was little to hanging or other death ; and so proportionably of other crimes . bad christians by this device were multiplyed . the emperour also being a christian , worldly men are mostly of the religion of the prince or highest powers . § . . and no man that can gather an effect from an effectual cause could doubt , if neither nazianzen , or any historian had told it him , but that proud and worldly men would strive then to be bishops , and use all possible diligence to obtain so great preferment : who of them is it that would not have command and honour and wealth , if he can get it ? while the great invitation to the sacred ministry was the winning and edifying of souls , those that most valued souls , desired it ( yet desired it to be kept from such poverty and persecution as exposed them to hinderance and contempt ) . but when riches , reputation and dominion were the baits , who knoweth not what sort of appetites would be the keenest ? christ telleth us , how hardly rich men are good and come to heaven . therefore when bishops must be all great and rich , either christ must be deceived , or it must be as hard for them to be honest christians as for a● camel to go through the needles eye . and thus , venenum funditur in ecclesiam . § . . the world being thus brought into the church without the cure of the worldly mind , and the guides being so strongly tempted to be the very worst , no wonder if the worldly spirit now too much rule the church , and if those that are yet of the same spirit , approve , plead , and strive for what they love and despise the business of the cross , and christian humility , and simplicity to this day : and if bishops have done much of their work accordingly , ever since constantine ( and much before ) it hath been the devils work to carry on his war against christ and piety , under christ's own name , and the pretence of piety , as an angel of light and righteousness and unity , and to set up pastors over the church of christ , that hate the doctrine and life , and cross of christ , that by pleading for godliness and concord , may be the effectual enemies of both , and may fight against christ in his own livery , under his colours , and with his own arms. whose god is their belly , who glory in their shame , who mind earthly things , being enemies to the cross of christ : the history of whom you will find in the following part of this treatise . § . . but here i must above all remember the reader , that he is not for this corruption of the clergy , and government of the church , to think that the church here ceased to be a true church , or that the ministry was lost , or that it became unlawful to hold communion with any such churches ; much less to think hardly of christianity it self , as if it were no better than false religions , because so many of its pastors were so bad . none of god's counsels were frustrate by mans sin : none of his promises to his church have failed . for all this christ is the saviour of the world , the prince of righteousness and peace , that came to destroy the works of the devil , and to save his people from their sins ; and all that are given him of the father shall come to him , and he will cast none of them out , nor shall any take them out of his hands ? § . . i. let it be still remembred , that as the chronicles of kingdoms mention only the publick actions of princes and great men , but name not the poor and private sort , so also our church-history of councils and publick things , say little of godly private christians , but of patriarchs and great prelates , who yet are themselves but a very small part of the christian world. ii. note also that every bishop had many presbyters ; whose work was not to strive for superiority , nor trouble the world in councils ( where usually they came not ) and so had not a quarter of the temptations that the bishops had : and though we find mention sometimes of the presbyters also that were naught , yet the number so reproved and proved bad , is not proportionable to the number of prelates compared among themselves , that miscarried in councils . the presbyters that staid at home and followed their work in private with the flock , and came not on the stage in publick affairs , kept up the substance and practice of religion . iii. and the private christians had yet less temptation , and were not so overwhelmed with worldly things , nor carryed away by pride and ambition and covetousness , as the ruling party were . iv. and the monks , and other retired christians , that saw the prelates sin and s●ares , ( though many of them had their failings too , yet ) no doubt kept up much serious piety , and a holy life . v. and no doubt but very many of the bishops themselves were humble holy faithful men , that grieved for the miscarriages of the rest . though such excellent persons as gregory neocesareae , gregory nazianzen , gregory nyssen , basil , chrysostome , augustine , hillary , prosper , fulgentius , &c. were not very common , no doubt but there were many that wrote not books , nor came so much into the notice of the world , but avoided contentious and factious stirs , that quietly and honestly conducted the flocks in the ways of piety , love , and justice . and some of them ( as s. martin ) separated from the councils and communion of the prevailing turbulent sort of the prelates , to signifie their disowning of their sins . vi. and oft times , when the prelates were at the worst , god raised up some very godly princes , that maintained religion more than the clergy , and were an honour to it when the bishops dishonoured it . vii . and it is not to be contemned , that much piety was kept up among great numbers of christians , whom ( for some mistake ) the rest reviled and condemned as schismaticks or hereticks . little know we how many holy souls were among those that are in epiphanius catalogue . of the audians and some others he seemeth to confess as much himself . the novatians were tolerated in almost all the empire , and had their churches and bishops , having the testimony of the orthodox that they were usually of sound faith and upright lives , and stricter than other christians were . and god pardoneth the infirmity of a small mistake in judgment , when men are sincerely addicted to his service . now and then a cruel prelate did prosecute them , but so did not the gentler sort ( as atticus , proclus , &c. at constantinople , &c. ) nor the emperours themselves , save when so instigated . viii . and though the churches in the roman empire kept up this grandure of patriarchs , metropolitans , and rich prelates , that after over-topped kings , it was not so in other parts of the christian world , but the clergy lived more humbly and quietly . the scots under columban●s and their other presbyters , long lived in great piety without any bishops . and when the scots presbyters finan , aidan , &c. ordained bishops in northumberland , they were commonly humble , holy men , like themselves . and both scots and britains so much misliked the romane-grandure and way , that when augustine the monk came in , they would not subject themselves to the pope , or any foreign prelates , nor so much as eat and drink with the missionaries . and the like we may say of some other extra-imperial churches . the spaniards themselves not only while arian goths ( of whom see the testimony of salvian , to the shame of the orthodox ) but after recaredus days , for many ages , lived in great quietness , while italy , france , and germany were employed in hereticating , cursing , excommunicating , or bloudy wars . the great empire of a●assia ( as the crediblest history saith ) never had bishops to this day , but only one called the a●u●● , while the whole clergy are exercised ( though in too much ignorance ) in their priestly office. brocardus , that lived at ierusalem , testifieth that those eastern christians , called by the papists , nestorians , iacobites , eutychians , were commonly plain honest religious people , free from heresie , and of better lives than even the religious of the church of rome , and that there were not worse men at ierusalem than the roma● catholicks . the armenians have many bishops , and one chief , but live ( though too ignorantly and superstitiously , yet ) in great austerity of life . ix . in all ages since prelacy swelled to the corruption of the churches , and annoyance of the peace of kings and kingdoms , there have been still a great number of pious lamenters of the corruptions of the church , that have groaned and prayed for reformation : insomuch , that dr. field maintaineth , that even in the church of rome there have been still considerable numbers of doctors , that owned truth and piety , and misliked the papal usurpations and errours . the waldenses and albigenses ( exceeding numerous ) said , they had continued from the apostles , and so from the days of sylvester ( or constantine ) had dissented from the roman pride , and corruptions . and god hath made the protestant churches since the reformation , as his vineyard , where truth and piety have prospered , though satan hath been still at work , and here also had too much success . x. and it must be remembred , that god hath made use of many proud and turbulent men , to propogate and defend the truth of the gospel : and their gifts have served for the good of the sincere . as the husk or chaff and straw is useful to the corn ; so many worldly prelates and priests have been learned expositors and useful preachers , and taught others the way to life , which they would not go in themselves . besides that , their very papal power and grandure , which hath corrupted the church , hath yet been a check to some , that would have assaulted it by force ; and as a hedge of thornes about it . worldly interest engageth pope , patriarchs , and prelates , to stand up for the christian religion , because they gain by it ( as leo the th is said to have odiously confessed . ) § . . and the old fathers , till constantines time , did most of them think that the last thousand years would be a time of fuller glory to the church ; as many yet think , though i confess my self unskilful in the prophesies . but i make no doubt , but though this earth be so far de●erted by god , the glorious kingdom which we shall shortly see , with the new heaven and earth , wherein dwelleth righteousness , will fully confute all our present temptations to think hardly of god or the redeemer , because of the present corruptions and dissentions of this lower world . § . . we may conjecture at former times by our own : we see now , that among the most reformed churches , too often the most worldly part are uppermost , and perhaps are the persecuters of the rest , and though they may be the smaller part , it 's they that make the noise , are the noted part that carry the name , and that histories write of . a few men got into places of power , seem to be all the church , or nation , by the prevalency of their actions , which few dare contradict : they may give laws ; they may have the power of press and pulpit , so that nothing shall be published but what they will ; they may call themselves the church , and call all that obey them not schismaticks and sectaries , and strangers may believe therefore , that it is but some few inconsiderable fellows that are against them , when yet the far greatest part may utterly dissent and abhor their pride . i have lived to see such an assembly of ministers , where three or four leading men were so prevalent as to form a confession of faith in the name of the whole party , which had that in it which particular members did disown . and when about a controverted article , one man hath charged me deeply , for questioning the words of the church , others that were at the forming of that article , have laid it all on that same man , as by his impetuousness putting in that article , the rest being loth to strive much against him , and so it was he himself that was the church , whose authority he so much urged , at least the effectual signifying part . we cannot judge what is commonest by what is uppermost , or in greatest power . in divers parishes now , where the minister is conformable , perhaps ten parts of the people do dislike it ; and sometimes you may see but three or four persons with him at the common-prayers ; and yet all know , that dissenters are talkt of as a few singular fanaticks . i compare not the causes , but conclude , that so also for the numbers , humble godly persons might be very numerous , though only the actions of worldly prelates do take up most of the history of the church . yea , i believe , that among the papists themselves , five to one of the people , were they free from danger , would declare their dislike of a great part of the actions and doctrines of their prelates , and that the greatest part that are named papists , are not such throughly and at the heart . when the rulers , scribes , and pharisees were against christ , and persecuted him and the truth , the common people so much adhered to him , that the persecutors durst not seize on him openly by force , but were fain to use a traytor , to apprehend him in the night , and in a solitary place , lest they should be stoned by the people , who said , never man spake as this man speaketh . § . . let us not therefore turn church-history into a temptation , nor think basely of the church , or christianity , or christ , because of papal and prelatical pride and tyranny . god can make use of a surly porter to keep his doors ; yea , a mastiff-dog may be a keeper of the house ; and his corn hath grown in every age , not only with straw and chaffe , but with some tares : and yet he hath gathered , and will gather , all his chosen . § . . nor is the ministry it self to be therefore dishonoured : for as at this day , while a few turbulent prelates persecute good men , and much of the ministry is in too many countries lamentably corrupted , yet is religion , piety , and honesty kept up by the ministry , and never was well kept up without it : for the faithful ministers labour still , and their very sufferings , further the gospel , and what they may not do publickly they do privately . yea , their very writings shew , that still there are such as god doth qualifie to do his work , even among the papists , he that readeth the pious writings of such men as gerson , and gerhardus zutphaniensis , and thaulerus , thomas a kempis , ferus , and many such others , will see that gods spirit was still illuminating and sanctifying souls . and he that readeth such lives as philip nerius , persecuted by the bishop as an ambitious hypocrite , for setting up more serious exercises of religion than had been ordinarily used among the formalists , ( to say nothing of such privater men as m. de ren●y and many others ) will see that it is not all church-tyranny and corruption , though very heinous , that will prove that christ hath not a holy generation whom he will save . § . . yea among the very corrupted sort of the clergy , many that are overcome with temptations in that point , and take usurpation and tyranny , and worldly pomp and violence for order , government , and the interest of the church , have yet much good in other respects : even among the cardinals there have been such men as nerius's companion ) bellarmine , and others , that would preach and practise the common doctrines of serious piety : yea , among the jesuits there have been divers that have preacht , written , and lived very strictly ; much more among their fryars : and such bishops as sales : and though their times and corruptions blemished their piety , i dare not think they nullified it . § . . and it sheweth the excellency of the sacred office , . that christ did first make it as the noble organical part of his church , to form the rest . . that he endued the first officers with the most noble and excellent gifts of his spirit . . that he founded and built his church by them at first . . yea , that he himself preached the gospel , and is called the minister of the circumcision , the chief shepherd , and the bishop of our souls . . that he hath used them to enlarge , confirm , preserve , and edefie his church to this day . . that he maketh the best of them to be the best of men . . that he putteth into the hearts of all good christians a special love and honour of them . . that he useth even the worser sort to do good , while they do hurt ; especially some of them . . that satan striveth so hard to corrupt them and get them on his side . . that religion ordinarily dyeth away , or decayeth , when they fail and prove unable and unfaithful . . that christ commandeth men so much to hear , receive and obey them , and hath committed his word and keys to them , as his stewards . . and hath promised them a special reward for their faithfulness : and commanded all to pray for them and their preservation and success . and the nature of the things tells us , that as knowledge in lower things is not propagated to mankind , but by teachers ( man being not born wise ; ) so much less is heavenly wisdom . and therefore it is ; that god is so regardful of the due qualification of ministers , that they be not blind guides , nor novices , nor proud , nor careless sluggards , nor self-seeking worldlings , but skilful in the word of truth , and lovers of god and the souls of men , and zealous , and diligent , unwearied , and patient in their holy work . and when they prove bad , he maketh them most contemptible and punisheth them more than other men the corruption of the best making them the worst . § . . therefore let us make a right use of the pride and corruption of the clergy , to desire and pray for better , and to avoid our selves the sin which is so bad in them , and to labour after that rooted wisdome and holiness in our selves that we may stand , though our teachers fall before us . let every man prove his own work , and so he shall have rejoicing in himself , and not in others only , gal. . but let us not hence question the gospel , or dishonour the church and ministry ; no not any further separate from the faulty than they separate from christ , or than god alloweth us , and necessity requireth : as we must not despise the needful helps of our salvation , nor equal dumb or wicked men with the able faithful ministers of christ , on pretence of honouring the office ; so neither must we deny the good that is in any , nor despise the office for the persons faults . § . . especially let us take heed that we fall not into that pernicious snare that hath entangled the quakers and other schismaticks of these times , who on pretence of the faults of the ministers , set against the best with greatest fury , because the best do most resist them , and that revile them with false and railing language , the same that drunkards and malignants use , yea worse than the prophanest of the vulgar ; even because they take tythes and necessary maintenance , charging them with odious covetousness , calling them hirelings , deceivers , and what not . undoubtedly this spirit is not of god , that is so contrary to his word , his grace , and his interest in the world. what would become of the church and gospel , if this malignant spirit should prevail to extirpate even the best of all the ministry ? would the devil and the churches enemies desire any more ? the very same men that the prelates have silenced ( near ) in england these fifteen or sixteen years together , are they that the quakers most virulently before reviled , and most furiously opposed . § . . nor will the clergies corruption allow either unqualified or ▪ uncalled men to thrust themselves into the sacred office , as if they were the men that can do better , and must mend all that is amiss . such have been tryed in licentious times , and proved , some of them , to do more hurt than the very drunkards , or the ignorant sort of ministers , that did but read the holy scriptures . pride is too often the reprehender of other mens faults and imperfections , and would make other mens names but a stepping-stone to their own aspiring folly : as many that have cryed out against bad popes and prelates , that they might get into the places , have been as bad themselves when they have their will : no wonder if it be so with the proud revilers of the ministry . § . . there is need therefore of much wisdome and holy care , that we here avoid the two extreams ; that we grow not indifferent who are our pastors , nor contract the guilt of church-corruption , but mourn for the reproach of the solemn assemblies , and do our best for true and needful reformation , that the gospel fail not , and souls be not quietly left to satan , nor the church grow like the infidel world ; and yet that we neither invade nor dishonour the sacred office , nor needlesly open the nakedness of the persons , nor do any thing that may hinder their just endeavours and success ; we must speak evil of no man either falsly or unnecessarily . § . . i thought all this premonition necessary that you make not an ill use of the following history , and become not guilty of diabolism or false accusing of the brethren , or dishonouring the church : and that as god hath in scripture recorded the sins of the ungodly , and the effects of pride and of malignity , and christ hath foretold us that wolves shall enter and devour the flock , and by their fruits ( of devouring , and pricking as thorns and thistles ) we shall know them , and the apostles prophecied of them ; i take it to be my duty to give you an abstract of the history of papal and aspiring prelacy , usurping , and schismatical , and tyrannical councils , as knowing of how great use it is to all to know the true history of the church , both as to good and evil . § . . yea bishops and councils must not be worse thought of than they deserve , no more than presbyters , because of such abuses as i recite ; the best things are abused , even preaching , writing , scripture , and reason it self , and yet are not to be rejected or dishonoured . there is an episcopacy whose very constitution is a crime , and there is another sort which seemeth to me a thing convenient , lawful , and indifferent , and there is a sort which i cannot deny to be of divine right . § . . that which i take to be it self a crime , is such as is aforementioned , which in its very constitution over-throweth the office , church , and discipline , which christ by himself and his spirit , in his apostles , instituted : such i take to be that diocesane kind which hath only one bishop over many score or hundred fixed parochial assemblies ; by which , . parishes are made by them no churches , as having no ruling pastors that have the power of judging whom to baptize , or admit to communion or refuse , but only are chapels , having preaching gurates . . all the first order of bishops in single churches are deposed , as if the bishop of antioch should have put down a bishops about him , and made himself the sole bishop of their churches . . the office of presbyters is changed into semi-presbyters . . discipline is made impossible , as it is for one general without inferiour captains to rule an army : but of this before . § . . much more doth this become unlawful , . when deposing all the presbyters from government by the keyes of discipline , they put the same keyes , even the power of dec●etive excommunication and absolution into the hands of laymen , called chancellours , and set up courts liker to the civil than ecclesiastical . . and when they oblige the magistrate to execute their decrees by the sword , be they just or unjust , and to lay men in goals and ruine them , meerly because they are excommunicated by bishops , or chancellours , or officials , or such others , and are not reconciled : and when they threaten princes and magistrates with excommunication ( if not deposition ) if they do but communicate with those that the bishop hath excommunicated . . or when they arrogate the power of the sword themselves , as socrates saith cyril did : or without necessity joyn in one person the office of priesthood and magistracy , when one is more than they can perform aright . § . . and it becometh much worse by the tyrannical abuse , when ( being unable and unwilling to exercise true discipline on so many hundred parishes ) they have multitudes of atheists , infidels , gross ignorants , and wicked livers in church-communion , yea , compel all in the parishes to communicate on pain of imprisonment and ruine , and turn their censures cruelly against godly persons , that dare not obey them in all their formalities , ceremonies , and impositions , for fear of si●●ing against god. and when conniving at ignorant ungodly priests that do but obey them , they silence and ruine the most faithful able teachers , that obey not all their imposing canons , and swear not , and subscribe not what they bid them . § . . undoubtedly satan hath found it his most successful way , to fight against christ in christs own name , and to set up ministers as the ministers of christ , to speak indirectly against the doctrine , servants , and interest of christ , and as ministers of light and righteousness , and to fight against church-government , order , discipline , and unity , by the pretences of church government , order , discipline , and unity : and to cry down schism to promote schism , and to depress believers by crying up faith , and orthodoxness , and crying down heresie and errour : yea , to plead god's name and word against himself , and to set up sin , by accusing truth and duty as sin. § . . ii. that which i take for lawful indifferent episcopacy is such as hierome saith , was introduced for the avoiding of divisions , though it was not from the beginning : when among many elders in every single church , one of most wisdom and gravity is made their president , yea , without whom no ordinations or great matters shall be done . the churches began this so early , and received it so universally , and without any considerable dissent or opposition , even before emperours became christians , that i dare not be one that shall set against it , or dishonour such episcopacy . § . . yea , if where ●●t men are wanting to make magistrates , the king shall make bishops magistrates , and joyn two offices together , laying no more work on them than will consist with their ecclesiastick work , though this will have inconveniencies , i shall not be one that shall dishonour such , or disobey them . § . . iii. the episcopacy , which i dare not say is not of gods institution , ( besides that each pastor is episcopus gr●gis , ) is that which succeedeth the apostles in the ordinary part of church-government , while some senior pastors have a supervising care of many churches , ( as the visiters had in scotland , ) and are so far episcopi episcoporum , and arch-bishops , having no constraining power of the sword , but a power to admonish and instruct the pastors , and to regulate ordinations , synods , and all great and common circumstances that belong to churches . for if christ set up one form of government in which some pastors had so extensive work and power , ( as timothy , titus , and evangelists as well as apostles had ) we must not change it without proof , that christ himself would have it changed . § . . but if men on this pretence will do as rome hath done , pretend one apostle to be the governour of all the rest , and that they have now that authority of that apostle , and will make an universal monarch to rule at the antipodes , and over all the world , or will set up patriarchs , primates , metr●politans and arch-bishops , with power to tyrannize over their brethren , and cast them out , and on pretence of order , and imitating the civil government , to master princes , or captivate the churches to their pride and worldly interests , this will be the worst and most pernicious tyranny . § . . and as it is not all episcopacy , so it is not all councils that i design this history to dishonour . no doubt but christ would have his church to be as far one , as their natural political and gracious capacities will allow : and to do all his work in as much love , peace , and concord as they can : and to that end , both seasonable councils , and letters , and delegates for concord and communication , are means which nature it self directeth them to , as it doth direct princes to hold parliaments and dyets . in the multitude of councellours there is safety : even frequent converse keepeth up amity ▪ in absence slanderers are heard , and too oft believed : a little familiarity in presence confuteth many false reports of one another , which no distant defences would so satisfyingly confute . and among many we may hear that which of few we should not hear . how good and pleasant is it for brethren to dwel together in unity ? and the concord of christians greatly honoureth their holy profession , as discord becometh a scandal to the world . but all this , and the measures and sort of unity and concord which we may expect , and the true way to attain it ▪ i have fuller opened in a treatise entitled , the true and only t●rms of the concord of all christian churches . § . . when christians had no princes or magistrates on their side , they had no sufficient means of keeping up unity and concord for mutual help and strength , without meetings of pastors to carry on their common work by consent ▪ but their meetings were only with those that had nearness or neighbourhood ▪ and they did not put men to travel to synods out of other princes dominions , or from foreign lands , much less did they call any general councils out of all the christian churches in the world . but those that were capable of communion by proximity , and of helping one another , were thought enough to meet for such ends . § . . and indeed neither nature nor scripture obligeth us to turn such occasional helps into the forms of a state-policy , and to make a government of friendly consultations . and therefore though where it may be done without fear of degenerating into tyranny , known times of stated synods or meetings of pastors for concord are best , ( as once a month in lesser meetings , and once a quarter in greater , ) yet where there is danger of such degeneracy , it is better to hold them but pro re natâ , occasionally , at various seasons and places . § . . the lesser synods and correspondency of pastors before there were christian magistrates were managed much more humbly and harmlesly than the great ones afterward : because that men and their interest and motives differed . and even of later times , there have been few councils called general , that have been managed so blamelesly , or made so many profitable canons , as many provincial or smaller synods did . divers toletane councils , and many others in spain , england , and other countries have laboured well to promote piety and peace : as did the african synods , and many others of old . and such as these have been serviceable to the church . and the greater councils , though more turbulent have many of them done great good , against heresie and vice ; especially the first at nice : and nothing in this book is intended to cloud their worth and glory , or to extenuate any good which they have done : but i am thankful to god that gave his church so many worthy pastors , and made so much use as he did of many synods for the churches purity and peace . § . . but the true reason of this collection , and why i have besides good products , made so much mention of the errours and mischiefs that many councils have been guilty of , are these following . . the carnal and aspiring part of the clergy , do very ordinarily , under the equivocal names of bishops , confound the primitive episcopacy with the diocesane tyranny before described : and they make the ignorant believe , that all that is said in church-writers for episcopacy , is said for their diocesane species : and while they put down an hundred or a thousand bishops and churches of the primitive species , they make men believe that it is they that are for the old episcopacy , and we that are against it , and that it is we and not they that are against the church : while we are submissive to them as arch-bishops , if they would but leave parishes to be churches ( or great towns formerly called cities at least ) and make the discipline of all churches but a possible practicable thing . § . . ii. and to promote their ends , as these men are for the largest diocesses and turning a thousand churches into one only , so they are commonly for violent administration ; ruling by constraint , and either usurping the power of the sword themselves , or perswading and urging the magistrate to punish all that obey not their needless impositions , and reproaching or threatning ( at least ) the magistrates that will not be their executioners . and making themselves the church snuffers , ( or made without the churches consent ) their office is exercised in putting out the lights , sometimes hundreds of faithful ministers being silenced by their means in a little time . and they take the sword of discipline or power of the keys as the church used it years to be vain , unless prisons or mulcts enforce it . and to escape the primitive poverty , they overthrow the primitive church , form , and discipline , and tell men , all this is for the churches honour and peace . § . . yea all that like not their arrogances and grandure , they render odious as aerian hereticks or schismaticks , provoking men to hate and revile them , and magistrates to destroy them , as intolerable . and by making their own numerous canons and inventions necessary to ministry and church-communion , they will leave no place for true unity and peace , but tear the churches in pieces by the racks and engines of their brains and wills . § . . iii. yea worse than all this , there are some besides the french papists , who tell the world , that the vniversal church on earth is one visible political body , having a visible head or supreme vicarious government under christ , even a collective supreme , that hath universal legislative , iudicial and executive power . and they make this summa potestas constitutive of the church vniversal , and say that this is christs body out of which none have his spirit nor are church-members , and that there is no vnity or concord but in obeying this supreme visible power ; and that this is in general councils and in the intervals in a college of bishops successors of the apostles , ( i know not who or where , unless it be all the bishops as scattered over the earth ) and that they rule per literas formatas : ( as others say , it is the pope and roman clergy or cardinals . ) § . . and when our christianity , salvation , union and communion , yea , our lives , liberties and mutual forbearances , and love , is laid upon this very form of church-policy and prelacy , and christ is supposed to have such a church as is not in the world , even constituted with a visible vicarious collective soveraign , that must make laws for the whole christian world , it 's time to do our best to save men from this deceit . § . . i must confess , if i believed that the whole church had any head or soveraign under christ , i should rather take it to be the pope than any one , finding no other regardable competitor . he is uncapable of ruling at the antipodes and all the earth ; but a general council is much more uncapable , and so are the feigned college of pastors or bishops , ( none knoweth who . ) § . . iv. and a blind zeal against errour , called heresie , doth cry down the necessary love and toleration of many tolerable christians ; and some cry , down with them , and away with them that erre more themselves , and by their measures would leave but few christians endured by one another in the world : thus do they teach us to understand solomon , eccl. . . be not righteous and wise overmuch : so much are these men for vnity , that they will leave no place for much unity on earth . as if none should be tolerated but men of one stature , complexion , &c. § . . briefly , they do as one that would set up a family government , made up of many hundred or thousand families dissolved and turned into one , and ruled supremely by a council of the heads of such enlarged families , and then tell us , that this is not to alter the old species of families , but to make them greater that were before too small : keep but the same name , and a city is but a family still . and when they have done , they would have none endured , but cast out , imprisoned or banished , as seditious , that are for any smaller family than a city , ( or any lesser school than an university : ) and these city governours must in one convention rule all the kingdom , and in a greater all the world. § . . i shall therefore first tell you , what errour must not be tolerated , and then by an epitome of church-history , bishops and councils and popes , shew the ignorant so much of the matter of fact , as may tell them who have been the cause of church-corruptions , heresies , schisms and sedition , and how : and whether such diocesane prelacy and grandure be the cure , or ever was . and , if god will , in a second volume shall prove the sinfulness and novelty of that sort of prelacy , and answer the chief that have defended it . chap. ii. of heresies , and of the first councils . § . . the apostle iames saith , ch . . , . brethren , if any one of you do erre from the truth , and one convert him , let him know that he that converteth a sinner from the errour of his way , doth savea soul from death , and hide a multitude of sins . by which it is implyed , that errour tendeth unto death : but what errour is it ? is it all ? who then can be saved ? it is of great use to know , what errours are mortal , and what not . § . . there are errours that are no sins , and errours that are sins . those which are not voluntary either in themselves , or in their antecedent causes , are no sins : those which are not voluntary either by the act or by the omission of the will , are no sins . those which are unavoidable through a necessity which is not moral but natural , are no sin : as if infants , idiots , mad-men , erre in matters of which they are uncapable : or if any erre for want of any revelation of the truth . as if the papists did rightly charge those with errours whom they burnt for denying transubstantiation , yet it could be no sinful errour , because it is necessary and unavoidable . for the first discerning principle is sense : and if we are deceived while we judge that to be bread and wine , which all the sound senses of all men in the world perceive as such , we have no remedy . for whether sense be fallible or infallible , it is certain that we have no other faculties and organs to perceive immediately sensible things by . i can see by nothing but my eyes , nor hear any other way than by my ears . if they say , that we must believe that all mens senses are deceived when god telleth us so ? i answer , if we do not presuppose that by sense we must perceive things sensible , it is in vain to talk of gods telling us any thing , or of any of his revelations , or faith therein : for i know not but by sense , that there is a bible , or a man , or a voice or word , to be believed . and as humanity is presupposed to christianity , so is sense and reason to faith and the objects accordingly . and to say , that all mens sound senses about their due placed objects are fallible , is but to say , that no certainty can be had . § . . of those errours that are sins ; it is not all that are effectively mortal or damning sins : else no man could be saved . there is no man that hath not a multitude of errours , that hath any actual use of reason . § . . errours are of three sorts . . errours of iudgment ( to say nothing of sense and imagination . ) . of will ; . of life , or practice . the iudgment is to guide the will ; and the will is to command our practice . therefore those errours are least dangerous that least corrupt the will and practice , and those most dangerous that most corrupt them . but every errour contrary to any useful truth is bad , as it is a corruption of the judgment , tending to corrupt the will and practice . § . . . no errour is effectively damning which turneth not the heart or will in a predominant degree from the love of god to the love of the creature , from the love of heaven and holiness to the prevalent love of earth , and sinful pleasure , riches or honour therein ; from things spiritual to things carnal : for god hath prepared unconceivable glory for them that love him : the kingdom of god consisteth not in meats and drinks , but in righteousness , peace and joy in the holy ghost : and he that in these things serveth christ , doth please god , and is acceptable to ( good ) men , rom. . , . § . . . i think no errour is effectively damning which a man doth sincerely desire to be delivered from at any rate , and when he that hath it doth faithfully endeavour to come to the knowledge of the truth , in the use of such means as god vouchsafeth him : he that searcheth the scripture with a love to truth , and sincerely prayeth for gods illumination , and sincerely practiceth what he already knoweth , and is willing to hear what any man can say to his further information , god will hide nothing necessary to his salvation from such a man. for this is a work of such dispositive grace , as shall not be received in vain . § . . obj. but may not one that believeth not in god , or christ , or the life to come , say all this , that he desireth and endeavoureth to know the truth ? ans. . these things are so great , so evident , and so necessary , that they cannot be unknown to one that hath the gospel , who hath the foresaid sincere desires and endeavours . and as for them that have not the gospel , i have spoken to their case before . . god that giveth so much grace doth thereby signifie his willingness to give more . § . . obj. this intimateh that grace is given according to merits . ans. . not the first grace : but to him that hath ( and improveth it ) shall be given , and from him that hath not ( such improvement ) shall be taken away even that which he hath . . no grace or glory is given according to merits in point of commutative justice , as quid pro quo , as if it did profit god. but to him that asketh it shall be given . we must have a beggers merit : begging and thankful accepting ; and yet that also is of antecedent grace . § . . on the contrary , . all errour is damning which excludeth the life of faith , hope , love and sincere obedience : for these are of necessity to salvation : without holiness none shall see god , heb. . . the wisdom from above is first pure , and then peaceable , and must be shewn out of a good conversation by works with meekness of wisdom , iam. . , . he that loveth not god , heaven , and holiness , with a predominant love , ' doth damnably erre . § . . secondly , therefore all errour of judgment which effectively excludeth the belief of any of the essentials of godliness , or of christianity where the gospel is , is damning errour : because a mans will and life can be no better than his belief or judgment is . no man can love that god that he believeth not to be amiable , nor obey him whom he believeth not to be his governour ; nor seeks for a happiness which he believeth not ; and it is in the face of christ , a redeemer , and saviour of lost sinners , that gods amiableness suitably appeareth unto man : and it is by his word and holy spirit that christ reneweth souls . § . . and an ungodly carnal worldly man ( though he be a learned preacher of the truth ) is damnably erroneous , and hath really the sum of manifold heresies : . he erreth about the greatest and most necessary things : he taketh god to be less amiable than the creature , and heaven than earth , and holiness than the pleasure of sin. . his errour is practical and not only notional : . it excludeth the contrary truth , and is predominant ; so that what contrary truth he acknowledgeth , he doth not soundly , practically , and prevailingly believe . § . . were it not besides my present purpose i might manifest that every carnal ungodly man among us , . doth not truly believe any one article of the creed with a serious practical belief ; . nor doth he consent to the baptismal covenant ; . nor sincerely desire and put up one petition of the lords prayer , rightly understood ; . nor sincerely obey one of the ten commandements ; . nor can sincerely receive the sacrament of the lords supper ; nor , . is a sincere member of the holy catholick church , nor can sincerely hold communion with the saints : he is an hypocrite and damnably erroneous , even while he seemeth to be orthodox and pleadeth for the truth , and cryeth out against heresies and errours ; which he may easily and ordinarily do . § . . it hath still been one of satans effectual snares to deceive and damn ungodly men by , to hide their own practical errour and wickedness from their consciences , by seeming to be orthodox , and crying down errours and heresies in others : but alas , how unfit persons are they for such work ? and how dreadfully do they condemn themselves ? it is a pitiful thing to hear a man that is false to the very essence of his baptismal vow , to revile and prosecute a poor anabaptist ( though erroneous ) for holding that baptism should be delayed till years of discretion that it may be the better kept : or to hear a man that obeyeth not god himself , but his fleshly lust , to cry out against every dissenter , how conscionable soever , for not obeying the church in some questionable points : or to hear a man that sticketh not at any wickedness that maketh for his worldly ends or pleasure , to cry out against those that in fear of perjury or lying or other sinning against god , dare not take some oath , subscription , profession , or covenant which is imposed : as these notorious hypocrites who live quite contrary to the christian religion which they profess , do use to call those hypocrites that labour in all things to please god , if they do but mislike any thing in their lives . so also while they are drowned in damnable errour , they cry out against errour in those that practically hold all the essentials of christianity , and are certainly in the way of life , if they do differ in any thing from them , or are ignorant of any thing which they know . he that never puts up a sincere prayer to god for his grace , nay , that would not have it , to make him holy , and deprive him of his sinful pleasure , will yet call others erroneous and schismaticks , if they pray not by his book , or in all his circumstances ; while his heart and family are prayerless , and god's name ofter heard in oaths and curses than in prayer . § . . because bare opinion may consist with worldliness and fleshly lusts , therefore it hath long been the trick of the ungodly to seem zealous for the true church , and for right opinions , and to over do here to quiet their consciences in sin : and it hath been a snare to many conscionable people , to tempt them to suspect and dislike the truth , because ungodly men thus stand for it ; and to think it must be some bad thing which wicked men seem so zealous for : when as they do it but for a cover for their sin , as hypocrites and oppressors use long prayers , which would not serve their turn if there were not some good in it . § . . and yet errour is such a blinding thing , that it 's very usual even for grosly erroneous men , to cry out most fiercely against errour : for they know not themselves , and they are proud and self conceited , and oft by malignity apt to suspect and condemn others . what did the jews persecute the christians for ? for supposed heresie and errour : what did the heathens cast them to wild beasts and torments for ? for supposed impiety and errour : because they would not erre in their idolatry as they did . what hath disquieted and torn in pieces the christian world , but erroneous and worldly popes , patriarcks , and prelates inordinate out-crys against supposed errours ? for what have they silenced hundreds and thousands of faithful ministers of christ ? for errour . for what have they racked , tormented , burnt to ashes , and slain by the sword so many thousand , and hundred thousands ? o , it was for heresie or errour . and are not these men perfectly free from errour themselves , that have so great a zeal against it ? no , so grosly erroneous are they , that they deny credit to all mens senses , and know not bread and wine when they see , and touch , and taste it ; and would have all those destroyed that will not deny belief to sense as well as they : so erroneous are they , that they pretend a mortal man to be the church governour of all the earth ; so erroneous , that they think god well worshipped by praying in words not understood ; and dare deny half the sacrament of the lords supper to the people , which they confess that he instituted , and all the church did use ; so erroneous , that they think the flames of purgatory will help them the better to love that god that doth torment them . how foul and many are their errours that kill , and burn , and damn others as erroneous ? but s. iames hath told us , iam. . that the wisdom is not from above , but is earthly , sensual , and devillish , which hath an envious striving zeal ; and that if it work not by ●eakness of wisdom , and be not pure , peaceable , gentle , easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good fruits , without partiality and hypocrisie , sowing the fruit of righteousness in peace , by peace-making , but hath bitter contention , it is not of god , but bringeth confusion and every evil work . § . . the arians were cruel persecutors , on pretence of zeal against errour , as they accounted it : they banished godly pastors ; they killed them , they cut out the preachers tongues ; they reproached them . the emperours valens and constantius were more fierce than the arian goths themselves . macedonius that denyed the deity of the holy ghost , was a great pretender to orthodoxness , and a great decryer and persecuter of others , as erroneous and hereticks . nestorius ( though somewhat worse judged of by cyril than he deserved ) was justly condemned , were it but for his heat and fierceness against others : he fell presently upon the novatians and other parties , and began with this overdoing zeal at his entrance , o emperour , give me a church without heresie , and i will give-thee victory over the persians : that is , destroy all these dissenting parties and god will prosper thee : and very quickly was he deposed , condemned , and at last banished even to misery and death as an heretick ( whether justly or no i shall say more anon . ) the eutychians were as great zealots against errour and heresie as any of the rest : they took cyril for their captain whom theodoret and isydore pelusiota that knew him , describe as heynously proud and turbulent , and socrates as the first bishop that himself used the sword. dioscorus raged at the second council of ephesus against dissenters , and all in zeal against nestorian heresie . but what dreadful work his eutychian party and successors made , i have elsewhere shewed : and all as against heresie . the anthropomorphite zealous egyptian monks thought it was errour ●nd heresie which they so furiously opposed , when they forced theophilus alexand to dissemble to save his life . it was zeal against origens heresie and errour which set epiphanius and theophilus alexand. upon their irregular and inhumane opposition to chrysostome . what abundance of gross errours doth philastrius vend while he thinks that he reciteth other mens errours : i have given a catalogue of them elsewhere . besides the inconsiderable errours which he calleth heresies . it was zeal against the arian heresie which made lucifer calaritanus occasion the schism between two bishops at antioch , and after become the head of a separating party , because he would not receive the returning arians into communion as others did . and it was zeal against heresie that made others for this account him a heretick , and call his followers luciferians . it was zeal against errour which made both the novatians and the donatists run into errour , and keep up their parties as more pure from the crimes of idolaters , traditors , libellaticks , and other criminals . sulpitius severus describeth ithacius as a man that cared not what he said or did , and the rest of the synod of bishops about him as unfit to be communicated with ; that would bring christianity it self into reproach by their furious opposition to hereticks : and who would have thought but these bishops had been very good men themselves , that were so zealous against the priscillianists , as to procure the death of some , and the banishment of others , and bring martin himself , and other strict abstemious people into the suspicion of priscillianism ? it was a zeal for christ , and against supposed errour , which raised the doleful contention about the corruptibility of christ's body ; one party calling the others phantasiasticks , and the other calling them corrupticolae ; into which errour the emperour iustinian himself did lapse and become a zealous heretick , as the orthodox party called him . and even s. hilary pictav . l. . de trinit . seemeth not free , when , p. . he saith [ in quem quamvis aut ictus incideret , aut vulnus descenderet , aut nodi concurrerent , aut suspensio elevaret , afferrent quidem haec impetum passionis , non tamen dolorem passionis inferrent , ut telum aliquod aut aquam perforans , aut ignem compungens , aut aera vulnerans : omnes quidem has passiones naturae suae infert , ut perforet , ut compungat , ut vulneret ; sed naturam suam haec passio illata non retinet ; dum in naturâ non est vel aquam forari , vel pungi ignem , vel ●ra vulnerari , quamvis natura teli sit vulnerare & compungere & forare : passus quidem dominus iesus christus dum caeditur , dum suspenditur , dum crucifigitur , dum moritur ; sed in corpus domini irruens passio , nec non fuit passio , nec tamen naturam passionis exercuit : cum & poenali ministerio illa desaevit , & virtus corporis sine sensu poenae vi●● poenae in se desaevientis excepit . ] yet it was against heresie that the good father defended this ( worse than many of philastrius , yea or epiphanius ' s heresies . ) pag. . saith he , metum domino haeresis ascribit : — timuisse tibi , o haeretice , dominus gloriae passionem videtur — pag. . non vis , impie haeretice , ut transeunte palmas clave christus non doluerit , neque vulnus illud nullam acerbitatem teli compungentis intulerit . interrogo , cur pueri ignes non timuerint nec doluerint — so p. , . you see how little heed is to be given oft to good mens outcries against heresie : he spake much better , ibid. pag. . in simplicitate fides est ; in fide justitia est ; in confessione pietas est : non per difficiles nos deus ad beatam vitam quaestiones vocat ; nec multiplici eloquentis facundiae genere solicitat . in absoluto nobis ac facili est aeternitas , iesum suscitatum à mortuis per deum credere , & ipsum esse dominum confiteri . ] and lib. . p. . initio [ non enim ambiguis nos & erraticis indefinitae doctrinae studiis dereliquit , vel incertis opinionibus ingenia humana permisit , statutis per se & oppositis obicibus in libertatem intelligentiae voluntatisque concludens , ut sapere non nisi ad id tantum quod praedicatum à se fuerat , nos sineret , cùm p●r definitam fidei indemutabilis constitutionem , credi aliter atque aliter non lic●ret . ] § . . and it is not only particular persons , but many general councils , that have erred and persecuted others ; as if all the while they were but cleansing the church of the most odious heresies . the many councils of the arians i may after touch upon , viz. at tyre , ariminum , syrmium , &c. i will before its time here mention that of sardica : what horrid heresies and villanies do they lay to the charge ( not only of marcellus , but ) of athanasius , of paulus constant. of iulius bishop of rome , of prothogenes , and others , whom they excommunicate as if they had been the very plagues of the earth ? see the copies of their epistle in hilary pict . fragments , p. , &c. § . . and because papal approbation is made by the papists the mark of an unerring and infallible council , note that even the arian council of syrmium was expresly approved by pope liberius in his exile , as you may see in hilary , ibid. p. , . saying , [ itaque amoto athanasio à communione omnium nostrûm , cujus nec epistolia à me suscipienda sunt , dico me parem cum omnibus vobis , & cum vniversis episcopis orientalibus , seu per universas provincias pacem & unitatem habere : nam ut verius sciatis me verâ fide per hanc epistolam ea loqui , dominus & frater me●s communis demo●ilus , qui dignatus est pro suâ benevolentiâ fidem & catholicam exponere quae syrmium à pluribus fratribus & co-episcopis nostris tractata , exposita , & suscepta est , ab omnibus qui in praesenti fuerunt , hanc ego libenti animo suscep● ▪ in nullo contradixi ; consensum accommodavi , hanc sequor , haec à me tenetur ; sane petendum credidi sanctitatem vestram , quiae tam pervidetis in omnibus me vobis consentaneum esse , dignemini communi auxilio ac studio laborare , qu●tenus de exilio dimittar , & ad sedem , quae mihi divinitus credita est , revertar . ] in reciting of which hilary thrice saith [ anathema tibi , liberi praevaricator ] — if they say that liberius did this in his exile through fear or suffering , i answer , his sufferings were small ; and hilary annexeth another of his epistles to the arian bishops , in which he sweareth or calleth god himself to witness , that it is not for his sufferings which are not great , but for the peace of the church , of which he knew those bishops to be lovers , and which is better than martyrdom , that he did what he did . § . . i. before these there were many provincial councils called to decide the controversie of the time of easter ; and as that at rome , in palestine , pontius , and one in france went one way ; so that of asia , under polycrates ephes. went another way , professing to stick therein to the gospel , and the tradition of their fathers : for which victor would needs excommunicate them , which irenaeus sharply reprehendeth . it s worth the noting , that as the wrong party pleaded tradition , so the right party pleaded reason and scripture , as you may see in beda's fragment of the palestine council , sub theoph. caesar. bin t. . p. . and that the main argument used was the divine benediction of the lords day : which they may note , that question the ancient observation of that day . § . . ii. the next council recorded ( bin. p. . ) is one at carthage , under agrippinus , which decreed the re-baptizing of those that were baptized by hereticks : for which they are commonly now condemned . § . . and binnius noteth that they had this from their countryman tertullian , whose zeal against hereticks was so hot , that he would have nothing , no not baptism , common with them ; so baron . an . . n , , , . & an . . n. , . yet is this man now numbred with hereticks . § . . iii. the concilium labesitanum is the next in order , where one privatus was condemned for an heretick ( mentioned by cyprian , epist. . ) but , saith binnius , what his heresie was is not known nor mentioned . § . . iv. next we have an arabian council , in which the errour of the souls mortality ( allowing it only to rise again with the body at the resurrection ) was excellently oppugned and expugned by origen ; but it was by that origen who himself is called a blasphemous heretick . § . . v. the next mentioned council ( bin. p. . ) was at rome , about the restoring of the lapsed upon cyprian's motion . a business that made no small dissention , while lucianus and some others made the church-door too wide , and novatus , and novatianus made it too narrow , and cyprian and the roman clergy went a middle way : bitter and grievous were the censures of each other , and long and sad the schisms that did ensue , the rigour of the novatians being increased by their offence at other mens sinful latitude and tepidity . § . . by the way it is worth the considering by some papists , who make both a bishop essential to a church , and a pope to the church-universal , and deny church-government to presbyters , that this council is said to be called by the roman clergy ( the presbyters and deacons ) when the church had been a year or two without a bishop ( through the sharp persecution of decius upon fabian's death ) . and it is to the roman clergy ( presbyters and deacons ) that cyprian at this time wrote divers of his epistles , as they wrote to him ; insomuch that binnius sticketh not to say , that in this interregnum the roman clergy had the care or charge of the vniversal church . quaer . how far their government , even of bishops ( whom they assembled in this council ) was canonical or valid ? § . . vi. after this there was another council at carthage , and two at rome , and one in italy , and another at carthage , about the same controversie ; where it was determined that the lapsed should be received to repentance , and after a sufficient space of penance , should communicate , but not sooner : and that the bishops that lapsed should be uncapable of episcopacy and communicate only with the laity upon their penance : yet cyprian in time of a renewed persecution thought meet to relax this , and take in the penitent presently , lest they should be discouraged under suffering . but foelicissimus one of his deacons made himself the head of a faction , by taking men in by his own authority too soon , and novatus and novatian , as is said , being against their taking into communion at all , the councils excommunicated them all as schismaticks . where note , that novatus an african priest , that went to rome and got novatian ordained bishop , did not deny them pardon of sin with god , but only church-communion . . nor did he deny this to other great sinners repenting , but only to those that lapsed to idolatry or denying christ. but the novatians long after extended it to other heynous crimes , as upon supposed parity of reason . § . . vii . next this we have cyprians african council in which ( after the censuring of some that reproached a pastor ) they condemn a dead man called victor , because by his will he left one faustinus a presbyter the guardian of his sons , which the canons had forbidden , because no ministers of god should be called from their sacred work to meddle with secular things : therefore they decree that victors name shall not be mentioned among the dead in deprecation , nor any oblation made for his rest. ( non est quod pro dormitione ejus apud vos fiat oblatio , aut deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in ecelesiâ frequentetur . ) the case of the clergy is much altered since then ; and whether the penalty had more of piety , as to the end , or errour in the rigor , and the matter ( as if it were a punishment to the dead , not to be offered for , or prayed for ) i leave to further consideration , cypr. li. . epist. . § . . viii . the next council we meet with is concil . iconiense an . . where the bishops of cappadocia , cilicia , galatia , and other oriental provinces at iconium in phrygia , decreed that the baptisms of hereticks , their ordinations , imposition of hands , and other sacred actions were invalid . for which , saith baronius an . . n. , , . pope st●phen excommunicated all these oriental bishops , and reprobated the council , and would not receive or hear their legates : of which firmilianus caesar. cappad . writeth to cyprian against him . § . . ix . at the same time , euseb. lib. . c. . tells us , there was also a synod at synadis , yea , divers in other places , that all decreed the same thing , for rebaptizing those that were baptized by hereticks ; and that this had been the bishops opinion of so long time before , that eusebius durst not condemn it . vid. baron . anno . n. . but it is now commonly condemned . § . . x. if they had confined their opinion of rebaptizing to such hereticks as are strictly so called , that renounce any essential article of the faith , they might have made the controversie hard ; but as hereticating increased , so their own difficulties increased . and now the novatians were pronounced hereticks , it grew a hard question , whether all that the novatians had baptized must be rebaptized . and for this an african council , anno . concluded affirmatively : because all that are baptized are baptized into the church : but hereticks are not in the church , and so baptize not into the church : therefore such must be rebaptized . cyprian and many very godly bishops consented in this errour . § . . xi . to try this business further , cyprian gathered another council of above bishops out of a●rick and numidia , and all were desired to declare what was the tradition of their fathers ; and they all agreed that according to scripture , and tradition , the baptism of hereticks was a nullity , and it was no rebaptization to baptize such as they baptized : ( see here what strength is in the papists argument of tradition in such cases . ) but this council and their doctrine pope stephen condemned : but they never the more altered their judgments , not believing his infallibity or power to judge between them in such matters of faith. in this council is set down every bishops reason of his judgment . § . . xii . when pope stephen had condemned these bishops , cyprian calleth yet a greater council of bishops , who confirmed the same doctrine , and rejected the popes opinion and his arrogancies , that would make himself to be a bishop of bishops , and by tyrannical terrour and abuse of excommunication , force others to his opinion . and with the africans in this judgment joyned firmilian , with asian bishops , and saith binnius , dionysius alexandrinus also . § . . but i must here tell the reader , that i mention not these instances to breed ill thoughts in him of these african and numidian bishops : for as far as i can discern by their writings and by history , they were the godliest , faithful , peaceable company of bishops that were found in any part of the world since the apostles times : cyprian's style and the testimony of all just history which concerneth him , as well as his martyrdome , declare him to be a saint indeed . ( nazianzen declareth the strange occasion of his conversion ; viz. that he loved or lusted after a christian virgin , and when he could not obtain his will , being given to magick , he agreed with the devil to procure his desire ; but when he saw that the devil confest himself unable to do it , and so that he was too weak for christ , he forsook the devil and turned christian : ) the papists ( binnius , baronius , &c. ) conjecture that cyprian before his death reformed this errour , but their conjecture meerly tells us what they wish , without any reason , but that he dyed a martyr and his successours honoured him . as if none might so die and be honoured that had any errour , which no man living is without . . and this may be said to excuse their errour . . that the strictest men oftner erre on the stricter side against sin , than the complying carnal clergy . . that they thought it the safer way to baptize such again , ( on the same reason as we do in case of uncertain baptisme , with a si non baptizatus es , baptizo te ; ) not knowing why there should be any danger in the mistake : much like as in england now , the bishops are for the re-ordaining of all such as were ordained by others that were not diocesanes , and yet do not call it re-ordaining . . that in those times of heathenisme and persecution , the christians had no way to maintain their strength but by the churches concord ; nor could they otherwise have kept up so strict a discipline as they did , having no forcing power of christian●magistrates : therefore they were necessitated to be severe with dividers . . and the ambiguity of the word [ heresie ] was not the least occasion of their errour . the nicene council afterward rebaptized such as those hereticks baptized , who corrupted the substance of baptisme it self , but not others . and christians at first had more wit and charity than to call every errour a heresie , ( else there had been none but hereticks : ) such as denyed some essential point of faith or practice , and drew a party to maintain it , were called hereticks in the former times ; but afterward every schism or party that gathered by themselves , and set up altare contra altare upon the smallest difference , was called a heresie . and so the same name applyed to another thing , deceived them . the bishops were men of eminent piety and worth . § . . xiii . anno . they say there was a council at rome to clear dionysius alexand. of the imputation of heresie , occasioned by some doubtful words which he wrote against sabellius . § . . xiv . anno . they say there was another at antioch against their bishop paulus samosatenus , a gross heretick : but he renounced his errour in words , and for that time kept his place . § . . xv. paulus returning to his heresie and a bad life , anno . another council at antio●h deposed him ; but he would not go out of the bishops house , and the emperour aurelian a heathen put him out . § . . xvi . anno . the next council was at cirta in numidia , secundus tigisitanus being chief and calling them . here secundus accused the bishops one by one as traditors ( delivering the sacred books to be burnt in persecution to save themselves , which was then judged perfidiousness . ) the bishops partly excused , partly confessed it , and asked pardon ; till at last secundus ready to judge them , accused a bishop purpurius of murdering his own sisters sons : who told him that he should not think to terrifie him as he had done the rest ; he had killed , and would kill those that make against him ; and asked him whether he had not been a traditor himself , and beginning to evince it , bid him not provoke him to tell the rest : whereupon secundus his nephew told his unkle , you see that he is ready to depart and make a schism , and not he only but all the rest , and you hear what they say against you : and then they will joyn and pass sentence on you , and so you will remain the only heretick ( hereticating went then by the vote ) secu●dus was nonplust , and askt two others , what it was best to do ? and they agreed to leave them all to god , and so the bishops kept their places . augustin . cont . crescon . l. . c. , . § . . xvii . next they deliver us consilium sinuessanum , whether true or forged is too hard a controversie . it was of three hundred bishops ( how big were their diocesses think you above our parishes ? ) who all came secretly together to a town now unknown , and met in a gave that would hold but at a time , for fear of persecution : the business was to convict pope mare●llinus of idolatry ▪ for offering sacrifice to hercules , iupiter , and saturn : which he confessed . § . . xviii . anno . was held a council of bishops at illiberis in spain : where many good things were agreed on : but not only to the idolat●o● ▪ l●psed , but to other heinous crimes they denyed communion to the death , notwithstanding repentance . and that these b●shops should be orthodox , and yet the novatians hereticks , it is not easi● to give a reason of . their distinction of penance , sacrament , and communion , will not well perform it . therefore melch. canus chargeth them with errour lib. . c. . and bella●mine much more , lib. . de imag. c. . that it is concilium non confirmatum , frequenter errâsse , &c. a bishop , priest or deacon in office , that hath committed fornication , was not to have communion , no not at death : and divers others . no bishop was to receive any gift from any one that did not communicate . it poseth the papists themselves to expound can. . cereos per diem placuit i● coemiterio n●n incendi : inquietandi enim sanctorum spiritus non sunt : binnius will have it to be the spirits of the living saints , that are not to be disquieted with trouble about lights set up by day . but i wish that be the meaning . but the can. more troubleth them , placuit picturas in ecclesia esse non debere , nè quod colitur aut adoratur , in parietibus depingatur . can. . a lay-man , in case of necessity , is enabled to baptize . can. . gentiles unbaptized may be made christians at last , by imposition of hands . can. . if a clergy-man's wife play the whore , and he do not presently cast her out , he must not be received to the communion to the last . can. . if a christian turn accuser ( delator ) and upon his accusation any one be banished or put to death , he is not to be received to communion , no not at last . can. . nor he that falsly accuseth a bishop , presbyter , or deacon , and cannot prove it . can. . he that playeth at dice , or tables , was to be kept from the communion . many other canons savour , some of piety , and some of the novatians . thirty six presbyters sate with these nineteen bishops . pope innocent approved these almost novatian canons , and binnius excuseth them , p. . § . . xix . anno . a council at carthage of about bishops began the schism of the donatists , contending who should have the bishoprick of carthage : one party had chosen caecilianus to succeed mensurius ; the other party accusing him as being a traditor , and ordained by foelix a traditor , and had forbidden bringing food to the martyrs in prison , they ordained one majorinus bishop in his stead : caecilianus had the countenance of the bishop of rome , and stood it out , and kept the place : hereupon the church being divided , the division run through all africk , and numidia , while the accusing party renounced communion with caecilianus ; so that for many years after ( two hundred at least ) they did with plausible pretence claim the title of catholicks , though they were after called donatists ( from donatus a very good bishop of carthage heretofore , whom they praised , and not from donatus à casis nigris , as some think . ) secundus tigisitanus primate of numidia , furthers the breach , and the ordination of majorinus fixed it . thus the doleful tragedy of the donatists began by bishops divided about a carthage●bishop ●bishop . § . . xx. anno . another council was held at carthage , where no less than donatist bishops , for moderation , agreed to communicate with penitent traditors , without rebaptizing them , and so did for years . § . . xxi . anno . the schism continuing , the donatists cleaving to majorinus , appealed against caecilianus to constantine ( now emperour . ) he first appointeth three french bishops to judge the cause , but after bishops ( called a roman council ) met at rome to hear both parties : where melchiades and the rest acquitted caecilianus , and condemned donatus à casis nigris ( a promoter of the donatists cause ) as guilty of schism . but the donatists accusing melchiades also as a traditor , the schism was never the more ended : a motion was made that both the bishops should remove ( caecilianus and majorinus ) to end the schisme ; but the donatist bishops were so very many in number , that they thought they were to be called the church , and the caecilianists the schismaticks , and therefore would not so agree . thus bishops about bishopricks set all the country on a flame . § . . xxii . next constantine would hear the cause of these contending bishops at a council at arles in france , ( before bishops at least ) where caecilianus was again acquitted , and the donatist bishops cast , by the witness of their scribe ingentius , who ( being racked ) confessed that he was hired to give false witness in the case . several good canons were here made for church-order . § . . i have heard many popish persons liken the separatists among us to the donatists : but so unlike them are they , that , . the said separatists are against all episcopacy , but the donatists were bishops , and contended for the highest places of prelacy . . the separatists are confessedly a minor part departing from the major part. but the donatists were the major part of the bishops casting out the minor part as delinquents . the truth is , in those times the bishops being usually in contention and church-wars among themselves , ( especially when constantine had given them peace and prosperity , ) the strife was , who should get the better , and have their will : . sometime the strife was about opinions , who was in the right , and to be called orthodox , and who was to be accounted the heretick . . the other part quarrel who should be the bishop , or who should have the highest places . . and the next quarrel was whose side should carry it in setting up any bishops , or in judging and deposing them , and who should have their heads or friends brought in . and the way to get the better , was , . at the first , by the majority of the peoples votes in chusing bishops , and of the bishops in deposing them . . but after , most went in chusing and deposing by the majority of the bishops votes in the greater seats , ( the peoples consent still required , ) at least if a council did interpose . . and at last , it went by the favour or displeasure of the court ; either the emperour , or the empress , or some great officers . the african bishops it seems were far the greatest number against caecilian , ( when met at one council , and m●lchiades council at rome had but , and that at illiberis , and that at ancyra bishops . ) therefore the bishops thought that majority of number gave them right to the title of catholick● , that those dissenter● must be called hereticks , as was too usual . and seeing they lived in the country where many councils under agrippinus and cyprian , and firmilian , had voted that hereticks were not of the church , and those that they had baptized , were to be rebaptized ; they thought that they did but keep up this tradition ; and so they said that they were all the church of africa , and that the cecilians were hereticks and separatists from the church , and that all that they baptized were to be rebaptized , as was formerly held . so that indeed the donatists did but as the papists , and their worldly clergy still have done , who take the advantage of a majority to call themselves the church and catholiks , and to call the dissenters schismaticks and hereticks , save that they added cyprian's rebaptizing . and when it was for their advantage they communicated years with traditors ; but when the power of the court and the bish. of rome bore them down , they kept up their party by pretended strictness , and reproaching the others as a sect , and as heretical and persecuters of the church . so that it was the multitudes and councils of the prelates that set up donatism . § . . xxiii . the next was an . . at ancyra in galatia of eighteen bishops , who met to determine how many years the lapsed should repent ( or do penance ) before they were admitted to communion . can. . forbad those , that were ordained bishops to any people and were not accepted by the parish to which they were ordained , to thrust themselves on other parishes , or raise sedition , but allowed them to continue presbyters . can. . wilful murderers were to communicate at last only . § . . xxiv . the churches having now peace under constantine a council of bishops that had been before most at ancyra met at neocesarea ; but the small number did better work than many greater councils did , making some good canons against adultery and fornication ; though the th can. that forbids priests to dine at the second marriages of any , because such must repent , be of doubtful sense and truth : the first can. is against priests marrying and fornication . the last , that the number of deacons must be just seven , be the city never so big . § . . xxv . next a roman council is mentioned by binnius p. . for a conference with iews before constantine , but he saith the acts that now are extant are full of falsehoods . § . . xxvi . an. . they place us a council at alexandria in which alexander , with many bishops , condemned eusebius nicomed ▪ with arius and that the rest adhered to them , especially as holding that christ was not eternal , but was a creature that had a beginning , and that the wisdom and word of god was not the son , but made the son. § . . xxvii . another council at alexand. they tell us of , against the arians , and the meletian schismaticks : but the acts are not known . to this is annexed an epistle of constantine to alexander and arius , recorded by euseb. c●sar in vitâ constant. in which constantine chideth them both for their contention , and seemeth to take the question for unsearchable and to be disputed , saying , i understand that the foundation of the controversie was hence laid , that thou alexander didst ask questions of the presbyters about a certain text of scripture ; yea , about a certain idle particle of a question ●idst enquire , what every one of them thought ? and thou arius didst inconsiderately blurt out that which thou hadst not before thought of , or if thou hadst thought of it , thou oughtest to have past by in silence : whence discord was stir'd up among you , and the meeting hindered which is wont to be made in the church , and the most holy people distracted into several parts , is divided from the compagination of the whole body of the church . therefore both of you , forgiving one another , approve of that which your fellow-servant doth not without cause exhort you to : and what is that ? that to such questions you neither ask , nor answer , if asked : for such questions as no law or ecclesiastick canon doth necessarily prescribe , but the vain strife of dissolute idleness doth propose , though they may serve to exercise acuteness of wit , yet we ought to contemn them in the inner thought of the mind , and neither rashly to bring them out into the publick assemblies of the people , nor unadvisedly to trust them to the ears of the vulgar . for how few are they that can accurately enough perceive the force of things so weighty , and so involved in obscurity ? but if there be some one that is confident that he can easily do and reach this , yet i pray you , how small a part of the multitude is it , that he can make to understand him ? or who is there , that in the curious search of such questions , is not in danger of a fall ? the rest is well worth the reading , as to the common case of theological controversies , though it seems that constantine made too light of the arian errour . but i dare not be so injurious to eusebius as to question whether he faithfully recited the epistle , when binnius himself backs his doubt with a dicere non auderem : and if we give away the credit of that one historian , it will leave much of church-history under doubt , that now goeth for certain : perhaps peters being ever at rome , &c. § . . xxix . the next mentioned is the council of laodicea in phrygia paccat , ( not syria ) of bishops , gathered by nunechius a bishop of phrygia . they were so few that without contention they made divers good canons : the canon requireth that the baptized should learn the creed , and on the friday of the last week repeat it to the bishop or presbyters . ( by which you may conjecture how large a bishoprick then was . ) and can. . the presbyters were not to go into the church before the bishop , but with him . ( for then every church had a bishop , though some chapels far off had presbyters only . ) and can. . it is ordered , that bishops should not be ordained in small villages and hamlets , but visitors should be appointed them . but such ( bishops ) as had been heretofore there ordained , should do nothing without the conscience of the city-bishop . which sheweth that before bishops were made in villages ; as socrates saith then they were in arabia , and the phrygian novatian● , &c. the last can. reciteth the same canonical scriptures that we receive , save the apocalyps ▪ which is left out . § . . xxix . next we have a great roman council of bishops , saith crab , under sylvester , which hath canons : the last saith , that no bishop shall ordain any , but with all the church united . but whether this was before or after the nicene council , is uncertain . and another he mentioneth under sylvester at rome , which binnius hath , where constantine baptized of sylvester was present and bishops . ( whether it be true or a fiction is uncertain . ) but if true , it was a very humble council : for they all professed only patience , renounced giving their judgment at all , but only heard what sylvester would say , professing none fit to judge but he . but they all with presbyters and deacons subscribed what he said ( if true . ) what he said i do not well understand , supposing much of it to be scarce sense : i am sure it is far from cicero's latine . bishops came , ex vrbe româ vel non longè ab illâ , out of the city of rome , or not far from it : ( how big were their diocesses ? ) here , cap. . three men are cursed , ( anathematized : ) one was a bishop , victorinus , that being ignorant of the course of the moon , contradicted the right time of easter . it 's well the makers and approvers of our imposed english liturgy fell not under sylvester's severity , who have ( alas , mistakingly ) told us , that [ easter-day , on which the rest depend , is always the first sunday after the first full moon , which happens next after the one and twentieth day of march : and if the full moon happen on a sunday , easter - day is the sunday after . ] this is one of the things that about ministers are silenced , for not declaring assent , consent and approbation of ; yea to the use of it , and so to keep easter at a wrong time . but how sylvester came to have power to say all , and to banish men , and constantine sit by and say nothing , i know not : dedit eis anathema & damnavit eos extra urbes suas . cap. . he decreed , that no presbyter shall accuse a bishop , no deacon a presbyter , &c. and no layman , any of them : and that no prelate shall be condemned but in testimonies , nor the chief prelate be judged of any one , because it is written , the disciple is not above his master . and no presbyter shall be condemned but in testimonies ; no cardinal deacon but in , &c. and what may they not then do or be ? cap. . he decreed clarâ voce , tha● no presbyter should make chrisme , because christ is so called of chrisme . the . cap. is , nemo det poenitentiam , nisi quadraginta annorum petenti : let no man give repentance ( or penance ) but to one that seeketh forty years . cap. . let no man receive the witness of a clergy-man against a lay-man . cap. . for no man may examine a clergy-man but in the church . cap. . let no clerk , deacon , or presbyter , for any cause of his enter into any court , because omnis curia à cruore dicitur , every court is so called from blood , and is an offering to images ; for if any clergy-man enter into a court , let him take his anathema , never returning to his mother the church . cap. . let no man put a sunning clergy-man to death , no presbyter , no deacon , no bishop , that is over a clerk or servitor of the church , may bring him to death . but if the clergy man's cause so require , let him be three days deprived of honour , that he may return to his mother-church . cap. . no deacon may offer against a priest a charge of filthiness . cap. . no man shall judge of the prime seat ; because all seats desire justice to be tempered of the first seat . the subscribers were bishops ( what did the other ? ) priests , and deacons , and the two following , and constantine and his mother helena . o brave pope and clergy ! o patient council that subscribed to one man , and pretended to no judgment ! o humble constantine , that subscribed to all this , and said nothing ! and a womans subscription perfecteth all . and o credulous reader that believeth this ! chap. iii. the council of nice , and some following it . § . . xxx . we come now to the first general council : general only as to the roman world or empire , as the history and subscriptions prove , and not as to the whole world , as the papists with notorious impudence affirm : which i have elsewhere fully proved . this council was called , as is probably gathered , anno ▪ in the th year of constantine ( though others assign other years . ) that they were congregate about the arian heresie and the eastern controversie is commonly known : as also what wisdom and diligence constantine used to keep the bishops in peace : who presently brought in their libels of accusations against each other ; which he took and burnt without reading them , earnestly exhorting them to peace , and by his presence and prudent speech repressing their heats and contentions ; whereby the synod was brought to a happy end as to both the controverted causes : and eusebius nicomed ▪ and arius were brought to counterfeit repentance and consent to the nicene faith ; which constantine perceiving , being set upon the healing of the divided bishops and churches , he commanded that arius should ( as reformed ) be received to communion ; which athanasius refusing caused much calamity afterward . § . . because the case of the meletians is brought in by this council , i think it useful ( for our warning in these times ) to recite the sum of their story out of epiphanius , p. , &c. haer. . meletius ( saith he ) was a bishop in th●bais in egypt , of sincere faith even to the death . in diocletians persecution , peter bishop of alexandria , and he , were the chief of the bishops that were laid in prison , as designed to martyrdom ; while they were there long together with many fellow-prisoners , many called to tryal before them were put to death , and many for fear subscribed to idolatry , or denyed christ : and when they had done , professed repentance and craved peace of the church : as it had been in novatus his schismes , so it fell out here ; peter bishop of alexan. was for peace and pardon ; meletius and most of the other suffering prisoners were against it , and said , if they may thus revolt to save themselves , and be presently pardoned , it will tempt others to revolt : peter seeing his opinion was rejected , rashly took his cloak and hang'd it like a curtain over the midst of the prison-room , and said , those that are for me , come to me on this side , and those that are for meletius go on that side to him : whereupon far most of the bishops , priests , monks , and people that were in prison went to meletius , and but few to peter . ( a ●ouler rupture than that of the english fugitives at frankford . ) this unhappy word and hour began the misery , among good men , expecting death : from that hour they keep all their meetings separate . shortly after peter was martyred , and meletius was judged to the mines : as he went thither through the country , he every where made new bishops and gathered new churches , so that there were two in the several cities : those old ones that followed peter called their meeting , the catholick church ; the other called theirs , the martyrs church : but yet they held a unity of faith. even the sufferers that laboured in the mines divided , and did not pray together . at last meletius and the rest were restored unto peace , and at alexandria , alexander and he lived in familiarity , and meletius was he that detected arius and brought him to alexander to be tryed . but when meletius was dead , alexander grew impatient at the private separate meetings of his followers , and troubled them , and vexed them , and began to use violence against them , and would not have them depart from his church : they refused still , and this bred stirs and tumults . alexander persecuting them , and following them yet more sharply , they sent some men , eminent for piety and parts , to the emperours court , to petition for liberty for their private meetings , without impediment . of these paphnutius and iohn their bishop , and callinitus bishop of pellusium were chief : who when they came to court , being named meletians , the courtiers rejected them and drove them away , and they could not get access to the emperour . on this occasion being put to wait long at constantinople and nicomedia , they fell into acquaintance with euschius , bishop of nicomedia , the head of the arians , who pretending repentance was become great with the emperour , who was all for the clergies peace and concord . to eusebius they open all the matter : he craftily took the advantage of their suffering and long waiting , and promised his help , on condition they would but communicate with arius , who seigned repentance . the temptation over came them , and they yield ; they that had gathered separate churches , because they would not communicate with the repenting lapsed ( to idolatry ; ) yet yielded to communicate with arius , that they might be delivered from the persecution of a godly bishop , and keep their meetings . they are brought to constantine , who being all for peace , though against schism , grants them the freedom of their meetings ; and thus joyning with the arians for the liberty of their assemblies , this became the greatest support to the arians , without which ( saith epiphanius ) they could not have stood . ( so much doth bishops tyranny or severity cross its own ends , and destroy the concord which they think by such tearing means to force ; and so hard is it for men that could suffer martyrdome from heathens , innocently to bear the persecution of their brethren , and so greatly doth it tempt them to use unwarrantable means for their preservation : just as if the non-conformists at this time should seek , by the favour of the papists , to be delivered from the silencing and destroying prelates , upon condition of a common liberty : the cases are not much unlike . ) neque enim ( saith epiphanius ) consistere arius , dut fiduciam ullam habere potuisset , nisi eam esset occasioncm nactus , quae pessimam inter illos ad hodiernum usque diem concordiam devinxit . ( but o , father epiphanius , why took you not warning by this , when you un-bishop-like and un-canonically set your self against holy chrysostome ? ) alexander being dead , and athanasius shortly succeeding him , he could not bear the meletian churches in his city : and after fair means he used foul : and going himself to look after such meetings , with his retinue , one of his deacons in the meletian meetings broke a certain vessel , which occasioned some chiding and fighting , which occasioned accusations of the meletians , and calumniations of the arians against athanasius as a man of violence and tyranny ; which constantine abhorring in a bishop , and euseb. nicomed . representing the matter as worse than it was , the emperour ( having granted the meletians liberty for their meetings , which athanasius violently denyed them ) in great anger commanded a synod to be held at tyre to examine the matter , and eusebius caesariens . with some others to preside or order it : where potamo bishop of heraclea seeing fus●bius caes. sit as judge and athanasius stand , with passion and tears inveyed against eusebius , saying , who can endure to see thee , eusebius , sit and judge innocent athanasius ? were not thou and i in prison together in time of persecution , and when i lost an eye for the truth , thou camest out unmaimed ? and how came that to pass , if thou didst not promise some wicked deed or other to the persecutors , or do some ? eusebius hearing this , suddenly rose and dismissed the council , saying , if you dare carry it thus here , your adversaries accusations are to be believed : for if you play the tyrants here , you do it much more in your own country . hereupon two arian bishops vrsalius and valens are sent into egypt to enquire after the truth of the matter , who coming back with calumnies against athanasius , he fled from the council by night to the court to the emperour to give him information ; who taking athanasius for false and tyrannical would not believe him , but upon letters from the council , and upon the provocation of athanasius , who told him god would judge him for believing his accusers , banished him , where he remained ( in italy ) twelve or thirteen years , even till after constantins death . and when constans had compelled his brother constantius to restore him , he was again banished ; for george that had been made bishop by the arians ( and by constantius ) was killed by the heathen people in iulians time , and his corps burnt , and the ashes scattered into the wind , which increased the suspicion of tyranny against athanasius : but in iovians reign he was again restored ; and after his death , he conflicted with infamies again : and when athanasius was dead , the emperour valens set lucius over them , who afflicted the people that had followed athanasius , and peter whom they had chosen for their bishop , and by banishment , death and torments , made them know what church-tyranny was indeed . thus far epiphanius giveth us the history of the meletian schism , and the effects of good bishops impatience with dissenters . § . . but i must not conceal from the reader that baronius and dion . petavius say , that epiphanius is deceived in all this history , and maketh the case of the meletians better than it was ; and that some meletian knave beguiled him : but , . they give us no proof of any such knaves beguiling him at all : . and he that was so apt to over-do in suspecting and aggravating heresies , ( as in origen's and chrysostome's case , ) was not likely to make the case here so much better than it was : . and how much nearer was epiphanius in time and place , than baronius and petavius ? and how easie was it then for him to have true notice of such publick things ? . and if they make epiphanius so fallacious in such a story as this , so near him , what a shake doth it give to the credit of his copious history of the many other heresies , which he had less opportunity to know : and consequently to the credit of much of church-history ? yet i confess , that the man seemeth not to be very accurate in his disputes , nor all his narratives ; but rather by far to be suspected of making things worse than they were , than better . and i believe that some passages in this history are mistaken by him ( as that the meletians joyned with the arians before the death of alexander : ) but that maketh their case the better . petavius saith also , p. . animad . in epiph. multum in historiâ meletii lapsum esse suprà vidimus ; largiùs in arianae haeresis descriptione peccavit vir alioqui diligentissimus . and in his instance of the time of arius death it 's undeniable . but if in such famous histories , we must read him with such suspicion and allowance , how much more in the many little ones that were more obscure ? § . . as to the arians heresie , the two epistles of arius recorded by epiphanius tell us much of the truth of his mistake : and the arians arguments by him are at large recorded and answered . he that denyeth the deity of christ , denyeth his essence : and he that denyeth his essence , denyeth christ , and is no christian. but the samosatenians , the photinians , and our late socinians , are far more perniciously heretical than the arians . for the arians maintained , that tres sunt hypostases , pater , filius & spiritus sanctus ; and that god did ante sempiterna tempora unigenitum filium gignere , per quem & saecula & reliqua procreavit omnia ; viz , subsistentem illum suapte voluntate condidisse , ejusmodi ut neque converti neque mutari possit , perfectam dei creaturam , sed non tanquam rerum creatarum aliquam ; foetum itidem , sed non tanquam unum è caeteris . they thought that before god made the rest of the creatures , he made one super-angelical perfect spirit , by which he made all the rest , and that this is christ ; and that he received no other soul but a body only at his incarnation , and this super-angelical spirit was his soul. this was the dangerous heresie of arius . § . . dion . petavius truly telleth us , that his great advantage was , that many of the fathers of that church had spoken in such kind of words before him , the controversie being not then well considered : p. . ad haeres . . having spoken of lucian , the martyr's giving advantage to a●ius , he addeth , quod idem plerisque veterum patrum cùm in hoc negatio , tùm in aliis fidei christianae capitibus usu venit , ut ante errorum atque haereseon , quibus ea singillatim oppugnabantur , originem , nondum satis illustratà ac patefactâ rei veritate , quaedam suis scriptis asperserint , quae cum orthodoxae sidei regulâ minimè consentiant . ( and yet the papists swear , not to expound scripture , but according to the unanimous consent of the fathers . ) nè ab hoc trinitatis mysterio ac quaestione discedam , observavimus jamdudum justinum mart. dialogo cum tryph. de filio dei idem propemodum cum arians sentire . and in his books , de trinit . he at large citeth the very words of him and many other fathers . but he here giveth them this gentle excuse , sed ab omni culpâ tam hic quam lucianus aliique liberandi sunt , qui nondum agitatâ controversiâ , panem de eâ commodè pronunciâsse videntur . simile quiddam de dionys. alex. tradit . basilius , ep. , &c. but it is enough to think charitably , that they were saved , without going so far as to say , they were without all fault . for christianity is the same thing before such controversies and after : and it 's hard to think how he can be a christian , that denyeth christs essence : but god is merciful , and requireth not knowledge alike in all , that have not equal means of knowledge . which charity must be extended to others as well as to these fathers . yet the same petavius cannot endure camerarius , for saying , that athanasius , though a valiant champion of the truth , did sometime indulge his own desires , and mix some ill with sacred things : but if he were not at all to be blamed , constantine was much the more to be blamed for banishing him ; and why should not his honour be of some regard ? the truth is , the alexandrian bishops and people were long more violent and troublesome than others , as not only socrates , but many other historians note : and as it was noted with dishonour in theophilus and cyril , and dioscorus , &c. so it can hardly be believed by them that read the history throughout , that alexander and athanasius wanted not something of the humble patience , meekness , and healing tenderness and skill that their case required : for who is perfect ? and how apt are great bishops to be too violent against dissenters , instead of healing them with love and clear convincing evidence ? § . . happy had it been if prudence had silenced this heresie betimes , for never any one did so great mischief to the church . the badness of it , was the honour of the niccne council that suppressed it , as far as in them lay . but alas , the remedy seemed quickly conquered by the disease : as constantine had work enough to keep peace among the bishops in the council , by his presence and reproofs ; so when the arians profess'd repentance , his peaceableness caused him too far to indulge them ; by which some of them got such interest in his court , as proved the following calamity of the church . and it is the sadder to think on , that the two great emperours , constantius and valens , that were deceived by them , and drawn into violent persecution , are noted to be otherwise none of the worst men . epiphanius saith , p. . accessit & imp●ratorum favor cujus initium à constantio imperatore profectum est : qui cùm caeteris in rebus perhumanus ac bonus esset , — & alioquinpius ●c multis probitatis ornamentis praeditus , hâc unâre a●e●ravit , quod non impressa à parente fidei vestigia seq●utus est : quod ipsum tamen non illius culpâ factum , sed nonnullorum fraude , qui in die iudicii rationem reddituri sunt ; qui specie & nomine tenùs episcopi , sinceram dei fidem labefactarunt . — et beati constantii in errorem ab illis inducti , qui rectae fidei regulam ignoravit , eâdemque ignorantiâ ad illorum se utpote sacerdotum authoritatem accommodavit , quod ipsum error illorum , ac caecitas , dep 〈◊〉 ataque fides & ex diaboli profect a consilio , lateret . accessit & alia causa quae huic serpentum officinae plurimum adjecit virium , eusebius scilicet , qui callidè se insinuans , valentis aures pii ac religiosi imperatoris , ac divini numinis amantissimi , corrupit . qui quòd ab illo baptismo sit initiatus , ea causa fuit cur haec factio stabilis ac firma consisteret . if epiphanius say true , we see what men these persecuting emperours were . § . . as to the other part of the councils work , the fixing of easter-day , had not the bishops been sinfully fierce about it , against each other , it had never been taken for a heresie to mistake the time , nor had it been a work so necessary and great to determine it : seeing as socrates , sozomen , &c. tell us , many churches differed in this , and matters as great as this , without condemning or separating from each other : and the asians erred by the motive of tradition , and irenaeus had long before censured the roman bishop for his violence in condemning them . and many good christians even after the councils determination , durst not forsake their old tradition , nor obey them : among whom , how long our britains and the scots stood out , beda telleth us . and though the audians , that also disobeyed , were called hereticks , i would all adversaries to hereticks were no worse men . § . . and because these audians rose about that time , i think it worth the labour to add the sum of their history out of epiphanius , that the world may better perceive what spirit the hereticating prelates were then of , and how some called hereticks were made such , or defamed as such , and who they were that did divide the churches and break their peace . epiph. l. . tom. . p. . of the schism of the audians , which is the th or th heresie : the audians live in monasteries , in solitudes , &c. audius their founder arose in mesopotamia , famous for his integrity of life , and ardent zeal of divine faith. who oft seeing things ill carried in the churches , feared not to their faces to reprove and admonish the bishops and priests , and say , these things should not be so done : you should not thus administer : as a lover of truth , he used to do such things as these , which are familiar with men of exquisite honesty , who through their excellent study of godliness , use this great liberty of speech : therefore when he saw things ill carried in the churches , he sometimes spake his thoughts , and could not forbear blaming them . as if he saw any of the clergy over covetous of money , be it bishop or priest , he would reprehend them : or if any abounded in luxury and pleasures ; or if they corrupted any part of the doctrine or discipline of the church , he would not bear with them , but blame them . which was troublesome to men of a dissolute life : and therefore he underwent the greatest contumelies , being exagitated by the hatred and malicious words of them all . but he being thus tossed about , and beaten and reproached , did bear it all with an equal mind ; and thus long continued in the communion of the church ; till some that were more vehemently offended with him for these causes , cast him out : but yet he patiently bore all this , but being more earnestly intent for the promoting of the truth , he still studied not to be drawn away from the conjunction and society of the catholick church . but when he and his friends were still beaten , and suffered unworthy usage , groaning under these evils , he took counsel of the violence of these calamities and contumelies : and so he separated himself from the church , and many falling away with him , a new divorce was hereby made . for he did not in any thing depart from the right faith , but he with his partakers held in all things sincere religion . though in one small matter they are too stiff . about the father , son , and holy ghost they judg excellently , and as the catholick church , and swerve not a jot : and the rest of the order of their lives is truly most excellent and admirable ; so that not only he himself , but even the bishops , priests , and all the rest of them , live by the labour of their hands . indeed they had a conceit that the body did partake of the image of god , and they thought that to please constantine , the nicene council had altered the custom and tradition of the church about easter : but these were not the causes of their departure from the church , but the violence of dissolut● bishops , that cast them out , as being impatient of their strictness and opposition to their sin . § . . about easter , saith epiphanius , p. . neque ●ruditis ignotum est , quàm saepe diversis temporibus de illius festi celebritate varii ecclesiasticae disciplinae tumultus ac contentiones obortae sint : praesertim polycarpi ac victoris aetate , cùm orientales ab occidentalibus divulsi , ●acificas à se invicem literas nullas acciperent . quod idem & aliis temporibus accidit : velut alexandri episcopi alexandrini & crescentii ; quemadmodum contra se mutuò scripserint & acerrimè pugnaverint . quae animorum opinionumque distractio , ex quo semel post episcopos illos qui ex circumcisione ac iudaeorum sectâ ad christum se converterant , agitari coepit , ad nostra usque tempora eodem est tenore perducta . by which we see , . with what caution tradition must be trusted : . how early bishops began to divide the church about things indifferent . § . . that men that all , in the main , fear god , should thus contend , abuse , and persecute one another , is sad , and hath even been a hardening of infidels : but , alas , the remnant of corruption in the best will somewhat corrupt their conversations . it is a sad note of epiphanius , ib. p. . [ i have known some of the confessours , who delivered up body and soul for their lord , and persevering in confession and chastity , obtained greatest sincerity of faith , and excelled in piety , humanity , and religion , and were continual in fastings , and in a word , did flourish in all honesty and virtue : yet the same men were blemished with some vice ; as either they were prone to reproach men , or would swear by the name of god , or were over talkative , or prone to anger , or got gold and silver , or were defiled with some such filth , which yet detract nothing from the just measure of virtue . ] § . . but as god made a good use of the falling out of paul and barnabas , so he did of audius his unhappy case . being cast out of the church , he took it to be his d●ty to communicate with his own party , and a bishop that suffered for the like made him a bishop , and the bishops accused him to the emperour , that he drew many people from the obedience of the church , and hereupon the emperour banished him into scythia . dwelling there , he went into the inner parts of gothia , and there instructed many of the barbarous in the principles of christianity , and gathered many monasteries of them , w●o lived in great religious strictness , p. . but it is hard to stop short of extreams , when men are alienated by scandal and violence : they ca●●e to so great a dislike of the bishops of the common churches , that they would not pray with any man , how blameless soever , that did but hold communion with the church . vranius a bishop and some others joyning with them , made bishops of the goths . ( note out of epiphanius , p. , . what country was called gothia in those times . ) § . . it is not to be past over that at the nicene council , the first speaker , and one of the chief against the arians , was eustathius bishop of antioch ; and when eusebius nicomed . was made bishop of consta●tinople , he pretended a desire to see ierusalem , and passing through antioch secretly hired a whore to swear , that eustathius was the father of her child : and getting some bishops of his faction together , they judged eustathius to be deposed , as an adulterer ; and got the emperour to consent and banish him : and after , the woman in misery , confessed all , and said , that it was one eustathius a smith , that was the father of her child . § . . in pisanus's con●il . nic. bin. p. . this eustathius is made the first disputer against a philosopher : and whereas the great cause of the arians errour was , that they could not conceive how the son could be of one substance with the father , without a partition of that substance , eustathius tells the philosopher that took their part and urged , faciamus hominem ad imaginem , &c. that the image of god is simple , and without all composition , being of the nature of fire : but he meaneth sure but analogically : § . . in the same pisanus , lib. . p. . bin. the description of the church is , there is one church in heaven and earth ; in this the holy ghost resteth ; but heresies that are without it — are of satan . — therefore the pope was not then taken for the head of the catholick church ; for he pretendeth not to be the head of them that are in heaven . see what the catholick church then was ! § . . note that , . the council of nice nameth none patriarchs . . they nullifie the ordination of scandalous and uncapable men . can. . and . which will justifie pope nicholas forbidding any to take the mass of a fornicating priest. . that rural bishops were then in use , and allowed by the council , can. . . that no bishop was to remove from one church to another , can. . ( which euseb. nicom . soon broke . ) . even in the arabick canons the th . si populo placebit , is a condition of every bishops election . . the th arab. canon , in case of discord among the people , who shall be their bishop or priest , it is referred to the people to consider which is most blameless : and no bishop or priest must be taken into anothers place , if the former was blameless . ( so that if pastors be wrongfully cast out , the people must not forsake them , nor receive the obtruded . ) . those ordained by meletius were to be received into the ministry where others dyed , if by the suffrage of the people they were judged fit , and the bishop of alex. designed them . sozom. l. . c. . § . . xxxi . the next council in binnius ( and in crabs order ) is said to be at rome under sylvester , with . bishops : but this is confessed to be partly false , if not all : and is the same that is before mentioned ; which ordered that no bishop should ordain any clerk nisi cum omni adunatâ ecclesiâ , but with all the church united , or gathered into one : ( which canon seemeth made when a church was no more than could meet together , and when the people had a negative voice . ) but the concil . gangrense is binnius's next ( though crab put afterward some of the forementioned also ) said to be in sylvesters days ; ( and yet sozomen and some others , say that the council of nice was in iulius days , though most say otherwise . ) here were sixteen bishops , who condemned some errours of eustathius of armenia , or rather one eutactus , as bin. thinks , who was too severe against marriage , as if it were sinful , and against eating flesh , and against receiving the sacrament at the hands of a married priest ; he made servants equal with their masters , he set light by church-assemblies , he drew wives to leave their husbands for continency , and on pretence of virginity despised married persons ; these superstitions they here condemned . § . . xxxii . an. . the council at tyre was held for the tryal of athanasius , where he was unjustly condemned , and thereupon by constantine banished , though his innocency was after cleared : had not his severity against the meletians driven them to joyn with the arians against him , epiphanius saith , they had not been able to make head thus against him . constantines epistle to the alexandrians , lamenting and chiding them for their discords , is well worth the translating , but that i must not be so tedious : see it bin. p. . § . . xxxiii . the next is a council at ierusalem , an. . where arius faith was tryed , approved , and he restored to alexandria and the favour of constantine : the creed which he gave in , was this . we believe in one god the father almighty , and in the lord iesus christ his son , begotten of him before all ages , god , the word , by whom all things were made which are in heaven and in earth : who came down , and was incarnat● ; and suffered , and rose again , and ascended to the heavens , and shall come again to iudge the living and the dead : and in the holy ghost : the resurrection of the flesh : the life of the world to come , and the kingdom of heaven : in one catholick church of god , extending it self from one end of the earth unto the other . arius with this , protesting against vain subtilties and controversies , desireth the emperour to accept of this as the evangelical faith ; and the council and the emperour receive him , as for the joyful restoration of unity and peace , and so would undo what was done at nice . the emperour was so greatly troubled at the continued divisions of the bishops , that he was glad of any hope of unity and peace : but this proved not the way . § . . xxxiv . an. . a council was called at constantinople ; in which they accused , condemned , and banished marcellus ancyranus , an adversary to the arians , as if he had denyed the godhead of christ , ( upon some wrested word ) though it was their denying it that offended him : here also arius was justified and athanasius condemned : but arius dyed shortly after . § . . xxxv . the next is a council of bishops at rome , in or about an. . under iulius ; in which the nicene creed was owned , and the arians condemned , and nothing else down that is recorded . § . . xxxvi . the next was a council at alexandria which vindicated athanasius from his accusations , when constantinus junior sent him home from his banishment . § . . xxxvii . the next was a council at antioch of near bishops ( of which were arians ) the most orthodox ( and the holy iames of nisibis one : ) yet they deposed athanasius , and the arians ( it 's like by the emperours favour ) carryed it ; in his place they put george a cappadocian suspected to be an arian , whom , ( as i said before ) the people murdered , burnt , and scattered his ashes in the wind , and he was one of the arians martyrs . ( unless england had ever been arian , i cannot believe them that say that this is the st. george , that the english have so much honoured . ) § . . this arian council finding that the emperours favour gave them the power , made many canons against non-conformists . the first can. is against them that keep not easter at the due time . the second against them that come to the hearing of the word , but communicate not publickly in the lords supper and prayers , and against them that keep private meetings , and that communicate with them . can. . was to make their case hopeless that exercise the ministry after they are silenced , or deposed , be they bishops , priests , or deacons . can. . was that if any priest or deacon gathered churches or assemblies against the bishops will , and took not warning , he was to be deposed : and if he go on , to be oppressed by the exteriour power as seditious . ( there is their strength . ) can. , and . none suspended by his own bishop was to be received by another , nor any stranger without certificates . can. . country-priests may not write canonical epistles , but rural bishops may . can. . no bishop must do any thing without the metropolitane , save what belongeth ( by ordination and guidance ) to his own church . can. . though the rural bishops are consecrated as true bishops , yet they shall only govern their own churches , and ordain such lower orders as they need , but not ordain presbyters or deacons without the city-bishops , to whom they are subject . can. . casteth out all bishops or other clergy-men , that go to the prince without the metropolitane's counsel or letters . can. . deposed or silenced ministers must not go to princes for relief , but appeal to a synod . can. . bishops must not go or ordain in other diocess , unless sent for by the metropolitane ; else their ordinations there to be null . can. . a bishop condemned of all may not appeal . can. . a vacant bishop leaping into a vacant bishoprick without a council ( the metropolitane present ) is to be ejected , though all the people chuse him . can. . if any bishop be ordained to a church , and refuse or neglect the office , let him be excommunicate till he receive it . can. . if any bishop ordained to a parish neglect it , because the people will not receive him , let him enjoy the honour , and be heard in a full synod . can. . the ordination of a bishop is null , which is done without a synod , and the metropolitane . &c. § . . xxxviii . another council at rome under iulius undid what this former did , and acquitted athanasius , marcellus , and other injured bishops : ( perhaps eustathius , saith bin. ) § . . xxxix . athanasius being sent back when gregory was put in his place , the city being ready to be in an uproar , athanasius retired to rome ( or hid himself ) foreseeing it ; till fire and blood had proclaimed the calamity of this episcopal strife . and pope iulius called another council at rome , to answer the letters of the oriental synod , which charged him with usurpation and despised him . § . . xl. anno . another council was held at antioch , by those called arians by some , reconcilers by others , and orthodox and catholicks by themselves ; in which they renounce arius and his sayings , but yet leave out the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ of one substance . ] this they did in a new-made creed ; fitted purposely , as they said , to reconcile ; as others , to deceive : to which end four had been made before , and not availed . § . . xli . a council at milan examined this creed , and rejected it , for leaving out [ of the same substance ] and because the nicene creed was sufficient . § . . xlii . the next is called an universal council , of bishops at sardica , which cleared athanasius , marcellus , and others . and yet augustine , and many others , reject this council . it hath divers good canons , but one among them for appeals to rome ; which three popes urged to aurelius , augustine and the other africans , as a canon of the council of nice : and whenas neither any of these popes , nor the african bishops once took notice that those words were in the council of sardica ; the papists answer , . that the africans knew not of this councils canons , but had lost them , ( though gratus bishop of carthage was one . ) . and that the popes took the canons of sardica to be but explications of the nicene , and fo● they were but as one . ( but why did they give no such answer ? ) bishops are here condemned that remove to any other church ; and they that are above three days non-resident ; and especially they that go ad comitatum , to the palaces of princes or great prelates ; but if they have just business they are ordered to send it by a deacon . § . . xliii . the oriental bishops departing from sardica came to philippopolis , and gathered a council by themselves , and condemned those whom the other had absolved , and others for communicating with them . yet they renounced arius , but also cast out the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the same substance ] as not scriptural ; and are called semi-arians . the persons excommunicated by them were athanasius , osius , marcellus , protogenes , asclepas , gaudentius , maximinus , paulus const. and pope iulius . they write a circular epistle , specially sent to donatus carthag . in which they so vehemently speak for peace and piety , and lay such crimes to the charge of athanasius , paulus , and marcellus , as would astonish the reader , and confound his judgment , whom to believe . cruel persecution , bloudy murders , profaneness , burning a church , and such like they charge on athanasius ; and say that they offered the western bishops of sardica to send five of their bishops with six of theirs to the place where these things were done , and if they prove not true they yield to be condemned . on marcellus they charge written heresie ( which basil , chrysostom , and others believed . ) on paulus const. they charge that he was guilty of flames and wars , and that he caused priests to be drag'd naked into the market-place , with the body of christ tyed about their necks ; and that before a concourse of people he caused the consecrated virgins to be stript naked in the open streets , unto horrid shame . and for such reasons they require all good christians to abhor their communion . thus the reader is called to grief and shame to hear bishops thus odiously reviling each other , and tempting infidels to take them all for wicked and utterly unpeaceable men . § . . xliv . an. or . was a council at carthage ( called the first : ) it was gathered against the donatists , whose bishops pretended to be the only catholicks ; and their circumcellions being violent reformers , taking from the rich that they thought had wronged any , and righting the injured , and unjustly doing justice ; and resisting the emperour constans his officers , so that they were fain by souldiers to suppress them , and cast out donatus carth. and by gifts reconciled the people that followed them . many good canons for church order were made by this and most of the african councils , no bishops being faithfuller than they . several passages in their canons shew that their numerous bishops had churches of no more people than our larger parishes . and can. . of this council ordereth that where the bishops by contract divide their several people , one take not from the other . § . . xlv . anno . a council at milan received the repentance of vrsatius and valens that had accused athanasius , and gave them letters of reconciliation . § . . xlvi . constans constrained constantius to recall athanasius , but was himself murdered by magnentius before he came thither : but at ierusalem a council was held in the way , which judged his reception , and wrote to alexandria to that end . § . . xlvii . among the friends of athanasius , euphratas bishop of collen was one , that was sent on a message into the east ; where stephen an arian bishop of ant. got a whore to go in to him : when she saw an old man , instead of a young one , which she expected , she immediately confessed all , and bishop stephen was cast out for it . but euphrata●t after all , turned photinian and denyed christ to be god , and a council at colen deposed him . § . . xlviii . they talk of concilia vasensia , or vasatensia , and that they ordered [ as it was in the beginning ] to be added to the doxologie : but there is nothing of moment certain of them . § . . xlix . anno . liberius had a council at rome about athanasius , and sending a message to constantius . § . . l. anno . at a council at arles , athanasius is condemned , and the popes legate forced to subscribe it , with other bishops , and some banished that refused it . § . . li. pope liberius desired a general council , which the emperour granteth , and it 's held at milan . above western bishops were there , most of the east ( where the arians reigned ) could not come ( an . . ) athanasius his condemnation ( vrsatius and valens revolting , and again accusing him ) and communion with the arians , were the things there urged by the emperour : lucifer calaritanus ( after called a heretick ) and e●sebi●s vercellensis , and a few more , refused to subscribe , and were banished ; as liberius after was ; and foelix made pope : but most of the bishops for fear , and desire of peace , subscribed . the emperour himself wrote to euseb. v●rcel . to be there ( who had refused ) with great profession of zealous piety , and desire of the churches peace . but this scandal and miscarriage of the bishops , and success of the arians , was the effect of this general council . § . . lii . the semi-arians pretending to universal concord , thus prevailing by the emperour and a general council , hilary pictav . ( a marryed citizen made bishop ) drew some orthodox bishops of france to separate from the arian bishops , and renounce their communion ; the arians ( or semi-arians ) taking these for separatists , and injurious to them , ( especially saturninus ) procured a council 〈◊〉 byterris , to condemn them as schismaticks ; where hilary was condemned and banished , an . . § . . liii . the general council at sirmium i out of order began with . anno . constantius resolving by all means to bring all the bishops to one communion , was present himself ; there were above bishops out of the west , besides all the eastern bishops : the confusion was so great , that men knew not who were or were not hereticks . photinus denying the godhead of christ , the bishops called arian , desired this council to accuse and condemn him , as they did : they drew up two or three confessions themselves : the first was not heretical directly , save by the omission of the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ] which some perswaded the emperour , being new and no ancient scriptural or symbolical word , was the cause of all the divisions of the bishops , and were that left out , all would be healed . this council called arian , passed anathema's against the arians and photinians : pope liberius subscribed to it and approved it , as the forcited words of his epistle in hilary shew . ( and yet many papists call it a reprobate council : ) old osius , that presided at nice , was forced by stripes , to subscribe to it , and to the condemnation of athanasius . [ that the son was in all things like the father , ] was the substitute form here used . in their second form they say , that [ quia multos commovet vox , substantia , vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hoc est , ut diligentius cognoscatur illud quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur , aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nullam earum vocum mentionem debere fieri neque de iis sermocinandum in ecclesiâ censemus , quod de iis nihil scriptum sit in sacris literis , & quod illa hominum intellectum & mentem transcendant , & quod nemo posset generationem filii enarrare , ut scriptum , generationem ejus quis enarrabit ? solum enim patrem scire quomodo filium suum genuerit , certum est — & nemo ignorat duas esse personas patris & filii , ac proinde patrem majorem , filium ex patre genitum , deum ex deo , lumen de lumine — ] many thought this a necessary reconciling way : the words [ person ] and [ substance ] stumbled the arians : for they knew not how to conceive of three persons that were not three substances ; nor how the son could be of the same substance with the father , unless that substance were divided : and at last wearied with contending , they thought thus to end all , by leaving out the name [ substance , ] and professing the generation of the son unsearchable . the third sirmian creed had , [ in unigenitum filium dei , ante omnia secula & initia & ante omne tempus quod in intellectum cadere potest existentem ; & ante omnem comprehensibilem substantiam , natum i●passibiliter ex deo , solum ex solo patre , deum de deo , similem patri suo qui ipsum genuit , cujus generationem nemo novit nisi solus qui eum genuit , pater . vocabulum verò substantiae quia simplicius à patribus positum est , & à populis ignor atur , & scandalum affert , eò quod in scripturis non contineatur , placuit ut de medio tolleretur , & nullam posthàc de dei substantia mentionem esse faciendam . § . . liii . the oriental bishops offended at the second confession at sirmium , for leaving out the word substance , gathered in council at ancyra , an . . and rejecting the arians , were called semi-arians , because yet they were not for [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] but the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ] not [ the same substance , ] but [ like substance . ] these after turning macedonians ( for macedonius was one of them ) deny the holy ghost to be god. § . . liv. constantius finding that all his endeavours missed their end , and that instead of bringing all the bishops to concord and one communion , the very arians , and the semi-arians , divided and subdivided among themselves , did summon another general council at nicomedia : but the city suddenly perishing , he called the western part to ariminum , and the eastern to scleucia , taking them yet but as one council . above bishops met at ariminum , who were to determine first doctrinal and then personal controversies , and then send ten legates of each part to the emperor , with the results : the most were orthodox , but the arian legates were better speakers , and prevailed ; so that the emperour delayed them because of an expedition that he had in hand against the barbarians ; in the mean time some assembled at nice , and drew up another confession : and when the legates returned to ariminum , the arian party of bishops , by the emperours countenance , so far prevailed , as that almost all the orthodox subscribed to them . ( gaudentius bishop of ariminum was murdered by the souldiers . ) binnius and some others , would have this council at ariminum to be two ; the first orthodox , the second arian : bellarmine and others called it but one : which was orthodox in the beginning , but for fear and complyance fell off at the last . § . . lv. whether the council at seleucia shall be taken for one of it self , or but for part of that at ariminum , though far distant , i leave to the reader . but here the heterodox bishops carried all , but so as to divide among themselves ; one party called acacians were for forbearing the word [ substance . ] the semiarians condemned both them and the arians , and were for [ like substances . ] they excommunicated and deposed many arians , who appealed to the emperour , and craved yet another synod . so that the further he went for concord , the further he was from it , the bishops dividing and subdividing more and more ; and the emperours and bishops , by diversity of judgment , and by heresie , became now to the church what heathen persecutors had been heretofore . sulpitius severus tells us , that one thing that drew many to subscribe to the arian and semiarian creeds , was a certain liberty of their own additions or interpretations , which was granted the orthodox to draw them in . [ subscribe in your own sence . q. d. ] and so conditional subscriptions quieted their consciences , and when the arians thought they had the victory , and had made the rest conformists , it proved otherwise , for they did not in sence and with approbation subscribe . but though the filth of the arian heresie justifie all just care and endeavours to keep it out , the multitudes of new creeds , then made by one and the other party became such a snare and shame to the church , that hilary , among others , greatly lamented it , even in these sad expressions . post nicenam synodum nihil aliud quàm fidem scribimus ; dum in verbis pugna est ; dum de novitatibus quaestio est ; dum de ambiguis , dum de authoribus querela est ; dum de studiis certamen est ; dum in consensu difficultas est ; dumque alter alteri anathema esse coepit , propè jam nemo est christi . proximi anni fides quid immutationis habet ? primum decretum homousion decernit taceri : sequens rursùs homousion decernit & praedicit : tertium usiam simplicitèr à patribus praesumptam per indulgentiam excusat ; postremum quartumque non excusat sed condemnat : tandem eò processum est ut neque penes nos , neque penes quenquam ante nos sanctum exinde aliquid atque inviolabile perseveret . annuas atque menstruas de deo fides decernimus : decretis poenitemus ; poenitentes defendimus : defensos anathematizamus ; aut in nostris aliena , aut in alienis nostra damnamus , & mordentes invicem jam absumpti sumus ab invicem . is not this a doleful description of the bishops so soon after their wonderful deliverance and exaltation ? the cause of all he tells us was partly forsaking the simple form of baptismal faith as not sufficient , and partly following votes and worldly powers . dum à quibus ea requiritur sua scribunt & non quae dei sunt praedicant , orbem aeternum erroris & redeuntis in se semper certaminis circumtulerunt . oportuerat humanae infirmitatis modestia omne cogitationis divinae sacramentum illis tantùm conscientiae suae finibus contineri quibus credidit : neque post confessam & juratam in baptismo fidem in nomine patris , filii & sp. sancti , quicquam aliud vel ambigere vel innovare . and speaking of mens perverting the sence , he addeth . scribendae & innovandae fidei exinde usus inolevit : qui postquam nova potius coepit condere , quam accepta retinere , nec vetera defendit , nec innovata firmavit , & facta est fides temporum potiùs qùam evangeliorum : dum & secundùm annos scribitur , & secundùm confessionem baptismi non tenetur . periculosum admodùm nobis & miserabile est tot nunc fides existere , quot voluntates : & tot nobis doctrinas esse quot mores , & tot causas blasphemiarum pullulare , quot vitia sunt ; dum aut ita fides scribuntur , ut volumus , aut ita ut volumus intelliguntur . et cum secundùm unum deum , & unum dominum & unum baptisma fides una sit , excidimus ab eâ fide quae sola est ; & dum plures siunt , ad id coeperunt esse nè ulla sit : ( referring to nice . ) fides enim quaeritur quasi fides nulla sit : fides scribenda est quasi in corde non sit : regenerati per fidem nunc ad fidem docemur ; quasi regeneratio illa sine fide sit : christum post baptisma discimus , quasi baptisma aliquid esse possit sine christi fide : emendamus ; quasi in spiritum sanctum peccâsse sit venia . sed impietatis ipisus hinc vel praecipue causa perpetua est , quod fidem apostolicam septuplo proferentes , ipsitamen fidem evangelicam volumus confiteri ; dum impietates nostras nobis in populis multiloquis defendimus magniloquentiae vanitate aures simplicium verbis fallentibus illudimus , dum evitamus de domino christo ea credere , quae de se docuit credenda ; & per speciosum pacis nomen in unitatem perfidiae subrepimus , & sub rejiciendis novitatibus rursum ipsi novis ad deum vocibus rebellamus & sub scripturarum vocabulo non scripta mentimur . tutissimum nobis est primam & solam evangelicam fidem confessam in baptismate , intellectamque , retinere ☜ nec demutare quod solum acceptum atque auditum habeo bene credere : non ut ea qua synodo patrum nostrorum ( the nicene ) continentur , tanquam irreligiosè & impiè scripta damnanda sint ; sed quia per temeritatem humanam usurpantur ad contradictionem ; quod ob hoc sub nomine novitatis , evangelium negaretur impericulose , tanquam sub emendatione innovetur . quod emendatum est , semper proficit ; & dum omnis emendatio displicet , emendationem omnem emendatio consequuta condemnet , ac si jam , quicquid illud est , non emendatio aliqua sit emendationis , sed coeperit esse condemnatio . and as to the second cause , he saith , ac primum misereri licet nostrae ●tatis laborem & praesentium temporum stultas opiniones congemiscere ; quibus patrocinari deo humana creduntur , & ad tuendam christi ecclesiam ambitione saculari laboratur . oro vos , episcopi , qui hoc vos esse creditis : quibusnam suffragiis ad praedicandum evangelium apostoli usi sunt ? quibus adjuti potestatibus christum praedicaverunt , gentesque ferè omnes ex idolis ad deum transtulerunt ? anne aliquam sibi assumebant è palatio dignitatem , hymnum deo in carcere inter catenas & post flagella cantantes ? — at nunc proh dolor ! divinam fidem suffragia terrena commendant ; inopsque virtutis sua christus , dum ambitio nomini suo conciliatur , arguitur . add what he saith of the causes of errour , lib. . de trin. initio . non est amiguum omnem humani eloquii sermonem contradictioni obnoxium semper fuisse , quia dissentientibus voluntatum motibus , dissentiens quoque fit sensus animorum : cum adversantium judiciorum affectione compugnans , assertionibus his quibus offenditur , contradicit . quamvis enim omne dictum veri ratione perfectum sit , tamen dum aliud aliis aut videtur aut complacet , patet veritatis sermo adversantium responsioni : quia contra veritatem aut non intellectam aut offendentem vel stultae vel vitiosae volun●●tis error obnitetur . immoderata enim est omnis susceptarum voluntatum pertinacia , & indeflexo 〈◊〉 adversandi studium persistit , ubi non rationi voluntas subjicitur , nee studium doctrinae impenditur , sed his quae volumus rationem conquirimus , & his quae studemus doctrinam coaptamus . iam● ; nominis potius quam naturae erit doctrina quae fingitur , & jam non veri manebit ratio , sed placiti . caetera ibi videat lector . but having been long in this citation of hilary , i return to the history , of what followed these councils and creeds aforesaid . § . . lvi . in the mean time constantius calleth a council of bishops to constantinople , where aetius was condemned , and a ninth creed since the nicene formed , which excluded both the word substance and hypostasis or subsistence . the semi-arians detesting this , condemned and banished the authors . but another form sent from ariminum was preferred , and imposed to be subscribed on all the bishops of east and west . § . . lvii . an. . meletius bishop of antioch being put in by the acacians proved orthodox contrary to their expectation : and being preaching for the trinity his archdeacon stopt his mouth , and he preached by his fingers , holding forth one and three : and for this was ejected , contrary to some former covenants . wherefore they were fain to call a council at antioch to justifie his ejection . here they made yet another creed●● the worst of all before it . § . . lviii . constantius being dead , iulian the apostate is made emperour ( would not this end the quarrel of christian bishops ? ) athanastus returneth to alexandria after the third 〈…〉 years hiding , an . . gregory the bishop being 〈…〉 by the heathen , and burnt to ashes . he calls 〈…〉 here besides the receiving of those that unwillingly 〈◊〉 to the arians , divers new controversies are judged . . eunemius , macedonius , and the semiarians denyed the godhead of the holy ghost , which was here asserted . . apollinaris thought that christ took but a body at his incarnation , his divine nature being instead of a soul , which was here condemned . . the orthodox greek : and latines could not agree by what name to distinguish the trinity : the greeks said there were three hypostases , which the latines rejected , as signifying three substances : hierome himself could not away with the word hypostasis . the latines used the word [ person . ] the greeks rejected that as signifying no real distinction , ( and are the schoolmen for a real distinction yet ? ) for they thought persona signified but the relation of one in authority or office. and thus while as ierome said , tota gr●corum prophanorum schola discrimen inter hypostasin & usiam ignorabat ( ep. . ) and the sense of the word [ person ] was not well determined , the danger was so great of further dissention among the orthodox bishops themselves , that as greg. naz. saith ( de laud. athanas. ) the matter came to that pass , that there was present danger , that together with these syllables the ends of the world ( east and west ) should have been torn from each other , and broken into parts . but the synod agreed that the greek hypostasis and the latine persona should henceforth be taken as of the same signification . ( but what that signification is , it was not so easie to tell . ) yet ( saith binnius ) augustine de trinit . l. . c. , . and the latines afterwards , were displeased with this reconciliation , and hierome himself , who yet obtain'd of damasus , ep. . that the conciliation being but of a controversie de nomine , might be admitted . § . . lix . an. . iulian reigning ( several french councils besides ) one then at paris , were employed in receiving the repentance of the bishops that under constantius had subscribed to the arians . § . . lx. at iulians death athanasius calleth some bishops to alexandria , betimes to send to the emperour iovianus their confession , to prevent the arians , and other hereticks . § . lxi . a council also was called at antioch on this occasion . the semiarians petitioned iovianus that the acacians , as hereticks , might be put out , and they put in their places : the emperour gave them no other answer , but that he hated contention , but would love and honour those that were for concord : they feeling his pulse , got meletius to call a council at antioch , where they seemed very sound , and twenty seven arian bishops without any stop subscribed the nicene creed : so basely did these bishops follow the stronger side ; and , saith binnius , of so great consequence with bishops is the emperours mind . § . . lxii . an. . valentinian being emperour left the bishops to meet when and where they would themselves ▪ and a council was held at lampsacus , where the semiarians condemned the arians ▪ and though some call it orthodox ( busil , and some good men being there ) binnius saith , that the macedonians here vented their denyal of the godhead of the holy ghost , and that the hereticks pretending to own the nicene faith were recieved by liberius . § . . lxiii . a council in sicily owned the nicene creed . § . . lxiv . some bishops at illyricum restored the nicene creed , the emperour being now for it . and valentinian and valens wrote to the asian bishops to charge them to cease persecuting any of christs labourers . § . . lxv . an. . at a synod in tyana cappadoc . eustathius sebast . by pope liberius letters was restored to his bishoprick ; and after cursed the homousion , ( the nicene creed and denyed the godhead of the holy ghost : by their means basil returned from his wilderness to caesarea , whence he fled to avoid the enmity of eusebius the bishop ; who received him upon his professed resolution for peace , which he would buy at any rates . § . . lxvi . the emperour valens ( unhappily taken in to valentinian ) after the conquest of procopius , desired baptisme , and having an arian wife , was baptized by eudoxius constant. an arian bishop ; who engaged him to promote the arian cause ; which he did with a blind religious zeal , persecuting not only the orthodox and novatians , but also the semiarians and macedonians . and a council of bishops in caria , rejected [ consubstantial , ] and restored the antiochian and seleucian creed as the best . § . . lxvii . an. . some arian bishops at singedim in mysia , restored the ariminum creed [ of like substance ] and solicited geminius the semiarian bishop to consent , but prevailed not . § . . lxviii . two councils were held at rome by damasus ; one to condemn valens and vrsatius , old arian bishops : another to condemn auxentius bishop of milan , and sisinius as a schismatical competitor with himself : for when damasus was chosen , the people were divided , and damasus his party being the more valiant warriors , they fought it out in the church , and left one day an hundred thirty seven dead bodies behind them , to shew that they had no communion with them . and because sisinius and his party still kept conventicles , he was banished , and many with him , and now again condemned . § . . lxix . another council at rome he had to condemn vitalis and the apollinarians ( that took christs godhead to be instead of a soul to his body ) and the millenaries . § . . lxx . a council was called at antioch to end a schism , there being three bishops , two orthodox , meletius and paulinus ; and one arian , euzoius : they ended the schism , by agreeing that meletius and paulinus should both continue , till one dyed , and then the other alone should succeed him ; the presbyters being sworn not to accept it while one of them lived . but meletius dying first , flavianus a presbyter was said to break his oath , and was chosen in his stead , while paulinus ( an excellent person ) lived : and so the schism was continued . chap. iv. the first general council at constantinople , and some following . § . . the reason why the west with rome was freer from the arian heresie than the east , was not , as the papists say , because christ prayed for peter that his faith might not fail , but because the emperours of the west were orthodox , while those in the east were arians : and the bishops much followed the emperours will. that this last was the cause , is notorious in the history : that christs foresaid promise was not the cause , is certain . because whatever promise christ maketh , he fulfilleth : but he hath not kept all the bishops of rome from failing in their faith : therefore he never promised so to do . the minor is certain by history : to pass by marcellinus and liberius and honorius falls , ( which were but like peters ) all those wicked men whom councils deposed as infidels , or hereticks , simoniacks , murderers , adulterers , one as a devil incarnate , and all those that baronius and genebrard stigmatize as apostatical , and not apostolical , ( together ) had not this promise fulfilled : nor sixtus quintus , if bellarmine judged truly , that he was damned : for it was not a dead faith , but a saving faith , which christ promised peter should not fail ; such a saith as had the promise of life ; he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved : whoever believeth in him shall not perish , but have everlasting life : a faith that worketh by love : else peter might have been a wicked man , and damned , notwithstanding this prayer of christ , and promise . if the faith of constantine senior & junior , constans , valentinian , theodosius , honorius , gratian , &c. had failed , the general councils at milan , and ariminum , tell us , how failing the bishops faith was like to be ; when ierome said , that the whole world groaned to find it self turned arian . § . . the blind zeal of valens made him restless in persecuting the orthodox in the east : at antioch he vexed those that would not communicate with euzoius the allowed arian bishop : at cyzicum eunomius was put in eleusius place ; but his followers built them a separate church without the walls . ( socrat. lib. . c. , . ) he persecuted the novatians , and exiled agelius their bishop at const. he banished eustathius antioch . and evagrius , chosen by the orthodox bishop of const. against demophilus the arian . fourscore bishops ●ent to crave justice of him , were put to sea in a ship there set on fire , and were both burnt and drowned together . ( socr. l. . c. . ) in all the east he deposed , abused , murdered many that would not for sake the nicene creed . he set his officers to suppress their conventicles . at alexandria he imprisoned peter that succeeded athanasius , and banished his presbyters , and set up lucius an arian bishop . he persecuted the monks of the wilderness of egypt ( nitria and scitis ) and destroyed their houses : banished macarius of egypt , and macarius of alexandria , their leaders . he persecuted basil at caesarea : he went in person at antioch , to disturb and scatter the conventicles of the orthodox ; and when he had banished one of their bishops ( meletius , enduring paulinus ) the presbyters kept the meeting : when he drove them away , a deacon kept it up : at last themistius , a philosopher , made an oration before him , bidding him not marvel that the christians had such differences , for they were nothing to those of the philosophers , who were of three hundred different opinions ; and that god would be honoured even under diversity of opinions : this somewhat asswaged him ; and shortly after in the th year of his age , he was slain . § . . gratian ( and valentinian junior ) coming to the empire , liberty of conscience and restoration was given to all sects , except the eunomians , photinians , and manichees ( socrat. l. . c. . ) he took theodosius into the empire with him : and so the orthodox party got up again : and the arians after this went every where down , save among the goths . § . . lxxi . theodosius called a general council at constantinople , where the chief things done , were , . the setting up of gregory nazianzene as bishop , . the condemning of the macedonians , . the giving of the second patriarchate to constantinople , because it was the imperial seat ; putting under him the diocesses of pontu● , heraclea and asia : . the putting down of nazianzene again , and putting nectarius in his stead . . the setling flavianus at antioch . § . . some would perswade us that it was two councils and not one that did these things : but the question is but de nomine . in the beginning they dispatch'd part of their work ; and before they departed meletius the bishop of antioch dying , the bishops returned to council , and more egyptian bishops came and did the rest . § . . the case of gregory naz. was thus : a council at antioch in the reign of arianisme , sent him , with three more able speakers to go visit the churches , and draw them from arianisme . he came to constantinople , and an arian being in possession , he got into a little empty church , and there so long preached , till he had recovered much of the city from arianisme . hereupon peter , bishop of alexandria , signified by letters , that he would have him be bishop of constantinople ( against the arian bishop : ) the orthodox party chose him : one maximus , that of a philosopher turned christian , and insinuated into gregories familiarity ; by money first , and threats after , gets peter of alexander , and the egyptian bishops , to make him bishop of constant ▪ supposing gregory not yet lawfully settled : meletius antioch : being at const. ordaineth gregory bishop . the council , when convened , confirm him , and cast out maximus ( that never had possession : ) theodosius owneth gregory , and putteth out the arian bishop , and possesseth him of the great church . the antiochian controversie falling in at the death of meletius , gregory was against flavian ; the egyptian bishops being for him , set against gregory , and resolved to cast him out and choose another : he seeing their resolution , and offended at their furious carriage in the council , resigneth to the emperour , and departeth : some make it , as if his resignation was unconstrained ; but his own words shew , that he did it but to prevent the deposition which they resolved on : else he durst not have deserted his flock that lamented his departure . in his place they chose nectarius a pretor , that was no christian , in foro ecclesiae , as being not yet baptized ; and so was indeed uncapable , and the choice null : but the man was honest ; and nicephorus saith , that they put down his name in a paper with others , leaving it to the emperour to chuse one of them , and that he chose nectarius . § . . the description of this council , and the good bishops of his time , by gregory naz. in his poems and his orations , is very doleful ; how implacably factious and contentious they were , how fierce and violent , leaping and carrying themselves in the council like mad-men . he describeth the people as contentious , but yet endued with the love of god , though their zeal wanted knowledg : page . orat. . the courtiers , he saith , whether true to the emperour he knew not , but for the most part perfidious to god : and the bishops as sitting on adverse thrones and feeding adverse opposite flocks , drawn by them into factions , like the clefts that earth-quakes make , and the pestilent diseases that infect all about , and distracting and dividing all the world , separating the east from the west , by the noise of meus & tuus , antiquus & nov●s , nobilior & ignobilior , multitudine opulentior aut tenuior ; raging like furious horses in battle , and like mad-men casting dust into the air , and under their several heads ( or leaders ) fulfilling their own contentions , and becoming the determiners of wicked ambition and magnificence , and unrighteous and absurd judges of matters : the same men ( saith he ) are to day of the same throne and judgment as we are , if so our leaders and chief men carry them ; tomorrow , if the wind do but turn , they are for the contrary seat and judgment : names ( or votes ) follow hatred or friendship : and which is most grievous , we blush not to say contrary things to the very same hearers ; nor are we constant to our selves , being changed up and down by contention : you would say we are tossed like the waving euripus . therefore he professeth , that it is unseemly for him to joyn with them , in their councils ; as it were to leave his studies and quietness , to go play with the lads in the streets , page . the like he hath in his poem , de vitâ suâ , page . , , , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. etenim magistri plebis atque antistites sancti datores spiritus , & qui thronis fundunt ab altis verba queis patitur salus , cunctisque pacem jugiter qui praedicant , in aede mediâ vocibus clarissimis tanto furore se petunt sibi invicem , tumultuando , contrahendo copias , carpendo sese mutuò linguâ efferâ , saliendo , mentis ut solent sanae impotes , praedando quos quis ante praedari queat rabida imperandi dum tenet mente sitis ( quinam ista verbis , & quibus dignè eloquar ? ) orbem universum prorsus ut divulserint ; ortumque jam & hesperum scindit magis ardens simultas , quam loci vel climata : namque illa si non finis , at media uniunt ; at hos ligare vinculum nullum potest ? non causa pietas ( bilis hoc excogitat , ad mentiendum prona , ) sed lis ob thronos : quidnam hoc vocârim ? praesules ? non praesules : &c : are not these lamentable descriptions of the bishops of those happy times , and excellent councils : even in the days of good theodosius ; when the church recovered from under arianisme , and came newly out of the fire of persecution ? the truth is , all times have had some few such excellent persons as nazianzene , basil , chrysostome , &c. but they have ordinarily been born down by the violent stream of a more ignorant , selfish , worldly sort of men . all this here cited out of gregory , is much less than he saith in his last oration , de episcopis , vol. . too large and sharp to be now recited : therefore i leave it to the perusal of the learned reader . one papist saith to me , that it was the arian or macedonian bishops that gregory meant : but the whole tenor of his writing speaketh the contrary ; and that he spake of this first council at constantinople , one of the four which is equalled to the four evangelists : and in his th epist. to sophronius , page . he saith , si eos inveneritis non ob fidei doctrinam , sed ob privatas simultates inter se distractos & divulsos , quod quidem ipse observavi , &c. but some may say that passion moved him to the satyrical exaggeration of his own received injuries : but , . he speaketh not of this council only , but of others also : . he acknowledged , that till the egyptian bishops came , he had the council vote for his place . . his spirit and all his endeavours were for peace , and not to make things worse than they were ; and for peace he quit his seat. . and in his epistles to the civil magistrates ●e afterwards wrote earnestly to them to keep the bishops at the next council in peace , lest they should make religion a contempt and scandal . so that few men could worse be charged with abusive invectives than this pious , learned , peaceable bishop . § . . in his th epist. to procopius , page . refusing to come to their council , he saith , if i must write the very truth , i am of the mind to fly from ( or avoid ) every meeting of bishops : for i never saw a joyful and happy end of any council ; nor any that gave not more addition and increase to evils , than depulsion ( or reformation : ) for pertinacious contentions and the lusts of domination ( or lording , ) ( think me not ( saith he ) grievous and troublesome for writing this , ) are such , as no words can express : and a man that will ( there ) be a judg of others , shall sooner contract dishonesty himself , than repress the dishonesty of others . they that say he speaketh only of heretical councils defie the light , and will be believed by none that know the history . § . . the case of antioch , briefly , was this : meletius was a good man , but of a healing disposition , made bishop by the arians mistaking him , and put out by them when they knew him , yet he held communion with repenting arians . euzoius an arian was put into his place , and he kept conventicles . the grand controversie of all the foregoing ages , was about communion with the lapsed , that yielded to idolatry , or heresie : some over zealous were too proud of their own sufferings , and were very rigid against receiving such penitents , saying they were time servers , and receiving them would encourage others to save themselves in suffering , and then repent . others were too wide in receiving them upon unsatisfactory professions of repentance : the wisest went a middle way . many antiochians separated from meletius , because the arians chose him , and he received penitent arians : and lucifer calaritanus , and eusebius vercellensis of france going to settle the peace at antioch , eusebius disliked their opposition to meletius , and left them . lucifer a good man , but rigid and hot against the arians , said that meletius could be no bishop , and ordained them paulinus ( and so there were three as is aforementioned . ) the bishop of rome who would have a singer in all , encouraged lucifer ; paulinus was a man of extraordinary goodness : but yet the canon nullified the ordination of a bishop into a fore possessed seat ; and when half cleaved to meletius , and half to paulinus ( both very good men , ) a synod ( as is aforesaid ) ended the difference , by tolerating both till the death of one , and then making him sole bishop : the presbyters ( it 's said ) were sworn to this . meletius dyeth first ; yet flavianus a presbyter that had stuck to them in valens persecution , is chosen bishop by the meletians , who will not joyn with paulinus as a schismatick . the pope owneth paulinus : the council at constantinople own meletius first , and flavianus after : gregory nazianzene and others were against flavianus , because they said he came in by perjury , having sworn not to accept it : some say he did not swear . lucifer calaritanus that ordained paulinus , forsook the party called the catholick church , and gathered separated churches , and became the head of a schism , called since luciferian hereticks , meerly because the churches received the confessing returning arians to communion , and he owned elavianus . and thus even good bishops could not agree , nor scape the imputation of heresie . § . . baronius and binnius after him , say , nazianzenus hunc discordiam suâ abdicatione compositum iri arbitratus , sedi constantinopolitanae cum consensu imperatoris , non sine magno bonorum ac populi fletu renun●iat , atque statim post habitas in synodo aliquot actiones , comitantibus optimis quibuscunque orientalibus , in cappadociam discedit . tum qui supererant ibi episcopi ac sacerdotes nundinarii , in locum christiani perfectissimi , theologi absolutissimi , monachi castissimi , nectarium hominem nondum christianum sed adhuc catechumenum , rerum ecclesiasticarum penitùs imperitum , in voluptatibus saeculi & carnis hactenùs versatum , suffecerunt . § . . this council added to the nicene creed some words about the holy ghost . the advancement of the constantinopolitane bishop by this synod with the reasons of it , bred such a jealousie in the bishops of rome , as hath broken the churches of the east and west , which are unhealed to this day . § . . lxxii . two bishops , palladius and secundianus , complained to gratian , that they were unjustly judged arians , and desired a council to try them . ambrose perswaded him not to trouble all the world for two men. a council of bishops is called for them at aquileia . they refuse to be accountable to so few , and are condemned . § . . lxxiii . an. . twelve bishops met at caesaraugusta against the priscillianists : these men had divers other councils in those times . ithacius and idacius were the leaders . the whole story you may find in sulpitius severus in the life of martin , &c. the sum is this : priscillianus , a rich man , of much wit and learning , was infected with the heresie of the gnosticks and manichees . many followed him ; his party was much in fasting and reading : the bishops in council excommunicated them . yet they kept up . the bishops in council sought to the emperour gratian to suppress them by the sword : a while they prevailed : but the priscillianists quickly learned that way , and got a great courtier to be their friend , and gratian restored them . gratian being killed , when maximus was chosen emperour by his army , the bishops go to maximus for help : the arians having got head against ambrose at milan , and these sectaries troubling the churches in france , spain , and italy , maximus ( a man highly commended for piety by most writers , saw that being forced by his army to accept the empire , he was a usurper ) being once engaged , thought the defence of the orthodox would strengthen him : so he forced valentinian by threats to forbear wronging ambrose ; and to please the bishops he put priscillian to death , and banished some of his followers . martin bishop of tome ( being a man of small learning , but of great holiness , and austerity of life , living like a hermite in the poorest garb and cabbin , lying on the ground , faring hard , praying much , and working more miracles , if sulpitius , his schollar and acquaintance may be believed , than we read of any since the apostles , even than gregory thaumaturgus ) did abhor drawing the sword against hereticks , and disswaded the bishops and emperour but in vain : the prosecution was so managed by the bishops , that in the countreys , those that did but fast and read much were brought under the suspicion of priscillianism , and reproached : this common injury to piety from the bishops grieved martin yet more , so that he renounced the communion of the bishops and their synods : whereupon they defamed him to the emperour and people , as an unlearned man , a schismatick , suspected of favouring priscillianism ! but martins holiness and miracles magnified him with the religious sort . at last a great priscillianist being sentenced to death , martin travelled to the emperour maximus to beg his life . maximus told him , he would grant his desire if he would but once communicate with the bishops : martin preferring mercy before sacrifice , yielded , and did once communicate with them . but professed that in his way home , an angel corrected him and threatned him if he did so any more : and that from that time his gift of miracles was diminished : and so he never communicated with them more to the death : sulpitius his narrative puts the reader to a great difficulty , either to believe so many and great miracles as he reports , or not to believe so learned , pious , and credible an historian , who professeth to say nothing but what he either saw himself or had from the mouth of martin , or those that saw them , and who speaketh his own knowledg of his eximious piety . he speaketh hardly of the bishops , not only as complying with an usurper , but that ithacius in particular of his knowledge , was one that much cared not what he said or did the bishops would have denied that the death of priscillian was by their means ▪ is it not strange that the church of rome should canonize martin for a saint , believing his great miracles , and yet themselves go an hundred times further against the blood of dissenters , than the bishops did whom saint martin therefore opposed and separated from to the death ? the churches in spain , and elsewhere , were disturbed and scattered or endangered by souldiers to please these bishops , not ( as some forge ) that maximus did persecute the christians for the prey : for most writers magnifie his piety and defence of ambrose , and the orthodox that condemn his usurpation , though he said , the souldiers in britain forced him to it . § . . lxxiv . a general council was called to rome by the emperour and damasus ; but the oriental bishops would not come so far , but met at constantinople : here damasus owned paulinus at antioch , as the council of const. had owned meletius : and so neither would be obedient to the other ; the general council , nor the pope . but damasus durst not excommunicate flavianus , but permitted two bishops to continue at antioch ; accounted a schism , which continued long . § . . lxxv . the oriental bishops that would not come to rome , meeting at constantinople , wrote to rome to tell them their case and faith , & minded them that it was according to the canons that neighbour bishops ( and not strangers ) should ordain bishops to vacant seats ( to justifie their setting up flavianus when rome set up paulinus : ) and they give account of the advancement of const. and ierusalem and call ierusalem [ the mother of all other churches . ] § . . a synod held at syda against the massalians , little is known of . § . . lxxvi . a council at bourdeaux condemned instantius priscillian . who thereupon was slain at trevers . § . . lxxvii . an. . a council at rome under syricius , repeated some of the old canons . § . . lxxviii . theognostus having excommunicated ithacius , and reprehended the bishops , as irregular and bloody for procuring the death of priscillian , a council called at trevers did justifie and acquit him : unjustly , say , even binnius and baronius : who here repeat out of sulpitius martins once communicating with the bishops there , to save two mens lives , and the words of the angel to him [ meritò , martine , compungeris : sed aliter exire nequîsti : repara virtutem ; resume constantiam , ne jam non periculum gloriae , sed salutis incurras : itaque ab illo tempore satis cavit cum illâ ithacianae partis communione misceri : caeterùm cum tardius quosdam ex ergumenis , quam solebat , & gratiâ minore curaret ; subinde nobis cum lachrymis fatebatur , se propter communionis illius malum , cui se vel puncto temporis necessitate , non spiritu , miscuisset , detrimentum virtutis sentire : sexdecim pòst vixit annos , nullam synodum adiit , &c. is it not strange that papists blush not to recite such a history with approbation , which expresseth a testimony from heaven against far less than their inquisition , flames , murders , canons de heraeticis comburendis & exterminandis , and deposing princes that will not execute them . and which sheweth such a divine justification for separation from the bishops and synods of such a way , yea , though of the same religion with us , and not so corrupt as the reformation found the roman papacy and clergy ? § . . lxxix . the two bishops continuing at antioch , evagrius succeeding paulinus , and rome owning him , and the east flavianus , a council is called at capua : flavian refuseth to come : the council had more wit than many others , and ordered that both congregations ( flavian's and evagrius's ) being all good christians , should live in loving communion . ( o that others had been as wise , in not believing those prelates that perswaded the world that it is so pernicious a thing for two churches and bishops to be in one city , as peter and paul are said to be at rome ! ) and they referred the case to theophilus alex. § . . but this council condemned a new heresie ( hereticating was in fashion ; ) viz. of one bishop bonosus , denying mary to have continued a virgin to the death . and they condemned re-baptizing and re-ordaining , and the translation of bishops . § . . lxxx . next comes a provincial council ( or two ) at arles , which doth but repeat some former canons . § . . lxxxi . next we have a strange thing , a heresie raised by one that was no bishop : but the best is , it was but a very little heresie : hierome is the describer of it , who writing against the author , iovinian a milan monk , no doubt according to his sharpness , makes the worst of it : at the worst it containeth all these : . that virgins , widows and marryed women , being all baptized ( or washed ) in christ , and not differing in any other works , are of equal merits . . that those that plenâ ●●de with a full faith are born again in baptisme , cannot be subverted by the devil . . there is no difference of merit between abstaining from meat , and receiving it with thanksgiving . . that there 's one reward in heaven for all that keep their baptismal vow . siricius catching iovinian hid at rome , sends him to milan , where a council hereticateth him . § . . lxxxii . it 's strange that binnius vouchsafeth next to add out of socrates , l. . c. . ( when he hereticateth him also ) a council of the novatians ; socrates and sozomen are called novatians , by the papists , because they rail not at them so valiantly as the hereticators do ; and it may be they will call me one , if i say that i better like this councils canon , than burning men for such a heresie . they decree that as from the apostles the different time of keeping easter was not taken for sufficient cause for christians to renounce communion with each other , so it should be esteemed still , and it should be so far left indifferent , that they live in love and communion that are herein of different minds . and i would say , as lowd as i can speak , if all the proud , contentious , ambitious , hereticating part of the bishops had been of this christian mind , o what sin , what scandal and shame , what cruelties , confusions and miseries had the christian world escaped ! but yet men will scorn to be so far novatians , in despight of scripture , reason , humanity and experience , whatever sin or misery follow : ( as i said before ) in england the convocation and parliaments oversight hath determined of a false rule to know easter-day , and silenceth ministers for not assenting , consenting to it , and approving the use of it , even the use which consisteth in keeping easter at a wrong time , which makes us hereticks . § . . lxxxiii . an. . a great council was called at hippo , where austin , yet a presbyter was there . good men will do well : here was nothing but pious and honest , for reformation of discipline and manners ; and most of the african councils were the best in all the world . their bishopricks were but like our parishes , and they strove not who should be greatest , or domineer . § . . lxxxiv . next a council at constant. decideth a crontroversie between two men striving for a bishoprick , bin. p. . § . . lxxxv . concilium adrumetinum did we know not what . § . . lxxxvi . an. . a council of donatists was held at cavernae , about a schism between two men set up for bishops against each other . § . . lxxxvii . at bagai another council was called by the donatists , for the same cause , where primianus carthag . having . bishops , condemned maximianus his competitor , absent . note here , . how great a number the donatists were , and on what pretence ( as over-voting them ) they called others hereticks and schismaticks . . how small bishopricks then were , the number tells us . § . . lxxxviii . a synod was held at taurinum in savoy , where a difference was decided between the bishops of arles and vienne , striving which should be greatest : and he was judged to be the greatest , whose seat was proved to be the metropolitan : and a case of communicating with one foelix a partner of ithacius and the bloody bishops was debated . § . . lxxxix . another carthage council called the second , which binnius saith , was the last , is placed next ; which decreed several church orders , some of which shew , that a bishops diocess had then but unum altare ; as when reconciliation of penitents , ( as well as chrisme , and consecrating virgins ) was to be done by the bishop only , except in great necessity . and when christians were multiplyed , they that desired a bishop in a place , that had none before , might have one . and the prohibition erigendi aliud altare , &c. was repeated . § . . xc . another carthage council called the third , hath many good orders : one is can. . that the bishop of the first seat , shall not be called the chief priest ( or bishop ) or any such thing , but only the bishop of the first seat. to avoid all ambitious designs of superiority : whence binnius elsewhere noteth , that carthage had not an archbishop . no doubt they had a sense of the sin and misery , that came by the patriarchall and other ambitious strifes . § . . xci . another carthage council hath the like canons , adding to this aforesaid , as gratian citeth it , [ vniversalis autem nec etiam romanus pontifex appelletur . ] to which binnius hath no better an answer than , . that it is only swelling titles , and not the superiour power that is forbidden . . that the africans had no power to make laws for rome ; but , . sure the name is lawful , if the power be lawful . . they that could make no laws for rome , might declare their judgment of gods laws , and that rome might make no laws for them . this council also forbiddeth going beyond sea with appeals . § . xcii . the next carthage council hath canons for discipline : most very good . divers canons lay so much on the bishop , as plainly shew each bishop had but one altar . can. . that the bishops cottage be not far from the church : can. . that the bishop have but vile or cheap houshold stuff , and a poor table and diet ; and seek his authority or dignity by his faith and desert of life . . the bishop must not read the gentiles books ; . nor contend for transitory things , though provoked . . nor take on him the care of family ( or common ) business , but only be vacant to the word and prayer . . the bishop shall hear no cause but in the presence of his presbyters ; else it shall be void that is sentenced without them , unless confirmed by their presence . . the unjust condemnation of bishops is void . . and judgments against the absent . . the bishop to sit higher than the presbyters at church and their meetings , but at home know that they are his colleagues . . a clerk how learned soever in gods word , must get his living by a trade . . that is , by a trade or husbandry , without detriment to his office. . all clerks that are able to work , should learn both trades and letters . . the bishop must not admit an accuser of the brethren to communion ; nor to enter into the clergy , though he amend . many against clergy-men that are flatterers , betrayers , foul-tongued , quarrellers , at discord , scurrilous , of filthy jeasts , that swear by creatures , that sing at feasts , of former scandal , &c. . the poor and the aged of the church to be honoured before the rest . . he that goeth to any shows or s●ghts , on publick days , instead of going to the church-assembly , let him be excommunicate . . a lay-man must not teach when the clergy are present , unless they bid him . . a woman must not baptize . § . . xciii . an. . another council was at carthage of . bishops for discipline . § . . xciv . an. . theophilus held a synod at alexandria , against a dead man , origen . the occasion baronius and binnius thus deliver : melania , a woman of greatest nobility in rome in valens the arians pesecution , hid five thousand monks , and a while susteined them , and when they were banished , with great zeal , followed them to maintain them out of her substance ( or estate : ) when they were restored from banishment , she built for her self a monastery at ierusalem , in which , besides fifty virgins that dwelt with her , she entertained and maintained holy foreign bishops , monks , and virgins , twenty seven years : whereby it happened that both she and ruffinus , were by didymus alexandrinus , ( a man blind , but of great learning and fame , too great an admirer of origen's works ) entangled ( as their accusers said ) in origen's errours , and received and divulged his book , called periarchon : after years absence in egypt and palestine , returning to rome with great fame of holiness , and bringing with them a piece of the cross , they with fraud bring to origen's periarchon , ( that is , translated and corrected by ruffinus . ) another woman , marcella , accuseth them of origen's errours , which they deny , and geting communicatory letters from pope siricius , forsake rome , ( where such merits and holiness would not procure an aged lady a quiet habitation , without being hereticated , because she highly valued origen's works , which had divers errours ; and who hath not ? ) hereupon pamachius , and oceanus , write to hierome to publish origen's periarchon entire , and detect his errours ; which he did , shewing that ruffinus had mended some , and left others unmended : this occasioned stirs against hierome , and a council call'd at alexandria , an . . where origen is condemned . theophilus by his legates expells origen's followers out of egypt and palestine : being expelled they go to chrysostome to constantinople , and complain of theophilus as persecuting them that were innocent catholicks , and desired his help : he undertaketh to reconcile them to theophilus : epiphanius followeth them to constantinople , and requireth chrysostome to excommunicate them and expel them ; chrysostome durst not do it , against people professing truth and piety , without a synod : whereupon epiphanius irregularly accuseth chrysostome , and publickly inveyeth against him in his own church ; of the process of which , more anon . § . . for the better understanding of these matters , i will insert somewhat of theophilus and chrysostome , out of socrates , because he is a most credible historian , and saith , they were things done in his own days . theophilus was noted for a lordly prelate ; isidore pelusiota saith more : when chrysostome was to be ordained bishop of constantinople , theophilus refused to ordain him , because he would have preferred to it , one isidore , a presbyter of his own ; but eutropius , a courtier , having got articles against theophilus , shewed them to him , and bid him choose , whether he would ordain chrysostome bishop , or stand at the bar and answer those crimes : theophilus was so afraid at this , that he presently consecrated chrysostome : socr. l. . c. . but presently after began busily to devise how he might work him mischief , which he practised privately by word , and by his letters into foreign countries : but was vexed that his malicious practices had not better success , for he thought to bring in this isidore ( cap. . ) § . . one of the articles against theophilus was this : when theodosius was going to fight against maximus the tyrant , theophilus sent presents by this isidore to the emperour , with two letters , charging him to give the presents and one of the letters to him that should have the upper-hand . isidore got him to rome , to hearken after the victory : but his reader that kept him company , stole away his letters : whereupon isidore in a fright took his heels presently to alexandria . § . . another thing to be fore-known to this story is in socrat. l. . c. . the schisme of the anthropomorphites now rose from egypt : some of the more unlearned thought that god had a body and the shape of a man , but theophilus ( and the judicious ) condemned them , and inveighed against them , proving that god had not a body . the religious of egypt hearing this , flocking in blind zeal to alexandria , condemned theophil●●s for a wicked man , and sought to take away his life : theophilus very pensive , devised how to save his life : he came to them courteously , and said , when i fasten mine eyes on you , methinks i see the face of god. these words allayed the heat of the monks ; who said , if that be true that thou sayest , that the face of god is like ours , then curse the works of origen which deny it : if thou deny this , be sure thou shalt receive at our hands the punishment due to the impious and open enemies of god : o brave disputing ! were these mortified monks ? theophilus told them , he would do what they would , for he hated the books of origen . but that which ripened the mischief was , that the religious houses of egypt having four brothers , excellent men , for their overseers , theophilus was restless till he got them away to him ; one of them , dioscorus , he made a bishop ; others living with him perceived that he was set upon heaping and hoarding money , and that all his labour tended to gathering , [ dr. hanmer translating this , puts in the margin , this bishop hath more fellows in the world. and noting how theophilus to revenge himself persecuted his own opinions , saith , this is a sin against the holy ghost . ] would dwell with him no longer , but returned to their wilderness . theophilus prone to anger and revenge , endeavoured by all means to work them mischief ; and the way he took was to accuse them to the monks , for saying to him , that god had not a body , nor humane shape : and he himself was of the same opinion , yet to be revenged of his enemies , he stuck not to oppugn it ; and sent to the monks , not to obey dioscorus or his brethren , for they held that god had no body , whereas scripture saith , that he hath eyes , ears , hands and feet , as men have ; which with origen they deny : by this treachery he set them all together by the ears ; one side calling the other origenists , and the other them anthropomorphites ; so it turned to bickering among the monks , yea , to a deadly battel : and theophilus went with armed men and helped the anthropomorphites . so you see , if socrates say true , how wickedly this sainted patriarch lived , and how he came so much engaged against the origenists , whose errours doubtless were worthy blame : but many good persons who honoured origen for his great worth , and owned not his errours , were called origenists , because they honoured him : and that which was erroncous in him , was consistent with far greater learning , piety , and honesty , than socrates , isidore pelus . and others thought there was in theophilus : either credible socrates , and others were gross lyars , or this patriarch and saint was a downright knave , or acted like one . § . . now we are upon it , let us prosecute chrysostome's history ●urther . he was a studious holy monk of a house , near antioch : after nectarius death he was chosen bishop for his meer piety and worth : he was a man of great piety and honesty and an excellent tongue , and as good a life , but bred in a cell and not to courtship , knew not how to slatter courtiers and court-prelates : he was naturally sharp and cholerick , and his conscience told him , that a bishop must not be a dawber , nor flatter the greatest wicked men : ( for bishops in that age were the preachers , ) not having a thousand congregations to preach to . ) he saw even the clergy addicted to their appetites : and he kept a table for them , but eating with great temperance he always eat alone ; he rebuked the luxury of the court , and particularly of the empress , who conceived a deadly hatred against him : and the custome of the court was , for the women much to influence both emperour and courtiers , and then what bishop soever was too precise for them and bold with their sins , to get a pack of the worldly clergy presently to meet together and depose him : ( for synods of bishops ( not the pope ) had then the power . ) they would not be seen in it themselves , but a patriarch of alexandria should call a synod , and do it presently . chrysostome was a man of no courtship to take off their edges ; but the worse courtiers , bishops , and priests were , the worse he spake of them ; and all the honest plain people believed and loved him ; but the rich and great prelates abhorred him . his own clergy hated him , because he would reform them : those that would not amend , he excommunicated : which they could not bear : so that one of his deacons serapion , openly said to him , o bishop , thou shalt never be able to rule all these as thou wouldst , unless thou make them all tast of one whip . every one was his enemy who was his own , and was engaged by guilt against his discipline and doctrine . the guilty hated him : his hearers loved him : swift-writers took his sermons , which tell us what he was to this day : and it was honesty and policy in innocent bishop of rome to own him , who had worth to add to the reputation of his defendants . among other of his accusations , one was , that eutropius an eunuch , chamberlain to the emperour , procured a law against delinquents taking the church for a sanctuary . and shortly after being to be beheaded , for a crime against the emperour , he took the church for a sanctuary himself ; and chrysostome from the pulpit preached a sermon against him , while he lay prostrate at the altar . also he resisted gainas the arian , who turned traytor and was destroyed ▪ another cause of chrysostome's disturbance was , that one severianus bishop of gabale in syria , came into constantinople , and preached for money , and drew away the hearts of the people , while chrysostome was about choosing a bishop for ephesus : serapion a turbulent deacon quarrelled with the syrian bishop , and would not reverence him : the bishop said , if serapion die a christian , chirst was not incarnate . serapion tells chrysostome the last words without the first : chrysostome forbids severianus the city : the empress taketh his part , and importuneth chrysostome to be reconciled to severianus . but the core remained , socrat. l. . c. . § . . socrat. c. . shortly after epiphanius ( the collector of heresies ) came from cyprus to constantinople , and there irregularly in chrysostomes diocess played the bishop , ordained a deacon , and called together the bishops that were accidentally in the city , and required them to condemn the books of origen ; which some did , and some refused , saith socrates , cap. . obscure men , odd fellows , such as have no pith or substance in them , to the end they may become famous , go about most commonly to purchase to themselves glory and renown by dispraising such men as far excel them in rare and singular virtues . chrysostome bore patiently epiphanius's fault and invited him to take a lodging at his house . he answered him , i will neither lodg with thee , nor pray with thee , unless thou banish dioscorus and his brethren out of the city , and subscribe with thy own hand the condemnation of the works of origen : chrysostome answered , that such things are not to be done without deliberation and good advice . epiphanius in chrysostome's church at the sacrament , stands forth and condemns origen , and excommunicateth dioscorus a bishop , and reproveth chrysostome as taking their part . chrysostome sent word by serapion to epiphanius that he did violate the canons , . in making ministers in his diocess ; . in administring the communion without his licence , and yet refusing to do it when he desired it . wherefore he bid him take heed lest he set the people in an uproar , for if ought came amiss , he had his remedy in his hands . epiphanius hearing this , went away in fear , and took ship for cyprus : the report goeth ( saith socrates , cap. . ) that as he went he said of iohn , i hope thou shalt never dye a bishop : and that chrysostome answer'd him , i hope thou shalt never come alive into thy countrey . and it so fell out : for epiphanius dyed at sea by the way ; and chysostome dyed deposed and banished . § . . the empress eudoxia was said to set epiphanius on work . chrysostome being hot , made a sermon of the faults of women ; which was interpreted to be against the empress . she irritated the emperour against him ; and got theophilus to call a council against him , at quercus near chalcedon , and constant. thither came s●verianus , and many bishops that chrysostome had deposed , and many that were his enemies for his strictness ; but especially time-servers that knew the will of the empress , if not the emperours : when they summoned him to appear before them , he answered , that by the canon there must be more patriarchs , and he appealed to a general council , yet not denying to answer any where , if they would put out his enemies from being his judges , and that in his own patriarchate . but they sentenced him deposed , for not appearing : the people were presently in an uproar , and would not let him be taken out of the church : the emperour commanded his banishment : to avoid tumult , the third day he yielded himself to the souldiers to be transported : the people hereupon were all in an uproar , and it pleased god that there was an earthquake that night : whereupon the emperour sent after him to intreat him to return . when he came back he would not have officiated , till his cause was heard by equal judges , but the people constrained him to pray and preach ; which was after made the matter of his accusation . theophilus was hated as the cause of all , and severianus as the second . after this theophilus turned his accusation upon heraclides , bishop of ephesus , put in by chrysostome : they condemned him unheard , in his absence : chrysostome said that should not be : the alexandrians said , it was just ; they went hereupon together by the ears , and some were wounded and some were killed , and theophilus glad to fly home to alexandria ; but was hated by the people . § . . after this a silver image of the empress was set up in the street , and plays and shows about it , which chrysostome perhaps too sharply reproached : this provoked the empress to call another council ; which deposed chrysostome , for seizing upon his place before a council restored him : he ceased his office : the emperor banished him : his people in passion set the church on fire , which burnt down the senatours court ; for which grievous sufferings befell them . upon this they forsook the church and the new bishop ( arsacius , an old useless man ) and gathered conventicles by themselves , and were long called ioannites from his name , and taken for schismaticks : but they never returned till the name and bones of chrysostome were restored to honour . § . . the novatians quarrelled with chrysostome as too loose in his doctrine and too strict in his life , because he said in a sermon , if you sin an hundred times , the church doors shall be open to you , if you repent . and chrysostome angry with sisinnius the novatian bishop , told him , there should not be two bishops in one city , and threatned to silence him from preaching : he told him that he would be beholden to him then for saving him his labour . but chrysostome answered him , nay , if it be a labour , go on . § . . xcv . a council in africk to renew the priviledges of churches for sanctuary ; that none that fled to them for any crime , should be taken out by force : justice was taken for wickedness . § . . xcvi . two councils met , one at const. to judg antonius , bishop of ephesus , for simony , and many other crimes : another at ephesus to judg six bishops for simony . § . . xcvii . about an. . a council of bishops at toletum repress the priscillians ; and make divers canons for discipline ; as that a clergy-man shall have power over his offending wife by force , but not to put her to death ; that a man that hath no wife but one concubine shall not be kept from communion ( though some think that this concubine is truly a wife , but not according to law , but private contract , and more servile . ) many other better there be . there is adjoyned a regula fidei of many bishops approved by pope leo , in bin. p. . to which are adjoyned anathematisms against the priscillians : one of them is , if any one say or believe that other scriptures are to be had in authority and reverence , besides those which the catholick church receiveth , let him be anathema . ( yet the papists receive more . ) another is , if any one think that astrology or mathematicks is to be believed ( or trusted ) let him be anathema . there are in bin. divers fragments cited , as of the tolet. councils . one saith that arch-presbyters are under the arch-deacons , and yet have curam animarum over all the presbyters . another determineth that there shall be but one baptismal church , which is there called , the mother church , with its chapels , in the limits assigned : and another distinguisheth of offerings made at the parish church , and offerings at the altars ; which sheweth that then there were no altars but where the bishop was . § . . xcviii . two councils were held at carthage about . the later about the donatists . § . . xcix . an. . was the council melevitan ▪ about certain bishops quarrels , and who should be the highest bishop in numidia . § . . c. an. . was the synod ad quercum , which deposed chrysosto●● . § . . c● . an. , , &c. there were seven councils in africk , against the donatists , to procure honorius to suppress them by the sword , not as a heresie , but because they rose up by fire and sword against the catholicks , and abused and killed many . but when attalus invaded africk , the emperour proclaimed liberty for them , to quiet them ; which he after recalled . another synod was held against them at cyrta . one at toletum about ordinations ; and one at ptolemais to excommunicate andronicus , an oppressing governour . § . . cii . the donatist bishops held a council , decreeing , that when a sentence of banishment was passed on them , they would not forsake their church , but rather voluntarily die , as many did by their own hands : for they took themselves to be the true church and bishops , and the rest persecuting schismaticks . § . . ciii . the concilium diospolitanum of bishops in palestine acquitted pelagius upon his renouncing his errours . § . . an. . a council at carthage of bishops condemned pelagius and c●lestine ; whom the former had absolved . § . . cv . a council of bishops at milevis condemn pelagius . the . canon galleth the pontificians : if presbyters , deacons , or other inferiour clergy , shall in their causes complain of the bishops , the neighbour bishops shall hear them and end the business ; being used by the consent of their bishops : but if they see cause to appeal from them also , let them appeal to none but to africane councils , or to the primates of their provinces : but if any will appeal to any places beyond the seas , let none in africk receive them into communion . in this council was aurelius , alypi●s , augustinus , evodi●s , and possidonius , and these very great with pope innocent , one of the best and wisest popes ( who excommunicated theophilus , arcadius and the empress , &c. for chrysostomes cause . ) yet did this pass then without contradiction . can. . of this council liturgies were made necessary approved by councils lest any heresie should be vended . § . . c●lestine and pelagius being condemned by the africans , especially upon the accusations of lazarus and herotes bishops , said to be holy men ; innocent joyned with the africans , but after his death pope zosimus having a fair appeal of caelestine , &c. to him , absolveth them both and condemneth their accusers . he writeth an epistle , had the cause been good , very honest against rash condemning innocent men , telling them how greatly they were rejoyced at rome to find them orthodox ; and what false and bad men lazarus and herotes were : it was lazarus custome to accuse the innocent , as in many councils he had done saint britius a bishop of tours ; that he got by blood into the bishops seat , and was the shadow of a bishop , while a tyrant had the image of empire , and then his patron being slain , voluntarily deposed himself . the like he saith of herotes ; and that neither of them would come personally to rome , but lay in bed and s●nt false letters of accusation : therefore he admonisheth the africans ( among whom was augustine ) to believe such whisperers no more against the innocent : but binnius out of prosper maketh the accusers holy men , and the other wicked : bin. p. . § . . pelagius sent zosimus a confession of his faith , and therein condemning all the late heresies , professeth , that he so holdeth free will , as yet that we always need the help of god ; and that they erre who say with the manichees , that a man cannot avoid sin , and they that say with jovinian , that a man cannot sin ; for both deny the freedome of the will : but he holdeth , that always a man can sin and can forbear sin , so as be still holdeth the freedome of the will. but subtile augustine and the rest , sent back many harder questions to put to pelagius and caelestine for their tryal , upon which they after past for hereticks . § . . cvi. therefore bishops in a council at carthage having received zosimus letters , decreed to stand to their former judgment and innocents , against pelagius and caelestine , till they should confess certain points ( for grace ) drawn up by paulus diaconus . § . . cvii zosimus being dead , boniface and eulalius strove for the popedome : both were chosen : the emperour honorius was sent to for both : this case being too hard for him , he referreth it to a council at ravenna : it proved too hard for them . therefore the emperour commanded them both to remove from the city , and another bishop to officiate , till it was decided by another council . but eulalius disobeying the emperours command , and coming into rome at noon-day , occasioned a tumult , and the people were neer to fight it out . which the emperour hearing , expelled eulalius , and a council obeying him confirmed boniface . § . . among the decrees of boniface one is , that no bishop shall be brought or set before any iudge civil or military , either for any civil or criminal cause . so that a bishop had the priviledge of a bad physician ; he might murder and not be hanged ; for any crime , he was to answer but before bishops , who could but excommunicate and depose him . but another decree is better , against bishops that fall out and desire to hurt their brethren : but , alas , to how little effect ? § . . cviii . another council at carthage , ( called the sixth , and by some the fifth ) had the famous contention with three popes , zosimus , boniface , and caelestine , successively , against appeals to rome , and the popes sending legates into africa to judge . the popes alledged the council of nice for it . the african bishops knew no such canon : they take time for tryal , and send to constantinople and alexandria , to atticus and cyril , for their true copies of the councils : none of them have any such canon : the fathers write to the pope to take better heed what he affirmeth for the time to come , and to forbear such pride and usurpation : alledging that by the canons all strifes were to be ended by their neighbour bishops and councils . here the papists sweat about these answers and the event . some say ( as harding ) that the africans continued long , ( some say almost years ) in schism : and an epistle under the name of pope boniface the second to eulalius saith the same : others wiser ( as binnius ) see that to lose augustines authority and have him and all the african bishops ( the best of the world ) against the papal power , would be to heavy a burden for them : therefore they say , that the africans were no schismaticks , that the canon not found was in the council of sardica ; and that that went for the council of nice : that the africans did not deny the popes power of judging them , but only of sending souldiers and doing it violently by force , and such other shifts , which the express words of the african council and letters plainly confute : if any dispute it , i appeal to the very words . either another council or a second session of the same is called the seventh at carthage . § . . cix . all this while the schism continued at rome , and eulalius partly would not communicate with the rest , each side saying , that theirs was the true bishop , and the other an usurper and schismatick . but theodosius was for caelestine . in his time another carthage council made up their canons . among which are : . that no bishop be called the chief bishop . . to deal gentlier with the donatists . . to send to them for peace . . that bishops latelier ordained may not dare to prefer themselves before those that were ordained before them . . for pacifying the churches of rome and alexandria , &c. § . . it fell out well for austin against the pelagians , that by the means of prosper and hilary pope caelestine was wholly on austins side , and condemned the pelagians . and among his own decrees one was nullus invitis detur episcopus : cleri , plebis & ordinis comm. sensus ac desiderium requiratur . many canons of those times shew that the bishops churches were no bigger , than that all the laity could meet to choose or accept the bishop , and have personal communion . § . . cx . an eastern council against the massalians . § . . cxi . next cometh the nestorian war : pope caelestine provoked by cyril alex. called a council at rome , and condemned nestorius , unless he recanted in ten days . § . . cxii . cyril calleth his council at alexandria , and passeth the same sentence , having got caelestine to back him , and sends it with many anathematismes to nestorius , calling for his abjuration . the whole cause is opened at the next council at ephesus . chap. v. the first general council at ephesus , with the second , and some other following . § . . the church at constantinople growing to be the greatest , by the presence of the court ( which was the spring or poise of most of the bishops courses , and indeed did rule , ) it became the envy and jealousie , especially or the two great patriarchs , rome and alexandria . alexandria being under the same emperour had more to do with const. and made the greater stirs ; for when the empire was divided , rome being under an orthodox emperour , had little trouble at home , and little opportunity for domination in the east : yet keeping up the pretence of the prime patriarchate , and the caput mundi romani , the pope watch'd his opportunity to lay in his claim , aud to keep under the stronger side , and while they did the work in the east against one another , he sent now and then a letter or a legate , to tell them that he was somebody still : and indeed the hope of help from the western emperour by the countenance of the pope , made the eastern churches still vexed with heresie and persecutions and divisions , to seek oft to rome and be glad of their approbation , to strengthen them against their adversaries . § . . when arsacius was dead , atticus succeeded him at constantinople , a wise and pious healing man , who greatly thereby advanced that church and all the eastern churches : he dealt gently with the novatians and lived in peace with them . he encouraged hereticks by kindness to return to the communion of the church . at synada in phygia pac. was a church of macedonians : theodosius bishop of the orthodox persecuted them with great severity : and when he found that the magistrates of the place had not power to do as much as he expected , he got him to constantinople for greater power : while he was there agapetus the macedonian bishop turned orthodox , and all the church adhered to him , and set him in the bishops chair . when theodosius came home with power to persecute him , he found him in his place , and the people shut the doors against theodosius : whereupon he went back to const. and made his complaint to atticus how he was used . atticus knew that it fell out for the best , for the concord of the church , and he gave theodosius good words , and perswaded him only to be patient . § . . cyril at that time succeeded his unkle theophilus at alexandria , in place and in unquiet domination , taking more upon him than theophilus had done , even the government of temporal affairs : he presently shut up the novatian churches in alex. rifled them of all their treasure , and bereaved theopemptus their bishop of his substance ▪ the jews at that time falling out with the christians , murdered many of them . cyril executed some , and banished them all . orestes the governour took this ill : fifty monks of mount nitria come to take cyril's part , and assault the governour , and wound him in the head with a stone : the people rise and put the monks to flight , but take him that did the fact , and he is tormented and put to death : cyril pronounced the monk a martyr , but the people would not believe him one . at that time there was a woman , hypatia , so famous for learning , that she excelled in all philosophy , and taught in the schools ( which plotinus continued : ) so that she had scholars out of many countries , and was oft with princes , and rulers , and for her modesty and gravity was much esteemed . orestes the governour oft talking with her , the people said , it was long of her that he was not reconciled to cyril : they laid hold of her ; drew her into a church , stript her stark naked ; rase the skin , and tare the flesh off her body with sharp shells till she dyed : they quarter her body and burn them to ashes : which turned to the great dishonour of cyril . § . . all this while the followers of chrysostome remained nonconformists and separatists at constantinople , and were called ioannites , and kept in conventicles of their own . atticus knew that love was the way to win them , and he purposing to take that way , writeth to cyril alex. that the restoring of chrysostome's name in the church-office would tend to heal their sad division , and give the churches peace : he told cyril , that populus majori ex parte per factionem scissus extra muros conventus egerit , & plerique sacerdotes & colleg●● nostri episcopi & à mutuâ communione discedentes , bonam plantationem domini parùm abest quin avulserint , &c. most of the people were gone and had separate meetings without the walls ; priests and bishops separating from one another were like to destroy the church , and that if he consented not to restore the name of dead chrysostome , the people would do it without him , and he was loath that church administration should so fall into the hands of the multitude , and therefore he would take in chrysostom's name . alexander , a good bishop of antioch put him upon this way : but cyril did vehemently oppose it ( how did he obey rome then , when the pope had excommunicated chrysotom's persecutors ? ) and first he pleaded , that the schismaticks were but few ( as if their own bishop knew not better than he ; ) and that chrysostome being ejected dyed a lay-man , and was not to be numbered with the clergy , that atticus had the magistrates on his side , that would bring them in by force ( reader , there is nothing new under the sun : the things that have been are . ) and a little time would reduce most of them to the church ( though they increased ; ) that by favouring the schismaticks he would lose the obedient ( conformists , ) and would get nothing by pleasing such disobedient men , but strengthen them ; that the conformists ( or obedient ) were the far more considerable part , even the bishops and churches of egypt , libia , &c. and threatned that he would seek a remedy himself ; and reproaching chrysostome , he telleth a●ticus , that conformity to the canons was more to be observed than the pleasing of such schismaticks , and that violating the canons would do far more hurt than pleasing such men would do good ; and that such men will never be satisfied by reasons , nor judge truly of themselves : and he likened the restoring of chrysostome's name , to the putting in the name of the traytor iudas with matthias . he added , that if ignorant wilful fellows will forsake the church , what loss is it ? and therefore that a few mens talk must not draw atticas to pluck up the church sanctions . and as for alexander antioch . who perswaded him to it , he was a bold-faced man that had deceived many ; but this disease must not thus prevail , but be cured . thus cyril to atticus : how oft have i heard just such language ? reader , how hard is it to know what history to believe , when it comes to the characterizing of adversaries ? how little is a domineering prelates accusation of such men as chrysostome to be credited ? and how ordinary is it with such , to call their betters , not what they are , but what they would have them thought , if not what they are themselves ? but atticus was wiser than to take this counsel ; but obeyed the wisdom which is from above , which is first pure and then peaceable , gentle , &c. and god had so much mercy on constant. as to defeat the evil counsel of cyril , and turn it into foolishness : for atticus restored the name of chrysostome , and used the nonconformists kindly , and they came into the unity of the church : and when proclus , after him , fetch'd home his bones with honour , the breach was healed . § . . no credible history telleth us , that either theophilus or cyril did repent of this ; ( though the papists say , that the pope excommunicated theophilus for it ; yet they are now honoured , because the pope did own the cause against theodoret's epistle to ioh. antioch . upon the death of cyril , taking his death for the churches deliverance from a turbulent enemy of peace , intimates , that he repented not : but ( god only knoweth : ) nicephorus out of nicetas the philosopher , tells us a report , that after all this , before he dyed , a dream did cure him ; viz. that he saw chrysostome drive him out of his own house , having a divine company with him ; and that the virgin mary intreated for him , &c. and that upon this cyril changed his mind and admired chrysostome , and repented of his imprudence and wrath , and hereupon called another provincial synod to honour him , and restore his name . ( o ductile synods ! and o unhappy churches , whose pastors must grow wise , and cease destroying , after so long sinning , and by an experience which costeth the church so dear ! ) and nicephorus saith , that pelusiota's reproof conduced much hereto , niceph. lib. . cap. . § . . isidore pelus . words you may see at large in his epistles : nicephorus reciteth thus much of them , lib. . c. . cyrillum sanè ut hominem turbulentum refellens haec scribit : favoris affectio acutum non videt : hostilis verò animi odium nil prorsus cernit : quod si utroque hoc vitio te purgare ipsum & liberare vis , ne violentas sententias extorqueto , sed justo judicio causas committe : — multi qui ephesi tecum congregati fuerunt , publicè te tr●ducunt , quod inimicitias tuas persecutus sis , & non ritè & ordine juxta rectae fidei sententiam ea quae iesu christi sunt quaesiveris : theophili , inquiunt , cùm ex fratre nepos sit , mores quoque illius imitatur : sicut ille apertam insaniam in sanctum & deo dilectum joannem effudit , ita & iste gloriam eodem affectat modo . and after other sharper words , he addeth . ne ego ita condemner , & ne tu ipse etiam à deocondemneris , contentiones sopto : nec injuriae propria vindicta quae ab hominibus provenit , videntem ecclesiam per astu●as actiones , fallas . and of theophilus , he saith . eum quatuor administris seu potius desertoribus suis circumvallatum , qui deum amantem , deumque praedicantem virum ( chrysost. ) hostiliter opprimeret , quum occasionem & caus●m impictatis suae arripuisset . thus isidore speaketh of them . § . . atticus dying , the clergy were for philip or proclus , but the laity choosing sisinnius prevailed : he was a good and peaceable man , and sent proclus to be bishop of cyzicum ; but the people refused him and chose another . § . . after the death of sisinnius to avoid strife at home the emperour caused nestorius to be chosen , a monk from the house by antioch , whence chrysostome came . he was loud , eloquent , and temperate : but hot against the liberty of those called hereticks : he begun thus to the emperour , give me the earth weeded from hereticks , and i will give thee heaven : help me against the hereticks and i will help thee against the persians . thus turbulent hereticators must have the sword do the work that belongeth to the word : princes must do their work , and they will pretend that god shall for their sakes advance those princes : but he was rewarded as he deserved . he presently enraged the arians by going to pull down their church , and they set it on fire themselves to the hazard of the city . so that he was presently called a firebrand . he vexed the novatians , and raised stirs in many places , but the emperour curbed him . antony bishop of germa vexing the macedonians , they killed him : whereupon they were put out of their churches in many cities . § . . at last his own ruine came as followeth . nestorius defended his priest anastasius , for saying , that mary was not to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the mother of god ; this set all the city in a division , disputing of they well knew not what , and suspecting him of denying the godhead of christ : but he was of no such opinion , but being eloquent and self-conceited read little of the ancients writings , nor was very learned ; and thought to avoid all extreams herein , and so would not call mary the mother of god , nor the mother of man , but the mother of christ who was god and man. at that time some servants of some noble men impatient of their masters severities fled to the church ; and with their swords resisted all that would remove them , killed one priest , wounded another and then killed themselves . § . . cxiii . the emperour theodosius jun. a religious peaceable prince , weary of this stir , called a general council at ephesus , and gave cyril order to preside , ( the papists pretend that he was pope caelestine's legate , who indeed joyned with him by his letters , when he saw how things went. ) both cyril and nestorius desired the council ( letters before having made no end . ) caelestine nor the africanes could not come , augustine was dead : nestorius , cyril , and iuvenal of ierusalem came : iohn of antioch was thirty days journey off , and his bishops much more , and stayed long . cyril and memnon of ephesus would not stay for him : nestorius came the first day ; but cyril and the rest being sharp against him , for not calling mary the parent of god , he said to them , ego bimestrem aut trimestrem deum non facile dixerim : proinde purus sum à vestro sanguine : in posterum ad vos non veniam . that is , i will not easily say , that god is two or three months old : i am clean from your bloud , and will come to you no more . some bishops going with him , they met by themselves . cyril summoneth him : he refuseth to come till iohn bishop of antioch came . they examine his sermons and witnesses , and condemn and depose him , as blasphemous against christ. three or four days after , iohn of antioch , and his eastern bishops come : he took it ill that they stayed not for him : he joyneth in a distinct meeting with nestorius : theodoret accuseth cyril's anathematismes of errour : they depose cyril and cyril's synod citeth iohn : he refuseth to appear : they depose him and his adherent bishops : and thus two synods sate deposing and condemning one another : both parties send their agents to the emperour : his officer candidianus took part with nestorius : he sendeth another iohannes comes , with charge to depose the heads of both the deposing parties , and so to make good both their depositions , viz. nestorius , cyril , and memnon : candidianus before had told the emperour , how all was done in violence and confusion , and he had pronounced all null , and charged them to begin all a-new . when iohannes comes came , he wrote to the emperour , that all being in confusion , and cyril and memnon fortifying themselves , he summoned them all to come to him ; and lest they should fall together by the ears , ( which he feared , by reason of their strange fierceness ) he ordered their coming in so , that it might not be promiscuously : nestorius and john of antioch being come first , cyril and his company ( except memnon ) came next , and presently a great tumult and stir began , cyril ' s party saying , that the sight of nestorius , whom they had deposed , was not to be endured : they would have the scripture read : but those that favoured cyril , said , that the divine and terrible scriptures were not to be read without cyril , nor while nestorius and the oriental bishops were present ; and for this there was a sedition , yea , a war , and fight : the same said the bishops that were with john , that cyril ought not to be present at the reading of the scriptures , he and memnon being deposed : the day being far spent thus , he attempted , excluding cyril and nestor●us , to read the emperours orders to the rest ; but cyril ' s party would not hear them , because they said cyril and memnon were unlawfully dep●sed : he had much a● do to persw . de them at last , ( and indeed thrusting out nestorius and cyril by force ) so much as to hear the emperours writing . but he made them hear it : in which nestorius , cyril , and memnon , were deposed . those that were with john heard it friendly , and approved it : the other clamoured , that cyril and memnon were wrongfully deposed : to avoid sedition , nestorius was committed to candidianus comes , and cyril to jacobus comes ( and memnon after . ) he concludeth , quòd si pientissimos episcopos videro implacatos & irreconciliabiles , ( nescio unde in hanc rabiem & asperitatem venerint , ) &c. this was his description of the carriage of this council . both parties sent several bishops , as their delegates , to constantinople : the emperour would not permit them to come nearer than chalcedon , ( which is as southwark to london . ) while they wait there , theodorite , one of iohn's party against cyril , wrote back , that the court was against nestorius , but most of the people were for them . it 's said that pulcheria , the emperours sister , was much against him . at last pope caelestine's legates came to the council and took cyril's part. the emperour saw how great the breach would be , if cyril were deposed , and he revoked the deposition of him and memnon , but not of nestorius , and wrote a threatning letter to cyril and iohn , to charge them to agree and joyn in communion , and not divide the churches , or else what he would do to them both . these terrible words cured them both of heresie : they presently consulted , and sent each other their confessions , and found ( good men ) that they were of one mind and did not know it . and so having their will upon nestorius and his adherents , the rest united . but so , that iohn and theodorite took cyril for a firebrand to the last . § . . nestorius being deposed retired quietly to his monastery by antioch , and lived there in honour four years , but then was banished and dyed in distress : ( some fable that he was eaten with worms . ) § . . the event of this council was , that a party of the orientals adhered to nestorius , took cyril and this council for hereticks , and to this day continue a numerous party of christians , called hereticks by the pontificians , because they are not for them : and the eutychians on all occasions accused their adversaries the orthodox to be nestorians , and the churches were inflamed by the dissention through many ages following . § . . and what was really the controversie between them ? some accuse nestorius as asserting two persons in christ as well as two natures , which he still denyed ▪ others accuse cyril as denying two natures : but his words about this were many , but he affirmed two natures before the union , ( and so did the eutychians ) but one after : david derodon a most learned frenchman hath written a treatise de supposite , in which he copiously laboureth to prove that nestorius was orthodox , holding two natures in one person , and that cyril and his council were hereticks , holding one nature only after union , and that he was a true eutychian , and dioscorus did but follow him , and that the council of chalcedon condemned nestorius and stablished his doctrine , and extolled cyril and condemned his doctrine . but for my part i make no doubt that , de re , they were both fully of one mind , and differed only about the aptitude of a phrase : whether it were an apt speech to call mary the parent of god , and to say that god was two moneths old , god hungred , god dyed and rose , &c. which nestorius denyed , and cyril and the council with him affirmed . and what hath the world suffered by this word warr. but which was in the right . we commonly say that forma denominat , & locutio formalis est maximè propria . and so nestorius spake most properly : but use is the master of speech , which tyeth us not always to that strictness , and so cyril well interpreted spake well : especially if the contrary side should intrude a duality of persons , by their denying the phrase : while nestorius accuseth cyril as if he spake de abstracto , he wrongeth him : while cyril accuseth nestorius as if he spake de concreto , he wronged him : they both meant that mary was the mother of christ who was god ▪ and of the vnion of the natures , but not the mother of christ as god , or of the deity . so that one speaking de concreto , and the other de abstracto , one materially and the other formally , in the heat of contention they hereticated each other and kindled a flame not quenched to this day , about a word while both were of one mind . § . . if any say it is arrogancy in me to say that such men had not skill enough to escape the deceit of such an ambiguity , i answer , humility maketh not men blind : the thing proveth it self . judg by these following words of nestorius and cyril what they held . § . . nestorius epist. ad cyril : nomen hoc , christus , utramque naturam , patibilem scilicet & impatilibem in unicâ personâ denotat . quò idem chrstus patibilis & impatibilis concipi queat ; illud quidem secundùm humanam naturam , hoc verò secundùm divinaem . — in eo non injuria te laudo quod distinctionem naturarum secundùm divinitatis & humanitatis rationem harumque in unâ duntaxat personâ conjunctionem praedicas . — et quòd divinitatem pati ●on potuisse discrtè pronuncias : haec enim omnia & vera sunt & orthodoxa ; & vanis omnium hareticorum circa d●mini naturas opinationibus quam maximè adversa sunt . non dicit , solvite divinitatem meam & intra triduum exsuscitabo illa●● , sed solvite templum hoc , &c. — vbicunque divinae scriptura dominica dispensationis mentionem faciunt , tum incarnationem , tum ipsam mortem & passionem , non divinae , sed humanae christi naturae semper tribuunt . ergo si rem diligentius consideremus , sacra virgo non deipera , sed christipera , appellanda erit ( which signifieth that she is the parent of the humane nature , receiving the divine in union of person . ) — quis ita desipiat ut unigeniti divinitatem spiritus sancti creaturam esse credat . — sunt imumerae sententiae quae divinitatem neque nuper natam , neque corporeae perpessionis capacem esse testantur . — rectum evangelicaeque traditioni consentaneum est , ut christi corpus divinitatis templum esse confiteamur , illudque nexu adeò sublimi divinoque & admirabili ipsi conjunctum esse statuamus , ut divina natura ea sibi vendicet , quae coporis alioqui sint propria : verùm propter eam sive communications sive appropriationis notionem , nativitatem , passionem , mortem caterasque carnis propietates divino verbo ascribere , id demù● , mi frater , mentis est paganorum more verè errantis aut certè insani apollinarii & arii aliorumque haereticorum morbo aut alio etiam graviore laborantis . nam qui appropriationis vocabulum it● detorquent illos deum verbum lactationis participem & succedanei incrementi capacem & ob formidinem passionis , &c. — nestor . epist. . ad caelest . quidam de ecclesiasticis quandam contemperationis imaginem ex deitate & humanitate accipientes , corporis passiones audent superfundere deitati unigeniti , & immutabilem deitatem ad naturam corporis trans●sse confingunt , atque utramque naturam quae per conjunctionem summam & inconfusam in unica persona unigenit● adoratur , contemperatione confundunt . nestor . epist. ad alexand. hierapol . concil . . act. sess. . oportet manere naturas in suis proprietatibus , & sic per mirabilem & omnem rationem excedentem unitatem unum confiteri filium . non duas personas unam facimus , sed una appellatione christi duas naturas simul significamus . in scriptis nestorii recitatis in concil . ephes. . tom. . c. . idem omnino & infans erat & infantem habitabat . item , deus verbum ante incarnationem & filius erat & deus erat ; at verò in novissimis temporibus servilem quoque formam assumpsit ; caeterum cum antè filius esset , filius appellaretur , attamen post carnem assumptam , seorsim per se filii nomine appellari non debet , ne duos filios videamur inducere . — item , voce christi tanquam utriusque naturae notionem complectent● accepta , citrà periculum illum assumpsisse servi formam asseverat & deum nominat ; dictorum vim ad naturarum dualitatem manifeste referens . cyril lib. de recta fide ad reginas pag. . de nestorianis , verbum & humanitas ( ut ipsi loquuntur ) in unam personam concurrunt : vnionis enim quae est secundum naturam & quae una est , nulla apud eos habetur ratio — et p. . de nestor . si christus sola union● secundum personam cum dei verbo conjunctionem habeat , ( sic enim illi loquuntur ) quomodo in illis qui pereunt evangelium dei absconditum est ? by which cyril speaketh for one nature , and nestorius for one person . cyril . l. . advers . nestor . p. . thus reporteth nestorius saying , hic qui videtur infans , hic qui recens apparet , hic qui fasciis corporalibus eget , hic qui secundum visibilem essentiam recenter est editus , filius universorum opifex , filius qui suae opis fasciis dissolubilem creaturae naturam astringit . — item , infans enim est deus libera potestate ; tantum abest ( arie ) ut deus verbum sit sub dei potest●te . — again , novimus ergo humanitatem infantis & deitatem ; filiationis vnitatem servamus in deitatis humanitatisque natura : saith derodon , i dare boldly say no christian hath hitherto spoke trulier and plainer of the unity of christs person in two natures , than nestorius . ex lib. cyril . cont. nestor . p. . he thus reporteth nestorius , hoc quod christus est nullam patitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed deitatis , & humanitatis est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : christus qua christus est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; neque enim duos christos habemus neque duos filios : non est enim apud nos primus & secundus , neque alius & alius , neque rursus alius filius & alius ; sed ipse ille un●s est duplex non dignitate , sed naturâ . cyril saith that nestorius was the disciple of diodorus tarsensis from whom he learnt his heresie , epist. ad succes . and that he was the hearer of theodorus mopsuest condemned in council , for the same heresie as nestorius . but saith derodon , facundus toto lib. . largely proveth that diod. tarsensis was orthodox by the testimonies of athanasius , basil , chrysostome , epiphanius , &c. et lib. . & . he proveth the same of theod. mopsuest , citing the places where he asserteth two natures in one person , vid. facund . l. . c. . & l. . c. . & . and liberatus in brevior . c. . saith : diod. tarsensis & theod. mopsuest . & alii episcopi contra eunomium & apollinarem unius naturae assertores libros composuerunt , duas in christo ostendentes naturas in unâ personâ : & ibid. duas joh. antiocheni epistolas , primam & tertiam , laudes theod. mopsuest . continentes chalced. synodus oecumenica per relationem suam martiane imper●tori directam , suscepit & confirmavit . § . . by all this it is evident that nestorius was orthodox ; and owned two natures in one person : and that the controversie was de nomine , unless cyril was an eutychian . and that it is a more accurate cautelous speech à formâ to say that god did not increase , hunger , die , rise , &c. than to say god did these ; because it seemeth to intimate that christ did suffer these , quà deus , as god , which is blasphemy . but that it is a true speech that god did suffer these , meaning not quà deus , but christus qui deus : and that one syllable of distinction between quà and qui might have saved these councils their odious contentions and fighting , and the churches for many ages the convulsions , distractions and mutual condemnations that followed , and the papists the odious violation of christian charity and peace in calling the eastern followers of nestorius , nestorian hereticks to this day . judge how much the world was beholden to cyril , caelestine , and this council . § . . obj. by this you make the bishops and councils to be all fools , that know not what they do , and to be the very plagues and shame of humane nature , that would kindle such a flame not yet quenched about nothing . answ. . if we must measure , fidem per personas , yea , judge of matter of fact by respect of persons , judge so by the councils at ariminum , syrmium , milan , tyre also ; judge so by the second council of ephesus , and abundance such : how shall we know which of them so to judge by ? . good men have foul vices : faction , and contention , and pride , have undeniably troubled the churches : when concil . carthag . . forbad bishops to read the books of gentiles , it is no wonder that the number of learned bishops was small ; and when no bishop was to be removed from place to place , but all bishops made out of an inferiour degree , usually of the same parish ; yea , and when academies were so rare , it is past doubt that learned bishops were rare : when nectarius must be the great patriarch , that was yet no christian , and when synesius , because he had philosophical knowledge , is chosen bishop , even before he believed the resurrection ; when they were such , as credible nazianzene , isidore pelusiota , and long after salvian describes . it is not i , but these knowing witnesses , and their own actions , that characterize them . doth not socrates , that knew nestorius , say , that he was not learned ? and he , and others , that cyril was high and turbulent ? theodoret was a learned man , and he thought no better of his adversaries . the objections against nestorius and theodorus mopsuest , are largely answered by derodon , ubi suprà . § . . the same derodon laboureth to prove , that cyril was an heretick , the father of the eutychians , and so were the ephes. council , and pope caelestine . his proofs against cyril are reduced to these heads . . his express asserting one nature only in christ. epist. . ad succes . diocesar-quae igitur necessitas ipsum pati in propriâ naturâ , si post unionem dicatur una verbi natura incarnati ? item , ignorant rursus qui recta pervertunt , quòd juxta veritatem una sit natura verbi incarnata : si enim unus est filius naturâ & verè verbum quod ineffabiliter ex deo patre est genitum , & si idem per assumptionem carnis non exanimis sed animatae animâ intelligente processit homo de muliere — non enim de solis simplicibus vnum secundùm naturam verè dicitur , sed etiam de iis quae juxta compositionem convenerunt , ut est v. g. homo , qui constat animâ & corpore , haec enim inter se differunt specie , verunt a men unita unam naturam hominis absolvunt , quamvis adsit ratione compositionis differentia secundùm naturam rerum , in unitatem concurrentium : superfluis igitur sermonibus immorantur qui dicunt , si una est natura verbi incarnata , sequitur ut permixtio confusioque generetur . nestorius third objection was from christs voluntary passions ; ergo duas naturas subsistere post unionem indivise . cyril answereth , adversus rursus haec eorum propositio nihilominus iis qui dicunt unam esse filii naturam incarnatam idque velut ineptum volentes ostendere , ubique duas naturas , subsistentes conantur astruere ; sed ignorant quaecunque non distinguuntur solâ mentis consideratione , ea prorsus etiam in diversitatem distinctam omnifariam ac privatim à se mutuò segregari : e. g. homo — duas in eo naturas intelligimus , unam animae , alteram corporis , sed cum sola discreverimus intelligentia & differentiam subtili contemplatione s●u mentis imaginatione conceperimus , non tamen seorsim ponimus naturas , sed unius esse intelligimus . ita ut illae duae jam non sint duae , sed ambae unum animal absolvunt . tandem ita concludit . ☞ haec igitur ex quibus est unus & solus filius dominus iesus christus cogitationibus complexi , duas quidam naturas un●as asserimus ; post unionem verò tanquam adempta jam in duas distinctione unam esse credimus filii naturam tanquam unius , sed inhumati & incarnati . it 's strange , how cyril and the e●tychians meant , that christs natures were two before the union . did they think that the humanity existed before the union ? so epist. . cyril . ad success . nihil injusti facimus dicentes ex duabus naturis factum esse concursum in unitatem ; post unionem verò non distinguimus naturas ab invicem , nec in duos filios unum & individuum partimur , sed dicimus unum filium , & sicut partes alterum erunt , vnam naturam dei verbi incarnati . eadem dicit epist● ad acacium melet. post unionem sublata jam in duas distinctione unam essi credimus filii naturam , tanquam unius , sed inhumati . cyril . epist. ad eulog . presb. nos illas ( duas naturas ) adunantes unum filium , unum dominum confitemur , deinde & unam per naturam incarnatam , quod & de communi homine dicendum — dum unitatem confitemur , non distinguuntur amplius quae sunt unita : sed unus jam est christus & una est ipsius tanquam incarnati verbi natura . cyril . lib. cont . nestor . p. . hic recentissimae impietatis inventor quamvis christum unum se dicere simulet , attamen ubique naturas distinguit . et p. . quomodo christum unum & individuum dicis esse duplicem natura ? cyril . lib. de recta fide ad reginos p. . assumitur in unum deitatis naturam unus christus iesus per quem omnia . cyril . dialog . quod unus sit christus . [ vnum porro filium & unam ipsius naturam esse dicimus , licet carnem anima intelligente praeditam assumpserit . ] many more such passages are in cyril . here derodon proveth , . that cyril took not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for persona . . that he took not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for division but distinction : if he did , it was an ill quarrel , when nestorius asserted not a division , but a distinction . . that cyril still reproveth nestorius for asserting only a union secundùm personam , and not secundùm naturam . that cyril ( as dioseorus ) declares what union he meaneth , not by confusion , commixtion or transmutation , but by composition , ( and so said the eutychians . ) the second order of derodons proofs is from all the places where cyril pleads for one hypostasis , and he sheweth that by hypostasis cyril meant natura or substantia singularis . the citations are too long to be repeated . ● . . his proofs are from all the texts where he saith the word , and humanity concurred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . his fourth proof that cyril was an eutychian , is from all those places where he saith , that the godhead and manhood are made one nature as the soul and body of man are . his fifth order of proofs is from the words where he oft attributeth the same operations , and the same attributes to both nature . his sixth proof is from the testimony of ibas edes . apud facund . l. . c. . ge●ad . const. ibid , l. . p. , . iohan. antioch . theodoret , &c. § . . for my part , i again say , past doubt , that neither nestorius nor cyril were heretical de re ; but that they were of one mind , and that one spake of the concrete , and the other of the abstract ; that one spake of christus qui deus , and the other of christus quà deus . but ( pardon truth , or be deceived still ) ignorance , pride , and envy , and faction , and desire to please the court , made cyril and his party , by quarrelsome heretication , to kindle that lamentable flame in the world. but sin serveth the sinners turn but for the present , and becometh afterward his shame . all the bishops would not follow cyril . at this day the falsly hereticated nestorians ( saith breerwood enquir . p. . ) inhabites a great part of the east , for besides the countries of babylon , assyria , mesopotamia , parthia , and media , they are spread far and wide , both northerly to cataya , and southerly to india : marcus paulus tells us of them and no other christians in tartary , as in cassar , sarmacham , carcham , chinchintalas , tauguth , suchir , ergimul , tenduc , caraim , mangi , &c. so that beyond tigris there are few other christians . the persian emperours forced the christians to nestorianisme ; their patriarch hath his seat at musal in mesopotamia or the monastery of st. ermes near it , in which city the nestorians have temples : they are falsly accused still to hold two persons in christ : they say as nestorius himself said , you may say that christ's mother is the parent of god , if you will expound it well , but it is improper and dangerous . they take nestorius , diodorus tarsensis and theodorus mopsuest , for holy men ; they renounce the council ephes. and all that owned it , and detest cyril . they communicate in both kinds : they use not auricular confession : nor confirmation : nor crucifixes on their crosses : their priests have liberty for first , second , or third marriages , &c. breerwood , ibid. p. . § . . i need no other proof for my opinion , that these bishops set the world on fire about a word , being agreed in sense , than the reconciliation of the patriarchs cyril and iohn when forced , and their parties , professing that they meant the same and knew it not . obj. but they all condemned nestorius . ans. to quiet the world , and to please the courtiers and violent bishops . and the emperour himself ( saith socrates , l. . c. . one that excelled all the priests in modesty and meekness , and could not away with persecution , ) was the more against nestorius because he was a persecutor himself . read theodoret's homily against cyril , bin. p. ● . and iohan. antioch . ibid. but neither the one side [ nestorius haeresiarcha impiissimus , ] nor the other side [ cyrillus superbus & blasphemus ] should signifie much with men that know what liberty adverse bishops used . § . . as for them that say , nestorius did dissemble when he asserted the vnity of two natures in one person : and is not to be judged of by his own words , i take them to be the firebrands of the world , and unworthy the regard of sober men , who pretend to know mens judgments better than themselves , and allow not mens own deliberate profession to be the notice of their faith. § . . when the emperour saw that there was no reconciling the bishops , but by force , he authorized aristolaus , a lay-magistrate , to call cyril and ioh. antioch . to nicomedia , and keep them both there till they were agreed : whereupon iohn communed with his bishops , and they yielded , having no remedy , to the deposition of nestorius , the ordination of maximinianus in his stead , and communion among themselves . this is called another council . it would grieve one to read the emperour theodosius importuning simeon stylites , a poor anchorite , to try whether by prayer and counsel he could bring the bishops to unity , and concluding , [ this discord doth so trouble me , that i judge that this only hath been the chief occasion of all my calamities . ] bin. p. . § . . cxiv . an. . there was a council called at rome to clear pope sixtus from an accusation of one bassus , of ravishing a nun. § . . cxv . there is talk of a council at rome to clear one polychronius bishop of ierusalem , of accusations of simony : but contradictions make this ( and the former ) to be altogether uncertain . § . . cxvi . the armenians in council are said to condemn nestorian books . § . . cxvii . a council was held at constant. to decide the controversie between the alexandrian and constant. bishops , which should be greatest , and rule the east ; where it was carried for constant. and theodoret pleading for antioch , dioscorus ( the alex. agent ) hated him ever after , ( as he saith epist. . ) § . . cxviii . an. . a council at regiense of bishops did somewhat about ordinations , &c. § . . about this time leo at rome was fain to forbid bowing toward the east , because the manichees joyned among them , and bowed to the sun , and could not be else distinguished from the orthodox , bin. de leone . § . . cxix . a council at aransican repeated some old disciplinary canons . § . . cxx . leo held a council at rome of bishops , priests , and laymen , to detect the wickedness of the manichees , and warn men to avoid them . § . . cxxi . an. . leo held a council at rome against hilary bishop of arles , for disobedience to his decrees . § . . cxxii . a council called general in spain , recited the profession of faith against the priscillianists . chap. vi. councils about the eutychian heresie and some others . § . . cxxiii . cyril had by many words so carried the business at ephesus against nestorius , and himself so often said , that after the vnion , the natures were one , that his admirers took that for a certain truth : but when that quarrel was over , truth was truth still , and the orthodox would not fly from it , for fear of being called nestorians ; for they disclaimed nestorius , but disowned the doctrine of one nature . eutyches an archimandrite , and dioscorus , successour to cyril , belived that they did but tread in his steps , and hold to the ephes. council . but that would not now serve , when the scene was changed . § . . reader , it is useful to thee , to know truly the state of this tragical controversie , which had more dividing and direful effects than the former . the eutychians say , that christ before their vnion by incarnation had two natures , that is , considered mentally , as not united ; but after the union had but one nature . they took up this as against nestorianisme . the truth is , though they still go for desperate hereticks , i verily believe that all the quarrel was but about ambiguous words : some of them understood the word [ nature ] in the same sense as their adversaries took the word [ hypostasis ] or [ person . ] and ( it's sad that it should be true , but ) most of them confounded [ vnity undistinguished ] and [ vniting undivided . ] the eutychians thought , how can that be called vnity which maketh not one of two ? and no doubt the natures are one ; but one what ? not one nature , but one person ; yet ( to bring off cyril ) it may be said that even the natures are one , in opposition to division or separation , but not one in opposition to distinction . he that had but distinguished these two clearly to them , and explained the word [ nature ] clearly , had better ended all the controversie than it was ended . it 's plain that cyril and the eutychians allowed mental distinction , though not that the mind should suppose them divided : and it 's certain that the orthodox meant no more . § . . he that readeth but philosophers , schoolmen , and late writers , ( such as fortun. licetus de natura , &c. ) will see how little they are agreed about the meaning of the word [ nature , ] and how unable to procure agreement in the conception . they that say it is principium motus & quietis , are contradicoted , as confounding divers principia : and as confounding active natures , and passive , the active only being principium motus , and the passive , principium quietis . and on such accounts the eutychians pleaded for one nature ; because in christ incarnate they supposed that the divine nature was the principium primum motus , and that all christs actions were done by it , and that the humane soul , being moved by the divinity , was but principium subordinatum , which they thought was improperly called principium , ( as most philosophers say , that forma generica is improperly called forma hominis , because one thing hath but one form ; so they thought that one person had but one proper principium motus . § . . alas how few bishops then could distinguish as derodon doth , and our common metaphysicks , between , . individuum , . prima substantia , . natura , . suppositum , . persona , . and have distinguished , a right essence and hypostasis , or subsistence , &c. and defined all these . nature saith derodon de suppos . p. . is taken in nine senses ; but the sense was not here agreed on , before they disputed of the matter . even about the nature of man , it is disputed , whether he consist not of many natures ? whether every element ( earth , water , air , fire ) retain not its several nature in the body , or whether the soul be mans only nature , and whether as intellectual , and sensitive and vegetative , or only in one of these ? and is it not pity that such questions should be raised about the person of christ by self-conceited bishops , and made necessary to salvation , and the world set on fire , and divided by them ? is this good usage of the faith of christ , the souls of men , and the church of god. § . . but to the history : at a council of constantinop . under flavianvs , eusebius bishop of dorileum accused eutyches , for affirming heretically as aforesaid , ( that after the vnion christ had but one nature . ) eutiches is sent for : he refuseth to come out of his monastery ; after many citations , be still refusing , they judge him to be brought by force : he first delayeth : then craveth of the emperour the presence of magistrates , that he be not calumniated by the bishops . he is condemned , but recanteth not . § . . a meeting of bishops at tyre cleared ibas edess . from the accusation of nestorianisme , made by four excommunicate priests , two of them perjured ; and reconciled him to such priests for peace sake . § . . another meeting of bishops at berythum , cleared ibas from a renewed accusation of nestorianisme , being said to have spoken evil of cyril . an epistle of his to maris a bishop , was accused , which the council at calcedon after absolved , and the next general council condemned . § . . cxxiv . another council is called at constantinople , by the means of some courtiers , in favour to eutiches , where , upon the testimony of some bishops , that flavianus bishop of constantinople condemned him himself , before the synod did it , and that the records were altered , all was nullified that at the last synod was done against him . § . . cxxv . theodosius calleth a second general council at ephesus an . . and maketh dioscorus bishop of alex. president . dioscorus forbad ibas and theodoret to be there , as being nestorians : the emperour himself was so much for peace , and so deeply before engaged in cyril's cause against nestorius , that he thought it levity to pull down all so soon again , the eutychians perswading him that they stuck to cyril and the ephesine and nicene council . dioscorus thinking the same , that eutiches and cyril were of one mind , and that it was nestorianisme which they were against , carried matters in this synod as violently as cyril had done in the former . the bishops perceiving the emperours , the courtiers , and dioscorus mind , could not resist the stronger side . the bishop of rome was commanded by the emperour to be present . he sent his legates ; with his judgment in writing of the cause . the emperour for bad those to be speakers that had before judged eutyches . the roman legates excepted that dioscorus presided : ( it seemeth the eastern empire and church , then believed not that the popes precedency was jure divino . ) dioscorus declareth , that the council was not called to decide any matter of faith , but to judge of the proceedings of flavianus against eutyches . the acts of the constant. synod ( after the emperours letters ) being read , eutyches is absolved : domnus , patriarch of antioch , iuvenal , patriarch of ierusalem , the bishop of ephesus , and the rest , subscribed the absolution , ( which after they said they did for fear , when another emperour changed the scene . ) this being done , the acts of the former ephes. council were read , and all excommunicate that did not approve them . ( so that this council of eutychians thought verily the former was of their mind . ) four bishops , flavianus , eusebius , doryl , ibas edes . and theodoret cyri , are condemned and deposed : all the bishops subscribed except the popes legates ; so that , saith bimius , in hoc tam horrendo episcoporum suffragio , sola navilula petri incolumis emergens salvatur , p. . judge by this , first , whether councils may erre , secondly , whether they are the just judges or keepers of tradition , thirdly , whether all the world always believed the popes infallibility , or governing power over them , when all that council voted contrary to him . flavianus here offering his appeal , was beaten and abused , and dyed of the hurt , ( as was said in concil . calced . and by liberatus . ) but this was no quenching , but a kindling of the fire of episcopal contentions : theodosius missed of his end . § . . cxxvi . leo at rome in a synod condemneth this ephesian council . § . . cxxvii . dioscorus in a council at alexandria , excommunicateth leo. § . . cxxviii . theodosius the emperour being dead , martian was against the eutychians : anatolius at a synod at constantinople , maketh an orthodox profession of his faith , like leo's . § . . cxxix . and at milan a council owneth leo's judgment . § . . cxxx . now cometh the great council at calcedon , under the new emperour martian , where all is changed for a time ; yet pulcheria who marryed him and made him emperour , and whose power then was great , was the same that before had been against nestorius in her brothers reign : never was it truer than in the case of general councils , that the multitude of physicians , exasperateth the disease , and killeth the patient . the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] the [ one nature after union ] the words [ one will and one opperation ] had never done half so much mischief in the church , if the erroneous had been confuted by neglect , and councils had not exasperated , enraged , and engaged them , and set all the world on taking one side or another . one skilfull healing man that could have explicated ambiguous terms , and perswaded men to love and peace , till they had understood themselves and one another , had more befriended truth , piety , and the church , than all the hereticating councils did . § . . if what socrates writeth of theodosius junior be true , ( as we know no reason to doubt ) god owned his moderation by miracles , notwithstanding his favouring the eutychians , more than he did any ways of violence . socrates saith , l. . c. , . that theodosius was the mildest man in the world , for which cause god subdued his enemies to him without slaughter and bloodshed ; as his victory over iohn and the barbarians shew : of which he saith , first , their captain rugas was kill'd with a thunder-bolt ; secondly , a plague killed the greatest part of his soldiers ; thirdly , fire from heaven consumed many that remained . and proclus the bishop being a man of great peace and moderation , hurting and persecuting none , was confirmed by these providences in his lenity , being of the emperours mind , and perswading the emperour to fetch home the bones of chrysostome with honour , wholly ended the nonconformity and separation of the ioanites . § . . before theodosius dyed , leo bishop of rome set placidia and eudoxia , to write to him against dioscorus , and for the cause of flavianus : yea , and valentinian himself . theodosius wrote to valentinian ( and the like to the women , ) that they departed not from the faith and tradition of their fathers , that at the council of ephesus second things were carried with much liberty and truth , and the unworthy were removed and the worthy put into their places , and it was the troublers of the church that were deposed , and flavianus was the prince of the contentions , and that now they lived in concord and peace . § . . the council at calcedon was called , an . . dioscorus is accused for his ephesine general council , and for his violence , and defence of eutiches , and the death of flavianus . he alledgeth the emperours order to him [ authoritatem & primatum tuae praebemus beatitudini , ( if the popes universal rule be essential to the church , then the pious and excellent emperour theodosius , and the general council that consented , were none of them christians that knew it , but went against it . ) eos qui per additamentum aliquod , aut imminutionem conati sunt dicere , praeter quae sunt exposita de fide catholica à sanctis patribus qui in nicaea , & post modum qui in epheso congregati sunt , nullam omnino fiduciam in sancto synodo habere patimur , sed & sub vestro judicio esse volunus . ] here binnius accuseth the good emperour as giving that which he had not but by usurpation , and this through ignorance of the ecclesiastical canons . but were all the bishops ignorant of it also ? or was so good an emperour bred up and cherished in ignorance of such a point pretended by the papists to be necessary to the being of a church , and to salvation ; the bishops of ierusalem and seleucia also partook of the same power by the emperour's grant. dioscorus answered that all the synod consented and subscibed as well as he , and juvenal hieros . and thalassius seleuc. the bishops answered , that they did it against their wills , being under fear ; condemnation and banishment was threatned ; souldiers were there with clubs and swords : therefore the oriental bishops cryed out to cast out dioscorus . stephen bishop of ephesus ( who had been dioscorus chief agent there ) cryed out , that fear constrained them : the lay-judges and senate asked , who forced them ? stephen said elpidius and eulogius , and many souldiers threatned him . they asked , did dioscorus use violence with you ? he said that he was not suffered to go out till he had subscribed . theodorus bishop of claudiopolis said , that dioscorus , iuvenal , and the leading men , led on them , as simple ignorant men , that knew not the cause , and frightned them with defaming them as nestorian hereticks . thus they cryed out that they were frightned . the egyptian bishops answered , that a christian feareth no man , ( and yet they were afraid before they ended ) a catholick feareth no man ; we are instructed by flames : if men were feared , there would be no martyrs . dioscorus noted what bishops those were that said they subscribed to a blank paper , when it was about a matter of faith : but asked , who made them by their several interlocutions to speak their consent ? hereupon the acts of the ephes. council were read , among which were the words of dioscorus , anathematizing any that should contradict or retract any thing held in the nicene or the ephesine synods : adding , how terrible and formidable it was , if a man sin against god , who shall intercede for him ? if the holy ghost sit in council with the fathers , he that retracteth cashiereth the grace of the spirit . the synods answered , we all say the same : let him be anathema that retracteth ; ( these bishops that curse themselves will easily curse others , ) let him be cast out that retracteth . dioscorus said , no man ordereth things already ordered : the holy synod said , these are the words of the holy ghost , &c. theodorus denyed these words recorded . dioscorus said , they may as well say they were not there . § . . here also eutyche's confession at ephesus was read , in which he professeth to cleave to the former ephesine council , and to the blessed father cyril that presided , disclaiming all additions and alterations , professing that he had himself copies in a book which cyril himself sent him , and is yet in his hands ; and that he standeth to the definition of that council with that of nice . eusebius bishop of doril. said , he lyeth ; that council hath no such definition . dioscorus said , there are four books of it , that all contain this definition . do you accuse all the synodical books ? i have one , and he hath one , and he hath one ; let them be brought forth . diogenes bishop of cyrilum said , they deceitfully cleave to the council of nice : the question is of additions made against heresies . the bishops of egypt said , none of us receive additions or diminutions : hold what is done at nice : this is the emperour's command . the eastern bishops clamoured [ iust so said eutyches . ] the egyptian bishops still cryed up the nicene faith alone without addition . dioscorus accused the bishops for going from their words , and said [ if eutyches hold not the doctrine of the church , he is worthy of punishment and fire , ( ex ore tuo ) my regard is to the catholick and apostolick faith , and not the faith of any man : i look to god himself , and not to the person of any man , nor care i for any man , but for my soul and the true and sincere faith. ] the egyptian bishops cryed out [ let no man separate him that is indivisible . no man calleth one son two . ] the eastern bishops cryed , [ anathema to him that divideth . basil seleuciae said , anathema to him that divideth two natures after the union ; and anathema to him that knoweth not the property of the natures . the egyptian bishops cryed out , [ as he was born he suffered : there is one lord , and one faith : none calleth one lord two . this was nestorius voice . the eastern bishops cryed , anathema to nestorius and eutyches . the egyptian bishops cryed , divide not the lord of glory , that is indivisible . basil bishop of sileuc . reported how rightly he had spoken at ephesus , and how the egyptians and monks with noise opposed , and cryed [ cut him in two that saith two natures , he is a nestorian . ] the lay judges asked him , if he spake so well , why did he condemn flavianus ? he said , because he was necessitated to obey the rest , being bishops . dioscorus said , out of thy own mouth art thou condemned , that for the shame of men hast prevaricated and despised the faith . basilius seleuc. said , if i had been called to martyrdom before the iudges i had endured it ; but he that is judged of a father useth just means : let the son dye that speaketh even things just to a father . but the eastern bishops better cryed out , [ we have all sinned , we all beg pardon . ] and thalassius , eusebius , and eustathius , ( leading bishops ) cryed the same , [ we have all sinned , we all crave pardon . ] after this the acts of ephes. and const. were read . § . . by what i have recited out of binnius , and others , these two lamentable things are undeniable : i. that this doleful contention , anathematizing , and ruining each other , was about the sense of ambiguous words , and that they were of one mind in the matter , and knew it not : the egyptians ( eutychians ) took two natures and two sons to be of the same sense , which the others did not . and they thought that the rest had asserted a division of the natures , when they meant but a distinction : and the rest thought that the egyptians had denyed a distinction , who denyed but a partition or division . ii. and it is plain , that while all sides held that nestorius did hold that there were two sons , which he expresly denyed , that they cursed nestorius in ignorance , and maintained his doctrine ( except of the aptitude of the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) while they curse his person or name . the doctrine of this council is found , and nestorius's was the same , for two natures in one person , and one son. this is true , whatever faction say against it . iii. that these bishops ( though we honour them for all that was good in them ) were so far from the martyrs constancy , that they turned as the emperours countenance , and the times , and worldly interest turned ; voting down things and persons in councils , and crying omnes peccavimus in the next : only peter's ship , saith binnius , scaped drowning at ephesus , and yet here at calcedon under martian all are orthodox . iv. but that which is worst of all is , that yet the same men that cry peocavimus are here violent against any mercy to the egyptian bishops and monks with whom they had joined at ephesus . § . . when an epistle of cyrils was read , the illyricane bishop cryed out , we all believe as cyril did : theodorete ( that had been for nestorius against cyril , and cast out by dioscorus ) spake more warily , and said , anathema to him that saith there are two sons : we adore our lord iesus , &c. all the bishops cryed , we believe as cyril . had not cyril's name better hap than dioscorus and eutyches , that followed him as far as they could understand him , and spake the same words as he ? the orientals cryed , we believe as cyril . the egyptians cryed , we believe as cyril , we are all of the same opinion and mind ; let not satan get place and advantage among us . the eastern bishops cryed , leo and anatolius are of this mind ; the emperour and senate are of this mind : the lay judge , senate , and all the council cryed , the emperour , the empress , and all of us are of one mind : the egyptian bishops cryed , all the world are of this mind ; we are of a mind . ( and who would think that yet they were disagreed , even to hereticating and deposing , persecuting one another . o but say to the egyptian bishops , if you are all of this mind , why did you communicate with eutyches , and condemn flavianus ? dioscorus appealed to the records . and here eustathius beryl , shewed what labour cyril used to explain his own meaning , in his epistles to acacius , valerianus , and successus bishops , and that these are his words ; we must not understand that there are two natures , but one nature incarnate of god the word : and this saying he confirmed by the testimony of athanasius . the oriental bishops cryed out , this is the saying of eutyches and dioscorus ( yet these men just now were all of cyril ' s mind● ) dioscorus said , we affirm neither confusion of natures , nor division , nor conversion ; anathema to him that doth . doth not this shew that they all agreed in distinction of natures ? as also cyril did . the judges say , tell us whether cyril ' s epistles agree to what is here reported of them ( by eustathius , ) eustathius sheweth the book , and saith ; if i have said amiss see the book ; anathematize cyril's book and anathematize me : the egyptians applaud eustathius , saying , eustathius reporteth cyril ' s words , in which were , we must not understand two natures , but one incarnate nature of god the word . and eustathius added , he hath saith there is but one nature so as to deny christs flesh which is consubstantial with us , let him be anathema : and he that saith there are two natures to the division of the son of god , let him be anathema . ( one would have thought this should have ended their quarrel . ) and eustathius added of flavianus himself , that he received these naked words , and gave them the emperour ; let it be ordered that his own hand be shewed . the judges said , why then did ye depose him ? eustathius answered , erravi , i erred . § . . let it be here noted , that these eutychian words of cyril are here openly proved , past denial : yet shamelesly doth binnius say , that this is eustathii allegatio pessima & haeretica : what , to repeat a mans words ? secondly , is it not here plain that they were all of a mind , and did not , or through faction would not know it ? when eustathius by a clear distinction had proved it , and none of them did or could contradict him . § . . dioscorus said that flavianus in the words following contradicted himself , and was deposed for holding two natures after the union ; adding , i have the testimony of the holy fathers , athanasius , gregory , cyril , in many places , that we must not say , that after the union there are two natures , but one incarnate nature of god , the word , i am ejected with the fathers ; i defend the fathers sayings ; i transgress not in any thing ; i have their testimonies , not simply or transitorily , but in books . § . . aethericus , bishop of smyrna , being questioned about his subscription , said , he did as he was bid . in the second action dioscorus delivering his opinion saith , ex duabus suscipio , duas non suscipio . that christ is [ of two natures ] but not that he [ is or hath two natures . ] eusebius doryl . tells him of his wrong to flavianus and him ; dioscorus confesseth , saying , then offer satisfaction to god and you , meaning repentance . but eusebius saith , that he must satisfie the law ; and so the verbal quarrel turneth to personal revenge . basil seleuc. ( though before accused of heresie ) well reconcileth the controversie at last , if they would have heard him , saying , cognoscimus duas naturas , non dividimus ; neque divisas , neque confusas dicimus . eutyches words at constantinople being recited , he saith , that he followeth cyril , athanasius and the fathers . after dioscorus and others had denyed what each other said in the ephesine council , the saying of all the bishops were read , each one absolving eutyches , in words and reasons at large . after which the bishops cry again , omnes erravimus ; omnes veniam mereamur . in the third action many things were read that concerned their proceedings , and among the rest a law of theodesius jun. for the confirming of the second ephesine council , and the condemnation of nestorius , and of flavianus , domnus , eusebius , and theodoret , as nestorian hereticks , deposing all of their mind , forbidding any upon pain of confiscation to receive them , and commanding that none read the books of nestorius or theodoret , but bring them forth to be burnt , &c. so far could fierce and factious prelates prevail with a pious and peaceable prince , by the pretences of opposing heresie and schism . martian made laws also clean contrary for the justifying of the men before condemned . § . . in the fifth action the egyptian bishops petition was read ( who were accounted eutychians , adhering to dioscorus : ) they professed their adherence to the council of nice and ephesus . and to athanasius , theophilus , and cyril . the bishops cryed out , why do they not curse the opinion of eutiches ? they offer us their petition in imposture : they would delude us , and so depart . let them curse eutyches and his opinion , and consent to leo ' s epistle . while they cryed out to them to curse eutyches , they answered ( by hieracus , ) if any , whether eutyches , or any other , hold contrary to the things contained in our profession ( the nicene and ephes. councils ) let him be accursed . but for leo's epistle , we must not go before the sentence of our archbishop ( of alexandria ; ) for we follow him in all things : the council of nice ordered that the bishop of egypt do nothing without him . eusebius doryl . said , they lie . others bid them prove it . other bishops cryed out , openly curse the opinion of eutyches : he that subscribeth not leo's epistle to which all the holy synod consenteth is a heretick : anathema to dioscorus , and to them that love him : how shall they chuse them a bishop ( instead of dioscorus ) if they judge not right themselves : the egyptian bishops said , the question is about faith , ( not men : ) but they cryed out so long , curse eutyches or you are hereticks , that at last the egyptians said , [ anathema to eutyches and to them that believe him . ] the bishops cryed to them [ subscribe leo's epistle , else you are hereticks : the egyptian bishops answered , we cannot subscribe without the will of our archbishop . some said , all the synod must not attend for one man : they that at ephesus disturbed all things , would here do so too : we desire that this may not be granted them , but they may consent to the epistle , or receive a canonical damnation , and know that they are excommunicate . photius bishop of tyre said , how endeavour they to ordain ( their arch-bishop ) who are not of the same mind with the synod ? if they think rightly let them subscribe the epistle , or be excommunicate . the bishops cryed , we are all of this mind . the egyptian bishops said , we came not hither without a just profession of our faith. but ( as to leo ' s epistle ) we are but few ( bishops ) and the bishops of our country are very many , and we cannot give you all their minds , or represent their persons : we beseech this holy synod to have mercy on us , ( there is no mercy where the bishop of rome is concerned ) and do but stay till we have an arch-bishop , that according to the ancient custome of our country , we may follow his iudgment : for if we break presumptiously the the canons and custome , and do any thing without his will , all the regions of egypt will rise up against us ; therefore have mercy on our age : have mercy on us , and put us not to end our life in banishment . the same egyptian bishops cast down themselves on the earth , and said , you are merciful men , have mercy on us : cecropius bishop of sebast. said , the whole synod is greater and worthier of credit , than the country of egypt . it is not just that ten hereticks be heard , and bishops be past by : we bid them not shew their faith for others but themselves . the bishops of egypt cryed , then we cannot dwell in the province ; have mercy on us : eusebius dor. said , they are procurators for the rest : the popes legate said , if they erre , let them be taught by the magnificence of your footsteps , &c. the egyptians cryed , we are killed ; have mercy on us : the bishops all said , you see what a testimony they give of their bishops , saying , we are killed there : the egyptian bishops cryed , we die by your footsteps : have pitty on us , and let us die by you , and not there . let but an archbishop here be made , and we subscribe and consent , have mercy on our grey hairs . give us an archbishop here : anatolius knoweth that it is the custom of our countrey that all the bishops obey the archbishop : not that we obey not the synod , but we are killed there in our country : have mercy on us ; you have the power ; we are subjects ; we refuse not . we had rather die by the lord of the world ( the emperour ) or by your magnificence , or by this holy synod , than there . for gods sake have pity on these grey hairs ; spare ten men : we die there : it is better die here . all the most reverend bishops cryed out , these are hereticks . the egyptian bishops said , you have power on our lives , spare ten men ; lords are merciful : anatolius knoweth the custome ; we are here till an archbishop be chosen : if they would have our seats , let them take them : we are not willing to be bishops : only let us not die . give us an archbishop , and if we gainsay , punish us : we consent to these things which your power hath decreed ; we contradict not ; but choose us an archbishop : we here stay till it 's done : all the most reverend bishops clamoured , let them subscribe to the damnation of dioscorus . thus the poor egyptian bishops that had the upper hand under theodosius , were in a streight between the merciless bishops in the synod ( that had lately at ephesus joyned with them ) and the furious bishops and people of their own country that would have killed them when they came home ( too common a case at alexandria . ) but when all their dejected cryes and begging could get no mercy from the bishops , the lay judges had some , and moved that they may be made stay in the town till their archbishop was chosen ( of whom you shall hear sad work anon . ) the popes legate requested , that if they would needs shew them any humanity , they should take sureties of them , not to go out of the city , till they had an arch-bishop . and so it was ended . § . . the next business was with the abbots of the monks : they had petitioned martian , that a general council might be called , to end their lamentable broils , and that without turbations , forced subscriptions or persecutions by the secret contrivances of the clergy , and casting men out before due judgment . and they gave in a profession of their faith , and petitioned that dioscorus might be called , because the emperour had promised them that nothing but the nicene faith. should be imposed . which he professed : the bishops all clamoured out their repeated curse against dioscorus , and their tolle injuriam à synodo , tolle violentiam à synodo , tolle notam à synodo , istos mitte foras . that is , away with them ; and would not hear their petition ; but the lay judges made it to be read : in which the monks profess to hold to the nicene creed , and that the church might not have discord by imposing more : protesting that if their reverences , abusing their power , resisted this , as before god and the emperour , the iudges , the senate , and the consciences of the bishops , that they shake their garments against them , and put themselves beyond their excommunication : for they would not be communicators with those that thus refuse the nicene faith ; the council still urged them to subscribe leo ' s letter . carosus and dorotheus in the name of the rest of the abbots said ; they were baptized into the nicene faith ; they knew no other : they were bid by the bishop that baptized them receive no other : we believe the baptismal creed : we subscribe not the epistle : they are bishops ; they have power to excommunicate and to damn , and to do what they will more : but we know no other faith : the arch-deacon urged carosus to subscribe to leo's epistle as expository of the nicene faith , and to curse nestorius and eutyches : carosus answered , what have i to do to curse nestorius , that have once , twice , thrice , and often cursed and damned him already . aeticus said , dost thou curse eytiches as the synod doth or not ? carosus replyed . is it not written , iudge not that ye be not judged ? again he repeated , that he believed the nicene creed into which he was baptized ; if they said any thing else to him he knew it not : the apostle saith , if an angel from heaven preach another gospel , let him be accursed : what should i do ? if eutyches believe not as the universal church believeth ; let him be accursed . § . . at last there was a dissention , whether leo's phrases should be put into their definition of faith ( now drawn up a new . ) a while it was cryed down , but at last yielded to , when the illiricane bishops had first slighted rome , and cryed , qui contradicunt ( diffinitioni ) nestoriani sunt : qui contradicunt roman ambulent . and anatolius bishop of constantinople openly declared , that dioscotus was not condemned for matter of belief , but because he excommunicated leo , and when he was thrice summoned did not appear . § . . after this theodorets turn came , that had been for nestorius , and the bishops all cryed out , let theodoret curse nestorius . theodoret desired that a petition of his to the emperour and to leo's legate , might be read ; that they might see whether he were of their belief or not . they cryed out , we will have nothing read ; presently curse nestorius , theodoret told them that he had been bred of the orthodox , and so taught , and preached ; and was against not only , nestorius and eutyches , but all men else that held not the right . the bishops interrupted him , clamouring , speak out plainly , cursed be nestorius and his opinions ; cursed be nestorius and those that love him . theodoret answered , i take not my self to say true , but i know i please god : i would first satisfie you of my belief ; for i seek not preferment , i need not honour , nor come hither for that : but because i am calumniated , i come to satisfie you that i am orthodox ; and i anathematize every heretick that will not be converted , and nestorius and eutyches , and every man that saith , there are two sons , or thinks so , i anathematize . the bishops again took this for dawbing , and cryed out , say plainly , anathema to nestorius , and them which hold that which is his . theodoret said , vnless i may explain my own belief , i will not say it . i believe — here they interrupted , and all cryed out , he is a heretick , he is a nestorian : cast out the heretick . reader , would a man have believed that were not forced by evidence , that this council was of nestorius ' s mind , and confirmed his own doctrine of the vnity of christs persons and two natures , who thus furiously cryed down theodoret ? ( except as to the aptitude of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) and is it not a doleful thought that the worthy bishops of the church , even in a general council , should no better know the way of peace ? and do not these words here translated out of binnius , p. . and . agree too well with nazianzen's character of bishops and councils ? not but that the church had always some learned , godly , wise , and peaceable men , ( such as gregory naz. and theodoret were , and many more , especially in africk ; ) but you see that they were born down by the stream of unskilful , worldly , temporizing , violent men ; after once worldly greatness made it the way to preferment , and it became their business to strive who should be uppermost and have his will. ) but theodoret when he found that there was no hope of so much as a patient hearing of his explication and confession , was fain to yield , and say , anathema to nestorius , and to him who saith not that the virgin mary was the parent of god , and who divideth the only begotten son into two sons ; which was yet cautelously expressed ; as if he said , supposing that nestorius did so ( which himself denyed ) let him be accursed : and so theodoret was absolved and counted worthy to be a bishop . § . . iuvenal hierosol . thalassius , and the rest of the leaders , at ephes . council , were pardoned : ibas his epistle to maris against cyril was acquit , or at least the bishop upon the reading of it . it is a sad narrative of the calamitous divisions which these prelates and their councils made . he said that cyril writ against nestorius that there was but one nature in christ , &c. haec omnia impietatis plena : he tells how cyril preposessed the bishops before they met , and made his hatred of nestorius his cause . how he condemned nestorius two days before iohn of antioch came : how afterward they condemned and deposed one another : how nestorius was in hatred with the great men of constantinople , which was his fall : how iohn and cyril's bishops or councils would not communicate with each other : how they set bishops against bishops , and people against people , and a mans enemies were those of his own household : how the pagans scorned the christians hereupon : for ( saith he ) no man durst travel from city to city , or from province to province , but each one persecuted his neighbour as his enemy : for many not having the fear of god , by occasion of ecclesiastical zeal , made haste to bring forth the hidden enmity of their hearts against others : ( he instanceth in some persecutors ) and sheweth how paulus emisseuus helpt to heal them . § . . in the eleventh action two bishops strive for the bishoprick of ephesus , bassianus and stephen ( that had been dioscorus agent ) : and in their pleas each of them proved that the other intruded by violence into the place , both he that first had it , and he that thrust him out and took his seat , and one of them made his clergy swear to be true to him and not forsake him ; and while the bishops were for one of them , the judges past sentence to cast out both , and all consented . § . . but after all the crying up of leo ' s epistle , this synod set so light by leo , as that , some say , against his legates will , they made a canon , ( . ) that every where following the decrees of the fathers , and acknowledging the canon which was lately read made by the bishops , we also decree the same , and determine of the priviledges of the holy church of constantinople new rome : for the fathers did give ( or attribute ) rightly the priviledges to the throne of old rome , because that city ruled ( or had the empire ) and moved by the same consideration the bishops lovers of god , gave ( or attributed ) equal priviledges to the throne of new rome ; rightly judging that the city which is honoured with the empire and the senate , and enjoyeth equal priviledges with ancient queen - rome , should also in things ecclesiastical be extolled and magnified , being the second after it . the popes legates hand boniface is subscribed to all ; and eusebius doril : thus subscribed sponte subscripsi , quoniam & hane regulam sanctissimo papae in vrbe roma ego relegi prescentibus clericis constantinopolitanis , eamque suscepit . and this council was after over and over approved by the roman bishops . § . . it in is this canon notorious , . that the whole general council and so the universal church did then believe , that the popes or roman priviledges were granted by the fathers ( that is , by councils ) and stood not by divine appointment . . that the reason that the fathers granted them , was because it was the imperial seat. had they believed that the apostles had instituted it , they had never said that the fathers did it for this reason ; and that constantinople should be equal or next it for the same reason . . the church of constantinople never claimed their prerogative jure divino as succeeding any apostle , and yet jure imperii claimed equal priviledges . by all which it is undeniable that the whole church in that council , and especially the greeks , did ever hold rome's primacy to be a humane institution , upon a humane mutable reason . what the papists can say against this , i have fully answered against w. iohnson in a book called , which is the true church . § . . the question now is , what concord did these late councils procure to the churches ? ans. from that time most of the christian world was distracted into factions hereticating , damning , deposing a●d too many murdering one another . one party cleaved to dioscorus and were called by the other eutychians ; these cryed up the sufficiency of the nicene councils faith , as that which they were baptized into , and would have no addition nor diminution ; and condemned the calcedon council , and excommunicated and deposed those that would not anathematize it : those that were against them they called nestorians . on the other party were those that had cleaved to nestorius by name , and had been persecuted for his cause ; and these were a separate body , and cryed down the other as eutychians . those called orthodox or catholicks cryed down nestorians and eutychians by name , indeed defending the same doctrine as nestorius , except as to the fitness of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the chief of nestorius his first adherents perceiving that indeed they were of one judgment , united with these against the eutychians . i have shewed that all of them seemed to make all this stir but about some words which one party took in one sense and the other in another . for these words the bishops cast the christian world into confusion , destroyed love and unity under a pretence of keeping the faith ; so that the church was lamentably militant ; bishops against bishops , in continual enimity and rage . the emperours at their wits end not knowing how to end the ecclesiastical odious wars : and the heathens hardened and deriding them all and their religion . § . . when the council was ended , and proterius made bishop of alexandria in dioscorus stead , the city was in so great discontent that the emperour martian was fain to send a lay-man to mollifie them ; for they would not endure a calcedonian bishop : they set more by dioscorus than before ( so that binnius incredibly saith , they offered him divine honour . § . . it was not long till martian dyed , and then they let the world know that it was emperours and not popes or councils that they regarded . they thought then they might shew their minds , and what they did liberatus in breviario , evagrius , nicephorus and others tells us at large : but i will give it you in the words of the egyptian bishops which conformed to the council , bin. p. . one timothy elurus of dioscorus party who had gathered separated congregations before , since the council of calcedon , got some bishops of his own party to make him archbishop : the people soon shewed their minds though it deposed their archbishop . they set up timothy , and he presently made ordinations of bishops and clerks , &c. while he thus went on , a captain , dionisius , came to drive him out of the city : the people rage the more against proterius : he gets into the baptistry to avoid their rage , a place reverenced even by the barbarians and the fiercest men : but these furious people , set on by their bishop timothy , neither reverencing the place , the worship , nor the time , ( which was easter ) nor the office of priesthood , which is a mediation between god and man , did strike the blameless man , and kill him cruelly , with six more ; and dragging his wounded carkess every where , and cruelly drawing it about , almost through all the parts of the city , did mercilesly beat the senseless corps , and divided his parts , and spared not to tast his entrails with their teeth like dogs ; whom they should have thought the mediatour of god and man ; and casting the rest of his body into the fire , they scattered his ashes into the wind , transcending the fierceness of all beasts : and the architect of all this was ( their new bishop ) timothy ; first an adulterer ( taking anothers church ) and then a murderer , doing it in a manner as with his own hands , in that he bid others do it : this man ruleth the alexandrian church , and going on doth worse . this is in the epistle to the emperour leo ; the like they write in another to anatolius , adding , that he anathematized the council of calcedon and all that communicate with it , and received none that receive it , till they renounce it . § . . on the other side bishop timothy's adherents wrote to leo in praise of their new bishop , professing the nicene faith , and declaring what great concord and peace their city now had , and craving the emperours approbation of him . § . . in palestine also the same fire kindled : the monks that had been at calcedon returned lamenting that the nicene faith was there betrayed , and stirred up their fraternity to rescind the acts ; they got together and expelled iuvenal bishop of ierusalem , as a traytor to the catholick faith and a changer . the empress eudocia ) saith nicephorus ) took their part ; and strengthned them ; at schythopolis they killed severianus the bishop , they compelled men to joyn and communicate with them . at ierusalem they killed athanasius a deacon for contradicting them , and gave his flesh to dogs . dorotheus the emperous lieutenant would have kept the peace , and they compelled him to joyn with them : but after twenty moneths iuvenal was restored . thus in many countreys the war went on ; and they that knew not the arcana imperii thought all this was done by bishops and monks : but the truth is theodosius's widow , and theodosius's sister and martian's wife , were of two sides : and women had great power with emperours , and consequently with bishops : but at last pulcheria procured the conversion of eudocia to her side , and then she owned the council , and then others owned it . this was in martians days . § . . the great number of letters sent from the bishops to leo when he was made emperour , which were sent in answer to his own to them , engaged him the more for the council party , and against timothy aelurus : he deposed him and put timothy salophaciolus in his place : but the city was all in confusion between the two timothies , bishops . the egyptian bishops write to the emperour against timothy and eutychiane . the emperour sends forth his circular letters , commanding all to own the calcedon council . at antioch petrus cnapheus ambitious of the archbishoprick got into martyrius place ; by zeno's help : and thinking they were still managing only the controversie against the nestorians , and taking the orthodox for nestorian hereticks , all were accursed by anathema's that would not say that god was crucified and suffered ( the orthodox doing the same , ) and thus they increased the confusions . martyrius their true bishop when he saw that he could do no good upon them , forsook them , with these words , clero rebelli , & populo inobedienti , & ecclesiae contaminatae nuncium remitto . i renounce a rebellious clergy , a disobedient people , and a defiled church . petrus cnapheus kept the bishoprick , and reviled the calcedon council . leo the emperour banisheth him : stephanus a friend to the council is put into the place : that you may know how the council had united the people , even the boys were set on to kill this new bishop with sharp quills . common execution was too easie a death ; being killed they cast his corps into the river , for favouring the council of calcedon , and succeeding their desired bishop : but calendion succeeding him , made them anathematize the same peter cnapheus . § . . while martian and leo , reigned thus , the council of calcedon was kept up , and almost all the bishops were brought to subscribe to it ; but death changeth princes , and thereby bishops . leo dyeth , and dissolute zeno succeedeth him : he would fain have had his peace among them in sensuality : basiliscus taketh the advantage of his dissolute life , and usurpeth the empire , and maketh use of the bishops schism and contentions to get him a party : ( for the bishops schisms greatly serve usurpers ends . ) and first he publisheth his circular letters against the council of calcedon , requiring all the bishops to renounce it , ( because his predecessours had been for it . ) to this , saith nicephorus , lib. . cap. . three patriarchs , and no fewer then five hundred subscribed , and renounced the council . ( and yet how violently they damned all that would not receive it , and writ for it to leo , but a little before you have heard . ) but quickly after , acacius patriarch of constantinople , and dau. columnella , perswaded basiliscus to write clear contrary circular letters , commanding all to own the council : for they convinced him that this was the more possible way : and these also were obeyed . but zeno was shortly after restored to the empire , who was for the council : and then the asian bishops turned again , and wrote to get their pardon , saying , that they subscribed to basiliscus first letters , not voluntary , but for fear ! ( o excellent martyrs . ) niceph. l. . c. . § . . upon this the council was up again , and the bishops became orthodox once more : till at last zeno thought ( as the acacians did about laying by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that the only way to unite these bishops , was to leave all free , neither forbidding any to own the council of calcedon , nor yet compelling any to it . and so he wrote an edict of pacification , silencing the case , which he called his henoticon : for he thought that the bishops would never agree either for it or against it . but yet this ended not the quarrels : the fire still flamed : liberty contented not the bishops : they were zealous for god as against his enemies the hereticks : and every party were these hereticks and enemies in the judgment of the rest . all must be damned and ruined that would not be for god , that is , that was not of their minds . when liberty was once up , the people were significant , and their mind was soon known . at antioch , calendion was cast out of his seat , and peter cnapheus got in again . ( for a combat for a bishoprick was a war which they scrupled not . ) and at alexandria the whole city was in confusion while peter moggus and iohn strove who should be bishop . moggus of alexandria anathematizing the calcedon council , and persecuting dissenters , the emperour laboureth to reconcile them . acacius at constantinople , though supposed orthodox , communicateth with peter moggus : whether in obedience to zeno's henoticon , or weary of hereticating , and why , is not known . ( o how common were separatist bishops in those days ! ) faelix bishop of rome condemneth acacius bishop of constantinople for this : acacius had equal priviledges given by the calcedon council , and had the presence of the emperour and senate , and he again condemneth faelix ; blotting his name out of the sacred albe ( their book of life . ) § . . acacius shortly dying , the emperour found it too hard a task to choose a patriarch , that should not keep up the sedition ; therefore he will refer the choice to god : to that end he putteth a blank paper on the altar , and another by it , requesting of god that an angel might write there the name of him that god would have to be patriarch : the doors are fast locked , and forty days fasting and prayer commanded , to prevail with god : the keys are committed to a sure and great courtier , but one that was subject to angels : one flavitas bribeth him , and he writeth flavitas's name in the paper , and sealeth up the doors : and so there was an arch-bishop chosen by an angel. this man joined with peter of alexandria by synodal letters , to command all to curse the council : and yet wrote to the bishop of rome , that he renounced communion with peter ; and he wrote to peter that he renounced communion with the bishop of rome . but it s fearful sporting with god and angels : he dyed within four months . § . . after flavitas succeeded euphemius : he joined with the bishop of rome , and rased peter's name out of the church book : peter and euphemius as two generals were about gathering synodical armies against each other , and against , and for the council . but the foot that spurneth abroad and spoileth the designs of worldlings , even death presently removed peter . one athanasius succeedeth peter , and fain he would have reconciled and united his clergy and people , but he could not : holy zeal is too easily quenched , but not contentious carnal zeal . palladius succeedeth peter cnapheus at antioch : both these great patriarchs join together to curse the council of calcedon ; and down went the council . but death again maketh a turn , they both dye , and iohn succeeded at alexandria , and flavianus at antioch . yet these must be of the mind of the major part , and both join also to curse the council : and the patriarchs of rome and constantinople curse them , and are for the council : and thus cursing was the religion of the age. § . . but now zeno the emperour dyeth , and anastatius dicorus is chosen emperour . nicephorus , lib. . c. . saith , that he being a man of peace , and desiring the ceasing of contentions , followed zeno's henoticon , and left all to their liberty to think of the council as they pleased . hereupon the bishops fell into three parties ; some servent for every word of the council ; some cursing it ; and some for the henoticon or silent peace . the east was one way : the west another : and lybia another . yea the eastern bishops among themselves , the western among themselves , and the lybian among themselves , renounced communion with one another . nicephor . c. . tanta confusio mentiumque caligo ( saith the historian ) orbem universum incessit , ( it is not my censure ) so great confusion and blindness of mind befell the whole world : this was the effect even of liberty . § . . the emperour resolving to keep peace did purpose to fall on the most unpeaceable whoever , even on both sides . at constantinople he put out euphemius : ( as some thought upon a personal dislike or quarrel : ) for before his inthornizing they say he had given under his hand to euphemius a promise that he would stand for the council ; and when he had possession he demanded up his writing : euphemius denyed it him , and was cast out : macedonius succeeded him , and got the writing : the emperour demanded it also of him ; he also denyed it : the emperour would have also put him out : the people rose up in sedition , and cryed , it is a time of martyrdom , let us all stick to the bishop : and they reviled the emperour , calling him a manichee , and unworthy of the empire . the emperour was forced hereby to submit to macedonius , lest he should have lost all : the bishop sharply rebuked him as the churches enemy . but these things made the emperour more against the council , partly as more against him ; and when he saw time , he remembred macedonius , and cast him out : yea he put timothy in his place , and burnt the councils acts. timothy pulled down the images of macedonius . the patriarchs of alexandria , antioch : and ierusalem , were all cast out . § . . peter cnapheus antioch had made one zenaias a persian servant and unbaptized , bishop of hierapolis . this man was against images and against the council . he brought a troop of monks to antioch to force flavianus the bishop to curse the council ; flavianus refuseth : the people stuck to the bishop , and disputed the case with such unanswerable arguments , that so great a number of the monks were slain , as that they threw their bodies into the river orontes , to save the labour of burying them . niceph. . c. . but this endeth not the dispute ; another troop of monks of coelo-syria , that were of flavianus and the councils side , hearing of the tumult , and the danger of the bishop , flock to antioch , and made another slaughter , as great ( saith nicephorus ) as the former . § . . the murders done by bishops and christians were sometimes punished by excommunication , but not by death in those prosperous times of the church : the emperour hereupon did banish flavianus , which his followers took for persecution ; peter alex. being dead the bishops of alex. egypt , and lybia , fell all into pieces among themselves , each having their separate conventions . the rest of the east also separated from the west , because the west would not communicate with them , unless they would curse nestorius , eutyches , dioscorus , moggus and acacius : and yet saith nicephorus , l. . c. . qui germani dioscori & eutychetes sectatores fuere ad maximam paucitatem redacti sunt . xenaia● bringeth to flavian , the names of theodore , theodorite , ibas and others as nestorians ; and tells him , if he curse not all these , he is a nestorian ; whatever he say to the contrary : flavian was unwilling , but his timerous fellow-bishops perswaded him , and he wrote his curse against them , and sent it to the emperour . xenaias then went farther , and required him to curse the council . the isaurian bishops were drawn to consent to anathematize it . the refusers are all renownced as nestorians . and thus the council that cursed nestorius , is cursed of nestorian : the eutychians perceiving how near they were agreed . after flavian , one severus got to be bishop at antioch ( a severe enemy of the nestorians , and of the council . ) the first day when he was got in , he cursed the council , though 't is said that he had sworn to the emperour that he would not : niceph. lib. . cap. . in palestine the condemnation or ejection of flavianus and macedomius renewed their distractions and divisions . about antioch , severus grew so earnest , and wrote such letters to the bishops under him , as frighted many against their judgements , to curse the council , and those that held two natures , as hereticks : some bishops stood out and refused ; some fled from their churches for fear . the isaurian bishops , when they had yielded , repented , and when they had repented they condemned severus , that drove them to subscribe . two stout bishops , cosmas , and severianus , sent a sealed paper to severus ; and when he opened it , he found it was a condemnation under their hands . the emperour had notice of it , and he being angry , that they presumed to condemn their patriarchs , sent his procurator to cast them out of their bishopricks , ( himself at last being against the council . ) the procurator found the people so resolute , and bent to resistance , in defence of their bishops : that he sent word to the emperour , that these two bishops could not be cast out , without bloud-shed . the emperour sent him word , that he would not have a drop of bloud shed for the business ; for he did what he did for peace . § . . helias , bishop of ierusalem , found all the other churches in such confusion , the bishops condemning one another ; that he would communicate with none of them , save euphemius of constantinople ( before his ejection ) niceph. c. . the monks were engaged for the council by such a means as this . one theodosius , a monk ( or abbot ) gathering a great assembly , lowdly cryed out in the pulpit to them . [ if any man equal not the four councils , with the four evangelists , let him he anathema . ] this voice of their captain , resolved the monks ; and they thenceforth took it as a law , that the four councils should be saoris libris accensenda , added or joyned with the sacred books . and they wrote to the emperour , [ certamen se de eis ad sanguinem us●● subitur●s , that they would make good the conflict for them , even to blood : thus monks and bishops then submitted to princes . these monks went about to the cities to engage them to take their side for the councils . the emperour hearing of this , wrote to the bishop helias to reform it : he rejecteth the emperours letters , and refuseth : the emperour sendeth souldiers to comp●ll or restrain them . the orthodox monks that were for the council , gathered by the orthodox bishops , tumultuously cast the emperours souldiers out of the church , niceph. c. . after this , they had another contention , and there anathematized those that adhered to severus . the emperour more provoked by all this , sent olympius with a band of souldiers to conquer them : olympius came , and cast out bishop helias , and put in iohn . the monks gather again , and the souldiers bieng gone , they come to iohn , and make him engage himself to be against severus , and to stand for the council , though it were unto blood : he yielded to the monks , and ingaged himself to the council , and brake his word made to olympius . the emperor is angry with olympius for doing his work no better ; and puts him out , and sendeth another captain anastatius ; who came and put the bishop iohn in prison and commanded him to despise the council : iohn consulting with another bishop craftily promised to obey him , if he would but let him out of prison , two days before , that it might not seem a forced act . this being done , the bishop on the contrary in the pulpit before the captain and the people , cryeth out if any man assent to eutyches , and nestorius , ( contraries ) and severus , and soterichus , caesariansis , let him be anathema : if any follow not the opinions of the four vniversal synods let him be anathema . the captain seeing himself thus deluded , fled from the multitude and was glad to save himself , the emperour being offended more at this . the bishops write to him , that at jerusalem the fountain of doctrine , they were not now to learn the truth , and that they would defend the traditions if need be even to blood , niceph. . c. . at constantinople the bishop timothy would please both sides , and pleased neither : to some he spake for the council , to others he cursed it . being to make an abbot , the man refused his election , unless he consented to the council of calcedon : timothy presently cursed those that received not the council . his arch-deacon hearing him , reproached him , that like euripus roled every way . the emperour hearing it , rebuked him : and timothy washt away the charge , and presently cursed every one that received the council , niceph. l. . c. . § . . but what did rome all this while ? it were too long to recite their proper history : they were for the council , and they had other kind of conflicts : the goths held them in wars , and had conquered them , and theodorick reigned there as king , and so they were broken off from the empire : arians ruled them , who yet if salvian say true , did ( after ) shame the orthodox in point of temperance , truth , and justice . but besides their following greater schisms , this schism also did reach to them . festus a roman senator was sent by theodorick to the emperour on an embassie : which having done , he desired of the emperour that constantinople might keep the festival days of peter and paul ( which they did not before ) as they did at rome ; and he prevailed : and he secretly assured the emperour , that anastasius bishop of rome would receive the honoticon ( to suspend the consenting to the calcedon council ) and would subscribe it . when this ambassadour came home the pope was dead . to make good his word to the emperour , he got a party to choose laurentius pope , who would receive the honoticon : the people chose symmachus their bishop . and so there were two popes settled , and the sedition continued three years , not without slaughter , rapines , and other calamities : nicephor . cap. . theodorick an arian , more rightuous than the popes , would not deprive them of their liberty of choice , but called a synod , to judge which was the rightful bishop , and upon their judgment confirmed symmachus : but laurentius loth to lose the prey , stirred up the people to sedition , and thereupon was quite degraded . this was a beginning of schisms at rome . § . . the emperour at constantinople favouring the addition [ qui crucifixus est pro nobis , ] the people who disliked it , seditiously cut off a monks head , and set it upon a pole , inscribing [ an enemy to the trinity . ] the emperour overcome and wearied with their confusions , and orthodox murders and rebellions ; called an assembly , and offered to resign his empire , desiring them to choose another : this smote them with remorse , and they desired him to reassume his crown , and promised to forbear sedition : but he dyed shortly after . § . . anno . valentinian the roman emperour attempted a great alteration with the bishops , by a law recalling the judicial power of the bishops in all causes , except those of faith and religion , unless the parties contending voluntarily chose them for the judges . this binnius ( and the other papists ) take for a heinous injury to the church . in all mens judgment , saith binnius , it is absurd that the sheep should judge his shepherd : if to day the pretor stand at the tribunal of the bishop , and to morrow the bishop may be called to the pretors bar ? that an earthly judge may take and punish the servants of the highest judge , and consecrated men : who will not say that this is most absurd ? answ. this sheweth what church-grandure and power these men expect ; if they have not the civil power , and be not magistrates or lords of all , the church is wronged . this clergy-pride is it that hath set the world on fire , and will not consent that it be quenched . . by this rule all christians should be from under all power of kings and civil rulers : for are they not all [ the servants of the highest iudges ] hath god no servants but the clergy ? . by this rule both princes and people should be free from the bishops judgment : for are not these bishops men as well as princes ? and are not christian princes and people the servan●●s of the highest iudge , and therefore should not be judged by bishops . . but what a wicked rebellious doctrine is intimated in the distinction , that princes are earthly iudges , and prelates are the servants of the highest iudge ? are not prelates earthly iudges as well as princes , in that they are men that judge on earth ? and are not princes judges of divine appointment and authority as well as prelates ? yea , and their power more past all dispute ? . and what absurdity is it , that every soul be subject to the higher power ? and that he that 's one of your sheep in one respect , may be your ruler in another ? why may not the king be the ruler of him that is his physician or his tutor ? and why not of him that is his priest. was not solomon ruler of abiathar when he displaced him ? may not one man judge who is fit or unfit for church communion , and another judge who is punishable by the sword ? did christ come to set up a ministry instead of a magistracy ? he that saith , man who made me a judge , came not to put down judges : he that saith , by me kings reign , came not to put down all kings . obj. christ sets up a kingdome of priests , or a royal priesthood . answ. but his kingdom is not of this world , or worldly : it is a spiritual kingdome , conquering sin and satan , putting down the world out of our hearts , and making us hope for the everlasting kingdom which we shall shortly enjoy . the disease of the disciples that strove who should be greatest , and sit at the right and left hand , and said , lord wilt thou at this time restore the kingdom to israel , hath prevailed after all this warning on a worldly clergy , to the great calamity of the church . and what wonder , when even then st. paul saith , all seek their own ( too much ) and none the things of iesus christ ( so naturally as timothy did ) and so zealously as they ought . too many popes haue been peters successours in the character given him , mat. . get thee behind me satan , thou art an offence unto me ; for thou savourest not the things that be of god , but those that be of men . i understood not who were the spring of our late fifth-monarchy mens diseases , till i read campanella de regno dei , and some such papists , where i see that christs reign by his vicar the pope over all the princes and people of the world , is the true fifth-monarchy heresie ; for which they bring the same prophecies as the millenaries do for their expectations . obj. but the pope , prelates and clergy ( called the church ) are not to reign by deposing kings , but by ruling them and being above them : as love is above the law , which yet is made for the ungodly that want love , and must be ruled by fear ; so princes are for the world of unbelievers , but not for the church and spiritual persons who live above them in the life of love. answ. . this was one of the first heresies which the apostles wrote against : many tempted christians then to think that christianity freed them from service and subjection and made all equal : but how plainly , frequently and earnestly , do paul and peter condemn it ? is it not a shame to hear such papists as cry up such a heresie as this , cry down and damn a nestorian , or an eutychian , or a monothelite , for an unskilful use of a word ? paul saith , he that teacheth otherwise ( against subjection ) is proud , knowing nothing , but doting . . love doth indeed set us above fear , and legal threats so far as it prevaileth : but it is imperfect in all , and fear still necessary . . and this taketh not down either the law or magistracy to us , but only maketh us less need such means . it 's one thing to love and live so holily and justly as never to need or fall under the sword of magistrates ; and another thing to be freed from subjection and obligation . this increaseth in many the opinion , that the papal kingdom is antichristian , in that they set up themselves above rulers that are called gods. . but why must this priviledge extend to the clergy only ? have not other christians as much holy love , and spirituality , as most of them ? and must princes rule only infidels ? some suspect none as inclining to popery , but those that take up some of their doctrines of transubstantiation , purgatory , images , &c. but they that on pretence of the raising of the church , and defending its power , do first call the clergy only the church , and then seek to make themselves the lords of princes , by the pretences of an excommunicating power , and plead themselves from under them , and take it for their priviledges to be free from subjection to them and their penal laws , are doubtless levened with that popish heresie , which hath done much of all the mischiefs , which the forecited history describeth . § . . cxxxi . besides some little contention at alexandria , under proterius , before he was murdered ; the next in binnius , is said to be at angices ( andegavens● , ) which saith over again some of their old canons against priests living with women , and removing from place to place , and such like . and the papists say that this council was to contradict the emperour valentinians law , and to vindicate the rights of the church , as not being lyable to civil judicatures , or under kings . § . . cxxxii . anno . . a french venetick council was called about ordinations , which repealed some former canons , and was so strict , that the first canon kept murderers and false witnesses from the sacrament , till they repented ( instead of hanging them . ) and the second canon denyed the communion to adulterers that unlawfully put away their wives , and took others . ( o strict laws . ) § . . cxxxiii . ann. . a council at constantinople , forb●d simony . § . . cxxxiv . ann. . a council at rome , of bishops ; decreed that men that had two wives , or the husbands of whores should not be ordained : that they that could not ●ead , and they that were mai●ed or dismembred , or the penitent , should not be made ministers , &c. § . . cxxxv . ann. . ten bishops at towrs , made such honest canons , as if they yet reteined somewhat of s. martins piety . they earnestly diswade the clergie from their fornication : they go a middle way between them that forbad priests to get children , and those that turn them loose , and decree that married priests that continue to get children shall be advanced no higher : they forbid the clergie to be drunk : and to take in strange women : they forbid them to forsake their ministerial function : ( but what if prelates silence them ) they keep those from the communion that lye with nuns ( devoted to virginity ) till they repent : they keep murderers from the communion , till they penitently confess . ( this is not hanging them in chains : but who shall answer for that blood , and for the next that this man killeth ? ) others such honest canons those vertuous bishops made ( oft made before ) § . . cxxxvi . they say foelix called a council at rome to admonish , and excommunicate peter cnaph . antioch about the time time that he excommunicated acacius const. and acacius damned him again . § . . in this storm against acacius , the pope engaged other bishops , one was quintianus , who sent peter a dozen curses for his cure : of which one reached cyril being against those that say [ vnam naturam ] another was [ siquis deum-hominem , & non magis deum & homineum dicit , damnetur ] that is , ●f any one say god-man , and not rather god and man , let him be damned . how careless are papists , and protestants , that so commonly venture on the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their damnation : if our neighbours , that commonly these thirty years last use the word [ god damn me had but put thee ] instead of [ me ] i should have suspected that the councils and bishops had made their religion . § . . cxxxvii . they say that ann. acacius ( as bad as the pope , made him ) call'd a council at constantinople , to condemn peter cnapheus . § . . cxxxviii . foel●x called b●shops to rome , on this occasion : he sent his peremptory letters to acacius , const. and some to the emperour zeno , by two bishops , mis●nus and vitalis : the emperour took away their letters ; and ( not knowing then the popes soverainty ) laid them by the heels , till he made them glad to communicate with those bishops that they came to condemn : for this faelix and his bishops , cast them out of the episcopal office ; and they presumed to excommunicate acacius , as afore said , even with this clause , nunquam anathematis vinculis exuendus : never to be absolved from the curse ! what no repentance , for one that was no heretick ! but falsly so called , for obeying the emperour , in dealing gently with some eutychians ; were not this council and pope novatians ? § . . cxxxix . yet ann. . the same faelix is said in a council of bishops , to decree communion to the lapsed , and re-baptized , penitent africans . § . . at this time , and before in pope leo ' s time ; some maniches in rome , would not be recusants , but conformists , and come to church , and take the sacrament ; but they took only the bread , and not the wine . leo , serm. . de temp. quadrag . writeth this against them . when to cover their infidelity , they dare be present at our mysteries , they so temper themselves , that they may safely lye hid , in the receiving of the sacrament , that they with an unworthy mouth , receive christ ' s body , but refuse to drink the blood of redemption . which we would have your holiness to understand ; that such men may be known to you by these marks : and that when their sacrelegious dissimulation is discerned , being discovered they may by the priestly authority be driven from the society of the saints . hereupon the pope decreed that none should communicate , but in both kinds : the words of the canon dist . . de consecrat . are these . we find that some taking only a portion of the holy body , abstein from the cup of the holy blood : because i know not by what superstition they are taught to be thus bound ; let such either receive the whole sacrament , or be driven from the whole : because a division of one and the same mystery , cannot come but from heynous sacriledge . reader , is rome constant in their religion ? and have they no innovations ? is not binnius impudent in calling it foolish to cite this canon of their own pope , against them . consider it and judge . and as impudent is he , p. . in expounding these words of gelasius . non desinit substantia vel natura panis & vini , that is ▪ the substance or nature of the bread , and wine ceaseth not : as if it speaks only of the substance and nature of the accidents : as if accidents had substance , and nature of their own : what words , what evidence can be so plain as to convince such men . § . . among the epistles of gelasius ; one is to euphemius bishop of constantinople , denying him communion , till he put the name of acacius out of the dypticks , both of them being orthodox ; only because acacius communicated with an eutychian ; even when he is dead , those that condemn him not must be excommunicated ▪ were there ever greater separatists than these . and is it any wonder if now the pope separate from most of the christian world. there is also his commonitor●um written to faustus the embassador of theodorike at constantinople ; in which he insistetion the same way of separation . all the world must be in an ecclesiastical episcopal war , if they will not damn and separate from every one that speaketh an unapt word , if a council or pope will but call it heresie . but here the papists would have us believe that excommunicating in those days was a proof of superiority : but gelasius himself here tells them otherwise . it was objected against him by euphemius constant. that one man may not excommunicate acacius a patriarch . and he answereth , . that it was the act of many ; that is , of the council which condemned the eutychians in general . but is this good law , or divinity ? is every offender condemned , ipso jure , before his personal guilt is judged ? because the law condemneth all thieves , may every man judge , and hang them . acacius is confessed to be no eutychian , but to have obeyed his prince , in communicating with one : euphemius was no eutychian , but would not disobey his prince at the popes command , by blotting out acacius name . but his second answer is , quod non solum praesuli apostolico facere licet , sed cuicunque , pontifici ut quo●libet & quemlibet locum , secund●m regul●● hareseos ipsius ante damnatae , a catholica communioni discernant . that is , iris lawful not only to an apostolical prelate , but to any bishop to exclude from catholick communion ; any persons , and any p●ace , according to the rule of his fore-damned heresie . and accordingly , others have excommunicated , the pope , and lower prelates have excommunicated patriarchs ; and the lower patriarchs the higher : excommunication , as it is an act of government , is done only by a governour : but as all christians are commanded to avoid scandalous christians , so in their several places they may practice this , the guilt being proved , i may tell him that i have no rule over , i will have no communion with you : but i cannot thereby oblige all others to do the like . this gelasius also oft ( epist. ad anastas . imperat. &c. ) setteth up the priest above the prince , as gods laws are above mans : as if kings were were not to govern by gods laws ? and as if the bishops canons were not mans laws ( if they be laws . ) § . . cxl . it 's said that bishops at rome under gelasius determined of the canon of the scripture , and also of accepted and rejected books . in the canon they put a book called ordo historiarum ; with one book of tobias , one of iudith , one of the maccabees , nehemias is lest out . among the approved books the epistle of leo to flavian const. is thus imposed , [ the text whereof if any man shall dispute , even to one iota ( or tittle ) and doth not venerably receive it in all things , let him be accursed . ] a multitude of heretical and rejected books are named : eighteen pretended to be by or , of some apostles , and such other : and among others the history of eusebius ( yet before approved , unless here he mean only de vita const. ) the works of tertullian , lactantius , arnobius , clemens alexand. africanus , cassianus , victorinus pictav . faustus rhegiens . &c. of the canon of scripture bishop cousins hath collected the true history from greater antiquity . § . . cxli . vitalis and misenus , the popes legates at constantinople , having been excommunicated for communicating with acacius , &c. vitalis dyed so , but after eleven years misenus repented , and was absolved by a council of bishops : ( might not the pope alone have done it ? ) § . . cxlii . you have heard before how festus got laurentius the arch-presbyter chosen pope at rome , and more chose symmachus : theodorick an arian being king was just , and had so much wit as to please the clergy while his kingdom was unsettled . the pope , under his protection , excommunicated both emperour and patriarch of constantinople , for communicating with hereticks ; but he never excommunicated theodorick at home , though an arian ▪ there was reason for it : interest is such mens law. but while the schism between symmachus and laurentius divided the senate , the clergy , and the people , five or six several councils are called at rome , mostly to heal this rupture : for at first the laurentians laid some crimes to the charge of symmachus ; and when the councils would not cast him out , they fell to rapine , violence , and bloodshed , many being killed , and all in confusion : so that it was work enough in three years for king and council to end the schism . § . . cxliii . when the arian persecution abated in africa , thrasa●●ndus the king , contriving which way to root out the orthodox without violence ; he commanded that when any bishop dyed , no other should be ordained in their places . hereupon the nonconformists seeing the churches like to decay , ann . . held a synod , in which they decreed and do their that though they suffered death for it they would go on , and ordain , office ; concluding that either the mind of the king would be mollified , or else they should have the crown of martyrdom . this is called concilium byzacenum . § . . it is greatly to be noted , that many following councils in spain , france , and other parts of europe , which were held under the gothish kings , were more pious and peaceable than the rest fore-described . the reasons seem to me to be these : . these kings being conquering arians , the bishops durst not damn them for heresie , for fear of their own necks ; and so were greatly restrained from the hereticating work of councils . . these kings having a narrower dominion than the empire , and being jealous of their new gotten conquests , were nearer the bishops , and kept them more in awe than the emperour did . . and these councils being small ( of a few bishops ) had no such work for arrogancy and ambition , as the great general councils had : . and the great proud pretending patriarchs that set the world in a continual war , were not here to strive who should be the greatest . the pope himself was seldom mentioned in the spanish and french councils , or the african . § . . cxliv . one of these honest councils is agathense by the permission of alaricus , by bishops , casarius arelatensis being chief : where many canons for the clergy were made or repeated . the d canon is , that if bishops wrongfully excommunicate any one , other bishops shall receive them . ( did the popes observe this with acacius , euphemius , &c. ) can. . if any citizens on the great solemnities , that it , easter , the lords nativity , or whitsuntide , shall neglect to meet where the bishops are , ( seeing they are set in cities for benediction and communion , ) let them be three years deprived of the communion of the church . ( doth not this prove that the city churches then met all in one place , and so were but one assembly at those times ? how else could all the citizens be with the bishop at one time ? ) but even these canons forbid clergy-men to sue any before a secular judge , or to appear or answer at anothers suit , can. . otherwise both are to be excommunicate , can. . it punisheth those that kill men , but with denying them communion . can. . only if a bishop , presbyter , or deacon , commit a capital crime , he shall be deposed and put into a monastery , and have but lay-communion . ( when murderers are hang'd , and trayters also quartered , this canon is laid aside . ) i thought a monastery had been a desirable place , and not bad enough to serve traytors and murderers instead of the gallows . § . . cxlv . a council at apanna under sigismund king of burgundy , recited such like canons as the former : save that there is one just such as our fanaticks in england would have made , who would not worship god in any temple which the papists had used to their mass : so faith can. . the temples ( or churches ) of hereticks , which we hate with so great execration , we despise to apply to holy uses , as judging their pollution to be such as cannot be purged away . but such as by violence they took from us we may recover . this is just down with the idolatrous steeple-houses . but if they would give the nonconformists in england leave to preach in such places , they would be thankful , and think god will not impute the sin of others to us . § . . cxlvi . a council at sidon of bishops , was called by the emperour anastasius , where they agreed to curse the council of calcedon , and flavianus antioch , and iohan. paltens . were banished for refusing . this was about the time when the foresaid fight was between the monks and the antiochians , when the carkasses of the eutychian monks were cast into the river . § . . about this time was the fall and rise of the papacy . the fall , in that the eastern empire made little use of popes , but did their church work without them . their rise , in that the western empire and africa being divided between many late conquering kings , they all labour to settle themselves in a peaceable possession by pleasing the clergy , who , as they found , had no small interest in the people . § . . cxlvii . hincmazus in the life of remigius , tells us of a strange thing done at a council at rhemes ; that one arian bishop challenged all the rest to dispute , and when rhemigius came in would not rise to him , but upon the shaddow of remigius passing by him , he was struck dumb , and falling at rhemigius feet , by signs askt pardon , and was suddenly cured of his dumbness and heresie , confessing the deity of christ. § . . cxlviii . because iohan. nicopolit . did but call some of his bishops to flatter the pope , and to curse all heresies and acacius , this is put in among the councils . but the concil . tarracense , anno . seems more regardable ( under theodorick ) where the clergy are restrained from buying cheaper and selling dearer than others , ( this it seems grew to be a part of their priviledges . ) and from judging causes on the lords day : and it is ordered that the bishop send a presbyter one week , and a deacon another , to the country congregations , and to visit them himself once a year , because by the old custome he is to have a third part of all the church profits . qu●r . whether a bishops diocess then was any bigger than one of our corporations with the neighbour villages ? and if one of our bishops that have above a thousand parishes , or many hundred , should have the third part of all ( or as other canons say the fourth , ) would not our bishops be yet richer men than they are ? especially if they that confine bishops to cities , could get a prince to call no corporation a city but one or two in a kingdom , and be as the abuna is in ethiopia , that hath the thirds of all the ecclesiastical benefits in the empire . this council had ten bishops . § . . cxlix . the concillium gerundense is next , anno . under theodorick ; it consisted of seven bishops , ( bishopricks began to grow so big , that they could not so suddenly meet by the scores and hundreds as when every church was known by one altar and one bishop , as ignatius speaks . ) the seven men made canons , that the same liturgy should be used in the other churches of that province as were used in the metropolitan church . ( for formerly every bishop in his own church did pray as he thought best , without imposed or agreed uniformity of many churches , much less of all in a nation . ) they decree also that litanies be used on the kalends of november . a litany then signified a solemn supplicating of god by the people assembled , fasting , walking , singing , and praying , as is used here in the rogation week : sometime they walked to the memorial of some martyr , sometime about the streets , oft bare foot , continuing it with fasting for certain times . the last canon is , that the priests say the lords prayer twice a day , morning and evening . ( that was a short liturgy . ) § . cl. when iustin was made emperour , the bishops turned in the east , and down went the eutychians , and a synod of bishops at constantinople resolved that the names of euphemius and macedonius should be restored into the dyptick ( their book of life ) and that soverus should be condemned with his adherents . § . . the case hath been oft intimated before ; in those times when all the empire was in confusion between eutychians , and the orthodox , and some emperours took one side , and some the other , and some in vain endeavoured peace : the churches of antioch and alexandria were more eutychian than constantinople , though the emperour that favoured the eutychians were present : acacius was orthodox , but pleased the emperour so far as to communicate with , or not curse and excommunicate the bishops of antioch and alexandria . for this , as you have oft heard , the pope excommunicated him , and he so dyed ( having done as much for the pope . ) euphemius and macedonius that succeeded were both orthodox , and commanded by the emperour to communicate with the eutychians , and persecuted , and both cast out by him , for not obeying him , as is before described in that and another such matter : the pope had required them to blot acacius name out of the dyptick : the court , clergy , and people were against it , thinking it arrogancy in one man , to excommunicate the patriarch of the imperial city that was orthodox , upon his personal revenge or quarrel : they obeyed not the pope : the pope is against them for not cursing a dead orthodox bishop acacius : the emperour was against them for being against the eutychians , as the pope was for not being more against both them , and all that did not curse them as much as he did , were not these bishops in a hard case ? both agree to their extirpation , and when they were dead to damn their names : but the clergy and people agreed not . the eastern and western churches were hereby ▪ divided . ( that is , constantinople and rome . ) is not the christian world beholden to such tyrants and proud pretenders for its distractions and calamities ? that will rather divide the christian world , than endure the names of orthodox persecuted bishops to be honoured when they are dead , because they would not blot out and abhor the name of another dead orthodox bishop their predecessour , when the pope cursed him for communicating with an eutychian . i know the papists will cry up , the preservation of the faith and purity ▪ but if ever any did overdo the pharisees , that reproved christ for eating with publicans and sinners : if ever any became plagues of the world , by being wise , orthodox , and righteous overmuch , and made use of the name of faith , to destroy faith , love , humanity , and peace , and cryed up the church , and vnity , as catholicks , to destroy the church and unity , and crumble it into sects and factions ; it is certainly these men . but the east and west that thus began their separation by the spirit of pride and envy that rome had against the growing greatness of constantinople , continue their division to this day ; and it hath been no small cause of the ruin of the empire and the christian cause , and delivering all up to the mahometans : which the good pope seemed to judg more tolerable ( with all the streams of blood that went before and after ) than that he should not have his will upon an orthodox dead mans name . sure fiut iustitia & ruat coelum , was devised by these precise over righteous popes . § . . evagrius ( lib. . ) saith , that iustin came to the empire as followeth : amantius was one of the greatest men , but uncapable of the empire , because he was an eunuch : he gave a great sum of money to iustine , to hire the souldiers to choose theocritus , his bosom friend : iustine with that money hired them to choose himself , and quieted amantius and theocritus , by murdering them both . and because vitalianus ( that had usurped and laid down , ) was then great , he drew him in to be a commander near him , and so got him killed . but he becometh orthodox , and saith binnius , p. . the great patron and defender of the catholicks , by the singular favour of god obtained the empire . so zealous was he , that he caused the tongue of severus the eutychian , archbishop of antioch , to be pulled out of his head , for cursing so oft the council of calcedon , and such like things . paulus succeeded him and dyed , and euphrasius succeeded him , who was buried in the ruines of the city ▪ it being cast to the ground by a terrible earthquake , and the remnant burnt with fire from heaven , in the lightning that went with the earthquake . but euphremius lieutenant of the east , did so charitably relieve the people , that in reward they chose him for their bishop . reader , was not a bishoprick then grown a considerable preferment , when the emperours lieutenant of the east took it for such , even to be bishop of a city that lay on heapes ? § . . cli . things being now on the turn , a synod at ierusalem votes up the council of calcedon , and cry down soverus . § . . clii. and another at tyre do●● the like . § . . cliii . and another council at rome again decreeth the damnation of the three dead bishops of constantinople , acacius , euphemius , and macedonius : what , never have done with dead men ? methinks stark dead might satisfie pride and malice . binnius saith , that the eastern church yielded to blot out of the dypticks the names of acacius , euphemius and macedonius ( not the heretick ) and the emperours , zeno , and anastasius : the pope maketh himself the governour of hell ; where he thought these emperours and bishops were . but it is worse than savage malice that will not cease towards dead men ! and if the empire yielded , they shewed more love of peace than rome did , but not much wit , in giving a prelate of another princes dominion such power to defame , and force them to defame their emperours and patriarchs at his pleasure . § . . the zeal of iustin to eradicate the arians , and take all their churches from them , provoked theodorick ( though a just man , that gave the orthodox liberty , protection , and encouragement , yet an arian , and gave the arians liberty also ) to resolve , that he would use the orthodox in italy , as iustin did the arians in the east : whereupon iohn , bishop of rome , with some others , went as his ambassadours to constant to mediate with iustin for the arians ease . anastastus in lib. pontif. saith he obtained it : binnius out of gregor . taron . saith the contrary : which is more probable . however by going on such a message for real hereticks , it appeareth with what sincerity the popes prosecuted the dead names of the three orthodox constant. bishops , on pretence of zeal against heresie : when their interest urgeth them , let the world be set on fire rather than you shall speak favourably of an eutychian : but when interest changeth , rather than they in italy shall suffer , john goeth to constantinople for favour to the arians . suppose he did not speed : what went he thither for ? on this provocation , theodorick , on other quarrels , put to death symmachus , and his son-in-law boetius , roman senators and excellent men , and imprisoned iohn when he returned , and in the prison he dyed : and when he was dead the arian king chose foelix the fourth pope : was this election valid ? if yea , he that is strongest , though a heretick may choose the pope ? if not , than their succession was then interrupted . § . . cliv. we have next a great council called ilerdense of eight bishops ander theodorick . to mend some faults of the clergy , viz. that they that minister at the altar abstain from mans blood , can. . that they that commit adultery , and take medicines , or give them to cast the birth , or that murder the child , shall abstain from communion seven yea●● : and if they be of the clergy , must be content with the communion and the chore without their office , can. . none shall draw an offender , though a servant out of the church , ( nor say other canons out of the bishops house ) that flyeth thither for any crime ( the church and bishops houses had the priviledge to be the harbour for murderers , thieres , traytors , &c. ) but can. . alloweth the bishop to punish them more than others ( with longer forbearing the sacrament ) if those of the clergy murder one another : o severe laws ! § . . clv . next we have a council ( not all so great , having but six bishops ) under theodorick , that ordered that the epistle should be read ●●fore the gospel , and some things like others . § . . clvi . and four ordinary sayings , were said over again by fifteen bishops at aules . § . . it seems the semepelagians then much prevailed : for one lucian made a recantation of his errors to a council of bishops at lyons , as urged by them : one of his supposed errors was , that some are deputed to death , and others predestinate to life ; and another , that none of the gentiles before christ were saved by the light of nature : and now he owneth : that in the order of times , some were saved by the law of grace , others by the law , of moses , and others by the law of nature ; but none ever freed from original sin , but by holy blood . and faustus rheg . against the praedestinarians was owned by the foresaid council at arles , bin. p. . § . theodorick made the clergy subject to civil judicatures ; allowing them their liberty of religion : when he dyed ( of whose soul in hell they pretend visions ) his successours athalaricus , for the quiet possession of his kingdom , at the clergies complaint of this as an injury , was pleased to restore them to their dominion , and freedom from subjection . § . . iustinian succeeding iustin , ( by his choice ) compileth the laws into better order then before , and to the great advantage of the orthodox clergy , and against heresies : and yet two things trouble the papists in them . . that he seemeth to pretend to a power over the church laws . but their shift is to say that he did it but as a defence and confirmation of the bishops laws . . that he restored the names of his predecessors ' zeno , and anastasius , with notes of piety and honour ; whom the popes had presumed to damn as eutychians or toleraters of them : but for this they say ; it was the doing of tribonianus , a heathen lawyer , that did the work : as if iustinian would let him do what he disliked , and not correct it . § . . when iustinian resolved to set up the council of calcedon ; he cursed severus , and deposed the two patriarchs , anthimius of constantinople , and theodosius of alexandria , for they were both eutychians : severus had perswaded them rather to forsake all worldly interest , than the faith ( as he called it . ) but here i cannot see how the historians ( as evagrius ) will be reconciled with themselves ; that say , iustin caused severus tongue to be pulled out ; and yet , that he afterward perswaded anthimius at const. unless he did it only by writing . § . . so far was iustinian's resolution , and power , from reconciling the bishops of the empire , that he could not keep unity , in his own house or bed : for his wife theodora , was firm to the eutychians ; and cherished them , as he did the orthodox , and both with so great constancy , that evagrius suspecteth they did it politickly , by agreement , ( for the peace of the empire ) that each party might be kept in dependance on them . § . . an insurrection in constantinople occasioned the killing of about thirty thousand , saith evagrius c. . out of procopius . § . . about this time a miracle is spoken of so credibly , that i think it not unfit to mention it : hunnerikus in africa , being an arian , goth persecuted the orthodox bishops , especially on pretences that they refused to swear fidelity to him , and his son : ( say some ) they were forbidden to preach , and for not obeying , or for nonconformity ; the tongues of many were cut out , who they say did speak freely after as before : it were hard to be believed ; but three historians i have read that all profess that they saw , and heard the men themselves , viz. victor vticensis aenaeas gazaeus de anima , & procopius in evagrius , l. . c. . who yet addeth that two of them upon some sinfulness with women , lost their speech and remained dumb . nicephor . saith rem cum foeminis habuissent : alas , that miracles will not prevent sin. § . . in the eleventh year of iustinian , athalaricus being dead , and theodatus a kinsman succeeding , this man loving books better than war , yielded up rome and the crown to bellisarius iustinians general ; and so after the gothes had kept it years , it was restored without a drop of blood , saith evagrius l. . c. . but when bellisarius went away t●tilas came and recovered rome : and bellisarius returning , recovered it from the gothes again , c. . § . . three several countries about that time , received the christian faith , much through the reverence of iustinians power , viz. the heruli , the abasgi , and they of tanais , evagr. c. . . . but the grievous wars and successes of cosroes the persian in the east , and a plague of fifty two years continuance , which destroyed a great part of mankind , took down much of the roman glory . § . . clvii . a second concillium aransicanum condemned semepelagianisme , propagated by faustus bishop of rhegrim , after prosp. who had been of the contrary mind . § . . clviii . a concilium v●sense of ten bishops , decreed that parish priest should breed up young readers , who may marry at age ; that the parish priests shall preach , or in their absence , the deacon read a sermon : that lord have mercy on us be often said : that holy , holy , holy , be oft said : that , as it was in the beginning , &c. be oft said . § . . clix. a synod of bishops at carpenteracte decreed that the bishop of the city should not take all the countrey parish maintenance to himself . § . . clx . as faelix was chosen pope by theodorick ; so athalaricus claiming the same power , chose after him boniface the second : an arrian heretick made the pope . others not willing of the kings choice , chose dioscorus ; so there are two popes : but dioscorus quickly dyeth ; and boniface condemneth him when he is dead , on some pretence of money matters , as simoniacal ; and calling a synod , appointeth virgilius a deacon , his successor . after he calleth another synod , to undo this choice , upon his repentance ; and shortly after dyeth himself . agapetus that followed him , absolveth the dead man dioscorus , whom boniface cursed : such work did church-cursing then make , as the engine of ambition . § . . clxi . a council of bishops at toletane , said somewhat again to keep bishops from women , and from giving their lands from the church . § . . clxii . iohn was put by iustinian , to call a council at rome on an odd occasion ( which sheweth what it was that bishops then divided the the world about ) in the days of p. hormisda , there was a controversie ( de nomine ) whether it might be said : one of the trinity was crucified : hormisda declared against it , because they that were for it , were suspected of eutychianisme , ( and condemned after ) but the nestorians laid hold of this , and said : if we may not say that one in the trinity was crucified ; then we may not say : mary was the parent of one in the trinity : iustinian sent about this to iohn ; and he and his synod said contrary to hormisda : that we may say , that one of the trinity was crucified . doth not this plainly confess the bloud and doleful divisions , caused by bishops and monks for so many ages about nestorianisme , and eutychianisme , was but about a word which in one sence is true , and in another false ; which one pope saith , and another unsaith . when binnius after baronius hath no more to say for excuse of this ; but that it a mutatis hostibus arma mutarinecesse fuit : o for honesty : against divers enemies we must use divers weapons . but sir may you use contrary assertions , as articles of faith ? or do you not here undenyably tell us that ambiguous words , and clergy iurisdiction , have been the causes of almost all the divisions , and ruines of the church for years ? § . . iustinian took a better course to convince , and reconcile dissenters , than violence . there is in binnius , p. . &c. the recital of a disputation , or friendly conference between the eutychian bishops , and hypatius , with others of the orthodox : the most clear , rational , and moderate of any thing , that i find before that time explaining their controversie : and which fully proveth what i have all along said as my opinion , that indeed the world was confounded by unskilful men about hard ambiguous words and by a lordly , selfish , imposing spirit , in too many of the captains of those militant churches : and that clear distinguishing explication of terms , with humble love , would have prevented most of those divisions . in that conference , these things are specially notable . . that the oriental bishops called eutychians , condemned eutyches , and yet honoured dioscorus , who defended him ; so that it was a quarrel more about men , names , and words , than doctrine . . that hypatius , and the orthodox ( though they were not willing to suspect corruption in gyril's epistles , yet ) could not deny but cyril used eutyches words , that is asserted , one nature of god incarnate , after the union . . that yet they proved that cyril also held two natures : ( but say the eutychians , he only held two before the union considered intellectually ) so that either cyril was an eutychian , or else his unskillful speaking , as both parties did , set the world together by the ears . . that unrighteous partiality greatly prevailed with the orthodox bishops , and councils of these times ; when they could ( as hypatius here did ) put a charitable construction upon the same words of cyril , for which they condemned so many others , who as his obedient followers , held what they did of cyril's . vnam naturam dei incarnati : they say , we neither condemnit , nor iustifie it . if they had used that moderation with all others , all had been in greater peace . . that they say so much of the falsifying of athanasius epistle to epictetus , of appollinaries epistle fathered on iulius , of the falshood of the dyonysius areopag . &c. as he tells us , that we must not be over credulous in trusting to writings ascribed to the ancients . . that nullus ex antiquis recordatus est ea ; was thought a good argument against the authority of dyonisius areopagita . . they instance in the difference between the greeks and latins about the words hypostasis , and persona , which set the latins on condemning the greeks as arrians , and the greeks it on condemnthe latins as sabellians , till athanasius that understood both tongues , perswaded them , that their meaning was the same ( and necessity urged athanasius to reconcile them ) which greg. nazianzene and other peaceable men afterward promoted ; and yet hierome was judged a heretick after , for disliking the word hypostasis . ) and yet must hard ambiguous words confound and divide the churches still ? . they confess that cyril , [ idem dicebat esse substantiam , quod naturam vel subsistentiam ] & ideo in duodecim capitulis suis pro duabus substantiis vel naturis duas subsistentias posuit . reader , if this great learned voluminous prelate had no more accurateness of speech than to confound substance , nature , and subsistence , and put them one for another ; what could be expected from the multitude of poor unlearned prelates , that took his name for their guide , and cryed out in council , great is cyril ; as●yril ●yril : and what then ? could the confusions of the world be caused by ( between nestorians , eutychians , severians , monothelites and catholicks ) such a strife about words as cyril had occasioned ? . note that hypatius and the orthodox here maintain , that flavianus himself subscribed as much for one nature as dioscorus could have desired : and that the controversie lay in a syllable , whether christ were one person ? ex duabus naturis , or , in duabus ; the eutychians said ex , and the rest said in : and flavian yielded to ex , and the synod of calcedon accepted both : neque illi istos reprehendunt , neque isti illos tanquam unius honoris arbitrati voces utrasque , quando & unam naturam dei verbi incarnatam , non renuit beatus flavianus in confessione quam propria manu subscripsit , dicere , &c. where flavians words are recited to theodosius , et unam dei verbi naturam incarnatam tamen dicere non negamus , quia ex utrisque unus idemque dominus iesus christus est . and would not this much used to all other , have healed all the churches ? . note that hypatius and the orthodox make not cyril infallible , but say , that his synodical epistles they receive , not as his , but the synods : but for the rest , neque damnamus eas , n●que suscipimus . . that the controversie was logical ( p. . ) how vnition maketh or denominateth one . . note that they expresly say , vbi vnitio dicitur , non vnius significatur rei conventus ( so all say ) sed duarum v●l plurium & diversarum secundum naturam : si erga dicimus vnitionem , procul dubio confitemur , quod carnis animatae & verbi : sed & hi qui duas naturas dieunt , idem sentiunt . and if this be true , were they not all of a mind and knew it not ? . note that the eutychians took theodorets anathema , nestorio & eutycheti , with a valete added for a slur , and a deceit : and hypatius was fain to intimate a blame on the council , that had not the patience once to hear such a man as theodorite to open his judgment , but cryed out only , curse them , curse them , and he interprets theodorets valete , as saying , now take my bishoprick if you please . . in a word , had this light and love been used by the bishops , which this conference expresseth , it had prevented much confusion in the churches , scorn against the bishops , hardening of the infidels , and destruction of christian love and peace . and though the eastern bishops yielded not , many of their followers did . § . . clxiii . they say an african council sent to iustinian to procure the restoration of their liberties , which the vandall arians had taken away ( iustinian having recovered africa . ) § . . pope agapetus was forced by king theodatus to go on an embassie to iustinian , to turn by his armies from italy : which he did , and not prevailing ( having rejected authimus ) he dyed there , anno . § . . clxiv . menna being made bishop of const. a council was there called . sure no roman presided ; for there was then an inter-regnum : but was it then a good council ? as please the pope ! yet so impudent is binnius as to say , that menna was the popes vicar , and his legates presided , when there was no pope on earth . the work of this council was to condemn and curse authimus , ( a bishop of const. got in by the empress , and put out by the emperour ) with severus late bishop of antioch , and peter bishop of apamea , and zoaras a monk , as being acephali , that is , severians , or eutychians , as they were variously called : severus and peter have cruel persecutions also laid to their charge , ( for persecution hath but its time . ) the emperour hereupon maketh a fevere law against them , sending them by banishment to solitude , and condemning their books to the fire , and judging their hands to be cut off that writ them . ( we may see whence our church-history mostly cometh , even from the stronger side , that had power to burn all which they would not have known . ) two things in this council offend the romanists : . that iohn bishop of constantinople is called patriarcha oecumenicus : . that euphemius , macedonius , and leo are named , and leo last : the two first having been damned by the popes so oft since they were dead . and they have no better remedy , but to say that some ill greek hand hath falsified the councils . ( is that all the certainty we have of recorded councils . ) if you suspect the greeks , why may we not also suspect the romans ; especially in the days of wicked popes ? the people cryed out here , quid manemus in communicati ? binnius noteth , that from the time that macedonius their orthodox bishop was ejected , the faithful catholicks withdrew themselves from the communion of impious timothy that was put into his place . note . that this macedonius is he that the roman pope so often damned alive and dead : . that the peoples separation from bad possessours of the bishops seats , was then an usual and justified thing . § . . clxv . a council at ierusalem having notice of what was done at const. do the same against authimus , severus , peter , and zoaras . . a●astasius in lib. pontisic . saith that the arian king theodatus corrupted with money , made silverius pope , and at the same time the empress theodora promised the popedom to vigilius , on condition he would restore authimus and those that the council had damned : which he promising , the empress sent him with letters to bellisarius to see it done . silv●rius was but a sub-deacon , and vigilius an arch-deacon , son to pope h●rmis●●a : silverius was accused by many witnesses of treason in offering to l●t in the go●hs into the city , and was banished , and vigilius pu● in his place , and had the keeping of him and famished him to death , and succeeded him . so that here were a while two popes at once , one chosen by an arian , and the other a perfidious murderer , that undertook to restore those that were ejected as hereticks : and was this man to be communicated with any more than acacius , euthymius , or macedonius ? § . . theodosius a bishop of alexandria refusing to subscribe to the calcedon council , was ejected and banished by iustinian , and paulus as orthodox put into his place : who being accused of murder was also put out and banished , and zoilus put into his place . § . . but theodosius is said by liberat. and others , to have first deserted the place , being wearied with the peoples wars : the case was this : a new controversie was started , whether the body of christ was corruptible or incorruptible ? the division about this was so great , that the church divided , and chose two bishops : those that were for the incorruptability , had gainas for their arch-bishop , and were called by the other phantasiastae , and gainites : those that were for the corruptability , had theodosius for their arch-bishop , and were called by the other corrupticolae , and theodosians . most communicated with gainas ; but the soldiers were for theodosius . liberatus breviar . c. . saith , that they fought it out , and the people fought for gainas , many days ; and being slain by the soldiers lost their greatest part : but yet a greater number fell of the souldiers : and narses was overcome , not with arms , but with the concord of the citizens : the women cast stones on them from the tops of the houses ; but the souldiers did that by fire which they could not do by arms. and saith liberatus , that city is divided with that schism to this day , some being called gainites , and phantasiasts , and the other theodosians , and corrupticolae . § . . the case of the orthodox paul that succeeded him , is described by liberatus , c. . he intending to put out elias the master of the souldiers as a heretick , by a power received from the emperour , one of his deacons discovered it to elias by letters . paulus fearing the fate of proterius , and getting the letters , got rhodo the emperours augustal magistrate to secure the deacon , who by one arsenius murdered him : for which alledging the command of paulus the bishop , and the emperours command to obey paul , the emperour put to death the magistrate rhodo , and deposed paulus , and put zoilus in his place . § . . there is in liberatus , c. . an epistle of pope vigilius , in which he performeth his promise to the empress , and owneth communion with authimus , &c. and denyeth two natures , &c. but baronius and binnius take it for a forged epistle ; when as we have scarce a more credible writer than liberatus . § . . niceph. l. . c. . saith , that vigilius , when rome was again taken by the goths , fled to constantinople ; there he fell out with mennas the orthodox patriarch ( cui agathon papa , quod nunquam antea factum est , manus imposuit , saith niceph. c. . ) and eo insolentiae progressus est , he grew so insolent that he excommunicated menna for four months : which so provoked iustinian , that he sent men to apprehend him , and when he fled to the altar , they drag'd him away , and anastasius in lib. pontif. saith , they tyed a rope about his neck and drag'd him about the streets till the evening , and made him glad to communicate with menna . but at last he was restored to his bishoprick . § . . two heinous crimes evagrius chargeth iustinian with : . insatiable covetousness and extortion . ( but he used to do very great good works . ) . encouraging murderers ( see evagr , l. . c. . ) so that men were no where safe , but they that killed them , as in an act of manhood were protected . § . . and though he was the great zealot for the orthodox against all hereticks , he dyed a reputed heretick ; in so much that evagrius over boldly pronounceth , that when he had set the whole world on tumults and sedition , and at last received what was due for his lewd practices , he departed into endless torment prepared for him by the just judgment of god , l. . c. . an arrogant sentence . and will orthodox zeal for the church do no more to save a soul from hell. chap. vii . of the controversies de tribus capitulis , and the fifth council called general , and many other . § . evagrius l. . c. . tells us , that iustinian fell from the right faith , affirming , that the body of christ was every way incorruptible ; and that he wrote an edict , in which he said , that the body of the lord was not subject to death or corruption ; that it was void of natural and unblameable affections , &c. which opinions he purposed to compel both priests and bishops to subscribe : but they put him off , as expecting the opinion ( not of the pope , but ) of anastasius bishop of antioch , then famous for his skill and gravity : but anastasius would not be moved , and justinian threatning to banish him , dyed before he did it , or published his edict . so hard was it then to escape heresie . § . so hot was iustinian in this error , that he ejected eutychius that resisted him at constantinople , saith niceph. l. . c. . iulianus halicarnas . and gainas raised this , holding that christ's hunger , thirst and suffering , were all immediately voluntary , and not as ours by natural necessity . they said that as we all hold christs body incorruptible after his resurrection , so did they before it , yet consubstantial with ours . the orthodox distinguished of corruption : . blameless passions of hunger , thirst , weariness , &c. . dissolution of the bodies elements . the first they said christ was subject to before the resurrection , but not after ( nor we : ) the later not at all . the hereticks that held the contrary , were called the aphthartodocitae , saith nicephorus , [ quá multi mortales correpti sunt , non solum ex eis qui honores & magistratus gesserunt , sed eitam hierarchae primarii , & monachi vitâ illustres , & ex sacerdotali ordine alii , ut ipse imperator justinianus . ] the hereticators and damners are divided about iustinian's soul and name ; some place him yet in heaven , and others in hell. if it be true that nicephorus saith of him , my vote should go against the damners , viz. [ nil tale de christo propter summum ipsius erga illum amorem & desiderium audire constituerit : princeps etenim iste tanto in christum pietatis ardore flagrasse , ab eis qui res illius memoriae posteritati mandarunt , dicitur , quanto alius , qui ante eum imperium obtinuerunt , nemo , termaximo illo constantino semper excepto : itaque propter vehementem in christum amorem illius gratiâ multa etiam violenter fecit , &c. and if it came from vehement love to christ , all i will say is , . let him that is without error , be the first in damning him . . but it was just with god to leave him to be numbered with hereticks , who was so blindly zealous in executing the sentences of hereticating prelates : ( the case of nestorius , and many others before . ) § . in his time the indian auxumites turned to christ , and iustinian joyfully sent them a bishop . and i take it for more dishonour to the bishops than to him , that nicephorus saith , c. . [ in pontifices quos admodum de sodomorum haeresi insanire compererat , acerbe , seu potius faede , justinianus animadvertit . — and it is noted ( ibid. ) that in a famine he commanded flesh to be sold in lent ; but the people would dye rather than buy it , and break their customs . § . clxvi . an. . a council of bishops at orleance , made some canons of discipline . the d canon about ordaining bishops , layeth down the old rule , [ qui praeponendus est omnibus , ab omnibus eligatur , ] that is , of the clergy and people : ( the churches yet were no greater than that all the people could join in choosing the bishop . ) the th canon dissolveth incestuous marriages made after baptism , but not those made before ( as if the reason were not the same ! ) the th canon finding some too iewish in keeping the lord's-day , that would not use a horse or chariot to carry them , nor would dress meat , or do any thing to the adorning of their houses , or themselves , forbiddeth only grosser labours , which hinder the holy duties of the day . § . clxvii . the canones barcinonenses , speak of the order of liturgy , that clerks must cut their beards , but not shave their beards , and such like . § . clxviii . ( to pass the concil . byzazenum , as having nothing noted of it ) anno . a concil . arvernense decreed ( under king theodebert ) one canon , which , if practised , had been worth many kingdoms , ca. . [ that no one seek the sacred honour of a bishop by votes , but by merits : nor seem to get a divine office , rebus , sed moribus : and that he ascend to the top of that eminent dignity , by the election of all , and not by the favor of a few : that in choosing priests there be the greatest care , because they should be irreprehensible , who must rule in correcting others , &c. § . clxix . an. . another council at orleance under king childebert , among other orders , saith , can. . that the synod forbiddeth the citizens to celebrate easter out of the city ; because they must keep the principal festivities in the presence of the bishop , where the holy assembly must be kept . but if any have a necessity to go abroad , let him ask leave of the bishop . ] this canon , and many other to the same purpose tell us , that then the infidels were still so many , that a bishop's city-church could all meet in his presence in one place . the th canon decreeth , that a bishop shall be ordained in his own church which he is to oversee ; which implieth , that then ordinarily there was but one episcopal church . and indeed it was long before the countrey meetings were any other than oratories or chappels that had no altars , nor any but the bishops church . much ado many councils made to keep priests and bishops from wives , and to restrain them from fornication . § . clxx . in a synod at constantinople , an. . the business was debated de tribus capitulis . § . here the occasion of this stir must be noted . one theodorus bishop of caesar. cap. was an eutychian , but for his skill in business , was great with the emperor . he thought if he could but cast any slur on the calcedom council , it would justifie their cause : and the emperor being speaking against the eutychians , ( or acephali ) theodorus told him that he might easily bring them all in , if he would but condemn theodorus mopsuestenus , and the writings of theodoret , and the epistle of ibas against cyril , which the council had received , it would satisfie them . this seemed to the emperor a happy way of concord ( the empress putting him on ) and so he set himself earnestly to effect it . these three men had been accounted nestorians , and two of them had written smartly against cyril as heretical and turbulent ; but yet renouncing nestorius they were received , and justified at calcedon against their accusers . and if one may judge impartially by the evidence that is left us , they seem to have been far wiser and better men than the majority of the bishops of those times : but neither learning , piety , nor soundness in the faith , is any security in such times , against hereticaters , that can but get the upper hand and major vote . and ignorance usually is most proud and loud , most confident and furious ; and such can easilier make wise men pass for hereticks , than learn of them to be wise . but the final judgment sets a strait . when iustinian was earnestly set upon this project , the defenders of the calcedon council perceived themselves in a difficulty ; should they condemn these three men , they would seem to condemn the council ( about which there had been such a stir in the empire : ) and they should seem to justifie the eutychians , and to strengthen them : and if council were against council , it would dishonour councils : and if they should refuse the condemnation , they would seem to desert cyril , and the first ephesian council , and perhaps might be called nestorians ; but , worst of all , they should displease the emperor , and might occasion his favouring the eutychians . therefore they took this prudent course , to put off the business to a general council , and to delay till then the emperors attempts . but the emperor did first publish his edict , in which after the confession of his faith , and praise of the four councils , he addeth ten curses ( anathematisms , according to the custom and religion of those times ) of which the three last are against the tria capitula , or the councils seeming approbation of the three forenamed men . the bishops resisted a great while , but at last were forced to submit . § . clxxi. to this purpose vigilius romanus had a meeting of about bishops , where vigilius yielding was called a desertor , as prevaricating to please the emperor ; he got them to give in their reasons on both sides in writing , and then gave all to the emperor's party , and persuaded the rest to silence and communion till a council , because it was not a controversie about faith , but about persons . § . the emperor's party ( acted by theodore caesar ▪ ) got some bishops to assemble at mops●est . an. . to prepare a condemnation of their former bishop theodore , by saying that his name was not in their book . § . clxxii . king childebert called another council at orleance , where many old disciplinary canons were repeated : among others , can. . that no lay-man be made a bishop without a years time to learn his function . ( you may conjecture what scholars they were then ! ) can. . that none get a bishoprick by gifts , or seeking ; but with the will of the king , by the election of the clergy and the lay-people . can. . also ( as the ancient canons have decreed ) let none be made bishop to an unwilling people ( or without the peoples consent ) nor let the people or the clergy be inclined to consent , by the oppression of persons in power ( which is not lawful to be spoken : ) but if it be otherwise done , let the bishop be for ever deposed from his obtained honour of pontificate , who is ordained rather by force , than lawful decree . c. while one bishop is living , let not any other be there made bishop ; unless perhaps in his place , who is ejected for some capital crime . can. . though all priests , and others , must be careful to relieve the poor with necessaries , yet especially every bishop must from the church-house as far as they can , administer necessaries for food and rayment to such as are in weakness both in his territories and his city , &c. ] note i. were those bishopricks any bigger than our parishes of market-towns with the chappelleries ? where . all the laity met to choose the bishop . . where the bishop could know and relieve all the poor . . and this from the domus ecclesiae , which was but one . ii. our nonconformists plead , that according to these ancient canons , . those bishops are no bishops who came not in by any choice or consent of the people or clergy , but by power are imposed on the most unwilling . . that those ministers that were never deposed for any crime , are not to be forsaken by their flocks , nor imposed persons thrust into their places , accepted by the people , while the first hath true right . § . clxxiii . we come now to that which they will needs call the fifth general council at constantinople , an. . of bishops . in which let these particulars be noted . . that iustinian's letters or formulae were first read , in which he expresly affirmeth , that it was the emperors that called the former general councils , and he that called this . . that he lamenteth the divisions which former councils had left unhealed : saying , [ the followers of nestorius and eutyches made so great trouble in the holy churches of god , that divisions and schisms were made in them , and the churches had no communion with one another : for no man that travelled from one city to another , did presume to communicate , nor any clerk that went from one city to another , to go into the church . ] here was lamentable separation indeed . . that iustinian was made believe , that these divisions would be healed , if the tria capitula of the council of calcedon were but condemned : for the eutychians did so much boast of cyril , being confident that they did but follow him , and his first ephesian council , that if he were vindicated , he thought they would be satisfied . . and he thought that the three bishops were indeed so far to be condemned , having disgraced cyril , and favored nestorius , and the other was nestorius's master . . that the receiving and the cursing of the council of calcedon , having hitherto been the great contest among the bishops , some were loth now to cast so great a dishonour upon it , and to give the eutychians so much cause to boast ; supposing they would but be the more confirmed in their opposition . § . note also , that vigilius bishop of rome was then at constantinople , but came not to the council , nor sent any legate to it : but the emperor tells the council , that when vigilius bishop of rome came to that city , the emperor exactly opened to him all things about the tria capitula , and asked him what he thought of them ; and that vigilius not once nor twice , but often in writing , and without writing , anathematized the impious tria capitula . ] and that he had shewed that he was ever of the same judgment , &c. and they had made iustinian believe , that ibas in his epistle denieth god the word to be made man , and the virgin mary to be the mother of god. ] § . the emperor 's writing being read , at the next meeting the council sent to vigilius to sit with them , but he still refused , alledging , that there were few of the western bishops there . to which their answer is notable , that [ the meeting of all the rest ought not to be delayed for the western bishops : for in all the four general councils , there was never found a multitude of the western bishops , but only two or three bishops , and a few clerks . but now you are here , and many italian bishops are at hand , and many of africa , illyricum , &c. and if he would not meet them , they must do it without him . they urged him also with the emperor's words , that he being alone , had oft in writing , and without writing , condemned the tria capitula , and the emperor desired him but to do that with others , which he had done by himself . but yet vigilius would not come : whether it was because he understood not greek , and so should be a contemned cypher ( for he saith , they all knew that he understood it not ) or whether it was to avoid the censure that he had before incurred , or both , is not known . for you must understand , that vigilius had suffered defamation at rome already , as a revolter from the calcedon council , for joining herein with the emperor in the beginning , and his chief interest lay at home . § . theodorus mopsuestenus writings are searched ; and though he is highly extolled by many good authors , yet many passages recited in the council , and after by vigilius , do shew either the error of his judgment , or his unskilfulness in speaking ; for they are not justifiable . but if every papist voluminous writer should be damned as a heretick , whose writings have more and greater errors than the council gathered out of theodore mepsuostenus , it would be a hard reward for their exceeding labours . when such men as tostatus , aquinas , scotus , ockam , durandus , &c. bellarmine , baronius , suarez , vasquez , cajetane , &c. have spent their days in diligent labours , how easie a matter is it for a proud idle drone that doth nothing or worse , to gather as many and as great errors out of their works , as were in many then counted hereticks . but the approbation of god , who pardoneth failings , will be the comfort of such as improve their talents ; when the slothful , unprofitable servant shall be condemned , and quarrelling with the imperfections of the diligent will not save them . it is evident that theodore and nestorius acknowledged christ's godhead and manhood , soul and body , and the personal union of them . but they were none of them perfect in logick and metaphysicks , nor so spake as that no man could blame their words . § . next the words of learned theodorite are scanned ; and many very smart passages against cyril are recited : many verbal controversies are repeated . theodorite is accused for saying , that mary begat not god in the nature of god ; but man as united to the godhead ; that christ was forsaken , suffered , hungered , slept , was ignorant of that day and hour , &c. as man , and not as god : that it was not god that was ignorant , ( he meant not as god , or not the deity ) but the form of a servant , which knew no more than the deity revealed : and so of many other properties or acts of the humanity , he saith , it was not deus verbum that wept , that learnt obedience , &c. meaning only not quâ deus , or not deitas , for want of care in speaking . and ep. ad ioh. antioch . ( bin. p. . ) it 's apparent that he also misunderstood cyril , and thought he held that by unity of natures , the deity was properly become very flesh . a severe epist. ad ioan. antioch , against cyril after his death is there charged on him , in which he with great saltness rejoiceth in his death , [ miserum illum nec ad similitudinem aliorum dimisit nostrarum animarum gubernator diutius eorum potiri , quae videntur esse delectabilia ; sed crescentem quotidie viri malignitatem sciens & corpori ecclesiae nocentem , quasi pestem quandam amputavit & abstulit opprobrium à filiis israel : laetificabit superstites ejus discessio : contristavit verò forsitan mortuos , & timor est ne praegravati ejus conversatione , iterum ad nos remittant , vel illos diffugiat qui eum abducunt , sicut ille tyrannus cyri ciliciam : procurandum est igitur , & oportet tuam sanctitatem maxime hanc suscipere festinantiam , & jubere collegio mortuos asportantium lapidem aliquem maximum & gravissimum sepulchro imponere , ne iterum huc perveniret & instabilem voluntatem iterum demonstraret : infernis nova dogmata adferat : ibi diu noctuque sicut vult sermocinetur : non enim timemus ne & illos divideret — silet miser invitus : nudata illus facta alligant linguam , obstruunt os , fraenant sensum . — ideo plango miserum & ploro : nec enim puram mihi delectationem fecit mortis ejus denunciatio , sed dolore permixtam : laetor & jucundor ejusmodi pestilentiâ commune ecclesiae videns liberatum : contristor vero & ploro cogitans quod nec requiem malorum miserabilis susceperit , sed majora & pejora pertentans defunctus est ; somniavit enim , ut dicunt , & regiam urbem perturbare , & tuam sanctitatem accusare , utpote ea colentem : sed vidit deus & non despexit : immisit fimum in os ejus , & fraenum in labia ejus , &c. binnius thinketh some bad man fathered this falsly on theodoret , i would hope so too : but it 's strange that the council fathered it on him , and none did vindicate him . and the next charge ( bin. p. . ) rebuketh his charity , viz. his speech at antioch in the presence of domnus , [ nemo neminem jam cogit blasphemare — non jam est contentio : oriens & aegyptus sub uno jugo est : mortua est invidia ; & cum eo obruta est contentio : requiescant theopathitae . ] is not this of the same kind ? and this is not denied to be his . whosoever it was , it was sad that bishops should have such minds , and use such words of one another , especially if it be as i confidently believe , viz. that not distinguishing the concrete from the abstract , and qui deus , from quâ deus , they both meant the same thing , and differed but about the aptitude of words , for want of explication and distinction . § . in brief , after the reading of many papers , and ibas epistles , the tria capitula were condemned , viz. theodore mopsuest . and the writings of theodoret against cyril , and ibas epistle . and so the emperor found the council as obedient as he desired . § . but vigilius bishop of rome , who would not come to the council , now giveth in his constitutum , or his own judgment upon the whole case , and that with great moderation . he first reciteth many passages of theodore mopsuest . which he renounceth ; and he dispraiseth the passages of theodoret and ibas , but he refuseth to join in the anathematizing of them , alledging that good men have their errors , and instancing in many whose errors were noted , and yet their persons not condemned , especially when they had either recanted them , or better explained their words : and he noteth that it would be a great injury to the calcedon council , to have its own members now thus condemned , that were by them accepted . [ quid enim aliud est mendaces aut simulantes professionem rectae fidei patres in sancta calced . synodo residentes ostendere , quam dicere aliquos ex eis similia sapuisse nestorio ; quorum judicio nestorium ejusque dogmata fuisse damnata . ] and soberly he saith , [ it is not lawful to pass any new judgment on the persons of the dead , but we must leave all men in the case that death found them , and in special theodore mopsuest . what the fathers did is evident from what is said ; i dare not condemn him by my sentence , nor yield that any one else condemn him : but far be it from me to admit his wrong opinions . ] this was the right way : if they had all dealt as wisely and christian-like , counsels had not been the confounders of the churches . § . nicephorus nameth many of origen's errors that were condemned in this council , but it is not found in the acts. binnius doubteth not but the origenists stole them out , and falsified the records , and also forged those epistles of vigilius , in which the opinion of one operation is asserted . but will they allow us equally to suspect such records as have been kept at rome ? § . what good this council did , and how the peaceable emperor attained the end that theodore caesar. promised him , of uniting dissenters , i shall tell you but in the words of binnius ( who followeth baronius in almost all ) what theodore caesar. promised , that the eutychian hereticks called hesitants , when the three capitula were condemned , would receive the holy calcedon council , was not obtained , when this was ended ; but rather a most grievous mischief was added to the church : for when the defenders of the three capitula , with vigilius the pope did not acquiesce in the councils decree , the whole catholick church was torn by schism ; and which is worse , the emperor stir'd up persecution , in which he deposed or banished vigilius ( holding to his constitutum ) victor . afric . and others . § . i do impartially commend vigilius ' s moderate constitutum , but i must needs say that there needeth no other instance than vigilius , that interest is a law to some roman bishops , and that their pretences of infallibility , tradition and antiquity , notwithstanding they have changed their very faith , or judgment of councils at least , as their wordly motives changed . vigilius first flattered the emperor , and joined with him against the tria capitula , conc. calced . that is against theodore mopsu . theodoret and ibas three bishops , saith binnius p. . [ seeing therefore that before this council a schism arose in the western and africane church , because vigilius had consented to the emperor's opinion , it became necessary , for the avoiding of schism , sacriledge and scandal , that he should publish his constitutum , in defence of the tria capitula , by vertue whereof the western churches should be united , and the contempt of the calcedon council should be avoided , which the impugners of the tria capitula did fraudulently contrive ; and that the universal church should learn by this example , that no man that dyed in the true faith , should be condemned when he is dead : but , ( did vigilius stop here ? ) no , saith binnius , [ but when after the end of his council the church received yet greater damage , and the emperor persecuted them that contradicted the synod * , and it was feared that the whole east would be divided and separated from the roman and western church , unless the bishop of rome approved the fifth synod , then pope vigilius , in a cause which could bring no prejudice to the orthodox faith , did well and justly change his former sentence , and approved the synodal decree , for condemning the tria capitula , and revoked and made void his constitutum , which he before published in defence of the tria capitula . the prudent and pious pope ( that came to the popedom by bribery , tyranny , and murder of his predecessor ) did in this prudently imitate st. paul about circumcision , &c. o what certainty and constancy is here in the papal judgment ; for a pope about one cause to judge for it , against it , and for it again in so short a time ? and all this upon reason of policy and state. did the same so often change , and prove first true , and then false , and then true again ? but the papists excuse is , that it was de personis , non de fide. answ. but . is it lawful to take the same thing for true and false , good and bad de personis , as our interest requireth ? . why are the persons condemned but on supposition that their faith was condemnable ? . you confess that it was for the advantage of the eutychian faith , and the depression of the faith of the calcedon council , that the tria capitula were condemned . reader , if all this will not tell thee how much need there is of a surer and more stable support of our faith than popes and councils , yea and better means of the churches unity and concord , i must take thee for unteachable : what have such councils done , but set the churches together by the ears ? § . liberatus in his breviary saith , ( c. . . . ) that theodore mopsu . his works were approved by proclus , iohan. antioch . the emperor , the council of calced . &c. but binnius saith , nimis impudenter & incautè : yet all acknowledge liberatus a most credible historian , and lived in iustinian's time . he saith also , that nefandissimum haereticum theodoretus & sozomenus laudarunt adeo ut hac de causá uterque magnam nominis sui jacturam passus fuerit , &c. but wise men are apt to think as hardly of such as can cry out nefandissimum haereticum against all that speak as unskilfully as this man did , as of charitable men that praise them for what is good , while they disown their frailties and imperfections : if it be as he saith , many thought that ●heodoret assumed his own name from this theod●re , by reason of his high esteem of him , it 's like he had some special worth , though he hath many culpable expressions . and sozomen is an historian of so deserved reputation , that it seemeth to me no argument of pope gregory's infallibility , that he saith , lib. . ep . . sozomenùm ejusque historiam sedes apostolica recipere recusat ; quoniam multa mentitur , & theodorum mopsuestiae nimium laudat , atque ad diem obitus sui magnum doctorem ecclesiae fuisse perhibet . ] i think the author of gregory's dialogues did plura mentiri , and yet that gregory was magnus ecclesiae doctor . § . the controversie whether vigilius were the author of the epistle to menna , i pass by : but , methinks , binnius is very partial to justifie so much what he did after silverius ' s death , as beginning then to have right to his papacy , and to give him so differing a character ( from sanctissimus papa ) before , while he possessed the same seat , as these words of his express , [ cum omnium , &c. seeing that villany ( or crime ) of vigilius , did exceed the crimes of all schismaticks , by which making a bargain with hereticks , and giving money by a lay-man , he by force expelled silverius bishop of the prime seat , and spoiled of his priestly induments ( or attire ) banished him into an island , and there caused him to dye , it should seem no wonder to any man , if a desperate wretch ( homo perditus , ) the buyer of another's seat , and a violent invader , a wolf , a thief , a robber , not entering by the true door , a false ( or counterfeit ) bishop , and as it were antichrist , the lawful pastor and bishop being yet living , did add most pernicious heresie to his schism . ] yet this man became the most holy pope , by the vertue of his place , as soon as he had but murdered silverius , and was accepted in his stead , and then it became impossible for him to err in the faith. § . clxxiv . anno . a council was called at ierusalem by iustinian's command , who sent to them the acts of the constantine council de tribus capitulis , to be by them received ; the bishops all received it readily , save one alexander abysis , who was therefore banished , and coming to constantinople , say baronius and binnius , was swallowed up , and buried by an earthquake . if this was true , no marvel if it confirmed the emperor in his way : but i doubt the obedient bishops were too ready to receive such reports . § . clxxv . the same year . the western bishops held a council at aquileia , out of the emperor's power , where , as defenders of the council of calcedon , they condemned the fifth constantine council aforesaid , and ( so saith binnius ) separated themselves from the unity of the catholick church , and so continued for near an hundred years , till the time of pope sergius , who reduced them . were not these great councils and bishops great healers of the church , that about condemning some written sentences of three dead men , thus raise a war among the churches ? were hereticks or hereticaters the great dividers ? § . but here followeth a case that raiseth a great doubt before us , whether the pope alone , or all his western bishops , when they differ from him , are the church ? after the death of vigilius , the secular power procured pelagius the archdeacon to be made pope ; the western bishops disclaiming iustinian's council , and pelagius obediently receiving it ( and the popedom , ) there could not be three bishops got that would ordain him , as the canons required , so that a presbyter ostiensis was fain to do it . besides the question ( which now was the church ? ) here are other hard questions to be solved . qu. . whether iustinian's election of a pope was valid ? and if so , whether other various electors may do it as validly ? qu. . whether a presbyter's ordination of a bishop or pope was valid ? if so , whether presbyters may not ordain presbyters ? qu. . whether this pope was truly head of the catholick church , when his bishops obeyed him not ? qu. . whether it was then believed at rome itself , and in the west , that a general council , approved by the pope , was either infallible , or necessarily to be obeyed ? qu. . whether it be true which w. iohnson , alias terret , often tells me , that it is not possible that there can be any schism in the catholick church , because of the essentiality of its union ? § . note that this pope pelagius , because his bishops rejected him and the council , got narses the general to compel them : and then who can doubt but he was pope , and they his subjects ? but narses scrupled it , lest he should be guilty of persecution ; iustinian's pope pelagius telleth him , it is no sin , and bids him not fear it ; for it 's no persecution which compels not men to sin : but all that separate from the pope , and assemble separatedly do sin , and are damned schismaticks ; therefore he desireth him to send the bishops of aquileia , milan , and the rest that yield not , prisoners to constantinople . narses obeyeth the pope and emperor ; the bishops excommunicate narses ; the pope writeth to him , that it is no news for erring bishops to take themselves for the catholick church , and to forbid others their communion , and counselleth him to go on and repress them . and the civil sword and the ecclesiastical were thus engaged in a roman war ; one bishop sapandus of ares in france the pope got specially to stick to him , whom therefore he commended to king childebert , &c. § . clxxvi . a council at paris deposed bishop saphoracus for some great crime . § . while the romans were resolving to subject themselves to the goths again , because the pope made narses their persecutor , narses took it so ill , that he went away from them , but the pope drew back , and he * shortly died . bellisarius also was ruined , and iustinian himself shortly dyed . binnius saith it is reported that he had no learning , and thinketh that his civil laws were tribonian's , and his ecclesiastical theodorus caesariensis's . and saith that the church rejecteth his laws of usury , churches and ecclesiastical persons , as arrogant usurpations . qu. whether the roman power was then understood by princes or people ? § . clxxviii . another synod at paris repeated nine old canons : the th was , [ no man may be ordained a bishop against the will of the citizens ; nor any but whom the election of the people and the clerks , shall seek with plenary will ; none shall be put in by the command of the prince , &c. § . clxxix . an. . in the time of pope iohn d. ( not he , but ) theodomire , alias * ariamire king of the sueves , called a small council at braccara in galicia , where eight bishops opened so much of the priscillian heresie , as may tell us it was worthy to be detested ( not much unlike the manichees ; ) and many old canons they recited : but i could have wished that they had not made a mans diet the note of his heresie , and a sufficient cause of his conviction and damnation . the priscillianists ( as these say ) would not eat flesh , nor herbs boil'd with flesh . this council ordered that if any that abstained from flesh , did not eat herbs boiled with flesh , he should be taken for an heretick . this is not conformable to paul's rules or spirit . § . this council ordered that none should be buried within the church , which binnius well sets home . and whereas priscillian taught that in the liturgy [ the pax vobis , peace be unto you ] should be said only by the bishop , and dominus vobiscum by the priest , the council contradicted him . . we see here what trifles divided men ! . we see that yet the churches usually were no bigger than met in one place with the bishop , or might do : for it is supposed that every church-assembly had a bishop present to say his part . § . thedomirus the suevian king , under whom this council was held , was the first of that race that turned orthodox ; all the sueves before him ( with the goths ) having been arrians . § . clxxx . anno . the contest about choice of bishops grew sharp . king clotharius made one emerius bishop santoniensis ; the canons had before decreed that kings should choose none , but all the people and the clerks , and the metropolitan ordain him . the king's bishop is deposed by a concil . santoniense , of which leontius of bourdeaux was chief . they sent the king word of it by a presbyter : the king filled a cart with thorns , and laid the priest on them , and sent him into banishment , and forced the bishop to submit to his will. § . that it may be known that neither popes , councils , nor consenting bishops divided diocesses and parishes , here binnius giveth us at large , first constantine's divisions in spain , and next the fuller division of king wamba . bin. p. , &c. § . clxxxi . at tours in france ( eight bishops ) in a provincial council , revived many canons of the old matter , ( to keep bishops and priests from women ) can. . the bishop may keep his wife as a sister , to govern his house : but can. . priests that will keep wives , must have some witnesses to lie in the same chamber , to see that they lie not with them . and can. . episcopum , episcopam non habentem , nulla sequatur turba mulierum , &c. can. . they say , [ those that the law commandeth to be put to death , if they desire to hear the preacher , we will have to be convicted unto life , ( that is , not to dye : ) for they are to be slain with the sword of the mouth , and deprived of communion , if they will not observe the decrees of the seniors left them , and do despise to hear their pastor , and will not be separate . ] some sectaries among us are of the same mind , against putting penitent malefactors to death . § . clxxxii . anno . there was a council at lyons of fourteen bishops , who recited six canons to restrain the vices of the clergy : binnius , out of greg. turon . tells you the occasion was , that one salonius and sagittarius , as soon as they were made bishops , being then at their own will , broke out into slaughters , murders , adulteries , and other wickedness . and victor bishop of tricas . keeping his birth-day , they sent a troop with swords and arrows , who cut his cloaths , beat his servants , and carried away all his provision , leaving him with reproach : the king gunthram hearing of it , called this synod , which found them guilty , and deposed them : they tell the king that they are unjustly cast out , and get his leave to go to the pope , iohn d. the pope writeth to the king to have them , as wronged men , restored , ( this was the papal justice and reformation : ) the king chideth , but restoreth them ; but they grew never the better afterward , but asking pardon of bishop victor , he forgave them , and for that was afterward excommunicate . § . clxxxiii . an. . a council was called under king ariomire at braccara of bishops : they are mostly forbidding bishops to take money for their ordinations , consecrations , and other actions . and the first canon requireth them to walk to all their parishes , and see that the clerks did things rightly ; that catechumens learnt the creed , and to preach to the people to forbear murder , adultery , perjury , false-witness , and other mortal sins , to do as they would be done by , and to believe the resurrection , judgment and recompence according to works . § . clxxxiv . an. . a concilium lucense did receive from martin bishop of braccara . old canons , of which the th was against reading apocrypha , or any thing but the canon of the old and new testament in church . § . after iustinian's death , his sisters son iustinus was emperor , a sensual and covetous man , who murdered presently a kinsman of his own name , upon suspicion that he was too great ; yet he drew up a good profession of faith , exhorting all the bishops to agree in it : but chosroes , king of persia , invaded his empire , because the greater armenia ( which was then under the persians , as the lesser was under the romans ) to avoid the persians persecutions , had revolted to the empire , and destroyed their rulers : the persians conquered so much of the eastern part of the empire , and iustine's soldiers made so little resistance as drove him out of his wits ; and his wife , by intreaty , got the persians to make a truce . tiberius was then made caesar , and afterward emperor upon iustine's death ; and iustinian his captain repelled the persians , and recovered much of what they had conquered . § . an. . divers kings of france by war among themselves destroyed churches , and confounded all ; and a council at paris was called , but in vain , to have persuaded them to peace . § . after benedictus , pelagius d was bishop at rome ; tiberius an excellent emperor quickly dyed , and by his choice mauritius succeeded him . pelagius ( by gregory his deacon ) wrote against the bishops that would not condemn the tria capitula : and when all his writings prevailed not , he got smaragdus the exorchate to force them by the sword : ( the great remedy which rome hath trusted to . ) § . clxxxv . m●●veus son and heir to chilperic king of france , marrying his uncles widow , offended his father , and fled to st. martin's church at tours , and forced bishop gregory to give him the sacrament . the king could not get the bishop to deliver him up ; he fled , and the king called a synod at paris to judge pretextatus a bishop , whom he accused for marrying him , and confederating with him . § . clxxxvi . the two bishops forenamed , salonius and sagittarius , being again accused of adultery and murder , and being freed by professing repentance , king guntheramus called a cubilone synod , and accused them of treason , and so deposed and banished them . § . clxxxvii . an. . king gunthram called a synod at mascou , to revive the old canons for restraining the lust and vices of the bishops and clergy . § . clxxxviii . an. . a concil . brenacense is called , to try gregory bishop of tours , falsly accused of charging the queen of living in adultery with a bishop ; an archdeacon and a deacon bore false witness : but all came to light , and gregory was cleared by his oath . § . clxxxix . an. . a council at constantinople increased the church-divisions which continue to this day , wherein iohn bishop of constantinople was decreed to be called , the universal bishop , which pope pelagius could not endure ▪ o what hath this question done to the world , who shall be the chief or greatest ? so much of the image and work of satan hath been found in the professed servants of a crucified saviour , and in those that have worshipped the cross ! in this synod gregory bishop of antioch was tryed , and acquitted of a false accusation of incest with his sister another man's wise . § . pelagius writeth against iohn's universal title , saying , [ universalitatis nomen quod sibi illicitè usurpavit , nolite attendere , &c. nullus enim patriarcharum * hoc tam profano vocabulo unquam utatur : quia si summus patriarcha universalis dicitur , patriarcharum nomen caeteris derogatur . sed absit hoc , absit à fidelis cujusquam mente hoc sibi vel velle quempiam arripere , unde honorem fratrum suorum imminuere ex quantulâcunque parte videatur . quàpropter charitas vestra neminem unquam suis in epistolis universalem nominet , ne sibi debitum subtrahat cum alteri honorem offert indebitum . adversarius enim noster diabolus qui contra humiles saeviens sicut leo rugiens circuit , quaerens quem devoret , non jam , ut cernimus caulas circuit . — omnia qui soli uni capiti cohaerent , videlicet christo , per electionem pompatici sermonis ejusdem christi sibi studeat membra subjuga●e . nec mirum quod ille tentater qui initium omnis peccati scit esse superbiam , &c. and so he goeth on , exhorting them rather to dye , than to submit to the title universal , and resolving excommunication against the user of it . § . binnius saith , it is ridiculous hence to impugn the primacy of the church : but qu. . is it not impudent after this , for them to use the title of universal ? qu. . doth not this allow us to separate from them that usurp it ? qu. . doth not pelagius here plainly distinguish between the place of prime patriarch which he claimeth , and universal bishop or patriarch which he damneth . qu. . doth he not describe this damned usurpation , to be a subjecting all christ's members to himself ? qu. . doth not the pope now use both the name and thing as far as he can attain it ? qu. . did not pelagius and gregory know that iohn did no more intend to put down all other patriarchs or bishops by this title , than the pope doth ? qu. . doth not the pope now claim that as by divine right , which iohn claimed but as of humane ? modesty can deny none of this . § . cxc . an. . nine bishops at lyons repeated six old canons about women , &c. § . cxci. an. . king gunthram finding all things grow worse , and that all was long of the bishops onely , ( saith binnius ) called a council at mascou , where the stricter keeping of the lords-day was commanded . § . here binnius noteth that priscus is called patriarch , and that the bishops of venice , istria and liguria , continuing still separate from rome , chose paulinus bishop of aquileia their patriarch , [ quem sibi loco summi pontificis supremum antistitem constituerent . ] qu. did the bishops then believe that the pope's universal government was essential to the catholick church ? and that none were the church but his subjects ? § . cxcii . king gunthram , an. . by a council at valence , setled his benevolences on the churches . § . cxciii . an. . at toletum king recaredus called a council , and renounced arrianism , and recited several canons ; among others , that bishops and priests wives might dwell with them , but not lie with them . and they lament and condemn the practice of such as kill their children , appointing them sharp discipline without capital punishment . ( had the church power to free murderers from death , as they long did , was this holy reformation ? ) the th canon saith , that they found that in many churches of spain , men filthily and not regularly did penance , that they might sin as oft as they would , and be as oft reconciled by the priests , &c. many reforming canons were here made . there were subscribers besides the king , and of divers cities two bishops , which was unusual . § . cxciv . ( passing by a meeting at rome ) another council at narbon was held by recaredus , who brought over the goths from arrianism . § . the emperor mauritius , though a great and excellent person , was ruined by the mad and uncurable mutinies of his soldiers , and at last , with his family , cruelly murdered by phocas , one of his captains ; a terrible warning to princes not to trust too much to armies . § . all this while the opposers of the calcedon council kept up , and were divided in the east into many parties among themselves : among others , the great peripatetic iohan. philoponus was their most learned defender , writing with such subtilty , that the natures really two , were to be called one compound nature , as the soul and body of a man are , as ( saith nicephorus ) was not easie to be answered ( by which , how much of the controversie was de nomine & de notione logicâ , let the reader further judge ; ) he that will see some of his words , may read them in niceph. l. . c. , , . his notions made men call him a tritheite . § . iacobus zanzalus being a great promoter of the party , many ever since have from him been called iacobites : and the divided parties that opposed the council , called the other melchites , that is royalists , because they took them that followed the council , to do it meerly in obedience to the emperor , ( for it was not the pope then that was the master of councils . § . among the armenians also some raised the like heresies about the natures of christ , some thinking his deity was instead of a soul to his body , &c. to which they added superstitious fasts , and worshipping the cross , and such like , not pleading reason , but old tradition for their errors , saying they had them from gregory , vide niceph. l. . c. , . but i must go forward . § . pelagius dying , gregory called magnus , succeeded him at rome : he continued the controversie about the title of universal bishop , writing many epistles against it : he flattered phocas the murderous tyrant , with a laetentur coeli & exultet terra , &c. yet was one of the best and wisest of their bishops . he sent augustine into england , who oppressed the british church , and converted the saxon king of kent . he introduced more superstitions , and greatly altered the liturgy . of which read mr. t. iones of the hearts sovereign . § . cxciv . a concilium hispalense of eight bishops recited three canons . § . cxcv. mauritius before his death , desired gregory to call a synod at rome , to draw in the western bishops that separated , and to cast them out if they disobeyed : which he did , and they refusing his summons , severus of aquileia , and other bishops were ruined . they thought god destroyed mauritius for persecuting them . gregory thought god would have them destroyed as schismaticks . the bishops of rome for near an hundred years were forced the more to please the emperor , because their own bishops had cast them off , and set up another head against them . § . cxcvi. an. . a concil . antisiodorense made divers canons against superstitions , and some too superstitious ( as that women must not take the sacrament in their bare hands , &c. ) § . i find it so tedious to mention all the little synods , that henceforth i shall take but little notice of them , but of the greater only . one under recaredus at caesar-augusta , made three canons about the arrians . one in numidia displeased gregory . § . a council at poitiers was called on occasion of two nuns , daughters to the king of france , that broke out of the nunnery , with many more , and accused the abbess , and got men together , and stript her stark naked , and drew her out , and set all france in a commotion , and were forced to do penance . a council was called at metz , to reduce the bishop of rhemes convict of treason ( for bishops that were traytors or murderers were not to dye . ) a synod at rome under gregory absolved a priest of calcedon condemned by iohn of constantinople ; what one did , the other undid . an. . under king recaredus , bishops made two canons for priests chastity , &c. another under him , an. . a concil : ostiense made two such more . an. . a council at constantinople did we know not what . an. . under king recaredus , bishops at barcinon made four canons against bishops bribery , &c. a council of bishops , presbyters , and deacons at rome made a canon for monks . another there , an. . against a false monk. another at byzacen against a bishop . another in numidia about a bishop and a deacon . § . gregory dying , sabinian succeeded him , who reproached him , and would have had his books burnt as unsound , saith onuphrius : and , saith sigebert , gregory appeared to him in a vision , and reproving him for that and covetousness , knockt him on the head , and he dyed . § . boniface d succeeded , chosen by phocas the murderer , who hating his own bishop of const. cyriacus , ordered that rome should be the chief church . § . a council at rome forbad chusing a pope , till the former had been three days dead , because they sold their votes for money . § . boniface the th is made pope , and phocas giveth him the pagan temple , called pantheom , for christian worship . in his time , phocas was killed by heraclius , as he had kill'd mauritius . § . an. . a council at toletum , under king gundemar , about the bishop of toletum's primacy , which the king setleth by edict . § . a council at tarraca under king sisebutus took the shortest way , and only confirmed what had been before done for priests chastity . § . deus dedit was next pope , in whose time the persians conquered ierusalem , and carried away the bishop , and ( they say ) the cross. § . boniface th succeeded : heraclius the emperor is worsted by the persians , who would not give him peace , unless the empire would renounce christ , and worship the sun ; heraclius overthroweth them ; mahomet now riseth , and maketh a religion of many heresies . § . at a synod at mascou , agrestinus accused columbanus of superstition , for crossing spoons , &c. but was refelled . § . seven or eight bishops at hispalis , condemned the eutychians , and called them acephali . chap. viii . councils held about the monothelites , with others . § . being come to the reign of pope honorius at rome , who was condemned by or general councils for a monothelite heretick , ( as vigilius was by his own bishops for an eutychian ) and having shewed you what work both the heretical and hereticating bishops and council made in the world about ( not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one nature , and the condemning of dead men ; i shall next shew you what work they made also about the words , [ one operation , and one will , ] or [ two operations , and two wills. ] reader , wouldst thou think that there were venom enough in one of these words , to poyson almost all the bishops in the world with the plagues of heresie , or heretication and contention ? § . the old controversie still keeping the churches all in pieces , some being for two natures after union , and for the calcedon council , and others against it , and but for one nature after union : cyrus , bishop of alexandria , was told , that it would unite them all , if they would confess one operation , and one will in christ , or at least lay by the talk of one and two , and use the words , [ dei virilis operatio . ] the operation ( and will ) of god-man . cxcvii . he therefore called a synod at alexandria , in which this was decreed ( called satisfaction . ) for they said that dei virilis signified two natures , and so they thought they had at last hit the way of concord , which neither the general council of ephes. . ephes. . constant. . calcedon . constant. . had found out : but all set the bishops but more by the ears . cyrus sent his decrees to sergius bishop of constantinople , sophronius bishop of ierusalem persuaded the silencing of the names of [ one ] or [ two ] operations or wills. sergius sent the case to honorius to rome ; honorius rationally persuaded them to use neither the one word , nor the other , ( one or two ) foreseeing that a new quarrel was arising in these words , and ( little knowing how for this he was by general councils to be hereticated , when he was dead ) persuaded them to a silent peace . it is but few popes that were so wise and peaceable ; and this one must be a heretick for it , or general councils be fallible , and much worse . § . because ( knowing the effect of the old unhealed cause ) i foresee that such men will go near to hereticate me also when i am dead , for condemning hereticating incendiaries in the nestorian , eutychian , and monothelite quarrels ; i will recite the words of binnius himself , who saith the same that i have said from the beginning , ( though i justifie him not from self-contradiction . ) tom. . p. . [ honorius , fearing ( which after came to pass , and which he knew had fallen out in former ages about the word homoousion ☜ and many others ) lest that contention should grow to some great schism , and seeing withall that faith might be safe without these words , he was willing to reconcile both opinions , and withall to take out of the way the matter of scandal and contention . writing therefore to sergius , he advised him to abstain from the word [ one operation ] lest they should seem with eutyches to assert but one nature in christ ; and yet to forbear the word [ two operations ] lest with nestorius , they seemed to assert two persons . ( a slander contrary to his words . ) i again say , if all the hereticating bishops and councils had followed this discretion and moderation , o what had the church escaped ! yet they are fain to stretch their wits to excuse his words elsewhere , [ unde & unam voluntatem fatemur domini nostri iesu christi . ] but it 's certain that in some sense it is one , and in another sense two. § . the emperor heraclius interessed himself in the controversie , binnius saith by the fraud of anastasius patriarch of the iacobites , he was deceived , animo defend●ndi concilium calcedonense . the iacobites were eutychians , the greatest enemies of the calcedon council ; and it 's strange then how they deceived him , to defend it by destroying it . but , saith he , [ while he , besides his place and office , by the persuasion of the devil , was wholly taken up in defending questions of faith by his own judgment , &c. ] here you may see what the papists clergy would make of kings and all lay-men : if they be wholly taken up in defending questions of faith by their own judgment , they pronounce them to be persuaded to it by the devil . error is from the devil ; but sollicitous searching after the defence of truth , is liker to be of god. but they must not do it by their own judgment : by whose then ? by the bishops no doubt ; what bishops ? general councils . and had not the emperors long enough followed councils , and banished such as they condemned , till , while they almost all condemned one another , the world was scandalized at the odious divisions and cruelties of the church ? but must they follow bishops without using their own judgments about the case ? what , as their meer executioners ? must the princes of the world act as brutes , or idiots , or lictors ? was this the old doctrine , let every soul be subject to the higher power , & c ? § . cxcviii. king sisenandus ( the second that had all spain ) called a council at toletum of all his kingdom , an. . of bishops , who made many good canons for faith , order , and reformation ; the last is a large defence of the king against rebellion : but they order that when a king is dead , the prime men of the whole nation , with the priests , by common consent , chuse another , that retaining the concord of unity , there should be no strife through force or ambition . and they decree the excommunicating of wicked kings that live in great sin ; which i doubt whether the fifth commandment forbid them not to have done , it being a purposed dishonour . § . cxcix . another at toletum was called , by king chintillane , which went the same way ; kings were rulers here , and not popes . § . cc. another at toletum , an. . by the same king to the same purposes . § . the emperor heraclius published an edict for the monothelite opinion , called his echtesis ; and sergius const. joined in it . § . sergius dyeth , and pyrrhus a monothelite succeedeth him . § . severinus is chosen pope , but being not confirmed ( as was usual ) by the emperor's consent , he is plundered of his wealth . § . the saracene arabians conquer persia , and the eastern parts of the empire . § . sergius before his death called a council at constantinople , which confirmed the emperor's faith , and the monothelite opinion . § . an. . iohn th was made pope , who condemned the emperor's echtesis ; and , it 's said , the emperor disowned it , and said that sergius made it , and desired it might be published in his name . § . heraclius dyeth , constantine succeedeth him , and dyeth in months , heracleo succeedeth : after six months the senate depose him , and cut off his nose , and cut out his mother's tongue , on suspicion that they poysoned constantine , whose son constans is next set up . § . pyrrhus , thought guilty of constantine's death , flieth into africa , and paulus a monothelite hath his place . pyrrhus seemeth converted by maximus in africa , cometh to rome , and is owned by the pope against paulus . paulus persuadeth the emperor to publish a typus , requiring all the bishops to lay by the controversie and name of one and of two wills and operations of christ. but this which was approved in pope honorius , is cryed down as heretical in the emperor . pyrrhus returneth to his opinion , and paul dying , he is again put in his place at constantinople . binnius no better answereth the objection , [ that the emperor's edict said but what pope honorius said , ] than by saying , that the time made the difference . it was good in honorius's time , and bad after to be quietly silent in such a case . § . they say there was a council in numidia , another at byzacene , at carthage another of bishops , about the monothelites . § . cci. another council was at toletum u●der king chindascrindus . § . ccii. the pope , with one of his little councils at rome , ( for the foresaid italian bishops yet disowned him , and obey the patriarch of aquileia ) presumed to condemn paulus const. & pyrrhus , and the emperor's edict , ( typus : ) wherefore his agents at constantinople were cast out , beaten , their altar overthrown , &c. § . martin is made bishop at rome : he condemneth the emperor's edict of silence ( as to two wills and operations , or one. ) the emperor sendeth for him , he is brought prisoner to constantinople , laid in irons under several accusations ; banished and dyed . here the pope pretendeth that truth must not be silenced : the emperor saith , peace must not be broken for needless words : quer. whether he be a martyr that suffers for oppugning such peace ? § . cciii . his laterane council , an. . is very larg●ly recorded , in which the emperor's edict , with cyr●s , alex , sergius , pyrrbus & paulu● constant. are condemned , and two operations and wills asserted . § . cciv. ( passing by a synod at orleance ) an. . another council was held at toletum against incontinent and ignorant priests . kings here used to preach to the bishops by their letters and decrees . dukes and lords here subscribed . § . eugenius is pope , and dyeth ; vitalianus succeedeth him : constans the emperor cometh to rome , giveth them gifts , and communicateth with them . it 's said he kill'd his brother theodosius , and after was kill'd himself : mezentius usurpeth the empire . constantine pogonatus , son to constans , conquereth him , and reigneth . pope vitalianus helpeth him , and therefore expecteth his help . rome stood so much between the eastern empire , and the western kings ( goths , lombards , franks , &c. ) that both sides flattered the roman clergy , ( though they oft suffered from both . ) the empire to keep them from turning to the goths , &c. and the goths to keep them from turning to the empire . and they that had most need of the popes , most advanced them ; and they that had least need and most dominion , kept them under . § . ccv . another council at toletum , an. . called by k. recessuinthus , ( not the pope , ) made divers good canons for church-order ; among which the tenth is , that because all the canons oft made , could not keep bishops and priests from lechery , they tryed this additional way , to decree that all their children begotten of their servants , maids , &c. should be uncapable of inheritance , and should live in continual servitude to the church . king recaredus made a law , that bishops and priests concubines should be whipt with an hundred stripes ; and others , that they should be sold for slaves . § . ccvi. the king of france ( clodoveus ) called his bishops together at a village called clypiacum , and made a sermon to them , and they applauded him . § . ccvii. he called another synod at cabilone for church-order , where can. . it was decreed , that all ordination of bishops should be null , that was otherwise made than by the election of the comprovincials , the clergy , and the citizens . ( a threefold lock is not easily pickt ) let england understand this , to be the old canons and custom . § . ccviii . a concil . emeritense , called by king recessuinthus , made more orders for regulating bishops and priests , &c. § . ccix. a synod at rome justified a bishop of crete , wronged by his archbishop . § . ccx . another at toletum under king wamban , an. . sought to reform the bishops and clergy . § . ccxi. an. . the same king wamban had a synod at braccara , for reforming the clergy . can. . was to correct the bishops that had turned piety into pride and vanity ; going to the solemnities of the martyrs , with reliques hanged about their necks , carried in chairs by deacons in white , &c. o what hath the pride of prelates done in the world ! § . pope adeodatus , and after him donus reigned at rome , and the patriarchs of constantinople and antioch were monothelites , and constantine needing the west , having lost the east , took part with rome . after donus came agathy , in whose time the bishop of ravemia , after long rejecting the bishop of rome as heretical , returned to communion with him . constantine sent to rome , to require the bishop to keep missionary legates at constantinople , and intreated them to lay by philosophical controversies , and preach the pure scripture , that the churches at last might have peace . ( but alas how long was that counsel vain ! ) § . ccxii. beda saith , an english council met , an. . under theodorus , to own the catholick faith , bed. l. . c. . § . ccxiii. the same year . a council at milan told the emperor their opinion for two wills and operations . § . ccxiv. a synod at rome prepared matter for the general council against the monothelites . this tended to please the separating bishops of italy that divided from the pope , for seeming to desert the calcedon council by condemning the tria capitula . § . ccxv . now cometh the d council of constantine , called the th general council , in which bishops condemned the monothelites , that were for one will and operation . constantine pog. being against them ; macarius patriarch of antioch was the chief of them , who would have consented to name neither one nor two , but when they had done all , professed that he would be cast into the sea , before he would say there were in christ two wills and operations ; thinking that he held to cyril , and the first ephesian council against nestorius . george bishop of constantinople deserted him , and he was deposed and banished ( to rome ; no hard banishment but for ill company . ) § . a long stir there was among them , perusing former writings ; macarius and his party producing many , which others said were falsified ( so little certainty is there oft of copies . ) the epistles of sergius const. & honor. rom. are read , which i should think peaceable and honest ; but the general council damned and cursed them both as hereticks . the papists say , general councils may err in matter of fact : how much more then in matter of faith , which is more obscure ? and matter of fact is much of the matter of our faith. no man's name had so strange a fate against hereticaters , as the great hereticater cyril's ; who ( in this council in cyrus artic . and many others ) was fully proved to assert one nature of god incarnate after the union ] and yet called orthodox , and those that said as he , and much less , were damned hereticks . some that confessed two natures , yet denying two wills after the resurrection , supposing the humane will called natural had been laid by , were here damned with the rest . § . ccxvi . an. . king ervigius held another council at toletum , for the royal power , and reforming the clergy . the pope had so little to do , and the kings so much in all these spanish councils , that it 's strange spain is now become so servile to the pope . binnius is forced to confess here ( to. . p. . ) that [ the study and labor of chusing fit men to be made bishops , was in the power or hands of the gothish kings , which by the indulgence of the roman popes is in the spanish kings even to our times ] which he proveth . ( o indulgent popes , who let go what they cannot keep ! ) an. . some synods in france did , we know not what . § . leo d is made pope by the emperor ; and because he confirmed the acts of this council , which damns honorius as an heretick , the papists know not which way to turn themselves . baronius would have leo's epistle forged . binnius will have either the acts corrupted by theodore const. before they were sent to leo , or that necessity compelled him to this hard condition by the iniquity of the times , and that heresie else would have revived , &c. so that by their reckoning , they that relie all on tradition and fathers , leave not fathers , councils or traditions certain for one age. § . ccxvii . an. . k. ervigius had another synod of bishops at toletum , for restoring some guilty of treasons , securing the king , &c. § . constantine pogon . restored to rome the power of making popes without the emperor , which the gothish kings and other emperors had long denied them . § . benedict d is made pope : a new controversie in his time is raised . the spanish bishops write an epistle , in which they assert three substances in christ , his divinity , his soul and his body , and say withall that a will begat a will , that is , the divine will begat the humane . the numbers of one , two , and three , had so confounded men in those times , that the words frightned the pope , and he expostulated and warned them to take heed in what sense they used them ; which hath made it a question whether this pope were not erroneous himself . § . ccxviii . another council at toletum against the monothelites . § . pope iohn th was the first consecrated without the emperor since the liberty granted . theodoric king of france called a council , an. . in which he deposed several bishops . § . constantine pog. dying , iustinian d his son is emperor . binnius saith , he was not sound in the faith ( a hard thing then ! ) and that he repented of the liberty granted in chusing popes , and so ordered that the exarch of ravenna approve them , by which bribery was used with the exarchs . and while the soldiers , and clergy could not agree , they were fain to consent to a third , conon , to be pope . § . conon being dead , theodore and paschal strove for the popedom , and got their parties to stand it out for them . paschal promised the exarch a great sum of gold to make him pope . when they could not agree , sergius a third was chosen . the exarch forced him to pay the gold , and so he got the soldiers love and the popedom . § . ccxix. an. . another toletan council writ a defence of their assertion , that christ had three substances , and that voluntas genuit voluntatem . § . ccxx . a council at caesar-augusta , made five canons ; the last was , that when the kings dyed , the queens should lay by their civil habits , and be put into a monastery , and profess chastity . § . ccxxi . an. . was the famous great council called the quini-sextum at constantinople , by iustinian d's order ; why it should not be called a th general council , i know not . it was called by the persuasion of callinicus constant. to make a full body of canons for practice , because the th and th councils made none . binnius saith , it could not be a general council , because the pope was not there by himself , or his legates , and yet confesseth that neither was he or his legates at the first constantine council , and yet it was universal . and why doth not another bishops absence ( e. g. alexand. ierusal . &c. ) null a general council as well as the popes ? the papists rail at this council as a convention of malignants , ( bin. p. . ) and against balsamon , that defendeth it as a wicked greek impostor ; ( the word [ wicked ] in these mens writings is a term of art and interest , and no moral term . ) they recited abundance of old canons , many of great use . one would wonder whence the anger against them ariseth . it was per summam nequitiam , saith binnius , that they called themselves a general council : and the holy ghost was not with them , because the pope was not with them , ( p. , . ) and they ordained many things contrary to apostolical constitutions , and the canons of general councils . reader , you see here , . how little trust papists lay on that part of tradition which dependeth on councils ? . that it is the pope ( one man ) that is the certainty of tradition and iudgment , without whom councils are nothing . . that if the pope be absent , all the other bishops assembled in councils by the command of emperors , may be called knaves and wicked malignants . alas how few bishops adhered to the pope , ( when italy was not yet cured of separation from him ) in comparison of those that met in these eastern councils which they revile ! . you see here , how far they are from truth , that say the universal church still cleaved to the pope , when most ( by far ) of the bishops in the world forsook him ! you see luther was not the first . § . note that tharasius bishop of constantinople , an. . in the d council of nice , tells them , that it was the same bishops that met in the th general council at constantinople , who met again here under iustinian . and were not the bishops of the place so near the time competent judges of the matters of so notorious fact ? and were the same bishops an infallible general council at the th council , and yet all wicked schismaticks or knaves , and wicked men , when they meet again but to make church-canons for reformation ? if this do not tell you how truly binnius saith , in their own judgment [ that councils have just so much authority as the pope giveth them ] what can tell it you ? § . yea , binnius makes this council to be monothelites : and were the same men orthodox in the th or th council ten years before , and hereticks in this ? is this the constancy of the church and bishops faith ? § . the th canon is one that displeaseth them ; in which the practice of the church of rome in separating priests from their wives , is expresly renounced ; and it is decreed that no priest be required to separate from his wife , ( so be it they abstain at fasts and necessary seasons ) nor any priest endured to put away his wife , on pretence of piety ; else he must be deposed . § . another is the th canon , that maketh deacons like overseers of the poor . § . the d is a hard canon that bishops and priests , ordained with money , and not by examination and election , be deposed , and they that ordained them . § . the th canon displeaseth them also , which confess the church of constantinople's priviledges as equal with rome . § . the th canon containeth one great cause of the old confusions , viz. that whatever alteration the imperial power makes on any city , the ecclesiastical order also follow it . did god make this law ? are not as many souls in a town that 's no city as capable of being a church as citizens ? it is in the princes power to make and unmake cities : may he accordingly make or unmake churches ? what if a king will have but one city in his kingdom , must there be no more churches or bishops ? what if there be no cities ( as in many american and arabian countries ) must there be no churches ? what if the king will disfranchize most of the cities , and another will make every market town a city ; must churches be altered accordingly ? if so , o that our king would make us so many cities , as the work and the souls of men need true bishops , that one might not have a thousand parishes without any subordinate bishop ! . but if this hold , the emperor might have taken down rome , and set up constantinople , or any other at pleasure . § . can. . forbad clergy and laity to play at dice , on pain of deposition , or segregation . and can. . forbids going to shews , jesters , stage-plays , huntings . the th canon commands the church of rome to amend their customs , and not to fast on sabbath-days . can. . forbids womens publick dancings , and mens and womens together , and their putting on masquers or players apparel , or persons , &c. can. . commandeth the burning of false histories of the martyrs , as tending to bringing religion into reproach . continual joyful praises to god , and holy exercises , and to use no horse-races , &c. the th canon is against eating blood. can. . nullifieth marriage with hereticks . ( alas , good bishops , did you think the papists would have hereticated you as monothelites , and nullified all marriages with you by this canon ? but two hereticks marriage is not null . can. . commandeth all the illuminate ( baptized ) to learn the belief , and every friday to say it to the bishop and presbyters . ( how many parishes or hundred parishes had the bishop then to hear ? not so many as ours . ) § . the canon offends the papists , forbidding the picture of a lamb to be made for christ as the lamb of god. the th canon is ( an old one ) not to kneel on any lord's-day , and that this begin on the evening before . p. . binnius reproveth them for calling cyprian archbishop , and he proveth that africa then had no archbishop or primate . § . ccxxii . an. . was another toletan council , called by king egica : before it the king writeth a sermon for them , wherein he tells them , that every parish that have twelve families , must have their proper governor : but if less , it must be part of anothers charge . § . ccxxiii. an. . was another toletan council under the same king egica : ( one would wonder that the legislative vertue of the church should be continued to such fertility and multitude of laws , as must follow if in all countries there be every year a council : how great must the volumes of laws be at last ? ) binnius in his notes on this council tell us , that though paul would have the believing husband or wife stay with the unbeliever , in hope of conversion , yet many hundred years experience hath taught us the contrary , ( that it tendeth rather to hurt than good ) and therefore now it must be otherwise , and they must separate . § . ccxxiv. even to those days the number of pagans and infidels in most countries was the greatest , and the care of good men was to convert them : ( and therefore we read still of so many baptized at age . ) a council at utrecht decreed ( willebrood ( or willifrid ) and suibert being leaders ) that the best preachers should be sent from the neighbor churches to convert the heathens , ( that was better work , than striving who should be chief , or raging about hard words . ) § . ccxxv. a synod at aquileia , an. . condemned the th general council at constantinople , for condemning the tria capitula of the council of calcedon . ( o what concord councils caused ! ) § . pope sergius refusing to own the council of constant. at trul. under iustinian d , the emperor commanded that he should be brought prisoner to constantinople . the soldiers of ravenna ( sergius having paid them the l. of gold ) hearing of it , rose up and rescued him , and made the emperor's officer in fear beg for his life . by such obedience rome kept up . § . tiberius the d deposed iustinian the d , and cut off his nose , and banished him . iustinian was restored , and exposed tiberius to scorn , and killed him , and banished bishop callinicus to rome for unfaithfulness to his prince . iohn the th was now pope . § . iohn the th is made pope ( another council at toletum under king witiza i pass by ) he was a greek . ccxxvi . he gather'd a synod at rome , to debate iustinian's order for the receiving the trull . concil . and our english willifrid , accused by his king , was here justified , as a son of that church : and a synod in england received him , when the king was dead . § . sisumius made pope lived but days , and constantine succeeded him , who was sent for to constantinople , and honoured by iustinian . § . about this time ( an. . ) spain was conquered by the saracens ; binnius saith , because king witiza forsook the see of rome . by which we still see that rome was forsaken even by the best church , such as spain then was , and was not the ruler of the world. § . bardanes philippicus by rebellion deposed iustinian , and was made emperor ; and within two years was so used himself by anastasius , ( his eyes put out , and he banished . ) § . ccxxvii . the emperor philippicus and iob. constant. called general council at constantinople ; i may well call it general , when binnius saith , there were innumerable bishops , which is not said of any other council . they all condemned the th general council , and their opinion of two wills , and two operations . where it is manifest , . how great a part of the church regarded not the authority of rome . . nor thought a general council infallible , when innumerable bishops are against both . . and how strong the monothelite party was . . and alas , how bad too many bishops , that can change as fast as emperors will have them . for saith binnius ( after baronius ) [ thus at the beck of the emperor , and at the will of a monothelite patriarch , the holy sixth synod is condemned , and what they decreed of two wills in christ , and two operations , and all retracted by the decree and subscription of very many oriental bishops , that were in one moment turned from being catholiques , to be monothelites . ] is this the constancy of bishops , and the certainty of their tradition ? but why have we not the , acts of this great council , as well as of the rest ? chap. ix . councils called about images and some others . § . pope gregory the d is the man that must set up image-worship against all opposition , rebel against his lawful sovereign , and confederate with other princes to alienate the western empire , when the east was almost ruined before , and so to weaken the christian power , that the turk might shortly win the empire . § . to have recited all along as we went on , what new ceremonies , formalities and orders were invented and brought in by the popes , and how doctrine and practice grew corrupted , being a thing done already by many others , would have been tedious here , and besides the design of this writing , which is but to shew how prelates have used the church by their contentions about jurisdiction and hard or ambiguous words ; and what hath been the work especially of general councils . but we cannot tell you well the work of the following councils , without telling somewhat of the occasion of the matter . the primitive christians used not images in the worship of god , ( read dalaeus de imaginibus . ) but the contempt of christianity by the heathens , occasioned many to oppose their contempt by glorying in the cross of christ , and by making the transient sign of it with their fingers ; and thence they grew to use the fixed sign of it ; and thence to speak of and believe many miracles wrought by it ; and thence to make the image of christ crucified , ( which yet epiphanius condemned ; ) and thence by degrees to make the images of the apostles and martyrs ; and thence to make in their churches the images of their deceased bishops , ( till an excommunicater ar●se of another opinion , that pull'd any of them down . ) and abundance of dreams , visions , apparitions and revelations were the pretended proofs that prevailed for many such superstitions , but especially for images , and purgatory , and prayers for the dead . among others , an english monk , egwin of evesholme , chosen bishop of worcester , must lead the way , by pretence of a vision , ( a dream , no doubt ) see spelman's concil . p. . in his own chart egwin saith , [ that the virgin mary first appeared to a certain shepherd called eoves , and afterward to himself with two virgins , holding a book in her hands , and told him in what place she would have him build her a monastery . the crafty dreamer divulged the vision , and some good men opposing it , the pope must have the hearing of it . the pope put it to the oath of egwin , whether ever he saw such a vision or not ? egwin sware it , and the matter was past doubt , ( just as honest commenius took daubritius's prophesies to be of god , because the melancholy man sware that they were true . ) hereupon egwin is sent home , and a council called to take egwin's words again that he had such a vision , ( and in the end was added , that the virgin mary ' s image must be set up in the place . ) the pope sent to king kenred and king offa by bishop brithwald , to grant what the vision intended ; who obediently make over a great part of the countrey to that monastery , as you may see described in spelman , conc. p. , . in charta kenredi & offae regum . and p. . in charta egwini , who saith himself , that [ god being propitious to him , he had in a little time got for the said church an hundred and twenty farms given , as is written and confirmed in the charter of that church . many villages are there named , and some great ones , in the fattest and richest part of the county of worcester . was not this a profitable dream or vision ? and should we not have many dreamers and swearers , if they could get as much by it as egwin did ? and herewith images are set up . § . but baronius and binnius question whether naucler and bale say true , that this council first brought image-worship into england , because it came in before with austin the monk. to which spelman * well answereth , that the use of the cross in banners and otherwise was here before , and some images for instruction and commemoration , as beda's own words intimate ; but not any worship of images , or worshiping before and towards them . and sir h. spelman saith , ( proving that image-worship was not then in use among the saxons ) that even praying to the saints themselves was not then in use , mentioning an old psalter of his written about the time of the d nicene council , in which there were an hundred seventy and one prayers inserted between the sections of the th psalm , and in them all not one name of any saint , or the virgin mary , much less any prayer directed to them . § . if one talk now with our english papists , they are so loth to own their own doctrine and practice , that they will tell you they hold not the worshiping of the image , but of the person signified by it . but to tell them how commonly their writers defend worshipping images , ( if colere and cultus signifie worship ) and what aquinas saith of giving the worship of latria to the image of christ , and to the cross , though undeniable , yet will not be taken for sufficient proof . i shall therefore give you here th● sense of the papal church in england , in the form of abjuration which they prescribed to those that they then called lollards , as it is found in the tower records ; and you must take it in the old english in which it is written , because i do but transcribe it , and must not alter it , the sense of it being plain and obvious . ex rotulo clausax . de anno regni regis ricardi secundi membr . dors . memorand , quod primo die septembris anno regni regis ricardi secundi post conquestum decimo n●no willielmus dynel & nicholaus taillour , michaelus poucher , & willielmus steynour , de nottingham in cancellar . ipsius regis personaliter constituti sacramenta divisim prestiterunt sub eo qui sequitur tenore . [ i william dynel befor yhow worchipefull fader and lorde archbyshop of yhorke and yhowr clergie , with my free will and full avyside swere to gode and to all his seyntes uppon this holy gospelle that fro this day forthwarde i shall worship ymages with preying and offering unto hem in the worschip of the seintes thae they be made after and also i shall never more despyse pygremage ne states of holy chyrche in no degree . and also i shall be buxum to the lawes of holy chirche and to yhow as myn archbyshop and to myn other ordinares and curates and kepe yo lawes uppon my power and meynten hem . and also i shall meyntem ne techen ne defenden errours conclusions & techynges of the lollards ne swych conclusions and techings that men clepyth lollardes doctryn ne i shall her bokes ne swych bokes ne hem or any suspect or diffamed of lollardery resceyne or company with all wyttyngly or defende in yo matters and if i know ony swych i shall with all the hast that i may do ghowe or els your ner officers to wyten and of her bokes . and allso i shall excite and stirr all tho to good doctryn that i have hinder'd with myn doctryn up my power . and also i shall stonde to yhour declaration wych es heresy or errour and do therafter and also what penance yhe wel for that i haue don for meyntenyng of this fals doctryn menyne and i shall fulfill it and i submit me therto up my power . and also i shall make no other glose of this myn oth bot as the wordes stonde . and if it be so that i come agayn or do agayn this oth or any party thereof i holde me here cowpable as an heretyke and to be punyshed by the law as an heretyk and to forfeit all my goodes to the kynges will wyth outen any othr processe of lawe . and therto i require the notarie to make of all this the whych is my will an instrument agens me ut ex habundanti idem willielmus dynel eodem die voluit & recognovit quod omnia bona & catalla sua mobillia nobis sint forisfacta in casu quo ipse juramentum praedictum se● aliqua in eodem juramento contenta de cetero contravenerit ullo modo . here you see whether papists worship images , and whether they take it not for heresie ( which is death ) not to worship them , and whether they leave it to mens liberty or not . § . leo isaurus being emperor , he took the worshipping of images to be idolatry ; and his empire being invaded by the saracens , who were scandalized by the christians images , he thought it was a warning to him to reform them ; and he published his edict accordingly against the religious adoration and use of the images of angels , martyrs , or saints . gregory , bishop of rome , resisted him , and made men believe that this was to fight against christ , and impiously to despise the saints . the emperor commanded his obedience on pain of deposition . he would neither obey nor suffer . the emperor sent men to apprehend him , ( some say to kill him , ) but he escaped them . the lombards were stirred up to make war against the emperor as an enemy of christ : [ the pope ( saith binnius , p. . out of zonaras ) entered into a league with charles martell king of france , that , if there were need , he should defend the church of rome against the emperor ( their proper sovereign ) which league being prudently made , the emperor abstained for fear of charles , who by great victories was become famous . — but when the emperor would not obey the pope's pious warnings , but used tyranny in the east against the orthodox , then the pope anathematized him as a known declared heretick , and exhorted all his subjects in italy to depart from his obedience . ] note how rebellion is the work and strength of the roman papacy ▪ but do not our papists now disown all this , and profess themselves to be the loyallest subjects ? answ. if they do , let them join restitution with confession . if the father seize on another mans inheritance , and the son keep it , and disclaim his fathers act , this is but a dead confession . but hear the next words in binnius , and judge what doctrine yet they hold , [ quo facto sanctissimus pontifex clarissimum posteris suis reliquit exemplum ; ne in ecclesia christi regere permittantur haeretici principes , si frequenter moniti errori pertinaciter adhaerescant . ] that is , by which fact ( deposing the emperor in italy , and absolving all his subjects from their obedience ) the most holy pope left his posterity a most clear ( or famous ) example , that heretical princes may not be permitted to rule , if being oft warned they pertinaciously adhere to error . ] note this ye princes and rulers that hear of papal loyalty . . it is not lawful for them , if they can help it , to permit any of you to reign over christians , if they do but judge you heretical . to tolerate you is against their consciences , if to depose you be not above their strength . . by this rule you see , that they were virtual rebels to most or many emperors , when they durst not actually rebel . . when constantine the great banished athanasius , it 's like they would have taken him for an heretick . . constantius and valens being arrians , the pope did virtually rebel against them , and depose them ( if then they were of the same mind as now . ) . theodosius junior , zeno , anastasius , and other emperors they virtually deposed as eutychians . . iustinian the first they virtually deposed as a phantasiastick . . philippicus , and many more emperors are called by them monothelites . . leo and constantine , and others , are called iconoclastae . . many christian princes and states , now are called by them protestant or lutheran hereticks . all these , they say , are such as may not be permitted , and therefore they have interpretatively and virtually rebelled , and deposed them . . you see how great a matter this excommunication is , and how impossible it is , by it for kings and states to continue long in any right to their dominions : for all men err ; and while there are so many patriarchs , prelates , if not priests that have the power of excommunicating , all men may expect it : for he that is orthodox in the judgment of one patriarch , will be a heretick in the judgment of another : while rome , const. alexand. antioch , ierusal . are so seldom of one mind . if with the repenting lollard ( aforesaid ) you will swear to hold that for error which the archbishop of york saith is such , perhaps the archbishop of canterbury may be of the contrary mind : those called arrians , nestorians , eutychians , monothelites , iconoclasts , &c. have in their turns had most of the known christian world. and he that is excommunicate by one , must be received by none . . but if it be the popes prerogative , that though more may excommunicate kings and emperours , none but he can depose them , and disoblige all their subjects , it 's pity but those princes that are in love with such a papacy should know by experience what they love : for he that will take satan for his ruler , must bear the inconveniences of his government . . you see here how the empire was weakned , and so exposed to the turk ; even by the rebellion of rome cutting off the western empire from it . . and you see what true subjects they were to the arrian , gothish kings , at rome , spain , &c. who would have deposed them if they could . what wonder if the goths kept down the pope . § . in these times the pope met with an english bishop wilfrid , who extraordinarily flattered and adored him , and he accordingly made him bishop of mentz , and his great agent ( even about this foresaid english council which was to set up church-images : ) and recommended him to many christian princes : and why was all this ? and what was his rare merit ? he took this oath to the pope ( bin. p. ) [ in the name of the lord iesus christ our saviour , in the reign of leo the great emperour &c. i boniface , bishop by the grace of god , do promise to thee , peter , prince of the apostles , and to thy vicar pope gregory and his successors , by the father , son and holy ghost , the inseparable trinity , and this most holy body of thine , that i will exhibite all faith and purity of holy catholick faith , and in unity of the same faith , god operating , will persist , in which all the salvation of christians is proved undoubtedly to consist ; and will no way consent , whoever perswadeth me , against the unity of the common and universal church , but , as i said , will exhibite my faith and purity and concourse to thee and to the profits of thy church , to whom by the lord the power of binding and loosing is given , and to thy aforesaid vicar and his successors in all things , &c. ] nothing is more meritorious with a pope , or any prelate of that spirit , than to be absolutely devoted to him , and swear obedience to him : indeed they that are fully fallen from god ( as satan is ) would be as gods to the world themselves , and have all men depend upon them , and obey them . § . what arguments moved the emperor to be against images , ( specially the d commandment ) and how gregory thought that it was not the images of god and christ , and angels and saints that were forbidden , you may see in his epistles too long to be here recited . § . here binnius inserteth three roman councils . one cursing unlawful marriages . another persuading corbinianus to keep his bishoprick , who would fain have laid it down . and a third for images , against the iconoclasts ( the emperor's heresie . ) § . gregory d succeedeth gregory d . he sendeth his epistles for images to the emperor . the first messenger durst not deliver them . the rest were stopt at sicily , and kept prisoners . the lombards infested italy and rome . the pope importuneth the french king for help . alphonsus is made king in spain against the saracens , and first called himself [ catholick king. ] two councils , binnius saith , were held at rome for images . the title of the second is , [ pro imaginum cultu , for the worship of images : an. . image-worship was then avowed . but the eastern churches did more obey the emperor . § . pope zachary coming next , in whose time italy was distressed by luitprandus king of the lombards , who took four cities from the pope , because he protected trasimundus duke of spoleto : the romans helped trasimund , on condition he would restore to them the four cities ; he performeth not his promise : wherefore pope zachary turned to luitprand , and to win him , salutaria illi praedicavit , saith anastasius ; and he promised him to restore the four cities . for the performance whereof , this pope travelled to him himself , ( noted by anastasius as a great act of self-denial , as venturing his life for the cause of god , that he would go to the king to ask for four cities ) which he happily obtained . § . in this pope's time the crown of france was translated from the king and his line , to a subject , his major domûs . charles martell the great french conqueror was the pope's patron against the emperor who was his sovereign . gratian. d. . q. . post can. . tells it us as a matter of church-credit , that when he was dead , he was damned to hell ( much blood , and defending popes that rebel against their sovereign are a very likely proof . ) carolomannus succeeded him , who , after two years reign , resigned his crown , and chose a monastery . chilperic that came after , proved very dull and sensual , and giving himself to his pleasure , let the business of government lie most on the hands of pepin , who was his major domûs , who thereby got the power and the respect that was proper to the king , while the king grew into contempt . ( and if kings cannot keep up their power and honour by the meer dignity of their place , without personal worth and performance ; why should popes , prelates and priests , ( whose power and honour , as a physicians , depend upon their worth and work ) expect to keep up their power and honour meerly by their offices ? ) pepin won first the nobles of france , and then the pope ; for , as baronius and binnius ( p. . ) tell us , [ it seemed to the most potent pepin ( major domus ) * and to the rest of the chief men , and to all the people , that he that had not the matter and force of the kingdom , should not have the name of a king ; and on the contrary , he that had the riches , power and virtue , should also have the name of king : and because these princes and people were christians , they judged that these their councils would neither stand ratified to posterity , nor be acceptable enough to god , unless they received authority and force from the common father and pastor of the christian church , the vicar of the lord christ , and successor of st. peter . therefore they send legates to rome to zachary , of whom bishop burchardus herbipol . was the chief , who were to ask the things aforesaid of him . he consented , and decreed , and wrote back , that chilperic being thrust into a monastery , * st. boniface should declare and anoint pepin king in germany and france : boniface , bishop of mentz , obeyed pope zachary , and by the authority of the see apostolic , deposed chilperic , ( called also childeric ) and placed pepin in his stead . thus ieginhart in vit. car. mag. annal. franc. an . . paul. diac. li. . marianus scotus li. . regino li. . an . . sigebert in chron. lambert in hist. germ. otho frising . li. . . ado. aetate , fol. . aimoinus li. . c. , &c. yea ( say they ) the hereticks of our times deny not the history . — but they sharply impugn two circumstances : the first is , that it was a great wrong to chilperic , that the kingdom was taken from him : the second , that the said translation was made by the consent of the council , nobles and commons , without the authority of the apostolic seat * . serarius proveth that the cause of the translation of the kingdom was just . . because all the best men did desire and wish it , and did by their counsel and help co-operate to it . . because st. bishop burchardus did , as legate , sollicite the pope for it . . pope zachary commanded it to be done ; . and the most holy boniface at the pope's command did execute it . . and being approved by divine testimony , it is recited in the sacred canons , . q. . c. alius . . and by none of the old historians not praised , or disallowed : only our new hereticks , that love novelty , arrogance and rebellion by their perverse judgment by contumelies and lyes disallow it . and that it was by the authority of the apostolick seat , that the kingdom was translated from chilperic to pepin , the foresaid historians do so expresly say , that it 's a wonder with what front the innovating hereticks dare call it in question . lastly , it is here to be noted , that it was by this same pope zachary that the nomination or postulation of bishops for the vacant churches in his kingdom , was granted to king pepin . therefore if elsewhere you read that the kings of france give bishops to the churches , remember that it is not done by their own right , but by the grant of the apostolick seat : in vain therefore do the innovating hereticks glory in this argument , who endeavor to subject the church to kings . ] so far binnius after baronius . § . from this story and these words , let the reader think how to answer these questions . quest. . had not kings need to take heed of making any one man too great , if greatness and exercise of government , give him so much right to the kingdom ? qu. . had not kings need to look to their manners , for their crowns sake , as well as their souls , if lust , sensuality and dulness forfeit their kingdoms ? qu. . did not wars and weakning of the empire make a great change with popes , when they that were set up and banished at the emperor's pleasure , can now first depose the emperor in the west , for being against images and persecuting , and then can translate the crown of france ? qu. . was not an ambitious pope a fit tool for pepin and his confederates to work by , to put a pious gloss on their conspiracy ? qu. . did not the pope rise thus by serving the turns of conspirators , and of princes in their quarrels with one another ? qu. . are subjects judges when a king's sins make him unworthy of the crown ? qu. . yea , is the pope judge , and hath he power to depose kings , if he judge them such sinners , and unfit for government ? qu. . is it a good reason that a king is justly deposed , because good men and holy bishops are the desirers and promoters of it ? qu. . would not this reason have served maximus against gratian ? was it not cromwel's plea ? if he had but had the pope and people on his side , you see how it would have gone . qu. . is it the mark of an innovating heretick , to say that the church should be subject to kings ; when paul and peter said it of all christians so long ago ? qu. . is it a note that protestants love rebellion , because they are against popes deposing kings ? or is there any heed to be taken of the words of impudent revilers , that dare speak before god and man at this rate ? is deposing kings the papists freedom from rebellion , and is our opposing it a character of rebels ? qu. . is it any wonder that bishop burchardus desired it , and that bishop boniface executed the pope's command , who had been translated from england by him to such dignity , and had sworn obedience and service to him ? qu. . is it any wonder that the pope made these bishops saints ? qu. . i hope they were really godly men : but is it any wonder that some good men at such a time as that , did think it had been for the interest of religion , to have all power in the clergies hands , especially being themselves bishops that were to have so great a share ? how few bishops are afraid of too much power , or ever do refuse it ! qu. . if the king of france had his kingdom by the pope's gift , what wonder if he had the power of nominating bishops also by his gift ? qu. . whether he that hath power to give , hath not power to take away , and be not judge when the cause is just ? qu. . with what face do papists at once make these claims , and yet profess loyalty to kings ? qu. . whether it concern not kings to understand on what terms they stand with the pope and his clergy , that must not be subject to them , but have power to depose them ? qu. . if there be any party among them that hath more loyal principles , is it a sign of the concord of their church , that agreeth not in matter of so great moment ? or a proof that the pope is the infallible judge of controversies , that will not determine so great a point on which the peace of kingdoms doth depend ? § . about the same time they persuaded rachis king of the longobards , successor to luitprand , for the love of religion to lay down his crown , and go into a monastery ; so that monasteries are places for the worst and the best ; some too bad to reign , and some too good , lest they should over-master the clergy . § . it may be you will think that this pope zachary , and his sworn vassal st. boniface , were some very profound divines , that could by their wisdom and piety thus master kingdoms . doubtless they were zealous adversaries to heresies ( except their own ) and successors of the hereticating and damning fathers . for epist. . ( bin. p. , , . ) zachary writeth to boniface , to expel virgilius from the church and priesthood , for holding antipodes , viz. that sun-shine , and moon-light , and men are under the earth , as well as here which we call over it . the words are , [ de perversa autem & iniqua doctrina , quae contra dominum & animamsuam locutus est , si clarificatum fuerit ita eum confiteri , quod alius mundus & alii homines sub terra sint , seu sol & luna ; hunc habito concilio ab ecclesia pelle sacerdotii honore privatum . ] that is , but as to the perverse and unjust doctrine which he hath spoken against the lord and his own soul , if it be made clear that he so confesseth , that under the earth there is another world and other men , and sun and moon ; call a council , and depriving him of the honour of priesthood , drive him out of the church . ] that by [ another world ] is meant antipodes , or the other side of the earth inhabited , is doubtless . § . qu. . did god make popes to be the governors of the antipodes , for so many hundred years , before they knew that there was any antipodes ? and when they excommunicated and silenced those that affirmed it ? qu. . were these popes and bishops men of such wisdom , as were fit to hereticate dissenters as they did ? qu. . do we not see here what some councils were , and did in those times ? qu. . do we not see what heresie signified at rome , and how little heed there was to be taken of their outcry against some heresies ? qu. . whether was all the world , or all the west bound to avoid communion after with virgilius ? qu. . do we not see here of what infallibility the pope is , in judging of matters of faith , and how happy the world is to have such a judge , and of what credit his heretications and excommunications are ? qu. . do we not see how religion hath been depraved and dishonoured by the pope and his clergy , calling good evil , and the most certain truths by the name of [ perverse and unjust doctrines , against the lord , and mens own souls ? ] what heed to take of these mens words , when they seem zealous against sin and error ? § . perhaps you will ask , how could any but idiots be so ignorant ? whither did they think the setting-sun went ? or what did they think the earth stood upon ? answ. the easiest things are strange to men that never learnt them ; it 's pity that it should be true , that lactantius and other ancients , yea , austin himself were ignorant of the antipodes ; but yet they had more modesty than to hereticate and excommunicate them that affirmed it . few bishops had much philosophy then . origen and apollinaris that were most philosophical , had been hereticated and disgraced it . clemens and tatianus sped not much better . councils had forbid bishops to read the books of heathens . austin had a truly philosophical head , being the father of school-divinity ; but he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and had little from his teachers . you may see in a great hereticater philastrius , what they thought then of the course of the sun , by what he saith of the stars : as it was one heresie to call the star● by the names of living creatures , so it was another to deny that the stars were luminaries arbitrarily moved ; that by angels were set out at night to light the world , and at morning retired inwards , or were taken into their place again , as men set out lights to the street at night , and take them in again . i confess that no general council declared this , ( as they have done worse things ; ) but you see what kind of men were hereticated by pope zachary , st. boniface , and st. philastrius , and such bishops ; and how little it signifieth in such writers , whether you read a man called a saint , or a sinner ; an orthodox catholick , or nefandissimus haereticus , as they use to speak : i speak it only of such men. § . for , reader , i must still remember thee , that this folly , pride , and almost fury , was not the genius or character of the true spiritual ministers and church of christ , but of a worldly , ignorant , domineering sort of men ; that made it their business to get preferment , and have their wills . god had all this while abundance of faithful ministers that sate down at the lower end ; and humble holy people , that set not up themselves in worldly grandure , and came not much on the stage , but approved themselves in secret , and in their several places and conversations to god , some lay-men , some priests , some bishops , some of their names are come down to us in history , but those are few . they strove not for great places , nor did their works to be seen of men , nor looked to men for their reward . § . some of the canons and councils of these universal pastors were answerable to their excommunications . in zachary ' s th epistle to his vassal st. boniface , he giveth him the resolution of many doubts . one is , [ after how long time lard may be eaten ? and it is resolved by the pope ; that there is yet no canon or law for this by the fathers , but he determineth himself , . that it must not be eaten before it be dried in the smoke , or boiled , ( or basted ) with fire ; but if you list to eat it raw , it must be eaten after the feast of easter . ] binnius , p. . ( what would become of the church , if there were not a judge of such controversies , and an infallible determiner of such questions ? ) § . ccxxv. i told you before how the pope commanded boniface to call a council to eject him that asserted the antipodes ; i must next add a french council called by king carolomannus to reform the clergy ( an . . ) and to recover christian religion , which in the dayes of former princes dissipata corruit , being dissipated , was ruined ; and to shew the people how they may come to save their souls , who have been hitherto deceived by false priests . ( they are the words of the king and council , bin. p. . c. . ) where it was decreed that priests be not soldiers , ( unnecessarily : ) that they keep not hounds to go an hunting with , nor hawks : that every religious fornicator shall in the jayl do pennance with bread and water . if the fornicator be a priest , he shall be first scourged , and then remain in prison two years : but if an inferior clerk or monk so fall , he shall be whipt , and then do pennance a whole year in prison , and so the nuns . this was somewhat like a reformation : had it not been done by a king ▪ it might have past for heresie . it was at ratisbonne ; boniface presiding . such another council called leptinense , there was under carolomannus . another council at rome repeated the oft repeated canons , to keep bishops and priests from nuns and from fornication . § . an. . another synodus suession . under chilperic governed by pepin , condemned again aldebert ( that set up crosses in several places , and drew people to himself ) and another as hereticks . § . another council in germany , an . . handsomly set boniface the pope's agent in the archbishoprick of mentz . first geroldus the archbishop is sent out against the saxons with an army , and he and most of them killed : then gervilio his son , a lay-man , is made archbishop to comfort him . at another war he pretends a conference with him that kill'd his father , and murders him ; this is past by as blameless : but boniface saith , that a man that had his hand in blood , must not be a bishop ; and so got him out , and was made the chief archbishop of germany himself in his place . judge whether he served the pope for nought . § . yet boniface had not done with the two hereticks , aldebert and clemens , a french man and a scot. boniface sendeth to rome ( bin. p. . ) to desire the pope , that as he had himself condemned these two hereticks , the pope would also condemn them , and cast them into prisons , where none might speak with them . ( thus the pope obtained his kingdom , and edified the church . the motive was , that boniface prosecuting them , had suffered much for their sakes , the people saying that he had taken from them holy apostolick men , ( but this was not a prison . ) the crimes which he chargeth on aldebert a bishop are , that he was an hypocrite , ( an open crime ! ) that he had said an angel appeared to him , and he had some rare reliques , and that he said he was apostolick , and wrought wonders ; that he got some unlearned bishops to make him a bishop absolutely , against the canons . he would not consecrate any church to the memory of an apostle or martyr ; and spake against visiting in pilgrimage the temples of the apostles : he made churches to his own honour , and set up oratories and crosses up and down , and drew people from other bishops to himself . that he gave his nails and hair to be honoured with the saints reliques , and would not hear confessions , saying he knew their sins already . ] if all this was true , ( which i know never the more for this accusation ) he seemed an hypocrite indeed , but whether an heretick , i know not . the scot heretick is accused as denying the church canons , and the meaning of some fathers , despising the synods laws , saying that he may still be a bishop ( for so he was ) though he had two sons , ( in adultery , saith boniface , perhaps in marriage ; ) and ( as he saith ) holding that a man may marry his brothers widow , and that christ at his descent delivered all souls out of hell. ] this was a foul error indeed , if truly charged . these were charged by boniface and the roman synod , to be forerunners of antichrist , ( and how like are aldebert's pretensions to many roman saints ! ) a prayer also of aldeberts was read , in which he prayed to angels under several strange names : bishops and presbyters had votes in this council , and subscribed the hypocrites condemnation . bin. p. . but there is no certainty that he named more than three angels . § . stephen the d was chosen pope by all the people after zachary , and dyed four days after suddenly . § . stephen the d was chosen by all the people ( saith anastasius . ) aistulphus , king of the longobards , threatned rome , took their gifts , and demanded their subjection . the pope ( after gregory the d's rebellion ) was glad to send to the emperor , to crave an army to save rome and italy ; when he could get no help from constant. he sent to pepin king of france . one that he had made king by rebellion , was obliged to help him , and by an army forced aistulphus to covenant to restore ravenna , and many other italian cities , ( not to the emperor , whose agent claimed his right , and was denied by pepin ; ) but to the pope , ( to reward him , and get the pardon of his sins . ) aistulphus broke his covenants . pepin with another army forceth him to deliver them , and returneth . aistulphus dyeth ; desiderius a captain by usurpation invadeth the kingdom , radchis that had been king before , and went into a monastery , and the nobles of the longobards resist the rebel . he sendeth to the pope , offering him all that he could desire ( more cities ) to help him : the pope maketh his own bargain with him , as he did with pepin , ( and charles martell before ) and by the help of the french , setleth the rebel desiderius in the kingdom . pepin maketh a deed of gift of all the foresaid cities to the church of rome , ( was this constantine's gift ? ) he gave away another mans ( the emperor's ) dominions , and with desiderius's additions , now the pope is become a prince . § . ccxxviii . we come now to a great general council of bishops at constantinople , an. . under constantine copronymus against the worshiping of images : the adversaries of it will not have it called the th general council , because divers patriarchs were absent , and it decreed , say they , against the truth . they not only condemned the worshiping of images , and germanus constantinus , georgius cyprius , jo. damascenus , and other worshipers of them , as idolaters ; but destroyed the reliques of martyrs , and exacted an oath of men ( by the cross , and the holy eucharist ) that they would never adore images , but execrate them as idols , nor ever pray to the holy apostles , martyrs , and blessed virgin , saith baronius and binnius , p. . but the th and th definitions of this council recited in the d nicene council , shew that they were not so free from praying to the virgin mary and saints , as we could wish they had : for they decree we must crave her intercessions , and theirs ; but they forbad praying to their images . § . the acts of this council ( not pleasing the adversaries ) are not delivered fully to us ; but it fell out that their decrees are repeated word by word in the d nicene council , and so preserved . § . there is one doctrinal definition of this council , owned also by their adversaries the d concil . nicen. which by the way i will take notice of , about the glorified body of christ , ( and consequently ours after the resurrection ) that it is a body but not flesh , bin. p. . defin . . [ siquis non confessus fuerit dominum nostrum iesum christum post assumptionem animatae , rationalis & intellectualis carnis simul sedere cum deo & patre , atque ita quoque rursus venturum cum paterna majestate , judicaturum vivos & mortuos , non amplius quidem carnem , neque incorporeum tamen ut videatur ab iis à quibus compunctus est , & maneat deus extra crassitudinem carnis , anathema . ] to which saith the nicene council by epiphanius , [ huc usque recte sentiunt & patrum traditionibus convenientia dicunt , &c. ] two sorts i would have take notice of this : . the papists , who say that the bread is turned into christ's very flesh , when he hath no very flesh in heaven : and therefore the meaning must be of the sacramental sign , that it is the representation of that real flesh of christ which was sacrificed on the cross. . some prejudiced protestants that think he that saith , [ our bodies ( and christs ) in heaven ; will not be flesh and blood formally and properly so called , but spiritual glorious bodies ] doth say some dangerous new assertion ; such gross thoughts have gross heads of the heavenly state . to these i say , . you contradict the express words of god's spirit , cor. . flesh and blood cannot enter , &c. that it is meant of formal flesh and blood , and not metaphorical ( sin ) is plain in the context , see dr. hammond on the text. . give but a true definition of flesh and blood , and it will convince you of itself . . you see here that you maintain an opinion which these two ( even adverse ) general councils anathematized . § . by this council we may see , how little general councils signifie with the papists , either as to infallibility , authority , or preservation of tradition , longer than they please the pope . as to their objection , that call it pseudo-septimum , that the pope was not there ; i answer . no more was he by himself or legate at the first of constant. called the d general council , as binnius professeth . . is not the church the church , if the pope be not there ? then he may choose whether ever there shall be more general councils , ( as indeed he doth . ) § . ccxxix . an. . king pepin called a council in france , declaring that things were so far out of order , that he could attempt but a partial reformation , leaving the rest till better times . the first canon was , that every city have a bishop ; of old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signified every such town as our corporations and market-towns are : and by all the old canons and customs ( except some odd ones ) every such town of christians was to have a bishop ; and in phrygia , arabia , &c. the villages had bishops , saith socrates , &c. and in many places the villages had chorepiscopos , which petavius ( annot. in epiphan . arian . ) fully proveth were true bishops . and yet then the most of the people in most countries were without the church ; so that then a church was no greater than was capable of personal communion . here this king ( being made by the pope ) so far gratified the clergy , as to decree that contemners of excommunication should be banished . and now the keys do signifie the sword , and church-discipline is made another thing than christ had made it . the th cap. is , that no vacant bishop meddle in another bishop's parish without his consent , ( by what true authority then can the pope meddle in other mens diocesses , since the foundation of his humane authority in the empire is subverted ? ) the th cap. decreed , that men may use horses and chariots for travel on the lord's-day , and get meat and drink , &c. but not do common work . the th , that no clerk try his cause before a lay-judge , without the bishop's leave . § . pope stephen dying , in the division at the next choice , ( by all the people ) the stronger part chose paulus a deacon , ccxxx . in his time a german council condemned oathmarus , abbot of st. gallus , for incontinence , and put him in prison , where he dyed of famine ; as historians say , maliciously upon false accusation . § . at this time the greeks accused the romans , for adding the word [ filioque ] to the creed : and about that and images , they say there was some synod at a village called gentiliace . § . pope paul dying , and the people having still the choice , he that could get the greatest strength was in hope of so rich a prey : and constantine , brother to one duke toto , getting the strongest party , by fear compelled george bishop of praenestine , with two more bishops , to make him pope , ( being first ordained deacon , ) he possessed the popedom alone a year and a month : then one christopher the primocerius , and his son sergius being powerful , got out to the king of the longobards , and craved his help against constantine as an usurper ; and gathering some strength got into rome , killed toto ; and caused constantine the pope , and another brother paessivus to take sanctuary . one waldipertus a presbyter was of christopher's party , and to make haste , without christopher's knowledge , he gathereth a party , and they make one philip ( a presbyter ) pope . ( so there were two popes . ) christophorus incensed , swore he would not enter rome , till philip was pull'd out of the bishop's house ; which gratiosus , one of his party , presently performeth , and philip returneth to his monastery . christophorus calleth the clergy , people and soldiers together , and ( by his means ) they chuse another stephen , ( and so there are three popes . ) the actors being now in their zeal , go to theodorus a bishop , and vicedominus that joined with pope constantine , and they put out his eyes , and cut out his tongue . next they attempted the like excaecation on passivus . bishop theodore they thrust into a monastery , and there ( while he cryed for a little water ) they famished him to death . passivus they put into another monastery . they took all their goods and possessions . pope constantine they brought out , and set on horseback on a womans saddle with weights at his feet , and put him into a monastery , ( how holy then were monasteries ! ) shortly after they brought him forth , and pope stephen and some bishops deposed him . then the citizens were to make their penitent confessions for owning him . next the army goeth to alatrum in campania , where gracilis the tribune that had been for constantine is apprehended , brought bound to rome , imprisoned , and after his eyes put out , and his tongue cut out . after this , gratiosus and his zealots go to the monastery where they had thrust pope constantine , and drag him out , and put out his eyes , and leave him blind in the street . next , they go to their own friend priest waldipertus , and feign that he had laid a plot with the longobards to kill christopher , and send to apprehend him , and when he fled for sanctuary to a temple , they drew him out with the blessed virgins image in his hand ( even then when they were rebelling for the sake of images ; ) but that would not save the priest , ( because he set up philip for pope ; ) they thrust him into a filthy dungeon-hole , but that was too good for him : in a few days they drew him out , and casting him on the earth , put out his eyes , and cut out his tongue , and put him into an hospital , where he dyed of the pain . and now pope stephen had , no doubt , a lawful calling to be pope . he sends his legats to the king of france . he brings forth blinded pope constantine to answer for his crime , who falling flat on the earth , he lamenteth his sin as more than the sands on the sea-shore , and professeth that the people chose and forced him to be pope , because of their sufferings under paul : but at his next appearance he tells them , that he did no more than many other lay-men did , who invaded bishopricks ; as sergius archbishop of ravenna , stephen bishop of naples , &c. when they heard this , all the priests caused him to be buffeted , and cast him out of the church , and burnt his papers , &c. and the most holy pope stephen cast himself on the earth , with all the priests and people of rome , and with tears lamented their sin , that they had taken the communion from the hands of pope constantine , ( it seems it is a sin to communicate with bishops that are brought in irregularly by secular power without due election , and they are no schismaticks that refuse it . ) and so they all performed their pennance for it , anastas . in ejus vita . § . ccxxxi . on this great occasion pope stephen ( being far unable now to call general councils ) sends to the king of france , to entreat him to send some wise bishops to a council at rome , who sent him about a dozen , who , with some others , agreed against constantine's election , and such other for the time to come ; and damned a synod that constantine had held ; and also passed their judgment for images . § . but here was a great difficulty , ( such as often after happened ) whether constantine's papal acts were valid ; and the council decreed that they should all be void except his baptizings , and his consecrations : and so those priests that he consecrated , when they were after duely chosen , officiated without a new consecration . either he was a real pope , or no pope . if a pope , then by the canons stephen was no pope , and so the succession there failed . if no pope , then , . how come his consecrations to be valid ? . are not presbyter's ordinations better than a lay-mans ? . then the universal church had no head , and so was no church ( with them ) while constantine was pope . § . a like schism fell out at ravenna : the power of the magistrate made one michael , scriniary of the church , ( a lay-man ) archbishop , the people being for one leo , whom they imprisoned . he kept the place above a year ; but by the help of the pope , and the french , the people rose and cast him out , and brought him prisoner to rome , and set up leo. § . christopher and his son sergius were the captains that had wrought this great deliverance to the church : and now they plead with king desiderius for st. peter's rights , as still zealous for the pope . the king is angry with them , and jealous of their power , and seeketh to destroy them , and particularly to set their own pope against them . they get the citizens to stand by them , and the king cometh with an army . the pope seeing which was like to be the stronger side , in great wisdom went out to the king , and after some days conference with him , sendeth to christopher to render himself to the king. the citizens hearing this , forsook christopher and sergius ; gratiosus ( seeing they were deserted by the people through the pope ) went out first to the king and pope , and sergius next , and christopher last . the pope was so kind to them that made him pope , that he made them monks , and put them in sanctuary in st. peter's church to save their lives : but they had adonibezek's justice , and were soon drag'd out thence , and christopher's eyes put out , of which he dyed . but sergius was awhile a monk , and then thrust in the laterane cellar . thus went the matters of the universal monarch at rome . § . a little before the pope's death , sergius was fetcht blind out of the cellar , and kill'd ; the next pope searcht out the authors , and found them to be paulus cubicularius , and the last pope's brother , and other great men ; and he prosecuted some of them to banishment , but the archbishop of ravenna caused paul to be killed . § . it was adrian ( a deacon ) that was then chosen pope ( son to the chief man in rome , ablest to effect it . ) upon these stirs , desiderius desired friendship with the pope ; but he demanding the cities which pepin had given the church ( some of which desiderius , still kept ) and doing the foresaid justice on the friends of desiderius , he came with an army and killed many , and took many cities . the pope urgeth the restitution of all his cities , ( indeed the emperor's ) given him by pepin ; he still denieth ; the pope gets charles of france to come with an army , for fear of whom the longobards flie . the dutchy of spoletum , and other cities , yield themselves to the pope , ( and , as a token of subjection , receive tonsure . ) charles besiegeth desiderius in papia , and forceth his brother carloman's wife and children that fled to the longobards , to yield themselves to him ; while the siege continued charles went to rome , and was gloriously entertained by the pope , and renewed to him pepin's gift of all the exarchate of ravenna , and many dukedoms and cities , ( which were none of his own to give ) and now the pope is a prince indeed . and charles returning to the siege , conquereth papia , taketh king desiderius , and winneth all the longobards kingdom : and thus strength gave right ( according to the atheists opinion now stirring , that [ right is nothing but a power to get and keep . ] pepin and charles make themselves kings , and the pope a prince ; that while they share the emperor's dominions between them , they might be a strength to one another . and desiderius being himself but an usurper , helped by the pope into the throne , no wonder if when interest changed , the same hand take him down . how charles his brother caroloman dyed , and why his wife and sons fled from charles to the longobards , and what became of them , is not well known . § . pope adrian the st thus made a greater prince than any before him , did greater works than they had done , and ob nimium amorem sancti petri , & ex inspiratione divina , built many great and stately buildings , made all places about his palace , baths , &c. fit for splendid pomp and pleasure , and all this from meer self-denial and holiness : many churches also he repalred and adorned , and did many other such good works . § . this great adrian was before but a deacon . i have oft marvelled to read that deacons were so ordinarily then made popes , ( and sometimes lay-men ) when yet the old canons required an orderly rising through the several degrees . it was no wonder that then a deacon at rome was a far higher preferment than a bishop : for a deacon ( and a priest ) might be chosen pope , but a bishop could not : for of old ( when diocesses and parishes were all one ) the canons decreed that no bishop should remove to another church , ( except being consecrated by others , he never consented nor had possession ; ) so that every bishop must live and dye in the place where he was first ordained ; so that rome , const. alex. antioch , &c. and all the great seats chose either deacons , priests , or monks to be their patriarchs and bishops . no wonder then , if as nazianzen saith , orat. . it was the custom to have almost as many clergy-men in every church as people , in regard of the present honour , and the future hopes of preferment . indeed he carried it that had the greatest friends , which was as commonly the deacon , as the priest or archdeacon . by which we may conjecture , whether the worthiest men were made popes : for if they were the worthiest , why were they by former popes never made higher before than deacons ? did not the popes know the worthiest men ? and if a breach of the canons in elections nullifie the regular succession , by this it is evident , that the roman seat hath no such succession . § . by the way the reader must note , that in all the writings of the popish clergy concerning these matters , there are certain terms of art , or interest , which must be understood as followeth , viz. . sanctissimus papa , the most holy pope , signifieth any prosperous bishop of rome , how wicked soever in his life . . rex pientissimus , the most pious king , signifieth a king that took part with the pope , and advanced his opinions and interest . . imperator sceleratissimus , & haereticus nefandus , &c. a most wicked emperor , ( or patriarch , or any other ) and abominable heretick ] signifieth one that was against the pope , his interest or opinion . homo mendaeissimus , a lyar , is one that saith what the papists would not have to be true . if you understand them otherwise , you are deceived ( ordinarily . ) § . about the death of paulus cubicularius , and others , note , that it had long been the way of the church-canons , to contradict god's great law for humane safety , [ he that sheddeth man's blood , by man shall his blood be shed ; ] and on pretence of being ( more ) merciful ( than god ) to entice murderers , adulterers , and all wicked thieves and criminals to make up the church of christ , by decreeing , that instead of being hanged , or beheaded , if they would but be baptized , they should but be kept for a time from the sacrament , or do pennance ; and what villain would not then be a christian ? § . here ariseth a great controversie with sigibert , ( a monk-historian ) and gratian himself , which baronius and binnius take up , viz. the first say , [ that charles being at rome , a council there with pope adrian gave him the power of chusing the pope , and ordering the apostolick seats ; and all bishops and archbishops in all provinces , to receive investiture from him ; and that none should consecrate a bishop unless he were praised and invested by the king ; and that they anathematize all that rebel against this decree , and confiscate their estates if they repent not : but , say baronius and binnius , this is a lye , and devised deceit to flatter the emperor henry a schismatick . and while chroniclers may have the lye given them so easily by dissenters in matters of such publick fact , we are left at great uncertainty in history , others as confidently giving the lye to the papal flatterers , as they do those of their own religion that do not please them . one of the reasons against this decree , is the contrariety of the french constitutions , l. . c. . saying , [ not being ignorant of the sacred canons we consented to the ecclesiastick order , to wit , that bishops be chosen by the election of the clergy and people , according to the statutes of the canons out of their own diocess , without respect of persons or rewards , for the merit of their life , and their gift of wisdom , that by example and word they may every way profit those that are under them . ] . this indeed sheweth how bishops by the canons were to be chosen , even till these days of charles the great ; he was to be taken for no bishop that came not in by the peoples ( as well as the clergies ) election , or consent at least . . but this contradicteth not what sigibert and gratian say ; the emperor might still have a negative voice after all , especially as to a pope : in very deed , the door is safe that hath divers locks . . it belongeth to the clergy and ordainers to judge who shall be [ a bishop or minister of sacred things . ] . it belongeth to the flock to discern whom they will accept for their bishop or pastor . . it belongeth to the magistrate to judge whom he will countenance or tolerate in that office. § . paulus diaconus the historian was secretary to desiderius the longobard king ; charles in anger commanded his hand to be cut off , for doing somewhat for his own king against him ; the courtiers added , that his eyes should be put out ; which made charles consider and say , if we do but cut off his hand , where shall we find such another historian ? § . constantine the emperor now dying , called copronymus ; the papists call us to take notice what a leader we follow that are against the worship of images ; saying that he dyed with the beginnings of hell-fire , convinced of his sin against the virgin mary , and that all his life he loved the smell of dung , and stinking things ; strong arguments for image-worship , as worthy as sigebert's and gratian's , to be suspected as lyes , or of little certainty . § . while leo isaurus and constantine lived , the councils of bishops went with them , and images went down in the eastern empire : constantine dying , his son leo succeeded him , saith binnius , in his heresie , impiety and sacriledge , that is , in his opposition to image-worship , and such like . petavius saith , he first feigned himself a catholick , ( that is , for images ) but after fell off : his sacriledge was , that loving jewels , he took for himself a rich crown , which maurice had devoted to the virgin mary ; whereupon carbuncles arose on him , and he dyed : but had not maurice himself a sadder death ? thus partial historians feign and apply judgments . § . leo's widow , with her son constantine a child , next ruled , and , saith binnius , god by a widow and an orphan child , by a wonder , did tread down the impiety that had been set up , and restored religion , that is , images . and indeed rome's interest and proper way hath been chiefly advanced under women and rebels . and it is no wonder if irene a woman , and her child , were more for images than their predecessors . children use to play with images , and womens fancies are oft not unsuitable to them . i think it as observable a matter , as binnius doth , to note the instruments . § . there are in binnius the titles of at least epistles of pope adrian's recited : the th saith , [ he professeth that the church of rome doth embrace and reverence the whole fourth calcedon council . remember then that the last canon is approved , which declareth the reason of the roman priviledges to be because it was the imperial seat , and therefore that constantine should have the like , and that it was given it by the fathers . most or many of them are thanks to charles for giving st. peter so many great cities and dukedoms , and exhortations to him to continue his bounty . by their ordinary language you would not suspect any selfishness , pride or covetousness in the popes ; it is but for st. peter that they desire all . § . in his epistle to constantine and irene , ( the child and mother ) to entice them to be for images , he tells a fabulous story * of a vision of constantine's sending him to silvester as his guide , to be baptized of him , and to be thereby cured of a leprosie : it was peter and paul that appeared to him ; and he asked silvester whether there were left any images of peter and paul , which he affirmed , and shewed him their pictures ; and the emperor cryed out , these are the men that appeared to me . and part of their message to him was , that he should bring all the world into the subjection of the church of rome . ] was not here a strong argument to a woman and a child to be for the pope and for images , contrary to current history , ( that tells us constantine was baptized at nicomedia a little before his death ; ) and without any credible proof . thus the papal rome was built . when adrian had given away the western empire to charles , yet he thus flattereth a woman and child in the east , as if he had done them no wrong at all . § . paul bishop of const. having sworn against images , and repenting , is said to resign his place , and to tell them that they must have a general council ; and tarasius succeeding him , being for images , got a promise of a council . it seems by their epistles , though they agreed about images , pope adrian and this tarasius accused each other as suspected of simony , see bin. p. . and the epistles . irene knew that tarasius was for her turn , and tarasius knew that irene was for pictures ; and so between them common notice was given abroad before-hand to the bishops , ( that lately had condemned image-worship , and pull'd them down ) that the empress and the patriarch were for restoring images , and would call a council to that end : and this was enough to prepare the majority of the bishops for a sudden change . § . besides a council at wormes , an. . to little purpose , velserus hath published one of that year at dingolvinga in bavaria under duke tassilo , which had divers canons of equity , and some of superstition ; one was , that certain bishops and abbots agreed , that whosoever dyed first , the rest should sing so many psalms , and get thirty masses to be said . and a notable priviledge is granted to all that will but seek liberty or shelter in the church , that both they and their posterity shall be free , unless they bring a debt undischargeable on themselves . § . there is by canisius published an epitome of the old canons ( except the nicene ) as gathered by this adrian , and sent to charles mag. i will recite a few of them , ex clem. c. . let a bishop , or presbyter , or deacon , taken in fornication , perjury , or theft , be deposed , but not excommunicate . c. . that a bishop who obtaineth a church by the secular powers be deposed . can. antioch . . countrey presbyters may not give canonical epistles , but the chorepiscopi , ( by which it is plain , that the chorepiscopi were not presbyters , but ( as petavius on epiphan . arrius hath well proved ) true bishops . c. . that condemned clerks shall never be restored if they go to the emperor . can. laodic . c. . [ that no one pray with hereticks or schismaticks , ] ( which seemeth to oblige us to separate from the roman prelates , who are grievous schismaticks , by imposing things unlawful on the churches , and silencing and persecuting those that obey not their sinful laws . before the can. sardic . he mentioneth the weakness of old osius , that said that they were both in the right , who used the word [ of one substance , ] and [ of the like substance . ] can. sard. . that a bishop that by ambition changeth his seat , shall not have ( so much as ) lay-communion ( no not ) at the end . c. . c. . that no bishop be above three weeks in another city , nor above two weeks from his own church , ( which implieth that each bishop had then his own particular church . ) can. afric . c. . that there be no re-baptizing , re-ordaining , nor translations of bishops . c. . that if a bishop to be ordained be contradicted , ( that is , by any objected unfitness ) he shall not after be ordained as purged only by three bishops , but by many . c. . that diocesses that wants bishops , receive none without the consent of the bishop who hitherto held them , ( so it was ) not proudly ; for if he overhold them , ( that is , hold them under himself alone , when they need more bishops ) affecting to sit over the people , and despising his fellow-bishops , he is not only to be driven from the retained diocesses , but also from his own church : ] ( so that no proud bishops should have power to hinder the churches from having as many bishops as they need . ) c. . that bishops that are of later ordination , presume not to set or prefer themselves before those that were before them . c. . if a bishop , six months after admonition of other bishops , neglect to make catholicks of the people belonging to his seat , any other shall obtain them that shall deliver them from their heresie : ( that is , donatism , or the like ; ) so that if one bishop neglect the souls of his people , and another that is more able and faithful convert them , they may be the flock of him that converted them , without removing their dwelling . c. . that a bishop shall not excommunicate a man on a confession made only to himself : if he do , other bishops shall deny communion to that bishop . § . several german councils are mentioned , ( at wormes , paderborne , daria , in which ( by a new example ) charles mag. is confirmed to force the saxons to profess themselves christians , and to take an oath never to revolt : who yet ( doing it by constraint ) were oft perjured and revolted , till at last their heathen duke witichind became a voluntary christian himself . § . there are more canons against oppressors of the clergy , said to be collected by adrian , of which one is the old one , that no bishop judge the cause of any priest , without the presence of his clergy ; because the bishop's sentence shall be void , if it be not confirmed by the presence of the clergy . another , that no bishop ordain or judge in another's parish , else it shall be void ; for we judge that no one i● bound by the sentence of any other iudge , but his own : ( who then is bound by the pope , or any usurper , who will excommunicate those that are not of his flock ? ) another saith , [ by a general sanction we forbid foreign judgments , because it is unmeet that he should be judged by strangers , who ought to have iudges of the same province , and that are chosen by himself . another , that no bishop presume to judge or condemn any of the clergy , unless the accused person have lawful accusers present , and have place for defending himself by answering to the charge . another , for nullifying such bishops judgments as are done without due tryal , by tyrannical power , and not by canonical authority . another saith , constitutions that are contrary to the canons , and to the decrees of the bishops of rome , or to good manners , are of no moment : ( which nulleth even many of the bishops of rome also , as against good manners . ) another notable canon is , [ delatori aut lingua capuletur , aut convicto caput amputetur : delatores autem sunt qui ex invidia produnt alios . ] that is , let a delator's tongue be pull'd out , or if convict , his head cut off : delators are those that through envy betray others ; ( or envious accusers . ) alas ! if our delators , calumniators and informers were thus used now , what abundance would have suffered for wronging some one man ? another canon is , if a man be often in quarrels , and easie ( or forward ) to accuse , let no man receive his accusation without great examination ? ( what then will be thought of the usual accusations of clergy calumniators , that for sects , and worldly interest , can reproach others without shame or measure ? ) another is , that the danger of the iudge is greater than the danger of him that is judged ; therefore all care must be taken to avoid unjust judgment and punishments . another is , [ let no man receive the witness of a lay-man against a clergy-man . ] ( and door-keepers , and clerks , and readers , were then clergy-men : was not this a great priviledge to the church ? ) § . ccxxxii . we come now to the great general council at nice d , called by the papists the th , ( that is , the th which pleased them . ) i have before noted that irene , the widow of leo , now ruled , her son constantine being titular emperor , a child , under her government . one stauratius a senator most swayed her , or ruled her . taurasius the patriarch joined with her for images . they call a council at constantinople . a general council and three emperors ( leo , const. & leo ) had lately condemned images , and taken them down . the pope and many italians had resisted by force . this violence made the emperor use severity against the resisters . at ravenna they killed paulus the th exarchate . in rome they took peter a duke , and put out his eyes . in campania they beheaded exhileratus the duke , and his son adrian , who took the emperor's part . how the emperor hereby lost italy , is before shewed . but this woman irene will do as the pope would have her : she is as much for pictures as the pope himself . she calling this council at constantinople , the old soldiers bred up under the former emperors being against images , ( haeresin medullitus imbiberant , saith binnius , p. . ) would not endure them in constantinople , but routed them . at which the empress being troubled , dismissed the bishops till they had purged the army of those old soldiers , and then she called the bishops to nice ; and there ( they knowing their errand before-hand ) damned themselves and their brethren that had held the former universal synod , and set up images again . § . by the way , i appeal from pride and ignorance , to christian sobriety and reason , how the taking down of images can ( in the roman sense ) be called an heresie , unless it be an article of faith , that images must or may be used . and can any man that ever read and believed the scriptures , and the writings of the first four hundred years , believe that having or worshiping of images , or saints by images , is an article of faith , or necessary to salvation ? the best of them that any man can plead with modesty is , that they are indifferent , or lawful , and useful to some persons . the papists tell us now that they would not compel us to bow toward images , but leave it to our liberty . must it be heresie , and the christian world cast into distractions about it , when yet this image-worship is idolatry in the sense of one part of christians , and but indifferent and convenient to the ignorant ( that have other helps enow ) in the sense of others ? o what a plague hath it been to the world , to have a worldly clergy invade the churches ! § . at the meeting of this council we have first the call and title , in which , . the emperor and his mother are called the governors of the whole world , ( orbis terrarum . ) and yet our papists ( as w. iohnson in his novelty represt , &c. ) would make men believe that if they find but such a saying of a council , or of the church , it must needs signifie more than the empire , even all the earth indeed . . it 's expresly said over and over , that this council was called by the emperor , and by their decree and command . tharasius beginneth with telling them the need of reformation ( for images , ) and reporting how they were assaulted at constantinople , when they met there , ( and so removed to nice , ) &c. § . next the letters of the empress and her son are read , in which they are before made know what they must do . they are told what paul const. on his death-bed said for images , and that tarasius would not take the patriarchate till he had promise of a council to restore them , and some hopes of it . the emperor here saith , that [ he called and congregated the synod , and that ex universo terrarum orbe , out of the whole earthly world ; ] and yet it was only out of the roman empire . § . when the bishops business was so well made known by the woman that called them , first three bishops that had been lately forward speakers against images in the former general council under constantine , did humbly confess their sin to the council , and asked forgiveness ; that is , basil. ancyrae , theodorus myron , and theodosius amorii . and first basil bishop of ancyra gave them his creed , in which he professed to believe in the trinity , and to embrace the intercession of the mother of god , and of the heavenly powers , and of all the saints , and with all honour to receive and embrace their holy reliques , firmly believing that he may be made partaker of their holiness : also that he embraceth the venerable images , which * the oeconomy of our lord iesus christ , &c. and of the inviolate virgin our lady the mother of god , and of the holy apostles , prophets , martyrs , and all saints ; and giveth them due honour : rejecting and cursing with all his mind that called the th synod (*) , that was gathered by a depraved mind and madness — a false council , as alien to all piety and religion , impiously barking against ecclesiastical legislation — reproaching venerable images , and commanding them to be taken out of the churches , &c. and to shew his zeal , and lead others the way , he delivereth in nine curses or anathemas . one against those that demolish images . another against those that expound the scripture words against idols and gentile images , as against christians images . next he execrateth all that embrace not images , so it is now become necessary unto salvation . ) another curse is against those that favour them that are against images , &c. ( was not the church ill used by her bishops , when they are sure to be cursed by them ; one year cursing all that be for images , and another cursing all that be not for them ? was it such a cursing clergy , to make a cursed church , that christ ordained ? ) and that the council might not suspect that this bishop was a temporizer , and changed his opinion with the times , first he professeth to declare all this , [ with his whole soul , heart and mind ; ] and next he wisheth , [ that if ever by any means he revolt again from images , he may be alienated from god the father , son and holy ghost , and the catholick church . ] and thus he renounceth repentance , cursing himself if ever he repent . § . tharasius and his synod glorifie god for this excellent confession : and next cometh theodore bishop of myros , and he doth the like , and is joyfully received : and next cometh theodosius bishop of amorium , and he more dolefully lamenteth , that [ being a sinner , and seduced , he had blattered out many evils untruly against venerable images ; and therefore confessing his fault , he condemneth and curseth ( or detesteth ) himself , resolving hereafter to do the same thing which he had cursed ( or spoken ill of ) and to teach it to the world , and begging to be received among christians , though unworthy . next he offereth his libel , viz. first i approve , receive , salute and venerate before all things , the intemerate image of our lord iesus christ our true god , and the blessed mother virgins , who brought him forth without seed * ; whose help , protection and intercession i pray for night and day , that she may help me a sinner , as having that power from him whom she brought into the world , christ our god. and i receive and venerate the images of saints , apostles , prophets , martyrs , fathers , eremites , not as gods , &c. and with all my mind i beseech them to intercede with god for me , that i may find mercy in the day of judgment . on the same account i venerate the reliques of saints , &c. so he proceedeth also to his curses , and first he anathematizeth all that venerate not images : then he curseth those that reproach them : and next , that speak evil of them : and next he curseth those that do not from their hearts teach christian people the veneration of holy and honourable images of all saints , which from the beginning pleased god. qu. . where shall we have painters enow ? . where shall we have money to pay them ? . where shall we find room to hold them ? . is not here a new article of faith , and a new commandment necessary to salvation ? . was not their church universal , as it stood before all or most here cursed ? . was it not a hard matter to be saved , or be a conformist on these terms , when a man that did but doubt of images , yea , that did not teach them to the people , and that from his heart , must be cursed ? . was not such a cursing sort of bishops a great curse , shame and calamity to the church ? did they not tempt infidels to curse or deride them all , while they thus cursed one another , even their councils ? tharasius joyfully received all this , and constantine bishop of constance in cyprus said , that this libel of theodosius drew many tears from him , ( i suppose of joy ; ) and now they all saw the way . § . but now cometh a crowd more to do their pennance ; hypatius bishop of nice , leo rhodi , gregory of pisidia , gregory of pessinunt , leo of iconium , nicolas of hierapolis , leo of carpathium . and now tarasius was sure of them , he groweth more upon them , and will know of them , whence it was that in the last council they did what they did against images ? whether it was through meer ignorance , or by any reason that drew them to it : if through ignorance , he bids them give a reason how they came to be so ignorant : if upon any reason , to tell what that reason was , that it might be refuted . leo , bishop of rhode , answered , [ we have sinned before god , and before the church , and before this holy synod ; ignorance made us fall from the truth , and we have nothing to say in our own defence . ] tharasius would know what reason now moveth and changeth them ; some say , because it is the doctrine or faith of the apostles and fathers . another alledgeth a saying as of the antioch council , and another as of isidore pelus ▪ which the learned reader examining , may see what proof it was that images were brought into churches by ; it 's worth the noting . but another alledgeth the apostles and prophets tradition : but what 's the proof ? and did not the council at constant , nor the bishops in the reign of the three former emperors know what tradition was ? was it unknown till now ? how came it now known then ? or who told it this council , when the last knew it not ? or if the last were false knaves , how shall we be sure that these were honest men ? or that the same men were suddenly become wise and honest ? tharasius asketh one of the bishops ( leo ) how it came to pass that he that had been ten or eight years a bishop , never knew the apostolical tradition for images till just now ? he answered , because through many ages , ( or times ) malice endured , and so wicked doctrine endured ; and when this persevered for our sins , it compelled us to go out of the way of truth ; but there is hope with god of our salvation . but constantine cypr. answereth him , you that are bishops , and teachers of others , should not have had need to be taught your selves . leo replied , if there were no expression of sin in the law , there would be no need of grace . another ( hypatius ) replied with the rest , we received ill doctrine from ill masters . yea , but saith tarasius , the church ought not to receive priests from ill teachers . hypatius , bishop of nice , replieth , [ custom hath so obtained . ] § . hereupon the synod desired to be informed on what terms hereticks were to be received , when they returned : so the canons were brought and read . and though many canons and fathers have said , that no repentance for some crimes must restore a man to the priesthood , though it must to the church ; and there is an epistle of tarasius put by crabbe before this council , in which he determineth that a simoniack may be received upon repentance to communion , but not to his office ; yet tarasius here being desirous of their return , ( knowing that these penitents that renounced the errors of their education , and former practice , would draw others to conformity with them ) did resolutely answer all that was objected against their reception . § . here ( in crab. p. . ) a question fell in ( upon their reading the proofs , that repenting hereticks were by the church to be restored to their bishopricks and priesthood , ) what hereticks those were ? and it was answered , that they were novatians , encratists , and arrians , and manichees , marcionists , and eutychians . and then one asketh , whether this heresie ( against images ) was greater or less than all those ? and tharasius answereth , ( like a stoick ) [ evil is always the same and equal , especially in matters ecclesiastical , in the decrees of which both great and small , to err is the same thing ; for in both god's law is violated . ] ( o learned patriarch , worthy to be the setter up of church-images ! ) a venerable monk that was vicar of the oriental patriarch , answereth , [ that this heresie is worse than all heresies , and the worst of all evils , as that which subverteth the oeconomy of our saviour . ] note , reader , how the patriarchal thrones did govern the church and this council , and by what reasons images and saints intercessions were set up . arrianism , manicheism , marcionism , no heresie that denied the essentials of christianity , no evil was so bad with them as to deny church-images , &c. and so the late general council , and bishops , for three emperors reigns , had been under the worst of heresies and evils , worse than arrianism itself . § . but here constantine the notary of the const. patriarchate , happily brought in so pertinent a testimony , as much made for the pardon of the penitent bishops : he read out of the council of calcedon , how the oriental and other bishops that had lately set up eutyches and dioscorus in the d ephesian council , cryed at calcedon , [ we have all sinned , we all ask forgiveness . ] and how thalassius , eusebius and eustathius cryed , [ we have all erred , we all ask forgiveness . ] and after them iuvenal , and after him the illyrican bishops cryed , [ we have all lapsed , we all ask pardon . ] and so the president was undeniable and effectual . these were not the first bishops that went one way in one council under one prince , and cryed peccavimus for it , as heresie , in the next . § . but sabas the monk starts yet a greater doubt than this , and that is , whether they had true ordination , and so were true bishops . for seeing they were bred in the times of heresie , which had prevailed under so many emperors , and had heretical teachers , it 's like they had heretick ordainers , seeing the late council shewed what the bishops then were . and the fact was confest , that they were ordained by bishops that were hereticks , ( that is , against church-images , and praying to saints for their intercession , and using reliques . ) the bishop of rome's vicars pleaded hard against their ordination ; but tarasius knew what a breach it would make in the church if a general council , and all the bishops that were at it , and all the rest that consented to it , and were bred up in that opinion , should be degraded , and the new conformity receive so great a stop ; and what confusion it would make among the people , ( as they had seen in many former instances ) and therefore he is against their deposition . and first there are two passages read in their favour out of ruffinus and socrates , and somewhat of athanasius . and then when peter vic. rom. alledged the instance of meletius against it , tarasius brought a notable expeditious argument , viz. the fathers agree among themselves , and do not contradict one another : ergo the rest consent to these that have been cited . methinks i could make great use of this argumentation to save time , labour and difficulty in disputing . e. g. nazianzen wisht there were no difference of bishops seats ( one above another ) and said that he never saw councils that did not more harm than good . the fathers differed not among themselves ; ergo the rest of the fathers were of gregory's mind . in conclusion , they offered their confessions , and were absolved . § . in the d action , the rulers send in the bishop of neo-caesarea to do his pennance ; and he also cryeth for mercy , and confesseth that his errors and sins were infinite , but now he believed as the synod doth . tharasius asketh him whether he be not ashamed to have been ignorant so long , and questioneth the sincerity of his repentance , which he earnestly professeth , condemning his sin , and promising conformity . next a long epistle of adrian's to the emperor and empress , and another to tharasius for images are read : for popes use not to travel to general councils , but to send their letters and legates , lest in their present disputes they be found no wiser than other men , and their infallibility be proved less at hand , than at a distance , where they hear not the debates . here adrian to the empress relateth the foresaid vision of constantine mag. to be healed of his leprosie , a fable fit to introduce image-worship ; and for an infallible pope to use , fully confuted ( as aforesaid ) by henry fowlis ( after many others ) of popish treasons . § . tharasius professeth his consent to adrian's letters , yet professeth , [ that he giveth the worship called latria to god alone , and placeth his belief in him alone . ] contrary to aquinas and his followers , and other such roman doctors . and the whole council ecchoed their consent , and voted for images ; so much can one woman do in power . § . in the d action , gregory bishop of neo-caesarea is to receive his absolution fully , and tharasius puts in an objection , that it 's said that some bishops in the late persecution did scourge dissenting bishops , and such were not to be received : but gregory protested that he scourged none . but he is accused by others , to have been a leader of the last council against images , and so he is deferred . and the epistle of tharasius to the eastern patriarchs is read , ( and their answers ; ) in which it is to be noted , that yet image-worship was not owned : for he professeth in his creed to them , that [ we admit pictures for no other use , but that they may the more perfectly be exhibited to the sight and eyes ; as the lamb of god that taketh away the sins of the world , &c. ] and the th action containing all their proofs from scripture and fathers , plead but for the memorative and instructing use of images , by which they are to the eye , what words are to the ear : but they should have considered the danger of abuse , and foreseen how much further they were like to be carried , as with the papists they are . and in the fifth action they proceed in reading more , to the same purpose , for commemorative images ; till one read the itinerary of the apostles , which they voted to be a cursed book , and said it was that book that the synod against images made use of : whereupon greg. neo-caes . & theodos. amorii , are asked whether that book was read in the false synod , and they sware by god , that it was not , but only some recited words as out of it . pretorius a nobleman said , [ but they did all by the royal procuration . ] and they proceed to refell the testimonies that were brought against images . cosmas cubicularius brought out an old testament with scholia blotted out , where was yet legible on the second commandment , [ if we make the image of christ , truly we do not for the similitude adore it , but that the mind might be raised upward by what is seen . ] the expunction was said by tarasius to be done by his predecessors , anastasius , constantine , victor , all hereticks . and here they cursed concealers and cancellers of writings . ( wo then to rome ! ) other rased books were read , and curses added against the adversaries of images , and those that communicate with them . § . in the th action , the words of the th council against images are brought forth in a book with a confutation of them , which the reader that hath leisure may compare . greg. neo-caesar . read the councils words . ioan. cancellarius read the confutation . it fell out well that this confutation was undertaken , or else we had lost the decrees of this council ; as the acts , for ought i know , are buried . in general every sober reader may perceive a great deal of difference between the style of the council of constantinople , and the answer . the council speaks with as much temper and gravity , as most of the best councils have done . the answer aboundeth with such railings and reviling words , as are meeter for a common scold , than for divines . the common language of it , is to call the bishops of the council , blinded , ignorant , fools , wicked , deceivers , blasphemers , and such like . and if all the bishops on earth be present , or represented in a general council , what a case then was the church in ? and how shall we know what council is to be believed , unless the pope make all the difference ? § . the number of the bishops were * . they first shew how satan hath brought in idolatry . one of their chief arguments against images of christ , is , that they savor of nestorianism , representing christ by his meer manhood , when they cannot paint his godhead ; calling that picture christ , and overthrowing the oeconomy and union of his person . i meddle not with the weight of their reason , but only recite it . § ▪ it 's again worth the noting , that the answer to them saith , ( for their charging images , as drawing down the mind to creature-worship ; latria ) [ o insanien'em linguam , quam instar machaerae acutae & veneno imbutae possident , &c. o mad tongue , which they possess like a sharp sword , imbued with poyson , &c. for no christian ever gave latriam to the image of those that are under heaven ; for this is the fable of the gentiles , and devils invention , and the aggression of satanical action . ] — [ our latria is in spirit and truth . ] other passages forbid us to think that they juggle here , and denying latriam only to creatures under heaven , intend to give it to creatures in heaven ; for they appropriate it elsewhere to god : by which they greatly differ from aquinas and such papists . § . note also that ( whether well or ill ) both these adverse councils curse pope honorius as an heretick ; see crab. p. , &c. § . another argument which the first th council ( at const. ) useth against images in churches , is , that christ himself hath chosen and instituted such an image as he would be represented by , and that is the bread and wine in the sacrament , and therefore we must not presume to make another , as if he had not done it well . this sheweth that this general council and the church then held that the bread was not nullified , nor become christ's essence , but was the image or representation of his broken body , and so called , the body of christ , as we say of caesar's image , this is caesar. but the adverse council , or the answer , raileth at this as an abominable speech , ( crab. p. . ) as if the sacrament might not be called , the image of christ , ( though de re they seem not at all to differ ) saith the constantine council , [ imaginem totam electam , viz. substantiam panis mandavit appon● , ne scilic●t , humanâ effigie figurata , idolatria induceretur . ] a deo tradita imago carnis ejus panis scilicet divinus impletus est spiritu sancto , cum poculo quoque sanguinis lateris illius vivificantis . haec igitur vera incarnatae dispensatienis christi dei nostri imago sicut praedictum est , quam ipse nobis verus naturae vividus creator propriâ voce tradidit . § . note also ( crab. p. . ) that the constantin . council plead , that this use of images began neither by the tradition of christ , nor of the apostles , nor of the fathers : and that the answer saith , that [ the veneration of images was delivered with many other things without scripture , from the apostles time , &c. here note . how those papists ( in particular which i have elsewhere answered ) are confuted , who say that [ tradition is universal , sure , known , constant , and no churches pleaded traditions against each other , at least in necessary things or faith ; but if we have not the right now , it must be because the councils went all to bed in one mind , and rose in another . ] you see here that the d nieene council took the doctrine of the former to be anathematized heresie ; and that bishops in one of the councils , ( and the most under many emperors ) and bishops in the other council , pleaded tradition against each other . but sure any man that hath read the fathers of the first or years , will easily see which of them was in the right , excepting the sign of the cross. . note also that it is here confessed , that there is no scriptural tradition of this use of images . § . in the definitions of the constantine council it is to be noted , . that they are not so much against the intercession of the virgin mary , or saints , as the protestants mostly are , nor as the papists make them : for ( crab. p. . ) they say defin. . [ if any confess not holy mary ever a virgin , properly and truly the parent of god , and superior to every creature visible and invisible (*) , and doth not with a sincere faith crave her intercessions , as having this liberty with him that is born of her , god , let him be anathema . and defin. . [ if any confess not that all who from the beginning to this day , before the law , and under the law , and in the grace given of god , being saints are venerable in the presence of god in soul and body (*) , and doth not seek their intercessions , as having liberty with god to intercede for the world according to ecclesiastical tradition , let him be anathema . ] were not these men high enough in creature-worship , to escape the curse of hereticks ? . i noted before how they do defin. . conclude , that christ's body glorified is not proper flesh , and yet not incorporeal , but his true body . § . that you may see that this council were of one mind , in the conclusion they all say , omnes se credimus ; omnes idem sapimus ; omnes approbando probando volentes subscripsimus , &c. we all thus believe , ( against images ; ) we are all of one mind ; we all subscribe willingly , as approving , &c. only germanus , george , and manzurus , ( supposed to be damascene ) are found among the anathematized dissenters , crab. p. . § . the th action of the nicene synod , containeth their definition , in which they deny indeed latria to images , but yet say ( more than before ) [ that they that see the pictures , may come to the memory and desire of the prototypes ; as by the sight of the cross , and by the holy gospels , and holy oblations . — for the honour of the image resulteth to the prototype , and he that adoreth the image , in it adoreth the described argument . ] so that they that began lower , in the conclusion came up to adoration . they all profess full consent , and curse all that bring scripture against images , and that call them idols , &c. they curse the last council , as rugiens conciliabulum ; and three dissenting bishops , and three former patriarchs of const. two more bishops they add . they curse all that receive not images , and all that salute them not in the name of the lord and his saints , and that care not for unwritten tradition of the church . next they write an epistle to the empress , ( and her child ) applauding them , and adding , that [ denying latria to them , they judge them to be adored and saluted , and pronounced every one anathematized that is so minded , as to stick at and doubt of the adoration of images , and this as empowred by god's spirit so to curse them ; which anathema ( say they ) is nothing else but separating them from christ. judge now what the use of such councils was , [ to curse men , and separate them from christ , ] and that if they do but doubt of adoring images . reader , if thou believe that in these heretications , separations and damnations of such , they were of christ's mind , and did his work , and served not his enemy against him and his church , i am not of thy mind , nor am ever like to be . another epistle they wrote to the people , and one tharasius sent to adrian . § . some canons of theirs are added , of which this is the third . [ every election of a bishop , priest , or deacon , which is made by magistrates , shall remain void , by the canon which saith , if any bishop use the secular magistrates , to obtain by them a church , let him be deposed and separated , and all that communicate with him * the th canon is , [ paul saith , i have desired no mans silver or gold , &c. if therefore any one exacting money , or any other thing , or for any affection of his own , shall be found to drive from his ministry , or to segregate any one of his clergy , or to shut the venerable temple , forbidding in it the divine ministeries , shewing his madness even on that which hath no sense * , such an one is truly sensless , and shall be obnoxious to the lex talionis , and his work shall fall upon his own head , as being a transgressor of god's law : for the chief apostle peter commanded , feed the flock of god , overseeing it , not by force , but freely and voluntarily , according to god ; not for filthy lucre sake , but readily and chearfully ; not as having a dominion ●ver the clergy , but as being examples to the flock . the th canon forbids one man to have two churches . the d canon forbids canting , and minstrels , and ribald songs at meat : but the th savors of their superstition , forbidding any temple to be consecrated without reliques , and ordering temples that have no reliques to be put down . § . in the letter to adrian , tharasius tells him , that he had a year before attempted the like at const. but was hindered a whole year by violent men ; which further sheweth how far the opposition to images had obtained , when irene began to set them up . § . so much of the d nicene council , in which by the power of one woman , and stauratius a senator that ruled her , the judgment of the universal church ( if the council , or most of the bishops in the empire signifie it ) was suddenly changed from what it had been during the reign of the three last emperors , and made that church-use of images ( which some thought sinful , and no judicious christian could judge necessary , but indifferent , and of use to some ) to be henceforth so necessary , that the denyers are sentenced for cursed hereticks , yea the doubters cut off from christ. § . ccxxxiii . binnius next addeth a council at forojulium , an. . held by paulinus bishop of aquileia : in which is a speech of his to the bishops , and an excellent creed , and canons , written as by himself ; all in a far more understanding , sober , pious manner , than is usual among the patriarchs at general councils . the th canon is an excellent precept for the holy observation of the lord's-day , wholly in holiness , and in hymns of praise to the holy ghost , that blessed it by his admirable advent , calling it god's sabbath of delight , beginning the th day evening , not for the honour of the th day , but of this sabbath , &c. § . yet rash and unskilful words set the bishops into more divisions . faelix urgelitanus , and from him elipandus bishop of toletum , taught that christ as the eternal word was god's natural son , but that as man he was his adopted son. hence his adversaries gathered that he was a nestorian , and held two sons . a council an. . at ratisbonne was called to condemn this heresie . yea , ionas bishop of orleance saith , that it infected spain for a great part , ( and he knew their followers to be certain antichrists , by their faces and habits . ) but wise men think that the controversie was not de re , but de nomine ; and that if one christ be said to be one son of god in two natures , by a twofold fundamentum of the relation of a son , and that the foundation of the eternal relation was the eternal generation , and the foundation of the temporal relation in the humanity , was the temporal generation and union with the deity , yet this proveth not two sons : yea , or if it had been said that two generations being the fundamenta , two relations of sonship result from them . if this be unskilfully and illogically spoken , it will not follow that the speakers held two persons , or made any more division of christs natures than their adversaries did ; but only might think that a double filiation from a double fundamentum , might be found in one person . let this opinion be wrong , i see not how the hereticators could make it a damnable heresie . but it 's pity that faelix had not taken warning by the churches long and sad experience , to avoid such wordy occasions of contention , and not to set again on work either the heretical , or the hereticating evil spirit . § . claudius taurinensis , a great and worthy bishop at this time , did set in against the worship and church-use of images , against whom ionas aurelianensis wrote , whose writings are in the biblioth . patrum by marg. de la bigne ; read them , and judge as you see cause . § . . about the time of the frankford council , came out a book-against images , which is published as written by carolus magnus himself . a great controversie it is , who is the author ? no small number say , it was charles his own indeed . others , that it was written at his will and command . but binnius and some others deny it , and say it was written by serenus massiliensis an iconoclast , and his disciples . how we shall know the truth in such cases , i cannot tell : but it is confessed that spain and france were then much infected with the doctrine which is against church-images . it is certain that pope adrian saith , that carolus mag. sent him such a book by engilbert an abbot , and his epistle against it is extant . § . . ccxxxiv . we come now to a great council at frankford , called by charles mag. present , and by adrian . and as late as it is , all the historians cannot tell us whether it was universal , or what they did . some say it was a general council , because charles summon'd it as such , and bishops were there . others say no , it was but provincial , because none of the bishops of the east were there , ( a sufficient reason ; and the like may be brought to prove , that there never was a general council in the world ▪ so called from the whole world , but only from the whole empire . ) that they dealt with the case of elipandus bishop of toletum , and faelix urgel . is agreed on , but what they did about images is not agreed on . ado ; rhegino , aimonius urspurg . and many historians say , they condemned the nicene council that was for images . even baronius is of the same mind , thinking the liber carolinus deceived them . he proveth this to be the common judgment of historians , and ancient writers . bellarmine * ( his brother ) is of the same judgment . and is not their concession more than twenty later mens denial ? yea genebrard concurreth ; yet binnius leaveth his master baronius , and giveth his reasons against them . and he doth well prove , that it could not be by ignorance and surprize , that the frankford council should condemn the nicene ; and he is loth to think that they were wilful hereticks , especially when they profess to follow tradition : but he knew that the th constantin . council against images , profest to follow tradition . and if french men will make us hereticks for speaking english , it is no wonder if we make them hereticks for speaking french. if men will hereticate others for images , or ceremonies , or words , others will measure the like to them . this kind of hereticating is circular , and hath no end . suarez will have either the historians to have erred , or their books to be corrupted ; with what measure you mete , it shall be measured to you . you shall then give us leave to suspect your books , where there is far greater cause . § . but the synod , or paulinus aquileiensis , a learned worthy bishop in the synod , ( whom the rest follow ) copiously write a confutation of elipandus and faelix . and the charges of heresie are , . that they call christ as to his humanity , god's adopted son , ( and his eternal person his natural son. ) . because they say he was adopted by grace . . because they say he was a servant . alas for the church , that must thus by bishops be distracted for want of skill in words ! is there no remedy ? binnius confesseth that some papists think that they meant right , as durandus did , and that the difference was but in words . the council supposeth elipandus and faelix to use the word [ adoption ] exclusively , as to christ's filiation by generation , as conceived by the holy ghost : whereas it is far likelier that they took both conjunct to be the fundamentum filiationis . god adopting , that is , of his good will freely creating christ's humane nature , and uniting it to the divine ; called adoption , because it was god's free act of love , and not a communication of his essence , as the eternal generation is . the humanity is not god's essence . and i hope the name of [ the son of man ] used so oft by christ of himself , is no heresie . and there appeareth no reason to censure them as denying either the eternal or temporal generation of christ. but they argue against them , . that he is said to be adopted , that is , not generated . . and that he merited it not , but was adopted of meer grace , but so was not christ. answ. . these objections seem to confess that the difference was but denomine ; and is the unapt use of such a word , an heresie ? how many heresies then have most councils , and fathers , and all authors ? . must we needs understand god's adoption , just in the measure as mans ? . we are regenerate , and yet adopted . why then is it a heresie , to say , that christ was generated , and yet adopted ? . grace is either that which is against the merit of evil , or only without the merit of good . it 's doubtless that the first was not by them imputed to christ : and it 's undoubted to me , that it is consequentially blasphemy , to say that christ's humane nature , or any angel had not the later . for the very being , and therewith all the good in the constitution and antecedent benefits of a creature must go before his merits . merit is too low a word for the divine nature as such before the incarnation . and the humane nature did not merit to be before it was , e. g. to be conceived by the holy ghost , &c. as free benefits are called grace , christ's humane nature had grace . but they object , that the two bishops did not distinguish between christ's adoption , and ours . ans. . we have not their writings to see that . . if they did not , it 's like it was , because they thought it needless , being understood by all . they believed the creed , that christ was conceived by the holy ghost , and born of the virgin mary ; and that the godhead assumed the humanity into personal union . they knew that none dreamed that it was so with us . the council saith , that it's heresie to use the name adoption of christ. the two bishops seemed to think , that god's free assuming of the humanity into personal unity with the word eternally generated by the father , might be called adoption . if the improper use of the word be heresie , i leave it to the reader to judge which were the hereticks : but i think neither . but another part of the heresie was , to say that christ was a servant as man. and they think he was no servant , because a son. some will think confidently that the council were here hereticks , but i think they did but strive about words . by [ servant ] the council seemeth to mean exclusively , [ one that is no son. ] but the other meant inclusively , [ a son and servant . ] they take him for a servant , that oweth service and obedience . and christ as man owed obedience to his father on two accounts ; . as a reasonable creature to his maker . . as one that had by voluntary sponsion undertaken it . i might add , . as the special law of mediation was imposed on him , or given him , as man , by which it was made his special duty to die for man , &c. he saith when he cometh into the world , here i am to do thy will , o god ; yea , thy law is in my heart . did he not take upon him the form of a servant ? phil. . . which was not a shew of that which is not , but of that which is . is he not called god's righteous servant justifying many , isa. . . doth not god oft call him , my servant , isa. . . & . . zech. . . the council seemed to think that the bishops thought that christ was born a servant , and not a son , and was adopted a son only after for his merits : but there is no shew of reason to impute this to them that professed to believe the creeds and scripture , and said no such words . they seemed to intend nothing but to distinguish the natural eternal generation of the second person in the trinity , from the temporal generation of the man christ iesus , which was an act of free beneficence . but they concluded that they were nestorians , because they intimated two sons , by saying that he was eternally begotten , and yet adopted a son. ans. . it is not unlike that nestorius himself for want of more skill in speaking , was used as they were . . why should that be imputed to them which they deny ? they are told that as nestorius craftily denied two persons , and yet inferred two , so do they . but is not this a vindication of nestorius by a council ? ( who knoweth what a man holdeth , better than himself ? ) obj. but by consequence heresie will follow . ans. if all are hereticks that hold any error which such a greater error would follow from as is called heresie , i doubt not but every council and bishop , and christian were hereticks ; the saying of some great divines being true , that truths of faith and morality are so connext , that he that holdeth the least error therein , doth by consequence subvert the foundation . you may say that every man that tells a lye , or committeth any known sin , is an atheist , and that if he believed that there is a god , he would know that he must not sin against him ; he that sins before his face , denieth his omniscience , and 〈◊〉 denieth god , &c. at this rate all are atheists and hereticks . . but may not one that saith , [ christ as the second person in trinity was the eternal son of god ; and as man , was by generation in thus made the son of god and man : ] truly mean that it is but one person that in one respect is the eternal son , and in another respect the temporal son ? may he not hold that the personal unity maketh it unmeet to say , there are two sons , because that would imply two persons , which they and nestorius denied ? but , again i say , what if they had said that there might be two filiations , or filial relations in one person , resulting from two foundations , eternal and temporal generation , and if this had been an unapt speech , ( to say ex duobus fundamentis duae orientur relationes ) yet how comes it to be heresie ? § . i write not this , and such like , to justifie the accused ; for i think the council said well , ( ●in . p. . . ) . cur nobis non sufficient quae in sanctorum patrum dictis inveniuntur , & universali catholica sanctionis consuetudine confirmantur . . quare generationem filii dei vel aeternam de patre , vel temporalem de matre quisquam hominum audeat investigare , dicente scripturâ , altiora te ne quaesieris ! o well said ! happy church , if the bishops had held to this : but here you see that they held a double generation , eternal and temporal , and yet but one filiation . i write this , because the hereticating spirit yet reigneth , and by these old weapons fighteth against love and the churches unity , on pretence of orthodoxness ; and to this day the papists reject a great part of christ's church as hereticks , by the countenance of former councils censoriousness , calling christ's members iconoclasts , monothelites , nestorians , eutychians , and many such names , some fetcht from indifferent things , ( or duties ) and some from quarrels about hard words . § . note here that binnius expresly saith , that adhuc nondum est certum qualis in particulari fuerit haeresis faeliciana : it is not yet certain what this faelician heresie was . and if so , i hope i shall not be censured for the same , notwithstanding you may say , the council knew it . § . it 's worth the noting as to the credit of council records , which binnius there saith , ( p. . ) [ if this council as it now is extant , may without temerity be rejected , all councils by the same reason may be rejected which surius hath gathered from the catholick libraries . ] he confesseth that the rest are no surer than this , and yet that baronius , bellarmine , by the generality or number of historians consent , do confess that there was by this council a rejection of the conc. d nicene , which is now here to be found in it . § . the council at frankford determined that christ was not a servant , servitute poenali deo subjectus , subject to god by penal servitude . the present agreement of christians , taketh this for socinianism and heresie : christ suffered for our sins ; his subjection to poverty , reproach , the cross , and many works , ( as fasting , being carried about by satan , and tempted , mat. . . washing his disciples feet , travelling on foot , being subject to his mother , and to princes , paying tribute , &c. ) we suppose were part of his humiliation . the holiness and obedience was good , and no penalty : but the matter of that obedience was the cross and suffering , which is malum naturae . and if this was no punishment ( voluntarily accepted by his sponsion ) how was christ our surety , bearing our transgressions ? how suffered he for our sins ? is not suffering for sin , even of others , penal ? is not the denial of christ's penal service and suffering , a denial of his satisfaction and our redemption ? you see how easie it is to find heresie and infidelity itself in unskilful words ; and yet it 's like the speakers meant better than they spake . § . note that pope adrian first made himself judge , and anathematized elipandus as an heretick , and so the council was byassed ( with the emperor ; ) and how great adrian's power was ( having made charles emperor , and charles made him a prince , ) it is easie to conjecture . § . binnius saith , p. . that faelix , besides his other heresie , impugned images , and that this is said by the concil . senonens . in decret , fid . c. . platina in adrian . sabellic . enead . . li. . alph. de castro verb. imago . and that claud. taurin . being his disciple , and an iconomach , he must needs be so himself : from whence i argue , that it is most probable that the historians say true , that say charles and the council of frankford were against the nicene council and images . for else how could it come to pass , that they say not one word against faelix and elipandus for denying images , when their party was grown so great in spain and france ? § . pope adrian dying , leo the d succeeded . his piety was so great , that anastasius writes , as it were , a volumn , in naming the good works which he did , that is , the silks , vails , cloathing , silver , gold , and innumerable gifts which he bestowed upon posts , pillars , altars , walls , floors , utensils , it would tire one to read them , and the hard names of them ; yea , he said seven masses a day . yet some kinsmen of pope adrian's , paschal primicerius , & campullus sacellarius , & maurus nepesinus , laid crimes to his charge ; and assaulted him , and twice put out his eyes , and cut out his tongue , and put him in a monastery ; yet ( saith the story ) his eyes and tongue were perfectly restored , and he fled to his protector charles into germany ; and charles came to rome , and judged his accusers to banishment , and restored him ; and he crowned charles then emperor of the west , and perfected the donation to him of all that had been the emperor's . charles gave him great presents ; and with his own revenues and that , he laid out so much silver and treasure at rome , and did so many new things in the churches , that if you read but adrian's life , and this leo's , you will be ashamed to disgrace the church of rome with any titles or pretences of the ancient primitive state , but must say , old things are past away , behold all is become new . charles the great , made the pope great . § . some historians say , that the kissing of the pope's foot , was brought in thus by this pope leo : a handsom woman kist his hand , which so inflamed his heart with lust , that he cut off the hand that the woman kist , and ordained that ever after the pope's foot should be kist instead of his hand : but i rather believe with binnius , that this is but a fiction , because . there is mention before this of kissing the pope's foot. . and i do not think that such a heart would so easily part with a hand . § . to look back to the east ; when irene had kept up images awhile , her son constantine grown up , is weary of her government and stauratius , and deposeth her ; and when he ruled , the bishops mostly were conformable to him : but in his youthful folly and rage , he put out the eyes of his uncle nicephorus , and alexius a captain ; he put away mary his wife , and took one theodota , that better pleased him , in marriage ; one ioseph that married them , was preferred for it . tarasius connived , and durst not gain-say . theodore studita & plato therefore renounce the communion of tarasius . at last , an. . his mother irene , and stauratius , found means to apprehend him , and murder him , that is , put out his eyes , of which he dyed , which some celebrate as a pious act ; it was done by her that set up images . but within one year , nicephorus deposed and banished her into lesbos , where she dyed , and he took the empire to himself . § . binnius , p. . saith , [ that the emperor banished theodore studita , for reproving his marriage , and when he added crime to crime , merito jussu matris quam imperio exuerat , zelo justitiae non regni , oculis , imperio , & vitâ orbatus est . by the command of his mother in her zeal for justice , he was deservedly deprived of his empire , eyes and life . ] what is not just with such historians , that maketh for their interest ? and how contemptible is their censure of good or evil men , which hath no better measures ? § . he tells us also , ( p. . ) that the spanish and french bishops at these times , of their own heads , without the pope , added [ filioque ] to the creed , which hath to this day made so great a stir . it seems they thought that the pope's authority was not necessary to it . § . he adds , that charles the great being dead , the people grew bold , and rose up again against the pope ; which occasioned rapines , flames , and murders , that ludovicus the new emperor was fain to take his fathers office , and come to rome to save the pope , and suppress the rebels . § . the venetian duke killing a patriarch , iohan. gradensis , paulus patriarch of aquileia called a synod to crave aid of charles . § . ccxxxv . an. . a council was held at constantinople , in the cause of the foresaid ioseph that had married the emperor to his second wife , who had been ejected by tarasius from his bishoprick , and the emperor calling a council , they restored him ; wherefore theodorus studita called them a council of hereticks and adulterants , because they restored the causer of the emperor's adultery . but how few emperors have not found councils of bishops ready to do their will ? § . charles the great making his will , divided his empire between his three sons , giving them laws of communion and succession , ( that if one dyed without children , his kingdom be divided between the other two ; but if he have such sons as the people will choose , they succeed their father : ) commanding all three that they be the defenders of the bishop of rome , as he and his father and grandfather had been ( to their commodity . ) § . ccxxxvi . an. . was another council at constantinople , which was gathered to condemn honest theodorus studita , & plato , and such as had been against the restoring of ioseph , of which saith binnius , [ when the bishops there congregate had brought the most holy plato in chains to be judged , and had passed the sentence of anathema on the universal catholick church * that was against their error , they made a most wicked decree , that the marriage of constantine with theodota , ( his wife yet living , thrust into a monastery ) should be said to be lawful by dispensation . they added for the emperor's sake this wicked and shameless sentence , that the laws of god * can do nothing against kings ; and that if any imitate chrysostom , and shed his blood for truth and iustice , he is not to be called a martyr : that bishops have power to dispense with all the canons . ] remember that papists confess all this to be wicked . we have not the acts and speeches of these councils preserved . § . ccxxxvii . an. . a council was held at aquisgrana , about the procession of the holy ghost , and the word [ filioque ] in the creed * . of which they sent some messengers to the pope , who approved the thing , but dissuaded them from adding it to be sung in the creed ; and after inscribed the creed without filioque in latin and greek in two silver tables , to shew that it should not be changed : which yet after it was by the pope's consent . the french annals say , that in this council they treated of the state of the church , and conversation of the clergy , but determined nothing for the greatnesses of the matter . § . ccxxxviii . an. . ( yet under charles the great ) a council was held ( by his command ) at arles , where many very good canons were made for the reformation of the bishops and priests . § . ccxxxix . the same year the same charles had a council at tours , which made as honest articles , as if martin himself had been amongst them ; even against all kind of sin , and for all godly living . among others , the th canon tells us , that the custom of not kneeling in prayer on any lords-day , ( no not at the sacrament ) nor on any week-day between easter and whitsuntide , was yet in force ; on other days they required humble kneeling . § . ccxl . yet another council did charles call the same year at chalons ( cabillonense ) in which he ordered schools for the restoring of learning , ( our alcuin being his persuader greatly esteemed by him ) learning then being almost worn away , ( and ignorance taking place ) till he greatly revived it : no less than canons were here made , most very good ones ; but praying for the souls of the faithful departed , and anointing the sick , are there enjoined . § . among many good canons , the th is against the oath of obedience to the bishop , and to the church . the words translated are these : [ it is reported of some brethren ( bishops ) that they force them , that they are about to ordain , to swear , that they are worthy , and will not do contrary to the canons , and will be obedient to the bishop that ordaineth them , and to the church in which they are ordained ; which oath , because it is very dangerous , we all ordain shall be forbidden . ] § . the th canon saith , [ it is said that in some places the archdeacons exercise a certain domination over the parish-presbyters , and take fees of them ; which is a matter of tyranny , rather than of order of rectitude : for if the bishops must not lord it in the clergy , but be examples to the flocks , much less may these do it . § . the th canon complaining how the old excommunicating and reconciling was grown out of use * , they desired the emperor's help how they should be restored . § . can. . they say , that confession to god and man are both good ; but that confession made to god , purgeth sin ; and that which is made to the priest , teacheth how their sins may be purged . § . the th canon is against them , that by going to holy places , rome , or tours , think to have their sins forgiven . § . ccxli. yet another council the same year , was held under charles m. at mentz in germany to the like purpose , many godly canons being made . § . ccxlii. yet another under charles at rhemes , for instructing and catechising , and many good things , like the former . § . ccxliii . but we have not done with images yet , an. . there was a council called at constantinople , which damned the council of nice . irene having set up images , and murdered the emperor her own son , ( as is aforesaid ) was deposed by nicephorus , who reigned near ten years , with stauratius his son ; he was no friend to the clergies power , and was killed in fight by the bulgarians , and his wounded son reigned a few months . michael curopalates succeeded , a man of great piety and peace , but unfit for war , who being overcome by the bulgarians , he consented to give up the empire to leo armenus , a better and prosperous soldier . this leo the th , was of the mind of the former leo's against images , and his mind being known , the bishops conformed presently , insomuch that in his d year this council called by him , anathematized the bishops that would not renounce the nicene d council ; and when they lay prostrate on the earth , it 's said some trod on some of them , and they turned them at a back-door out of the council : for the patriarch nicephorus , that was for images , was deposed , and theodorus melissenus that was against them put in his place , and led the rest . thus did council against council thunder anathema's , and curse each other by separating them from christ , till few were left uncursed . the rulers of the monasteries also were called in , and those that would not consent against images , were rejected . nicetas & theodorus studita were the champions for images , and were both banished and imprisoned . theodore wrote to the council for images , and tells them that [ to take away the venerable adoration of the images of christ , and of the mother of god , and of all the saints , was to overthrow the oeconomy of christ. ] and he continued in prison to preach and write for images . those councils that pleased not the papists , we have not the acts of , as we have of such as nic. . that pleased them . had we all the speeches and arguments used in this and other councils against images , as largely as those that were for them , we might better see which had the better management . § . ccxliv . the clergy had for many hundred years abrogated god's law , [ he that sheddeth man's blood , by man shall his blood be shed ; ] and had put pennance for the punishment instead of death : but now at last the murdering of one iohn a bishop ( inhonestè & inauditè mordridatus , as they then spake ) they were put to find some harder penalty to save the clergies lives : and so they set great fines of money on the murderers ; and more than so , he that wilfully murdered a bishop must eat no flesh , nor drink any wine as long as he lived . if murder now had no greater a punishment , bishops would scarce be safe any more than others . this was at a council at a village called theorius , or dietenhoven . § . next succeedeth pope stephen at rome ; platina saith stephen the th , anastasius and binnius say stephen the th . platina and others say that he reigned but seven months ; anastasius and others say seven years , and seven months . platina saith he was the son of iulius a roman ; anastasius saith he was the son of marinus * . charles dying , the empire came to his son ludovicus called pius , his brothers dying also . the bishops of italy ( saith platina and others ) stir'd up bernard to rebel against him ; but he was conquered , and put to death : as also were the saxon rebels . paschal first succeeding , stephen is made pope without the emperor's knowledge ; for which he excused himself , as forced by the people that chose him : the emperor pardon'd it , but demanded obedience as to their elections for the time to come . platina in vit . paschal . l. . who saith that paschal was suspected of the rebellion of italy , but disclaimed it ; and that the emperor re-assumed many cities to the empire , to prevent new rebellions . some say that bernard was but blinded : among others banished for treason , were anselm bishop of milan , and theodulfe bishop of aurelia , ( orleance ) so that italy and france joined in the treason . see petav. hist. m●nd . li. . c. . § . ccxlv . ludovicus pius was so careful to reform the bishops and clergy , that he raised their ill will against him , being too pious for them that should have been the teachers of piety ; yea , so slothful did they grow , that though his father and he had done extraordinary works for the promoting of learning and godliness , yet learning in his days grew to such decay , that learned men became the common contempt , and few of them were to be found ; but wealth and iurisdiction were the study , care , and interest of the bishops . yet in his time at aquisgrane , there was a council that wrote , instead of canons , the most excellent treatise for the teaching and government of the teachers and governors of the church , ( besides the regulation of monasteries ) that ever any council did before them : not in their own words , but in the several sermons , and passages of the chief fathers , ( isidore , hierom , gregory , augustine and prosper , ) that had written to the clergy heretofore , which they collected into chapters and canons . but you must know that the excellency of the canons of provincial councils in france and spain , in these ages , did not shew the excellency of the bishops , so much as their pravity and necessity , as the medicine doth the disease . for such canons were ordinarily drawn up by the will of the king , by some one or few choice men , ( such as paulinus aquileiensis in his time , ) to whom the rest consented , because they knew the king would have it so * . § . in these chapters of this council , they cite isidore and hierom at large , proving that it was presbyters that were called bishops in paul's epistles , and acts . and that in those times the church was ruled by the common-council of presbyters , till schism shewed a necessity that one should rule among the rest . they cite isidore ' s words , that [ caeteri apostoli cum petro par consortium honoris acceperunt ] et [ non esse episcopum qui praeese dilexerit , non prodesse . ] and hierom ' s on titus maintaining the foresaid identity , and his [ sciat episcopus & presbyter sibi populum conservum esse non servum : ] and his excellent epistle ad n●potianum : many sermons of augustine ' s describing his collegiate community of the clergy . isidore ' s words , [ plerique sacerdotes suae magis utilitatis causâ quam gregis praeesse desiderant : nec ut prosint , praesules fieri cupiunt , sed magis ut divites fiant & honorentur : suscipiunt sublimitatis culmen , non pro pastorali regimine , sed pro totius regiminis vel honoris ambitione , atque abjecto opere dignitatis , solam nominis appetunt dignitatem . dum mali sacerdotes deo ignorante non fiant , tamen ignorantur à deo — sed hic nescire dei , reprobare est . ] if isidore say true , remember that i wrong not the bishops in saying the same of them . and if this was the case of the most , as he affirmeth , what better than we find could be expected from general councils , where it is carried by the major vote . they cite gregory ' s words , [ nemo amplius nocet in ecclesia , quam qui perversè agens nomen vel ordinem sanctitatis habet : delinquentem namque hunc redarguere nullus praesumit , sed in exemplum culpa vehementer extenditur , quando pro reverentia ordinis peccator honoratur . — melius profecto fuerat ut hunc ad mortem sub exteriori habitu terrena acta constringerent , quam sacra officia in culpa caeteris imitabilem demonstrarent . much more such against ungodly bishops they recite . cap. . they tell us that the canons against kneeling on the lord's days were yet in force , [ quoniam sunt quidam in die dominico genuflectentes , & in diebus pentecostes ; ut omnia in universis locis consonanter observentur , placuit sancto concilio , stantes domino vota dignissima persolvere . in hierom ' s epistle to nepotian which they cite , there are most pungent warnings to priests to take heed of familiarity or abode with women ; yea , even when they are sick . scio ( saith he ) quosdam convaluisse corpore , & animo aegrotare caepisse ; periculose tibi ministrat , cujus vultum frequenter attendis . he requireth clergy-men to avoid fine cloaths , curious hair , pleasing the appetite , and riches . he saith of himself , [ natus in paupere domo , & in tugurio rusticano , qui vix millio & cibario pane rugientem satiare ventrem poteram , nunc similam & mella fastidio . he saith , the mouth , mind , and hand of priests must agree : even a thief may speak against covetousness . — multo melius est è duobus imperfectis rusticitatem habere sanctam , quam eloquentiam peccatricem : multi aedificant parietes & column●s ecclesiae substruunt : marmora nitent , auro splendent laquearia , gemmis altare distinguitur ; & ministrorum christi nulla electio est . portemus crucem christi , & divitias lutum putabimus . — facile contemnitur clericus qui saepius vocatus ad prandium ire non recusat . and his epistle ad oceanum , hath yet more against converse with women . prima tentamenta clericorum sunt faeminarum frequentes accessus — ianua diaboli , via iniquitatis , scorpionis percussio , nocivumque genus est faemina . cum proximat stipula , incendit ignem . — mihi crede non potest toto corde habitare cum domino , qui faeminarum accessibus copulatur . with much more the like . it appeareth by cap. . a sermon of augustines , that it was the custom then for the preacher to sit , and the hearer to stand , [ i will not hold you long , ( saith he ) because while i sit , you are weary by standing . ] augustine sheweth there how little he regarded the appeals of his deposed priests to rome , [ or councils ] interpellet contra me mille concilia , naviget contra me quò voluerit , sit certè ubi potuerit ; adjuvabit me dominus , ut ubi ego episcopus sum , illic clericus esse non possit . § . yet i wonder that the chap. of this council intimateth so strange a proportion of meat and drink to be the daily commons of the canonical monks , i had thought they had lived in greater abstinence . the proportion of alms or commons allowed them was , [ every day four pound of bread , ] ( enough for me for near weeks ; ) and five pounds of wine , ( more than i drunk , i think , in years , in wine ; ) or else where wine was scarce , they had three pounds of wine , and three of beer ; or in great scarcity , one pound of wine , and five of beer . i think our ordinary ministers drink not so much wine in a year , as these did in a day ; i mean such as live in the countrey , and were of my acquaintance . i wonder how any plowman's belly can hold four pound of bread one day , and live , without a present vomit or purge . i have tryed long cornario's and lessius's di●t ( or ounces of panada , and as much beer only in a day , without tasting any other meat , ) and found no incommodity as to health or pleasure ; but should i eat four pound of bread in two days , i do not think i should ever eat more without a vomit . and how can any man drink five pound of any ordinary wine , and not be drunk , or dead ? yea , or three pints either . what man's belly will hold six pounds of wine and water every day , unless it pass as tunbridge waters , without present suffocation , or a dropsie . i would hope that i understand not this chapter in the council , but that these canons had some beggars that were to partake with them , but that i find no encouragement for my charity in the text or history : but verily if it were as it is written , i wonder how these abstemious monks did escape death by their gluttony and drunkenness one week or day without physick ; notwithstanding that the council giveth you notice , cap. . lin . ult . that a pound hath but ounces . § . we must not unthankfully omit what kindness anastasius ( saith pope paschal ) shewed to the english : by negligence their house at rome was burnt , and the pope ran out bare-foot , and where he stood , the fire stopt * ; therefore he stood bare-foot there till morning , that the fire might be fully quenched . but this he did for the love of st. peter , whose church was in danger by the fire . § . the papists here bring forth a constitution out of their own library , by which ludovicus confirmeth to the popes all that ever his ancestors gave them , and addeth so much , that he was then made ( if this be true ) ( as the geographia nubiensis calls him ) the king of rome indeed . and they meerly feign that charles and ludovicus pius made none of these laws of themselves , but by the pope's advice , against plain evidence of history . § . a convention of abbots at aquisgrane , and another of bishops , and a synod at engelheim follow , and one at attiniac , in which they say the emperor penitently lamented his severity against his nephew bernard , and others , with open confession and penitence . and indeed his great endeavors to promote piety , and to reform the clergy ; his frequent councils , ( in which it was he , by the advice of a few chief chosen men , that did their business , and governed all ) with the rest of his life described by the writer of it , and other historians , do shew that he was justly called pius , though wars will cause many actions to be repented of . § . platina saith , that anastasius saith , that ludovicus gave paschal the power of freely chusing bishops , which before was not done without the emperors . ( the peoples consent still supposed . ) § . the pope being dead , two are chosen ( which was the th schism ) but eugenius the d carried it , the emperor sending his son lotharius to settle the peace of the city , jamdudum praesulum quorundam perversitate depravatam , saith the author of the life of ludovicus ; where murders of the chief men had been committed in the schism , and mens goods taken away , and much confusion made . § . in the east ▪ the party , that were against images , prevailed ever since irene the woman that set them up was deposed and dyed ; her son constantine , whom she murdered , being not for them before , nor nicephorus that deposed her after ; but leo armenus that succeeded michael curop . earnest against them , and , as they called it , persecuted the worshippers of images . a prince confessed to be very profitable to the empire ; michael balbus that is supposed the chief of them that murdered him , reigneth in his stead : he set himself earnestly to have healed the church-divisions of the east about images . to that end he sent ambassadors to ludovicus pius into france for his counsel , in the professing his great desire of peace . ludovicus called together some that he most esteemed for learning at paris , ( which some call a council , but were like to be more learned than the majority in councils ) to debate and consider the business . the paris divines in this debate drew up a writing , in which they greatly sinned , saith bellarmine , in that they took on them to reprehend the pope , and a general council ; ( but do not they themselves condemn many general councils ? ) in which , saith bellarmine , they far exceeded the author , who in the name of carolus mag. put forth a book against the worshiping of images . for he ( which also the fathers of the frankford council did ) disallowed ( or rejected ) the d nicene synod , because they thought it had been celebrated without the pope's consent * : but these counsellors of the emperor lewis , confess the council of nice d for the worshiping of images to be called and approved by pope adrian , and yet they did not fear to examine , judge , and reprehend both the synod itself , and the epistle of adrian to constantine for the worship of images , yea , and the defence of that synod sent by adrian to charles m. saying , [ indiscretè noscitur fecisse in eo quod superstitiosè eas adorari jussit . ] so ( saith bellarmine ) they were not ashamed to judge the iudge of themselves , and of the whole world , to feed the pastor of all christ's sheep , and to teach the teacher of all men ; than which temerity , no greater can be imagined . thus far bellarmine . § . here i desire the reader to take notice , . that even then when the pope was advanced to his kingly greatness , yet as the eastern empire was far from obeying him , so even that one prince that set him up , and defended him , with his doctors and counsellors , were far from thinking him infallible , but reproved him , and judged him as superstitious for image-worship , and were not herein ruled by him . . and judge whether most bishops would not have judged accordingly , if they had had but the same countenance from princes , as the bishops in the east and these now had ? . and judge with what face the militant doctors of rome do pretend , that all the world was then subject to the judgment of the pope , and bid us name any churches that rejected it , when east and west so far rejected it as is here confessed , even when they were grown so high , yea and councils as well as popes ? § . hereupon a book was printed an. . called , the council of paris about images , containing , . the emperor michael ' s epistle , ( by which , saith bellarmine , one would judge him one of the best princes that ever was . ) . the paris doctors collection of testimonies , proving , ( in the middle way ) that images should not be broken contemptuously , as some would have them ; nor be worshipped as the general nicene council , and the pope would have them . . an epistle in the pope's name , written , ( saith bellarmine , by the french doctors ) to michael the emperor , shewing , that images are neither to be wronged disgracefully , nor adored . . an epistle of the emperor ludovicus to the pope , desiring him to write to michael to further this peace of the churches . . an epistle of ludovicus to the two bishops whom he sent to rome , [ t direct them how to carry themselves wisely , to get the pope's consent . ] whether this at paris was a council , or only a select convention of men chosen by the emperor , is a controversie of no great moment . i take the latter to be the more honourable sort of assembly , as the world then went ; and should reverence more the judgment of or men , selected by such an extraordinary prince , than of the majority of the bishops of all europe : as i prefer the judgment of those men that by king iames were appointed to translate the bible , before the judgment of the major part of the whole english clergy , of whom perhaps one in ten had a smattering in the hebrew tongue , and one of an hundred understood it , ( at the most . ) § . our modern cheated english papists , that are taught here in england to say that they worship not images , might here see the fraud of their clergy , that fit them a faith to their interests and occasions . we confess that it is but three sorts of images that aquinas saith we should worship with latria ( divine worship : ) but yet the rest are to be worshipped , say their doctor● . why else do they so commonly condemn this book and council of ludovicus pius , that forbiddeth both the breaking and the worshiping of them ? why doth bellarmine purposely revile , and particularly confute this book ? why doth binnius recite all bellarmine's answer in his concil . tom. . p. , & c ? § . bellarmine is very loth that the epistle here said to be written by pope eugenius the d , should be taken to be his , and supposeth that it was but sent to him to be subscribed : by whom ? if by the emperor ludovicus pius , and his council of divines , you may see of what reputation the pope was then in the church . one great argument against it is , that the pope would not so impudently flatter the emperor , as to say , o venerable princes of the world , seeing by god's disposal you govern all the church , &c. and for uniting the church which by god's ordination you govern : what filthier flattery ( saith bellarmine ) could there be ? michael balbus a murderer , &c. is said by the pope to govern the church by god's disposing . what then are bishops for ? ans. and . did not even gregory mag. as much flatter a worse man and murderer , phocas ? and his successors him and many more ? . did not many , if not most of the emperors , heathen and christian , come in by murder , or invasion , and usurpation ? and were men therefore disobliged from obeying them , when they were setled , by submissive implicite consent ? . but the venom of the cardinal jesuite's answer is , that he taketh it to be base flattery , to say that princes are by god's dispose the governors of the church : for then what are the bishops for ? and must the world be ridden and abused by such men , that would turn princes out of all government of the church , and understand not that the government of the same church , may belong to the magistrate and the pastors respectively , ( as the government of an hospital to the king , and to the physician ? ) may not one rule and punish by the sword , and another by the word , by teaching , and the church keys ? is it not one thing to fine , and beat , and banish , and kill a man , and another to sentence him unmeet for church-communion ? marvellous , that god permitteth the world to be deluded by such a blinded or blinding clergy , though as learned as bellarmine , that would make these things seem inconsistent , and separate what god hath conjoined ! see here to what the roman clergy would reduce kings , they must be no governors of the church . and if all the kingdom be christians , are they not all the church ? and so the christening of the subjects deposeth the king , and maketh the chief priest king that christeneth them . if he had said that kings govern churches , but not as churches , but as parts of the kingdom , he had said falsly : for they govern them as churches , though not by the same sort of government as the pastors do ; as they govern not hospitals by the same sort of government , as the physicians . § . in eugenius's epistle it is honestly and truly said , that [ if there had never been a painted or a forged image , neither faith , hope nor love , by which men come to the eternal kingdom , would have perished . ] i am of bellarmine's mind now , that this was none of the pope's epistle , ( but the honest emperor's , and his clergy councils : ) he thought it too bad for a pope , and i think it too good for a pope . he thinks that the pope must be mad , if he would have so condemned his predecessor adrian's acts , as this epistle doth ; and i doubt he was not so honest as to do it . but did not bellarmine know how much more sharp and virulent accusations popes have laid on one another ? § . ccxlvi . so powerful was pius's attempts to reform the clergy , that it drove pope eugenius the d for shame to call a council at rome , ( not from the antipodes , but ) of bishops , ( an. . ) who repeated some old canons , and , among other things , forbad such feasts and plays as our wakes ar● on any holy-days to be used . § . valentine was next chosen pope , ( collectis in unum venerab . episcopis & gloriosis romanorum proceribus , omnique amplae urbis populo in pal. later . saith anastasius ) but he lived but or days , ( historians agree not of it . ) § . gregory the th succeeded , who , saith platina , would not undertake the papal office , till ludovicus the emperor had considered of the choice , and confirmed it : [ which , ( saith platina ) ludovicus did not out of pride , but lest he should lose the rights of the empire , * being by nature gentle and most humane , and had ever upheld the rights of the church . he setled benefices on every priest , that poverty might not hinder them . ] you see here that the great friend of the church yet took that for the right of the empire , that none should be pope against his consent . § . platina , adding how he reformed the clergy , forbidding them gay attire , ornaments , sumptuousness and vanities , saith thereupon , would thou hadst lived in our times , o ludovicus ! for the church wanteth thy holy institutions , and censure , so much hath the ecclesiastical order poured out itself to all luxury and lust. ] so describing their abominable pride and vanity . § . pope gregory added so much to the good works of his predecessors , by mending , building , adorning so many temples , pillars and posts , with stones , vestments , silver , &c. and removing the bones of saints , ( if he mistook not ) that it is no wonder if rome grew into greater pomp and splendor than ever before . § . this godly emperor having three sons by his first wife , and marrying a second , having two sons by her ; the sons of the first wife hated the second wife , thinking her son charles had too much favor . one son ( pepin ) apprehended his father , and the eldest ( lotharius ) came in and approved it , and the d joined with them , and wickedly deposed him from his kingdom : of which anon . § . ludovicus called councils at paris , mentz , lyons , and tholouse , for reformation ; some say upon the warning of a maid that being possessed of the devil , and speaking latine , said that this devil executed judgments on the land for their sins , injustice , &c. ccxlvii. the council at paris wrote a large book for reformation , an. . with the rest of this emperor's constitutions , worthy to be translated for the common good , that all ●ight see the difference between reformers and turbulent hereticks and hereticators , and proud aspiring prelates . the book is a treatise of pious directions . the th chapter , reproving the breach of the lord's day , saith , that [ by sight and by certain relation they have notice , that many working on that day have been killed with thunde●bolts , some punished by sudden convulsions , some by visible fire , their flesh and bones being in a moment consumed and turned into ashes , and many other such terrible judgments . therefore they require that as the iews keep their sabbath , all men much more do spiritually observe this day of the lord. the second book doth notably shew the duty of kings and magistrates . the last chapter requireth those that are far from the church , to meet for prayer in other places , as being acceptable to god. in the th capitul . ( bin. p. . ) the bishops say , [ beati petri vicem indigni gerimus . ] so that the pope is not peter's onely successor ; others represent him , if this council did not mistake . § . ccxlviii . we come now to a council which sheweth you , that the good canons made by the emperor for church-reformation , were far from reforming the generality of the bishops . it is the council at compendium , which too compendiously deposed the godly emperor , ( of whom the world was not worthy . ) calumniators pretended that one bernhard a courtier lay with iudith the emperor's second wife : the sons of his first wife hating her ; pepin , whom his father had made king of italy , on this pretence trayterously raiseth arms against his father . lotharius , the eldest son , too much consenting , persuaded his father to let a meeting without arms , at neomagus , prevent a war. at that meeting the nobles , parentis imperium legitimè prorogabant , saith binnius , p. , and pepin took up arms again . the father conquereth his son , and taketh him prisoner , and might justly have taken away his life , but he was stol'n out of prison in the night . ludovicus depriveth him of his kingdom of italy , and divideth it between his two sons by the second wife , charles and rodolphus . hereupon lotharius the eldest rebelling , knew not how to conquer his godly and prosperous father but by the bishops : them he draweth into his conspiracy , that as binnius himself saith , [ ut quem filii armis imperio deponere non possent , horum saltem nundinariorum antistitum suffragio & judicio , honore ac potestate imperiali privaretur : successit impiis conatus impiissimus . ] the last means of treason was a council of the base mercenary bishops ; a wicked attempt that served these wicked men , and did the feat . ebbo the archbishop of rhemes , ( of a base original ) and enow more such prelates were not wanting . the emperor had before voluntarily lamented his putting out the eyes of his kinsman bernard a rebel , ( of which he dyed ) as too cruel , ( when now no prince scrupleth hanging , or beheading open rebels . ) the church had satisfaction by his voluntary penance , for that which few men will think a fault . and what do these bishops now , but become their sovereign's iudges , yea , and that when he was absent , and condemn him unheard , for this former fault . note the case . . they condemn their king to be deposed , who were subjects . . yea , clergy-men , that had least to do with state affairs . . yea , and that for a fault , which perhaps was but justice , and no fault . . or if it were a fault , was before judged and remitted . and did godly lewis cherish christian bishops so zealously , for this use , so basely and trayterously to depose him ? . yea , and to join in the horrid rebellion of unnatural sons , to accomplish their designs . . and to tempt princes to hate religion , when in nomine domini , the pretence of religion shall do greater wickedness by prelates , than the rebels arms was able to perform . saith the author of the life of ludovicus pius , [ this judgment some few gain-sayed , more consented to it : the greatest part , as it useth to be in such cases a , consented by word , for fear of offending their leaders b . they judged him , absent and unheard , neither confessing nor convict , before the bodies of st. medard confessor , and st. sebastian martyr , to lay down his arms c , and forced him to lay them before the altar ; and cloathing him in a black garment , under a strict guard , they thrust him into prison . by this testimony , saith binnius , it is certainly proved that the whole business was done by force and fear , and coloured with the false pigment of religion . thus was the best of princes , after all his services for the prelates , and kindness to his sons , deposed , and basely used by both , against nature and religion . his first restauration , when he had been before deposed , was by the germans : how he was restored the second time , i find not certainly ; some would give pope gregory the honour of it . it is likeliest that the interest which his goodness had got in the people , with the odiousness of his sons and bishops acts , did it : but fully restored , after all this , he was . and being somewhat backward to forgive lotharius , he filled france with new wars , till the emperor for peace did pardon all . but ebbo , archbishop of rhemes , and agobard , bishop of lyons , were deposed , as leaders of the treason ; and ebbo banished , and restored by lotharius when his father dyed ; yea , and sent as a fit man to convert the normans by pope paschal's mission , being made bishop of hildesheim in saxony , by ludovic king of germany , see petavius hist. l. . c. . shortly after , an. . the emperor ( sollicited yet to more wars by his own sons , about dividing the kingdoms ) dyed , a direful eclipse of the sun foregoing his death , the day before ascension-day . § . that you may see the base hypocrisie of these trayterous bishops , i will recite their words in the council that condemned the best of emperors ; but his imprisonment they leave out . § . the bishops condemnation of the emperor ludovicus pius , an. . after a preface of the duty of bishops without favor or fear to judge sinners , and the need of putting their sentence in writing , to avoid the censure of bad men , they say — we hold it necessary to notifie to all the sons of the church , both present and future , how we bishops , set over the empire * of our lord and most glorious emperor lotharius , an. . the first year of the said prince in october , did generally meet at the palace at compendium , ( compeigne ) and humbly heard the said prince * ; and we took care , according to the ministry enjoined us , to manifest to him or his nobles , the generality of all the people , what is the vigor , and power , or priestly ministry , and with what sentence of damnation he deserveth to be damned , who will not obey the warnings of the priests a and next both to the said prince , ( lotharius ) and to all the people , we studied to denounce , that they should study most devoutly to please god , and should not delay to appease him in whatever they had offended him : for many things were examined , b , which by negligence hapned in this empire , which manifestly tended to the scandal of the church , and the ruine of the people , or the destruction of the kingdom ; which must necessarily be quickly corrected , and by all means for the future prevented c . among other things we mentioned , and remembred all men , how by god that kingdom , by the administration of the most excellent emperor charles of good memory , and the valor of his predecessors , was peaceable , and united , and nobly enlarged , and committed to the lord emperor lewis by god in great peace to be governed ; and by god's protection remain'd so preserved , as long as that prince studied god , and used his father's example , and was careful to acquiesce in the counsels of good men : and how in progress of time , as is manifest to all , by his improvidence or negligence , it fell into so great ignominy and baseness , that it became not only the grief of friends , but the derision of enemies . but because the said prince hath negligently managed the ministry committed to him , and did both do and compel others to do many things displeasing to god and man , or permitted others to do it d , and provoked god in many wicked counsels , and scandalized the church ; and that we may omit innumerable other things ) at last drew all his subjects to a common destruction , and by god't just judgment , suddenly his imperial power was taken from him e . but we remembring the commands of god , and our ministry , and his benefits , thought him worthy , that by the leave of the said prince lotharius , we should send a message to him by the authority of this sacred assembly , to admonish him of his guilts , that he might take sure advice for his safety ( or salvation . ) that he might in his extremity study with all his might , that being deprived of his earthly power , according to god's council , and the churches authority , he might not also lose his soul. to the counsels of which messengers , and their most wholsom warnings he willingly consented , he took time , and set a day in which he would give an answer to their wholsom admonitions f . and when the day was at hand , the same holy assembly unanimously went to the venerable man , and took care to admonish him of all that he had offended god in , and scandalized the church , and troubled the people committed to him , and to bring all to his remembrance . and he willingly embracing their wholsom admonition , and their worthy and congruous aggravations , promised in all things to acquiesce in their wholsom counsel , and to undergo their remedying judgment (g) . and being glad of so wholsom an admonition (h) , strait we intreated his beloved son , lotharius augustus , to be speedily present , that without delay , with his nobles he might come , that there might be a mutual reconciliation between them according to christian doctrine , that if there were any blemishes or discords in their hearts , a pure and humble begging of pardon (i) might expiate them , and thereupon before all the multitude , he might receive the judgment of the priesthood as penitents do , which soon after was done . therefore the lord ludovicus coming into the church of holy mary , god's mother , where rest the bodies of saints , that is , of medard , a confessor of christ and bishop , and of sebastian a most excellent martyr ( the priests , deacons , and no small multitude of the clerks standing by , and his son the foresaid lotharius being present with his nobles , and the generality of all the people , even as many as the church could hold ) and being prostrate on the earth upon hair-cloth (k) before the holy altar , be confessed before all , that he too unworthily used the ministry committed to him , and in it many wayes offended god , and scandalized the church of christ , and many ways troubled the people by his negligence : and therefore for the publick and ecclesiastick expiation of so great guilts , he said he would desire penance , that god being merciful by their ministry and help , he might prosperously deserve ( or obtain ) absolution of so great crimes , god having given them the power of binding and loosing ; whom also the bishops , as spiritual physicians , did wholsomly admonish , telling him that true remission of sin followeth pure and simple confession ; that he should openly confess his errors , in which he professed that he most offended god , lest he should hide any thing within , or do any thing deceitfully before god , as it is known to all that he did heretofore in the palace at compeigne , when he was by another holy assembly reproved before all the church : and that he come not to god now , as he did then , by dissembling and craft , with a double heart , and provoke him to anger , rather than to forgive his sin l ; for it is written , the dissemblers and crafty provoke the wrath of god. and after this admonition he professed that he had chiefly sinned in all those things , whereupon he had been familiarly reproved by the foresaid priests , by word or writings ; that being by due rebuke reproved of the things they gave him a writing (m) of , containing the sum of his guilts , of which they had specially reproved him ; which he had in his hands , viz. i. as in the same paper is fullier contained , incurring the guilt of sacriledge and murder , in that he kept not , according to his promise , the fatherly admonition and terrible contestation made to him with divine invocation before the holy-altar in presence of the priests , and the greatest multitude of the people ; in that he had done violence to his brethren and kindred , and had permitted his nephew to be killed (n) , whom he might have delivered ; and that being unmindful of his vow , he after commanded the sign of holy religion to be made for the revenge of his own indignation . ii. that being the author of scandal , and troubler of the peace , and violater of the sacraments , by unlawful power he corrupted the covenant which was made between his sons for the peace and unanimity of the empire , and tranquility of the church , by common council , and consent of all the faithful people , and confirmed by the sacrament : and in that he compelled his faithful people in contrariety to the said first covenant and oath , to swear another sacrament o , and so fell into the guilt of perjury , by the violation of the former oaths . and how much this displeased god , is plain , in that the people subject to him had afterward no peace , but were all led into perturbation , bearing the punishment of their sins , and by god's just judgment . iii. that against christian religion , against his vow , without any publick profit or certain necessity (p) , deluded by evil counsel , he commanded a general expedition to be made in lent , and in the extreme parts of his empire appointed a general meeting ( or council ) at the time of the lord's supper , when the paschal sacraments were to be celebrated of all christians (q) . in which expedition , as much as in him lay , he drew the people into great murmuring , and against right put the priests of the lord from their offices , and brought great oppression on the poor . iv. that he brought violence on some of his faithful people , that for his and his sons fidelity and safety , and the recovery of the shaking kingdom , humbly went to him , and made known to him the snares prepared for him by his enemies ; and that against all law divine and humane , he deprived them of their estates , and commanded them to be banished (r) , and made them when absent judged to death , and doubtless induced the iudges to false judgment . and against divine and canonical authority , raised prejudice against the lord's priests , ( or bishops ) and monks , and condemned them absent . and in this incurring the guilt of murder , he was a violater of the laws of god and man. v. of divers sacraments ( oaths ) contrary to each other , oft made unreasonably by his sons or people , he commanding and compelling them ; whereby he brought no small blot of sin on the people committed to him . he hereby incurred the guilt of perjury , because these are rightly charged on him as author , by whom they were compelled . but in the purging of women , in unjust iudgments , in false witnesses and perjuries , which have been committed in his presence by his permission , how much he hath offended god he himself knoweth . vi. of divers expeditions which he hath made in the kingdom committed to him , not only unprofitably , but also hurtfully without counsel and profit ; in which many and innumerable heinous crimes were committed in the christian people , in murders and perjuries , in sacriledge and adulteries , in rapines , in burnings , either in the churches of god , or divers other places , in plunderings and oppressing of the poor , by miserable usage , and almost unheard of among christians ; which all , as is aforesaid , reflect on the author . vii . in the divisions of the empire rashly made by him , against the common peace , and the safety of the whole empire , for his own will ; and the oath which compelled all the people to swear , that they would act against his sons as enemies , when he might have pacified them by fatherly authority , and the counsel of his faithful people . viii . that so many mischiefs and crimes committed in the kingdom committed to him , by his negligence and improvidence were not enough , which yet cannot be numbred , by which the kingdom was evidently disgraced and endangered : but moreover to add to the heap of miseries , he lastly drew all the people of his power to their common destruction , when he ought to have been to his people the captain of safety and of peace , when the divine piety had decreed to have mercy of his people by an unheard of and invisible manner , and by preaching in our ages . for these things therefore , and in all these things which are before recited , confessing himself guilty before the priests , ( or bishops ) or all the people , with tears , and protesting that in all these things he sinned , he desired publick pennance , that so he might satisfie the church by repenting , which he had scandalized by sinning ; and as he was a scandal by neglecting many things , so he professed he would be an example by undergoing due pennance . and after this confession he delivered to the bishops the paper of his guilts and confession for future memorial , and they laid it on the altar ; and then he put off his military girdle and laid it on the altar , and stripping himself of his secular habit , he took the habit of a penitent put on him by the hands of the bishops , that after so great and such pennance * , no man after may return to a secular militia . these things thus done , it pleased them that every bishop should write in his own papers how the matter was done , and should strengthen it by his own subscription , and offer it to prince lotharius , thus strengthened in memory of the fact. to conclude , it seemed good to us all that were present , to put the sum of all the papers , and of so great a business into one breviate , and to roborate it by the subscription of us all with our hands , as is hereafter demonstrated . — the author of the life of ludovicus addeth , ' [ pullâque indutum veste , adhibitá magnâ custodiâ sub tectum quoddam retrudunt . ] here you see the tryal of the godly emperor , the articles exhibited against him in the high court of episcopal justice , and the use of penance , and of laying on of the bishops hands , in investing him in the garb of perpetual penance . what wonder if the pope ascended to such power , when ordinary bishops in the best governed and instructed countrey then in the world , obtained such power ; even by the name and abuse of the power of the keys ? saith binnius , [ thaganus therefore justly for this cause declaimeth against ebbo , bishop of rhemes , the leader , as impudicum & crudelissimum episcopum ! ] and what were they that would thus follow him ? § . ccxlix . but the next council was forced to do better , ( for usually the bishops followed the stronger side ; ) in theodorus villa they caused ebbo to depose himself from his bishoprick , and the rest excused themselves that they did it by necessity and fear , and were all forgiven , bin. p. . and yet will the bishops say , that this emperor was not humble and merciful ? § . ccl . after his restauration , an. . ludovicus caused a council at aquisgrane , to renew the laws for the reformation of the clergy and abbots , with the instructions and rules for kings themselves at large laid down . and here they determined , that all bishops hereafter that were rebels and traytors , should be deposed , and lay-men anathematized . but they sufficiently minded the power and dignity of the bishops to be upheld . § . there is a treatise in binnius , p. . in which the statutes of the synods of aquisgrane are opened and confirmed by scripture . § . ccli . an. . binnius tells us , that in the deposing of the emperor , agobertus , bishop of lyons , and bernard , bishop of vienne , having been leaders with ebbo , at the council at theod. villa , fled , and the emperor and all his sons , save lotharius , being here present at a council at lyons , they being summoned , appeared not , and sentence was put off , because they were absent . § . an. . pepin the emperor's son dying , he passed by his disobedient nephew pepin , and divided that kingdom of aquitain only between his sons lotharius and charles ; whereupon his son ludovicus was offended , and with them of aquitain raised rebellion again , and by a convention at cabilone , and after it , reconciliation was made . § . the emperor ludovicus pius dying an. . aged , his sons fell together in wars for his kingdoms . lotharius the eldest , that had used his father so trayterously and unnaturally , sought too great a part for himself , and came to a war with ludovic and charles , who conquered him , and put him to a shameful flight , an. . in which fight , say historians , a greater slaughter was made of the french , than was ever known in the memory of man. this was the man that deposed his father for the slaughter of the subjects by his wars against him . the next year they fought again , and he was again overcome . § . cclii . it 's easie then to conjecture which way the next council ( which was at aquisgrane ) would go : the conquering princes made the bishops their counsellors , when they had made lotharius flie out of the countrey , what they should do with his kingdom ; and , saith binnius , they received the answer which nithardus li. . describeth in these words , [ ' the bishops considering the deeds of lotharius from the beginning , how he had driven his father out of his kingdom ; how he had made the christian people perjured by his covetousness ; how oft he had frustrated the oath he made to his fathers , and his brethren ; how oft , since his fathers death , he had attempted to disinherit his brethren ; how many murders , adulteries , burnings , and all kind of heinous deeds the universal church suffered by his most wicked covetousness : and that he neither had any knowledge of governing the commonwealth , nor could men find any footsteps of goodness of will in governing . for which causes deservedly , and by the just judgment of god almighty , they said he fled first in battel , and then from his kingdom : therefore all ( the bishops ) unanimously agree and consent , that for his wickedness god hath cast him out , and hath delivered his kingdom to his brothers that are better than he . but the bishops did not give them this liberty , till they openly asked them , whether they would govern it as their ejected brother did , or according to the will of god. they answered , that as far as god should enable them , they would govern themselves and theirs according to god's will. by god's authority ( say they ) we warn , exhort and command , that you undertake it , and rule it according to the will of god. ] so far nithard . § . you see here that it is no wonder that the pope took upon him to set up and take down , to make and unmake kings , when the subject bishops did it by their greatest sovereigns . and you see here god's just judgment on a rebellious son , and the shameful mutability of a temporizing clergy . and how presumptuous bishops have abused religion , the use of the keys and the name of god , to the confusions and calamities of the world . but lotharius after this deposition reigned . § . all these times images were cast out in the eastern empire , even all the reign of leo the th , and of michael balbus , ( however he recalled theodorus studita from prison ) and of theophilus that succeeded him ; petavius li. . c. . saith , that theophilus followed his father in persecuting the worshipers of images , but yet was a most strict requirer of justice , and reigning years and three months , died an. . the next year after the death of ludovicus pius . he left his son michael , a child , emperor , under the rule of his mother theodora . § . and now come up images again by a woman , which ever since a womans reign almost had been cast out ; she ruled years , just as irene did , and sped as she ; for when her son came to age , he deposed her . in this time methodius first , and ignatius after , were made patriarchs of constantinople . and bardas ( made caesar ) deposed ignatius , because he would not excommunicate theodora when she was deposed , and set up the learned photius in his place , that came in as nectarius had done from the laity , by sudden ordination : one honoured even by the papists for his great learning , but reviled for being against them . § . ccliii . an. . this woman had presently so much power on the mutable bishops , as in a council at constant. to turn them to be again for images , and as theophanes saith , [ suddenly changing their judgment , they cursed those that opposed images ; ] and so after years rejection they were restored , and the nicene d council owned without any great difficulty : and here all that were for images accounted it godliness , and called them ungodly that were against it , and this woman theodora is stiled for it a very godly woman , ( though the other called it idolatry ; ) and so while one side was cryed down as profane , and the other as idolatrous ; the poor church felt to its sorrow , that images were not taken for things indifferent . theophanes railing at iohn the patriarch of constant. saith , that [ seeing so sudden and unexpected a change , he that ruled impiously was struck with such a stupor and blindness of mind , that he was ready to have killed himself ; and being the head of all the wickedness , of an ungodly judgment , that had led the emperors by lyes , and thrust them into the hell of impiety , he was with ignominy cast out , and good methodius put in . ] i recite the words , to shew you what various characters the interest of images gave to men , and what godliness and ungodliness , good men and bad men , are in the sense of many historians . § . the pope dying , iohan. diaconus seizeth on the place by force ; but sergius is chosen against him , and prevaileth : i● whose beginning lotharius sent his son ludovicus with an army to rome * , sigibert saith to be the confirmer of the pope , and claim that right ; others say , to be crowned . to lotharius they sware obedience , but not to his son. some great debate anastasius tells us that a great company of bishops had against the pope and his party , but he tells us not what it was , but that the pope was too hard for them , and glad when the french were gone . § . it 's before said , that after the bishop's deposing him , lotharius was restored , the three brothers agreeing , that ludovicus should have germany , and part of france , and charles have france , and lotharius narbon and italy as roman emperor . ccliv . the archbishopric of rhemes had been ten years without a bishop upon ebbo's removal or flight , and two presbyters successively fulke and hotho had been the governors of it , ( some will question the validity of their acts . ) and a council at bellovacum makes hincmarus bishop . § . under carolus calvus the church-lands were much alienated , especially abbots lands , to nobles and other lay-men . whereupon cclv. a council at melda ( meaulx ) did by ansegisus and bernardus levita draw up a book of seven parts , lamenting the sins of christians , and the sacriledge of the laity , and offered it to the king , who refused it , the nobles being against it : for which ( say the bold expositors of god's providences ) the normans by invasion troubled the land. § . leo the th became pope ; they durst not consecrate him without the emperor's authority , anastas . in bin. p. . this pope wrought great miracles , say they . . he conquered a basilisk that killed men by his looks , ( as st. george conquered the dragon . ) . by the cross he stopt a fire in the city : but his good works contain a volumn in anastasius , viz. the many churches that he adorned , enriched , repaired ; the silver vessels and ornaments that he gave , the posts and pillars , and altars that he beautified , and the glory that he added to the roman city and churches , &c. yea , when the saracens came and spoiled st. peter's church in the suburbs of rome , he caused the said suburbs to be walled and fortified , as a new city , calling it leonina from his name : and he made two or three prayers of six or seven lines long , to desire god's protection of it , by the intercession of st. peter . and he writeth a notable homily , in which he comprizeth much of the canons , teaching them all the arts , gestures , and ceremonies of canting the mass ; and precisely ordereth , that every priest do learn his lesson ; and that if any of them be illiterate , ( that cannot read ) he shall be suspended till he amend , ( learn to read ; ) so learned was the clergy in that age. § . by the way , the oft mention here of singing the mass , doth remember me to note that which is much over-looked ; viz. how liturgies imposed first came up , or were mostly propagated without any exception or opposition : it was chiefly because they did sing them , and had fitted them accordingly to their singing notes , like our cathedral singing of our reading psalms and prayers : and we all know that the people or minister cannot make psalms ex tempore , but we must and do use forms in singing ; but the prayers that were not sung , but said , were longer left free to the speakers present skill . § . cclvi. an. . in a council at paris , lotharius caused the cause of ebbo to be reviewed ; but after summons , he would never appear to his death . § . cclvii . a council at mentz , an. . repeated many ecclesiastical canons : among others , murderers still , instead of death , are but put upon long removal from the communion , no , though they murder priests . in this council a woman called thiota , was judged to be whipt , because she had professed to have revelations foretelling the day of judgment that year , putting the people in fear , and even many priests followed her as a prophetess ; she confessed that a certain priest persuaded her to do it for gain . chap. x. of the councils about ignatius and photius , and some others . § . cclvii . an. . a synod at mentz under rabanus condemned godescalcus a presbyter , and monk of rhemes , as a predestinarian heretick . hincmarus ep. ad p. nicol. reciteth his heresies to be , . [ that as god hath predestinated some to life eternal , so others to death eternal : that he would not have all men saved , but only those that are saved , else he should have his will frustrate , and not be omnipotent . . that christ dyed not for all , but only for the elect , who are the world that he redeemed ; others he redeemeth by baptism , but not by dying for them . . that no one shall perish that christ dyed for . . he addeth , ( how truly i know not , ) that he asserteth a threefold deity in the trinity of persons . ] they laid him in prison , and hincmarus wrote to the pope to know what to do with him , saying , that he must employ a very able man to keep him , for he wraps people , even the meanly learned , into admiration of him , reciting scripture and fathers distorted whole days together . some bishops took his part . § . they say a synod at tours wrote an admonition to one nomeno●us the king's lieutenant in britany , for tyranny and oppression , and casting out the just bishops , and putting in mercenaries , thieves and robbers ; bin. p. . and for despising the warnings of the pope and bishops . § . canisius tells us of a concilium regiaticinum , regulating bishops , and cap. . ordaining that the arch-presbyter examine every master of a family personally , and take account of their families and lives , and receive their confessions : and cap. . that a presbyter in the absence of the bishop , may reconcile a penitent by his command . cap. . that in the villages arch-presbyters be set over the lower-presbyters . c. . that none that are denied communion , may have any military or civil office ; and so every bishop is master of the magistrates . § . cclviii. the saracens in spain persecuting the christians , forced the bishops to meet in council at corduba , and decree against martyrdom , and the memorial of martyrs , saith binnius , p. . [ holding a satanical meeting , forbad martyrdom , and took away the honour of martyrs , saying , that they that were not violently drawn to deny the faith , but offered themselves to danger of their own accord , are not to be numbred with the martyrs , not working miracles as the martyrs did , nor their bodies remaining uncorrupt . § . a synod at mentz , an. . did we know not what . but . cclix . one at soisons was approved by pope benedict , and reprobated by pope 〈◊〉 ( bin. p. . ) ( yet both infallible . ) and it is no wonder , for it is about a hard point , and in which the papacy is much concerned . when ebbo was deposed and banished , lotharius restored him for a while , and he intruded again , and ordained many priests . hincmarus succeeding in his life-time , rejecteth all those that he thus ordained . a council is called to judge whether their ordination was valid or null . the council decreed , that [ whatever in ecclesiastical ordinations the said ebbo had done after his damnation , according to the traditions of the apostolick seat , as is read in the deeds of the popes , except sacred baptism , which is perfected in the name of the trinity , shall be all void and null , and those ordained by him in whatever part of the world they shall be fugitives or wander , because they cannot flie from god's judgment , let them be held deprived of all ecclesiastical degrees by the judgment of the holy ghost . ] and yet these men had shewed letters from the king and divers bishops , for their reception as presbyters , but the synod said they were counterfeit . another case was this , one halduinus had been made deacon by ebbo , and consecrated presbyter and abbot by lupus bishop of catalonia . the presbyter was ordained out of his own jurisdiction to the church of rhemes : this being questioned , an archdeacon shewed the king's letters , commanding the ordination of halduinus . lupus ordained him , in obedience to the king , without examining , ( there being then no bishop at rhemes . ) whereupon the synod decreed , according to the canons , ( say they ) that they that are made presbyters without examination by ignorance , or by dissimulation of the ordainers , when they are known , shall be deposed ; because the catholick church defendeth ( but ) that which is irreprehensible . and it was shewed in concil . sardic . c. . and other councils and decrees , that the said bishop touched nothing of his ordination , but that he that leaped to the priesthood without the degree of deacon * , he ought to retire ( resilire ) to due degradation . § . here you see the nullification even of the ordinations of an ejected archbishop , yea , and of a lawful bishop , when he makes a presbyter of one that was by such an ejected bishop made deacon , and when he ordaineth unworthily without due examination . and if this hold , what interruptions have there been in the succession of bishops , especially in the roman seat ! § . anastasius a cardinal , presbyter of rome , betook himself to the emperor , solliciting him to depose pope leo the th , and to place him in his stead . the pope hearing it , calleth him home to his charge , from whence he had been absent five years : but he would not return , nor appear , wherefore cclx the pope called a council at rome , which deposed him . § . cclxi . ignatius the patriarch of constantinople , called a council to depose gregory bishop of syracusa ; they desired pope leo's confirmation : he delaying it , dyeth . gregory in the mean time prevaileth against ignatius , who is cast out , and photius put in , and a grievous schism begun . § . cclxii . an. . under lotharius remigius lugdun . and other bishops , are called a council at valence , who made canons or decrees , with great judgment and piety , and shewed how much more venerable a council of a few wise bishops are , than greater councils , where the most are weak . their first work was against those that they called the predestinatianos , where cap. . they determine , [ non ipsos malos deum ideo perire velle quia boni esse non potuerunt , sed quia boni esse noluerunt . cap. . praedestinationem electorum ad vitam , & praedestinationem impiorum ad mortem fidenter fatemur ? in electione tamen salvandorum misericordiam dei praecedere meritum bonum , in damnatione autem periturorum meritum malum praecedere justum dei judicium : praedestinatione autem deum ea tantum statuisse quae ipse vel gratuitâ misericordiâ vel justo judicio facturus erat . — in malis vero ipsorum malitiam praescîsse , quia ex ipsis est ; non praedestinâsse , quia ex illo non est . poenam sane malum meritum eorum sequentem , uti deum , qui omnia prospicit praescivisse & praedestinasse , quia justus est : apud quem est , ut s. augustinus ait , de omnibus omnino rebus , tam fixa sententia , quam certa praescientiâ : — verum aliquos ad malum praedestinatos esse divina potestate , videlicet ut quasi aliud esse non possent , non solum non credimus , sed etiam si sunt , qui tantum malum credere velint , cum omni detestatione , sicut arausica synodus , illis anathema dicimus . the sum is , god's mercy goeth before man's merit , but his predestination to punishment is only on the foresight of their sin , which he decreeth not , because he causeth not . cap. . about christ's death they like not those that say he dyed for all that from the days of adam till then had been damned ; but would have all take up with this simple doctrine , that god so loved the world , that he gave his onely begotten son , that whoever believeth in him should not perish , but have everlasting life . cap. . they conclude that all true believers regenerate by water and the spirit , have their sins washed by the blood of christ : and they could not have true regeneration , if they had not true redemption . but of the multitude of the faithful and redeemed , some are eternally saved , because they persevere ; others are lost , because they persevere not in the salvation of faith which they had received , and so make void the grace of redemption . cap. . about grace and infirmed free-will restored and healed by christ , they exhort men to stick to the scriptures , and the councils of africa and orange , and not to follow the aniles penè fabulas scotorum , ( i suppose they mean the followers of iohan. scotus erignenae , who was murdered by his scholars , whom godescalcus followed ) lest they should be corrupted from the simplicity that is in christ : remembring christians that while they are vexed with the prevalency of the wicked in the world , they should not vex the sad congregations with such superfluous things . cap. . they advise , that because bishops were set over the cities that were untryed and almost ignorant of letters * , and unlike the apostolick prescript , by which means the ecclesiastical vigor is lost , that they would petition the prince , that when a bishop was wanting , the canonical election by the clergy , and the people , might be permitted , ( because the king was used to thrust his favorites on the people , ) , that men of tryed knowledge and life , and not illiterate men , blinded by covetousness , might be set as bishops over the flocks . § . cclxiii . an. . a council was held at papia in italy by the order of the emperour ludovicus , for the reformation of the corrupt clergy ; where they ordered that the clergy and people chuse the bishops , and yet that the laity on pretence of their electing power , trample not on the arch-presbyter ; and that great mens chappels empty not the churches : ( with other old canons recited . ) § . lotharius , that so mischievously sought for the empire against his father and brethren , grew weary of what he had , and divided his d part , ( which was the empire of italy , with burgundy and lorrain , ) into three parts , and gave his son lewis the empire in italy ; and his son lotharius , lorrain ; and his son charles , burgundy ; and entered himself into a monastery : but charles dying , the other two brethren divided his dominion , and lyons , belanson and vienna fell to lotharius . § . we come now to the reign of pope ioane , according to a great number of their own historians ; but david blondel hath recited the testimonies of multitudes on both sides , and after all impartially past his conjecture , that the story was not true ; whose judgment i reverence , and think most probable . whether at that time there was a iohn the th or none till him that some call iohn the th after adrian the d , is uncertain . § . leo dying , ( if there was no iohn or ioane between ) a schism was made ; the people most chusing benedict , and the agents of the emperor , with part of the people and bishops , chusing one anastasius a cardinal presbyter , that had been excommunicate by a former pope . anastasius thought his choice so sure , that entering leonina , ( the roman suburbs ) he went into st. peter's own church , and broke down and burnt the images , and with a mattock cast down to the ground even the image of christ , and the virgin mary . they went on and imprisoned benedict , ( quem omnis romana plebs eligerat , saith anast. in bin. p. . ) but while the great men and officers of the emperor did their utmost to constrain the people to consent to anastasius , they could not prevail , and so they were fain to yield to the multitude to end the tumult and confusion , and benedict had the place . § . by this story it appeareth , . that this anastasius was against images , and that was like enough to be part of the cause why he had five years left his church in rome before , and refused to appear before pope or council . . that when the emperor and his officers were so violent for his choice , even after he had broken down the images in st. peter's church , it is apparent that the party even about rome , and in the west , which was against images , was not small , though they made no stir . § . this pope benedict was he that confirmed hincmarus's council , which nullified ebbo's ordinations aforesaid , as is to be seen in his first epist. bin. p. , &c. § . an. . charles calvus , by a synods concurrence at carissiac , sent orders against church-robbers very strict . and , a council at mentz was held cclxiv , where gunthar , bishop of colen , sent a letter , that [ a terrible tempest arose , in which the people for fear all ran into st. peter's church : and the church-beams cracking , as they fell a praying to god for mercy , suddenly a mishapen thunderbolt , like a fiery dragon , pierced and t●re the church , and at one stroke killed three men among all the multitude , ( though those three stood in several places ) that is , one priest that stood at st. peter's altar , one deacon that stood at st. denis's altar , and one lay-man at st. mary's altar : and six others were struck almost dead , but recovered . at trevirs also were many prodigies . § . pope nicolas . is chosen by the emperor ludovicus consent , and all the people . he greatly advanceth the roman seat by his activity , and much by doing justice to the people that were oppressed by tyrannical prelates . he had a great conflict with iohn bishop of ravenna , who long despised him , and denied him his subjection : but the emperor took the pope's part , and so poor iohn was fain to submit , and cry miseremini mei , peto misereri mei , anast. in bin. p. . and to take an oath of subjection to the pope . § . the great schism now rose at constantinople , whether ignatius or photius should be patriarch ; michael the emperor deposing ignatius by the counsel of his uncle bardas , and putting in photius . the pope kept up his power by interposing , uncalled , into all such matters . he sent some bishops as legates to counsel them by a synod to decide the difference : when these bishops came thither , they consented to photius against ignatius . the pope said they were bribed , and false to their trust , and deposed them , ( though he thought he chose the best he had ; ) of which more anon . § . yet we have not done with worldly prelates . king lotharius was weary of his wife , and loved a whore ( waldrada . ) he openeth his case to the bishops . they call a council , and approve of his divorce , and his marriage with waldrada . the two great archbishops of colen and triers , are the leaders . the pope is against it , and accuseth the bishops of owning adultery ; they appear at rome , and he condemneth them of impudency , while ( with some immodest words ) they undertake to justifie the thing , ( of which more anon . ) he chargeth the bishops of heinous villany , and they despised him . he condemneth the concilium metense * , in which the adultery was allowed . § . this pope falls out with hincmarus bishop of rhemes , justifying against him the cause of rothaldus , whom he had deposed . he sends messengers to the king of bulgaria converted in his days , whom the emperor's officers stop and abuse . the adversaries of images were still strong at constantinople . anast. & bin. p. , &c. epist. . he useth a notable argument for images , viz. god is known only in the image of his works : why then may we not make images of the saints ? ( but why must men be compelled to do it , or else be hereticks ? and why must they be worshipped ? ) epist. . he is pitifully put to it , to justifie the election of nectarius and ambrose , and yet to condemn that of photius for being a lay-man . and ep. , the same again in the instance also of tarasius . § . the th epistle of this pope nicolas to the emperor michael , doth shew that he had now shaken off the imperial power ; and therefore chargeth his letters as full of blasphemy , injury , madness , &c. partly for being so sawcy as to bid the pope , [ send some to him . ] which he saith was far from the godly emperors . partly for blaming the deeds of the prelates , when he saith , their words must be regarded , and their authority , and not their deeds . partly for calling the latine tongue barbarous and scythian , in comparison of the greek , which he saith is to reproach god that made it . partly for saying , that the council that deposed ignatius , and set up photius , was of the same number of bishops as the first council of nice ; where this high pope's answer is worth the notice of our papists , bin. p. . [ the small number hurteth not , where piety aboundeth : nor doth multitude profit , where impiety reigneth . yea , by how much the more numerous is the congregation of the malignant , by so much the stronger are they to do mischief : nor must men glory in numbers , when they fight not against the rulers of the darkness of this world , and spiritual wickedness . — glory not therefore in multitude , because it is not the multitude but the cause , that justifieth or damneth . — fear not little flocks , &c. ] this doctrine was then fittest for the pope in his minority : but the letter is a book pleading for the roman grandure , and striving to bring the emperor with others under his power . § . in his answer and laws to the bulgarians , he difliketh their severities against one that had pretended to be a priest , when he was not , and had baptized many , concluding that he had saved many , and that they were not to be re-baptized , bin. p. . no , not though he were no christian that baptized them , as after consul . cap. . p. . to the case : who are patriarchs ? he saith properly they only that have succeeded apostles , which were only three , rome , alexandria and antioch , but improperly only constantinople and ierusalem . ( but why then are not ephesus , corinth , philippi , &c. patriarchates ? ) and why had the rest of the apostles no successors ? had they no churches ? § . this pope having western security , threatned excommunication to the emperor of the east , unless he would depose photius , and restore ignatius ; and threatned lotharius , for the cause of his rejected wife , and the marriage of another , as aforesaid ; and swaggered against hincmarus rhemensis , for his deposing rothaldus a bishop , and forced him to yield , and condemned his synod at metz , and would have proved that pope benedict had not confirmed it . he and other popes did make the contentions of bishops as well as of princes a great means of their rising , taking the part of him that appealed to rome as injured , ( and very oft of the truly injured . ) by which means they had one party still for them , and all injured persons were ready to flie to them for help . he excommunicated the bishops of colen and triers . the poor bishops that would fain be on the stronger side , began now to be at a loss , to know whether the emperor or the pope was the strongest . they followed the emperor , and resisted the pope a while . the king and hincmarus forbad rothaldus going to rome , and imprisoned him : but the pope wearied them out , by reason of the divisions of the empire and kingdom into so many hands of the french line , that being in continual suspicion of each other , they needed the pope's help . bin. p. . he ordereth pennance ( instead of just death ) for one cumarus that had murdered three of his own sons , viz. that for three years he pray at the church-door , and that for seven years he abstain from wine three days in a week , and for three years to go without shoes , allowing him to eat milk and cheese , but not flesh , and to enjoy his possession , but not have the sacrament for seven years . § . his decretals begin , that the emperor's iudgments and laws are below the canons , and cannot dissolve them or prejudice them . tit. . . he saith , [ all patriarchal dignity , all metropolitical primacy , all bishops chairs , and the dignity of churches of what order soever were instituted by the church of rome : but it 's he only did found it , and erect it on the rock of faith now beginning , who to st. peter , the key-bearer of eternal life , did commit the rights both of the terrene and the celestial empire . reader , had not the abuse of humane patriarchal power , and of excommunications got up very high , when this bold pope made this decree ? what! all churches in the world made only by rome ? was not ierusalem , antioch , and many another made before it ? did christ say any thing of rome ? did not other apostles build churches by the same apostolick commission as peter had ? is not the church built on the foundation of prophets and apostles , christ being the head-corner stone ? did not others build the church of rome before peter did it ? did not peter build other churches before rome ? where and when did christ give peter the imperial power of earth and heaven ? did he not decide the controversie who should be the chief or greatest , with a prohibition of all imperial power , ( with you it shall not be so ? ) § . but the next dectee casteth rome as low , as this over-raised it . if any one by money , or humane-favor , or by popular or military tumult , be inthroned in the apostolick seats , without the concordant and canonical election of the cardinals of that church , and then of the following religious clerks , let him not be accounted a pope , or apostolical , but apostatical . ] by which rome hath had so few popes indeed , and so many apostates , that it hath no shew of an uninterrupted succession to boast of . § . tit. . c. . he claimeth authority to absolve men from oaths , and all obligations made by the violence and constraint of bad men , and so absolveth the archbishop of triers . ( a wicked decree for perjury : ) ( as if in materia licita , a man that sweareth for fear , were not bound ? and as if , man had not free-will , when he is under fear ? ) § . c. . & . he decreeth that none can judge the pope , nor retract his judgments , nor judge of them , ( contrary to many general councils . ) he curseth from christ all that contemn the pope's opinions , mandates , interdicts , sanctions , decrees , &c. ● . . yet he saith that the church of rome may change , and mend its own mistakes and decrees , n. . ' tit. . c. . no custom may occasion the removal of any thing established by full papal authority . c. . other mens works approved or reprobate by the pope's decrees , must accordingly be judged , accepted or rejected . c. . they that have not the decrees are to be reproved , &c. § . tit. . he brings down emperors and kings sufficiently below the priests , confining them to temporal things , and not to judge of priests . tit. . he rebuketh the king for letting none be bishops but those that he liked , charging him to admit none at colen or triers , till the pope had notice . and before he told emperors , that they must take no care what kind of lords the priests be , but what they say of the lord ; nor to note what popes be , but what they do for correction of the churches ; for they are by constantine called gods , and god must not be judged of men , tit. . c. . he questions whether lotharius was to be called a king , because he was an adulterer . § . tit. . c. . he decreeth that no bishops be ordained , but by the election or consent of the clergy and people . c. . that primates and patriarchs have no priviledges above other bishops , but so much as the canons give , and ancient custom hath conferred . § . tit. . c. . is this , [ nullus missam presbyteri audiat , quem scit concubinam habere aut subintroductam mulierem . ] that is , let no one hear the mass of that presbyter , whom he knoweth undoubtedly to have a concubine , or a woman subintroduced . c. . if priests fall into the snare of fornication , and the act of the crime be manifest or shewed , they cannot have the honour of priesthood , according to the authority of canonical institution . ( yet our canons will condemn him that refuseth to take such an one for the guide of his soul , or to hear him . ) yet can. . he saith , that we must receive the sacrament from any priest how polluted soever , and by the judgment of how many bishops soever he be reprobated , because bad men administring good things , hurt none but themselves ; and all things are purged by faith in christ. tit. . lay-men must not judge of the lives of priests , nor so much as search into them . § . cclxiv . an. . a council at constantinople placed photius in the place of ignatius , ( of which before , and more anon ; ) ignatius is banished : we have not the history and reasons of the council . § . cclxv. an. . a council was called at tullum of the bishops of twelve provinces by king charles , where , besides other clergy-mens miscarriages , wenilo archbishop of sens , was accused of treasonable defection by the king. in which it's pity that bishops below the pope should have or pretend to the power which the king doth intimate in these words , bin. p. . [ from which my consecration or sublimity of kingdom , i ought not to be supplanted or cast down by any one , without the hearing and judgment of the bishops , by whose ministry i was consecrated king , and who are called the throne of god , in which god sitteth , and by whom he decreeth his judgments , to whose fatherly correptions , and castigatory iudgments , i was ready to subject my self , and at present am subject . ] you see here to what power over kings the common bishops ( as well as the pope ) were got , by pretence of representing christ , and of the power of the keys . § . cclxvi. an. . a council at constantinople condemned ignatius , and again confirmed photius , who with the emperor michael sent to the pope to satisfie him of all , and profess enmity to image-breakers . § . cclxvii . an. . in a council at confluence the five present kings of the french line came to an agreement . § . cclxviii . a general council was held at constantinople , an. . where bishops ( the same number that was at the first nicene council ) deposed ignatius , and setled photius , to which the pope's legates also subscribed , ( the papists say through fear ; ) so that it was papally confirmed . and yet here was much done for images . § . cclxix . the pope having condemned iohn archbishop of revenna who despised him , till the emperor forsook him , in a council at rome he submitted himself to the pope , and was reconciled . § . cclxx. an. . in another council at rome , pope nicolas condemned the heresie of the theopaschites , that ( they said , made the godhead to suffer ) it 's like it was cyril and the eutychians old verbal error by communication of titles . § . cclxxi. an. . a council is held at aquisgrane , in which king lotharius desireth counsel about his wife theutperge ; the bishops pronounce it his duty to put her away , she having confessed incest with her own brother , and allow him to marry waldrade , he professing himself unable to contain . the pope condemneth the action and them : the papists say this was but a forged pretence . i only note . if they would deliberately forge so heinous a thing on a queen , what heathens could be worse than such bishops ? . did the bishops of that age think that they were bound to obey the judgment of the pope , who thus opposed him ? § . cclxxii . an. . in another council in france ( in villa ad sublonarias ) the three kings again met for agreement . § . cclxxiii . lotharius appealing , desireth a council in france by the pope's consent : all the bishops of france and germany meet at metz , and the pope's legates with them : they and the legates also subscribe to the king's divorce , and to more , which the pope had before declared against : ( did bishops then think the pope infallible , or not to be opposed ? ) the papists say that the pope's legates were bribed . § . cclxxiv . an. . the pope calleth his own council at rome , and excommunicateth or curseth them all from christ , and deposeth them quantum in se. but yet offereth forgiveness to all , save two , if they will subject themselves to him . the bishops stand to it , that he cursed them unjustly : must all the kingdoms be thus ruled and confounded by one priest , till matters between a king and his wife be managed to his will and satisfaction ? § . cclxxv . in another council at rome , an. . the pope curseth his legates at constantinople with photius and gregory syracusanus , because they all crossed his will , which must everywhere bear rule . § . cclxxvi . in a council at senlis , hincmarus rhemensis got rhotaldus bishop of soissons deposed , and thrust into a monastery , and another put in his place , notwithstanding the pope's opposition , an. . § . cclxxvii . hereupon the pope , in a council at rome , condemneth this council at senlis , and decreeth , that unless hincmarus and the other bishops do within days restore rhotaldus , they shall be forbidden their ministery , and used as they used rhotaldus : but they did not obey him , but put it to the venture . and whereas the king had forbidden rhotaldus to go to rome , and the french bishops pleaded this as a just restraint , the pope answered , that no imperial laws must take place against ecclesiastical . and so it came to the question , whether the king or the pope was king of france , or had more power over the bodies of the subjects ? thus did the papacy ascend . § . cclxxviii . a council of bishops and lords together at pistis , made orders for repentance , and restraint of rapine and plunder , &c. an. . § . cclxxix an. . in a council at rome the pope deposed and excommunicated rodoaldus portuensis his legate , with ioh. hi●●densis , for joining with the synod at metz against his orders . § . cclxxx . in another council at rome , an. . the pope restoreth rhotaldus : for hincmarus at last let him out of prison , and let him go to rome , but would neither go nor send thither any legates himself , as the pope required , for his own and the synod's defence . § . cclxxxi . an. . a synod at soissons wrote to the pope about hincmarus , and against encouraging false ordinations , unless after privately confirmed , &c. § . cclxxxii . the pope was so busie and troublesom with the french bishops , making himself judge in matters that he knew not , and restoring those that they deposed , that an. . a synod at tr●cas wrote to inform him of all that had passed for years ; how ebbo and his synod of bishops had slandered and deposed the emperor ludovicus pius , and how he did it to please lotharius ; and when ludovicus was restored how he fled ; and when ludovicus was dead how lotharius with the base temporizing bishops restored him , and after he had been condemned and resigned his place , returned to the exercise of it and ordained divers ; and how upon the prevailing of charles against lotharius he was cast out again : and how after lotharius got the pope to appoint the hearing of all again when he was condemned , and how after this he was made a bishop in germany , and rhemes was ten years ruled by two presbyters , and how the pope paschal chose this traytor to preach to the heathens near him , and how hincmarus was chosen , &c. as aforesaid . such trouble did a vsurper put the churches to . * § . platina saith that some say that after the death of pope nicolas the place was void eight years , seven months and nine dayes : but others say that it was void but seven dayes : so uncertain is the papal history of succession . the next that we find inthroned is haedrian d . § . michael at constantinople having been long ruled much by bardas ( who was for photius ) at last giving up himself to drunkenness and other sins , by the perswasion of basilius he killed bardas , and made basilius caesar : and after a while his vice gave basilius the opportunity to kill the emperor when he was drunk . see dion . petavius hist. li. . chap. . yet this basilius washed his hands and made many protestations that he had no hand in his blood . this made for the popes advantage : women and rebels and traytors and discordant princes did much in raising him . this regicide emperor , as a second phocas finds it useful to quiet his party by a change countenanced by the bishop of rome : and so he sets himself against photius and sets up ignatius again ; and searching photius's servants , finds a book written of the acts of the late great council at constantinople , which was for him and against ignatius , and a defence of that council against the bishop of rome , in which he dealt severely with the pope . this book the new emperor sends to the pope , and there it is read , stampt upon , stab'd with a knife , and openly burnt ( and a miracle is said to be at the burning of it , some drops of rain that fell , not quenching the fire , but increasing it . ) but their calling photius a knave and burning his books , and condemning the council that was for him , will hardly keep the readers of his yet-preserved learned writings from suspecting that the popes cause was not unquestionable , or at least , that the pope was not taken for the universal vice-christ when photius and his council did so little regard him . no wonder then if the acts of a great council when they were against the pope are called [ nesandissimi conciliabuli prophanat a volumina , quibus sanctissimum papam nicolaum susur●â fauce latraverat . ] yet our new papists would make men believe that none but a few hereticks refused subjection to the pope before luther . were these councils hereticks ? § . here the emperor basilius was put to a hard strait about his bishops : he wrote to the pope ( vid. bin. p. . . ) that almost all his bishops had miscarried , both those ordained by photius and those ordained by ignatius : they had turned with the times not knowing how the times would turn , and incurred such guilt that he desired the pope to pardon them , lest he should want bishops : silencing one party would not serve turn , while all had been so far guilty . [ tum à sanctissimo patriarcha ignatio consecrati secundum scripturae suae confessionem in veritate non permanserunt ; nec non et de his summis sacerdot ibus atque abbatibus qui diversimodè scripserunt , quorum alii vi vel tyrannide , alii verò simplicitate aut levit ate , quidam verò seductione et versutiis , quidam verò muneribus et honoribus diversimodè decepti sunt — imò verò dicendum est quod pene omnes sacrati , tam priores quam posteriores qui sub nobis sunt , malè , et ut non opportebat , tractati sunt — quatenus non ecclesiae nostrae summis sacerdotibus et sacerdotibus , qui sub omni regimine nostro sunt , commune occurrat naufragium , propemodum universis illis de falsis et impotabilibus gustantibus iniquitatis rheumatibus . super his itaque postulamus compatientissimum sacerdotium tuum , ut manum porrig at humanitatis et eorum dispenset salutem , &c. saith basilius ibid. § . here also another difficulty arose ( as there ever doth in ravelled works . ) the pope had been against hincmarus and his council for deposing the bishops ordained by ebbo . and yet to subdue the greeks he was for the deposing of those ordained by photius . this made him seem contrary to himself : anastasius bibliothecarius ( who then lived and was employed at constantinople in this matter ) to reconcile the contradiction , saith that ebbo was a true bishop , but photius was not , because he was a lay-man before his consecration ; and therefore his ordinations are nullities . this nullifying of ordinations maketh great disturbances in the church . the present bishops of england require those that were heretofore ordained by parochial pastors to be re-ordained , and on this and such other accounts about were silenced at one day ( aug. . . ) the silenced nonconformists do some of them say that the bishops have much less than photius to shew for their authority to ordain . he had learning , he had the emperors authority for him : he had lawfull bishops to ordain him ; he had a great council or two to approve him and confirm him : and though he was a lay-man before , so is every one when he cometh to his first ordination . and though he was made bishop per saltum , so was nectarius , thalasius , ambrose , &c. and every uncanonical irregularity nullifieth not the ordination . it hath been ordinary for deacons to be made popes : and is not that per saltum ? why doth not that interrupt and nullifie the papaci● ? but , say they , on this account . romes succession is long agoe interrupted : there having been far greater incapacities in simonists , common adulterers , perjured , rebels , hereticks , infidels , ( as councils have judged . ) . and ( they say ) that so the english prelates are no bishops , being chosen by the king , and wanting that choice of the clergy and people , which the canons have over and over again made necessary to the validity of ordinations , are more null than those of photius : and therefore we owe them ( as such ) no obedience nor communion . ] thus our nullifyings and condemnings proceed till most men have degraded if not unchristened one another . and he that is on the stronger side carrieth it , till death or some other change confute his claim , and then the other side gets up and condemneth him as he condemned them . and thus hath the church long suffered by damning divines , and domineering or censorious judges . § . by the restoring of ignatius , the pope got to himself the reputation of some supremacy , and obliged a party to him ; which however it was not the greatest at the first , would be greatest when ignatius his supremacy had advanced it : and with them he got the reputation of being just , indeed photius seeming to possess the seat of one that was injuriously deposed by the meer will of the prince , without sufficient cause . § . pope hadrian . ( epist. . ad ignat. const. ) directeth ignatius to forgive many others , but none of those that subscribed to photius his great council at constantinople , because they reproached the pope of rome ; where you may see . how dangerous it was then to be in a general council , when , if they please not the strongest , they are ruined : and if they do , it 's like enough the next age will damn them for it . . how much more dangerous is it for a council to be against the pope , than to be guilty of many other crimes ; and how unpardonable it is . § . cclxxxiii . an. . besides the popes roman synod that damned photius and his book and const ▪ council , there was a council at worms , which repealed many old canons , of which the th . is , that if bishops shall excommunicate any wrongfully or for light cause and not restore them , the neighbour bishops shall take such to their communion till the next synod . the . canon is , that because in monasteries there are thieves that cannot be found , when the suspected purge themselves , they shall receive the sacrament of christ's body and blood , thereby to shew that they are innocent . ] but this canon the papists are ashamed of . the . canon alloweth presbyters ( yea all christians ) to anoint the sick , because the bishops hindered with other business cannot go to all the sick . ] this intimateth that even then the diocesses were not so great as ours that have one or many counties , else other reason would have been given why the bishop could not visit all the sick , than his hindering businesses : would the bishop , e. g. of lincoln say , i would visit all the sick in lincolnshire , northamptonshire , leicestershire , hun●ingtonshire , rutlandshire , hartfordshire , bedfordshire , buckinghamshire , which are in my diocess , but that i am hindered by other business ? who would take this for the words of a sober man ? § . cclxxxiv . an. , was that constantinopolitan council which the papists ( damning some other● ) call the th . and the th . general council ended an. . in which but bishops condemned photius and setled ignatius , by the means of the emperor basilius and the pope , who had before restored him . here in act. . the bishops that had followed photius , took the old course , and when they saw all turned cryed peccavimus and craved pardon , and themselves called photius , such a villain as there had never been the like . ( bin. p. , ) they said they sinned through fear and so were forgiven . act. . some bishops that had turned , who were ordained by methodius , were required to subscribe to a form proposed ; but they told them that the late times had so vexed men with heinous subscriptions , that they had made a covenant or vow to make no more subscriptions but what they had done already , and the profession of their faith ( like nonconformists ) and desired to be received on such terms without their new subscription . act. . the bishops of photius's party ordained by him were examined . and act. . photius himself , who would not enter till constrained , and then professed as in imitation of christ to give them no answer to what they asked him ; and is in vain exhorted to repentance . act. . many of the photian bishops repented and were pardoned : others pretended that they had subscribed and sworn to photius , where zachar. calcedon . shewed that the canons were above the patriarchs . here basilius the emperor made a notable speech to exhort the bishops to repentance , offering himself to lay by his honour and to lie on the earth , and let them tread on him confessing his sin , and asking mercy . act. . photius is again brought in , ( and his staff that he leaned on taken from him ) and he denyed to defend himself and to repent , but bid them repent . the bishops of heraclea , &c. rejected the legates , and pronounced them anathematized that should anathematize photius , and appealed to the canons . act. . they censured a bishop that was against images . act. . they examined some great men that had ●worn against ignatius , who confest they had sworn falsely for ●ear of the princes ; but leo would not damn or curse photius , because he thought the orthodox were not to be cursed . the th . act. containeth the canons which they made ; of which the copies greatly differ . § . the d. canon saith that [ they ordain that the image of christ be worshiped with the same honour as the gospels ; as teaching that by colours , which the gospel doth by words : saying , [ whoever adores not the image of our saviour shall not see his face at his second coming : adding [ by the same reason we venerate and adore the image of the blessed virgin and the holy angels , as the scripture describeth them , and of all the saints . they that think otherwise , let them be cursed from christ. ] can. . they anathematize photius because he did excommunicate and anathematize the pope , and all that communicated with him . can. . no excommunicate men are allowed to make images . can. . is too good for the devil to let the church enjoy viz. [ that whereas it is reported that not only the heretical and usurpers , but some orthodox patriarchs also for their own security , have made men subscribe ( to be true to them ) the synod judgeth that it shall be so no more , save only that men when they are made bishops be required as usual to declare the soundness of their faith : he that violateth this sanction let him be deprived of his honour . the th can. condemneth them that hold , that man hath two souls ( which they say photius favoured ) and cursed them from christ. the th . can. tells us what men these bishops were , and what they sought . it is [ that all that are made bishops bearing on earth the person and form of the celestial hierarchy , shall with all veneration be worshiped by all princes and subjects : and we will not have them to go far from the church to meet any commanders of the army or any nobles , nor to light from their horses like supplicants or abjects that feared them , nor to fall down or petition them ; if any bishop hereafter shall neglect his due honour , or break this canon , or permit it to be done , he shall be seperated for a year from the sacrament ; and that prince , duke , or captain two years . the . can. princes as prophane men be not spectators of that which holy persons do , and therefore councils be held without them . either i understand them not , or it is in despite of truth that they say [ vnde nec alias reperimus oecumenicis conciliis unquam interfuisse : neque enim fas est ut prophani principes , rerum quae sacris hominibus gerundae sunt , gerunturve , spectatores fiant . ] binnius noteth [ ex praescripto nempe canonum ] turning an assertion de facto into one de jure , and an universal into a particular , by which licence of expounding what lye or blasphemy may not be justified ! and why then have so many thousand been cursed from christ by councils for unskilfulness in words ? § . the th . can. secureth the bishops admirably in despite of the old reforming honest canons decreeing that [ a lay-man ( not excepting kings or parliaments ) shall have no power to dispute by any reason of ecclesiastical sanctions , or to oppose the universal church or any general synod ; for the difficulty of these things , and agitating them on both sides , is the office of patriarchs , priests and doctors , to whom only god hath given power of binding and loosing . for though a lay-man exceì in the praise of piety and wisdom , yet he is a lay-man and a sheep and not a pastor . but a bishop though it be manifest that he is destitute of all virtue of religion , yet he is a pastor as long as he exerciseth the office of a bishop , and the sheep must not resist the shepherd . ] o brave doctrine for the roman kingdom ! a heathen , or infidel , or mahometan , or arrian bishop must not be opposed : he that is no christian may be a bishop . how much to be blamed were the general councils that deposed popes for infidelity , diabolism , heresie , simony , perjury , blasphemy , sodomie , fornication , murders , &c. when a pope that hath all these , and no virtue of religion , is not to be judged by lay-men , or opposed . q. . may a prince save his crown from such ? . may a man save his wife from such , or a woman refuse their copulation , or defend her chastity against them ? . what if such are drunk in the pulpit , are the people bound to be silently submissive ? . why did pope nicholas decree that none should hear mass from a priest that liveth in fornication ? . are priests above kings , or are they lawless ? yet this very synod of bishops in their epistle to pope hadrian sayes [ cui con●ictae synodo , qui tum imperitabant , michael et basilius noster , praesidebant , ] and basilius and baanes were now among them . and many princes , especially in france and spain have made strict laws to amend the bishops . § . one of the decrees of this council was that photius should not be called a christian. bin. p. . col. . yet the apostle saith of the rejected ; account him not as an enemy , but admonish him as a brother . thes. . § . in bin. p. . is an epistle of pope stepheus to the emperor basilius which containeth the radical doctrine of all the bishops rebellion and pride , viz. that princes are only appointed for the things of the body or this life , and prelates and priests for the matters of the soul and life eternal , and therefore that the prelates empire is more excellent than the princes , as heaven is above earth . [ quandoquidem verbis quae ad usum vitae , id est , rerum praesentium pertinent , imperium a deo traditum est , ita nobis per principem apostolorum petrum , rerum divinarum procuratio est commissa : accipe quaeso in optimam partem quae subjicio * — haec sunt capita curaeque principis imperii vestri . nostri verò cura gregis tanto praestantior est , quanto altior est terra quàm coelum , audi dominum — tu es petrus — de vestro imperio verò quid dicit — nolite timere eos qui corpus occidunt — obtestor igitur tuam pietatem ut principum apostolorum instituta sequare , magna veneratione prosequare . omnium enim in orbe terrarum , omnis or do et pontificatus ecclesiarum , à principe apostolorum petro originem et authoritatem acceperunt . ( o horrid falshood , as before confuted ! ) § . yet this council in breviar . in bin. p. . determine of the pope , that being but one patriarch , he cannot absolve one that is condemned by the other many patriarchs . § . laying all together i cannot perceive by historical notice , but that both ignatius and photius were both better bishops than most were to be found ; the first being a very pious man , and the other also a man of great learning and diligence . but the old contention who should be chief or greatest , made them both the great calamity of the church . i think it not in vain here to transcribe part of the summ of the life of ignatius as written by nicetas , david , paphlago who was devoted to him , though somewhat said already be repeated . ignatius ( being of the blood royal ) was in quiet possession , when denying entrance or church communion to bardas caesar for his reported adultery , he provoked that indignation in him which deposed him . bardas first perswaded the emperor michael to assume the government and not leave the empire any longer to his mother and sisters . one gebo then pretending to be the son of queen theodora , and claiming the crown , and many following him , ignatius is accused as being then on gebo's side , the emperor commandeth ignatius to shear his mother and sisters , and put them into a monastery : he refuseth : the emperor is angry and suspecting him , causeth it to be done by others , and sendeth ignatius to the island terebinth and killeth gebo . within three dayes some of the bishops who had subscribed and sworn to ignatius , even that they would sooner deny the supream majesty of the trinity , than without a publick damnation they would suffer their pastor to be deposed , became agents to draw him to renounce his place . &c. he refusing , photius is made one day a monk , the next day a lector , the next a subdeacon , the next a deacon , the next a presbyter , and on christs birth-day is made patriarch ; a great and noble courtier , the emperors secretary or privy councellor , famous for skill in things politick and civil , so flourishing in the skill of grammar , poetry , oratory , philosophy , physick , and the study of almost all liberal arts and sciences , as that he was absolutely in them the prince of his age , yea , and might contend with the ancients . for he had a confluence of natural aptitude and force , of felicity , riches , by which he got a library of all sorts of books ; and being desirous of glory and praise , spent whole nights in sleepless studies , and after studied divinity , and ecclestical volumes . gregorius bishop of syracuse ( a censured bishop ) ordained him : ignatius is cruelly used , and it s laid on photius : he sendeth some bishops to rome , and by them saith , that ignatius gave up his place . it 's said that some held ignatius's hand , and by force wrote his mark , and others wrote the rest : but what 's the truth is hard to know . a general council is called : the emperor and all his princes , great ones , and almost all the city met at photiu●'s possession . baanes and some of the baser of the romans are sent to summon ignatius to the council , ( bin. p. . ) he asketh them in what garbs he shall come . they take time and the next day say , rhodoaldus and zacharias legates of old rome by us summon thee without delay to appear at the holy oecumenical council in what habit thou wilt according to thy own conscience . he goeth in patriarchs habit . the emperor commands him in the habit of a monk. no less than seventy two witnesses are brought into the synod against him , nobles and vulgar ; nic●tas saith perjured , of whom leo and theodotacius two noble men were chief ; and some anabaptists ( that is , such as baptized men again , though not against infant baptism . ) these swore that ignatius , not justly ordained , had twelve years ago usurped the place . and alas ! there wanted not a canon which would depose a great part of the bishops of the world , viz. that called the th . apost . and oft renewed . if any bishop using the secular power do by them obtain a church , let him be deposed . ] they left out [ and those that communicate with him ] for which nicetas accuseth the bishops as falsly saving themselves . and alas ! must all the ministers in england be deposed that communicate with any bishop that gets a church by the secular power ? what a separation than must here be made . and would not this canon depose photius also ? the popes legates , bishops , rhodoceldus and zacharias , aliique nefarii homines saith nicetas , cryed down ignatius as vnworthy ; then they beat and odiously abuse the good old man : and then cometh the foresaid forced subscribed confession ( or forged . ) after this it s said that they sent men to kill him ; but by old base cloaths and two baskets on his back , he past away unknown , begging his bread by the way . nicetas saith that an earthquake shook the city fourty dayes together , and frightned them to send abroad and proclaim security to ignatius , who thereupon surrendered himself . bardas convinced sendeth him safe to his own monastery , and the earthquake ceased ; and the bulgarians moved by famine and the emperor's gifts , laid down armes and were baptized christians . pope nicholas excommunicateth photius , and the emperor and all the court. ( bin. p. . ) a fire befals the church of sophia . the young emperor groweth so drunken and prophane that he gets a pack of wicked ungodly men , and maketh them in mockery or play his bishops , and consecrateth a church for them , and maketh one theophilus a jester their patriarch , to turn religion into a scorn , and then saith [ theophilus is my patriarch , photius is caesars , and ignatius is the christians . ] and thus they by prophane witt derided the bishops and religion itself , to which alas , the bishops ambition and odious strife did tend . photius was silent at all this . another earthquake frightned them again , the terriblest for a day and a night that had been there known . upon this one basilius a bishop of thesalonica went boldly to the emperor and opened the sin of his prophaneness disswading him from that wickedness that provoked god. the emperor enraged struk out his teeth , and caused him to be so scourged that he was like to dye . photius cared for none of this , set his mind on the securing his seat and oppressing ignatius , magnifying all that tooke his part , and encouraging false stories and calumnies against the best that were against him . one of the betrayers and accusers of ignatius was one of his disciples , and of his own name , made arch-bishop of hierapolis , and then lost his conscience and fidelity . ( bin. p. . ) it was but for presuming to consecrate an altar , cast down by the russians and new built , which was taken after his deposition for a breach of the law and canons , and two arch-bishops , ( ready at all times ) were sent to pull down the altar as nonconformable , and to carry the stones to the sea , and wash them , and then to set them up again . o that they would have washt their hearts from pride and worldly ambition ! oh , saith nicetas , what stupidity , what pravity of a perverse mind was this ? what excess of envy ? what study of ambitious dishonesty ? did thy daily meditation and night-watches , and innumerable books teach thee this ? did thy frequent reading and disputation , and striving for the praise of learning teach it thee ? did the knowledge of the old testament and the new , the sayings of the wise , the decrees of the holy fathers , teach thee to persecute a poor man , and to vex and kill one of a broken heart and spirit ? did not thy tyranical ejection of him satiate the implacable fury of thy mind , & c ? thus nicetas . as much as to say , much learning , and great power and places , are too often separated from honesty , charity and conscience . here he mentioneth a terrible dream of bardas , and the murder of him by basilius's order , and the emperor's consent ; and how basely photius cryed him down when he was dead , who was his onely friend and patron while he lived . next he tells us how the emperor , by photius's persuasion , called a general council , which deposed pope nicolas , as he had done phocas * . the other patriarchs and the bishops were assembled , and the pope anathematized : and the historian blames it as causless ; but it was then commonly held , that a council might judge and depose any patriarch . the acts of the council photius sent to king ludovicus and others in italy and france , that they might depose the pope ( by two bishops , viz. of calcedon , and laodicea . ) it 's said he spake evil to the emperor of basilius , and to basilius of the emperor . basilius murdereth the emperor , and the next day deposeth photius , and thrusts him into an hospital , and calls home ignatius ; and so gets ignatius's party on his side , to which he resolved to add the pope : therefore sending to photius for the patriarchate writings , and he saying he had left them all behind him , the servants of photius were seen striving about seven bags of sealed papers ; which being surprized , were found to be the acts of the council , and the condemnation of pope nicolas . ignatius was odiously accused and abused in them . many pictures made of him : over one written diabolus : over another principium peccati : over another filius perditionis : over another avaritia simonis magi : over another , [ qui se extollit supra omne id quod dicitur aut colitur deus : ] over the sixth , abominatio desolationis : and over the seventh , [ antichristus . ] reader , how shall a man know what history to believe that characterizeth adversaries ? and how little is the judgment and applause of man to be regarded , or their condemnation of us to be feared ? i would not ( saith nicetas ) mention these things , but that i see the authors and their followers own them , and make photius a holy man. the next part of the book , saith nicetas , [ synodicus in nicol●● um pontificem romanum tela torquebat , omnisque generis calumnias & atrocia maledicta , in illius sancti exauctorationem & damnationem complectebatur , impie ut tragico prope modo concinuitatus , sane quoque ipsius stygii doctoris magisterio & photii ministerio dignus . gregory , bishop of syracuse , wrote them out , and sent them to the king of france . who wrote truly , and who falsly , how should we now know ? but this i know , . that contending who should be greatest was the sin of the prelates , and the plague of the churches . . and that then it was taken for granted , that the pope deserving it might be deposed . the new emperor basil sent these books to the pope , who burnt them as you have heard ( great reason : but i would we saw them ! ) ignatius being restored , excommunicateth photius , and all that were initiated by him , and all that communicated with him . ( it seems they were much alike in the art of damning men , and separating them from christ. ) then is ignatius's council called , where bishops damn photius , depose him , and curse him from christ ; and the bishops , to shew their holiness and constancy , would not write his damnation with ink , but with christ's own blood ; ( that is , the sacramental wine . ) ( and yet ere long they set up photius again . ) nicetas blameth his condemners , that went not so far as to prevent his restoration . but how can bishops rule god's providence , or the mutable minds of princes ! saith he , [ nam qui per reconciliatos erat ejectus , & per hypocritas damnatus , is per eosdem quasi familiares postliminio recurrens , rursus patriarchae thronum per vim invasit — cum omnes in sua testimonia & chirographa perjuros , ut ipse erat , fieri coegisset , ut extrema primis deteriora fecisset , omnium conscientias inquinavit & conspurcavit . ] alas ! if the bishops will be perjured weathercocks , and , as hypocrites , cry peccavimus one year , and go contrary again the next , and change as princes do , who can help it ? he saith now , new earthquakes and terrible whirlwinds did again afright men . he giveth us also many of ignatius's miracles , especially when he was dead . he saith photius prosecuted him with malice when he was dead . he next tells us how after the death of ignatius , photius came to be restored ; even by feigning a pedegree of basilius as from the king of armenia , sound by his skill in antiquities ; and by his great parts and elegancy winning upon him . he maketh theophanes the instrument of the deceit . he won the hearts of all the courtiers : so that within three days of ignatius's death he was restored . hereupon the bishops turn round , and they that lately called him all that 's naught , now magnifie him , ( bin. p. . ) but all that nicetas calleth verè christianos , abhorred him . ( this maketh me remember the words of erasmus in the life of dr. colet translated by thomas smyth , concerning the bishop of london that then was ) being an acute schoolman , [ i have known , saith he , some such that i would not call knaves , but never any that i could call a christian . ] sad prelates that nicetas ( and erasmus ) could not call christians . but the ambition of photius tempted them to their mutability : he cast out the bishops that were against him , and presently forgave and restored them if they would but conform . yea , he dared to re-ordain those that ignatius had ordained , supposing him no bishop ; but abhorring all that stopt him in it . but he proceeded to consecrate anew the church-utensils , and say over certain prayers ( if , saith nicetas , they be not rather to be called curses . ] and ( saith he ) to make his sin out of measure sinful , when he ordained or preferred any , or changed bishopricks , he made them conform by swearing and subscribing to him ; thereby binding all to him whom by benefices he obliged * . so much out of nicetas . § . and now reader , i leave it to thy judgment , whether gregory nazianzen knew not what he said , when he wisht there were no [ higher and lower ] among bishops ; and when he spake so much of their ambition , levity and temerity , and of the evil effects of their councils in his time . whether patriarchal dignity was not a great temptation , when to the son of a prince on one side , and to the great and noble secretary of the emperor on the other side , it seemed a prize worth the striving for to the death ? and whether it have not been the calamity of the church , when two such extraordinary men , far above the common rank of bishops , shall set an empire and almost all the christian churches into schism , contention , mutual persecution and confusion , by so long striving who shall be greatest ? and drawing so many hundred bishops into faction , schism , perjury , and shameful mutations with them ? and whether christ did not ( foreseeing such things ) far otherwise decide this question , who shall be greatest ? in luke . but if pride turned angels into devils , it is not much to be wondered , if it turn the angels of the churches into the ministers of the prince of pride and darkness , and turn many churches into a theatre of contention , and a field of war. § . yet here is one thing further to be noted , viz. the foresaid contention that rose about the bulgarians . these two great patriarchs of rome and constantinople , were neither of them yet great enough , or satisfied with their jurisdiction , their desires being more boundless than alexander's for the empire ; nothing less than all the world will satisfie one of them at least . nicetas saith , it was by famine , and a treaty , and kind words of the emperor , that the bulgarians turned christians . some papists would give the honour to the pope , without proof , and cannot tell us any thing how the pope converted them . but when they were converted , they sent to rome for some instructors : the 〈…〉 them two , and they received them . but they put the case themselves to the council at constantinople , whether they were to be under the bishop of rome , or of constantinople ? the matter held a great debate . the pope's legates pleaded , that they had already received bishops from rome , &c. the greeks pleaded , that their countrey was part of the empire , and under the bishop of constantinople , till they conquered it ; and that they found there greek churches and bishops , who were still there , and the conquest did not translate them from the bishop of constant. to rome . how the controversie ended is hard to know : some say that the council gave them to the pope , and some say otherwise . but this is confessed , that this roman ambition so greatly displeased the new emperor basilius , that it turned him after against the pope , and inclined him the more to restore photius , which he did when ignatius was dead . § . here i would call the reader to consider , whether the pope's universal government was in those days believed ? even by that council which was supposed to be partial ( by the emperor's inducement ) on the pope's side . what place else could there be for such a strife , whether the bulgarians were under the government of the bishop of rome , or constantinople ; if all the world were under the bishop of rome ? they will say that it was only questioned , whose diocess or patriarchate they were under ? but rome never pretended that they were of that diocess or patriarchate as anciently divided . but the question was , whose government they were now fallen under ? and would any dispute whether e. g. westminster were under the government of the king , or of the lord mayor of london ? when all the kingdom is under the king. this controversie clearly sheweth , that the church then took the pope to have but the first seat and voice in councils , but not to be the governor beyond his circuit . § . it is here also to be noted , that basil the emperor's revolt from the pope was so great , that hadrian is put to write sharply to him as accusing the bishops of rome , and derogating from them , admonishing him to repent ; but we find not that this changed his mind . § . yet one thing more is here to be observed . in the life of hadrian the d ( bin. p. . ) we find that the pope taking the advantage of basil's present state and mind , and the interest of ignatius much depending on him , sent a new libel to be subscribed by all the bishops , before they should be permitted to sit in council . the greek bishops grudged at this , and complained to the emperor , [ that the church of constantinople by these offered libels , was brought under the power of rome , by the doubtfulness of subscriptions . ] but though flebiliter conqueruntur , they complain with tears , the emperor was angry with them , and would have it ; and some bishops non sine magno laboris periculo , libellos quidem vix tandem recipiunt , with much ado were brought to subscribe , saying , it was novum & inauditum . the refusers extra synodum inglorii relicti sunt , were shut out till they conformed : ( oh! that inglorii was a cutting word . ) § . the emperor hiding his anger against the pope's legates ( for the bulgarian usurpation ) gave them great gifts , and sent them home . but at sea they fell into the hands of the sclavonians , who stripped them of their riches , and the subscriptions and copy of the council , and kept them prisoners , and threatned their lives : but by the mediation of the emperor and pope , they were delivered , and had some of their writings again . § . cclxxxv . an. . carolus calvus king of france , unjustly possessed the kingdom of lotharius , which by inheritance fell to ludovicus . ludovicus got the pope to interpose , who sent his legates to charles : but the bishops had not yet learned to obey popes against kings in power . a council of bishops called at metz , give the kingdom to charles , because he was the stronger . this was called concilium praedatorium , a council of robbers and traytors : and no wonder , when bishops must be the givers of kingdoms . was it not enough for the pope , to usurp such power , to be over kings , and dispose of crowns , but ordinary bishops must do the like ? § . cclxxxvi . yet another council against the pope . king charles had authorized northman , a great man , to receive some goods that were taken to belong to the church . the pope commandeth hincmarus , bishop of rhemes , and the rest of the bishops of france , to excommunicate northman . hincmarus and the bishops refuse to obey him , only one hincmarus bishop of laon , ( laudunum ) obeyeth him , and publisheth the excommunication . a council is called at werm●ria , where hincmarus rhem. and the bishops ( the king consenting ) condemn hincmarus laudunensis , for disobeying his metropolitan , in obeying the pope . he appeals to rome : they will not let him go . he writeth . hiucmarus rhem. writeth largely against him , ( though his nephew ) shewing how he broke the canons , how bad a man he was ; how he had neglected his own charge , left children unbaptized , and for private quarrels excommunicated his flock , and had silenced and suspended the ministers under him tyranically , &c. reader , was the pope's power yet fully received , when a metropolitan was to be obeyed before him , and men condemned for obeying him ? § . cclxxxvii . yet more sorrow . an. . a council is called in villa a●tiniaco ( attigny ) i will give you the story in the very words of binnius translated , [ when hincmarus bishop of laon , for the cause in the foresaid council expressed , had got the rescript of pope adrian on his behalf , and had notified it to hincmarus rhemensis , and to king charles ; both of them , in hatred to the bishop of laon , decreed , that this synod , called latrocinalis * , should be called . there presided in it , remigius lugdunensis * , ardovicus vesontiensis , bertulsus trevirensis , with their subject bishops , herein hincmarus rhemensis , with king charles , was the accuser of his nephew hincmarus , whom he had before consecrated bishop of laon. the action brought against him was , that he had by counter-writings defended the rights of the apostolick seat , which the archbishop of rhemes did endeavor to impugn and overthrow * . and that , contrary to his oath of fidelity in which he was bound to the king , he had accused king charles to the pope of rome , and had without his licence sent forth writings against him . and when hincmarus laudunensis , at the pope's command , was ready for his journey to rome , he was taken and spoiled by his enemies , and brought into this false council . having heard the foresaid complaints against him , he offered a libel for his defence ; but it was rejected , and not permitted to be read : of which when he again appealed to the apostolick seat , they did not only not accept of his appeal , but also being prostrate on the ground , and pleading for leave to defend himself , he was not heard . passing sentence on him , they deposed him from his bishoprick : and binding him in hard and iron bands , they cast him into banishment : and at last , which passeth all cruelty , his eyes pulled out ; they perhaps blinded him that he might have no hope of returning to his bishoprick . ] so far binnius . and is it credible that such great and holy men as remigius , and hincmarus ( even to his own nephew set up by him ) would do such things as these for nothing ? or that the pope was then as high as since ? § . cclxxxviii . a council at colen , an. . for discipline . § . cclxxxix . an. . a concil , duzianse was called of ten provinces : where hincmar , laudun , subscribed a promise of obedience to the king and his metropolitan . but this did not save him : therefore he appealed to the pope again , who interposed for him , but all would not do , nor serve his turn . § . here falls in again the great controversie of pope ioan a woman , but it is too hard for me to decide . he that will see what is said on each side , may read blondel before cited . iohn the th is he that now reigneth , whom some late writers are willing to believe some called pope ioan in scorn for his failings . but he is after benedict the d , nicolas , and hadrian the d ; whereas the fere omnes , saith platina , the many writers that mention pope ioan place her before them all . and they make iohn to be a better man than these later do . platina calling him iohn the th , saith , that carolus calvus being dead , pope iohn laboured to have his son ludovicus succeed him ; but the great men of rome were for charles king of germany , and therefore laid hold on the pope , and put him in bonds in prison ( his universal sovereignty reached not far then . ) but he escaping by the help of friends , fled into france to the king , whom he unjustly pleaded for , ( ludovicus balbus , ) and there anointed him . § . before this the pope had anointed carolus calvus emperor , unjustly confirming what the bishops had unjustly done , as now he did unjustly stand for his son. this contention among princes , was the means of the pope's power . hear what binnius himself saith of him , pag. . [ the saracens now depopulated almost all italy , and all humane help failed in which the pope trusted to expel them ; and he was fain to buy peace of them by a yearly tribute : which seemed to come by the righteous judgment of god , that he might know that by the ill persuasion of carnal prudence , he had sinfully chosen , created and crowned carolus calvus emperor , because he looked for more help against the saracens from him , than from his brother ludovicus ; whom , for invading another man's kingdom , he should rather by church-censure have exagitated , as hadr. d . did . ] but when pope iohn had stay'd a year in france , and the saracens mastered italy without help , he was glad to be friends with the great men that imprisoned him , and to return to rome , and take charles for emperor , after all . yet is it noted as the rare honour and felicity of this pope , that he crowned three emperors , though he did it for two of them trayterously and unjustly , ( the honour of a pope ! ) platina saith , he crowned charles the rightful heir , quo ei liberius in urbe vivere liceret , that he might live at rome again ( lest he should lose all . ) this charles ( saith he ) also subdued the normans in france and ●orrain , and forced them to become christians , and be baptized : ( and yet this is ascribed to the pope's converting them . ) § . this same pope iohn the th , also at the desire of the emperor basil , and the patriarch of ierusalem , consented to the restoring of photius , contrary , saith binnius , to the decree of his predecessors , and of a general council , and of all their oaths . § . but what are oaths to a dispensing pope ? saith baronius and binnius . in his time ludov. . the emperor was compelled by a●algisus , duke of benevent , to swear that he would never more invade his confines , nor revenge his wrongs : but the pope absolved him from this oath , by the authority of god and st. peter , affirming that which he did to save his life , was no hurt to him , and that it was not to be called an oath , which was made against the good of the commonwealth , by how many curses soever it was pronounced . bin p. . § . there are no less than epistles of this pope inserted by binnius in his councils . the th is to plead with the emperor , to forgive and restore modelgerus a murderer ; and will you hear the motive ? he had fled to rome , and thereby merited pardon ; nam pro tanti itineris labore durissimo , quem veniendo perpessus est , sicut credimus , aliquantulùm de peracto scelere indulgentiam meruit , ejus utique intercessionibus adjutus cui dictum esse à domino constat , tibi dabo claves , &c. accordingly epist. . he writes to the bishop to restore him all his goods and dignities , though it was contrived murder , because god inspired him to go to rome , &c. § . many of his epistles are to summon bishops to come to rome , and declare or threaten excommunication against them if they come not ; such an abused thing was excommunication , by which the pope made men his subjects . epist. , , , . he striveth to draw back the king of the bulgarians from the greek church , to the church of rome , and denounceth excommunication even to old ignatius , and all the greek bishops of the diocess of bulgaria , for ordaining and officiating there , unless they give up the bulgarians to rome . epist. . he writes to the said king , as if he were fallen from christ , or his salvation lost , by submitting to the greek patriarch , rather than to him ; as if the converts of no apostles but peter were saved , and tibi dabo claves , and anathema's , now are the two words that must subdue the world . the epist. . to the bulgarian nobles , and epist. . are to the same purpose . as the religion of saints tends all to heaven , so did these popes to the advancement of their kingdom . and whereas we now take it justly for a suspicious ●ign of a proud hypocritical preacher , that envieth the auditory and esteem of such as are preferred before him , as if other mens preaching might not win souls , as well as his ; these popes could not endure the crossing of their ambition , when kingdoms took not them for their lords . epist. . is to justifie a man that baptized his own child in danger of death , for which anselm bishop of lemovic . judged him to be separated from his wife . were not these two bishops judicious casuists ? was either of them in the right ? after many other epistles , striving with and for the bulgarians , as belonging to his diocess , he epist. . chideth methodius archbishop of pannonia , for turning from his laws , and in special for celebrating divine service in the sclavonian tongue , which is barbarous , commanding him to do it only in latine or greek . you see how the pope would edifie the barbarians if he be their pastor . this is the first papal decree that i remember against publick prayers in a known tongue . but , alas ! his neighbour italian bishops had not yet fully learnt the extent of his authority : sending for many bishops on pain of excommunication to wait on him , and to obey him , old auspertus archbishop of milan was one that disobeyed him ; and being forbidden to officiate by him , conformed not to his silencing and suspending decree , but went on in his office as a nonconformist . the pope sent two bishops as legates to admonish him : he kept them at the dore , and set light by their message ; for which the pope chideth him , epist. . epist. . he flattereth king ludovicus to come to rome and own him , in hope that he may be emperor and all kingdoms subject to him . epist. , , , , . he consenteth to the restoring of photius , but chargeth him to give up the bulgarians to his jurisdiction . many persons in many epistles he exhorteth to break their covenants with the pagans , and chideth and threatneth them that did it not . epist. . the inclination of stentopulcher a pannonian lord to the church of rome , brought down the popes heart to dispense with methodius , and changed his judgment to give very fair reason why mass and gospel and all might be used in the sclavonian and all tongues ; only to keep up the honour of the latine tongue ( and his authority ) he commandeth that though the rest be done in the sclavonian , yet the gospel be first read in latine , and then translated and read over again in the sclavonian . epist. . . he approveth of photius's restitution , epist. . he is fain to chide auspert bishop of milan ; that instead of fearing his sentence , he laid in prison two monks sent by the pope , and taken on the high way . but his heart came down at last , and he speaks auspertus fair , and alloweth of his ordination of ioseph episc. astensis , though irregular . epist. and commandeth his arch-deacon to obey him . epist. . after this he excommunicateth the archbishop of ravenna , and a great stir there was about that also . epist. . he had made one optandus bishop of geneva : but opteramus archbishop of vienna took it to be an usurpation on his right , and laid the popes bishop in a miserable prison ; so far was he yet from being where he would be . epist. . having excommunicated athanasius bishop of naples for not breaking his covenant with the saracens , he absolveth him on condition that yet he will break it . the matter was that the italians not able to resist the saracens , those that lay next them under their power sought to save themselves by truce and tribute , by which means the saracens had leisure to come further near to rome ; and so the pope to keep them from himself compelled by excommunications the lords and bishops of other parts to break their league , and stand up in arms to their own destruction . that you may know what bishops now ruled the churches . epist. . the foresaid bishop of vienna giveth one reason why he rejected optandus ordained bishop of geneva by the pope , viz. [ because he never was either baptized , made clerk , acclamed , or learned ] to which saith the pope [ this should be covered in silence , because [ let us speak it with your charity ] your holiness having nothing of these was yet consecrated in the church of vienna . ] was not here good succession , and a holy church . bishops unbaptized that were no scholars and no christians . epist. . one bishop by an armed band of men carrieth away another out of the church , and the pope interposeth . epist. . he again soliciteth michael . king of the bulgarians to become his subject . the poor men that had chosen christ , were so perplexed between the priests that strove who should be their vice-christ , and king of kings , that it seemed as hard to them to resolve the doubt , as it before was to be christians . yet epist. . sheweth , the bishop of ravenna being dead , that yet the roman usurpation was not grown so high as to take the choice of the bishop out of the people and presbyters hands , except in long neglected vacancies ( as geneva aforesaid . ) had not this pope been kept under by gods judgments , suffering the saracens so to ruine italy as that he still needed the help of princes , he had been like to have overthrown rome by his usurpations , setting both princes and prelates against him : but necessity made him a flatterer of the two emperors of the west , the emperor of the east , the king of france , the king of bulgaria , the princes of pannonia , and all that he needed , as ambition made him still striving by tibi dabo claves , and anathematizing to affright the world to his obedience . i say not worse of him than baronius , binnius , &c. who have no other way to deny the histories of pope ioan , than by saying that this mans baser compliance made him called pope joan. baronius ad an . , n. . reciteth an epistle of this popes so greatly complying with photius even against the [ filioquen ] that binnius would haveus believe that photius forged it . and [ epistolam ipsam aeterna oblivione dignam nolui ( saith he ) hisce adjungi . ] § . ccxc. an. . a concilium ticinense maketh charles emperor when the pope that had crowned ludovicus before calleth charles , praescitum , praeelectum et praedestinatum hereto , with all honourable elogies . and here cometh in a great controversie between the papists , and the protestants ; viz. whether kings succeed by inheritance or by the election and making of the pope . the pope thought the craft of putting in a big usurping word , was as good as a law to prove their own power to make kings and unmake them . accordingly this pope when he durst stay from rome in france no longer , lest he lost all , ( being imprisoned for refusing the right heir charles ) returneth , and speaketh some big words , and turneth forced consent into super-kingly commands , and saith ( bin. p. ) eligimus merito et approbavimus ] solemnitèr ad romani imperii sceptra proveximus ) et augustali nomine decoravimus , &c. and to disable the kingly claim of inheritance he saith , [ neque enim sibi honorem praesumptuosè ass●mpsit , ut imperator fieret , sed tanquam desideratus , et optatus , postulatus a nobis , ●t a deo vocatus , et honorificatus ad defendendam religionem et christintique servos tuendos , humiliter et obedienter accessit , &c. nisi enim talem cognovissemus ejus intentionem nunquam animus noster fieret tam promptus ad ipsius promotionem , &c. so if the pope had not liked him , the emperor 's hereditary right had never made him emperor . and the flattering bishops say to the pope ( bin. p. . ) ut non vos prius eligeret , sed contra vos cum et eligeretis et diligeretis : et nos o coangelice papa , vestigia vestra sectantes et salubria monita recipientes , quem amatis amamus , quem eligistis eligimus , &c. and now comes in binnius with his comment and saith that [ would our refractory novelists , who with great temerity dare profess that the roman popes in the crowning of emperors have no other right then barely ministerially to anoint and crown them , had but known these acts ( * ) they would from them have learned that that pope john ( alias joan ) did not only anoint and crown charles , but also by gods instinct did choose him to govern the empire , and raised him to that sublime dignity honouring him with the augustal name , before he was anointed and crowned by him , and that the empire was conferred on him , not by hereditary right of succession , but by the will of the pope who chose him and granted it to him . ] be wise therefore o ye kings , be instructed ye that are iudges of the earth — kiss the popes foot lest he be angry and ye perish in the way ; if his wrath be kindled , yea , but a little , &c. § . ccxci. an. . a concilium pontigonense confirmed the choice of charles where it 's said ( bin. p. ) et legit johannes arietinus episcopus quandam schedulam ratione et authoritate carentem : postquam legit odo belgivacorum episcopus quaedam capitula a legatis apostolicis , et ab ansegiso ( the popes vicar ) et eodem odone sine conscienti● synodi dictata , inter se dissona , et nullam utilitatem habentia , verúm et ratione et authoritate carentia , et ideo hic non habentur subjuncta . ] § . ccxcii . an. . a council in neustria ( normandie under hincmarus rhemensis rebuked hugo base son of lotharius for rebellion and devastation of the country . § . ccxciii . an. . a concilium trecense where the pope was present excommunicated formosus● portuensis ( one of the former popes preachers to the bulgarians , and one that was after pope himself . ) also hincmarus laudunensis was restored blind , and joyned with the other that had his place , ( and so one church had two bishops in spite of his uncle hincmarus rhemensis that opposed it , and had both put him in and cast him out . § . ccxciv. an. . was a council of the popes at rome for his unrighteous making ludovicus . emperor , the pope challenging the first choice : but auspertus bishop of milan came not and resisted , and though ( as you heard ) excommunicated by the pope , did help to turn the choice to the right heir . § . ccxcv. besides some petty council at rome , there was an . . a general council at constantinople of bishops where photius was confirmed , and the former general council ( called the th also ) abrogated , and the word [ filioque ] taken out of the creed : the papists say that the pope consented only to this as for photius's restitution , and not for the abrogation of the former council ; and that photius corrupted his writing , and so they would make all writings uncertain . they say that pope iohn's epistle is by the wonderful providence of god found yet without some clauses added by photius , whom they call the great architect of lyes : but the greeks will no more believe the late found laterane or other roman copies , than the romans will believe the greek copies . and how shall we know which of them to believe ? ( and how little doth it concern us ? ) § . it must be a controversie also whether this council must be called oecumenical : i have oft proved that there was never any truly such as to all the world . there were bishops which is more than the first council at nice had , or most others : the popes legates were there ; oh but , saith binnius , it was not they but photius that did preside : therefore it was not general . ans. . let the world know then what maketh a general council in the papal sense : it doth not represent all the church unless the popes legates preside . so much doth it import to know which priest is the greatest . . but did binnius forget that he himself affirmeth that at the first general council at constantinople the pope did not preside by himself or any legate . and yet that is one of the th . councils equalled with the four gospels ; and the pope dare not deny it lest the greeks further hereticate or anathematize him . but saith binnius , it was no general council because there was many frauds and impostures . ans. by that rule trent had no general council , nor florence , &c. and so it is left to the judgment of all men to nullifie such councils which they can prove to have had frauds and impostures . and must we also nullifie the papacie of them that have had such frauds ? § . is it a grand question whether pope iohn confirmed this council . the approbation is extant . but the reprobaters say . that he put in some terms of limitation ( so far as his legates went right ) . that he after ex umbone condemned photius , &c. but . is it not a general council if the popes legates consent till he personally confirm it ? were all former councils null , till the popes personal confirmation ? what are his legates for then ? . as his legates may mistake , so may he himself : is it null then till he rectifie his error ? . by this we see how impossible it is to know the new gosple of the papists ; which is canonical from the apocryphal . for ( as pope martin's conciliariter after , so ) here and elswhere the popes have so ambiguously given their consent that no wit of man can tell what is consented to by them , and what not ( as their controversies confessed , &c. § . at least whether the pope consented or no , seeing in this council the former th . general council was condemned , and the filioque expunged the creed , we see how ridiculously our late papists argue from the consent of councils to prove the constant tradition of the church , saying , did the council go to bed in one mind and rise in another ? did these bishops do so ? or did the former whom they condemned do so ? is this the smooth current of tradition ? and may we know by it what our fathers held ? § . when the other legates consented , marinus , who was after pope , dissenting , he was laid in prison thirty dayes at constantinople . in the first act of the council , as baronius tells us , iohn bishop of heraclea spake much against the church of rome , which he said was the original of all the mischief that had be●aln them ; to overthrow and and cure which this council was called . much also against pope nicolas and hadrian he spake , but for pope iohn as being for them . in the d . act was read an epistle of the patriarch of alexandria , to the emperor for abrogating the former th . synod : and thomas one of the three legates of the eastern patriarchs that consented to the former synod ( the rest being dead ) made his penitent recantation . then the epistles of the patriarchs of ierusalem and antioch for photius are read , &c. in the third act , pope iohn's letters were read , as endeavouring the peace of the eastern church ; which the council took as a busy pretending to more power than he had , and therefore said that they had peace before his letters came , and that they were superfluous . and whereas he made it his business by this complyance , to get the bulgarian diocess ; they said this was to controvert the bounds of the empire , and therefore left it to the emperor . in the th act the eastern patriarchs letters were read , disclaiming their legates at the last council , as being not theirs but the saracens legates : and condemning that council . the papists think photius forged these . here also lords professed repentance , saying that the false legates deceived them . in the th . act metrophanes bishop of smyrna is accused of schism , for being against photius . three canons also were made . . that those excommunicate by the bishop of rome should not be restored by the bishop of constantinople . nor those that were excommunicated by the bishop of constantinople be restored by the bishop of rome : ( and so rome was shut out from troubling them with pretended jurisdiction . ) . that those that forsake their bishopricks shall not return to them . . against magistrates that enslave and beat bishops . in the th . act the creed was recited without silioque . and in the th . all those that should add to it or diminish are anathematized . § . ccxcvi. a council of the popes at rome excommunicated athanasius bishop and prince of naples , for not breaking his league with the saracens . § . iohn dyed . marinus is made pope , commanded by his predecess●r , called by platina , martin , who saith that he came to the popedom , malis artibus , and therefore did nothing and soon dyed . but barcnius saith he lived long enough to do something , viz. . he condemned photius again , and thereby provoked the emperor basilius ; as if rome did still set the imperial church in contention , and hinder peace . the emperor affirmed that he was no bishop of rome , because he had been ordained bishop of another place . . he destroyeth what pope iohn had done , who had deposed formosus preacher to the bulgarians , and bishop portuensis , and had made him swear that he would never return to the episcopal seat , but rest content with lay-communion : but pope marinus recalled him to the city and restored him to his bishoprick , and absolved him from his oath , which baronius and binnius doubt not but he had power to do ; yea , and to dispense with the ill acts of the pope , which he did out of private affects and partiality . § . in his time also the church of rome used filioque , in opposition to photius ; spain and france having used it before . because , saith baronius and binnius , photius had wrote about it to the ignorant and schismatical archbishop of aquileia . ( there was it seems there so many of the greatest bishops imperiti et schismatici in the papal sense , as intimateth that as the popes greatness rose in height , it did not grow equally in length and breadth . ) § . marinus having reigned a year and twenty dayes ( a short pleasure to sell eternal happiness for ) hadrian the third succeeded him , and had longer part of the usurped kingdom , viz. a year and three months and nineteen dayes . he also damned photius , and was bitterly reproached by the emperor basilius , whose contumelious letters found him dead , and his successor answered them . ( was all the christian world now ( till luther ) subject to the pope ? ) platina saith of this pope , that [ he was of so great a spirit that in the very beginning of his papacy , he straitway decreed that popes should be made without expecting the emperors authority , and that the suffrages of the clergy and people should be free : which was before by pope nicolas rather attempted than indeed begun . he was i suppose encouraged by the opportunity of charles his departing with his army from italy to subdue the rebelling normans . ] rome was still on the rising hand . § . stephen the th . alias th . succeeded him . in his time carolus crassus the emperor is by a convention of lords and bishops deposed from his empire as too dull and unworthy . ( kings were brought under as elective by the pope , and now are at the mercy of their subjects . ) arnulphus a base son of carolomannus got an interest in the subjects , and they deposed the emperor and set him up . baronius and binnius ascribe it to gods judgment for charles his wronging of richarda a pure virgin , yet repudiated by him . they say that he was reduced to such poverty that he was fain to beg his bread of arnulphus , and dyed in the th year of his empire . § . the letter against the pope written by the emperor basilius the papists will not let us see : but this pope sthephen ' s answer to it they give us , which runs on the old foundation , trayterous to magistracy as such . telling the emperor that [ the sacerdotal and apostolical dignity is not subject to kings , and that kings are authorized to meddle only with worldly matters , and the pope and priests with spiritual . and therefore his place is as far more excellent than emperors , as heaven is above earth ] he tells the emperor that in reviling the pope of rome he blattered out blasphemy against the god of all the world , and his immaculate spouse and priest and the mother of all churches : and that he is deceived that thinketh [ that the disciple ( princes ) is above his master ( the priests , ) and the servant above his lord. he wondereth at his taunts and scoffs against the holy pope , and the curses or reproaches which he loaded the roman church with , to which he ought with all veneration to be subject , as king , who made him the judge of prelates whose doctrine he must obey , and why he said marinus was no bishop , &c. by this the reader may perceive whether yet all the christian world obeyed the pope , or judged him to be their governor . § . how pope formosus set up wido duke of spoleto trayterously as emperor till he was forced to loyalty , is after to be said . § . ccxcvii. an. ● . a council at colen under charles crassus , made canons against sacrilege and adultery . § . . ccxcviii . an. . a council at mentz , ) while they were all in distress by the depopulations of the normans ) first decreed to pray for the king , and then tell him that rex dicitur a regendo : and if he rule piously , justly and mercifully he is justly called a king , but if impiously , unjustly , and cruelly he is a tyrant . can. . whereas former synods forbad all women to dwell in the house with bishops , or priests , or deacons , except mothers or sisters ; they now forbid these also , hearing oft of the wickedness committed by them , and that bishops ( or priests ) lay with their own sisters , and begat children of them . but to secure them from all conviction for any such crime it is decreed chap. the . that no presbyter accuse any bishop , nor any deacon a presbyter , nor any subdeacon a deacon , &c. and that no prelate be condemned but under seventy two witnesses ; and the chief prelate be judged of no man. and a cardinal presbyter not under forty two witnesses ; nor a cardinal deacon under twenty six : s●bde aco●s , acolythes exorcists , lectors , doorkeepers , not under seven : and these without infamy having wives and children . ] and indeed that bishop that would lie with his own sister in the presence of seventy two men that had wives and children deserved to be blamed . chap. . one that wilfully murdered a priest , was to forbear flesh and wine , and not to be carried in a coach ▪ and not come to church in five years , and not to receive the sacrament of twelve years after . § . binnius here addeth an observable note , that arnulphus is called only king at first and not emperor , it being nefas unlawful to assume the name of emperor till it were given by the pope ] o brave pope ! § . ccxcix . a council at metz under the same norman calamities decreed such like things . chap. . they decreed that no presbyter should have more than one church ( unless a chappel ) and none take money for burials . chap. . that mothers or sisters dwell not in the house with bishops or priests . but still capital crimes were punished but with excommunication and penance . chap. . one that forced a widow : another that killed his kinsman , and married his his wife , and swore to the archbishop to forsake her and did not , was excommunicate . and so were some that gelded a priest for reproving their filthiness , § . ccc . a council at wormes was called to end a controversie between two prelates , bishops of colen and hamburg , striving for bremen ( to have greater diocesses and jurisdiction . ) § . next cometh the forementioned pope formosus , saith onuphrius the first pope that ever was made of one that before had been a bishop . for the old canons oft decreed that no bishop remove from his first place : only when one was ordained against his will , and not consenting never possest the place , sometimes he was accepted to another . now was the fourteenth time that rome had two bishops at once by schism . sergius got in to be pope , but they forced him to resign , and banished him . formosus was well esteemed of for his preaching to the bulgarians ; but pope iohn ( some think for reproving his sin ) deposed him ( as afore said ) and made him swear never to return to be a bishop : but marinus absolved him , and he came in thus perjured ; notwithstanding the false pretence of papists that the pope can dispense with such oaths ; the matter of them being a thing lawful , but not necessary . platina saith that he was suspected to have a hand in the tumult that imprisoned pope iohn , and that he came to the popedom largitione potius quam virtue , by gifts rather than virtue , that is , by simonie . he did ( lawfully if you will believe baronius and binnius ) create , anoint , and consecrate lambert , after his father wido , emperor ( that was not heir : ) yet after consecrated arnulphus ( its like by constraint ; ) for such things the roman nobles hated him . but he got arnulphus to rome ; who revenged the pope by beheading many of the princes that were hasting to meet him , which was not like to win mens love . § . . he wrote an honest epistle to the english clergie , perswading them to keep up the ministry , and reproving them for indulging pagan rites . chap. xi . the progress of counsels till leo th . especially in italy , france and germany , and their behaviour . § . . ccci. odo earl of paris , having usurped the kingdom in the minority of charles the simple the right heir , fulke bishop of rhemes calleth a synod and deposeth him , and sets up charles ( such power had prelates ) . some say the french chose odo by arnulphu's consent ; and some say , that he dying , desired that charles might have possession . this was anno . § . . the great devastations made by the normans , burning cities , churches , monasteries ; and at last forcing consent for a habitation in neustria , i pass over ; and petavius out of some writers of their own will tell you , that when chartress was besieged by them , the virgin marys smock , which king charles calvus had brought thither from besanson , being carried , cast them into so great a terror , that they fled away all in confusion . where they had this smock , and how many hundred years after the virgin marys death it was found , and how they knew it to be hers , and how it was so long kept , and where , and why it did not many miracles sooner , till above years after christ , are questions which i cannot answer . § . . italy and france were all this while fill'd with civil wars . wido and his son lambert being dead , berengarius got possession of italy , whom lewis after overcame , and was made emperor at rome , crowned by the pope : but three years after , taken by berengarius , was deposed , and had his eyes put out . yet after this berengarius was cut off , and lewis restored and anointed by pope iohn . rodulphus king of burgundy was set up by some italian nobles against berengarius , and overthrowing his army , was called king of italy . berengarius was kil'd by treachery : rodulphus was soon deposed , and the italians made hugo earl of provence king. at last he joyned his son lothari●s with him : the younger berengarius prevaileth against him , driveth him to provence ; and is made king : intending to marry his son adalbertus to adaleidis the widdow of lotharius ; she invited otho king of germany into italy and marryed him , vvho after is made the first germane emperor : of ●ll which , more after in the particular order and place . see petav. lib. . c. . § . . cccii . anno. . formosus had a roman council , to consult of some relief of the ruined countries , in vain . for now men secular and ecclesiastical , confounded all by striving for rule . § . . ccciii. anno . a council at tribur in germany for church reformation : many of the canons are to secure and advance the clergy . the ninth decideth a doubt , if an earl ( or civil ruler ) command the people to meet at one place ( on civil accounts ) and the bishop command them to meet at another on the same day , none shall obey the magistrate ( or earls ) but he and all his company shall obey the bishop and come to him . cap. . no bishop shall be deposed but by twelve bishops , no presbyter but by six bishops , no deacon but by three , cap. . in controversies , lay-men must swear , but clergy-men must not be put to swear , cap. . there is allowed tryal by fire , per ignem candenti ferro caute examinetur . § . . ccciv. a council at nantes made more disciplinary canons . § . . who was next pope is not agreed : platina and onuphrius say , that boniface was rightly chosen , and reigned but twenty six days , saith platina , or fifteen saith onuphrius ; others ( saith platina ) say twelve years : baronius ( and binius ) saith , that he was no pope ; and that he did but invade the pope-dome , and was homo nefarius , a wicked man , twice before this degraded : first from his deaconship , and next from his presbyterate , damned in a romane synod under john the ninth : he addeth , that ( both of them ) boniface and stephen got the place by force , fear and tyranny , and so it was but one intruder , that thrust out another intruder : ( but how then is the succession secured . why , it 's added ) yet stephen is numbred with the popes by the common sentence ( or opinion ) because to avoid the danger of schisme , though he was homo scelestissimus , a most wicked man ; yet all the clergy approved bim , and the whole catholik church , took him for christs vicar & peters successor . ( how prove you that , why , because [ fulke bishop of rhemes owned him ! ] a noble proof that all the christian world did so ! § . . say barronius , and binius , he began his pope-dome with that sacriledg , as to take the corps of formous out of his grave , and cloathing him in his pontifical robes , ( he set him in a chair , and saith platina , there judged him as no pope , because he had been first a bishop ; which indeed , by the old canons , nullified his calling ; for formosus , was the first pope that had been before a bishop , as is said , unless the emporour basil truly charged macrinus with the same ) : having expostulated with the dead man , * why he being a bishop would take the pope-dome , he cut off his three four fingers with which he had anointed , and cast them into the river tyber , and commanded , that all that he had ordained should be ordained again : ( and so conform to him . ) and they wonder with what face of reason onuphrius rejecteth all this as a fable , when the antient monuments , synodal acts , and historians testify it . do you wonder at this ? why it is because he was not willing it should be believed : a reason that is not strange to your selves . § . . cccv . pope stephen called a council in which his usage of pope formosus was approved , bin. ex baron . p. ▪ so ready were the bishops to follow the strongest side , in such things as the papists mention with abhorrence . and ( say they ) this portentum attended the synod , that the laterane church , the chief seat of the pope , by the impulse of an evill angel fell down quite from the altar to the doors : the walls not being able to stand , when the chief cardinal door was shaken with the earthquake of so great a villany . § . . but here the authors calling us novatores ( as if such popes were of glorious antiquity ) are hard put to it to vindicate against us the popes infallibility ! and how do they do it ? why st . they say that all that stephen did against formosus , a man stricken with madness , did it fulfilling the perswasion of his boyling rage . but in the lawful use of his papal authority , he defined nothing against faith or good manners : for the bishops that were for this cause called to the council , and the presbyters not unlike to stephen himself , did prosecute formosus with the same hatred ; and therefore pronounced that sentence against him , which they fore knew would be pleasing to a man smitten with fury : so that we confess violent tyranny , but no errour in faith defined or approved by him , lawfully using his papal authority : and yet it were no prejudice to the papal seat , if we grant , that a false pope , not lawfully chosen , but invading and obtruded , did err in asserting articles of faith. thus the author . ans. . but if you grant this , is not your succession interrupted ? . and was your church a true church , when an essential part was null ? . howver , was it the holy church when an essential part was such a villain ? . will not your argument as well prove every bishop , priest , or man infallible ? for no one of them all can define falsly against an article of faith , as long as he lawfully useth his power ; for it is no lawful use of power that so defineth and belieth god. . but is all your foundation of faith come to this ? it is then but saying , when ever your pope and church erreth , that they did not use their power lawfully : and what relief is that to the deceived ? how shall we know when your popes have used it lawfully , and when not ; and so what is true among you , and what false ? . and were your roman council of bishops and priests , all as bad as this villainous pope , and ready to please him in their decrees : and was this a holy church , and like to be an infallible council : and must the world follow them ? . and how then shall we know that it was not just so with many other former and following councils ; and that it will not be so with you again ! o miserable shifts against plain truth ! § . . the same great authors after luitpraudus , l. . c . say , that stephen an invader of the papal seat , by the faction of the n●bles against adelbert , prince of etruria , was thrust into prison an. . and after he had been pope six years , being strangled in the same prison , ended his days by gods vengeance in an infamous death ] : yet platina saith , that he died the first year and third month of his reign ; and onuphrius saith , he sate one year , two moneths , and ninteen days . § . . it 's strang that luitpraudus saith , that stephen condemned the corps of formosus for being a bishop before , when platina and onuphrius say , that he himself was episcopus anagninus , when made pope . § . . and platina saith , that [ this controversie ( against formosus ) was great and of ill examples ; seeing that after this , it was almost always kept as a custome , that following popes did either infring , or wholly undoe the acts of those that went before them : ] and yet were they infallible ? § . . the next pope was called romanus , whose life platina thus describeth : romanus as soon as he was pope , presently abrogateth and condemneth the decrees and acts of stephen : for these popes thought of nothing , but to extinguish the name and dignity of their predecessors , than which nothing can be worse , or the part of a narrower mind : for they that trust to such acts as these , having no virtue themselves , endeavor to rase out the men of desert , whom through sloth and malice they cannot match . you shall never find any to envy anothers fame , but one that himself is contaminated with all disgrace , and despaireth that his own name should ever be famous with posterity : these are they that by fraud , malice , craft , and evil speaking , do bite , tear , accuse , and worry those that deserve well of mankind ; like cowardly , or slothful , and useless dogs , that dare not set upon wild beasts themselves , but will bite those that are tyed , or in their dens . ] so platina . — ramanus ruled but three months . § . . next succeeded in the popedome theodorus . who saith platina followed the steps of the seditious : for he restored the acts of formosus ▪ and preferred his followers : and reigned but twenty days . next came iohn . ( or . as others ) saith platina . [ he restored the cause of pope-formosus , many of the people being against it : whence arose such a sedition , that they hardly scaped a battle . baronius saith , that ludovicus . was deposed and blinded now by berengarius , who assumed the empire ; and this pope crowned him , through fear ! yet after he was gone , he called lambert to rome , and with a synod concuring with him , declared the coronations both of berengarius and arnulph to be null , as being extorted ; and so took lambert for king and emperour : did not the crowns of princes sit very loose , when it was but a popes pretending that he crowned them through fear , and they were presently deposed ? would these popes have been martyrs , or were they christians or gnosticks , that would sin , if they were but put in fear ? and would not fear have made them own a heresy , as well as other sin ? on this occasion all was cast into confusion : the pope was fain to fly to ravenna for protection , to him whom he had crowned . § . . cccvi . this pope called a synod at rome ( that called ovetensis , i pass by as of small moment ) an. . in which he condemned the fact of pope stephen , decreeing that the dead are not to be judged by men . but what became of the synod of bishops that had joyned herein with pope stephen ? why ( bin. p. . ) they turn'd with the times , and did as such had used to do ; they asked forgiveness , and said , they did it for fear ; and so , he that hath power by fear or hope , can make such bishops and councils sin and repent , and sin again , and repent again , as interest altereth . they were pardoned . but formosus preferment from a bishoprick to the popedome was voted to be against the canons , excusable only by necessity , and not to be imitated but in cases of necessity : his ordained clergy were restored , and re-ordinations and re-baptizations , forbidden as unlawful . § . . cccvii . another synod he called at ravenna for the same use , when he fled thither from rome ; of bishops . baronius saith , he was another ieremias sent of god , to pluck up and pull down what pope . stephen had done . platina saith [ i think this came to pass because popes were departed from st. peters steps ; and chiefly , because the christian common-wealth had idle slothful princes that would have peters ship thus tossed , lest the ruler if he look about him , should cast them out as evil pilots . arnulphus was given to pleasure , and charles the simple or rather foolish of france , was little better ; and so the hungarians destroyed and killed in germany and france , and the affricans in calabria , and had little resistance ; blood and misery being the common lot. he addeth , [ that this pope john dying in the d . year and th . day of his reign , left nothing worthy of memory behind him , but that he revived some seditions that before were almost extinct . and it is a sad question , that herveus bishop of rhemes put to him ( bin. p. ) what to do with those that are baptized and rebaptized , and yet after baptism live as the heathens , kill christians , yea the priests , sacrifice to idols , eat things offered to them ? the pope durst not use discipline on these , because they were novices , lest he affright them from the church to heathenisme again ; but left them to the bishops discretion and experience , to do as he saw best . § . . this pope had a corrival , which was the . schisme : sergius that had been made pope with formosus , and was put out and banished , did now get in again ; but iohn had the stronger part , and cast him out , and banished him once again : onuphr . chron. p. . but had he been but strong enough , the succession had come down from him , as right . § . . benedict the . came next ; nothing saith platina , was done in his time that is much to be praised ; because both princes , popes , and clergy were grown debauched ; bad princes making popes by tyranny : now the line of charles the great , lost the empire , ludovicus the son of arnulphus being slain by berengarius ; and so they lost both italy , germany , ( and after france ) by their own , and the clergies wickedness . § . . leo. . came next , anno . who thrust him in , i find not ; but when he had reigned but . days , his familiar friend christopher had list to be pope , and cast him out , and laid him in fetters ; where it 's said he dyed of grief : where platina well noteth , that [ the saying is certainly true , that dignities ( or places of preferment ) receive more honour from the men , than the men do from the dignities ( or places . ) ] § . . christopher thus got in by sudden invasion , kept it longer than leo did , even near seven months ; and then he that had been twice pope before , did once again try for it , and was too strong for christopher , and put him into a monastery . a holy place then , no doubt , for saith platina [ this was the only refuge of the calamitous : for in those times bad clergy men were thurst into monasteries , by way of banishment , as heretofore into islands . ] § . . the man that did this and got the popedom , was sergius . who had been twice before cast out : saith baron , and bin. ( p. . ) [ that wicked sergius ( nefandus ) by albertus armes got in : a man that was the servant of all vices , and of all men the most wicked ( facinorosissimus ) invaded the popedom , and so was by all men taken for no lawful pope : to his horrid sacriledge , he added the most impudent filthyness ; and by marozia ( a great whore ) the daughter of that most famous whore theodora , he begot his son john ( after pope . ) ] for many historians tell us , how these two famous whores did rule rome , and make and unmake popes . § . . this pope undid again all that had been done for formosus , and against stephen : for both the king of france , and sergius , were enemies to formosus , for setting up other powers against france , and because his party was against sergius : but i wonder that platina tells us , that both stephen and sergius took formosus out of his grave , and the one cut off his three fingers , and the other his head ; and both cast into tyber ! if this be true , he was taken up again the first time , and buried again . but i suppose that it was but his fingers that were cast in the first time , and the corps after ; or else he was found after the first time . platina saith , it is reported , but not of any certainty ; that some fisher-men found the corps , and buried it ●t st. peters church , and that while it was doing , the church images bowed to it ( it 's well vncertainty was put into the story : ) and that some thought this moved sergius to envy ; but that indeed it was , because formosus party were against his papacy . it seems by this that the fisher-men found him after the first casting into tyber ; or else his burial by them could not be called the occasion of sergius fact . so little rest had this popes carkass , being twice buried , twice taken up , twice judged , and executed after death , and twice cast into tyber . but saith platina , [ popes now seeking and getting the popedome by liberty and ambition , disregarding gods worship , exercised enmity against one another ; no otherwise than do the cruellest tyrants , glutting their own lusts the more securely , when there are none left to restrain vices . this wicked man for almost seven years enjoyed the fruits of his iniquity . § . . here baronius and binius forget to answer the great difficulty . st . how the roman succession escaped from being interrupted . . and also , where was the roman church while such reigned as were no popes . . and also , where was its holiness and infallibility , when it had the worst of men ( as they say themselves ) thus set over them as their heads : but they are careful , [ nequis pusillanimus ex hoc facto scandalum accipiat , lest weak minded persons should be scandalized by this : and they tell us as a wonderful providence of god , that so great was the reverence to the church of rome , that even when such men invaded the popedome unlawfully , being even in the churches censure rather apostatical than apostolical ; yet those that did but hear ▪ who was pope ( especially the northern countries that were far off ) obeyed them : so that any man may understand by how great a providence god governeth the universal church , which when it was set on fire at the will of whores , and all mischiefs and scandals did increase , and it was feared it would be divided by a great schisme ; yet god defended it from all heresy and schisme , all nations persisted in one bond of faith ▪ and covent of obedience . ] indeed gods providence is wonderful that saveth his true church from such wicked usurpers ; and keepeth a union of all in christ : but this is no honour to the wicked usurpers ; when now fifteen schismes had divided them , and many more afterward ; nor was it any honour or blessing , to them that gave up their kingdoms to such usurpers . if these were no popes , but intruding whore-mongers ; was it a blessing to the world to be deceived , and to take those for popes , that indeed were none . but had not they then a seeming church , and indeed none , when an essential part was null . § . . cccviii . they say that anno . a council at soissons ordered some reformation . § . . leo called philosophus son to basilius macedo , this while was emperour in the east , who being formerly suspected and imprisoned by his father , upon some suggestion of photius , and santabacenus was revenged on them , when he reigned , and deposed photius , and put him into a monastery . this is the rest , that ambition procureth . thus sin is the misery of the sinner . alexander his unckle was gardian to leo's son , the father being dead : nicholas had before been made patriark , and upon offence deposed , and euthymius put in his place . but alexander deposed euthymius , and restored nicholas : and having spent thirteen months in drunkenness and lust , bled to death ; and constantine , seven years old , with his mother zoe reigned alone : constantine ducas rebelling , is subdued : the bulgarians conquered by leo phocas general ; who thereupon aspiring to the crown , was slain . eight years after , zoe is removed , and one romanus lecapenus made guardian ; and caesar , he advanced three of his sons to the like honor , to strengthen himself , and made his other son theophilact patriark , instead of stephen , though he was but sixteen years old . he married his daughter to the bulgarian king ; and then began to despise the emperour , and prefer himself . god punished this , by permitting his own son stephen , to depose and banish him into an island : at last constantine awaked , and deposed them all , and ruled himself , in drunkenness , and debauchery fifteen years , and then dyed ; or as some say , was killed by romanus's sons . after him nicephorus phocus a succesful warrior , but a bad man , ruled ; the church called him bad for oppressing them with taxes : his wife theophanon , and iohn trimisces ( who succeeded ) killed him . thus hath the world been governed ; and this is the profit of ambition . § . . the next pope is anastatius the d. who sate two years , and two months . in this time the eastern emperour leo published constitutions , which baronius and binius ( p. . ) deride as ridiculous , in imitation of iustinian , because he presumed to make church laws . § . . lando was the next pope , anno . and sate . months and . days ; say baronius and binius , [ this man at the importunate insta●ce , of that most potent , most noble , and most impudent whore theodora , ( who had prostituted one of her daughters marozia to pope sergius , and the other theodora to aldebert marquess of tuscia , and hereby had obtained or kept the monarchy of the city , ( who was pope if this whore was monarch ) did create john whom she most filthily doted on , a presbyter of ravina , the bishop of bononia , and peter arch-bishop of ravenna being dead , he made him there arch-bishop . and a little after so filthy an act , he died. luitpraud . l. . c. . § . . next cometh this same man , anno iohn . saith platina and others , the son of pope sergius ( by the whore marozia say some , but it s not like , because marozia killed him . ) but it s more probable ▪ as onuphrius noteth , that it was not this iohn , but the next that was son to sergius and marozia . this pope saith baron . and bin. is he that the famous whore theodora for great comeliness of person doted on ; and sa●th luitpraud , got him made arch-bishop of ravenna , and after pope of rome , that she might not lye with him so seldome , as the distance between rome and ravenna would necessitate . so [ say they , this impudent man being powerful at rome , by the strength of a whore , is made a false pope and wicked invader of the seat ] where they shew how this whore obtained her power . but was this no interruption of the succession neither , nor a nullifying of the papal church , while he sate . or as onuphrius , . years and more . no saith baron . ( and bin. ) he that was an invader , theif , and robber , by the after consent of the roman clergy , became the lawful pope of rome . . we see then , what the romane clergy were , that would have such a pope . . but they give no proof of any such consent ; but say , it is verisimile . . and where was the church till that consent , or at least its holiness . . can such mens consent make a pope of an uncapable person ? will no wickedness incapacitate ? § . . say the foresaid authors , in this popes time sisevandus bishop of compostella , finding the great diversity of the roman and mo●●rabick liturgy , altered his by the popes consent . after herveus , one seulphus was arch-bishop of rhemes . heribert earl of aquitane , considering that the bishop of rhemes anointeth the king of france , bargained to have his son made next bishop ; that thereby he might get the crown . in hast seulphus is poysoned , because they could not stay till he dyed . heribert ' s son , not yet five years old , is made arch-bishop . ( o scelus in auditum , say baronius and binius . ) this monstrous election , ( say they ) never before seen or heard of in the christian world , nor perhaps thought of , pope john did not only not disallow , but ratifyed . — and by this fact , the infamous pope gave an example to many princes , not only in that , but the following ages , ( alas , for grief ! ) to procure lads that were their kindred , to be thrust into the chief seats , ( or bishopricks ) to the great mischief of the church . ] a work ( say they ) indeed , worthy such a pope , whom an infamous woman , by an infamous work , had thrust into st. peter's chair . qu. were such villaines as infallible as others ? did their love , honesty , and chastity fail ; and yet , were they secured against the failing of their faith ? or , had they a sincere faith , that had no other grace ? and , could these forgive sins , and deliver souls out of purgatory ? when he had sate fourteen years , or sixteen , ( saith baronius and binius ) marquess wido , by the perswasion of his wife marozia , ( pope sergius whore ) for the sake of his brother peter , whom they hated , cast him out of his seat into a prison ; where shortly after , he was choked with a pillow : and so the invader , and unjust detainer of the apostolick-seat , had an end worthy of his wickedness . and he , that by the impudent mother , theodora , had violently seized on the holy seat , by her as impudent daughter , was by god's just iudgment ejected , imprisoned , and deprived both of it , and of his life . ex luitpr . & frodoaldo , baron . § . . cccix . anno . a synod at confluence , decreed as against incest , that none marry within the seventh degree of kindred . was that divine law ? § . . two or three other synods at tros●etum are mentioned , about small matters ; and one at duisburge , to excommunicate some that put out the bishops eyes . § . . the next pope , is leo the sixth ; and dyed after seven ( or six ) months , and fifteen dayes . § . . next , anno . succeeded stephen the eighth , ( or seventh ) and sate but two years , one month , and fifteen dayes . how they were so fast dispatched , i omit . § . . next comes the son of marozia , pope sergius his bastard , call'd iohn the eleventh : his mother , and father-in-law , wido , got him in anno . even when he was a lad under age. his brother albericus , ( saith baronius ) did keep this pope in prison to his death . but the case was this , ( vid. bin. p. . ) [ wido being dead , marozia offereth the dominion of rome to his own brother hugo , on condition he would marry her : he accepteth the condition ; and secretly entering the castle of st. angelo , after he had committed incest with her , his brother's widow , he despised the romans . when his son-in-law albericus , by his mother marozia's command , poured out water to wash his hands , he stroke him on the face for pouring too much . to revenge this wrong , albericus stir'd up the romans to a defection ; and having by assault of the castle , put to flight bis father-in-law hugo , he commanded his mother marozia , and his bastard-brother , the counterfeit pope john , to be kept in prison ; in which the violent invader dyed , being violently cast out , after for five years , and some months , he had rather filthily defiled , tban ruled the apostolick-seat . ] saith binius out of luitpraudus and baronius : calling him a monster ; and yet magnifying rome , because such were obeyed . § . . cccx . anno . a small council at erford in germany , under king henry , decreed , . that holy-dayes be kept for an honourable commemoration of the twelve apostles , and fasting on the evens . . that no state-meetings be kept on the lord's - dayes , or other holy-dayes ; nor christians then cited to the courts of justice . . nor when he is going to church . . that scandalous ministers be tryed . . that no private christian make , or impose any fast on himself , without the bishop , or his missionaries consent . ( an unreasonable usurpation ! must the bishop needs know all the reasons that every man hath for fasting , and be judge of them ? but sure , the bishop's diocess had not then so many hundred parishes , and so many counties , as they have now : else , by that time , the bishop and his commissary had heard a hundred thousand , or fifty thousand persons , tell him , what reasons they had to fast besides the common fasts , at any time , or on any special occasions , much of his time would be taken up . § . . anno . a council at rhemes against church-robbers , &c. § . . anno . leo the seventh was made pope , after iohn the eleventh . in that time hugo , that was got away from alberic●s , had got an army , and besieged rome . a match was made for albericus to marry hugo's daughter : and so marozia's husband and son were agreed , by the means of odo , abbot of cluniac . § . . henry , king of germany , the glory ( saith baronius and binius ) of christian religion , dyed at this time ; who , after many other nations , couverted also the king of denmark to the christian faith : and left his son otho , the heir of his piety and valour . yet are not other papists ashamed to say , that all these nations were converted by the pope ; who was the great scandal , that hindred the conversion of the world. § . . but ( say the same authors ) manass●s , bishop of arles , now troubled the churcb ▪ being an ambitious man , not contented with his seat , by the means of hugo king of italy , he also invaded the bishopricks of verona , and of trent , and of mantua , and of mila● it self ! ( o now the church prosper'd ! ) saying , that he did it by the example of the prince of the apostles ; who at once possessed rome , antioch , and alexandria . ] ex luitpraud . ( and could the pope blame him , that would be bishop at the antipodes , and have all the world ? ) but it s strange , that men should talk of bishops ambition , as of a strange thing , in the year . § . . anno . pope stephen the nineth was chosen by otho of germany , without the cardinal-clergy , who had neither power , nor virtue enough , to choose : and the city was under the power of albericus , who tyrannized over them : and because he had not the choice he caused some fellows so to cut and mangle the face of the pope , that he would never after be seen abroad , but kept close till he dyed ; which was after three years . this otho resolved to revenge on albericus : and also , the war between hugo , and albericus , broke out again . platina saith , that hugo was about to revenge the pope , but then dyed . § . . a synod was at narbon , to end the contention of two bishops , about the extent of their diocesses , and jurisdiction . § . . cccxi. if yet you perceive not the sad state of the church , by men's striving for church-dignities ; a council at soissons , anno . will tell you more . you heard before , how the earl of aquitane had got his son to be made arch-bishop of rhemes : the child in coats , was but five years old : it happened , that he was put out again for his infancy , or non-age ; and artaldus , a monk , chosen in his stead . this council of bishops , was to decide the c●●e between the two arch-bishops . the objection against one , was his infancy , and his father 's ill means to bring him in : the objection against the other , was perjury ; he had sworn , that he would never accept an arch-bishoprick : ( alas ! must the church of france be headed by one of these ; an infant , or a perjured monk ! ) the synod cast out the perjured monk , and judged the seat to the infant , as being lawfully chosen ; ( power made it a lawful call. ) and the bishops went to rhemes , and consecrated him . § . . in the year . the french nobles , by consent at soissons , had revolted from king charles ; because he took haganon , a man of low of quality , into his privy-council , and made him great : herveus , bishop of rhemes , had partly healed this breach . but , anno . it broke out again ; and the nobles chose robert king , and herveus consecrated him : but this rebellion was their ruin. three years after dyeth herveus : and the next year , robert fighting against charles , was slain at soissons ; yet his army conquered the king's . shortly after , rodolph duke of burgundy , is called in by the nobles , and made king ; as if the kingdom had been void . charles , on pretence of a treaty , is led by heribert to a castle ; and thence carryed to perone , where he dyed , anno . leaving a son lewis to fight for the kingdom . and when charles was in prison , hugo rejected rodulph , and called lewis out of england , to be king , anno . but hugo and heribert would be his masters , and gave him little quiet . heribert dyeth miserably and repenteth . hugo domineering , the king craveth aid of otho out of germany , against him : but shortly ▪ dyeth himself , by a disease got by a fall in hunting a wolf. lotharius his son , succeedeth him . in his third year , hugo the great duke of orleance , dyeth ; and lotharius the king , anno . his son ludovicus succeeded ; who dyed childless , anno . and in him ended the line of charles the great : for charles duke of loraine , that was next , was by the treachery of a bishop , taken by hugo capet , the son of the fore-said duke hugo , and imprisoned to death : and this hugo got possession of the crown . so much briefly on the by of these matters ; that they after interrupt us not too much : see dion . petav. lib. . c. . § . . marinus . ( alias , martin . ) is made pope , anno . and reigned three years , and some months ( the common time of popes in that age. ) in his time , artaldus strove again for the seat of rhemes . § . . cccxii . when bishops would needs be princes , they taught princes to resolve to be bishops : and as heribert did at rhemes , so did the emperor at constantinople put in a patriark , trypho , a monk ; on condition , that he should hold it but till his own son theophylact came to age. when the time came , trypho would not resigne : a council is called ; where bin. ex curopal . tells you the state of that church als● as too like the western . the council being met , tryphon makes a speech to them , and saith ; that his adversaries , that had a mind to cast him out , gave the reason , that he knew not letters : but that they might all see that this was false , and that he could write and read , he call'd for pen and paper ; and ( having been taught thus much before ) wrote his name thus : [ tryphon , by the mercy of god , arch-bishop of constantinople , new rome , and vniversal patriark , ] ( for that was then the title . ) the emperor receiving the paper , ( it ●eems , knowing that he could not read ) writeth over head [ knowing my self vnworthy , i resigne the throne to any that will. ] and so sent the paper to the council ; and the bishops ( wise and good men , you must suppose ) dethron'd tryphon . the seat staid void five months , till theophylact came to age ; who then was chosen . § . . anno . agapetus the second is made pope , in a time when wars ( between the hungarians , and henry bavaria , berengarius and otho , &c. ) made miserable the countries , and ignorance and ambition the churches . § . . cccxiii. a council at virdun in france , again tryed the cause between the fore-said infant , and the perjured bishops , hugo and artald ; and they undid what the last had done , and deposed hugo , and gave the seat to artald . yet we have not done with doing and vndoing : for pope agapete now took hugo's part ; and wrote to the bishops of france and germany , that hugo that was in possession , was to be kept there . but the papists say , he mistook by hugo's mis-information . § . . cccxiv . anno . another council at mosome was called for the same business : hugo would not come in , but sent the pope's letters ; which being not canonical , but his bare command , they rejected them , cast out , and excommunicated hugo , till the next general-council . § . . cccxv. anno . a general-council of france and germany is called at engelenheim , for the same cause ; almost all france being disquieted about two mens striving , who should be the great arch-bishop : the pope's legate marinus , proved hugo's letters false ; and hugo was excommunicated , and artald setled . but the presence of two kings , ludovicus and otho , did much there-to . the bishops thence removed to triers , ( called another council ) where they judged for king ludovicus , against duke hugo ; and excommunicated some bishops ordained by bishop hugo , ( that was ordained in his child-hood . ) and another council at rome confirmed these things . § . . now cometh the famous pope iohn the twelfth , the son of prince albericus , the son of the famous whore : a child too . saith baronius and binius , ( p. . ) quanquam hiuc legitima aetas aliaque omnia deessent quae inlegitimo pontifice requiruntur , tamen accedente postea consensu totius . cleri , visum est hunc potius esse tolerandum quam ecclesiam schismate aliquo , quod alioquin exortum fuisset , dividendam . he wanted natural and moral endowments ; even all things necessary to a legitimate pope , say they : and yet , the after-consent of the clergy made him tolerable , &c. qu. . but , did that after-consent make him a true bishop ? . if not , where is their succession ? . did god authorize the clergy , to consent to such a man ? where ? prove it . . if not , could their consent make him a bishop ? is not all power of god ? and , doth god give it contrary to his word ? . were not those clergy-men wicked themselves , that would do so ? . did those doctors presume , that their readers were such fools , as not to know , that forma non recipitur nisi in materiam dispositam ? and that ex quovis ligno non fit mercurius . an illiterate man cannot be a school-master : he that is no christian , cannot be a bishop ; nor he that hath not the qualifications essentially necessary . all the world cannot make a physician , a lawyer , a divine , a true pastor or bishop , of an ideot , an infant , or a man that wanteth essential dispositions . to say , he wanted all requisite qualifications , and yet that he was a bishop , is a contradiction : materia disposita & forma , being the constitutive causes . what if they had made a bishop of a turk , an infidel , a corps , & c ? had it not been a nullity , and prophane mockery ? . what else signify all the canons , that nullify ordinations for less faults ? but the image of a bishop , will make but the image or carkass of a church . § . . but , say they , cum vniversa ecclesia catholica sciret minus malum esse caput quantum libet monstrosum proferre quam unum corpus in duo secari , & duobus capitibus informari , eundem toto orbe terrarum tanquam verum & legitimum pontificem venerata fuit . answ. . what a shameless dream do you impose on us , under the name of , totus orbis terrarum ? what had the ethiopians , the armenians , yea , or the greek-church , to do with pope iohn ? or , what was it to them , how he was called , or what he was ? did not the patriark of constantinople then write himself , the vniversal patriark ? ( even tryphon , that they said , could not write any thing else . ) where is your proof of this universal concession ? which way did the whole catholick-church ( or the tenth or hundredth part of it ) signify their consent ? . who taught you to feign the state and necessity of such a church , as must have another universal head besides christ ? you know , that it is the being of such a church or head , ( be he never so good ) that we deny : and you have never proved , nor can prove it . he only is the universal head , who maketh universal laws , and undertaketh universal teaching , and is an universal judge and protector ; none of which any mortal man can perform . the very fiction of such a head and body , is monstrous , and your capital error . . how small a part of the christian world was subject to the pope , at that time ; though within his reach , he was almost at the heighth of his presumption ? . he that wanteth what is essential to a true bishop , is no true bishop : but pope iohn the twelfth wanted what what was essential to a true bishop : ergo , he was none . the minor is proved : he that wanteth the necessary disposition of the receptive matter , and is not subjectum capax , wanteth that which is essential to a true a bishop : ( for the materia disposita is an essential constitutive cause ; a subjectum capax is essential to a relation . ) but iohn the twelfth wanted the necessary disposition of the matter ad formam recipiendam , or was not subjectum ca●ax : proved . he that wanted capable age , and all other things necessary to a lawful pope , was not subjectum capax ; but wanted the necessary disposition receptive . but all these , you say your selves , pope iohn wanted : ergo , &c. . if then the universal church had so erred , as to take him for a bishop that was none ; that error would not make him a bishop , no more than it would make a dead man alive , or an illiterate man learned . but this is the roman-catholick kind of proof : you say your selves , that a whore , and a wicked son of that whore , got power enough to over-top the citizens of rome , and the clergy , ( yet too like them ) and to thrust a wicked uncapable fellow into the chair . when that is done , it 's known , all good men dissent and abhor it . but when he hath possession , they must know that he hath possession : and , what can they do to help it ? what power have the ethiopians , armenians , syrians , or other nations of the earth , in choosing the pope of rome ? and if they have none in choosing him , what power have they to examine the choice , and depose him ? and if they have no power , why or how should they signify their consent or dissent ? if they leave your own matters to your selves , what is that to the consent of the catholick-church ? but some men think , that big words to the ignorant may serve for proof , even of a right to govern at the antipodes , and all the world. § . . his father albericus , being governour of the city , designed the succession to his son octavian : to which he added the usurped-papacy , calling himself iohn , the first ( say baronius and binius ) that changed his name , ( though others say sergius was the first . ) saith platina ; from his youth , he was contaminated with all odious crimes , and filthiness : when he had any time to spare from his lusts , it was not spent in praying , but in hunting . two of the cardinals , moved with the shame of such a pope , send letters to germany , to otho , to intreat him to save rome from berengarius , ( that plundered all the country ) and from pope john the twelfth ; or else christianity was lost . john having notice of this , catcheth the cardinals , and cutteth of the nose of one , and a hand of the other . otho cometh into italy , and took berengarius , and his son albertus , and banished them . yet baronius and binius , out of luitpraudus , say , that the pope himself sent for otho , to help him . however that was , the pope received him as with honor , and crowned him the emperor of germany , ( the first ) and hungary . the pope , and all the great men of the city , swore over the body of st. peter , that they would never help berengarius or adelbert : and the emperor departed . but the pope quickly broke his oath , and joyned with adelbert : which the emperor hearing , said , he is a child ; perhaps reproof , and example , may yet reclaim him . he returned to rome , and adelbert , and the pope fled : the citizens received the emperor , and promised him fidelity ; and took an oath , that they would never choose or ordain a pope , without the consent and choice of the emperor otho , a●d his son otho . john fled into a wood , and lay there like the wild-beasts . ( saith platina . ) § . . cccxvi. otho called a council at rome ; where the bishops deposed iohn , and made leo pope : by which we still see , how obedient the bishops were to the stronger side ; or else , that really even those near rome , did not consent to iohn ; muchless the whole catholick-charch , as baronius immodestly affirmeth . the council was called , anno . out of italy , france , and germany , besides roman cardinals and nobles . the emperor first asked , why pope john was not there ? the roman bishops , cardinals , presbyters , and deacons , and all the people answered , we wonder your holy prudence should ask us this question ; seeing he so openly manageth the work● of the devil , that it is not unknown to the babylonians , iberians , or indians . the emperor required particular accusations : then peter , a cardinal-presbyter , said , that he saw him celebrate mass , and not communicate . a bishop , and a cardinal-deacon said , that they saw him ordain a deacon in a stable of horses . benedict , and many others said , that he ordained bishops for money ; and ordained a boy of ten years old , bishop of tudortine . of sacriledge , there needed no witness but eye-sight : of adultery , they said , that they saw it not ; but they certainly knew , that he abused the widow of ragnerius , and his father's concubine , and anne , a widow , and her neece ; and made the holy-palace a common bawdy-house , and stews . that he put out the eyes of his spiritual father benedict , and kill'd him thereby : that he killed john , a cardinal sub●deacon , by cutting off his virilia : that he set fire on houses , went armed and harnassed as a souldier . they all ( both clergy and laity ) cryed out , that he drunk a health of wine to the devil , ( diaboli in amorem . ) that he at his play at dice , would crave the help of jupiter , venus , and other demons , &c. the emperor said , that bad men often accuse the good ; and lest malice or livor should move them , he adjured them , as before god , to speak nothing untruly against the pope , and without certain proof : his adjurations were most vehement . the bishops , deacons , clergy , and all the people of rome , answered as one man , and said , [ if both the things read by benedict the deacon , and filthier and greater villainies were not committed by pope john , let not st. peter absolve us from the bond of our sins : let us be found tyed with the bonds of anathema , ( or cursed from christ ) ; and be set at christ's left-hand , at the last day , with those that said to god●he ●he lord , depart from us , we would not have the knowledge of thy wayes . if you believe not vs , believe your army that saw him , &c. ] the emperor being satisfyed by his armies witness also , the council moved , that letters of summons might be sent to the pope , to appear and answer for himself . a leteer was written , as from the emperor and bishops ; telling him , that the things charged on him were such , as it would be a shame to hear of stage-players ; which , if all were numb'red , the day would fail : that not a few , but all , ( both clergy and laity ) accused him of murder , perjury , sacriledge , and of incest with his own kindred , and with two of his own sisters . they say also , ( horrid to hear ! ) that you drunk wine in love to the devil ; ask't help of jupiter , venus , and other demons , at your dice , &c. we crave you would come , and answer for your self ; and swear , nothing shall be done to you besides the canons . the pope reading this , sent this answer ; [ we hear , that you will make another pope : if you do so , i excommunicate you from god almighty , that you may have no license to ordain any , nor to celebrate mass. ] after this , more bishops came out of germany ; and they write again to the pope , telling him , that if he will not appear and answer , they shall despise his excommunications , and turn it upon himself . he would not be found . the emperor seeing he would not appear ; told the council , how treacherously he had dealt by him , intreating him to come , and help him ; and after broke his oath , and joyned with his enemies . the whole clergy , bishops , and all the people , cry out , an un-heard-of wound must be cured with an un-heard-of cautery ; and declaring the mischief he had done , craveth that this monster of incurable vice , might be cast out of the roman-church ; and another put in his place , that will go before them with good example . then they all cryed up leo the proto-soriniarius ; which thrice repeating , upon consent , they ordained him , and swore fidelity to him . § . . if now baronius and binius say , that the clergies consent can make an uncapable monster a true bishop , let any one tell us : . whether this council did not prove , that the church did not consent to iohn ? . or , whether his utter incapacity , many express canons , and the bishops and councils consent , did not eject him , and authorize leo ? § . . but here we come to the core of all the papists cheats : when they tell us themselves of all this wickedness , they cry out , o the happy church of rome ! that though it fail in manners , yet never faileth in faith. answ. . if general councils are sufficient witnesses , that judged popes hereticks , it hath failed in faith. . hath that man true faith , that wanteth all things requisite to a lawful bishop , and that drinketh to the devil , and prayeth to jupiter and venus ; and liveth in all wickedness ? what a thing is popish faith ? . did christ mean to pray only , that st. peter might have such a faith , as will stand with wickedness and damnation ? what the better is any man of a wicked heart and life , for a dead opinion call'd faith , that will damn him the more deeply for sinning against it ? . it is not possible , but that serious true belief of so great things , as god , and christ , and glory , will bring a man to serious repentance and reformation . § . . here baronius and binius become this monster 's advocate , and say , [ that there never was a council of orthodox men , that sinned more against the canons and traditions , than this false council . ] ( how false is a devil-worshipping - pope , a murderer , and common adulterer , and incestuous villainies , in comparison of all his neighbor-bishops ? ) . they say , they could not call a council without him . answ. . he was no pope . . it 's a trayterous fiction to say , that an emperor may not call his subject-bishops together , to a council . . vvhat if devilish villains will make murders , and perjury , and rebellions , to pass for duties , and never call councils ; must the devil therefore be made lord of the catholick-church , without remedy ? . vvho gave your pope that priviledge ? if council or princes , they can take it from him : if christ , prove it , or shame be to him that yieldeth it . . that man is so ignorant of church-history , or impudent , as not to be worthy to be disputed with , that denyeth , that princes have called councils , even the greatest , and most honored . ii. they say , there should be seventy-two witnesses ; and there was scarce one , besides the accusers . ] answ. . the whole council , and people of rome , and army , are vvitnesses , under the most direful imprecations . . the pope may go on safely , till god take him in hand , if he must pass for innocent till he will lye with his own sisters , or murder men , and cut off their virilia , &c. before seventy-two vvitnesses ! o shameful holy-church , that is thus essentiated ! iii. they say he should have been thrice cited . ans. . what! when he would not be found ? . is that necessary to the being of the sentence ? iv. they say , no delay was granted ! ans. he was not to be found : and to what was delay necessary , when the babylonians , iberians , and indians had notice of his diabolical life . v. they say , contrary to all councils , the emperour condemneth him , who may not condemn any clerk. ans. but you may condemn kings and emperours ! is not this heresy , contrary to rom. . and the . commandement ; how shall mens lives , wives , and estates be saved from clergy-men , if kings may not judge and punish them . this doctrine calleth for timely restraint . vi. they say , execution went instead of sentence . ans. is not a plain sentence here expressed ? vii . the pope is exempt from all humane judgment : the whole council therefore were impudent or ignorant to condemn a pope , which none ever did but a heretick or schismatick . ans. st . that is , such as you are able to call general councils , emperours and kings , hereticks and schismaticks ; if they presume to judge a heretick , schismatick , or devillish pope . but your faculty proveth not another culpable . . did not solomon judge abiathar ? did not many councils condemn honorius , and many other popes . . what a case is your miserable catholick roman church in then ; when popes may kill , ravish , blaspheme , and destroy and no man can judge them , neither king nor council ? . why said you , that the whole church did consent to your pope , when all this council , and all the clergy , and people at rome thus begged for another . . if all your bishops of italy , german● , &c. are utterly impudent or ignorant as you call these ; what an honour is this to the prelacy of your church ? and is it not because your popes ordained them , and like will generate its like . such other trifl●ng objections they frame . § . but now we have two popes , iohn and leo : and to this day it is not known , nor agreed among the roman doctors , which was the true pope . most say leo : baron . and bin. say , iohn ; and call leo a schismatick ; confessing yet , that scriptores in finiti numeri call him leo th . and own him . how then shall we derive their succession ? iohn's kindred got the better , when the emperour was gone , and called him again , and cast out leo. now we have two heads , and so two churches ; the church of iohn , and the church of leo. § . . cccxvii . anno . a council at const. gave the emperor nicephorus phocas leave to marry theophanes , the widdow of romanus . § . . cccxviii . anno . the monstrous beast pope iohn got up again , call'd a synod of bishops : and what will not bishops do ? he is here still called , the most godly and most holy pope . the bishops at his motion condemn leo , and those that ordained him , and those that were ordained by him . and this council binius justifieth , and cryeth down leo th . as no pope . but he confesseth , that by the common consent of writers , leo was the true pope ; but scriptorum error veritati nihil praejudicare potest . ans. . how then shall all the world that knew not the case , be sure that binius and baronius are to be believed before all their own writers , whose common sentence is against them , and that romes succession from iohn is good ? . remember this when you plead for your supposed tradition , that infinite writers prejudice not the truth . § . . but saith platina , it s reported , that just then john was punished by gods just judgment , lest a schisme should have followed . and it is commonly agreed , that being in bed with a mans wife , the devil struck him on the head and killed him . but some think it was rather the vvomans husband that did it . § . . but yet we are never the nearer conceding , still there are two roman popes and churches . iohn being dead , one benedict is chosen by the parties , totius cleri & populi romanae consensu , saith bin. p. . yet had this clergy and people sworn before to otho , to choose no pope without his consent and choise , and tied themselves to leo. but to to be perjured , and change with the ruling power , alas how common was it ! § . . the godly emperor otho was offended at these villanies , and brought an army again to rome : benedictus made them stand out a siege till famine forced them to yield , and the emperor set up leo , and carried away benedict to hamburgh , where he died . and think you but this pope is therefore by binius and baronius made a martyr , that by rebellion and common perjury was thus set up . § . . while otho was at rome anno . he and leo . called another council of bishops , italian , roman ; from loraine , s●xony , &c. and all the roman people : pope benedict is brought forth , benedict the deacon tells him of his perjury , having broken his oath to leo and to otho : pope benedict said , if i have sinned , have mercy on me . the pittiful emperour with tears intreated the bishop to have mercy on the man : whereupon , he fell down at the feet of leo and the emperour , and confessed that he had sinned and invaded the papacy : and delivered the in signia to leo : ( yet our foresaid annalist and historian make him and not leo , the true pope still . ) the council deposed and banished him , but continued him a deacon as he was before . they removed him to hamburgh to prevent new broiles . § . . here baronius and binius cry out on the history of l●il●raudus as forg'd , on crantzius , &c. but there is a great reason why leo must not be taken for a pope : it is because by a canon of this his council they gave otho the same power for choosing popes as charles the great had . o how much interest prevaileth with these historians judgments . but alas , reader , is it not a sad thing to read how fast bishops and people did thus swear and forswear , and do and undo , making councils as weather-cocks that turn with every wind that is strong ? is this the honour of prelacy , and their stability in governing the church ? § . . next comes another iohn th . who was not chosen till leo dyed , and expresly chosen to succeed him ; and so by that account of baronius and binius the succession was interrupted , leo being no pope whom he succeeded . but , alas , had it not been for the great zeal of otho , that came so oft with armies to defend them , and to cast out intolerable popes , what had become of the roman papacy ? this iohn was a bishop before , ( as formosus was ) and so by the canons his election was null on that account . almost as soon as he was setled , saith platina , the romans having now got a custome of expelling their popes , ( yet baron , saith , the universal church owned them , ) did by seditions tire out this also . by the help of jofred earl of campany , they brake into ▪ the laterane house , and took him , and first imprison him , and then send him banished into campania : but john prince of campania killed jofred and his only son ; and delivered pope john the eleventh month after his banishment : and the emperour otho again bringeth an army to rome , with speed , and casts the governour , the consuls , and the dearchoues into fetters ; the consuls he sendeth into germany banished ; the dearchoues he hanged : peter the praefect of the city , some write ( saith platina . ) that he delivered to the pope to have his flesh torn off ; his beard and head being shorn , and he hanged a while at the head of the constantinian-horse , he was set on an asse naked , with his face backward , his hands tyed under the taile , and so whipt through the streets till he was almost dead , and then banished into germany . the corps of jofred and his son he caused to be taken up , and to be vilely cast away into divers filthy places . thus did the blind zeal of a good emperour revenge and defend usurping popes . § . . a council at revenna , of small importance , and one at rome , to confirm glassenbury-monastery i pass by : and all the english councils which spelman hath given us by themselves . but it is worth the noting , that the famous dunstan that banished priests marriage out of england , was the favourite of these two popes , iohn the . and th . even much countenanced by the monstrous pope that lay with two sisters of his own , and made his house as a common whore-house , if a council under solemn appeals to god , and execrations , said true . § . . the next pope according to platina , is benedict ( though onuphrius and binius put donus next : saith plat. cintius a potent citizen of rome took him and laid him in iayle , and there strangled him : he wondred that neither otho nor any other ever revenged it : but otho was now near death , and could not have leasure to bring an army out of germany to rome , every time that wicked citizens and popes f●ll out : did the universal church own this man also ? but ( saith plat. ) benedicts merits were such as cintius his reward importeth . but yet it was not well done of cintius to meddle with the pope were he never so bad : but alas ( saith he ) how the world is changed ! for in our age , popes lay citizens , faulty or suspected , in the same prison , and then macerate them . § . . donus . was pope but three months : in his short time , the bulgarians had almost taken constant. saith platina . and anno . a council was held at ingelheim in germany , to compose church matters . § . . the next pope ( saith plat. ) was boniface the th , who ill got the popedome , and so lost it . onuphrius and bin. say , that cintius by his command strangled his predecessors , and that he succeeded him . saith plat. in the beginning of his magistracy ( for a magistracy it thus was ) by the conspiracy of the good citizens , being forced to leave the city , taking away all the pretious things out of s. peters church , he fled to constantinople ; where he stayed , till selling all that he had sacrilegiously gotten , he got a great mass of money , with which he returned to corrupt the citizens by bribes . but good men resisted him , especially john a cardinal-deacon , whom boniface catcht and put out his eyes : and the sedition increasing more and more , either for fear or remorse , he next made away ( or kill'd ) himself : he was pope months and days saith platinus . but onuphrius saith ( one year , one month and days . ) but other popes came in between before he died , and he got in again . § . . baronius and binius say , that boniface is not to be numbred with the popes ; if so , . why not many score also ? . where then is their uninterrupted succession ? and where was their church then ? § . . binius maketh benedict . next after donus , and saith , he was imprisoned and kill'd by boniface , who usurped the place . § . an. . a council at mutina was to reconcile two brethren . § . . benedict . an. . drove away boniface , and was pope himself : and so here were again two popes : now otho . had a great overthrow by the greeks in calabria ; and flying by sea , was taken prisoner by pyrats , and redeemed by the sicilians ; dyed at rome : and otho the . was chosen in his place by the germanes . writers agree not of the time of benedicts reign . in his time they feign , that at a council at winchester in the midst of their disputes , the image of our lord spake out for the monks against the secular clergy , and so decided all the controversies . and a synod was at rome , about the bishop of magdeburg , accused . § . . cccxix. anno . at a council at constantinople , basil the partiarch is accused as criminal , and antonius studita put in his place . § . . pope iohn . ( alias . ) is next at rome , anno . binius maketh him succeed boniface that had killed pope benedict , and was fled to constantinople ; and saith , that when boniface knew that otho the emperour was dead , he returned to rome , and seized on the papacy again ; and finding john in it , did not only turn him out , but cast him in bonds in the tower of st. angelo , which was kept by men of his own faction ; and with great tyranny kept him there four months , and as a violent and sacrilegious robber , at last murdered him by famine . and lest any hope should be left to the emperours party , he exposed the corps of the dead pope ( for all the citizens to behold ) before the doores of the prison : and the people seeing the bare body of the pope consumed by hunger , buried him with sorrow . in the mean time , the invader of the seat , and the cruel murderer of two popes , the odious paricide , and turbulent thief boniface the anti-pope , ( oh horrible ! ) by tyranny invaded st. peters chair : but after four months , by gods revenge , he suddenly dyed ( he killed himself said plat. when he was dead , even the factious persons on whom he had trusted , wounded his dead carkass , and drag'd it through the city . this bin. out of baron . and he exautiquis vatican-codicibus . and must a governour of all the world be thus chosen . but platina saith , that some say , that ferrucius , bonifaces father , a great man , murdered iohn ; and others say , he was cast out for impotency and tyranny ; and others say , by malevolent seditious men. so confused ( saith he ) are the histories of those times . § . . next comes iohn . ( alias ) binius saith , that for fear of the like usage that had befallen his predecessors , he left rome & dwelt in tuscany ; one cresconius a great man , having got the castle of st. angelo : till the pope sending to otho . afrighted the romans , and made them intreat him to return . but platina saith , that [ he burned against the clergy with a wonderfull hatred , and therefore was deservedly hated by the clergy : especially , because he bestowed all things divine and humane on his kindred , disregarding the honour of god , and the dignity of the romane seat ; which errour ( saith he ) he so traditioned ( or delivered down ) that it remaineth to this day ( this is romane tradition ) a comet then appear'd , famine , pestelence , earthquakes , which were thought to be for the pride and rapacity of the pope , and his contempt of god and man. ] so platina . § . . an instance was given of a bishop of the contrary spirit : adel●ert bishop of prague in bohemia●ound ●ound the people so contrury to him , and bad , that he forsook them , and travelled first , and then entred into a monastery : and when he had lived there five years , the people desired him again , and promised obedience . a council at rome desired his return , vvhich with grief he did ; but they still proved incorrigble , and he again forsook them and vvent to preach to the hungarians , when he bapzed the king stephen , and did much good . bin. p. . § . . cccxx . arnulphus arch-bishop of rhemes suspected of treason , for delivering up the city of rhemes to charles : called a synod at seulis , to purge himself , excommunicating them that did it . anno . § . . cccxxi. hugo capet having now got the crown of france , and desirous to destroy all the carolines line , upon the aforesaid suspition got a synod at rhemes , to cast out arnulphus a bastard of that lin● ; saying , a bastard must not be a bishop : one bishop refused ; the rest for fear of that king consented , and cast him out ; ( so constant were the french bishops . ) § . . cccxxii . six bishops , and nine presbyters , and four deacons made a council at rome , to canonize vdalric bishop of augusta , anno . upon the reports of his holiness and miracles . here let me at once tell the reader , that he hath no cause to think the most of these canonizations wholly causeless . but that while pope and patriarcks , confounded all by wickedness and contentious pride ; god had many faithful bishops and presbyters that lived holily in quieter and privater kind of life ; and the popes that would not endure themselves to live a godly life , thought it their honour to have such in the church that did , and to magnify them when dead , and past contradicting them . just like the pharisees , mat. . that killed the living servants of god , and honoured the dead , and built them monuments , saying , if we had lived in those days , we would not have killed them . § . . cccxxiii . a synod was called at moson , to debate the case between arnulph and gerbert substituted at rhemes , who so pleaded his cause , that it was put off to another synod . baron revileth some writings ascribed to the former synod at rhemes , saying , they were this gerberts ▪ as being blasphemous against the pope : the centuriators of magdeb. mention them at large . did rome then govern all the world ? § . . cccxxiv . another council is called at rhemes , and gerbert ( that wrote so blasphemously against the pope ) is deposed by the popes means , and arnulphus restored : which gerbert observing , flyeth to the emperour to germany , seemeth to repent ( as baron . but surmizeth ) and gets higher , to be pope himself , by the emperours means , as you shall hear anon . § . . can any man think that popes , that themselves came in by tyranny and meer force , and lived in wickedness , could have so great a zeal as is pretended to do justice for all others , unless for their own ends ? § . . iohn the th . ( alias ) is passed over by binius : onuphrius saith , that he reigned four months : platina saith , he died the tenth year , and sixth month , and tenth day ( a great difference . ) § . . gregory the th . is next , made pope ( saith plat. ) by otho d his authority for affinity : but ( saith plat. ) the romans make crescentius consul with chief power ; who presently made john bishop of placentine pope ; who came to it by the consent of the roman clergy and people , to whom the choice belonged , though some leave him out : otho cometh to defend his own pope ; crescentius fortifieth city and castle against him : the people dare not resist , but open the city gates : crescentius and pope john flyeth to the castle ; and in hope of pardon , yields : crescentius is killed by the people in his passage ; john hath first his eyes put out , and then his life ; and gregory the eleventh month is restored : binius saith , that johns hands were cut off , his ears cut off , and his eyes pulled out ; and after set on an ass , holding the tail in his hand , was carried about the streets . § . . this pope and otho the d. agreed to settle the election of the emperour , as now it is on the . electors . the cause of great confusions , and calamities was , that the emperours did not dwell at rome ; and so left popes then to fight , strive , and sin , that else would have lived submissively under them . constantine , carolus mag. or otho , might have done much to prevent or cure all this . the papists would fain prove this the work of a roman synod , ( to settle the electors ) that they may prove that it is they , that must make and unmake emperours . but they can shew us no such council . onuphrius hath written a treatise to prove that this was after done by greg. th . for which binius reprehends him , as believing aventinus . but this is a controversy handled by so many , that i shall refer the reader to them : and whether the seven electors only , or all the feudatories chose . baronius and binius maintain , that all came from the authority of the pope ; that greg. th . ordained the choice of the emperour to be by all the feudatories of the empire ; that the council at lyons , under innocent th . setled it upon seven , but not all the same that are now electors ; and that the princes after setled it on these same seven , they know not who nor when . for the right understanding of many such matters ; i only mind the reader of this one thing , that as the contention of princes , and the superstitious fear of anathematizing had made the papal , and prelatical power then very great , in setting up , and taking down princes ; so it was usual for their assemblies , even those called councils , to be mixt of men secular and clergy ; kings and princes , and lords being present with the bishops , as in our parliaments ; and usually the greatest princes ruled all . therefore , to ascribe all to the pope and prelates , that was done in such conventions , and thence to gather their power to dispose of empires and kingdoms , is meer deceit . § . platina next nameth iohn th . alias th . but saith he was no true pope ( its impossible to know who was , ) but that he corrupted crescentius with money , and it cost them both their lives : how he was mangled , shamed , and killed ( though a bishop before ) you heard before . § . next an . . cometh that french bishop gerbert * before mentioned , that wrote so blasphemously ( as they called it ) against the pope ( as aeneas silvius after did ) till he saw some hope of being pope himself , by the emperor's favour first made arch-bishop of ravenna , and then pope , formosus's case and the canons that forbid a bishop to be chosen , were now forgotten or dispensed with . he had won the emperor's favour by a rare clock that he made , being a good mathematician : and the people and clergie were taught that it was the emperor's will that they should choose him , which to please the emperor they did : historians say that he sold his soul to the devil by covenant , to be made pope , which accordingly the devil distrained and took him away . but baron , and bin ▪ say that cardinal benno was the first author of this and many fouler accusations of the popes than i have here mentioned ; and that he was schismatical ( as taking the emperor's part ) and so not to be believed . and indeed i am not apt to believe any that accused men of magicks in that ignorant age of the roman church ; whenas erasmus saith , he that did but understand greek or hebrew was suspected to be a magician . otho d. that preferred this pope gave him two counties to his church , vercellis and st. agatha : a heresie glebar and baron ▪ mention in his time , soon extinct . stephen king of hungary it 's said converted the transylvanians ( which yet the papists ascribe all to the pope . ) an hundred fifty nine epistles of gerbert's written before he was bishop of rhemes ( or pope ) are found with nicol. faber . saith bin. § . cccxxv . in a council at rome , an . giester archbishop of mentz is accused for having two parishes ; but struck with a palsie could not appear , and the matter referred to a german council . bin , p. . § . next cometh iohn th . as bin. or th . as plat. who dyed the fifth month . but though no good be said of him , plat. noteth the great happiness of italy by the good government of hugo the emperor's lieutenant . § . next is iohn th . as bin. or th . as plat. who saith nil dignum memoriâ gessit . but what was wanting in the unhappy bishops god made up in good princes . robert king of france and henry the new emperor of germany ( otho being dead ) being men of very great piety and justice : holiness was now passed eminently to princes . § . binnius recordeth that leutherius archbishop of sens did now begin the heresie of berengarius . it seems then , neither luther , nor zuinglius , nor berengarius , nor bertram ( alias ratram ) began it . but where will the reader find that transubstantiation was yet named , or by any consent received ? so that this is but to confess that yet the doctrine contrary to transubstantiation did still obtain : and the name of heresie from baron . or bin. signifies no more against this archbishop than the name of magick and diabolism against silvester . from many historians . § . in a council at frankford the emperor henry , having a great love to bamberge , would endow it and make it an archbishoprick . the bishop of wir●●burge would not come to the council unless it might be joyned to his bishoprick . it seem'd a hard controversy . the good emperor ( oft prostrate before them ) first , having no children , dedicateth all that he hath to christ , and then desireth them to consider , that [ it was not for the lord , but for ambition , and to get more dignity that this bishop did resist his desire ] ( his agent speaking for him . ) ( oh that princes had sooner discerned the evil of such ambition and aspiring ! ) at last the emperor ( being present ) carried it , and chose an archbishop who was ordained to bamberge . § . next peter bishop of abbane is made pope and called sergius th ( the canons are here again violated ) now saith bin. was a great prodigie , in a church at rome rose a spring of oyl , of which a vessel full was sent to king henry , no doubt to call him to take the empire . ] § . cccxxvi . an. . a council at bamberge endeavoured to end some quarrels among bishops that strove to get more , and accused one another unjustly to the pope ; for which the king reproved some of them . § . an. . two popes were chosen and set up ; which is the th . schism or double-head of the roman church . the emperor's party chose benedict the th . the city party chose gregory . the citizens were the stronger at present ( and so long their's was the true pope . ) the emperor proved strongest at last , and therefore benedict became the true pope ( for hobbes his law ruled among them , ) [ that right is nothing but power to get and keep ] gregory had no power to keep his place : ergo he had no right to it : benedict fled to germany , and the good emperor henry came to rome with an army , and made gregory fly , and set up benedict . here henry first instituted the golden globe and cross as fit for an emperor's hand and aspect . bin. out of glab . li. . c. . speaketh of the jews injuring christ's image by a ludicrous crucifixion , and that after the adoring of the cross the same day , a whirlwind cast down the houses [ omnesque pene romanos occisos esse ] and almost all the romans were killed ( that 's scarce credible , ) and that it ceased not till the pope had put the jews to death . platina saith , that this emperor henry and his wife were so pious that they omitted nothing that might do good . he overthrew the saracens , and giving his sister in marriage to the king of hungary converted him and his people to the faith : and baron . giveth you the copy of his large grant of cities and principalities to the pope , by way of confirmation of former grants . § . they call it a council at legio in spain , where the king and queen and nobles with the bishops and abbots , made some laws for church-priviledges . § . cccxxvii . an. . a council was called at orleance in france ; where , by the zeal of the religious king robert and the prelates , the burning of hereticks were set on foot . bin. out of glaber thus reciteth the matter . one italian woman revived the heresie of the manichee● , and two clergie men ( yet called palatii proceres et regi familiares ) received and spread it abroad with confidence . the opinions are thus recited by glaber . . that the doctrine of the trinity delivered in scripture , is a deceit . . that heaven and earth are from eternity without a maker . . that the crimes of sensual pleasure shall have no punishment . . that there is no reward for any christian works , save of piety & justice . the two leaders lisoius and heribertus , and eleven more were burnt to ashes ; and afterwards as many more as were found guilty of the same errours . bin. p. . here consuming zeal began . § . cccxxviii . an. . a council at salegunstad in germany made many ceremonious canons ; but decreed c. . that none go to rome without the consent of the bishop . and c. . that the popes pardons shall not profit them that have not fulfilled the time of their pennance . they tell us also of a council at mentz , and gothard's curing a demoniack woman . § . benedict dying , went to purgatory saith bin. as some apparitions proved , but he was delivered out of that pain by st. odilo's prayers , and his brother 's alms. ( you see how much better it is to be a saint than a pope ) you need not question the credit of their intelligence from purgatory . § . this pope's own brother , son to the tusculane earl , by his power presently seizeth on the papacie . but bin. ex baron . would perswade us that this invaded pope afterward repented , resigned , and was new chosen by the clergy . he was very like to have their votes when he had gotten such power and advantage : but where was the roman church that while ? now dyed the pious emperor henry , and when he dyed gave up his religious wife to the bishops and abbots , as a virgin , as he received her ; who entered a monastery accordingly : conrade his general succeeded him , and the pope ( iohn as plat. as bin. ) being driven away by the people , conrade restored him . ( so far was the pope obeyed . ) § . a council at lymoges , an . . gave an apostolical title to martial their founder . § . an. ● . another at pampilone was about a bishop's seat . § . princes in this age are commended for their piety ( especially their zeal for rome . ) but did the popes yet amend ? the next man that cometh in by the same power as the former , is benedict the th nephew to iohn and son to albericus ; most say he was but ten years old , some say . capable , saith baron and bin. of impudence and luxury ; by the tyranny of his father intruded , an. . and ( say they ) being given over to lust and pleasure , and by humane frailty rushing into impudence , and living to great scandal of the faithful , he was by the romans , the consul ptolemy favouring it , rejected , or at least gave it up by the perswasion of the holy abbot bartholomew . whereupon silvester the d. came into his place , who had been bishop of sabine , even by bribery and evil arts ; and did rend the church by a new schism : but he had fcarc● sate three months , but benedict by the help of the tusculanes returned and cast him out , as an invader . in the mean time a third man , iohn arch-presbyter of rome invading the same seat , brought yet a greater deformity on the church : and so a three-headed beast arising from the gates of hell did miserably infest the holy chain of st. peter . ] these are the words of the popes grand flatterers . and they tell us that one gratian a presbyter pitying this miserable state of the church , went to all the three popes , and gave them money to hire them all to resign ; and so benedict as the most worthy being secured of the revenues of england , deposed himself ; and that he might the more freely execute his lusts betook himself to his fathers house , when intruded by force and tyranny he had held the papacy eleven years . and when the rest by his example had done the like , each being contented with his assigned portion of the revenue , the church an. . was restored to its ancient union , peace and concord , the schism being expelled , and the tyranny by which it was oppressed taken out of the way . ] thus bar. and bin. but how came this presbyter to be so honest and so rich ? you must know that when he had got out the three popes he was made pope himself , of which more anon . § . . but though these authors tell us but of four popes at once , as credible writers of their own tell us there were six : wernerus in fasciculo tempor . saith [ the . * schism was scandalous and full of confusion between ben●dict the th . and five others ; which benedict was wholly vitious , and therefore being damned , he appeared in a monstrous and horrid shape , his head and tail were like an asses , the rest of his body like a bear , (*) saying , i thus appear because i lived like a beast . in this schism there were no less than six popes at once : . benedict was expulsed . . silvester d. got in , but is cast out again , and benedict restored . . but being cast out again gregory the th . is put into his place : who because he was ignorant of letters caused another pope to be consecrated with him , to perform church-offices , which was the fourth : which displeased many , and therefore a third is chosen instead of those two that were fighting with one another . . but henry the emperor coming in deposed them all and chose clement the d . ] the sixth that were alive at once . there is great difference between wernerus , onuphrius , platina , baronius , but all confess that there were three or four at once . and the three were secured of the revenues before they resigned to the fourth ; no doubt leaving him his part : this it is for bishops to be great and rich , which will ascertain wicked men to seek them . but if wernerus say true that this iohan. gratianus , made gregory th . was illiterate , he was a strange roman arch-presbyter before , and a strange pope after , but greatly to be commended that would ordain a fellow pope that could read . § . this horrid monstrous villain called benedict the th . canonized simeon an anchorite at trevirs . do you think he was not a good judge and lover of saints ? he crowned conrade the emperor who came into italy to master the bishop of milan that rebelled , say baron , and bin. and many other great things he did . § . even in these times there were councils held . . one at lymoges , to judge st. martial to be an apostle , and to agree to excommunicate the souldiers that robbed and plundered , and to curse their horses and arms , and deny christian burial to all the countrys where they prevailed , save the clergy and poor , &c. another at beauvois on the same occasion . and another at tribur , unknown for what . § . this pope gregory th . ( who was iohn gratian the roman arch-presbyter , that werner saith was illiterate and made him a fellow pope ) is very variously described : baron . and bin. and some others make him an honest man that ended the schism . cardinal benno maketh him simoniacal that hired them out to get the papacie : baron ▪ and bin. for this revile him as a malicious lyar . they say that gregory , for punishing sacrilegious villains by the sword that cared not for anathema's , was accused by the romans that now lived by theft and rapine , as a simonist and a murderer . conrade being dead and henry his son made emperor , he being in italy held a synod at sutria near rome where all the four popes causes were examined : and the three former were deposed , that is , deprived of the revenue which was parted among them , and this gregory . ( say most authors , and even hermannus that wrote in those very times ) was deposed , ( but saith baron . he honestly resigned . ) and the roman clergy being found so bad , that none were fit for the place , the emperor chose ( say most , or caused to be chosen saith bin. ) the bishop of bamberge in germany called clement the d . § . the emperor setling the bishop of bamberge , clem. . in the chair , returned and took the last pope gregory with him to avoid contention ; and clement went after with hildebrand and dyed by the way the th . month after his creation . benedict hearing this invadeth the papacy again , the third time , even that villain that was first of the four , and held it eight months after this , so yet we have divers popes . § . an. . a council is held at rome by clem. . against simony . § . poppo bishop of brixia is made pope , by the emperor and the common suffrage , say bar. and bin. ( an . . ) but saith platina and others , it is reported that he made the poyson with which the citizens poysoned his predecessor clem. . and that he seized on the place by violence without any c●nsent of clergy or people , it being now the custom for any ambi●ious man , that could , to seize on the popedom ; but god , saith plat , as a just revenger resisted him , for he dyed the twenty third day of his papacie . yet the romans had again taken an oath in clem. d's . time to choose no pope without the emperor's licence . for the romans were become so wicked and factious that they were not to be trusted in such a thing . § . upon these horrid villanies and schisms baron . and bin. again cry out on the novatores , for casting these things in the teeth of the r●man church , as impudent men . and they say still , . that it was not the church that chose these popes ( as benedict . ) but tyrants obtruded them . . that yet so great was the power of the roman church that even false popes were obeyed by all the christian world . ] ans. . when yet they tell us themselves that even the city of rome was so far from obeying them , that they imprisoned , deposed , killed them . and the whole greek church excommunicated them since photius's dayes ; only the horrid contentions between the sons and off-spring of char●main and the germane princes , gave them advantage to lord it by anathema's in france , germany , and italy , and such nearer parts , whilest the contenders would make use of them , and they of the contenders . and horrid ignorance had invaded the clergy , and consequently the laity , and subjected them in darkness to this ruler that maketh so great use of darkness . . and if these men uncalled were true popes , why might not the turk be one , or any man that can get the place or title ? why were not all the or or at once true popes ? if not , where was the catholick church this while , if a pope was a constitutive head or part ? and what is become of your succession ? will any possession jure vel injuriâ serve for a succession ? if so , why tell you the protestants that they want it ? if not , what pretence have you for it ? i think the protestants can prove a far better succession . § . berengarius rose in these horrid dayes ; and it is no wonder if such a monster as pope benedict , and his companions condemned him , and set up the monstrous doctrine of transubstantiation . as tertullian saith it was an honour to ● christians to be first persecuted by such a one as n●ro , so was it to the doctrine of the sacrament to be condemned by such a one as benedict . and in the time ( as baron . and bin. speak ) of the three-headed monstrous beast . § . rome was now so wise as to be conscious a little of their badness and unfitness to choose themselves a pope , and therefore sent to the emperor henry to choose them one . he chose them bruno a good bishop of tullum ; who in his way , at the abby of cluny , met with hildebrand that went from rome thither , who told him that the emperor being a lay-man had no power to make or choose a pope (*) but the clergy and people ; but if he would follow his advise , he should in a better way attain his end : so hildebrand went with him and perswaded him to put off his purple , and to go in a common habit , and confess that he is not their bishop till they choose him , and that he taketh not the seat as given by the emperor but by them ; whereby he won the romans hearts , and they readily chose him . and he being called leo the th , after so many monsters , went for a very excellent pope . but yet he commanded an army himself against the normans , and proved no good or happy captain , his army being wholly routed , and himself taken prisoner : whom the normans in reverence released and returned safe . pet. damianus and others lament his souldiery as his great sin , but baron . and bin. excuse him , and say , all the world now alloweth it : you see what arguments serve at rome : where it was but lately that the first article that a roman council before otho mag. brought in against pope iohn was that he went sometimes in arms : and to be formerly a bishop was heretofore an incapacity by the canons : yet rome covereth her innovations by pretending antiquity , and calling others novatores . § . but how militant a defender of the roman grandure this leo was , may be seen in his epistles in bin. p. . &c. in the first long one to the patriarch of constantinople and another greek bishop , he reproveth them for bold damning of the church of rome , and tells them that they were members of antichrist , and forerunners of him that is king over all the children of pride ; and saith , who can tell how many antichrists had have been already ? he tells them how many heretick bishops they have had at const. and of above ninety heresies in the east ; and how by force they raged against the io●nnites ( the nonconformists that followed st. chrysostome ; ) what a heretick their bishop eutychius was , that said , the body at resurrection will be impalpable , and more subtil than the wind and air ( he believed paul that said it should be a spritual body ( though not a spirit . ) and how his books were burned . he reprehendeth their title of oecumenical patriarch ; and saith that no roman bishop to that day had ever accepted or used that title ( * ) yet he reciteth the forged grant of constantine , saying , that as far as kings are above judges , so all the world must take the pope for their head ; and that he gave the palace and all rome , &c. to silvester , and said it was unmeet that they should be subject to any earthly . prince that were by god made governors of heaven . at large he thus pleadeth for the roman kingdom of priests , c●●ding them that had put down all the latine churches and monasteries in the east . ] ( yet baron . and bin. tell you all the church on earth obeyed the pope . ) in his th . epistle he laments that in africa there was . bishops at a council , now there were scarce five in all ; and he sheweth that all bishops were of one order , but differenced as the cities were for primacie , by the civil laws or the fathers reverence . that where the pagans arch-flamins were , there were instituted arch-bishops to be over the provinces ; where a metropolis was , metropolitans or arch-bishops were placed ; and bishops in lesser cities where had been flamins and counts . but in africa they were diver●●fyed only by the times of their ordination ; the bishop of carthage being the chief . ] in his epistle . he hath a good confession of faith , where among other things he well saith , [ that god predestinated only things good , but soreknew both good and evil ; and that grace so preventeth and followeth man , that yet mans free will is not to be denied : that the soul is not part of god , but created of nothing . he anathematizeth every heresie , and every one that receiveth or venerateth any scriptures but what are received by the catholick church , &c. in the th . again he chides the patriarchs of constantinople for the title vniversal ; saying that peter himself was never called the vniversal apostle , nor did any of his successors take so prodigious a title . for he is no friend to the bridegroom that would be loved in his stead , but a bawd of antichrist , &c. his th . epistle is to the greek emperor to flatter him , to help him with henry against the normans ; in which ( to prove the romans succession ) he saith [ the holy church and apostolick seat hath been too long usurped by mercenaries that were no pastors , that sought their own , and not the things of christ. ] this pope and michael patriarch of constantinople , were so unreconcilable that they continued mutual condemnations . michael is condemned with his greeks . . for rebaptizing the papists . . for saying that they had no true sacrifice or baptism . . for holding priests marriage , for rejecting the filioque , &c. bin. p. . § . . cccxxix . an. . a roman council was fain upon pennance to pardon simoniacal bishops and priests , because the cry was , that else almost all the churches would be destitute , and the church service omitted to the subversion of the christian religion , and the desperation of all the faithful . ( where was the holy church of rome now , and its succession , if the canons for nullifying simoniacal ordinations hold good ? ) § . cccxxx . the pope resolved to go to france , and preside in a council , which he did , at rhemes : but many nobles and bishops told the king that it was an usurpation and a novelty and would enslave his kingdom : the king forbad him , yet the pope came whether the king would or not ; and the king went away about his military affairs , and some bishops with him , and others stayed . the arch-bishop of rhemes , and others were accused of heinous crimes : the bishop of laugres was charged with [ entring by simoniacal heresies , selling orders , bearing armes , murder , adultery , tyranny to his clergy , and sodomy : many witnesses testified all this : one clergy-man witnessed , that while he was yet a lay-man this bishop violently took his wife from him , and when he had committed adultery with her , he made her a nun. ] a presbyter witnessed that this bishop took him and delivered him to his followers , who tormenting him by many torments , which is more wicked , did with sharp nails pierce his generals , and by such violence forced him to give them ten pounds of denaries : the bishop hearing these accusations desired time and council , and going to the arch-bishops of besanzon , and lyons , openeth his secrets to them and desireth them to plead his cause . but the man involved in the guilt of such villanies ( who but the day before had been the accuser of a faulty brother , and seeing the mote in anothers eye , had not seen the beam in his own , but moved for the other mans damnation being himself deservedly to be condemned , ) was not only unable to excuse himself from the objected crimes , but also the tongue of his advocate ( the arch-bishop ) was by god so silenced that he was not able to speak a word for his defence . for the arch-bishop of besanzon where he prepared himself to plead for him and excuse his crimes , suddenly found himself disabled in his voice by god. and when the arch-bishop of besanzon found himself so disabled by miracles , he gave sings to the arch-bishop of lyons to speak for this his brother in his stead ; who rising up said that the accused bishop doth confess that he sold orders , and that he extorted the money from the said priest , but that he did not do the tormenting actions mentioned by him ; other things he denyed , but before the next day he fled from the council . and another bishop ( of nevers ) confessed that his parents bought his place , and deposed himself : and some other bishops confessed simoniacal entrance . the pope excommunicated many that fled from the council . he renewed some old neglected canons , as . that no man be promoted to church-government without the election of the clerks and the people , &c. chap. . the continuation of the history of councils and their bishops till the conucil at constantinople . § . cccxxxi . under leo . an . , a synod at mentz , some accused bishops were questioned and other little matters done . § . cccxxxii . in a council at . berengarius his letters to lanfrancus were read , and he condemned ( in a blind age . ) § . cccxxxiii . an. . a synod at vercelli condemned iohannes scotus and berengarius and some that defended them . § . cccxxxiv . an. . a council at coyaca contained the king ferdinandus of castile , and his queen , bishops and nobles ( like our parliaments , and so were many councils then : ) it is said to be for restoring christianity ( so low was it grown in the height of popery and ignorance ) having several orders for reformation . the d title saith , that wine , water and the host in the eucharist signifie the trinity . the th . saith , that priests must so eat at the feasts of the dead , as to do some good for their souls , &c. § . cccxxxv . an. . a roman council excommunicated gregory bishop of vercelli for adultery with a widow espowsed to his uncle , and for perjuries : but he was after restored to his office on promise of satisfaction : also all the whores of priests were decreed to be made servants at laterane . pet. damian . et bin. p. . § . cccxxxvi . in another roman synod the pope canonized a bishop gerhard , and decided a quarrel between two bishops for extent of their diocesses , § . vict●r the d . is next pope an . . leo hostiensis saith that no man at rome was found worthy . plat. saith that they feared offending the emperor : however the romans sent to the emperor to choose one for them , and some say desired this might be the man. § . cccxxxvii . platina saith that in a council at florence he deposed many bishops for simony and fornication . § . cccxxxviii . in a council at lyons , baronius ( after others ) saith a miracle was done , viz. saith he [ the heresie of simonie having seized on all italy and burgundie , the pope sent hildebrand a sub-deacon to call a council , where an arch-bishop accused of simony bribed all his accusers the next day into silence : hildebrand bid him say [ glory be to the father , son and holy ghost● ] he said the rest , but was not able to name the holy ghost : whereupon he confest his crimes , and besides seven and twenty other prelates of the churches , forty five bishops consest themselves simoniacks and renounced their places . ] what a case was the church in when popery grew ripe ? pet. damian . mentioneth six bishops deposed by hildebrand for divers crimes . § . by the way it is worthy enquiry whether hildebrand being neither bishop , priest , nor deacon , but a sub-deacon only , was any of the clergy or church-pastors to whom christ gave the power of the keys ( yea , if he had been a deacon . ) and therefore whether he had any power from christ to preside before arch-bishops and bishops in in councils , and to depose and excommunicate bishops . if it be said that he did it by the pope's commission , the question recurreth , whether god ever gave pope or prelate power to make new church-officers whom he never instituted de specie , that should have the power of the keys , yea , and be above the bishops of the church ? and whether popes or prelates may commit preaching or sacraments to lay-men ? if not , how can they commit the keys of church-government to them , or to any as little authorized by christ ? indeed baptizing is but using the key of church-entrance ; and therefore he that may so let men into the church may baptize them ( which papists unhappily allow the laity . ) and if per se or per alium will salve all , whether priests may not preach , pray , and give sacraments by lay-men : and so lay-men at last put down both prelates and priests as needless ? § . cccxxxix . an. . they say that this great subdeacon hildebrand ( the grand advancer of the roman kingdom ) did call a council at tours , which cited poor berengarius and forced him to recant ( whether it be true i know not . ) § . to this council the emperor henry sent his agents to complain that ferdinand the great , king of castile , refused subjection to the emperor , and claimed some such title to himself , and ( now ignorance , superstition , and interest having made the clergy the rulers of kings and kingdoms ) the emperor desireth that king ferdinand may be excommunicate unless he will submit and surcease , and all the kingdom of spain be interdicted ( or forbidden gods worship . ) the prelates perceived how they were set up by this motion , and made kings of kings , and they thought the emperor's motion reasonable , and without hearing king ferdinand made themselves judges and sent him word that he must submit and obey or be excommunicated and bear the interdict . the king took time to answer , and calling his own bishops together found them of the same mind and spirit , and so was forced to promise submission . this baronius , an . . writes ex io. mariano ; and binnius p. . § . cccxl . they say that the emperor dying , left his son henry but five years old , and knew no better way to secure his succession than to desire pope victor to take the care of it : who therefore called a council at colen to quiet baldwin and godfrey earls of flanders that else would have resisted him . thus bishops in councils now were as parliaments to the kingdoms of deluded men . § . cccxli . at tholouse , an . . a council of bishops attempted reformation , forbidding ( alas ! how oft ) bishops to sell orders , and other acts of simony , and priests using their wives , and the adultery , incest and perjury of bishops and priests ; bidding them that are such , repent , and forbidding communion with men called hereticks . § . cccxlii . though adultery , incest , perjury and simony of bishops was so hardly restrained , it seems they would pay for it by superstition ; for a council at compostella decreed ( saith baron . ad an . . ) that . all bishops and priests should say mass every day . . that at fasts and litanies ( which were perambulations in penitence ) they should be cloathed in sackcloth . § . stephen the th . alias th . is next made pope : in his time saith platina the church of milan was reconciled to rome , that had withdrawn itself from it two hundred years . was all the world then subject to the pope when his italian neighbours were not ? § . this pope lived after his entrance but or months , and they say made them promise him to choose none in his place till hildebrand came home to counsel them : ( a great subdeacon that rome must be ruled by . ) but in the mean time the new emperor being but five or six years old , the great men of italy turned to the old game and brought in one by strength ( mincius ) whom they called benedict the th . alias th . a bishop ; he reigned months , dayes . but when hildebrand came home he got him cast out . this was the twenty first schism in the papacie . § . hildebrand's crafty counsel was to send to the emperor to consent to gerard bishop of florence whom they chose in italy and called nicholas the d . lest benedict should get the emperor on his side ; and so nicholas made benedict renounce and banished him : but how shall we be sure which was the true pope ? § . this pope's first epistle is to the arch-bishop of rhemes to advise him to admonish the king of france for resisting the pope . § . cccxliii . the pope's council at sutrium deposed benedict . § . cccxliv . an. . a council of bishops at rome , they say , made berengarius recant , but not repent ; but as soon as he came home he wrote against them and their doctrine . § . in this council , saith platina , the pope made a decree very profitable to the church of rome . bin. saith these were the words ( translated ) [ p. . first , god being the inspector it is decreed that the election of the roman bishop be in the power of the cardinal bishops : so that if any one be inthroned in the apostolick seat , without the foregoing concordant and canonical election of them , and after the consent of the following religious orders , clerks and laity , (*) he be not accounted apostolical but apostatical . ] here it is much to be noted , . that this is a new foundation of the papacy ( by hildebrand's council ) without which it was falling to utter confusion . how then doth the roman sect cry down innovation and boast of antiquity ? . either the bishop of rome is to be chosen as the bishop of that particular church , and then the members of that particular church should choose him , or else as the bishop of the universal church ( pretendedly ) and then the universal church should choose him . but the cardinal bishops of other particular churches are neither the particular roman church , nor the universal , nor their delegates : and so have no just pretence of power . . either this decree was new , or old and in force before : if new , their church foundation is new and mutable , as is said : if old , all the popes that were otherwise chosen were no popes . . and if it be but necessary for the future , all that after were otherwise chosen were no popes . . if several wayes and parties or powers making popes may all make them true popes , then who knoweth which and how many of those there are and which is the true pope if ten were made at once ten several wayes ? . this confesseth that christ hath appointed no way for choosing popes , nor given any sort of men power to choose them : else what need pope nicholas begin it now anew ? and if so , it seemeth that christ never instituted the papacy : for can we suppose him so laxe a legislator , as to say , a pope shall be made , and never tell us who shall have power to do it . then england may choose one , and france another , and spain another , &c. the bishops one , the priests another , the prince another , and the citizens another . but if christ have setled a pope-making power in any , it is either the same as pope nicholas did , in cardinal bishops , or not ▪ if not , the pope changeth christ's institution : if yea , then all those were no popes that were otherwise chosen , and so where is the roman church and its succession . . what power hath pope nicholas to bind his successors ? have not they as much power as he ? and so to undo it all again ? if the king should decree that his kingdom hereafter shall not be hereditary but elective , and that the bishops should be the choosers of the king , were this obligatory against the right of his heirs ? . by this decree , if the laity and clerks consent not after , he is still no pope . § . in this same council ( saith bin. ibid. ) it was decreed [ that no one hear the mass of a presbyter , whom he knoweth undoubtedly to have a concubine , or subintroduced woman . ] quaer . whether they that make him a schismatick that goeth from a scandalous , wicked , malignant , or utterly insufficient priest , and dare not commit the care of his soul to such a one , be not looser than pope nicholas and this roman council was ? § . a council at malphia and another at paris for crowning king philip , and one at iacca in spain , of small moment . § . an. . was the d . schism or two popes of rome , for five years continuance . the cardinal bishops , for fear of the emperor , chose one that was great with him , anselm bishop of luca : but the italian princes perswaded the emperor that it was a wrong to them and him , and chose cadolus palavicinus bishop of parma , called honorius the d . the sword was to determinate who was the true pope : cadolus came with an army to rome ; the romans , came out against him , and in the fields , called nero's ; a great battle ( saith platina ) was fought , in which many of both sides f●ll , but cadolus was driven away . he shortly returned with a great army being called by a part of the romans , that were men of pleasure , and by force seized on the suburbs and st. peter's church : but the souldiers of gotifred put his souldiers to flight ; and he himself narrowly scaped , the prefect of rome's son with him breaking through the romans got possession of the tower , where they besieged him till they forced him to yield , and buy his liberty of the besiegers for pound of silver . then the bishop of colen having the education of the young emperor ▪ came to rome to rebuke alexander as an usurper , but by hildebrand was so overcome ( that the choice belonged not to the emperor ) that he called a council which confirmed alexander and deposed honorius . the emperor consented on condition that cadolus be pardoned , and gibert ( his promoter , chancellor of parma ) made arch-bishop of ravenna , which the pope consented to and did . thus then were popes and bishops made . q. how shall we be sure , for cadolus's five years , who was the pope ? § . a woman called mathildis a countess was then the great patroness of the papacy , who furnished military hildebrand ( that did all ) with souldiers to conquer several great men that opposed them , and to set up alexander and defend him . § . this pope alexander is said by bin. and baron to judge king harold , of england , an usurper , to dispose of the crown to william of normandy , and declare him lawful successor , and send him a banner that he might fight for it and possess it . thus did this prelate give crowns and kingdoms , as the supreme judge ( made by himself . ) he after required rent ( peter-pence ) from england of william . § . he made some constitutions for his old church at milan . three thing are the summe of them and many other councils . . against simonie . . against the clergies fornication ( no canons cured them of either of these . ) . that no lay-man judge any clerk for his crimes : only if priests live in fornication he alloweth lay-men to tell the arch-bishops , and if they will do nothing , then to withhold their duties and benefits till they amend . ( but this binnius noteth was but a temporary extraordinary concession , for the hatred that this pope had to fornicating clergy-men . ) but if they did but now and then lie with a woman by chance , and did not obstinately still keep them , they must not so trouble them . § . cccxlv. the foresaid cadolus or honorius d . was setled pope by a council at basil , an. . where , say some , many simoniacal , incontinent , wicked bishops decreed that no pope should be made but out of italy ( which they called paradise , that is , lombardy . ) § . cccxlvi . a council at osborium , an. . contrarily condemned him and set up alexander . though before platina saith that cisalpini omnes all on the romans side of the alpes obeyed honorius except mathildis a good woman . § . here binnius thought a dialogue of pet. damian worthy to be inserted , to prove that princes may not make bishops of rome . in which he would prove that the decrees that gave the emperor such power may be changed , because god doth not alwaies perform his own word for want of mans duty ; and he saith , that some men have been sinners and perished for obeying gods own law , and some rewarded for breaking it ; which he proveth by a profane quibble . . in iudas ; as if christs words what thou dost do quickly , had been a command to do the thing . . in the rechabites that drank not wine when ieremy bade them ; as if gods command to ieremy to try them , had been his command to them to do it . a council was at arragon in spain for we know not what . § . cccxlvii . an. . peter bishop of florence being accused of heresie and simony , and deposed , a council at rome renewed pope nicolas d's . canons , not to hear masse of a priest that liveth with a concubine or introduced woman : to excommunicate simoniacks , &c. § . cccxlvii . in a council at mantua ( to quiet some that yet took cadolus's part and accused pope alexander of simony ) alexander is owned , and cadolus , not appearing , cast out ; who after tryed it out ( as is aforesaid ) by an army . § . cccxlix . in a council at barcelon the spaniards abrogated their old gothish laws and made new ones , but would not change the gothish church rites : here also alexander was owned . § . an. . a council was at rome against incest . § . another for the same , the former not prevailing . § . in a synod at winchester , william the conqueror puts down and imprisons bishops and sets up others , for his own interest . § . cccl . a council at mentz was to have separated the young emperor and his queen , but the popes legate hindred it . § . cccli . in a council at mentz the bishop of constance is cast out for simony and many crimes ; the emperor being for him . § . an. . they say an english council subjected york to canterbury and owned wolstan bishop of worcester accused for being unlearned as he was . § . ccclii. an. . in a council at ersord the emperor got the bishops to fulfil his will about some tythes , threatening them that appealed to rome . § . now cometh in the foundation of the new church of rome , hildebrand called gregory th . an. . a man of great wit , and for ought i find in the most probable history not guilty of the gross immoralities , or sensuality of many of his predecessors ; but it 's like blinded with the opinion which the papists fifth-monarchy men have received ( and camp●nelia de regno dei opened and pleaded for ) viz. that christs kingdom on earth consisteth in the saints judging the world , that is , the pope and prelates ruling the kings and kingdoms of the earth , he did with greatest animosity set himself to execute his opinions . and withal , the factions of rome and tyranny of their petty princes and whores and debauched citizens , having long made the papacy the scorn of the world and the lamentation of all sober christians , constrained the better part to beg help from the emperors against debauched monstrous popes and their upholders : and by this means sometimes the choice fell into the emperors hands , and sometimes when they were far off , the city-prevailing-part rebelled , and chose without them , or pulled down them that the emperors set up : and then the emperors came and pulled down the anti-popes , and chastised the city faction ; and thus between the italian and the german powers the city was a field of war , and the richer by bribes , and the stronger by the sword , how monstrous villanies soever were set up . it was no wonder then if hildebrand first by pope nicholas . and alexander and then by himself did resolve to run a desperate hazard , when he had two such great works at once to do , as first to recover the debauched and shattered shamed papacy from this confusion , and then to subdue all kings and kingdoms within their reach to such a priest-king as was then under so great disgrace . and tibi dabo claves must do all this . § . hildebrand however had the wit to settle himself at first by seeking the emperor's consent : and being settled he got agnes the emperor's mother and guardian mostly on his side . he then began to claim presentations and investitures and to take the power over the bishops out of the emperor's hands , and to threaten him as simoniacal , and for communicating with the excommunicate . the emperor after some treaty submitted , and was reconciled to the pope ; but the pope said he did not amend . the pope calls a council at rome , where he excommunicated simoniacks , openly saying that he would excommunicate the emperor unless he amended . guibert arch-bishop of ravenna being there accuseth the pope for such threats against the emperor , and got cincius the prefect's son to apprehend him and imprison him . the people rise up in arms and deliver the pope , and pull down cincius's house to the ground , and cutting off their noses , banish his family out of the city . cincius got to the emperor . guibert . arch-bishop of ravenna , theobald arch-bishop of milan , and most of all the other bishops on that side the alpes conspire against the pope . ( and yet they say that all the world were his subjects . ) he calls another synod of his own bishops ( for synods were still the great executioners ) where gibert and hugo ( one of his cardinals that was against him ) are deposed and curst from christ. this emperor also calls a council at wormes , where by the means of sigifred arch-bishop of mentz , it is decreed that no man in any thing obey the pope of rome . roland a clerk is sent to rome to command the pope to meddle with the government no more , and the cardinals are commanded to forsake gregory and seek for another pope . now the war began between the sword and the keys . gregory by sentence deposed the arch-bishop of mentz , and the other clergy that were for the emperor ; and he anathematized the emperor himself , having first deprived him of all regal power and administration ( as far as his decree would do it . ) the form of his curse and deposition platina reciteth , where are these words [ i cast him down from his imperial and regal administration ; and i absolve all christians subject to the empire , from that oath , by which they have used to swear fidelity to true kings : for it is meet that he be deprived of dignity , who endeavoureth to diminish the majesty of the church . ] ( mark o ye kings and be wise . ) some told the pope that the emperor should not be so hastily anathematized : to whom he answered , did christ except kings when he said to peter [ feed my sheep ? when he gave him the power of binding and looseing , he excepted none from his power . ] the emperor wrote letters to many christian princes and states to acquaint them with the papal injuries ; and the pope wrote his accusations of the emperor and his own justification . the empire was presently all in division . one part was for the emperor , and another for the pope : most of the bishops of germany obeyed the emperor , and some were against him , as excommunicate . some councils were for him , and some against him . and , as abbas vrspurgensis said , they did so often swear and forswear according as power and interest moved , one time for the emperor , and another against him , that perjury was become a common thing both with the bishops and the laity . he that will see the many treatises that learned men then wrote for the power of princes against the papal tyranny and rebellion may find them in the voluminous collections of michael goldastus de monarchia . the party that obeyed the pope chose another to be emperor , rodulph duke of suevia : the emperor requireth the pope to excommunicate rodulph : he refuseth : the emperor calleth a council of bishops at brixia : they depose the pope , and make gibert of ravenna pope called clement the d. who , saith onuphrius , sate , years , so long had they two popes , at this d . schism or doubling . but did the emperor nothing to prevent all this ? yes , at the motion of the german princes to avoid contention , he made an oath to ask the pope forgiveness , if the pope would come into germany . the pope on his way fearing that the emperor coming toward him with an army would apprehend him , turned back again , and betook him to a strong city of his patroness one mathildis a woman : the emperor with his army travelled to him , and came to the gates of the city ; and in a great and sharp winter frost , putting off his royal ornaments , came barefoot to confess his fault and ask forgiveness of the pope . the pope would not suffer him to come in ; he patiently stayed three daies in the suburbs continually begging pardon , and the citizens moved with compassion ; at last the woman mathildis , and adelai a savoy earl ; and the abbot of cluny became petitioners for him , and prevailed for mercy with the pope , and he was absolved and reconciled to the church , having sworn a peace and promised obedience . ] i give you the words of platina all along . and now whether hildebrand or henry was the better man in common morals , i that knew them not , must refer you to the historians of that age , of whom some extol the pope and depreciate the emperor , and others honour the emperor , and deeply accuse the pope ; but if an emperor that travelled so far in●o another country , and put off his ornaments ; and with his army waited three daies patiently in the suburbs of a womans city barefoot in a great frost , begging mercy and pardon of a priest before he could be let in , and after this sware obedience to him , i say , if this prince did not yet sufficiently submit , but deserve to be turned out of his empire , though at the cost of blood and desolation to the innocent countries , it will be hard to know when the obedience and submission of kings is enough to satisfie an ambitious prelate . but the popes historians say that the emperor brake his covenant . it is a hard thing for a king that promiseth subjection and obedience to a pope to be sure to keep his word , unless he foreknew what would be commanded him : when he hath taken away his power and kingdom by parts , he may command his life . it 's a great doubt to me , when god hath made princes the rulers of prelates , and procurators of his church ; whether it be not a sin against god and their undertaken office , for these princes to cast off this trust and work , because a pope or prelate claimeth it . the pope still charged him with sacriledge . but i doubt he expounded his meaning when he deposed him for diminishing the majesty of the church , that is , of the pope and prelates . to proceed in the history : in the d. or th . battle it was that rodulph was slain ; and it was the popes denial to disown or excommunicate rodulph after so low a submission of the emperor , that enraged henry , and made him think of another remedy than to be a prelates slave . the pope called all the bishops that cleaved to the emperor seditious : he condemneth roland the german legate and sendeth into germany legates of his own with a mandamus , we command that no king , arch-bishop , bishop , duke , earl , marquess , or knight dare resist our legates , &c. and the penalty to the disobedient is terrible , viz. [ we accurse him from christ , and take from him his part of victory by arms. ] sure if popes had the power of victory , they need not so oft have fled to castles , nor to have rid on an ass with the face backward , nor to have suffered what many of them have done . all this he doth , [ interpositâ dei et b. petri authoritate , quâ nulla potest esse major . ] did peter ever think that his name would have thus subdued emperors and kings ? the pope again in a prayer to god and st. peter reciteth the d . psalm , and telleth them how the emperor would cast off his yoke , and again curseth him from christ , and deposeth him from all his government , and absolveth all his subjects from the oath of obedience ; saying , that , he that may bind and loose in heaven hath power to take away on earth , both empires , kingdoms and principalities , and whatever men have to give or take away : if we iudge the ruling angels , how much more their servants ? therefore ( saith he to the bishops ) let kings and all secular princes understand by the example of this man , how great your power is in heaven , and how much god esteemeth you , and let them fear hereafter to break the commands of the church . ] pass this sentence presently on henry , that all may understand that this son of iniquity fell not from his kingdom by chance , but by your endeavor . ] plat. p. . rodulph being killed , the rebels set up the emperors son , a lad , against his own father : but at that present he was quieted , and the emperor went with an army into italy , and first conquered the army of mathildis the popes patroness , and brought his own pope clement the d. to the chair , and was crowned by him : he besieged gregory in the castle : guiscard , a norman cometh with an army to fight for the pope : the citizens resist him , ( the emperor being drawn out to sens. ) guiscard burnt and destroyed that part of the city which is between the laterane and the capitol , and took the capitol and destroyed it . he gave the prey of the city to his souldiers , and delivered gregory and carried him away to c●ssinum and salernum , where he dyed , having reigned years . bin. saith , that henry besieged rome three years before he took it . when robert guiscard had delivered the pope , he deposed ( quantum in se ) all the new cardinals made by clement . and cursed the emperor again . gregory himself saith that italian , french , and german bishops were for the emperor , and they were also for clement . how shall we know then which was the true pope ? § . no less than ten books of hildebrand's epistles are added by binnius to his life . most of them for the papal interest . in lib. . ep. . he talketh of philip king of france as he did of the emperor , saying he was no king but a tyrant , and declaring that he was resolved to take his kingdom from him if he did not amend his wicked life . one of his crimes was resisting the pope that would set bishops in his kingdom without his consent . epist. . he tells solomon king of hungary , that his kingdom is the propriety of the church of rome , devoted to it by king stephen ; and reproveth him for diminishing the roman kingdom , by accepting hungary as from the germans ; and exhorts him to repent and amend . epist. . he again threatneth the king of france to cut off from the church , both him and all that give him any regal honour or obedience ( o heinous crime ! to keep the th . commandment and rom. . , , . ) and that this excommunication shall be oft confirmed upon st. peter's altar . ] epist. . he suspends ( quantum in se ) the arch-bishop of breme as an enemy to the church of rome and for hindering his legates from gathering a council , and refusing to come to rome to answer it . epist. . he calls the king of france a ravening wolf , and unjust tyrant . many great persons he forced to separate after marriage , because they were in the fourth degree of consanguinity . epist. . he tells the king of denmark , that not far from rome there was a province possest by vile and sluggish hereticks , and desireth him to send his son with an army to conquer them . what province he meaneth , i am not certain ; unless it was the waldenses . § . reader , we are greatly beholden to binnius who hath recorded , as oracles , sentences called the popes dictates , by which you may partly know what popery is . . that the roman church was founded only by our lord. . that only the bishop of rome is rightly called universal . . that only the pope can depose bishops and reconcile them . . that his legates must preside in councils , though they be of inferior degree , before all bishops ; and may pass on them the sentence of deposition . . that the pope may depose those that are absent . . that with those that are excommunicated by him , among other things , we may not dwell in the same house . . that to him only it is lawful to make new laws for the necessity of the time ; and to congregate new people ; of canonical to make an abbaty ; and contrarily to divide a rich bishoprick , and unite poor ones . . that only he may use imperial ensigns or escucheons . . that all princes must kiss the feet of the pope only . . that only his name may be recited in the churches . . that it is the one only name in the world. . that it is lawful for him to depose emperors . . that it is lawful for him in case of necessity to remove bishops from seat to seat . . that he may ordain a clerk from any church whither he will. . that one ordained by him may govern another church ; and must not take a superior degree from another bishop . . that no synod without his command may be called universal . . that no chapter , nor no book may be accounted canonical without his authority . . that his sentence may be retracted by none : and he alone may retract all mens . . that he ought to be judged of no man. . that no man must dare to condemn any one that appealeth to the apostolick seat. . that the greater causes of all churches must be referred to him . . that the roman church never erred , nor , as the scripture witnesseth , will ever ▪ err . . that the bishop of rome , if he be canonically ordained , is undoubtedly made holy by the merits of st. peter , as st. ennodius bishop of papia witnesseth , and many holy fathers confess , as is contained in the decrees of pope symmachus . . that it is lawful for subjects to accuse by his command and licence . . that he may depose and reconcile bishops without synodal meetings . . that he is not to be accounted a catholick who agreeth not with the roman church . . that he may absolve the subjects of unjust men from fidelity . these are put by bin. among gregory's epistles , p. . as the popes dictates . if i had not translated them from such an unquestioned author that followeth baronius , some would have thought they had been but the forgeries of some protestant accuser , and that the popes have no such tenents . what one is here that is not false ? and how many of them are horridly arrogant ? the reading of them would tempt a doubting man to think that the pope is the eldest son of the prince of pride , exalting himself above all that is called god , and arrogating christ's prerogatives , and therefore antichrist . if any would know what popery is ; a great part of the description is here given you by their greatest pope himself , and by their chief historians . § . much of his th book of epistles is to require princes , prelates , and people to forsake the emperor and choose another , and to excommunicate all that will communicate with him : yet in his th . epist. he reciteth himself , how lamentably with tears , three dayes in the frost barefoot , he begged for pardon , and how the compassionate people thought the pope hard-hearted and tyrannical for not yielding ; and that at last two ladyes and an abbot overcame him to absolve him . § . lib. . epist. . he tells the spaniards also that their kingdom was st. peter's property : but why did he trouble himself to lay claim to particular kingdoms ? would not his claim to all the world serve turn for the particulars ? lib. . epist. . he clameth the isle of corsica . § . that it may appear that the presumptuous usurpations of the pope were not consented to by many bishops , he oft complaineth that many bishops of france , italy , and germany were against him : he abundantly chideth and threatneth several particular bishops for resisting and disobeying him . lib. . epist. . he writeth thus to the bishop of liege . [ having read the letters of your brotherhood , we did not a little wonder that you wrote that which became you not , in reverence of the apostolick seat : but that you did with biting invective reprehend me , for absolving your parishioner , that lately came to us ; as if the apostolick seat had not authority to bind and absolve whomsoever we will and wheresoever we will : know therefore that we are greatly moved against your temerity . ] indeed one of the tricks of the papal ambition was to be the asylum of all wicked fugitives that fled from church justice in all countries near them ; to shew favour to all condemned sinners that would but fly to rome , and appeal to them from the justice of their pastors , yea , and of their princes too , which made their friends to be rather many than good . § . and the church of rome was not yet rich enough with all the principalities it had got : they still kept on the trade of enriching the pope to save their souls . binnius . p. . honoureth us with a record among gregory th . epistles , viz. [ in the name of the father , son and holy ghost , in the th . year of the pontificate of gregory th . i marro son of gisler dwelling in the dukedom of spoletane , for the redemption of my own and my parents souls do give , deliver and offer to st. peter prince of the apostles , and on his altar , all that belongeth to me of the castle called moricicla , &c. ] did christ think how easily rich men might be saved ( by giving to the pope in the name of st. peter ) when he said , it was harder for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven , than for a camel to go through a needle 's eye ? § . lib. . epist. . he saith [ they that are latines do all of them , except a very few , praise the cause of henry , and defend it , and charge me with too much obstinacy and impiety against him . ] and if the latines did so , what did the germans , french , & c ? you see here that it was far from all the world that was subject to the pope , and took his part in his usurpations . epist. . he commandeth a general no more to fight against the king of dalmatia , as belonging to st. peter ] . § . yet this pope doth teach them the truth against deceitful pennance or repentance , lib. . epist. . viz. [ we say that it is a fruitless pennance , when men remain in the same fault , or in the like , or in a worse or in one little less : he therefore that will worthily repent , must have recourse to the original of his faith , and be solicitous watchfully to keep that which in his baptism he promised , viz. to renounce the devil and his pomps and to believe in god , that is , thinking rightly of him , to obey his commands . § . epist. . he tells the duke of bohemia that it is customarily and doubtfully that he saluteth him with [ apostolical benediction . ] because he communicated with the excommunicate : and he denieth his request of using or translating the divine service or offices into the sclavonian tongue ; because there were many mysteries in it . thus come up the prohibition to the peoplee , to pray understandingly . epist. . he absolveth the bishop of liege from an oath because , he took it by force : and commandeth him to rise up against the imposer with all his power , he being st. peter's enemy . epist. . he tells the king of denmark of an ill custom among them , that whatever ill weather or calamity befell them , they imputed all to the ill lives of priests . epist. . he tells our king william the conqueror that seeing he was on his side , and is charged by some with all his bloodshed , that now he must be very obedient to him as his pastor , and peter's successor . and epist. . he tells them that the papal or apostolick power is greater than the kingly and must rule it , as the sun is greater than the moon . lib. . epist. . he laments the corruption of the church in armenia : [ . because they mixed not water with wine in the sacrament , when all men know that blood and water came from the side of christ. . because they made not their chrysm of balsom , but of butter . . because they honoured the memory of dioscorus . ] o what heresies ! pag. . in bin. there is an oath that robert duke of apulia , calabria and sicily to be true to the pope , and defend him as holding all these from him ; and there is the popes grant of them to him , laying claim also to his other dominions ; the denyal of which he patiently beareth at the present . § . but lest you think that at least the kingdom of spain was fast , all this while to the church of rome , lib. . epist. . he writeth thus himself . [ by the letters of my legate richard abbot of marseilles you may know how great impiety is gone out of your monastery ( of cluny ) by the presumption of robert a monk , who imitating simon magus , feareth not to rise up against the authority of st. peter , with all the craft of his malignity , and to reduce by his suggestion into their old error an hundred thousand men , who by our diligence began to return to the right way : ] but he hopes that the abbot thinks as he , for the honour of the roman church . he chargeth the abbot to cast out this man that had so endangred spain , adding [ and by your letters diligently acquaint the king who is deceived by his fraud , that he hath greatly provoked st. peter's wrath and indignation against him , and his grievous revenge against him and his kingdom unless he repent , because he undecently handled a legate of the roman church , and believed falshood rather than truth . of which that he may worthily make satisfaction to god and st. peter , as he hath disgraced our legate , so let him by due humility and condign reverence , make himself commendable and devout . for we think meet to signifie to him by you , that we will excommunicate him if he correct not his fault , and will solicite all the faithful in the parts of spain to his confusion : and if they be not obedient to my command , i will not think much to travel into spain my self , and there to endeavour dura et aspera , things hard and sharp against him as an enemy of the christian religion . ] o brave pope ! had not these men a notable knack or hap that could sit and talk down emperors , and kings , and subdue and dispose of kingdoms , by sitting at home and talking big , and telling them that st. peter was angry with them ? and who was this king but the great al●onsus , to whom he writeth himself , epist. . to put away his evil counsellors , and hearken in all things to the popes legate , richard ? § . epist. . l. . he commandeth souldiers to help michael the emperor of constant against the usurper , to make himself judge , and get an interest again in the empire : but in vain . § . epist. . he declareth that divers princes having sworn and promised him help , he resolved to come with an army to recover ravenna to the church . epist. . he rejoyceth that they had newly found st. matthew's body , and bids them now take him joyfully for their patron . these are the grounds of popish superstition : the body of st. matthew that preached to the abassines in another part of the world , is found at salerno in italy , a thousand years after he is dead . o that one knew how to be sure that it was his body , and how it came thither ! divers such findings they glory in . § . epist. . he writeth to orzoceus prince of calaris or sardinia , to require him as a note of his obedience to st. peter and concord with the church of rome , whose use it is , to let his arch-bishop shave his beard , and to command all the clergy of his dominion to shave their beards ; and if they obey not , to force them to it , or exclude them . and to be sure of success he lets him know , ( how truly i know not ) that many princes importuned him to give them leave to invade his countrey , but ( this righteous ruling pope ) denied leave to them all , till he had tryed whether he would obey him , which if he would do , he would not only deny them leave to invade him , but also protect him . reader , think here . . whether princes held not their kingdoms loosely when they where to lose them if they obeyed not the pope in so small a thing as the shaving of a priests beard . . whether it were not a hard thing for the catholick church then to have concord , when so small a difference as the shaving or not shaving of beards were put into their terms of union and peace ? who were the schismaticks then ? was it not the makers and imposers of such laws and terms ? . is it not a high power that is claimmed by popes , when no priest in all the christian world may have so much as his beard in his own power , in which nature hath given him a propriety ? how much more might the pope then command all mens purses ? . may way we not see here on what weighty reasons , these men condemn god's word of insufficiency , and plead for traditions , and a necessity of their additional laws ? when scripture hath left out the shaving of mens beards , and we had never had such a law , if such power as the papal had not made it ? o what discord and disorder would there be in the church if we had not so necessary a government ! and what confusion would toleration introduce , if mens beards were left at liberty ! but if paul called the heathen phylosophy vain and [ science falsly so named . ] tim. . . as befooling the world with pedantick trifling , and calling them off from their great concernes , may we not say then that this is vain government and order falsly so named , which thus calleth the church from its primitive purity , simplicity and unity , when christians were known by loving one another , to these childish games , that the prelates and priests of the catholick church must be known by their being without beards ? one would suspect this had its original from pope ioane , if there were indeed such a person ; and that it is a symbol of the churches sex , as it is called our mother ; or at least that marozia or theodora instituted it . . and do you know which were the more inexcusable , for silencing and persecuting the preachers of the gospel ? the iews that did it because they thought it took down gods law , and would bring the roman power on them ; or the roman heathens that thought the gospel destroyed the worship of their forefathers gods ; or the roman papists , that silenced and persecuted men for wearing beards ? thes. . . § . epist. . when some french preachers had revived religion in sweden ; the pope , desirous to reap where they had sowed , sends to the king of sweden , to tell him his joy ; and that what the french taught them they recieved from rome , and to desire him to send one of his bishops to rome , to acquaint him with their customs , and to receive his laws and mandates . you see by what means rome was raised . epist. . a bishop gave up his bishoprick : the pope chides him and commands him to a monastery ; rather than do so , he returneth to his seat again : the pope chargeth him with the idololatriae scelus the crime of idolatry , for not obeying him ; and writes to them not to recieve him or be ruled by him , as ever they loved the grace of god and st. peter . the like he doth , epist. . by the disobedient bishop of narbon , and epist. . by the disobedient arch bishop of rhemes , and epist. . , . of the same ; and all this in st. peter's name . yea epist. . he requireth the king of france ( philip ) to joyn against the arch-bishop of rhemes as excommunicate , as ever he would have st. peter's grace , because his kingdom and his soul were in st. peter's power . and it is no wonder that they that believe that the pope is st. peter's vicar and secretary , and that their souls are in his power , will give him all their lands or kingdoms to save their souls . § . when the pope sentenced the emperor henry to be excommunicate and deposed , and was charged to have done this without authority , he wrote his epist. l. . to the bishop of metz to prove that he had power to do it ; and to absolve his subjects from their oaths of fidelity ; saying , that the scriptures were full of certain documents to prove it . and his certain documents are tibi dabo claves , &c. and feed my sheep ; and kings are not excepted . they are st. peter ' s sheep . bin. p. . he saith , that the head of priests is at the right hand of god ; but who knoweth not that kings and dukes had their beginning from them that knew not god , and affected by blind lust and intolerable presumption to domineer over others , the devil the prince of the world acting them , in pride , rapines , perfidiousness , murders and all wickedness ? who while they would have the priests of the lord to stoop to their footsteps , are rightlyest compared to him who is head of all the sons of pride , who said even to christ , all this will i give thee , if thou wilt fall down and worship me . who doubteth but that the priests of christ are the fathers and masters of kings and princes , and of all the faithful ? and is it not notorious miserable madness for a scholar to endeavour to subjugate his master , and a son his father , and by wrongful obligations to subject him to his power , by whom he believeth that he may be bound or loosed both in earth and heaven ? did not pope innocent excommunicate arcadius the emperor ? and pope zachary depose from his kingdom the king of france , not so much for his iniquities , as because he was not meet for so great power ; placed pepin in his stead , and absolved all the french from the oath of fidelity ? ambrose sheweth that gold is not so much more pretious than lead , as the priestly dignity is higher than the kingly power . pag. . yea even the exorcists have power over devils : how much more over those that are subject to the devils , and are his members ? and if the exorcist excel so much , how much more the priests ? and every king when he cometh to his end , doth humbly and pitifully beg the priests help , that he may scape the prison of hell , and darkness , and at the judgment of god be found absolved . but is there either priest or lay-man that when he is dying begs help of the king for the saving of his soul ? what king or emperor can by his office , take a soul by baptism from the power of the devil , and number him with the sons of god , and fortifie him with holy chrism ? and ( which is the greatest thing in the christian religion ) can with his own mouth make christs body and blood ? or which of them can bind and loose in heaven and earth ? by all which it may be plainly gathered by how great power the sacerdot al dignity excelleth . which of them can ordain one clerk in the holy church ? how much less can they depose him for any fault ? for in orders exclesiastical , to depose is an act of greater power than to ordain : for bishops may ordain bishops , but in no wise depose them without the authority of the apostolick seat : who then that hath any knowledg can doubt but that priests are preferred before kings ? in a word , we must know that all good christians are more fitly kings than evil princes : for these by seeking the glory of god do strenuously rule themselves : but the other seeking their own , and being enemies to themselves do tyrannically oppress others : these ( good christians ) are the body of christ. the other ( bad princes ) are the body of the devil . these so rule themselves , as that they shall reign eternally with the highest emperor . but the power of the other brings them eternally to perish by eternal damnation , with the prince of darkness , who is king over all the sons of pride . and it is not to be wondered at that (*) bad prelates consent to an unrighteous king , whom for their ill got preferments by him , they love and fear , who simoniacally ordaining any , do for a base price sell even god himself . for as the elect are inseperably united to their head , so the reprobate are pertinaciously confederate against the good with him that is head of their militia . (*) let emperors and kings see then how much the imperial and kingly dignity is to be feared , in which very few are saved b and those that by gods mercy come to salvation are not made so good ( or eminent ) as many of the poor , the spirit of god being judge : for from the beginning of the world to these times of ours , we find not in all the authentick scripture any emperors or kings whose lives were so adorned with great c virtue and miracles , as were an innumerable multitude of the contemners of the world ; though i believe that by gods mercy many of them have been saved : for to say nothing of the apostles and martyrs , what emperor or king , was ever famous for miracles , like martin , anthony , or benedict ? what emperor or king did raise the dead ? cleanse the lepers ? illuminate the blind ? constantine of pious memory , theodosius , honorius , charles , lewis , propagators of christian religion , defenders of the church , are praised and honoured by the church , but not noted to have shined with such glory of miracles . moreover to what kings or emperors names d are churches or altars dedicated ? or hath the holy church appointed masses to be celebrated ? let kings and other princes fear lest by how much in this life they would be preferred before other men , by so much the more liable they be to eternal burnings . as it is written : wisd. c. . great men shall be greatly tormented . for they have as many men to be accountable for , as were subject to them . ( * and if one religious man find it so great a work to keep his own soul , how great a labour belongeth to princes , for so many thousand souls ? ( * ) and if the judgment of holy church so bind a man for killing one ; what will become of them that for this worlds honour murder many thousands ? who though they sometime cry meâ culpâ for killing many , yet are glad at the heart for the extension of their honour , and are not sorry that they did what is done , nor that they have driven their brethren into hell. the rest of the epistle exhorteth kings to avoid pride and tyranny : as i cite it historically to shew you the spirit of papacy , so fas est et ab hoste doceri . there is somewhat in it worthy the remembering , that greatness prove not pernicious to themselves and others , for want of goodness . § . but sure these papal arguments savour not of infallibility : may not a mean wit discern , . that goodness giveth not right to places of government without a call , else the best man must be always king : and then what pope had title to his seat ? right to heaven , will not prove a right to kingdoms : nor , è contra , power to cast out devils will not prove that the exorcist may cast out the king , nor give him laws . . what though the king be a scholar to a grammarian , a musician , a physician ? is it therefore absurd that he be king over these masters ? what though he must obey his physician for his life ? may he not command that physician for the common peace ? what though he cannot do that which a physician , a musician &c. can do ? may he not rule them for all that ? . what a discontented mind have such holy prelates , that cannot be satisfied with their title to heaven , their miracles , sanctity , church-keys &c. unless they may also be above kings , and have the secular power also ? . and what cause have kings and states to look to themselves , that are under such priests , where every clergy man is their master ? and how many superiors then hath every popish king ? even as many as he hath prelates , priests or exorcists . yet i will confess that if princes had been as bad still as some of them have been , and as such popes pretended ; and popes and prelates , and priests had been as infallible , holy , wise and peaceable as they have pretended , and had not proved the shame of religion and incendiaries of the christian world , in so many generations , it would have tempted men strongly for the interest of religion and mankind , to wish that all power had been committed to the clergy , and that campanella's regnum dei , or fift-monarchy , by priestly government of the world , had taken place . but when their own historians make fourty popes together monsters of wickedness , and piety at the same time to be translated to the princes , this turneth our thoughts another way : especially when we find still that a proud , worldly , wicked clergy , are the great confounders of the world. § . epist. . he sends to his legates to demand of the king of france , that every house do give a penny to st. peter , if they take him for their father and pastor . it seemeth the roman peter must have money , rule and honour of all the world , though he cry it down in others . § . lib. . ep. . he suspendeth the arch-bishop of rouen in normandy , from consecrating any bishop or priest , or church , because he had not visited the pope at rome , when as men and women came to him from the remoter parts of the earth ; ( the pope loved much company , and loved not privacy so well as i do . ) and because he had not sought his pallium ; though he wrote submissively to him . § . even this pope ep. . l. . professeth to the king of spain [ that a lye is a sin though it come from a pious intention for peace ; but in priests it is a kind of sacriledg . ] and if so , priests had need to take heed that they lye not , by swearing , subscribing , declaring or professing any falshood though à pope should command them . § . in the same ep. he congratulates that spain received his order of service or liturgie , because that which they used hitherto had some things contrary to the christian faith. what ? was the old spanish liturgy , heresie ? § . ep. . l. . the pope upon the death of rodulph , fearing the emperors coming into italy , pretendeth that now all men advised him to receive the emperor , for peace , into his favour and mercy ; saying , that almost all the italians were for him , and that his patroness mathildis was counted mad by her own subjects , who would not fight for her and him ; and therefore sends to try whether he could get any help from others ; charging them to see that the next chosen king be one true to st. peter , and to that end sends them an oath of obedience to saint peter and his vicar which the king must take . § . ep. . he employeth his agents to engage the norman duke robert to help him with an army . and ep. . his legate having deposed all the bishops of normandy that refused to come to his synod , he tells him that william king of england , and duke of normandy , though he was not so good as he should be , was more useful and better to the church than other kings , and therefore must not be offended , and therefore bids him restore the bishops : and also to pardon some soldiers , excommunicated for not paying tythes , because they must not lose the soldiers . ep. . he writeth to the duke of venice , by all means to avoid all excommunicate persons , and their friendship and favour lest they came into the snares of the same damnation : for ana●hema's were the arms by which he subdued emperors , and was to do his work . the like to others in other epistles . and ep. . he brought one count bertran to swear him fidelity , and to give him all his countrey , and honour as earl of provence , and this for the pardon of his own and his fathers sins . § . ep. . he congratulates to the kings of the visigoths their conversion to christianity ; but tells them they must oft send to rome for further instruction . how frequently he made arch-bishops and bishops travel to him out of other kingdoms when his legates wronged them , many other epistles shew . ep. . the norman duke , robert , acquainteth the pope with a victory which he had got : he returneth him this answer , that he had but done his duty and now as it was saint peter that had given him this victory , if he would not make him angry , he must now be thankful to saint peter , and remember what he owed him , to help him against the emperor , henry , and all his other enemies . § . ep. . he writes to the arch-bishop of canterbury that he had shewed himself guilty of disobedience which is as idolatry in that he had not travelled to rome to visit the pope when he commanded him ; and tells him that if he come not by all-saints day next he shall be deposed ; for many weak men that could scarce rise out of their beds , came from other much farther countreys : and he should lose saint peter ' s grace if he failed ( must they do so also from the antipodes ? ) ep. . he tells the count of angiers ( or anjou ) that he should have obeyed the sentence of his bishop , though it was unjust . and so every wicked prelates power over princes and all others shall be absolute . he flattered our king william the conqueror more than other kings ; but ep . . l. . he complaineth of his punishing a bishop , telling him that god taketh them as the apple of his eye , and saith , touch not mine anointed ; and though they are naught and very unworthy they must be honoured , and being called gods , men must not meddle with them . ep. . append. ( bin. p. ) he tells lanfrank arch-bishop of canterbury , how far the church was from purity in his days ; viz. that [ the bishops and such as should be pastors of souls , do with insatiable desire hunt after the glory of the world , and the pleasures of the flesh . and do not only themselves confound all things that are holy and religious , but by their example draw their subjects to all wickedness ; and that to let them alone is unlawful , and to resist them how difficult ! so much of the epistles of greg. th . who seemeth to be much more against vice than his predecessors for many ages , but more for tyrannical usurpation and rebellion than ever any that was before him : and if the better sort of them be such , what may be expected from them ? § . cccliii . an. . in a council at rome priests were forbid marrying , and all that were married commanded to put away their wives : the arch-bishop of mentz trying to do the same in germany , the whole party of the clergy ( saith lambert , an . ) raged against it , and called the pope a downright heretick that opposed christs law , who forbad putting away wives except for fornication , saying , all men cannot receive this saying ; and as driving men to fornication : they went from the synod , and some were for casting cut the archbishop of mentz and putting him to death : but he spake them fair . but the pope went on . § . cccliv. in a synod at genesius , the popes legate and anselm lucens . excommunicated many that had been against anselm : whereupon the whole city was enraged , and forsook mathildis , and joyned with the emperor , and expelled the bishop , one peter a canon leading them . § . ccclv. an . . a council at rome excommunicated five of the emperors family ; unless they travelled to rome and made satisfaction : it excommunicated philip king of france unless he satisfied the nuntii of the pope : it suspended the arch-bishop of breme , the bishop of strasburg , the bishop of spire , the bishop of bamberge , and in lombardie the bishop of papia , the bishop of turine , the bishop of placentine , and also robert duke of apulia , and robert de roritello . &c. § . an . . was the foresaid synod at mentz where the arch-bishop seeking to bring the clergy to obey the pope in putting away their wives , was fain to put it off to save his life from the clergies rage . the english councils i omit referring you to spelman , of which one deposed wulstan ( they say injuriously ) &c. § . ccclvi. an . . a council at worms sentenced the pope deposed . two bishops awhile refused consent , but at last yielded : and they sent to the pope , that thenceforth all that he did as pope was void . § . ccclvii . hereupon the pope calls a council at rome , which excommunicated all the german bishops that deposed him , and the bishops : of lombardy as conspiring against st. peter , and many french bishops : and with them the emperor henry ; and deposed him ( quantum inse ) from all his dominions : and absolved his subjects from their oaths ( as aforesaid . ) § . ccclviii . the excommunicate bishops had a council at papia , where they retorted the popes anathema on himself , and excommunicate him . § ▪ ccclix . the pope calls another council at rome , where the arch-bishops of millan and ravenna ( the antipope ) are excommunicate , and the emperor's cause and party again condemned . § . ccclx . another synod at rome an . . decreed divers things for defence of the clergies priviledges . and it is observable that to that day the old canons were in force for nulling all ordinations not made by the common consent of the clerks and people : ordinationes quae interveniente pretio vel precibus , vel obsequio alicujus personae ea intentione impenso , vel quae non communi consensu cleri & populi secundum canonicas sanctiones fiunt , & ab his ad quos consecratio pertinet , non comprobantur , infirmas & irritas esse dijudicamus ; quoniam qui taliter ordinantur non per ostium , id est , per christum intrant , sed ut ipsa veritas testatur , fures sunt & latrones . therefore it is no sinful separation to disown and avoid such obtruded bishops or pastors as are not so ordained by the common consent of the clergy and the people . § . in this council the pope , to keep up some pretensions yet to a power in the east , excommunicated the new made emperor nicephorus botoniates for deposing wrongfully the emperor michael and his wife mary , and his son constantine porphyrus , and putting them into a monastery and invading the throne , whom the patriarch cosmas lately set up by michael , had crowned : but thus matters were then often carryed . § . that we may a little take along some of the greek affairs , note here , that zimisces being dead an . . the empire returned to basil and constantine the sons of romanus jun. basil held it years ; and constantine three more . against them rose first bardas scleros , and then bardas phocas . basil overcame and subjected the bulgarians : an. . argy●us romanus took the empire with constantine's daughter ( putting away his wife for her and the empire . ) after five years zoe killed him , and took her adulterer and the agent michael paphlago to her bed and empire . he being afflicted in body penitently turned monk , and reduced zoe to some order : but being dead , she took michael calephate who sware to obey zoe ; but breaking his covenant , she deposed him and put out his eyes . and an . . she took to her bed and the empire constantine monomachus , in whose times the greeks had divers losses by the sueves , and by the normans that got apulia . at which time the turks being soldiers under the persians , revolted and oft overcame them . zoe and her sister theodora having ruled all , dye . in constantines time michael cerular patr. of const. wrote against the church of rome . theodora being dead , michael stratonicus reigned one year : who was forced to resign to isaac comnenus : . who being diseased turned monk , and made constantine ducas emperor : an . . he dyed swearing his wife eudocia not to marry and make a father in law to his three sons ; but she brake her oath and marryed romanus diogenes and made him emperor : he is taken in fight by the sultan , and released , and when he came home his eyes put out by his own subjects ; of which he dyed an . . and eudocia is thrust into a monastery . michael paripinacius , the son of const. ducas is chosen emperor : the turks and others greatly weaken the empire : two nicephori usurp : one called botoniates , helped by the turks , getting possession , michael entred a monastery , and the other nicephorus byennius is overcome and his eyes put out : botoniates after three years , is deposed and made monk by alexius comnenus , who was made emperor , an . , and being worsted by robert d. of apulia , and having dealt ill with godfrey and his army going for palestine , and beaten by them an . . living years and reigning he dyed an . . forsaken first of all , and succeeded by his son calojohannes . sect. . ccclxi. a roman council an . . forced berengarius to recant , and to own transubstantiation . sect. . ccclxii . an. . another roman council renewed the deposition of the emperour , and gave his empire to rodulph , the pope excommunicating henry , and saying [ confidens de judicio & misericordia dei ejusque piissimae matris semper virginis mariae , fultus vestra authoritate , saepe nominatum henricum , quem regem dicunt , omnesque fautores ejus excommunicationi subjicio , & anathematis vinculis alligo : & iterum regnum teutonicorum & italiae ex parte omnipotentis dei & vestra , interdice●s ei , omnem potestatem & dignitatem illi regiam tollo , & ut nullus christianorum ei sicut regiobediat , interdico : omnesque qui●i juraverunt , vel jur abunt de regni dominatione a juramenti promissione absolvo : ipse autem henricus cum suis fautoribus in omni congressione belli , nullas vires , nullamque in vita sua victoriam obtineat . then he giveth absolution from all their sins to all that take part with rodulph , and blessing in this life and that to come . adding [ go on then holy fathers and princes i beseech you , that the whole world may understand and know , that if you can bind and loose in heaven , you can on earth both take away the empires , kingdoms , principalities , dukedomes , marquisates , earldoms , and possessions of all men , according to their merits , and grant them ( to others ) for you have often taken away from the evil and unworthy , patriarchates , primacies , arch-bishopricks , bishopricks , and given them to religious men : for if ye judge spiritual things , what must men believe that you can do about things secular ? and if you judge the angels that rule over all proud princes , what can you do with their servants ? let kings and all secular princes now learn , how great you are and what you can do ; and let them hereafter be afraid to set light by the command of your church : and exercise your iudgment so speedily on the said henry , that all may know , that he falls not by chance , but by your power ; i wish he be confounded to repentance , that his spirit may be saved in the day of the lord. ] o brave pope ! from this council the pope sent ▪ rodulph a crown with this inscription — petra dedit petro petrus diadema rodulpho . but all this was but as balaam's attempt ; it destroyed not henry , nor saved the life of rodulph , that was after killed . sect. . ccclxiii . an. . the emperor called a council at brixia which deposed gregory as [ a false monk , the pestilent prince of all villanie , the invader of the roman seat , never chosen of god , impudently intruding himself by fraud and money , subverting all church-order , perturbing the kingdom of a christian empire ; designing the death of soul and body to a quiet christian emperour : defending a perjured king ; sowing discord where there was concord , and strife , where there was peace , scandals among brethren , divorces between husband and wife , and shaking all that seemed to be in quietness among godly men ; a proud preacher of sacriledge and flames , defending perjuries and murders , questioning the catholick doctrine of christs body and blood , an old disciple of berengarius * a follower of divinations and dreams a manifest conjurer , possessed with a divining evil spirit , and so swerving from the true faith. ] and they made guibert pope in his stead ( as was aforesaid . ) § . ccclxiv . a council at lyons , an. . deposeth manasse bishop of rhemes , for refusing to give account to the pope , &c. § . ccclxv . another at avenion , maketh hugo bishop of gratianople . § . ccclxvi . another at meaulx , maketh arnulph bishop of soissons . § . ccclxvii . another at rome , an. . excommunicateth the emperor again . § . ccclxviii . an. . another at rome , the pope kept three days in sighs and groans , being besieged , and then dismist it . § . ccclxix . an. . in another , the besieged pope again excommunicated the emperor , and the new pope clement ( guibert raven . ) § . ccclxx . an. . a council at quintilineburg condemned two heresies : the first was the royalist heresie of loyalty , called the henricians , from henry the emperor , who thought that the pope and prelates had not authority to depose kings and emperors , but were to be subjects to them . an heresie , if such , that most kings are very much inclined to , as taught them by st. paul , rom. . and by st. peter himself . you see , o princes , if you will be the popes and prelates executioners , that you must come at last to the stake your selves , and fall under the law de hereticis comburendis , unless you will be servants your selves , or trust to some peculiar chalibeate remedies . the great argument of the pope was [ the disciple is not above his master . one gunibert undertook to prove , that the pope had no such power , but what he had usurped , and taken to himself , but might be judged . but the foresaid argument struck all dead . but might not these prelates have understood , . that the pope himself may have a master in philosophy , physick , & c. ? and is he not for all that , above his master ? . is the king above no master that teacheth him in any art or science ? . are not christ's words plainly to be understood , of superiority and inferiority in eodem genere ? the disciple as such is not above his master ; but as a king he may : or else princes give up their kingdoms to every schoolmaster that they choose . . this doctrine sets not only popes and prelates , but every teaching priest or preacher above the king ; for to such the king may be a disciple . . this tendeth therefore to tempt princes to be utterly ignorant and brutish ; for fear lest by learning any thing of any master , they should give away their kingdoms . and if children be kings by inheritance , what a snare is here laid to undo them ? . doth not the holy ghost say , let every soul be subject ; and were not peter and the apostles some of these souls ? did not christ himself and peter pay tribute ? but remember again you that are subjects to such councils and prelates , that it is by them judged heresie to be loyal , and to plead for the clergies subjection to kings . § . the heresie of wecilo was here also condemned , that said ( as they report him ) that when the secular men were spoiled of their estates and goods , ( it 's like by the ecclesiasticks ) they were not bound to obey the ecclesiasticks , and might be received by others , when they were excommunicate . it was therefore decreed , [ that whoever was excommunicate by his bishop , that bishop not being himself excommunicate , or deprived of his office , though it were unjustly done , should by no means be received to communion ( by any other ) unless absolved in the ecclesiastical manner . ] and so god must be disobeyed , that commandeth the faithful to worship him in sacramental communion , whenever any proud , malicious or drunken prelate will forbid him : and must so live and die , unless his masters will repent of their injuries . when as it is usual for one injury to engage a man to more , or to continue it , for the justification of the first . § . another decree of this hereticating council was , what days to keep the spring and summer fasts on ; and that none eat cheese or eggs in lent. this is the roman holiness , and way to heaven . many archbishops and several cardinals were here excommunicate also , for being for the emperor against the pope . § . ccclxxi . but the wars of councils continuing , a council was called by the emperor at mentz , where the deposition of gregory , and the substitution of clement ( whose legates were present ) was confirmed , and the condemners again condemned . and so we have done with the life , letters and councils of hildebrand . § . pope gregory dying , clement alone was pope one year , and then the italians chose desiderius an abbot , called victor the d. this was the d schism , or two popes at once . victor lived but a year and three months , and days . historians tell us of famines , and dreadful prodigies in those days . in that little time he raised an army which beat the saracens in africk . § . ccclxxii . a council at capua chose this victor , an. . and when he was brought to rome , they found pope clement in possession , and keeping it by arms : but when they had fought , victor's soldiers proved victors , and his title to be best . § . ccclxxiii . victor had a council at benevent , where he damned pope clement and his bishops , an. . the grand controversie of those times of the pope against the emperor and other princes was , about presentations to bishopricks , or investitures , which the pope said , belonged to no lay-man : victor ' s council again judged such presentations or collation of bishopricks to be sacriledge , and such simoniacs that used them : and here it 's worth the noting that they decree , ( bin. p. . ) that penance and communion may be received from none but a catholick : and if no catholick priest be there , it is righter to persist without visible communion , and to communicate invisibly with the lord , than by taking it from a heretick to be separated from god. for there is no communion of christ and belial ; nor of a believer with an infidel : but every heretick is an infidel : and a simoniac because an heretick , is an infidel : for though catholicks because of the hereticks being over them , cannot have visible and corporal communion , yet while in mind they are joined to christ , they invisibly receive his communion . ] let it be here noted , . that this council confesseth that the sacrament and visible communion is not of necessity to salvation : and why not the same of visible baptism , when it cannot be had on lawful terms ? . that therefore it is no sinful separation to refuse such church-communion as cannot be had on lawful terms , or but from hereticks , simoniacs , or sacrilegious . . that this sheweth that the church of rome hath their succession oft interrupted : for by the testimony of their most flattering historians , and of general councils , many popes have been simoniacs ; ergo , saith this council , hereticks and infidels ; ergo no popes : ergo their faith failed . . that this maketh their bishops , priests , and churches in all their own kingdoms where princes have the presenting and investing of bishops , to be all void and null , as being infidels . and that not only among protestants none should communicate with any bishops that have their presentation and investiture from kings , but must separate from them as infidels , but even in papists kingdoms they must do the same . § . victor commended odo , or otho ostiensis for his successor ; who is chosen in his stead against clement , and called urban the d . he made their old patroness mathildis in her age to marry with an italian duke welpho , on condition that they should never have carnal copulation . the emperor came to rome , and set up clement : urban ( or otho ) being one that before had published the excommunication of the emperor , excommunicateth him again , and goeth from rome , into italy and france ; and sets the princes upon the recovering of ierusalem , listing men , and so reconciled most of their strifes at home . the history of this expedition , platina briefly , and many authors largely give us , to whom i refer you . conrade the emperor's son rebelleth against his father , encouraged by the pope . the papal historians pretend that his father would have forced him to incest , but others think otherwise . it was this pope ( saith bin. p. . ) that appointed the horary prayers , called the office of the blessed virgin , to be used by clergy and laity , for success against the saracens . having reigned eleven years , and four months , he died . § . ccclxxiv . an. . urban in a council at rome , repeateth against the emperor and pope clement what was done before by greg. the th . clement is expelled rome , and driven to renounce . the holy wars breed reconciling thoughts . the papal party offer the emperor his crown , if he will depose clement . his bishops dissuade him , and he refuseth ; being otherwise for peace inclined to it . § . ccclxxv . a council at troy in apulia about marriage of kinsfolk . § . an. . a council at tolouse deposed the bishop as criminal , &c. § . an. . a council of urban's at melfia decreed again , that no bishop receive investiture from any lay-man ; and that no lay-man have right or authority over any clerk. also against false penance ( hildebrand before had decreed that penance , and baptism , ( and so absolution ) profit not impenitent undisposed receivers . ) § . ccclxxvi . a council at benevent condemned pope clement again . § . ccclxxvii . another at troy did consult for urban's interest . § . ccclxxviii . another at constance , an. . against married priests and simoniacs , and about the number of easter and whitsun holy-days . and the empress praxes departed from the emperor , accusing the court of most filthy fornication ; perhaps the cause of their calamities . § . ccclxxix . an. . a council at ostio in france excommunicated their own king philip , for putting away his wife , and marrying another ; and again excommunicateth the emperor and pope clement . § . ccclxxx . an. . a council at placentia heard the cause of the emperor of const. begging help against the infidels ; and of the king of france ; and the empress complained how filthily she had been forced by her husband's command . it repeated damnations , and decreed that no money be taken for baptizings , chrysms or burials . § . ccclxxxi . a council at clermont for the same causes . it decreeth , that if one injure another on monday , wednesday or thursday , it shall not be reputed a breach of peace : but if it be done on any of the other four days , it shall be judged a breach of holy peace , and be punished as shall be judged . c. . and that no clergyman shall receive any honour ( or preferment ) from the hand of lay-men . c. . and c. . that no kings or princes make investiture of any ecclesiastick honour . and c. . that no bishop or priest make any promise of allegiance to a king , or to any lay-man ( ne regi , vel alicui laico in manibus ligium fidelitatem faciat . ) ligius is liege , or ligatus , a vassal or full subject . and c. . that no lay-labourer keep the tenth of his labour , ( from the clergy ; ) or receive ( from the clergy ) the tenth of his wages . § . it sheweth you that ever the sacrament in one kind was not introduced , in that the th canon of this council decreeth , that [ none communicate at the altar , unless he receive the body by it self , and the blood by it self , unless through necessity , or with cautelousness . ] can. . any one that fled from his enemies to any cross , was to be there protected as in a church . but the ierusalem war was the main business of this council , by which the pope cunningly turned away animosities and jealousies from himself , and got the repute of a holy defender of the church . § . but in an english council all the bishops in the kingdom save one ( rochester ) would force archbishop anselme to renounce the pope ; which anselme refusing , and reasoning against , they said that he blasphemed the king , setting up any in his kingdom without his consent ; and so they jointly renounce their subjection and obedience to the archbishop , and abjure the unity of brotherly society with him , bin. p. . you see luther was not the first that renounced the pope . § . ccclxxxii . a council at tours , for the holy war : where the king of france philip was reconciled , promising service to the pope . § . ccclxxxiii . an. . a concilium barense was held , for winning the greek church in their necessity ; where anselme of canterbury got the honour in disputing of the procession of the holy ghost . the sum of which disputation is in his works . § . ccclxxxiv . an. . a council at rome gave the king of england time to repent till michaelmas , the former council had excommunicated him , if anselme had not desired delay . § . an. . another roman council for the holy war , and reexcommunicating pope clement , ( but what clement did all this while , is past over here . ) § . an. . some little council at ierusalem put out arnulph the archbishop of ierusalem as a wicked man and usurper , and gave it to the pope's legat. § . an. . paschal the d is made pope ; a little after pope clement dieth , who had reigned with his competitors years : being buried at ravenna after five years , a council caused his carkass to be dig'd up and burnt : decreeing , that all the bishops of the henrician heresie , ( that is , who were for emperors being above the pope , or not deposable by him , and for his power of presentations or investitures ) if they were alive should be deposed ; if dead , should be dig'd up and burnt , ( which were most of the bishops of the west , if hildebrand himself mistook not . ) o military bishops ! that can overcome the dead . no wonder if the church and nations be confounded by you , that cannot let each others carkasses rest in their graves ; but will dig up the bones of the prelates of many kingdoms , even the greatest part . how many princes and prelates now papists , are guilty of the henrician heresie ? should not their bones also be burnt if you durst ? § . but the schism continued , three persons successively being made anti-popes by the emperor's party ; but all of them one after another overcome by paschal , who being a military pope , did most of his work by his army , which he frequently had on foot . in his time ierusalem , and the cities about , were won by godfrey of bullen , his brother - baldwin , boemund , tancred , and the rest of the christians ; and godfrey made first king , and baldwin next ; boemund and tancred having antioch , and after suffering great losses , &c. as you may read in the histories . § . never did the papal rebellion work more unnaturally , than in setting up the emperor's son henry against his own father , as excommunicate and deposed ; who being chosen in his stead by the papal faction , overcame him , and took him prisoner , and kept him till he dyed ( naturally , or violently , i know not ) at liege . § . yet was the pope deceived of his hopes : for this henry also was of the henrician heresie , and having by the pope's order kept his fathers corps five years unburied , because excommunicate , he came with an army after to rome to be crowned emperor , and getting into the city , ( the pope's historians say by perfidiousness , and others lay the perfidiousness on the pope ) he took the pope and cardinals ( that were for him ) prisoners , for denying him to confirm the bishops which the emperor had promoted ; and he kept him till he made him confirm them , and grant him investitures under his hand and seal , and promise : but when the emperor was gone , the pope took his promise to be null , and brake it , ( he that can dispense with others , may dispense with himself . ) § . binnius , after many such others , doth not only justifie the pope's deposing of the emperor ; but shamelesly saith , that even the novatores haeretici , ( as he calleth the loyal and orthodox ) will not deny but that he was justly deposed , because ( saith he ) in a letter to hildebrand , he said himself he might justly be deposed if he fell from the faith ; and he was deposed for heresie , viz. for defending priests marriage , selling benefices , contemning the popes excommunication , and saying that he ought not to regard it . ans. . doth every word in a letter that you can distort , forfeit a crown ? . did not the apostles and ancient christians obey heathens , and command it ? . was it to the pope that he forfeited his crown ? how prove you that ? . were these apostolic doctrines , ( that priests may have wives , as peter had , &c. ) a falling from the faith ? . is every princes crown and life at the pope's mercy , because he may judge him to be an heretick ? . are not the chief christian kings now that are papists ( especially the king of france ) of that which is called , the henrician heresie ? and may they be so deposed ? § . but one thing i desire may be noted of this henrician heresie , that the emperor did not take away the old liberty of the clergy and people in chusing their bishops : investiture was not election , or any determining nomination , but like our inductions an after-consent , and a delivery of possession by a staff and ring , as may be seen in the form of pope pasohal's grant in nauclerus , gen. . p. . [ we grant and confirm to you , that you may bestow investiture by a staff and ring to the bishops and abbots in your dominion , freely elected without force and simony . ] and it medled not with the presbyters , but was only a negative power of freely chosen prelates induction , who was still chosen by the inferior clergy and the people . § . how the old emperor was basely deprived by the three bishops of mentz , colen and wormes ; how he charged their oaths of allegiance on them ; how he denounced the revenge of god against them ; how he was kept in such poverty , that he desired for his relief to have been but an assistant in the monastery of spire which he had built himself , and was by the ungrateful bishop of spire denied ; how in his misery he confessed it was the justice of god for the sins of his youth ( lust ) you may see in sigon . de reg. ital. an. . helmold . hist. sclav . c. . sigebert an. . albert. xrantz . hist. sax. li. . c. , , , , . compared . as also how his body was digged up out of his grave , and kept five years by his unnatural son in an unconsecrated place , and after buried . thus ended one that had fought ( as historians say ) with honour , sixty two battels ( more than caesar had done ) a man ( had he duly mastered his youthful lust ) credibly described as of laudable endowments , and one that shewed much zeal for the clergy , though he was not willing to be absolutely their subject . § . ccclxxxv . of the councils that were in paschal's days , the first was at rome , an. . where the old emperor henry the th . was again excommunicate , and a form of anathematism made against all heresies , and in special against that heresie that then troubled the church , which was [ that the churches anathema's and bonds are not to be regarded . ] it was time for pope and prelates to call that a heresie , when by cursing they had got their dominions , and conquered so many emperors and kings : but it 's a wonder that when tibi dabo claves , would not keep up the credit of the cursers , that cursing again should be able to do it . two councils at london , partly against the clergies incontinence , and against sodomy , and partly to depose several married priests , i pass by . § . ccclxxxvi . fluentius , bishop of florence , published that anti-christ was come . whether he told them who he was i know not : but an. . a council of bishops was there called , to try him for that dangerous doctrine ; and finding that prodigies and calamities drew him to believe it , they chid him as a weak man , and warned him to talk so dangerously no more , ( you may know why . ) § . ccclxxxvii . when the young henry began his rebellion against his father , he called an. . a council at quintilineburg , where he solemnly called god and angels to witness , that it was not out of desire to reign that he did what he did , nor to depose his father , but to restore them to the obedience of the church , lamenting his father's obstinacy against it : and he profest his obedience to the pope , and drew divers revolted archbishops to do the like . § . ccclxxxviii . an. . a council with the nobility or princes was called by henry junior at mentz , where the old emperor was again excommunicated , and forced to resign his scepter to his son ; and this by those princes , prelates and nobles , that had sworn allegiance to him , supposing themselves absolved from all their oaths by the pope . now it was that the three archbishops violently divested him . when he asked them , what was his fault , and they said , simony , in the collation of bishopricks and abbies , he adjured them ( the bishops of mentz , and colen , with the bishop of wormes ) by the name of the eternal god , to say whatever he took of any of them : and they said , nothing . he thanked god that so far their own tongues justified him , when their bishopricks might have brought him no small sum. § . ccclxxxix . the pope in a council at wastallis in lombardy , took in some submitting bishops . § . cccxc . two bishops at ierusalem striving for the place ; one put out by the king , but restored by the pope , died in his return ; the other by a synod at ierusalem was put out , but made bishop of caesarea . § . cccxci . in a council at trecae , the emperor's investitures are forbidden . § . cccxcii . another at benevent , an. . of the same , decreeing , that if any take a benefice from a lay-man's presentation , the giver and taker shall be excommunicated . and one at london to the same purpose , made king henry consent against investing bishops or abbots . another at liege , for st. guibert's elevation . § . cccxciii . but the pope's lateran council of bishops is more considerable , where the pope breaketh his oath and covenant to the emperor as being constrained , and this by their approbation . the history of the occasion before-mentioned , is here again recited by binnius out of the chron. cassinens . at large ; where you may see that the emperor sware to the pope , and the pope was thereupon to crown the emperor as in his proper rights . the emperor claimed to be crowned as to the same rights that had been granted to charles , lewis , henry , and other former emperors : this the pope denied to do , and so they went to fight ; where on both sides , between the romans and germans , so many thousands were slain , that tyber was coloured with their blood . how the earl of millan that interposed his person to save the emperor's life was slain , and his flesh cut in pieces , and given the dogs by the romans , and what other bloody work was there made , the said chronicle mentioneth . the pope when he crowned the emperor , and made the covenant with him , took the body of christ and brake it , taking part himself , and giving the emperor the other part , and said , so let him be divided from the kingdom of christ and the lord , that breaketh this covenant ] which now by the consent of the bishops in council he brake . § . cccxciv . a council at benevent , to decide a quarrel about church-lands . § . cccxcv . in a cyperan council an archbishop complained , that he was put out by the prince roger of sicily , and made a monk against his will ; and was delivered , because god will have no involuntary service : another archbishop accused , fled . § . cccxcvi and cccxcvii . a council at beauvois , not known for what . one in syria against arnulp . archbishop of ierusalem , for his crimes . § . cccxcviii . an. . a council at colen excommunicate the emperor , ( or declare the popes excommunicate ; ) but he forced some to receive him . § . cccxcix . an. . in a lateran general council ( as they call'd it ) it unhappily fell out , that the pope who had before call'd the emperor's claim an heresie , ( as councils had before named it , the henrician heresie ) could not here disclaim and revoke his act , without confessing his fault , in granting that power to the emperor , and confirming it by covenant and oath . he tells them that he is but a man , and so a sinner , and lamenting his sin , begs their prayers to god for pardon , and then anathematizeth all that he had written , and desireth them to do the like . hereupon a crafty bishop ( bruno signinus ) said , let us give thanks to god , that we our selves have heard the pope condemn that priviledge that containeth pravity and heresie : and if that priviledge contain heresie , then he that made it was an heretick . ] this put them all to their shifts ; and ioh. cajetan angerly said , [ dost thou call the pope an heretick here , and in our hearing ? the writing that our lord the pope made was evil , but not heresie . another bishop said , [ nay it ought not to be called evil ; for to deliver the people of god is good , by the authority of the gospel , which commandeth us animas ponere , to lay down our souls for the brethren : and that which the pope did , was to deliver the people of god. ] o holy bishops and councils , that take it to be no sin to lye and forswear , if it do but deliver the people of god! but the pope's patience would not hold at the charge of heresie , but after great expectations , he told them that [ that church had never had heresie : yea , the same church had quelled all heresies — and ego rogavi pro te , petre , secureth it . as much as to say , though i confest an heresie before i was aware , now i tell you , the same thing is an henrician heresie in others , and none in me . § . cccc . an. . a roman synod to end a strife between the two monasteries , cluniacens . & cassinens . § . platina tells us how the pope sent the pisans to fight against the saracens at sea ; and when they were absent , the lucenses sought to take their city , but the florentines honestly came and repelled them ; for which the pisans gave them two porphyretice columns . also that mathildis ( maud ) the pope's great defender now dying , enriched the pope , with bequeathing her principalities to rome . and that vincentius , an excellent author , saith , that she was burnt with two thousand more in a great fire that hapned at florence . and being sainted , divers places say , they have her body . bernard was the glory of this age. platina tells us also of a bloody war and sedition in rome , upon the pope's denying a boy of ten years old , to succeed his father as prefect of the city ; the pope being forced to remove : that the emperor came with an army again to rome , where a bishop crowned him again , the pope being in apulia , who after returned and dyed . § . now cometh the th schism , or two popes at once ; iob. cajetan cardinal is chosen at rome , by the clergy , senate , and people of rome , bin. p. . the emperor sends to demand the confirmation of pope paschal's covenants : he denieth , and as at his choice a great citizen , cincius frangipanis , offended at the choice , threw him down , trod on him , and imprisoned him , till the people rose and forced frangipanis to restore him safe ; so the emperor now set up another pope , gregory viii . and cajetan , called gelasius the d , got some italian princes to help him , and when the emperor was gone he came to rome , and scuffling awhile , was fain to go to france , and dyed after a year and five days , gregory reigning three years , and some being for one , and some for the other . in this time king baldwin and tancred had a great overthrow near ierusalem . § . cccci . pope gelasius with a synod at capua , excommunicateth the emperor and pope gregory ( who , it 's like , requited him . ) after at vinna in france he called a synod , and dyed . § . the bishop of vienna in france , ( kin to the emperor and the king of france ) is chosen pope in france : he prevaileth with the emperor to give up his investitures , and so maketh a joyful peace . he overcometh pope gregory viii . and imprisoneth him in a monastery . in his time baldwin was again overthrown , and the venetians took many islands from the greek emperor , for hindering them to relieve ierusalem by sea. § . ccccii. the first council under calixtus the d was at rhemes , whither went turstan chosen archbishop of york , upon promise to king henry , that he would not receive the pope's blessing : but he stuck not to break his word ; therefore the king banished him , or forbad him his dominions . here four tenents of guilbert porretane a schoolman were condemned . . that divinitas and deus are not the same ( in signification . ) . that the three persons are not unum aliquid . . that besides the persons there are eternal relations , which are not the same as the persons , &c. . that it was not the nature of god that was incarnate . these they condemned , whether rightly understanding porretane i know not : but if schoolmens quirks must make work for councils , and councils will be their judges , what work will there be ? § . cccciii . another at colen , an. . the emperor was excommunicated . § . cccciv . in a lateran council called general , the emperor ( saith otto frising . ) seeing the people fall from him when he was excommunicate , and fearing his fathers case , yielded to resign investitures , which he after performed , an. . and an. . ccccv. a. roman council setled the cassine monastery of benedictines in their independency , save on the pope alone , against the envy and complaints of the bishops . § . ccccvi . a roman council finished the peace with the emperor . and an. . one at tholouse call'd some religious men hereticks . § . calistus dying , theobaldus , called caelestine , is chosen by the fathers ; but lambert called honorius the d , by the help of leo frangipanis , a great man , came after him , and got the greater power , and got and kept possession . this was the th schism , which the emperor's resignation of investitures prevented not . § . ccccvii . an. . a french council about the templars habit : and one at london , and another . where because mat. paris openeth the shame of the pope's nuncio , and others , binnius revileth him . § . arnulphus , a famous preacher , was murdered in rome , for preaching against their pride , covetousness and luxury . platin. § . two popes are next chosen : ( the th schism ) . gregory called innocent the d . . peter called anacletus . onuphrius : panuinus saith , that innocent had but cardinals votes , and anaclet had . and yet innocent being the stronger , is by them taken now for the true pope , and the succession is from him . § . pope innocent presently becometh a soldier , and gets an army to fight with roger prince of sicily , for claiming apulia : the pope and cardinals at the second battel are taken prisoners , by the coming of william duke of calabria to help his father . roger gently releaseth them : they come to rome , and find pope anaclet in possession ; who got roger of sicily , and the people of rome that were for innocent , to be for him , ( saith platina . ) innocent dares not stay , but goeth into france ; thence into germany , where henry being dead , and lotharius made emperor , the pope got him to swear to help him : the emperor and pope come against rome with two armies . the anti-pope anacletus is not to be seen ; till the emperor was gone home , and innocent at pisa , and then he appeareth as pope again . lotharius cometh with another army , and driveth away anacletus , and roger of apulia into sicily . § . the romans now rose up against the pope , and claimed the civil government of rome by a senate . the pope hereupon deprived them of their votes in the election of popes , and deprived all the clergy also of theirs except the cardinals , and confined the power to the conclave of the cardinals alone . this was the first time that the old way was overthrown , and all the canons broken by one pope in revenge against the romans for rebelling against his civil government , and helping anaclet . till now , clergy and people chose the bishops . hildebrand began to set up the cardinals power , but denied not the clergy and people their votes in comitiis . § . the greek emperor's legat now had a dispute with the pope's party , to prove the roman church erroneous for the filioque , of which see plat. in inoc. . § . ccccviii . and ccccix. and ccccx . the pope innocent being above seven years in france and germany , damned pope anaclet and his fautors in a council at clermont , and in another at rhemes , and in another at liege . and , another at pisa did the like . and one at mentz was about a bishops quarrels . and , one at estampes condemned innocent's presence prevailing there , and anaclet's presence at rome . § . lotharius dieth , and conrade is emperor . ccccxiv . innoc●nt , an. . calleth a great council called general upon his return at rome , to condemn anaclet again . § . anaclet dying , another pope called victor is chosen against innocent , and the schism continued : and after five months being too weak , giveth it up . § . in england , saith william malmsbury , and binnius out of him , p. . two bishops ( of salisbury and lincoln ) built the great castles of newark , shirburne , devises , malmesbury , and held the castle at salisbury , &c. the nobles complain'd to the king of the bishop's greatness , and building so many castles , as of ill design . at an assembly or parliament at oxford , the servants of some earls and these bishops fought for quarters : the bishops servants prevailed , and blood was shed , and the nephew of an earl wounded near to death , and all was on an uproar . the king ( stephen ) took the advantage , and made the two bishops deliver up the keys of their castles , lest they prepared to be for the empress maud in time . the bishop the king's brother was the pope's legat ; he calls a council at winchester , and summoneth the king , where he and other bishops pleaded against the king , that he violated the canons , wronged the church , invaded the bishops propriety , &c. but a french bishop of rouen pleaded for the king , that no canon allowed them those castles , and that in danger of wars all princes would secure such places ; and so far got the better , as that they durst not proceed against the king , who told them that if any went to rome to complain against him , they must not think easily to return into england . § . ccccxv. an. . a council at soissons condemned abailard's books to the fire ; but saith otto frising . ( & bin. ex eo ) they would not hear him speak for himself , suspecting or fearing his skill in disputation , his great acuteness being famous . his heresie was , that whereas ( saith otto ) the church holdeth the three persons in the trinity to be res distinctas , * , distinct things ; peter used an ill similitude , and said that [ as the same argument or speech is proposition , assumption and conclusion , so the same essence is the father , son and holy ghost ] and this was judged sabellianism . but sure , . peter never meant this similitude should hold in all respects . . sure this asserteth unhappily such a difference as is between the whole and the parts , if he had meant it to be fully simile . and that maketh a greater difference inter personas , than the schools allow . but be the man heretick or not , what justice was in these pitiful prelates that condemned him , and durst not hear him speak ? is such hereticating much regardable ? § . ccccxvi . another synod ( senonensis ) got st. bernard among them , who debated the case of peter , and he appealed to the pope , who condemned him , and yet saith that peter denied many of the words , and all the sense that was charged on him : but nameth five errors , worthy his condemnation , if his indeed . § . binnius from w. malmesbury ( who was present ) reciteth another council at winchester , king stephen being taken prisoner by some lords , and the londoners pleading for his liberty , his brother the pope's legat was against him , and accused him , excommunicating divers lords that were for him . § . ccccxvii . a synod at ierusalem against the patriark of antioch , the prince , and the pope's legat being against him : accused of many crimes he would not appear , and was deposed and imprisoned , and scaping out went to rome for help , and was there poisoned . an unlearned bad man haymericus is put into his seat . § . innocent dying , caelestine the d was the first man that ever was ordained or made pope without the peoples election , saith binnius himself ex onuphr . by the cardinals privately alone , according to pope innocent's order . an. . in conrade's reign ; he dyed within six months . in his time the christians lost edessa to the turks . § . pope lucius the d cometh next , and liveth but months . in which he set the emperor conrade on a fruitless expedition towards ierusalem , to the death of multitudes . § . a gallican council against abailardus , who is said by plat. & pet. cluniac . to repent and dye a holy death . § . eugenius the d , a companion of bernards , is next pope : the romans rising for their civil government , expel him : he goeth into france , maketh an archbishop against the king's will , who sweareth he shall not enter the city . bernard persuadeth the king to repent , and to expiate his sin by an expedition ( with conrade ) to ierusalem , where both lose men , time and cost . the pope overcometh the romans , and maketh them promise that the senators shall hold of him : he again withdraws , and dyeth . § . . note here , that the civil government of rome it self fell not till lately into the pope's hands , and that by the same means as he conquered kingdoms . . note how far he was from ruling all the world , when for so many ages the city of rome it self contended against him . but the dependent prelates in all nations of europe were his strength , who perceived that tibi dabo claves , might be abused for themselves , as well as for the pope ; and the policy of popes was in those days to do all or most by synods , and thereby to make the prelates perceive that it was their power , interest and rule as well as his . but now the case is quite changed with this unchangeable church ; councils now are needless , because scarce to be trusted . § . passing by a council at wesel for the ierusalem war , a ( ccccxviii ) council at paris fell again upon the scholastic bishop of poictiers , gilbert porretane . in his visitation he spake some words too hard for his hearers , and his two archdeacons getting bernard on their side , ( a man more devout than scholastically acute ) they accuse the bishop of heresie again ; having had success lately against peter abailard , the bishops were ready to receive the charge . the articles of accusation were these : . that he said , divinam essentiam non esse deum . . quod proprietates personarum non essent ipsae personae . . quod theologicae personae in nulla praedicarentur propositione . . quod divina natura non esset incarnata . and some lesser , as . that attenuating mans merits , he said none merited but christ. . evacuating the sacraments of the church , he said none were truly baptized , but those that were to be saved : and such like other things . the pope and the prelates heard the charge : two masters are brought out against him , who sware that they heard some of these things from his mouth ; many wondering that learned men used oaths instead of arguments , ( saith otto frising . ) after many charges and urgencies , he said , [ audacter confiteor patrem alio esse patrem , alio deum , nec tamen esse hoc & hoc . ] that is , it is one thing to be god , and another to be the father , ( or the words are not of the same signification ) and yet god is not one thing , and the father another thing . ] the hardness of these words seeming a prophane novelty , provoked the bishop of soissons to say , [ what say you , that the being of god is nothing ? ] having not read or understood austin , that saith , [ sic aliud est deo esse , aliud subsistere ; ●icut aliud deo esse , aliud patrem esse , vel dominum esse : quod enim est ad se dicitur : pater autem ad filium , & dominus ad servientem creaturam . ] the bishop of soissons misusing a saying , [ cum quis diceret , socratem esse nihil diceret . ] he turned the auditory against himself ; and they asked porretane to open why he so distinguished the persons ; who answered , [ quia omnis persona est per se una . ] which puzled or amazed them , and ended that days work . the next day he was accused of novelty , for saying that [ the three persons were tria singularia . ] the archbishop of rouen aggravating it , said that [ god should rather be called unum singulare , than tria singularia . ] at which many were offended , because hilary saith , [ sicut duos deos dicere profanum est , ita singularem & solitarium dicere sacrilegum est●-et nihil solitarium ex divinis sacramentis ad suspicionem audientium & occasionem blasphemantium proferamus . ] but porretane told them , that by singular , he meant nothing but excellent and incomparable . in this manner porretane , bishop of poictiers , was examined , and modestly answered them many days ; till the pope perceiving that these school-niceties being too hard for him , durst not determine them , nor gratifie bernard ( though his friend ) and the hereticating bishops and clergy , but craftily put it off to a general council . this is all out of otto frising . recited by bin. p. . you may see here what work hereticating prelates and councils were inclinated to make . if all the schoolmens subtile assertions ( sound and unsound ) must thus be tryed in general councils , and all that was disliked , called heresies , though it would have shamed the prelates ignorance , it would have afrighted daring wits from their presumption ; and since i have seen the tendency of cartesianism , gassendianism , and other epicurean follies , i did not care much if we had some such ignorant prelates to afright these bold philosophers also . i have oft marvelled why general councils that understood not the hebrew tongue , ( nor the pope's western councils the greek ) have no more exercised themselves in councils to judge of scripture , copies , and translations . and i have thought in what words and manner they would have prosecuted such debates : sure falsifying scripture is of as dangerous consequence as these school presumptions . some will think it is well that the councils for above years had so few that understood the original language , or else they would have so tost and torn , and sensed and nonsensed the scripture , that they would have made it quite another thing . § . ccccxix . yet we have not done with heresies . a council at rhemes , called by the banished pope , tryed a mad man , an illiterate rustick , called eum , one unworthy to be called an heretick , saith otto frising , who said he was the son of god , &c. whom they sent to prison , where he dyed . in the same council gib . porretane , bishop of poictiers , is again called , where their subtilties were disputed over again ; and bernard abbot clareval . being his chief adversary ▪ upon porretane ' s exception to some of his words , saying , scribantur , went and drew up some articles of faith , seeming contrary to porretanes , and got many bishops to subscribe them . the roman cardinals took this heinously , and came all together to the pope , and told him , that it was they that of a private man made him pope , and that he must know that it was they that were the cardines , on which the axis of the whole church did turn , and that he must not now be his own , but theirs , and not prefer private and new friends before his old common ones . and that his abbot bernard with the gallicane bishops , had audaciously presumed to lift up their necks against the primacy and top of the roman seat , which only doth shut and no man opens , and opens and no man shuts ; which only may discuss matters of faith : and even when absent , may not receive prejudice of this honour from any . but , behold these french-men , contemning our faces , ( or presence ) have presumed to write their belief , without consulting us , as if they would pass a definitive sentence on the matters that have been handled before us : which had it been done at antioch or alexandria , had been void — how then durst these usurp in our presence — we will therefore that you presently rise up against thus temerarious novity , and delay not to punish their contumacy . ] and so they had like to have run into a schism : but the pope and bernard spake them fair , and bernard said , they wrote not as determiners , but to give account of their own faith , when provoked ; and so pacified the cardinals . but this tumult hindered the deciding of the case : but , saith otto , whether bernard was decived by humane infirmity , or porretane escaped by hiding any thing by his great learning , i must not determine . § . ccccxx . another council an. . the banished pope held at trevers , where bernard told him of the revelations of a woman abbess called hildegardis : the pope sent some to her ; she returns him a writing of her revelations , which he read , admired , and by bernard's persuasion honored her with a letter : but what they were is not mentioned . § . conradus ; called anastasius the th , is next pope , and dyeth after a year , four months , and days . the glory of his time is said to be ricardus de sancto victore , a famous writer , specially de trinitate , and gratian , lombard , and comestor . § . hadrian the th , an english man , is next pope . the romans by request and threats , importune him to permit their consuls to govern them as heretofore . he resolutely denieth them . they wound one of his cardinals . he excommunicateth and curseth them . ( quaere , whether rome was the catholick church when it was excommunicate ? ) they had before desired him to come to the lateran , which he refused , till they should turn out one arnoldus brixianus , called by him a heretick and disciple of abailard . the people ( saith platina ) took this ill , and so hurt the said cardinal ( i doubt the romans themselves were for hereticks . ) the pope curseth william of sicily for invading the church-lands . the greek emperor offereth to help the pope , and to give him much gold also , if he shall but have three maritime cities in apulia , where he hath won them . this afrighteth william to offer the pope all again , if he may but he called king of sicily . the pope denieth it . william angry , over-runneth italy . the pope repenting , granteth him his desire . the new emperor frederick also coming with an army into italy , took some cities belonging to the church , and gave them up to the pope : but when he came into the city to be crowned , the citizens enraged at the pope for denying them their civil government , shut the gates ( the emperor's army being without ) and fell on many of the pope's followers , and the germans , beat some , and killed many . the emperor hereby provoked got in his army , and killed many of the citizens , and had done more , but that the pope dissuaded him : yet was the pope and he fain to go round about to the lateran , to avoid another battel . platina mentioneth the pope's cursing william of sicily , and absolving his subjects from their oaths that they might rebel , but saith nothing of the emperor's after-quarrel with the pope , occasioned by a letter of the pope's rebuking him , for not helping the bishop of london , saith binnius , and refusing an offered bishop of ravenna . the pope's epistles against the emperor , &c. binnius leaveth out . at last the romans again rising against him , he goeth to anagria , and dyeth . § . an. . roland is made pope , called alexander the d ; and octavian , called victor the th , is made pope by others , and sate four years , and seven months . this is , saith onuphrius , the th schism , or double papacy . three more succeeded clement , to keep up the duplicate before alexander dyed , of whom one reigned five years , and another seven . alexander addresseth himself to the emperor frederick to heal the schism ; who therefore bids both the popes come to him , that he may hear the case : but alexander himself refuseth , and gets away . the emperor sendeth two bishops to him to summon him to a council ; alexander refuseth to appear . the bishops go to octavian ( victor ) and the emperor calleth a council , and this council with the emperor make octavian the confirmed pope . ( quer. whether this was not as good authority as alexander's greater number of the cardinals ? ) hereupon alexander curseth the pope victor , and the emperor , and sendeth letters to christian , princes to tell them that he did it justly : ( wonderful ! that empires and kingdoms could be then disposed of by cursing ! ) the emperor seizeth on many of the church-cities . alexander returneth to rome , but findeth so many against him that he durst not stay there , but flieth into france , invited by king philip ; and there again at a council , curseth the emperor . the emperor frederick destroyeth milan , and translateth thence to colen the supposed bodies of the magi , or three wise men that came to bethlehem ! ( is it not strange what brought them to milan ? and how they came all to dye there together ? and how all their bodies came to be known ? o the wisdom of rome ! ) the rest of the italian cities and states raise an army against him ; he sendeth to the king of france to end the schism , by bringing pope alexander with him to a council , where he would meet him with victor . divo is the appointed place between france and germany : the emperor with victor and some kings cometh to the council ; alexander refuseth , because he call'd it not , and calls another at tours in france . the emperor angry returneth to germany , and sendeth victor into italy , where he dyeth , and guido , called paschal the d , is chosen after him . the romans chose consuls that were alexander's friends , and send for him to rome , and receive him . the italians then arm against the emperor ; who cometh with an army into italy , and taketh ancona . the greek emperor is drawn to promise the pope a great army against frederick , so he would unite the empire and churches again . this afrighteth the emperor . the tusculanes and the abanes had a war with the romans that oppressed them with tribute , and gave the romans a grievous overthrow . the emperor besiegeth rome ; william of sicily sends help to the pope . the people of rome intreat the emperor for peace , which he promiseth , on condition the worthier pope may be chosen , and the schism ended . the pope alexander hearing of this , flieth secretly by ship. the plague driveth the emperor from rome ; he goeth into germany . the pope's friends in italy get strength . the greek emperor emanuel sendeth yet larger offers to the pope , if he would restore him the western empire by re-union . pope paschal dyeth . the tusculane cardinal , called calistus the d , is chosen in his stead , and reigned seven years , ( saith onuphr . ) but the tusculanes refusing him , he goeth to alexander , and resigneth to him all his right in tusculum . whereupon the tusculanes receive alexander , who there heard the ambassador of henry king of england , purging him of the guilt of the death of tho. becket ; and sent into england two cardinals with power to examine all the matter ; who imposed on the king , though swearing he was innocent , that for penance he should maintain soldiers for ierusalem , and for three years should have an army against the barbarians , and defend the church-liberties in his land , and not hinder appeals to rome ; all which he sware : [ by which , saith platina , he merited that the title of the kingdom of england should be transferred on him , and his heirs , by the pope's consent : whence it is observed that all the kings of england do recognize ( or acknowledge ) the rights of the kingdom from the pope of rome . ] a just reward for their serving the titular servant of servants in his pestilent ambition ! that he should thence take them for his vassals , and take himself for the disposer of their crowns ; stooping to such priests , doth make them kings of kings . yet alexander hath not got possession of rome it self , so far was he from being received by all the world ; and so low did he condescend as to offer the citizens , [ that if they would receive him , he would come in peace , and meddle with nothing but divine matters , leaving to them the care of secular things : and when they would not grant him this much , he went to signia . ] was this man truly the bishop of rome , that had no more of the citizens consent so much as to dwell among them ? there he canonizeth the archbishop of canterbury , tho. becket , for a saint . the emperor entereth italy , and taketh many cities , but the venetians owning the pope , and he being wearied with wars , at papia treateth of a peace . but this not taking , the emperor shortly returned with another army into italy , but was so hard put to it by the millanois and others in one fight , that he narrowly escaped death himself . this one loss made the nobles that followed him say , that they suffered this , because they fought unlawfully against the church ; and if he made not his peace presently with the pope , they would go home : so that the emperor was forced to submit to the pope , for fear of being forsaken by his subjects and soldiers . at venice they met , and the emperor kissing the pope's feet , credible historians say , that the pope trod on his neck scornfully , and profanely repeating the words of the psalm , [ thou shalt tread on the lion and adder , &c. ps. . . ) but baronius and binnius will not believe this , though as fowlis noteth , p. . it is recorded by ciaconius , masson . and abundance more of their own historians , and preserved in the archives of the library at venice , and the picture of the story hang'd publickly in the senate house . the emperor's severity against them of milan was not for nothing : they not only brake their oath by rebellion , but when his wife beatrix came to see the city , set her on a mule backward with the tail in her hand , and so led her in scorn from one gate out at the other : what may not such provocation do to an emperor ? the stir that there was about the emperor's holding the stirrup to pope urban , is recorded by divers historians : and how the kings of france and england did the like by alexander ; and how this on debate was said to be their due . the truth is , the papists princes of europe themselves are beholden to the protestants , for redeeming them from servitude , and their kingdoms from the meer will and mercy of the pope . § . the pope having conquered the emperor by cursing , is past doubt now of conquering rome , ( for such men were bishops by conquest , and not by consent . ) to tusculum he goeth , and now demandeth of the romans , that they abrogate the office of the consuls : but finding this too hard a task to be done at once , he maketh a bargain with them , that none should by the people be chosen consuls , till they had taken an oath of fidelity to the pope , in his own proposed words , and that they would never do any thing against his dignity . and so alexander goeth the third time to rome , and calls a council ; but quickly dyeth , when after twenty years contention , he thought he was new setled in peace , an. . § . onuphrius , after radavicus frising . ioan. cremon . abb. ursperg . &c. saith that it was this pope alexander , that first ordained that the clergy and people being excluded from the election of the pope , ( and so he was no true bishop ) the choice should be in the cardinals shut up in conclave , and go by two third parts of their votes , to avoid schisms for the time to come . onuphrius saith , that he had the writing of pope lucius the d , that saith , he was the first that was chosen by the cardinals scrutiny , ( though the cardinals in a looser way were lately made electors before . ) he that is no bishop , is no universal bishop or pope : but he that is not chosen by the clergy or people of that church , is no bishop . the minor is proved by the canons of many councils . § . the epistles of alexander are so full of usurpation and treason against princes , that binnius thought it best to omit them , and give you but the titles : but those that concern england are in mat. paris , whom binnius referreth you to , though he oft reproach him for speaking truth . many are about tho. becket archbishop of canterbury , and against the emperor and the king of england , forbidding the coronation of henry the d , and suspending roger archbishop of york for crowning him , and such like , to shew how he was king of kings . § . ccccxxi . of the councils in alexander's time recorded by binnius , the first is an. . at papia called by the emperor which voted victor pope , and condemned roland , called alexander . the letters of the emperor and the bishops tell us , that this council consisted of immunerable bishops and abbots , and that the emperor , after a good speech , departed , and left all to their judgments : and that it was there proved by the oaths of many witnesses , that victor was chosen by the full consent of the people and clergy , and some cardinals , and that , twelve days before roland was chosen ; and that roland was present and contradicted not , but bid them obey him that was chosen : and that after being chancellor he stole out of the city , and the major part of the cardinals having before the death of the last pope entered a confederacy , to choose none but one of themselves that confederated ( against the emperor ) they secretly chose roland ; the people and clergy ( a multitude subscribing ) all desiring victor : there or four kings also consenting to accept him , when the council declared him the onely true pope , and roland a perfidious usurper . here is all the romans , clergy and people , the emperor and many princes , and a council of innumerable prelates of germany , italy , &c. against the major vote of an upstart sort of men called cardinals , that had confederated treacherously before : and yet the roman papacy is by succession from this man , that was no true bishop himself . ccccxxii , ccccxxiii , ccccxxiv , ccccxxv . an. . alexander got a council at clermont , and another at newmarket , and another at belvacum ; and an. . another at tours , to curse the emperour and pope victor . the french taking his part , ( and the english at last ) kept up the schism and contention . the reader must take this notice by the way , that such meetings as we call parliaments , the popish historians often call councils , that they may draw men to think that what parliaments did was done by clergy power ; and when lords , commons and bishops met in the same assembly , some called them parliaments , and some councils ; and as spelman saith , pag. . the same assemblies were indeed mixt , and partly civil or royal ( as he calleth them , because called by the king ) and partly ecclesiastical . but among the romanists , councils are greatly advanced by this ascribing to them the acts and power of parliaments . accordingly the parliament at clarendon is called a council by binnius , ( ccccxxvi ) by the reproachful name of conciliabulum , because they setled the rights of the king as ruler of the clergy , and would not let the pope be king of england , ( which is the henrician , or royal heresie , to be punished by fire or other death on kings themselves , when the pope is big enough to do it . ) in this council or parliament , thomas of canterbury , and the rest of the bishops concurred with the rest ( for fear . ) but thomas when he came home repented , and imposed so strict penance on himself , that the pope hearing of it , was sain in absolve him . § . ccccxxvii . an. . binnius saith , that ireland being given to the pope as soon as they became christians , the pope gave it to king henry the d , as soon as he had conquered it ; and a council at cassel was called for reformation . note here , . that the pope hath great reason to seek the conversion of the kingdoms of the world , if they are his when they are converted . . that it is no wonder if five parts of six of the world be still infidels , or at least that they are unwilling to yield to popish christianity , when heathen and infidel kings must lose their kingdoms , and become subjects to the pope , if they turn to popish christianity . . that it hath long been a cunning way of bounty with popes , to give princes their own kingdoms and conquests , when they cannot take them from them . ccccxxviii . an. . was the synod at venice for reconciliation . § . ccccxxix . an. . alexander being at peace , called a council at rome , which they call general , or the th general council approved at lateran : in which are many reforming canons , and many for the papal power . the first is ( as aforesaid ) to confine the power of pope-making to two third parts of the cardinals only . another to degrade those ordained by the three anti-popes . another that no one have many churches , &c. and the last against some called cathari , patrini , or publicani as hereticks , giving those indulgences that will fight against them , and absolving all inferiors from all fidelity and duty to them , &c. some think that these were the waldenses , some the albigenses . but i have elsewhere shewed ( against mr. danvers ) that there were several sorts then in those countries , some manichee hereticks , and some good christians called waldense ! , and albigenses , but against the pope and his superstitions , whom the papists would jumble together to disgrace the best : who were , as some of their own writers ( e.g. sanders lib. . de vis . monar . ) say , a portion of the henricians , that is , of the emperor henry's heresie , that held the pope's false usurping excommunications were to be contemned ( not as from henry their teacher ) that is , they were royalists , and against the pope's ruling the abused world by the cursing way . § . to this council , crab and binnius have annexed a voluminous appendix of decrees , of which many are notable . as that no bishop may suspend a presbyter without the judgment of his chapter . that a perjured clergy-man is to be perpetually deprived , and may not govern a church . that in case of ambiguity of words , we must have recourse to the common understanding of them , with divers others . § . alexander dying , lucius the d is the first chosen by the cardinals , according to alexander's lateran council , ( as is aforesaid . ) and to perfect the papacy , having got the choice of the bishop out of the hands of the clergy and people of rome , his flatterers next persuade him to put down the order and name of senators , which attempting , his party by the cities insurrection had their eyes put out , and the pope forced to leave the city ; and at luca , while he provoked princes to send soldiers to ierusalem and asia , he dyed . § . ccccxxx . one council this pope had at verona , as they say , where the emperor frederick met him , and sollicited him to restore all the bishops and clergy deposed that had adhered to him and the anti-popes . the pope consented , but said he could not do it without another council : ( by which it appeareth , that this at verona was no true council . ) § . urbanus the d is next pope , called turbanus , as an incendiary , by ab. ursspergens . but better spoken of by platina ; he sate above one year . it 's said that he dyed of grief for the loss of ierusalem in his time . ccccxxxi . a council he had at paris , they say , for ierusalem , too late . § . gregory the th succeedeth him two months , and dyeth . § . an. . clement the d succeeded him , who importuneth the christian kings to recover ierusalem . the emperor frederick , the king of france , and richard king of england , go in person . the emperor was drowned in asia , as he was wa●●ing himself in a river . the rest do much , but all to little purpose , but to the great destruction of many christians . the pope sendeth an army into sicily to claim it for the church , because the king dyed childless : there also bloody havock is made . an. . an assembly at paris furthered the holy war , ( binnius will call it a council . ) § . though this clemens sate but three years , and five months , he ended the long war between the romans and the pope , granting them their senators , but deposing their patricius or head , that union might not strengthen them . § . caelestine the d cometh next , who to get sicily from tancred , gets out of a nunnery a devoted virgin that was the heiress , and marrieth her to the young emperor henry the th , and giveth him with her the kingdoms of sicily and naples , ( when he can get them ) and so wholly obligeth him to the church ; and to surrender tusculum , which the romans utterly demolish . sicily the emperor gets , and puts out tancred's eyes , but naples was too hard for him , his soldiers dying of the plague . how the king of france and the king of england disagreed in palestine ; and how the king of france returned home , and treacherously joined with iohn the king's brother , to invade the king of england's dominions , and so called him from attempting the siege of ierusalem , and how he was taken prisoner by the way home , many histories acquaint you . § . binnius out of urspergens . tells us , how this pope that had sent the king of france into palestine , for his repudiating his wife after , interdicted the whole kingdom of france the use of holy thing . o horrid villany , worse than heathenish ! for one man's family-sin , to forbid so great a kingdom to worship their god and saviour . saladine when he had taken ierusalem , dealt better with the christians . o bewitched princes and people , that by their degenerate prelates would be brought to suffer or submit to such a wickedness , contrary to the nature of all religion ! o wicked prelates and clergy , that would obey an usurper in suc● a wicked interdict ! but the king of france grievously punished his clergy for the fact. for it was done by the pope's legat and the bishops at a council at divion : ( the ccccxxxii . here . ) § . next cometh the great pope innocent the d , ( a young man of years old called lotharius ) an. . § . the duke of saxony , otho the th , succeedeth the emperor henry the th . but philip of suevia is his competitor , and the king of france was for henry's brother ) and the pope for otho , hating frederick's line . some say philip conquered and deposed otho , but petavius , after divers others , saith , that they agreed that philip should reign quietly during his life , and otho afterward succeed him . after ten years otho , a palatine of the rhine , killeth philip , and otho again reigneth quietly , marrying philip's daughter . but seeking to possess apulia and calabria by arms , and not obeying the pope's prohibition , the pope excommunicateth him first , and after sentenceth him deprived or deposed , which at his command , the archbishop of mentz publisheth ; which otho despising , the pope to shew that he can make and unmake emperors and kings , sets up frederick king of sicily , henry the ths son by c●nstantia , ( the nun formerly , saith binnius , which petavius denieth ) and commandeth all to take him for emperor . the king of france stands for frederick , and the king of england for otho . otho is overcome being forsaken and dyeth for grief ; and friderick ( a young man twenty years old ) prevaileth . § . passing by the english and scottish councils , ( for the sabbath or lords day . ) ccccxxxiii . the roman council that deposed the emperor otto for rebellion against the pope was , an. . § . this pope excommunicated our king iohn for rejecting stephen laughton arch-bishop of canterbury : yea , he deposed him quantum inse , and interdicted gods worship to the whole kingdom , for six years three months and fourteen dayes . ( o wicked bishops and priests that would give over the worship of god because an usurper forbad it ! ) the pope gave the king of france commission to seize on england . king iohn is constrained to please the pope . what wars were hereupon in england , and how he gave up his kingdom at last to the pope , and to hold it as of him , our own historians certifie us , yea , and how he offered the king of morocco to turn mahometan for his help . § . ccccxxxix . next cometh the famous th . laterane council called by the papists the th . general , approved of bishops and other fathers ( for others they have ) an . . regn. frider. . in the first cap. is the creed and their transubstantiation asserted , as the way of union between christ and us , we taking his flesh as he took ours : and that no one can make this sacrament but a priest ritely ordained according to the keyes of the church which christ gave to the apostles and their successours . but the sacrament of baptism saveth by whom soever it is ritely done . the d , cap. condemneth abbot ioachim's doctrine who opposed lombard as making a quaternity for saying that quaedam summa res est pater filius et spiritus sanctus , et illa ( res ) non est generans , nec genita , nec procedens , which the council owneth . the d. cap. is this [ we excommunicate and anathematize every heresie * extolling itself against this holy orthodox catholick faith which we before expounded , condemning all hereticks by what names soever called : having indeed divers faces , but tails tyed together , because they agree in vanity in the same thing . and being damned let them be left to the present secular power or their bailiffs to be punished by due animadversion : the clerks being first degraded from their orders ; so that the goods of such damned ones if they be lay-men be confiscated , but if clerks , let them be applied to the churches from which they had their stipends . but for those that are found notable only by suspicion , unless they shew their innocency by a congruous purgation , according to the considerations of the suspicion and the quality of the person , let them be smitten with the sword of anathema ( cursed from christ ) a and avoided by all till they have given condign satisfaction : so that if they remain a year excommunicate , they be then condemned as hereticks . and let the secular powers be warned and induced , and if need be compelled by ecclesiastical censure , what offices soever they are in , that as they desire to be reputed & taken for believers , so they publickly take an oath for the defence of the faith , that they will study in good earnest to exterminate to their utmost power , from the lands subject to their jurisdiction , all hereticks , denoted by the church ; so that every one that is henceforth taken into any power either spiritual or temporal , shall be bound to confirm this chapter by his oath . but if the temporal lord required and warned by the church , shall neglect to purge his countrey of this heretical filth , let him by the metropolitane and other comprovincial bishops be tyed by the bond of excommunication : and if he contemn to satisfie within a year , let that be signified to the pope , that he may denounce his vassals thenceforth absolved from his fidelity ( or allegiance ) and may expose his countrey to be seized on by catholicks who exterminating the hereticks may possess it without any contradiction , and may keep it in the purity of faith , saving the right of the principal lord , sobeit he himself put no obstacle hereto nor oppose any impediment : the same law notwithstanding being kept about them that have no principal lords . and the catholicks that taking the badge of the cross shall gird themselves for the extermining of hereticks , shall enjoy that indulgence , and be fortified with that holy priviledge which is granted to them that go to the help of the holy land . and we decree to subject to excommunication , the believers and receivers , defenders and favourers of hereticks ; firmly ordaining , that when any such an one is noted by excommunication , if he contemn to satisfie within a year , let him thenceforth be ipso jure made infamous , and not be admitted to any publick offices or councils , nor to chose any to such , nor to be a witness ; and let him not have power to make a will , nor to witness , nor have succession to any inheritance . and no man shall be compelled to answer him in any business ( or suit ) but he shall be compelled to answer others : and if he be a judge , his sentence shall be void , and no causes shall be brought to his hearing : if he be an advocate , his plea ( or defence ) shall not be admitted : if a register , the instruments made by him , shall be of no moment at all , but be damned with the damned author . and the like we will have observed in the like cases . but if he be a clergyman , let him be deposed from all office and benefice , that as he is in the greater fault , the greater vengeance may be exercised on him . and if any , after such are marked by the church , shall contemn to avoid them , let them be smitten with the sentence of excommunication till he give due satisfaction . and let no clergyman give such pestilent persons the ecclesiastical sacraments , nor presume to give them christian burial , nor receive their alms or offerings : otherwise let them be deprived of their offices , and never be thereto restored without the especial indulgence of the apostolick seat . and so the regulars on whom this shall be inflicted , that their priviledges be not kept in that diocess , in which they presume to commit such excesses . and because some under pretence ( or form ) of piety , denying ( as the apostle saith ) the virtue ( or power ) thereof , challenge to themselves the authority to preach , when the same apostle saith [ how shall they preach unless they be sent : ] let all those be tyed with the bond of excommunication , who being prohibited , or not sent do presume publickly or privately to usurp the office of preaching without authority received from the seat apostolick or the catholick bishop of the place : and if they speedily repent not , let them be punished with other competent punishment . and we moreover add , that every arch-bishop or bishop by himself or his arch-deacon , or fit honest persons shall twice or once in a year , go about his parish where fame saith that hereticks dwell , and shall there compel two or three men of good testimony , or if he see fit , the whole neighbourhood to swear , that if they know any hereticks there or any that seek secret conventicles , or that differ in life or manners from the common conversation of the faithful , he will study to tell them to the bishop . and let the bishop himself call the accused to his presence , who unless they purge themselves of the guilt objected , or if after purgation made , they relapse into the former perfidie shall be canonically punished . and if any of them refusing by damnable obstinacy the bond of an oath , will not swear , let them be for this very thing reputed hereticks . we will therefore and command , and stritcly command in the vertue of obedience , that the bishop do watch diligently through their diocess , for the effectual execution of these things , if they will escape canonical revenge . and if any bishop be found negligent and remiss in purging his diocess from the leaven of heretical pravity , when this appeareth by certain signs , let him be deposed from his episcopal office , and another fit man be substituted in his place , who will and can confound heretical pravity . the th . chap. is against the greeks for rejecting the roman pope , and and so far abhorring the latines , that if latine priests did but celebrate at their altars , the greeks would not use them again till they had washed them , as being defiled : yea , they rebaptized those that the latine priests baptized ( the world did not then obey the pope , how insolently soever be trod on the divided princes of the west , by the conspiracy of their prelates . ) and here he was used in his kind , and hereticated and excommunicated , and cursed as he did by others . the th . chap. [ was to confirm the old patriarchate * on condition they receive the pall from the pope , and swear fidelity and obedience to him , and make those under them to do the like ] o daring challenge and innovation ! and yet chap. the th . they grant that diversity of rites by bishops of their own languages and customs be used , so they will but be the sworn vassals of the pope . and yet cap. in their direction for inquisition , even this council decreed that the accused be admitted to speak for himself , and not only the words of the witnesses but their names also to be told him and published , and the exception and replyes admitted , lest by suppressing their names , men be emboldned to defame , and by excluding exceptions emboldned to swear falsly . ] because the supposed hereticks got ground by preaching , the cap. . decreed the setting up of preachers instead of the bishops or to help them , because they wanted ability or time . the . cap. was to forbid making any more new religions , there were so many made in their church before . the . cap. was against bishops that sate up feasting , drinking , or prating till after midnight , and lie in bed the next morning and come not four times in a year to mass , and then talk with lay-men at the time of worship . cap. . forbids all clergy men that have not temporal estates under them , to take any oath of allegiance ( or fidelity ) to any lay-man . the . is to invalidate lay-ruler's laws about ecclesiastical matters ( as glebes , mortuaries , &c. ) the rest i pass by . § . in this council besides the albigenses and abbot ioachim , almaricus a learned man was condemned ; they say he said that all christians were christs members , and ( they add , how truly is doubtfull ) suffered by the iews with him : that christ's body was no more in the sacrament than in another thing : that incense as offered in the church is idolatry : that every christian is bound to believe that he is a member of christ : that if adam had not sinned there should have been no generating in paradise nor difference of sexes . ] we must take these things on the report of such as sanders , with some other that they charge on him ; for which when they had killed him with grief , they dig'd up his corps and burnt it , as they were then burning multitudes of the living . § . in this council stephen laughton arch-bishop of canterbury was deposed for taking part with the barons of england against king iohn ; whose case was now become the pope's when he had given him his kingdom : in so much that when the arch-bishop confessed and begged absolution , his holiness answered [ by st. peter , brother , thou shalt not so easily get absolution , who hast done so many and so great injuries , not only to the k. of england , but to the church of rome . ] . § . let the reader note , that . general councils are the papists religion . . that this is one of their greatest approved general councils . . that therefore by their law and religion , they are bound to exterminate all protestants , and that all princes must be deposed that will not execute it , and their dominion given to others that will. . that all protestants and others called hereticks are dead men in law and want but judgment and execution where their law is in force . . that the henrician heresie is one that is judged such by their councils . . that therefore not only all protestant kings , but all papists that are for the safety and power of kings against the popes pretended power of condemning and deposing them , are hereticks to be exterminated and burnt ( by many canons . ) . therefore kings are beholden to the protestant reformation ( disabling the pope to execute his laws and religion ) for their crowns and lives . . that when ever any king or others set up popery and the power of their laws and councils in a kingdom that is reformed , the subjects are presently dead men in law , being to be destroyed as hereticks , ( though policy or want of power may hinder the execution . ) . qu. whether it be lawful for any king ( or in his authority ) so to destroy his kingdom , or to make all ( or the generality of ) his subjects dead men in law ? . whether by these laws the pope and his consenting bishops have not published themselves to be hostes regum et regnorum , if not humani generis ; and are not so to be esteemed ? § . note also that d. heylin , in his certamen epistolare against me , answereth , that it is not kings but temporal lords that are mentioned in this council ; and that he and bishop taylor , and bishop gunning , and bishop pearson in their dispute published by terret or iohnson , and others before them , have maintained that these canons were but proposed by pope innocent , and not consented to and passed by the council . but to the first it is clear . that by domini temporales councils ordinarily mean emperors and kings as well as any others . . that the words of the council are express [ eâdem nihilominus lege servatâ circa eos qui non habent domin●s principales . ] and to the d . i answer . the church of rome actually taketh this for one of their approved general councils , and will not be beholden to our bishops for their friendly favour and excuse : and therefore it is all one to us whether the council consented or not . . mr. henry dodwel in his late considerations how far papists may be trusted by princes , &c. pag. & pag. &c. hath fully answered all the reasons given by these bishops ( as terret did in part before ; ) and hath added abundant proof that these canons were passed in that council . . from the council at oxford where stephen laughton himself was . . from mat ▪ paris who is alledged for the contrary . from gregory th's decertals . from the case of iohn blunt elect bishop of canterbury recited by mat. paris an . . . from otto the pope's legate . in m. paris an . . and that london council . . from the popes letter to otto an . in m. paris . . from honorius the d's condemnation of rich. de marisco bishop of durham . . from p. clement the th's bull for king philip the fair. . from the council of tarragon . . from the council at vienna under clement th . . from the general council at lyons under gregory th . . from the sabine council in spain . . from a council at toled● under benedict th . . and from the council of trent , . from the common sense of the case of abbot ioachim . . and of the word transubstantiation . . and of annual confession : all taken as setled by this council . so that as the papists will not accept of this charity of our bishops in excusing their religion from this part of guilt , so there is little place indeed for an excuse . § . the papists themselves though they have many other councils and instances to prove the popes claim and practice of deposing princes , yet will not let go this as being a famous general council : but when here in england they would excuse their religion from rebellion , they use to say , that this being not an article of faith , but a canon of practice they are not bound to take it as infallible . to which the said mr. henry dodwell ibid. pag. . hath largely answered , to which i refer the reader ; adding only , that that which must be believed to be of god is not alway matter of practice , yet what must be done as by the wi● of god , must alwaies be , first the matter of faith : we must believe that it is god's will before we can obey it as his will. the full answer see as aforecited . § . in the performance of the laws of this council multitudes called hereticks were burnt : their st. dominick preaching to the people to perswade them to take arms under the sign of the cross to destroy the hereticks , for to get pardon of their sins , so that from first to last many hundred thousand ( some say two millions , but that seemeth too much ) were killed in france , savoy , germany , italy , and other countreys : see sam. clerk martyrol . and arch-bishop vsher de●success . eccles . thus hath papal rome been built and maintained by blood , rebellion and confusion , under pretence of church purity , unity and government , and all by the pretended keyes . § . honorius d. succeedeth innocent : he confirmeth the dominican , and franciscan religions and sainteth francis. he procureth a new expedition towards ierusalem , and the destruction of many . the emperor friderick followeth his predecessors , and invadeth italy , conquereth sicily and apulia ( being his own by his mothers title . ) but the pope excommunicateth him , and by the mediation of iohn king of ierusalem ( in title ) he is absolved . § . ccccxl. stephen laughton being restored , a synod at oxford passed many general excommunications , and there numbered all the holy-dayes to be kept , and made several canons ; one good one was , [ that every great parish have two or three presbyters , because of the greatness of the work , and if one should be sick , &c. another ( repeated many old canons ) that no fees be taken for sacraments or burials : &c. another that no clergy-m●n should keep their concubines pvblickly in their lodgings , nor else where go to them with scandal ] ( a good caution ! for their credit . ) § . ccccxli . a german council lamenting that clergy-men kept their concubines publickly and would not dismiss them , forbids this publick keeping of them , c. , , , . but dealeth gently with them . but c. . those that preach when the bishop silenceth them , it [ maketh infamous and intestable , casting them out without hope of mercy or restitution , ab officio et beneficio , and rendering them uncapable for the time to come . here the popes legate demanded out of every cathedral two prebends to be given to rome ( and great reason that he that giveth all , even bishopricks and kingdoms should have some again , even what he will. ) but it was denied . § . ccccxlii . also in a synod at westminster an. . the pope demanding two prebends out of every cathedral , the king answered that the matter belonged to all christendom , and when he saw what other kingdoms did herein , he would give his answer . § . gregory th . is next pope : he commandeth the emperor friderick d . to go recover ierusalem , and excommunicateth him a● a dissembler for his delaies : he re-sainteth st. francis and st. dominick . he absolveth the emperor upon his payment of an hundred and twenty thousand ounces of gold for damage . the greatest sedition and heresie ( saith platina ) rose at rom● that ever was there , so that the pope was banished ; but a plague ended it that left scarce the tenth man alive . again the senators and the pope agree not about legislation , and the pope is fain to be gone again , and gets the emperor to promise him that their conjunct forces should assault the romans . the emperor faileth , and bids his souldiers help the romans , himself departing , the pope by mony bireth them to help him , and recovereth rome . he sendeth preachers abroad to call men to the holy war : he sainteth elizabeth daughter to the king of hungary . an army goeth into asia with theobald king of navarre and others , and is overthrown . he would go to rome , but is kept out : the emperor taketh many cities in gregory's party get him into the city : he again curseth the emperor , and deposeth him from his empire ( by his presumptuous sentence . ) the venetians help the pope . the emperor afflicteth them : the italians are divided . in pistoria two brothers , one called guelph was for the pope , and the other called gibel was for the emperor , the city was 〈◊〉 and the name of guelphs and gibellines filled italy with confusion . the romans were again falling off from the pope , but he went among them carrying the heads of the apostles ( you must believe it , ) and by supplication and speeches moved the people to pity him , and got them to fight against the emperor ; which cost them and others of the church party in italy dear . the pope calleth a council to depose the emperor again ( to kill one man twice . ) but the emperor way-layeth them , and taketh many cardinals and bishops , and imprisons them by the pisanes help : gregory dyed for grief in his th . year ( or th . ) this is that pope that by the help of raymund made the books of decretals . so much out of platina . binnius addeth that the emperor went with an army into asia in performance of his vow and received ierusalem yielded to him : and made ten years truce with saladine , and therefore was again excommunicated by the pope . § . in this popes time , saith bin. the divines of paris after long disputation defined , that it is a mortal sin for any man to have two benefices , when one of them sufficeth to sustain him . . multitudes of the albigenses were burnt and killed as hereticks . § . ccccxliii . a council at london under otto the popes legate was held an. . the king sending first to charge them to do nothing against his rights , and leaving one to see to it . the legate was in danger for opposing pluralities , the bishop of worcester and multitudes theatning resistance , and it was suspended . § . coelestine the th is next pope , but not by the laterane canon by two third parts of the cardinals : some say he lived daies , some some , some say two schismaticks were between . § . the seat was void a year and eight months and more : the emperor keeping many cardinals in prison , but at the request of baldwin of constantinaple he released them . § . innocent th . is next chosen , who of a cardinal-friend became by interest a pope-enemy to the emperor ; and daring not to stay in italy , fled into france , and there calleth a council of bishops ( with these he hunted princes , ) and excommunicateth or curseth the emperor : where saith matth. paris an. one priest being commanded to publish the curse , he doth it thus . [ good people , i am commanded to pronounce excommunication against the emperor frederick , the candles put out and bells ringing : but not knowing the reason , though i know the hatred between them , & that one doth the wrong , but which i know not ; as far as my power reacheth , i excommunicate & anathematize him that doth wrong , & absolve him that suffers the wrong , which is so hurtful to all christendome . and at lyons the pope curseth him again : the emperor despised the popes deposition , and would not give up his crown , for fear of his curse . the popes party choose henry laudgrave of thuringe emperor , who is quickly killed besieging vlm , ( as some say ) that party chose william earl of nassau after him : henry the son of friderick was drawn to rebel , and being overcome by his father soon after died . and the emperor not long after him , by what death it is not agreed , some say poysoned , others say stifled by mansfred his base son ; some say , he continued impenitent ; others that he repented of his opposing the pope ( not probable ) : some speak ill of him ; others extol him for learning and worthiness . § . frederick being dead , the pope travels france , and matth. paris saith , that at his leaving lyons , a cryer called the citizens ( who had long entertained him ) to his farewel ; and that cardinal hugo made his farewel speech , telling them what good they had done the city : for when they came thither they found three or four bawdy houses , but at their departure they left but one : but this one reached from the east gate of the city to the west gate . § . the pope returneth into italy , and seeketh to get men to ruine conrade the late emperor fridericks son : the king of englands brother richard is first invited , but deni●d due help , and refuseth ; king henry the third himself at last is drawn in , and furnisheth the pope with a great deal of money , and the croisado soldiours are turned against conrade from the relief of palestine : bitter accusations against him are published by the pope , which conrade answereth : he and robert grosthead the famous learned holy bishop of lincoln dying near together , the pope biddeth all that belong to the church of rome to rejoyce with him , because these two their greatest enemies are gone . and if such wise and holy men as this bishop , were numbered with the enemies of the pope , we may conjecture what he was and did , and whether all the christian world were then his subjects , and whether rome then needed reformation . § . but though the king of england had so far served him , it was not enough : nothing less than all would serve , as matth. paris , tells us , when the king would yet be king , and did not fully obey the pope : which he manifested in his rant against this rare and excellent bishop of lincoln , the occasion of which i think well worthy of our recital ; as it is in matth. paris anno . pag. ● . . ( a credible monk though oft reviled by baron . and bin for telling truth ) this bishop was one of the famousest men in the whole world for knowledge , piety and justice : the pope had sent him an order ( as saith matth. paris , he often did to him and other english bishops ) to do somewhat which the bishop judged to be unjust . it was not so bad as an interdict to silence christs ministers ; but whether it was the promoting of bad ministers , or hindering or excommunicating good men , some such thing it was as you may see by what followeth : the bishop writeth a letter to the pope and cardinals in which he tells them [ that he would obey the apostolical precepts : but that was not apostolical which was contrary to the doctrine of the apostles ; christ saying , he that is not with us is against us : and that cannot be apostolical that is against christ : as the tenour of the popes letters were : his non obstante so often repeated , shewed his inconstancy and his blotting the purity of the christian religion , and perturbing the peace and quiet of societies ; a torrent of audaciousness , procacity , immodesty , lying , deceiving , hardly believing or trusting any one ; on which innumerable vices follow . and next after the sin of lucifer , which in the end of time will be that also of antichrist , the son of perdition , whom the lord will destroy with the spirit of his mouth , there neither is nor can be any other sort of sin , so adverse and contrary to the doctrine of the apostles and the gospel , and so hateful , detestable and abominable , as to kill and destroy souls by defrauding men of the care of the pastoral office and ministry : which sin those men are known by the most evident testimonies of the sacred scripture to commit , who being placed in power of pastoral care , do get the salary of the pastoral office and ministry , out of the milk and the fleece of the sheep of christ , who are to be quickened and saved , but administer not to them their dues : for the very not administring of the pastoral ministeries , is by the testimony of scripture , the killing and destroying of the sheep : and that these two sorts of sins , though unexpectedly are the very worst , and beyond all comparison exceed all other sort of sin , is manifest by this , that they are , in the two existent fore●aid things , though with disparity and dissimilitudes , directly contrary to the best things : and that is the worst , which is contrary to the best : and as for these sins , as much as in them lieth , one of them is the destruction of the godhead it self , which is superessentially and supernaturally best : and the other is the destruction of that conformity and dei●ication ( of souls ) by the gracious participation of the divine beams , which is the best thing essentially and naturally . and as in good things , the cause of good is better than the effect , so in evils , the cause of evil is worse than the effect is manifest , that the introducers in the church of god , of such most mischievous destroyers of ( holy ) formation and deification in the sheep of christ , are worse than the destroyers ( or murderers ) themselves ; the nearer to lucifer and antichrist , and in the greater degree of mischief ( or priority ) by how much the more superexcelling , and by the greater and diviner power , given by god for edification and not for destruction , they were the more bound to exclude and extirpate such most mischievous murderers ( or destroyers ) from the church of god : it cannot be therefore , that a holy apostolick seat , to which all power is given by our lord iesus christ the holy of holies , for edification , and not for destruction as the apostle testified , should command , or require any thing that bordereth on or tendeth towards so hateful , detestable , aud abominable a thing to iesus christ and so utterly pernitious to mankind , or by any way endeavour any thing that tendeth thereunto . for this were either a defection or a corruption or an abuse of christs own power , which is evidently most holy and most full ; or it were an absolute elongation from the throne of the glory of our lord iesus christ , and the next sitting together of the two foresaid princes of darkness , and of hellish punishments , in the chair of pestilence . nor can any one with unspotted and sincere obedience ( who is a subject and faithful to that same seat , and not by schism cut off from christ , and that holy seat ) obey the said mandates and precepts , or any endeavours whatever , and whensoever they come , yea though it were from the highest order of angels , but must necessarily contradict them and rebel with all his strength ( or power ) : and therefore reverend lords , from the duty of obedience and fidelity , in which i am bound to both the parents of the holy apostolick seat , and from the love which i have to vnion in the body of christ with it ; i do only , filially and obediently disobey , contradict and rebel , to the things which in the foresaid letter are contained , and specially , because as is before touched , they do most evidently tend to that sin which is most abominable to our lord iesus christ , and most pernitious to mankind , and which are altogether adverse to the sanctity of the holy apostolick seat ; and are contrary to the catholick faith. nor can you discretion for this hint conclude ( or decree ) any hard thing against me ; because all my contradiction and action , in this matter , is neither contradiction , nor rebellion , but the filial honour due to the divine father , and of you . briefly recollecting all i say ; the sanctity of the apostick seat can do nothing , but what tendeth to edification and not to destruction : for this is the plenitude of power , to be able to do all to edification : but these things which they call provisions , are not to edification , but to most manifest destruction . therefore the blessed seat of the apostle cannot accept them , because flesh and blood hath revealed them which possess not the things that are of god , and not the father of our lord iesus christ , who is in heaven . § . when the pope heard this letter , saith mat. paris p. . not containing himself through wrath and indignation , with a writhin aspect and a proud mind , he saith ; who is this doting old man deaf and absurd , who boldly and rashly judgeth my doings ? by st. peter and st. paul , if our innate ingenuity did not move us , i would precipitate him into so great confusion that he should be to the whole world , a fable , a stupor , an example and a prodigy . is not the king of england ovr vassal . and i say more ovr slave . who can with ovr nod imp●rison him . and enslave him to reproach . these things being recited among the cardinal brethren , with much ado asswaging the rage of the pope , they said to him , it is not expedient , o lord , that we decree any hard thing against this bishop himself : for that we may confess the truth , the things are true which he speaketh : we cannot condemn him . he is a catholick ; yea a most holy man ; more religious than we are more holy and excellent than we , and of a more excellent life ; so that it is believed that there is not among all the prelates a greater , no , nor any equal to him : this is known to the whole clergy of france and england : our contradiction will not prevail : the truth of this epistle , which perhaps is already known to many , may stir up many against us ; for he is esteemed a great philosopher , fully learned in greek and latine , a man zealous for justice , a reader of theology in the schools , a preacher to the people , a lover of chastity , a persecutor of simonists : these words said the lord aegidius , a spanish cardinal and others , whom their own consciences did touch . they counselled the pope to wink at all this , and pass it by with dissimulation , lest tumults should be raised about it : especially for this reason , that , it is known that a departvre will sometime come . ] so far mat. paris . § . yet neither this bishop nor the historian flattered princes , but both of them sadly lament the oppression and other sins of king henry : and the bishop commanded his presbyters to denounce excommunication against all that should break the magna charta , the charters heretofore granted , foreseeing , saith mat. paris , what the king would do . and he sharply reprehended the fryar minors , that would not tell great men of their sin , when they had nothing to lose ( cantabit vacuus , &c. ) having chosen poverty that they might be freer from hindering temptations . § . when he lay on his death bed at bugden in huntingtonshire , he told ioh. aegidius his learned friend , that he took them for manifest hereticks , that did not boldly detect and reprove the sins of great men , and thereupon reprehended and lamented the sins of prelates , but especially the roman ; reciting their putting unworthy and bad men into the pastoral office , for kindred or friendship sake . the third day before his death , he called to him many of his clergie , and lamenting the loss of souls by papal avarice , groaning he said , christ came into the world to win souls , is not he then deservedly to be called antichrist , who feareth not to destroy souls ? god made all the world in six dayes ; but to repair man he laboured above thirty years : and is not a destroyer of souls then judged an enemy of god and antichrist ] &c. next he goeth on to shew how sinfully the pope by his non obstante overthrew even the rights that his predecessors had granted , vainly pretending that they bind nothing because par in parem non habet potestatem , and what evils to the churches he had done , and addeth [ i saw a letter of the popes , in which i found inserted , that they that make their wills , or that undertake the cr●isado , and to help the holy land , shall receive just so much indulgence * as they give money , &c. and so goeth on , naming his imposing men that cannot preach , or strangers of other languages as pastors on the people , and his covetous and greedy devouring all the wealth he could get , concluding ejus avaritiae totus non sufficit orbis , ejus luxuriae meretrix non sufficit omnis . and that he drew kings in for his own ends , making them partakers of the prey . prophecying [ that the 〈◊〉 will not be freed from egyptian servitude , but by the mouth of 〈…〉 . these things are small , but worse will follow within three years ] sighing and weeping out these words , his speech failed him and he died . and ibid. mat. paris saith , that the same night that he died wonderful musical sounds and ringings were heard near in the air by several friars , and by fulk bishop of london ( then not far off ) who said when he heard it , that he was confident their reverend father , brother and master , the venerable bishop of lincoln was passing out of the world to heaven . the bishop being dead , the arch-bishop of canterbury and the dean and chapter of lincoln fell out in striving , who in the vacancy had the power of giving prebends : wherein the arch-bishop by power utterly oppressed them . and m. paris p. . affirmeth that miracles were done after the death of this bishop by his virtues at lincoln , and yet confesseth some of his faults and his sharp thundring against monks and nuns , &c. § . the same author tells us , p. . anno . that the pope was so unmeasureabley wrathful against this holy learned bishop , that when he was dead , he would have taken up his bones and cast them out of the church , and purposed to precipitate him into so great infamy , that he should be proclaimed a heathen , a rebel and disobedient to the whole world ; and he commanded a letter to that purpose to be written to the king of england , knowing that the king would be mad enough against him * and ready enough to prey upon the church : but the next night the said bishop of lincoln appeared to him in his episcopal attire , with a severe countenance , an austere look and terrible voice , he came and spake to the pope that was restless in his bed , pricking him in the side with a violent thrust with the point of his pastoral staffe which he carried , and said ; miserable pope senebald ! dost thou purpose in disgrace of me , and the church of lincoln to cast my bones out of the church , whence did this timerity befal thee . it were better that thou , advanced and honoured by god , should honour those which are zealous for god ; even when they are dead : henceforth god will give thee no more power over me : i wrote to thee in the spirit of humility and love ; that thou shouldst correct thy many errours : but with a proud eye and a bewitching heart thou hast despised wholesome warnings : wo to thee that despispest : shalt thou not be despised . ] and the bishop robert departing , striking as with a lance , the pope , who when as is said he was pricked , groaned aloud , he left him half dead , and with a mournful voice groaning with sighs ; his chamberlains hearing him , being astonished asked him , what the matter was . the pope answering with sighs and groans , said ; the terrours of the night , have vehemently troubled me ; nor shall i ever be well again as i was ! oh , alas , how great is the pain of my side ! a ghost hath pierced me with a lance : an he neither eat nor drank that day , feigning that he was inflamed with feavours that streightened his breath ; and gods revenge and wrath did not so leave him . not long after the pope , not sensible of gods warnings by his servants , but setting about warlike and secular matters , he prospered not in them , though he laid out great care and labour and cost : but wars , yea , the lord of hosts being against him , his army which at great charges he had sent against the apulians , under the conduct of his nephew william , being scattered , conquered and confounded , perished with their captain mortally wounded . they say there were there slain of souldiours and valiant stipendiary's of the pope , four thousand men : and the whole countrey of the romans lamented the shedding of so much christian blood . the pope then went to naples , though weakened as with a plurisie in his side , or as wounded with a lance : and cardinal albus physick could not help him . for robert of lincoln spared not sin●bald of genoa , and he that would not hear him warning him when alive , felt him peircing him when dead nor did the pope ever after enjoy one good day till night , nor one good night till day , but sleepless and molested . thus m. paris . § . m. paris , p. anno . saith that henry the third of england obliged himself and his kingdome unjustly * to the pope , under pain of being disinherited , to pay all the treasure which the pope should lay out in his war for the king ( that is , to have made him king of sicily ) and that the pope having no mercy on england prodigally wasted its money , but those vast sums got by rapine were all lost . § . the same author saith p. . that when pope innocent lay dying ( after the stroke of the bishop of lincoln and the loss of his army ) and his followers lay crying about him , he opened his dying eyes , and said , what do you mourn for you wretches ? do i not leave you all rich ? what would you have more ? and so he died . § . ccccxliv . anno . innoncent calls a council called general ( their th . approved ) at lyons of bishops , where he heaped up accusations against the emperour , whom thaddaeus his agent defended : and at last pronounced himself an excommunication and deposition , absolving all his subjects from their oaths and allegiance , and excommunicating all that should own and help him . here you see that more than one of their approved general councils are for rebellion and perjury , and the popes deposing christian emperours . in the same council sad complaints were made from england of the pillaging or woful impoverishing of the land by the pope and king , but the pope heard all silently and would give no answer . § . at this council the pope importuned the electors to choose another emperour : some refused and stuck to the emperour , saying that it belonged not to the pope to make or unmake emperours : others obeyed him , and set up henry of hassia . * but the emperour while he lived kept up his possession , so far as to make the pope repent , and saith trithemius was a weary of his life : but all germany , italy , &c. were confounded by the schim , or contention , one half ( as is aforesaid ) called guelphes following the pope and henry , the other called gibelines cleaving to the emperour frederick , to the shedding of abundance of christians blood and the desolation of countreys , and the shame of papal tyranny . § . anno . alexander the th . was pope . matth. paris tells us of a terrible dream that he had of pope innocents damnation , or misery : but the fault of his writing is that he was too credulous of dreams and visions . he tells us also of twenty miracles done at lincoln for the sake of the late bishop robert. and that at a parliament in london , the greatest which hath been seen , all the nobles ecclesiastical and civil , demanded of the king that the choice of the lord chief iustice , the lord chancellor , and the lord treasurer should be in the parliament ( or their common council ) as of old was usual , and just ; and that they should not be removed without notorious faults , which the kings secret councellours perswaded him to deny . prelates and nobles being grieved by exactions express it , &c. § . here the said monk , matth. paris , exclaimeth o the steril solicitude of the roman court ! their blind ambition ! though holy , yet often deceived by the council of bad men : why dost thou not learn to moderate by the bridle of discretion , thy violence , being taught by thing past , and so often chastised by experience . in thy losses we are all punished , &c. thou now endeavourest to make two german emperours , which must cost inestimable treasure whence soever taken , and both uncertain of the dignity , &c. § . at that time the lords and prelates of england crying out of the king hen. d. as false and oppressive , and pillaging churches and people to maintain his profuseness , the bishop of hereford laid a plot which the king accepted , that getting the hands and seals of a few bishops he would go to rome , and get power from the pope to gather the king as much money as he needed . so to rome he went , and there found the pope in great grief and care himself for money , to pay vast debts that his wars had cost him : the bishop told him that the king who had engaged his kingdom to be forfeited , if he paid not the popes debts , would help him to money if he would be ruled by him , and write to the bishops and churches to grant the king such help as they could well do . the pope gladly gave leave to the bishop to write what he would ; and home he went , and eustandus a legate was sent from rome to see all done : saith , m. paris , p. . anno . the legate was prepared and ready in all things to the destruction of all england to obey the will of the king which was tyrannical , and to bind the oppressed contradictors in the bonds of anathema . rustandus cometh with the arch-bishop of canterbury , and the bishop of hereford is empowred by the pope to gather moneys , for the pope or king : a parliament is called at westminster : they refuse and go home . the popes letters press the collection : a council of bishops is called at london , so much money is demanded , saith m. paris , as would have enslaved or undone all the kingdome . the bishop of london protested he would lose his head rather than consent : the bishop of worcester said he would be hang'd first : the rest follow them . the king is angry and threatneth . the earl marshal in anger , when the king called him traytor , answered , thou liest , i never was a traytor nor will be : the king threatned to send men to thresh out his corn and fell it to humble him : the earl told him , if he did so he would cut off the threshers heads and send them him : some interposed for the time : the lords refused to meddle with the kingdomes business , or to impoverish themselves , and were dissolved . rustandus again congregateth the bishops at london . they did nothing again : saith m. paris , too boldly , p. . [ si enim sive juste sive injuste per dictum magistrum rustandum suspend●retur quis , vel excommunicaretur , rex quasi leo in abscondito , quaerens quem devoraret post dies omnia direperit infiscata : papa & rex v●lut pastor & lupus , in ovium exterminium confoederati , omnibus ruinam minabantur . and then saith he , like blind men groping for the wall , the council were divided , and as english men are used to do , every one shifteth for himself ( or seeketh to save himself . ) tithes are now paid by the clergy to the laity ; they are granted for the magna charta which was not kept : they are granted as for the holy land and turned against christians in apulia : many lies and false oaths are imposed , saith m. paris , p. . the next year the clergy were called again , . rustandus the legate said , all churches are the popes : leonard the prolocut r● answered , yes , to defend ; not to enjoy and appropriate ; as we say , all things are the prince's ; that is to defend ; and not to disperse ; and this was the intent of the founders . the legate angry at this answer , commanded that henceforth without a prol●cutor every man should speak for himself , that they might be known ; which astonished and silenced all . he commanded them to subscribe a lie , that they had received such sums of money of forreign merchants and vsurers ; which they said , it wa● good martyrdome to die for the refusing of . pag. . here is annexed by m. paris , a charter of king iohn confirmed by pope innocent d. ordering that all bishops be freely elected without the kings hinderance by the church vacant , and cursing all that otherwise come in , pag. . § . at that time the romans imprisoned a great citizen beaucales for his justice . the bononians detain many romans pledges for him : the bononians are interdicted sacred things : but they yield not , till beaucalco is delivered . m. paris anno . the letters of pope alexander and his many exactions , see farther in m. paris this year . § . anno . saith m. paris , some went to rome for the bishoprick of ely , and the church of st. edmunds , and gave and promised so vast sums of money as astonished men with wonder . whereupon the pope made a new law that every elect bishop should come personally to rome , hoping to have the like prey from others . § . anno . saith m. paris , p. . the pope that claimed the kingdomes of the world was mastered in rome , by the foresaid senator braucaleo , who being delivered from prison was beloved of the people , executed the malefactors and his enemies ; forced the pope to stay his excommunication and humble himself , and beg his mercy . § . the same year the pope pretends anger to the king of england for not temperating his excesses ; and threatneth to excommunicate him : the king is afraid , and sends him money , and stops his mouth , p . § . against the parliaments will the king again hearkeneth to the pope , that offereth now the kingdome of apulia to edmund his younger son , as he did before to edward the elder . but the parliament denieth him money , which he screweth from the abbeys and churches . § . saith m. paris , sewale arch-bishop of york now died a martyr ( though without blood as many do ) having constantly fought against the tyranny of the roman court oppressed by the pope , wrote earnestly as rob. of lincoln had done to the pope to cease his tyranny . in his sickness ( sath m. p. ) he called for water which was fetcht out of the well , and it was turned into excellent wine . p. . § . how the parliament of barons at oxford this year . entered their confederacy and resolution to stand against the king for their liberties , charter and justice , m. paris , p. and many others tell you . and p. how the londoners joyned with them ; and how many of the lords were poysoned . § . braucaleo the roman senator having humbled the pope , pull'd down the castles of the tyrants and rebels , put to death the kindred of many cardinals , and died . the pope forbade the citizens choosing another without his consent . they laugh at him and choose braucaleo's unkle ▪ m. p. p. . § . this pope alexander of whom m. paris speaketh so much evil , saith binnius post obitum suavem sui memoriam reliquit , dying . and pl●tina praiseth him , in whom you may see more of his life , and wars against maufred , &c. § . next cometh vrban th . patriarch of ierusalem : of whom no great matters are recorded . he ordained corpus christi day . . next cometh clem. th . a french lawyer a widdower , and then bishop . his first good work was to go to perusium in the habit of a beggar : his life is praised by platina , onuphius , binnius , &c. how he made a frenchman charles king of scicily , and apulia , and how maufred was kill'd and conquered , &c. i need not trouble the reader in reciteing . § . ccccxlv . in his daies canisius hath found a small council at vienna for reforming some things in the clergy , bin. p. . § . next cometh gregory th . but the seat was vacant first almost three years : so long the church of rome was extinct , if the pope be an essential part ( as they would have him even of the universal . ) § . ccccxlvi . in his time a council at lyons ( called the the th . universal approved one by them ) was held : in which the poor emperour of constantinople , michael ▪ paleologus being in danger at his wits end came in person to flatter the pope in hope of help . there also was decreed the shutting up of the cardinals at elections for fear of vacancies as had happened by discord and delays . the pope interdicted the florentines , because the guelphes refused to receive the gibelines , which quarrel still cost bloody wars . rodulph is made emperour , and the pope dieth . onuphrius further openeth the reasons and rules of the cardinals being shut up ; viz. clem. the th . being dead , the cardinals ( as is aforesaid ) were all so desirous to be popes themselves , that they were two years and nine months contending , and could not possibly agree . philip king of france and charles king of sicily came themselves to rome to intreat them , but departed without success . yet they invoked the holy ghost every day to help them . at last the cardinal bishop ioh. portuensis deridingly prayed them to uncover the houses , for the holy ghost could not come in through so many covered roofs : at last by bonaventures intreaty , they chose theo●ald a viseount and archdeacon that was with our prince edward going to fight in palestine : and the ●aid cardinal portuens . made these verses on their choice , anno . . papatus munus tulit archidiaconus vnus , quem patrem patrum fecit discordia fratrum . § . innocent the th . cometh next ; the first after the shutting up of the conclave . he sought to end the italian wars , but died before six moneths reign . § . ccccxlvii . a council at sal●zburge is published by conisius , as in greg. the ths . days , but it seemeth liker to be after ▪ which condemned pluralities , nonresidence of priests , and their being in taverns ( or alehouses ) and playing at dice , and their wearing long hair and sine cloaths , and restrained supernumerary begging schollars , and ordered that the bishop should imprison such as prophaned holy things after they were excommunicated or suspended : it seemeth that bishops had by this time got coercive power ; but they used it not to bring the unworthy to the sacrament , but to keep the unworthy from it and from other profanations . § . next ottobonus , that was pope innocent the ths . nephew , and legate of england at the barons wars , is chosen pope , but died before his consecration , within forty dayes , but got the name of hadrian the th . § . next cometh pope iohn the th . as platina , the th . as binius , and the st as most , the th . by onuphrius , . he was a physitian , made bishop , inverecundi & socordis ingenii , saith platina , so foolish that he boasted how long he should live , when presently the house fell on his head , and he died by it in seven days after . suffridus ( saith binius ) saith that he was writing an heretical perverse book , when the room fell , and cryed out after , o , what is become of my book ? who will finish it ? which saith binius , if true , sheweth the wonderful providence of god for his church . but had this pope been infallible , had he been in a council ? purposed to revoke the decree for shutting up the cardinals in conclave , and this man finished the revocation , and till the dayes of celestine th . that renewed it , it stood revoked , saith onuphrius . § . next came nicholas d. after six months contention and vacancy . king charles as senator presiding and pleading for a french pope . he is commended much , save that he set up all his own kindred too much . § . after three years reign , eight months and fifteen dayes of nicholas came m●rtin d . vulgo th . saith binius and onuphrius a frenchman : in his time , the greek emperour paleologus ( not keeping his promise to the pope ) joyned with peter king of arragon , who claimed sicily as his wives inheritance ; and though the former pope had set him on , this was against him , restoring king charles to be senator at rome , and siding with him , because he was a frenchman : but the fatal sicilian vespers killed all the french , and peter overcame charles and took his son , and charles and the pope shortly died of fevers . but before he died the pope played the old game , excommunicating and cursing king peter , and gave his kingdom for a prey to any one that would get it , and absolved all his subject from their oath of allegiance , and signed croisado's ( soldiers under the sign of the cross ) to fight against him . § . honorius the th . cometh next ( his brother being senator at rome ) he confirmed the same anathema against peter king of arragon , who shortly after died of a wound received in fight by the french. the pope dieth ( and the seat is void ten moneths ) . after two years reign . § . anno . ccccxlviii . a council was held at herbipolis by the popes legate , endeavouring to have got the tenth penny of the estates of the clergy for the pope , and of the laity for the emperour ( by their joynt consent . ) but siphridus arch-bishop of colen , and henry arch-bishop of trevers stoutly opposing , frustrated both their conciliary designs . § . anno came p. nicolas th . a religious man , general of the minors , when he had four years together laboured in vain to stay the blood in italy , between the guelphes and gi●ellins , and to reconcile the french and english , and to relieve the christians in palestine , he died : and the cardinals , though for liberty they went to perusium , kept the church headless two years and three months by contention , though princes in vain endeavoured to perswade them to agreement . ( are these no intercessions of the succession ? ) in this time died mich. paleologus emperour of constantinople , and the clergy and monks would not suffer him to be buried in holy ground , because in the council at lyons , he had consented to the church of rome , platina . was this a true reconciliation of the ●reek church ? § . anno . ccccxlix . a council at r●v●nna ( in honorius time ) made some canons for reformation . § . anno . ccccl . a council at s●lts●urg for reconciling some christians . § . anno . ccccli . the arch-bishop of mentz held a council at aschaffenburge which they say did many good things ; it is not known what . § . anno . after two years and four months vacancy caelestine the th . a religious man of solitary life is chosen pope ▪ if ever there was a good pope it is likely this was one : but he was no sooner setled by common applause , but the cardinals , especially bened. cajetaenus a subtile man perswaded him that his simplicity and unskilfulness would undo the church , and urged him to resign . king charles and the people disswade him , and are only for him : but the cardinals prevailed , and he resigned ; and going to his solicitude again , the cardinal ben. cajetaue that got him to resign , sent him prisoner to the castle of fumo , where ( at best ) he died of grief : some write that cardinal cajetane got a way to speak through a pipe put into the wall as if it were some angel , to charge him to resign ; he was too good to be a pope . § . the deceiver that got him out , succeeded him , called boniface the th . ( by bin. th . ) . this is he of whom it is said , intravit ut vulpes , regnavit ut leo , exivit ut canis . he raised wars to prosecute some cardinals and the gibelines : while he lived wickedly he set up a jubilee , proclaiming pardon of all sins to them that would visit limina apostolorum , that is , himself : a terrible earthquake made him for fear set up a hut of boards in an open meadow , lest the houses should fall on him : he digg'd up the body of one hermane , that had twenty years been honoured as a saint , and burnt it as a hereticks . he sent a bishop to philip● king of france to intreat him to go fight in palestine , and threatened him when he could not intreat him . the king imprisoned the bishop . the pope sent to require him to release him , saying openly , that the kingdome of france was divolved to the church , for the contumacy of phillip and his violating the law of nations ; and bid him anathematize him , and absolve all frenchmen from the kings oath . the king let go the bishop , but forbad all his subjects going to rome or sending any money thither , and not enduring his insolency , he assembled his nobles and declared the popedome void by usurpation and unjust enterance of boniface , and appealed to a council ; he coyned money with this inscription [ perdam babilonis nomen ] the pope called a general council , where he gave the kingdom of france to albert the emperour , anathematizing the king. the king would not play with him , but sends sciarra and nogarete to italy to proclaim his appeal : but sciarra in a mean habit● gets together many friends , that the pope had oppressed and surprizeth him in his fathers house , breaketh open the doors , carrieth him from avignia to rome a prisoner , where the thirtieth day he died of grief , of whom saith platina [ thus died boniface , who endeavoured more to put terrour than religion into emperours , kings , princes , nations and people ; and to give kingdomes and take them away to expel men and reduce them at his pleasure , unspeakably thirsting for gold , which way ever to be gotten . let all princes ecclesiastical and secular ( saith he ) learn by this mans example to go before the clergy and people , not proudly and contumaciously , as , he did , but holily and modestly as christ and his disciples , and true imitators , and choose rather to be loved than feared , from whence the ruine of tyrants deservedly cometh . § . anno . cccclii . bin. saith , a council ( lugdunense ) decreed that princes should not tax their clergy , nor the clergy pay them without the popes consent . § . anno , ccccliii . the popes general council at rome excommunicateth the king of france as aforesaid . his army follow their captain pope . § . benedict the th . alias the th . alias the th . is next chosen pope , ( much praised ) : who excommunicated sciarra , and absolved king philip , and died before nine moneths . § . anno . entreth clemens the th . the bishop of bourdeaux , who called the cardinals to france , and setled the popes court there , where it continued seventy years , till the church and great buildings at rome were desolate and ruinous , saith platina . in his time albert the emperour was kill'd by his nephew : italy confounded by wars : the pope curseth and interdicteth the venetians , the florentines , the lucenses : requireth the new chosen emperor of luxemburge to come to rome for coronation ; he entereth italy ; some cities fight against him , some yield : at rome demanding money , they resist , and it cometh to force , and he is driven back : after many bickerings and cities taken , he dieth , as is said ( saith plat. ) poysoned in the eucharist by a monk. two fight for the empire , lodovic . bavour and frederec ▪ austriae : lodovicus conquereth and maketh himself emperour . clement burneth two as hereticks , maketh p. caelestine the th . a saint ▪ writeth his clementinus , and dieth , and again there was no pope , for two years , three months and seventeen dayes . § . ccccliv . a council at saltzburge to get money ( tenths ) for the pope . § . cccclv . another there anno . declaring some penalties . § . cccclvi . another at mentz to extirpate the templats , where some of them rusht in and appealed to the next pope , protesting they were killed and burnt wrongfully , without being heard speak for themselves . § . cccclvii . but the great council called by them the th . general council approved , was at vienna near france , on this occasion . king philip having got the popedome , for clem. the th . made him promise to condemn pope bonif. the th . and all his acts : when he had possession , he found himself in a streight , and nicholas cardinal pratensis advised him to please the king with the hopes that a general council would do it most effectually , and to get the council out of his country and power : which being done the council frustrated the kings expectations : the king accused pope boniface of simony , heresie , and perjury , in forty articles . his crimes were not denyed , but they justified him to be a true pope , and found him not an heretick . in this council the templars were condemned and put down , and their lands given to the ierusalem hospitalers , or knights of rhodes ( which they say king philip thought to have got ) some say the templars were falsly accused of heresies ( and the masters and others burnt ) : others say , truely . the most probable , is that some particular men of them ( no new thing among soldiers ) committed many villainies , and the rest suffered for their sakes . in this council the heresies of petrus ioan●is a disciple of abbot ioachim , were condemned , which were three . . that the rational soul , as rational , is not the form of humane bodies . . that habitual grace is not infused in baptism ( that is alwayes and to infants ) . . that christs side was pierced with the launce before he was dead . in this council the fratricelli and dulcinists were condemned , and also eight heresies of the beguines and beguards ; which were these ( all for perfection , which quakers and some fryars now seem to be too much for in profession , as we all are in desire ) . that man in this life , may get such a degree of perfection , as that he may become impeccable ( or sinless ) and so to rise to no higher a degree of grace : else , say they , if one might still increase he might grow better than christ. . that when one hath atteined that degree , he ought not to fast or pray : because then sensuality is perfectly subject to the spirit and reason , so that a man may then freely grant his body what pleaseth him . . that they that have got this degree of perfection and the spirit of liberty , are not subject to humane obedience , nor bound to any precepts of the church , for where the spirit of the lord is , there is liberty . . that thus a man may get final beatitude in all degrees in this life , as well as in that to come . . that every intellectual nature is naturally blessed in it self , and the soul needeth not the light of glory for the seeing and enjoying of god. . that to exercise virtues is a note of imperfection . . that to kisse a woman is sin , because nature needs it not ; but copulation is not , because nature requireth it , when one is tempted . . that one ought not to rise and to reverence at the elevation of christs body , because he must not descend from the altitude of his contemplations so as to to think of the sacrament or christs humane body . it seems these were such fanatiks as some fryers are . in this council the decrees called clementines were passed ; in which are specially noted by binius , some things de fide , as followeth . i. that it is heresie to call in doubt , or assent that the substance of the rational or intellective soul is not truly and perfect the form of mans body . ii. that whereas divines differ about the effect of baptisme , some saying that to infants sin is remitted , but not grace conferred ; others saying that the fault is remitted and virtues or informing grace infused as to the habit , though not yet for use , we attending the general efficacy of christs death , which by baptisme is equally applyed to all , judge the second opinion more probable and agreeable to the sayings of the saints and modern doctors of theologie , the sacred council approving this , which saith , that both to adult and infants in baptisme informing grace and virtues are given . iii. if any one fall into this errour that as pertinaciously to affirm that vsury is no sin , we decree that he be punished as an heretike , and the ordinaries and inquisitors for heresie may proceed against such as against hereticks . iv. and it is decreed that if any communities or officers shall presume to write or dictate that usury should be paid , or being paid should not be fully and freely restored , let them be excommunicate , and they shall incurr the same sentence that do not as far as they can blot out such statutes out of the bookes of the said companies , that shall keep such customes . also that usurers be compelled to shew their books of accounts . § . here the pope and the bishops in a general council have judged divers points to be heresie , and consequently their contraries to be articles of faith : and for heresie they curse , burn and damne men . . i overpassed their article that christ was dead before his side was pierced , which is true : but whether an article of our creed necessary to be understood to salvation , let the church creed be witness . . it s well , that the possibility of sinless perfection is made a heresie by them ( for we must daily pray for pardon ) : but why then do they talk so much of the possibility of keeping all gods law , that is of never sinning ; and talk of perfection , and works of supererogation ? . do not they make an article of faith of a logical arbitrary notion ( that intellectual souls being the bodies form ) who knows not how ambiguous the word form is ? an aristotle supposeth a corpus organicum , besides the soul ; and that corpus hath its form qu● corpus . i imagine , that these bishops meant the same thing , that i do , and that our difference is but of the fitness of words ; but ●will so far venture on their heretication as to say , that forma corporis , forma animae , and forma hominis , are divers : that corpus organicum quà tale hath its proper form , which denominateth it such ; which is not the soul : that the soul being a substance hath its proper from which denominateth it , and which it retaineth , when separated from the body : and that the intellectual soul is forma hominis , but improperly called forma corporis : i will venture on their heretication , to tell them my opinion , and i think their errour and presumption to thrust such things on men under the penalties of cursing , burning , and damnation , . their article of faith about the effect of baptism ( that all that are bapti●ed at age and infants have both pardon and infused inf●rming habitual grace , i take for unproved , and have elsewhere proved it to be false in all probability , as universally taken . . the article of faith , that vsury is a sin , doth hereticate many great divines , more lawyers , and most cities , corporations , and companies in the world : no doubt , but all usury is a sin that is against either mercy or iustice : but that some usury may be an act of great charity , many wise men think past doubt : we have known some get estates of many thousand pounds a year by trading with money taken upon usury , when perhaps some that leant that money , had nothing but the use to buy them bread and course cloathing , and keep them from perishing . how many thousand great men , lawyers and citizens are to be cursed , burnt , and damned by this canon , for holding some usury to be lawful : nay , how many for not restoring it when taken ; when perhaps , an orphan took it of a rich man to save them from famine . this is the benefit of hereticators . § . anno . was a council at ravenna ccccviii . for discipline and reformation of the churches manners , with many superstitions . § . cccclix . anno . another at ravenna , was like the former . § . next cometh pope iohn the th alias th . alias th . alias th . he lived at avinion : he thought souls were kept in some receptacles from the ●ight of god till the resurrection : he damned those that held that christ and his apostles possessed no propriety ( platina thinks contrary to the gospel . ) he tormented to death hugo bishop of cature for being against him . he cursed and excommunicated the emperor lewis of bavaria , and many other great men : italy was all in wars in his days . the emperor set up another pope in italy against him , nicol. the th . which was saith , onuph . th . schism at rome , was not he that was at rome liker to be bishop of rome , than he that was in france . ) but the pope nicolas after three years reign was catched by one that would merit of pope iohn , and sent to him , and put in prison , where he soon died : and iohn died at ninety years old after nineteen years reign , leaving more money behind him , than any pope that ever went before him . his process against lodov. the emperor , you ●ay see in freherus history rer. bohem. and others more at large . § . cccclx . another council at ravena , anno . to the same purpose with the former , where the manners of those times may be noted in the crimes forbidden : the d. can. sheweth that men had then the place of archdeacons before they were ordained deacons , and the places or benefices of abbots , deans , archpresbyters , prelates , ( praepositi ) before they were ordained priests : and the cannon requireth such to be after ordained within a year . can. . excommunicateth all lay magistrates , that take a priest or clerk in arms or in any excess or sin , and keep him , ( that is imprison him or punish him ) and do not send him to his bishop ; or that sending him to the bishop do openly shame him , by sending him with trumpets or armed men , or with his arms hang'd about his neck . § . cccclxi . anno . a concilium sabinense had many of the like orders to restrain the vicious clergy , and yet can. . excommunicate secular judges that compel them to answer at their bar. especially they are large in imposing penalties on those that publickly keep concubines in their houses ( and have not the modesty to fornicate more secretly . ) if they put not away their concubines in two moneths they must lose the third part of their tythes , and after other two months another third part , and at last the other third part , and after be uncapable of preferment , &c. these are gentler penalties than a differing opinion is punished with under the name of a heresie . § . cccclxii . anno . a council at toletane to the like purposes . § . cccclxiii . the two popes called two councils against each other as hereticks ( were neither in the right . ) iohn in a council at avignion proved nicolas the th . a heretick for holding that christ possessed nothing as proprietor ; nicolas called a council in italy which condemned iohn as a heretick for holding the contrary : thus the hereticators were hereticated . § . the french now got the power of the papacy , and another french man was chosen pope anno . called benedict . . alias th . he renewed the excommunication and deposition of the emperor ludov. and claimed the empire to himself , concluding that being vacant it fell to the church ( see to whom kingdomes escheat ) : whereby he set all italy in wars in all the cities , giving them to the rulers as the popes leiutenants , and perswading the romans also to depose the senatorean power as of the king , and to exercise it themselves under the church : he lived above seven years pope . this pope contrary to his predecessor defined that souls sufficiently purged enjoy the clear vision of god before the resurrection . § . cccclxiv . anno . a toletane council decreed among other things that every rector of a church and their vicars under pain of excommunication do every year write the names of all their parishioners that come to years of discretion , and consign ( confirm ) all that are confessed , and excite them to come to the sacrament ; but if they have not received it , let them abstain unless it be by the counsel of their own priest. and those that confesse not , after a year to expel from the church , and deny them ecclesiastical burial . § . anno . another frenchman ( bishop of roven ) is made pope at avignion : clem. . all italy and naples was put into the flames of wars . he forced the germanes to set up another against the emperor lodov. bavarus , which was charles son of iohn the . of bohemia . charles sends bound to the pope , a new senator nicolas rentii that ruled all at rome . he made a new jubilee ; he laboured in vain to reconcile king edward of england to the french , the english conquering their navies and taking calis , &c. the colenses and trevinuses having contributed money as to a turkish expedition , that pope liberally rewarded them , by granting them licence to eat eggs and milk-meats on any fasting dayes out of lent. § . cccclxv . anno . a toletane council against simony , &c. § . anno . innoc. the th . is made pope of avignion : all italy was still kept in blood : one barnacellus lorded it as ruler at rome : the pope craftily lets nicolas gencii out of prison to set up against him ; nicolas gets the better and killeth him : but domincering too much is next kill'd himself . . the new emperor charles is crowned in italy . the romans put the power into seven citizens called reformers of the common wealth . the pope sets hugo king of cyrus against the reformers , and bids him pull them down . but trouble came near him : our king edward conqer●d the french , and took the king and his son philip prisoners , nobly releasing the prisoners upon promise that they would fight against him no more , which they presently brake ; the pope dieth . § . having long said nothing of the greek affairs , i here only briefly say , that the utter confusion of their imperial successions by murders and usurpations , and the continued confusions of their church affairs ever since the divisions of the orthodox nestorians , entychians , monothelites , &c maketh it both a hard and unpleasant task to give any exact account of their bishops , synods and manifold contentions , which furthered the ruine of the empire . their divisions gave the latines opportunity to take constantinople . which they kept years , and then lost it . baldwin was the first latine emperour whom the bulgarians conquered , and took prisoner anno . and kept sixteen months , and then put him to death . henry his brother succeeded him and died . peter succeedeth him that married his sister ( or daughter ) and is quickly slain by theodorus lascaris . robert succeedeth his father peter . theodore lascaris was emperor chosen by the greeks and kept court at nice : he def●ated the turks , and slew their sultan , and died , . iohn ducas his son in law succeedeth him , and . his son theodore lascaris succeedeth him and died . leaving a son iohn of six years old : michael paleologus putting out iohns eyes at ten years old , usurpeth the empire , and by a stratagem of alexius caesar with men taketh constantinople ; and feigned a reconciliation with rome , and died , and for his seeming reconciliation with rome his son andronicus and the clergy denied him christian burial . andronicus succeeded : his son michael dying , his grandson andronicus deposeth and banisheth him , and taketh the throne : he reigned years , and died . he committed his two sons to ioh. cautacuzenus : the eldest son iohn reigned years , and manuel his brother succeeded him . and his son iohn succeeded him . constantine the th . began , and anno , may th . the turks took constantinople ; and set up their empire . § . anno . under innocent the th . was another toletane council : short and sweet ; worth the noting : ( by authority of blastus arch-bishop of toletan . viz. [ lest faithful christians should be burdened with the weight of sin ( or faultiness ) by transgressing provincial constitutions , when divine piety hath mercifully put them under an easie yoke and light burden , we ordain , the holy council approving it that the provincial constitutions of our predecessors and that shall be made hereafter , unless it be otherwise expresly ordained in such as shall be made , shall oblige the trangressours only to the penalty of them , but not ( ad culpam ) to faultiness ( or sin ) it s worth the inquiry how far all other canons and humane penal lawes are thus to be expounded . § . anno . another french man is made pope , called vrban the th . he sent aegidius to fight for him in italy ( still broil'd in wars , ) and died . § . anno . petrus bellfortis that was made cardinal before he was years old is made pope of avignion , and called greg. the th . so far was all the world from obeying the pope , that italy still fought against him : thither he sends an army , bloodshed and misery overspreadeth the country . the pope at last saw that his absence gave his enimies advantage , and not daring to let the french know lest they should have stopt him , he slipt away to rome , and thither removed his seat , that had been at avignion years , to the great joy of the city , impoverished by the absence of the court. § . anno . gregory the th being dead , the people of rome flock to the cardinals , and cry to them to choose no more frenchmen least the seat be again removed , but an italian , and the best man that could be found , least all should run to utter confusion . thirteen cardinals were frenchmen and four italians : the french were for a french pope ; but they fell out among themselves , while part of the french were for one , and part for another , by which it fell out that barthol . episc. barensis , a neapolitane was chosen , an extraordinary good pope . the cardinals cryed out that the people of rome had by tumult , force , and arms constrained them to the choice of this man ( vrban . ) and they fled to strong holds ; but at last came to rome and owned the pope : but when he told them , that he would not go to france , and reproved their wickedness , and told them how severely he resolved to punish them if they amended not , they got away and declared , that vrban was a false pope , chosen by the peoples tumults and force , where the cardinals were not free , and that the seat was void , and they chose another ( cardinal gebennensis ) and called him clement th ; and so whereas for seventy years there had been a pope at avignion , and none at rome , now for forty years more there were two , one at avignion , and one at rome ( and sometimes three ) . and indeed it passeth my skill to know how the avignion popes were bishops of rome , who never saw rome , nor any of the people , any more than he is a true schoolmaster that never saw the school or scholars . and now the two popes fall to fighting for it ; and the french pope sending an army of britons against the italian pope ; at first they beat the romans , but next were so destroyed by them , that few scaped home to bring the news . the italian bloody wars still continue , especially between the venetians and geno●eses . then had the venetians the first guns : the neapolitans also were ruined by wars , their queen siding with one pope ( clement ) was destroyed by charles that was for the other ( justly strangled , as she had used her own husband ) . the duke of anjou also came with a great army into italy from pope clement to destroy pope vrban ; but the general died , and the souldiers scattered and returned home : the pope then desired of king charles that his nephew might be prince of naples ; and being denied , threatned charles , and cited him to nucena , who came at his summons , but with an army : the pope escaped to genoa ; and king charles upon his fathers death called home to hungary , was murdered . the pope putteth seven of his old cardinals in five sacks , and drowneth them in the sea : but to be strong enough , he maketh no fewer than twenty nine new ones in one day . he went to naples , thinking to surprize and deject the kings two sons , but was defeated . italy still flamed with war : he made cardinals , of which he killed five , and deposed seven , and died , saith platina , little lamented , as his epitaph sheweth , as being rustick and inexorable , though one of their best : he died after eleven years , an. . § . . cccclxvi . an. . a council is held at palentine in spain , under the cardinals of the antipope clement , about shavings and church-orders . § . . an. . boniface . alias . is chosen at rome , and clement dead in france , pet. de luna is chosen there , called benedict . the italians were still the furthest from unity and peace , all the cities almost in war against each other : so far were they from eminency in religious love and concord , that they had not the common quietness of heathens . the pope went to perusium to reconcile them there ; where to shew what his power was over them , the people killed fourscore of the nobles before the popes face , which he took ill , and departed . he got possession of the government of rome ; he required annals , that is , half a years value of every benefice of him that received it : all , saith platina , save the english granted it , and they would yield it of no benefices but bishopricks . had the pope indeed been head of all the world , annals would have come to a considerable rent : but going so far as the antipodes to gather it , would have made it come shorter home than the spanish gold and silver doth from the west-indies . instead of winning men by preaching , the popes arms now subdue perusium and many italian cities to him : platina saith , that his own father that saw the man , told him , that a priest cloathed in white , carrying a crucifix , with certain hymns to the virgin mary , came from the alps with a grave and pious look , so preaching , that all the people followed him , even nobles as well as others ; and that he pretended that he went to visit the holy fathers at rome ; but the pope suspected that he meant to be pope , or get too much interest , and sent souldiers and took him , and burnt him to death ; some saying that he had some errour , others saying no such thing was ever proved by him , but it was reported by the pope to hide his cruelty . in these times , saith platina , chrysoloras byzantinus brought greek learning into italy , that had been silent five hundred years . § . . an. . boniface dying , innocent . is chosen at rome , one part of europe being for him , and another for the avignion pope . tumultuante tota italia , saith platina , tota italia ad arma respiciebat : five and twenty cities revolted from the vicecomites , and set up new governments . ( what concord did the pope keep in the world ? ) ▪ platina saith he was not only slothful , but could not endure to be told of his duty . the citizens of rome petitioned him to endeavour the ending of the schisme , the king of france and the avignion pope being inclined to peace : for answer he sent them to his nephew ludovicus to be murdered , who presently killed eleven that came to consult with him , casting them out at a window , saying that was the only way to cure sedition and schisme : upon this the city takes arms for revenge ; the pope and his nephew fly to viterbium ; ladislaus king of apulia helps the citizens , they fall upon the courtiers , take the capitol , and other places , &c. the pope sends an army against them that overcometh them , and forceth them to beg his return : he dieth . after two years and days reign ; and so there was only the avignion pope . § . . an. . gregory . is chosen at rome , taking an oath ( as innoc. . did ) to resign , if the unity of the church required it : the princes of france had made their pope benedict . take the like oath : the princes and cardinals ashamed of two popes , and two churches , prest them both to summon a council ; they cunningly would not agree of the place , and so forced the doing it without them . § . . cccclxvii . to put a shew on the business , greg. calleth a council at aquileia , whether by long delays he creepeth with a few to do nothing . § . cccclxviii . and the other pope , bened. . anno , also calleth his council in arragone of his subjects : which calleth it self a general council , and pronounce him the true pope , and no schismatick or heretick , and greg. to be the usurper , but exhort him to endeavour unity . § . . cccclxix . the two popes giving no better hopes , some of the cardinals of both sides slipt from them , and by the countenance of the florentines and king ladislaus , chose pisa for a general council , where they met and summoned both the popes , who scorned them ; and they deposed them both as hereticks and schismaticks , saith binius , forbidding all christians to obey them , and they chose a third , alexander . and the two old ones kept up still ; and so there were three popes at once . § . . an. . alex. . is chosen , much commended , but died in eighteen months , some say ; saith antoninus , poysoned by a clyster : but to shew himself a pope , in that little time he deposed king ladislaus , and gave his kingdome to lewis duke of anjou . § . . balthasar cossa is next chosen , called by some ioh. . by others . by others . and by platina ioh. . ( so little are they agreed of their succession ) platina saith the cardinals of greg. were yet poor , and he hired them with money to create him : he got sigismund king of bohemia chosen emperour , and would have had the council to be at rome . italy continued still in blood , the popes having parcelled it into so many small principalities , to secure it against the emperours ; no part of the whole world lived from age to age in such continual war and confusion . this pope , saith onuphrius panvinus , viz. fuit bello & armis quam religioni aptior , utpote qui neque fidem norat neque religionem , rebus profanis magis quam divino cultu accommodatus . how he was accused , deposed , imprisoned ; how the other two popes greg. . and bened. . were all deposed with him , and martin . chosen ; the next chapter sheweth . chap. xiii . the council of constance , basil , and some others . § . . cccclxx . an. . the council of constance was called by the means of the emperour sigismund , and the consent of pope iohn , who the more trusted the emperour because he had promoted him : there were then three popes , bened. . in france , whom the kingdomes of france , spain , arragon , england , and scotland followed ; and greg. . and iohn . at rome , that divided the rest of the papalines . it was not certainly to represent the trinity , but to profane the name , and abuse the kingdome of the blessed trinity . oct. . p. iohn called by them sanctissimus dominus noster , entereth the city , nov. . the pope began the council . nov. . was the first session , the pope speaking to them , and his bull being read , shewing that he would have had the council at rome , but the miserable case of rome ( by contention and confusion ) hindering , it was agreed with the emperour to be at constance , commanding to be there for the peace of the church , and appointing a weekly mass to be said for obtaining gods blessing , and pardoning a years penance for every mass to every mass-priest that said it , exhorting all to fasting and prayer for good success , charging them to look after errours , especially those that rose from one iohn wickliff , and also to reform the church , &c. march . . the pope took an oath , for the peace of the church , to lay down his popedome , if the other two popes would do the same , and the emperour kist his feet . the cardinal of florence read these decrees : . that the council was lawfully called . . that it will not be dissolved by the departure of the pope , or other prelates . . that it be not dissolved till the present schisme be healed , and the church reformed in faith and manners , in head and members . . that it be not removed but on just cause . . that the bishops depart not . § . in the fourth session they decreed that the general council representing the militant catholick church , hath its power immediately from christ , to which every man of what state or dignity soever , though it be papal , is bound to obey in the things that belong to faith , and the extirpation of the said schism and the general reformation of the church in head and members . . that the pope withdraw not himself or the officers , and if he should , or should thunder out church censures against them or any adhering to the council , they are void . . that no translations , promotions , or cardinals be made to the prejudice of the council . . that three of each nations be chosen to judge of departures , &c. but the pope fled and sent them word that it was not for fears , but for his health . § . sess. . the emperor being among them , they decreed again the power of the council as immediately from christ , which the pope and all must obey ; and that the pope is punishable if he disobey ; that he is bound to surrender in any case of great and evident profit to the church ; that he unlawfully departed ; that if he will return and perform his promise , he shall be safe . next , they proceeded to condemn the books of iohn wickliff , and to prosecute iohn huss . next they applied themselves to the emperour to reduce the pope , who told them he was in the hands of the duke of austria ; but if they pleased he would write to him , or try to fetch him by force , &c. § . . sess. . they order the procuration for the popes resignation to be demanded , and process to be made against iohn huss , and hierome of prague . a letter is read from the university of paris to the pope , to submit to the council . § . . sess. . they accused hierome of prague for not appearing , and summoned the pope , promising him safe conduct , sed salvâ iustitiâ &c. § . . sess. ▪ they condemned wickliff's bones to be dig'd up , upon articles , instead of which they had gathered . art. . was : . that the substance material of bread and wine remain in the sacrament of the altar . . the accidents of bread remain not without the substance . . christ is not identically and really in his proper bodily presence in the sacrament . . if a bishop or priest live in mortal sin , he ordaineth not , baptizeth not , consecrateth not . . the gospel saith not that christ instituted the mass. . god ought to obey the devil . * . if a man be contrite aright , outward confession is needless and unprofitable . . if the pope be a reprobate , and wicked , and so a member of the devil , he hath no power over the faithful given him by any but caesar. . since vrban the . none is to be taken for pope , but we must live as the greeks , † under our own laws . . it is against scripture that church-men have possession ( that is , they should not labour to be rich . ) . no prelate should excommunicate any one , unless he know that god hath first excommunicated him : and he that so excommunicateth , is thereby a heretick , or excommunicate . . a prelate that excommunicateth a clerk who appealed to the king , or to the council of the kingdome , is thereby a traytor to the king and kingdome . . they that give over preaching , or hearing gods word , for mens excommunication , are excommunicate , and in the day of judgment shall be judged traytors to christ. . it is lawful for a deacon or presbyter to preach the word of god without the authority of the apostolick seal , or a catholick bishop . . no one is a civil lord , or a prelate , or a bishop , while he liveth in mortal sin . ( the meaning of this is , no open wicked man is a subject capable of such authority given by christ , as shall warrant him to use the place , but his acts may be valued to others in many cases ) dispositio materiae est necessaria ad formam recipiendam : as an infidel can be no bishop or pastor . ) . temporal lords may take away temporal goods from the church , from a possessor habitually criminal , and not only in act . ( not from the sacred use in general , but from that man that forfeiteth them . ) . the people may correct their delinquent lords ( this is not to be believed to be wickliff's sense , till they cite his own words , which no doubt limit it to the cases . ) . tythes are meer alms , and the parishioners may take them away for their prelates sins . . the special prayers applied by prelates and religious men to one person , profit him no more than the general ones , caeteris paribus . . he that giveth alms to fryars is thereby excommunicate ( that is , he sins by cherishing wilful idleness . ) . he that enters the private religion , either of the possessing or the mendicant fryars , becomes less fit and able to keep the commandments of god. . holy men that made private religions , thereby sinned . . the religious living in private religion , are not ( therein ) of the christian religion . . fryars are bound to get their living by the labour of their hands , and not by begging . . they are simoniacal that bind themselves to pray for others for a temporal reward ( or price . ) . the prayers of reprobates ( wicked men ) availeth not to any . . all things come to pass by necessity . . the confirmation of youth , the ordination of clerks , the consecration of places , are reserved to the pope and bishops for covetousness of temporal gain and honour . . universities , studies , colledges , degrees , and masterships in them , are introduced by vain gentility , and profit the church as much as the devil doth . . the excommunication of a pope , or any prelate , is not to be feared , because it is the censure of antichrist . . they that found cloysters sin , and they are diabolical that enter them . . to enrich the clergy is against christs rule . . pope sylvester , and the emperour constantine , erred in inriching the church . . all the order of begging fryars are hereticks ; and those that give to them are excommunicate . . they that enter religion ( as fryars ) or any order ( of them ) are thereby disabled from keeping gods commands , and so of coming to heaven , unless they forsake them . . the pope , and all his clergy that have possessions , are therefore hereticks , and the secular lords and laicks that consent to them ( to their great riches . ) . the church of rome is the synagogue of satan ; and the pope is not the immediate and nearest vicar of christ and the apostles . . the decretal epistles are apocryphal , and seduce from the faith of christ , and the clerks that study them are fools . . the emperour and secular lords were seduced by the devil to inrich the church ( excessively he meaneth ) with temporal goods . . the election of the pope by cardinals was introduced by the devil . . it is not necessary to salvation to believe the church of rome to be the supreme among other churches . . it is foolish to trust to the indulgences of the pope and bishops . . oaths made to strengthen humane contracts and civil commerce , are unlawful . . augustine , benedict , bernard are damned , unless they repented of having possessions , and instituting and entering ( private ) religions ; and so from the pope to the lowest religious ( fryar ) they are all hereticks . . all religions ( that is orders of fryars ) were introduced by the devil . this article about necessity of events , i see in wickliff's books is his own , and many here cited are true ; but no doubt but many of them are perverted by their wording them , and leaving out the explicatory context . the council forbad his books , and condemned them to be burnt , and reprobated every one of all these foresaid articles , with all the . the duke of austria most humbly begged the emperours pardon for receiving the pope . § . . sess. . the citation of the pope is read , and commissaries and judges appointed ; and a letter read from the university of paris , instigating the council to their duty ( for their honest chancellour gerson was here . ) § . . sess. . the popes suspension was read . the sess. . the articles against the pope are read , which were proved ; which were in sum as followeth . art. . that the pope iohn from his youth was of a naughty disposition , impudent a lyar , rebellious against his parents , given to most vices , and so was , and still is accounted of all that know him ; cardinals , arch-bishops , bishops , &c. witness it . . he gathered riches by symony , and wicked means . . by these symoniacal riches he purchased a cardinals place at great rates . . possessing bononia as legate by tyranny and cruel exactions , inhumanely and impiously he ruined the people , without all justice or piety , &c. . getting thus to be pope , like a pagan he contemned all divine offices . . that he is the oppressor of the poor , the persecutor of justice , the pillar of the unjust , the statue of simoniacks , the servant of the flesh , the dregs of vices , a stranger to virtue , flying publick consistories , wholly given to sleep , and other fleshly desires ; wholly contrary to christ in life and manners , the glass of infamy , and the profound inventer of all wickednesses ( or malice ) so scandalous to the church , that among faithful christians that knew him , he was commonly called the devil incarnate . . that as a vessel of all sins , he repulsed the worthy , and gave all offices , benefices and church-promotions to the bad that would give most money for them . * . hereby the whole church , clergy and people , fell under infamy and scandal . . that of all these he was oft admonished and humbly intreated . . that he was worse after than before , laying all pretence of justice , and openly selling all to the worst that would give him money . . that growing yet stronger in vices , he made divers officers purposely to manage his simony ( as his bailiffs ) for all fat cathedrals , abbeys monasteries , priorles , and vacant benefices reserved , &c. . that he charged his registers to receive all the money before they granted , &c. . that he appointed certain merchants to put vacant benefices in the balance , and grant their petitions that offered most for them . . he ordered that no petition for a benefice be offered him , till it were signed by the refundary , who then was to pay it out of his own estate if he took too little . . that against god and his conscience he oft sold his bulls to eminent men , in which he wrote , that they that had benefices had resigned them to him , and that by lying forged resignation , which never was made , sold them again for great sums , and beggar'd many . . by this it came to pass , that without all difficulty he that gave most , carried it : and the same course was held in sacraments , indulgences , dispensations , and other ecclesiastical and spiritual gifts . . that he usually sold the same benefice divers times over to divers persons , or to the same , silencing claims of right ; whereby the whole church was defiled with simony , * filled with the unworthy , both in higher and lower prelacies , &c. . that he refused to confirm those that were canonically elected , unless even to satiety they glutted him with money , putting the unworthy in their stead , and translated men against their wills from their churches , that he might sell them dearer . . that promising church-reformation in the council at pisa , he called one at rome , and being there publickly admonished , being incorrigible by the devils instinct , did worse . . that he sold for money indulgences at the hour of death , the predication of the cross , absolutions from fault and punishment , concessions of churches and portable altars , consecrations of bishops , benedictions of abbots , relicks of saints , holy orders , power in confession to absolve from sins , and acts that may be ministred only by the operations of the holy ghost for grace . . that one nic. pistorius , a florence merchant , and the popes secretary , a lay married man , was made by the pope his legate apostolical , sent into brabant to exact and receive a subsidy , which was the tenth part of the fruit of all benefices in divers cities and diocesses , and to excommunicate the refusers by a certain deputed sublegate , † and suspend colledges , covents , chapters , &c. . that he authorized this nicholas to grant to all persons , of each sex , for money to choose their confessors , that might absolve from fault and punishment , by which the merchant got vast sums of money , seducing the people . . that all the premises are known , true , proved , &c. . that anno . ambassadors from the king , bishops , and universities of france , admonished him charitably of this scandalous , infamous simony . . that he amended not by it , but did worse . . that he is defamed of all this in all kingdomes of the christian world. . that he abused rome and the churches patrimony , exhausting the people , and imbursing it himself , by taxes , gabels , &c. many instances are added . . for these things many crimes , sacriledges , adulteries , murders , spoils , rapine and thefts were committed in rome , through his fault . . it is the common voice , opinion , assertion and belief , that in these , and innumerable other evils , he is the greatest dilapidator and dissipator of the church affairs that ever was , scandalous to the universal church , a witch , a murderer , a killer of his brethren , incontinent , in all things serving the vices of the flesh , of infinite crimes , called infamously balderinus . . that all this is notorious by common fame , repute , &c. . that he hath sold the goods of cardinals , bishopricks , parishes , colledges , priories , &c. . and this not only in the city about ( many instances named . ) . that he destroyed university studies , by taking the salaries to himself . . besides , he laid such burdens on the parsons , as forced them to sell the church-goods , ornaments , and books . . that hereby the whole church was notoriously scandalized . . the infamy was so great , that princes and the emperour besought him to amend . . hereupon he promised to amend , and to call this council . . but he went on , and did worse than before . . he forbad the righting of the injured in judgment . . that the bishop of salisbury , and other english embassadours , admonished him to amend , and he gave them ill words , and threatned , and abused them . . that at constance he swore to resign for peace . . and he promised to submit to the judgment of the council . . he bid all say what they would against him . . he was humbly intreated by the council to perform his word . . yet thought by hiding himself to evade . . yet he professed before that he intended not to depart . . and when the church longed for peace , by the council he plotted to dissolve the council , and so fled in a disguized habit . . he fled to schafhausen , and commanded some cardinals and bishops to come to him . . thence he fled to lauffenberge , and towards brisac . . the council desired his return . . he denied to answer , but fled to nurenburg to frustrate the council . . he is an obdurate sinner , and incorrigible fautor of schism , &c. . that all this is notorious , and the common repute of men . . and all the premises are the common fame and voice . here somewhat is left out . and they begin as anew ; . declaring his wickedness from his youth . . that he is notoriously suspected to have poysoned pope alexander , and h●s physitian daniel . . that he committed incest with his brothers wife , and with the holy nuns , and ravished maids , and committed adultery with wives , and other crimes of incontinence . . that he simonaically sold six parish churches in bononia to lay men , who set priests in them at their pleasure . . that for money he sold the mastership of the order of s. iohn of ierusalem in cyprus to a child of five years old , bastard to the king of cyprus , with the fruits of vacancies , and spoils of the last master , &c. . that he would not recall this , but on condition . . that the k. of cyprus should be paid ( by them that succeeded ) all the money back which he gave to the pope . . that the pope should have more , six thousand florins of gold , which the prior of rhodes paid , and for which the hospitallers are yet in debt . . he reserved for the said bastard the magistral chamber , worth two thousand florins . . that the said pope iohn gave fryar iacobus de vitriaco , an ancient man , and expresly professing the hospitallers religion , an absolution from his vows , rule and habit of religion , and reduced him to a secular life , and marriage , &c. for six hundred ducats . many other articles i pass by , as tedious to be repeated : one was , that he was a notorious simoniack , and a pertinacious heretick : another was , that often before divers prelates , and other honest men , by the devils perswasion be pertinaciously said , asserted , dogmatized , and maintained , that there is no life eternal , nor any after this : and he said , and pertinaciously believed , that mans soul dieth with the body , and is extinct , as are the bruits : and be said , that the dead rise not , contrary to the article of the resurrection , &c. he sent an epistle to the emperour to beg mercy &c. § . . sess. . the articles being shewed the pope , his answer is recited : viz. that he repented of his filthy departure , and ratified all the councils process against him , and would give no other answer to their charge , affirming , that the council of constance was most holy , and could not err ; and was the pisane council continued , and he would never contradict the council , but publickly confess that he had no right in the papacy : that he would be much pleased that the sentence against him might be quickly passed , and sent him , which with all reverence he would receive , and as much as in him lay confirm , ratifie , approve , and divulge ; and did then ratifie , approve , and confirm all their process against him , and promise never to gainsay them . the council decreed , that when the papacy was void , none should be chosen without them , and they that attempted it should be punished , and the election be void . next the definitive sentence of deposition was past against him . next they decreed , that none of the three present popes should ever be elected again . § . . sess. . the council decreed , that though christ after supper instituted , and to his disciples administred the sacrament in both kinds , bread and wine , &c. and though in the primitive church the faithful received it in both kinds , &c. yet the contrary custome of the church should be a law , which may not be reprobated without the churches authority , or changed : and to say that this is sacrilegious and unlawful , is erroneous , and the pertinacious assertors to be proceeded against as hereticks ( that is , burnt . ) thus they take power to change christs sacrament , and that when they suppose it to be his very blood that they deny men , and make it heresie and death to obey god before them . this was the reforming council . next they decree , that any priest that giveth the sacrament in both kinds shall be excommunicated , and used as a heretick , even by secular power , that is , burnt . § . . sess. . carolus de malatestis recited in the name of gregory . his renunciation of the papacy , and greg. approved the council . the council absolveth all men from his obedience , &c. confirm some of his acts , require the third pope to resign , and declare him , if he refuse , a notorious schismatick , and pertinacious heretick . § . . sess. . after a severe decree for silence , and no contradiction , the articles of heresie charged on iohn huss were read , the sum of many is as followeth . . as christ is both god and man , so the consecrated host is the body of christ , at least in figure , and true bread in nature . . that he declareth to the heretical lyars about the consecrated host , that they can never declare or understand an accident without a subject . . this is my body , is such a figurative speech , as john was elias . . the madness of feigning an accident without a subject , blasphemeth god , scandalizeth the saints , and deceiveth the church . . it s foolish and presumptuous to desine , that the infants of the faithful are not saved , dying without the sacrament of baptism . . the light and brief confirmation by bishops , solemnized only by the rites said over , was introduced by the devil , and to delude the people in the belief of the church , and that the solemnity and necessity of bishops may be the more believed . . against oyl , anointing children , and the linnen cloth , as a light ceremony , &c. . vocal confession made to a priest , introduced by innocent , is not so necessary as he defineth : he that by thought , word or deed offendeth his brother , it sufficeth him to repent by thought , word or deed . . the priest hearing confession as the latines do , is grievous and groundless , &c. a good life is a good sign of a true minister . the ill life of a prelate substracteth the subjects acceptation of orders , and other sacraments ; and yet in case of necessity they may receive of such , piously praying that god will make up himself by these his diabolical ministers , the work or end of the office which they are sworn to . ancient persons that despair of children may lawfully marry for temporal commodity , or mutual help , or to excuse lust. words of marriage , de praesenti , i take thee for my wife , frustrate words de futuro , to another , i will take thee for a wife . the pope that falsly calls himself the servant of the servants of god , is in no degree of evangelical service , but worldly ; and if he be in any order , it is in that of devils , serving god more culpably by sin . the pope dispenseth not with simony , being the capital simonist , vowing rashly to keep a most damnable state . that the pope is summus pontifex is ridiculous : christ never approved such a dignity in peter , or in any other . the pope is the patron of antichrist ; not only that single person , but the multitude of popes from the time of the churches donation , the cardinals , bishops , and other their complices , is the compounded monstrous person of antichrist : and yet gregory , and other popes that did good in their lives fruitfully repented at last : peter , and clement , and other helpers in the faith , were not popes , but gods helpers to edifie the church of christ. that this papal preeminence had its rise from the gospel , is as false , as that all errour arose from the first truth . there are twelve procurators and disciples of antichrists , the pope , cardinals , patriarchs , arch-bishops , bishops , arch-deacons , officials , deans , monks , forked canons , false fryars , and questors . it s as clear as the light , that he is greatest , and next christ in the church militant , that is most humble , most serviceable , and most loveth the church in the love of christ. he that unjustly possesseth any good thing of god , taketh anothers by theft . grace is necessary to dominion : ( he meaneth , . not of right before men , but god. . nor of special grace only , i suppose , without the law of christ inwarldly , charters and papers give not ability and justice . we must not by gifts cherish a known sinner , being a traytor to god. divers are against temporal power or right in wicked men in mortal sin : but i suppose that he meaneth only such a defect as will disable himself before god to receive his approbation and reward , but not such as will disoblige th● subject , or lose his property in foro humano . many more there be , that fryars and the foresaid twelve orders of antichrist are not of god , and some philosophical opinions ; which how far huss held them , i take this catalogue for no proof without his words , the context and explication . all these are mentioned as taken out of wickliff ; but huss is condemned for these following articles . § . . . that there is one holy vniversal church of all the predestinate . . that paul was never a member of the devil . . that reprobates are not parts of the church , for no part of it finally falleth away , predestinating love never forsaking him . . two natures , the divinity and humanity , are one christ. . the same as afore . . taking the church for the predestinate , it is an article of faith. . peter was not , nor is the head of the catholick church . . priests of wicked lives polute the priestly power . . the papal dignity arose from the emperour , and the popes prefecture and institution flowed from caesars power . divers of popes and priests that live wickedly are not the apostles successors . delivering men to secular powers ( because excommunicate ) is to imitate the scribes and pharisees above christ. ecclesiastical obedience is obedience after the priests invention without any express authority of scripture . all humane acts are distinguished into virtuous and vicious . a priest of christ living after his law and understanding the scripture , and desirous to edifie the people , ought not to obey the pope or any prelate that forbids him to preach , and excommunicateth him . every one made a priest hath a command to preach and must obey it , notwithstanding excommunication . by church censures of excommunication , suspension and interdict , the clergy keeps the laity under their feet for their own exaltation , and multiply avarice , protect malice , and prepare the way to antichrist ; it is an evident sign that such censure , proceed from antichrist , in which the clergy principally proceed against those that open the nakedness of antichrists wickedness , which the clergy will for themselves usurp . if the popes be wicked men and reprobates , then as judas an apostle was a thief and traitor and son of perdition , so they are no heads of the church , when they are no members . the grace of predestination is the bond of the churches union with the head . a wicked and reprobate pope and prelate is equivocally a pastor , and truly a thief and robber . the pope should not be called most holy . right election makes not him that cometh not in by christ to have right . wickliffs articles were unjustly condemned . there is no spark of appearance that there must be one head in spirituals to rule the wh●l●e church , that must alwayes converse with it , and be conserved . christ ruled his church better throughout the world by his true disciples dispersed , than it is by such mo●strous heads . the apostles and faithful priests of the lord , did strenuously regulate the church in things necessary to salvation , before the office of a pope was introduced , and so would do , were there no pope , to the end of the world . there is no civil lord , no prelate , no bishop , while in mortal sin . ( of which oft before . ) these articles are mentioned which they say were proved against him . it is to be noted that huss called god to witness that he never preached nor owned many of these articles which false witnesses brought in against him , and yet renounceth nothing that he held . and whether he or his accusers , better knew his mind and faith its easie to conjecture . they condemned huss to be burnt ; and condemned another article , that any subject may kill a tyrant ( that is , an usurper ) by any secret or open means . then they made an order against robbers of such as came to the council , and went back . § . . sess. . deputies are appointed to go to arragon to the third remaining pope bend. . to resign ; and other matters . the sess. . was an honourable dimission of the emperour . the sess. . about the councils bulls , &c. the . sess. was against hierome of prague , where they recite a long recantation which they say he made , and from which they said he afterward revolted . also the council decreed that they might proceed against hereticks , notwithstanding the safe conducts and promises of the emperour , kings , or princes , by what bond soever they tyed themselves therein , though the hereticks had not appeared , but trusting herein : and that the said emperour , kings , &c. having done what in them lieth , are no way obliged by their promises . the . sess. decreed a monitory against the duke of austria on behalf of the bishop of trent , about estate . the rest was about the ejection of pope benedict the th . they swore to certain capitula about it . § . hierome of prague having recanted through fear , repented and openly professed , that he dissembled and stood to his former doctrine and was condemned . § . many following sessions are against pet. luna , or bened. the th . and treating with the arragonians about him : he refused to resign , being lest sole pope ( i think chosen by more cardinals than the rest ) in the sess. they pass sentence against him . § . sess. . it is decreed that there should be henceforth general councils celebrated , one five years after this , another seven years after that , and thence forward every ten years one : or if there fall out another schism , then within a year , none of the contending popes being presidents ; with much more about the councils . next they frame a profession which every elected pope must make , viz. [ that he firmly believeth and holdeth the holy catholick faith , according to the traditions of the apostles , of general councils , and other holy fathers , especially the eight holy general councils , viz. nice , const. . eph. . calced . . constant. . and . nic. . constant. . as also the laterane , lugdune , and vien . and to hold that faith unchanged in every title , and to confirm even to life and blood , defend it and predicate it , and every way to prosecute and observe the rite of ecclesiastical sacraments delivered the catholick church . sess. . there are eighteen heads of reformation named : and the form of electing popes decreed . sess. . an oath for the electors . otho columna cardinal is made pope : wickliffes errors again repeated , and husses , some constitutions of frederic . . confirmed , and the council dissolved . § . platina tells us , that pope iohn was deposed only by those that had adhered to him , before the other parties came . he was kept prisoner three years , none but germanes , whom he understood not , attending him : gregory died of grief , that carolus malatesta had too hastily published his resignation , which he hoped to frustrate by delay . benedict refusing to resign , the arragonians and spaniards forsook him as obstinate . the scot stuck last to him : platina saith huss and hierome were burnt for saying that church men should imitate christ in poverty , when their wealth and luxury was the common scandal . there was great joy at the choice of martin . . but rome and italy were still in wars and confusion . § . gregory was preferred till he died , and this p. iohn so odiously described by the council is yet after some years imprisonment made cardinal bishop of tusculum . o what bishops then had the church ! § . for all the confirmations of this council the decrees of a council being above the pope , are said by most papists to be unapproved , because the council of florence and laterane judged the contrary to be true . § . pope martin found rome decayed , italy in wars , and at five years end summoned his promised council at papia : few came , and the plague forced them to remove to senae , when alphonsus king of arragon sent orators to plead the cause of bened. . whereby martin for fear of a schism was fain to dissolve the council ; and appointed the next seven years after at basil , not trusting italy ; where he had long wars himself , as afterward he stirred up against the bohemian hussites , after years , aged died of an apoplexy ; much praised . § . cccclxxi . this concilium senense we need say no more of . § . one would have thought that after this stir one more sober pope should have been chosen : eugenius th . was the next , of whom more after . he hath presently a war and much bloodshed in the streets of rome , with the columnenses . italy is still in wars : the pope is again assaulted : the romans set up seven agistrates : eugenius flyeth : they pursue him with stones ; he escapeth to florence ; leaveth the castle garded , which continued the city-war a while . the emperor coming into italy he would have resisted but could not , who peaceably came and went. it were tedious to relate all his and others wars in italy ; platina and many others do it . the council at basil beginning , he would have removed it to bononia : the emperour and council resist , and threaten him , and he confirmeth it ; for , saith platina , he had scarce breathing time from vexing wars . he recovereth rome ( and other places ) pulcellus a leader he hanged , when he had pull'd off his flesh with hot pincers : he turneth his war against alphonsus king of arragon ; the city of preneste he utterly destroyed , as rebellious : the council at basil frightened him ; but sigismund dying , and albert d. of austria chosen emperour , he ventured to call it away to ferraria . ioh. paleologus contrived thither , in false hope of succour from the west , put some reputation on his council : the plague drove them to florence ; there the pretended reconciliation of the greeks and latines was made , of which many histories speak at large , especially the greek edition of that flor. council . the wars still continued round about him : the council at basil deposed eugenius , and made amadeus d. of savoy ( a pious man ) pope , called faelix . eugenius held on and yielded not ; blood and murders still filling italy : he died aged . an. . making first twenty seven cardinals , &c. § . . cccclxxii . this great council at basil began . and ended . the history of it is too large to be much recited . the bohemians exasperated by the burning of their teachers , and the popes excommunications , and the decrees to burn them , defended themselves by arms under zisca , and were usually victorious : they were therefore invited to the synod , which they received with tears of joy ; but for the sake of the case of huss and hierome , durst not trust their safe conduct , till after the promise of many princes , and the synod . they sent fifteen ; the bohemians four daies pleaded their four articles : . for the sacrament in both kinds . . for correcting and eliminating publick sins , or crimes . . for liberty to preach gods word . . of the civil power of the clergy . ioh. rag●sinus answered the first , calling them hereticks ; and others tediously ( many daies upon one point ) answered the rest ; and dispute begat dispute , and so some motioned a reconciling conference : but they could not agree , and the bohemians returned , and the council sent many of their members with them to prague , whom the city received civilly , and heard them , exhorting them to their opinions ; but they still desired satisfaction in their four articles . many debates there were , and by explication of the terms they came to understand each other , and a fair beginning of reconciliation was made ; but the first article of the sacrament in both kinds stuck so , that they could not get over it , though the council confessed that they had power to dispense in it . but though there be reason enough for all these reque●●s ( for the opposing publick wickedness , for leave to preach gods word , and for church-mens forbearing civil coercive government , unless made the magistrates officers ) yet such reasonable things are hardlier obtained than more disputable matters ; because flesh and blood , worldly interest , and the devil , is most against them : and of this great famous council of bishops , after petitions , and some good words , and hopeful approaches , they could never one of them be obtained , but tricks were devised to elude their hopes , and inconveniences pleaded that would follow such concessions ; ( the ordinary way of the carnal clergies hindering reformation . ) § . . the first session being for introduction , to shew their lawfulness , in the second session they decreed , as did that at constance , that a general council is above the pope , in matters of faith , schisme , and reformation : and sess. . that the council may not be dissolved : and they admonish the pope to retract his revocation , and to own and assist the council . after they declare , that the pope may not make cardinals , &c. during the council . § . . sess. . they condemned a book of augustinus de roma , a bishop of nazareth , that had many phanatick expressions ; as that christ daily sinnet● in us , because of our union with him , though sinless in himself ; that only the elect , and not all the justified , are members of christ ; that besides the union of love , there must be another union with christ ; that the humane nature in christ is truly christ , and the person of christ , and the person of the word ; that christ loveth his humane nature as much as his divine ; that the two natures are equally lovely ; that the soul of christ seeth god as clearly as the godhead , &c. thus worketh the temerarious mind of man. § . . sess. . there is a treaty for a more general council and union with the greeks ; and the place assigned at basil , avignion , or savoy ; and to defray the charges , money to be gathered of christians , who , if they give as much as will keep their houses a week , are rewarded with the pardon of all their sins , where the liberality of their pardons is expounded ; viz. it is only the pardon of such sins de quibus corde contriti , & ore confessi fuerint , which their hearts are contrite for , and their mouths confess ; and these are pardoned on a further condition , that besides this money given , they do for a year fast one day every week more than else they were obliged to do by the church ; and if they be clerks , say every such day seven psalms , or a mass ; if laicks , seven pater nosters , and seven ave maries : and if it had not been for the bishops , might not a contrite confessor have been certainly pardoned without such formalities . § . . in divers following sessions they prosecute pope eugenius , and declare the council at ferrary to be but a schismatical conventicle , and they establish these catholick verities , or articles of faith. sess. . . that a general council representeth the whole church , and hath its power immediately from christ , and that over the pope , and every other person ; and that this is a truth of catholick faith. . that such a council lawfully congregate , may not without their own consent be dissolved , prorogued , or transferred ; and that this is an article of catholick faith. . that a pertinacious repugner of these verities is to be judged a heretick . § . . sess. . they depose pope eugenius as a sentenced , notorious , obstinate persisting rebel against the precepts of the vniversal church , and a daily violater and contemner of the canons , a notorious perturber of the peace and vnity of the church of god , and a notorious scandalizer of the whole church , a notorious simonist , incorrigible perjured person , devious from the faith , a pertinacious heretick , with much more sucb . § . . here i would crave the readers consideration : . if this extraordinary great council erred in all these matters of fact , whether the judgment of a council be a good proof of the papists sort of tradition ? . if they erred in these articles of faith , whether it weaken not both their tradition and grounds of their faith ; and whether such an heretical perjured popes consent would have made them infallible ? . whether their general councils be not contradictory de ●ide , as this , and that at florence and lateran expresly are . . whether a great part of the church of rome , and their last named councils , be not hereticks in the judgment of this council ? . seeing pope eugenius continued when the council had deposed him as a simonist , and perjured pertinacious heretick , and all their following succession is from him , is there not a nulli●y in that succession ? § . . sess. . they decreed the immaculate conception of the virgin mary , as a point of faith ; and yet many of their doctors take it yet as undetermined , and many still are of the contrary mind . § . . after this follow decrees about election of a pope , and they make the duke of savoy pope , faelix . and so we have two popes again . onuphrius calls this the thirtieth schisme : he continued pope above nine years , and then resigned to eugenius for peace . sess. last : they recite the heresies of pope eugenius , as against the foresaid verities . § . . next is added the bull of pope nicholas the . approving the acts and deeds of the council at basil : and then are divers synodical epistles and answers , specially proving councils above the pope , and against his crimes , and of the justness of his deposition , very large ; as also against his conventicle council , and against his adherents , that is , most of their church since , with answers to his invectives , and monitories to draw men from his obedience . in the appendix are many more epistles and orations , and a treatise of the patriarch of antioch , to prove the pope above councils . there are many epistles of the pope against the council , and of the emperour to the council , and of many other princes . § . . the bohemians epistles place their main cause upon the four forementioned articles : i. the sacrament in both kinds . ii. that the word of god may be freely , publickly , and truly preached by those that it belongeth to . ( for they were silenced , &c. ) iii. that civil dominion they mean not all propriety , but power of the sword , or force over mens estates and persons , which is the magistrates ) as a deadly poyson be taken from the clergy , ( they spake from feeling . ) iv. that publick , and great or heynous sins , may be extirpated from among the vulgar of the faithful by lawful powers . this was the religion of the bohemians , and the denying of these was the cause of all their cruel persecutions , and the blood there shed . § . . in confutation of these demands are adjoyned four treatises of the four preachers that spake against them : what cause so great or plain , that men cannot talk against with many and confident words . i. ioh. ragusius acknowledged ▪ the regulating sufficiency of the scripture , hath hath an oration ( a treatise ) against the sacrament in both kinds . ii. aegidius carberius decanus cameracensis hath a treatise ( four days oration ) against their request , for correcting heynous publick sins ; where much learning and reading is poured out , to save sin : and in particular it is maintained , that the clergy may not be punished by the laity ( some few cases excepted ) not being therein their subjects . ( it seems the bohemians would have had wicked priests punished ) and it is specially pleaded , that no wickedness of clergy or laity will warrant any nation to separate from their unity ( that is , roman government ; ) and to that end , the badness of the church militant to be endured is described . when he cometh to the popes pardons , he denieth that pardons à culpâ & poena are usually the popes stile ; whereas i have before cited their express words so speaking often : and he honestly maintaineth out of the school-men , that god only can give pardon à culpâ , save as any priest as instrumentum animatum may vi clavium dispose the receiver , and declare gods pardon , and remit part of the temporal punishment ; but sometimes the pope remitteth part of the church-penances , and so it is that priests are said to forgive sins . ( mark this , against our present papists , that reproach the protestants for this doctrine . ) iii. next is henr. kalteisen , a dominican inquisitors oration against the free preaching of gods word by ministers : ( for this would have undone the pope and his clergy : ) the bohemians , whom he confuteth , maintained : . that gods word is so perfect , that nothing should be added or diminished . . that the wickedness of priests is the great cause of the peoples ruine . . against venial sin as against gods counsels differing from laws . . that every priest and deacon is bound to preach gods word freely , or else sins mortally ; and after ordination he should not cease ( that is , when he was forbidden by silencing bishops , or others ) no not when excommunicated , because he must obey god rather than man ; and that bishops are bound to preach as well as presbyters . the answer first noteth , that papa non est nomen ordinis sed iurisdictionis ; that gods word is incarnate , inspired , written ; that it is expounded by the same spirit that inspired it : ( but hath the pope the same gifts of that spirit ? ) that the inspired word is publick or private ; that the bishops decrees in councils are gods publick inspired word : ( see here the enthusiastical pretence of episcopal inspiration , is the ground of all the roman usurpations and tyrannies , and deposition of princes ) to them he applieth , he that heareth you , heareth me ; whence he gathereth the danger of disobeying that council ( and so the popes heresie . ) the rest is worth the reading , but too long for me to repeat : much of it is to shew , that reading and massing is more needful than preaching , and that every priest that masseth is not bound to preach ; there needeth many mass-priests , and not so many preachers ; and that silenced excommunicated priests are bound to cease preaching , and obey the prelates : but he had the wit to add ( if silenced for a reasonable cause ) and to confess that sententia injuste lata à suo judice si errorem inducat , vel poceatum mortale afferet , nec timenda est nec tenenda . pag. . he denieth that it is any precept of christ : . to receive the cup , . or that priests preach , . orto abolish all mortal sin , . or for the clergy not to be civil governours , &c. iv. ioh. de pole●nar archdiacon . barcinon . hath a treatise of three days speech for the civil power of the clergy , in which he mis-spendeth much time in disputing for their propriety , when as the bohemians took dominion for empire , or civil forcing power of government , and for inordinate possessions of lordships and great wealth . § . . the papists confess that this council was vniversal , and rightly called and confirmed ; but they pretend that it was partly reprobate by the popes removal of the council , and that pope nicholas . approved it but in part . it began . and continued above eleven years . § . . cccclxxiii . an. ● . a council at bridges concurred with this at basil , making the pragmatical sanction , decreeing that a general council be called every ten years , and confirming the council at basil. § . . cccclxxiv . next cometh the anti-council at ferrary and florence , where the attempt for union with the distressed greeks was made , all the passages whereof are so fully opened in the greeks history , published by dr. creighton , that i shall say no more of it . here note , that there were two general councils at once ; and how could they both ( or either of them ) be truly universal : the papists call it the sixteenth . § . . after many wars , eugenius the deposed pope died , an. . ( having made twenty seven cardinals ( against the council of basils decrees ) from whom is their succession ) and nicholas the . succeeded him : italy still continued in bloody wars ; pope faelix at last resigned ; and so there was once more but one pope . and that you may see still how far the pope was from governing all the world , the city of rome was again seeking to recover their liberties , and had a plot against him , one steph. hircanius being the chief , and the pope secured himself by hanging many of them . § the emperour of constantinople , and those bishops that pretended a union with rome , in hope of help , found the people and clergy there utterly averse to come under the pope , and they had no help from him , nor any of their desired successes ; for now the turks took the city , and killed the emperour , and many thousands more , and . the pope died . § . . cccclxxv . a council at tours about church orders decreed praying oft for the dead , forbad clandestine marriages , and massing in unconsecrated places , &c. § . . cccclxxvi . a synod at lyons to end the schisms between the two popes done by the emperour frederick , who desired king charles concurrence . § . . an ▪ : calixtus the . is made pope ; he raiseth a sea army against the turks , the patriarch of aquil●ia being captain : rome was still in war : he claimed the kingdome of naples to the church for want of heirs ; an anti-pope was also made , called clement . but being perswaded to resign , he accepted a bishoprick : many cities in italy ruined by earthquakes , whose ruines platina saith he saw with admiration : he made a new holy-day for christs transfiguration . § . . next cometh aeneas sylvius , called pius . one of the most learned of all the popes , especially an orator : he was against the pope for the superiority of councils at basil ; but when he was made pope , he recanted it . in his epistle to his father he excuseth himself for having a bastard , and for fornication , ( particularly with an english woman that lodged in the same house with him ) telling him , that he was not an eunuch , and remembering his father what a cock of the game he had been himself ; but among the popes he was a wonder of worthiness : he was vehement for a war with the turks , but could not so far quench the flames of war at his own doors in italy , and other christian countries , as to accomplish it . platina recordeth many of his sentences , among which are : [ every sect established by authority , is void of humane reason : if the christian religion had not been approved by miracles , it should have been received for its honesty : the mortals measures of heaven and earth are more bold than true : astronomy is more pleasant than profitable : the friends of god are happy here and hereafter : there is no solid joy without virtue : they that know most , doubt most : artificial orations move fools , not wise men : as all rivers flow into the sea , so all vices into great mens courts : flatterers rule kings as they list : princes hear none so readily as accusers : the tongue of a flatterer is the worst plague to a king : he that ruleth many , is ruled by many : he is unworthy the name of a king , who measureth the publick affairs by his own commodity , &c. ill physitians kill bodies , and unskilful priests souls : virtues enrich the clergy , vice impoverisheth them : marriage was for great reasons forbidden priests , and for greater is to be restored to them : he that too much pardoneth his son , cherisheth his enemy : the covetous never please men , but by dying : lying is a servile vice , &c. you may see his r●cantation in binius , where his dignity raised him so high as to say , that the greek and latin doctors with one voice say , that he cannot be saved that holdeth not the vnity of the roman church , and all those virtues are maimed to him that refuseth to obey the pope , though lying in sackcloth and ashes he fast and pray day and night , and seem in other things to fulfill the law of god , because obedience is better than sacrifice , and every soul must be subject to the higher power ; and it is manifest that the pope of rome is placed in the top ( or crown ) of the church , from which ( his power of government ) we know that no sheep of christ at all is exempted . o then how much worse is the case of the abassines , armenians , greeks , protestants , even three fourth parts of the christian world , than of the heathens , being all certainly damned for not believing in the pope : how much more necessary to salvation is it to please and honour the pope , than any angel or saint in heaven ? but how false is it that the greek and latine fathers all agree in this ? § . . paulus . succeedeth pius , a man just and clement , saith platina himself ; yet , saith he , before he was pope , he could get what he would by begging , even with tears , of the pope and great men : and when he was pope , all about him sounded with wars , and benefices were theirs that would give most for them ; and in his fears some-body muttering , that one callimachus had a plot against him , he set all on tumult to find out the conspirators , when there was no such thing : he had before cast out of their places all the colledge of abbreviates that had bought their places under pius , of whom platina being one , and not getting audience and relief , wrote him a letter , that they would go to princes , and get a council called to relieve them : for this he was accused of treason , and laid in irons by a long imprisonment : and after his release , upon this dream of a plot , he and many more were not only imprisoned , but tortured and tormented to force them to confess that which never was : many died of the torments , even of the worthiest young men of the city . after a long time poor platina with a broken body is delivered , but the prisoners at last were accused of heresie , that they might not seem to have suffered for nothing : platina's heresie was , that he had praised plato , and the gentile learning , and had disputed about the godhead , which was a questioning it ; and the pope himself was so much against learning , that he used to call studious men hereticks , and to perswade men that their sons must learn no more than to read and write . here platin● endeth his history ; and had he known other popes as well as he did this , perhaps he would have praised their iustice and clemency , as he doth this pope , by the effects . § . . sixtus . is next , who also spent his days in italian war and bloodshed : wonderful ! that our late papists think that all the christian world hath still obeyed the pope , when none have so much fought against him as the city of rome , and the italians : onuphrius ( who here beginneth the supplement of platina ) tells you modestly of his wars , and his horrid treachery against the florentines , when to get his will on them , he appointeth conspirators to murder the two brothers , iulian and laurence medices , of whom the archbishop of pisa was one : they assault them in gods worship in the temple , and kill iulian ; but laurence wounded , is lockt up by the church-wardens in the vestry ; the citizens rose before the execution could be finished , and hanged the archbishop , and poggius and all their companions in ropes out at the windows , strangling also the rest of the conspirators . the popes plot being disappointed , he maketh war against the florentines , and interdicteth them all publick worship : ( the popes ordinary profane usurpation , forbidding whole cities and kingdomes all such publick worship of god , which robert groshead said was the part of antichrist , and the devil . ) the wisdome of laurence medices ended the war when it seemed near the consuming flames ; and the turks invading italy , terrified the pope into a peace with the florentines : but still italy was imbrued in wars . § . . though the council of basil had determined the immaculate conception of the virgin mary , yet this pope to reconcile the dominicans and franciscans that preached against each other as hereticks for differing about it ▪ did decree , that on pain of excommunication neither party should call one another hereticks for it : by which it appeareth how little indeed the decrees de fide of general councils signifie with popes themselves when their interest is against them . § . . cccclxxviii . a toletane synod renewed divers good canons for reforming the clergy ; as that none be ordained that cannot speak latine ; to dimini●h the priests maintenance that still publickly keep concubines ; that clergy-men play not at tables , and such like . § . . next comes innocent . the italian wars continuing : he raised an army to get the kingdome of naples as his own ; but being beaten , and repenting , he made peace ; yet after again deposed the king for not paying him his rent : he ruled those at rome and italy that he could conquer , as the rest of the popes did before him . § . . alexander the . is next , who ( saith onuphrius ) having four bastard-sons , and two daughters , set himself wholly to make them great : the cardinals bribed , chose him that was the worst of them all , and justly were destroyed by him : the old italian wars now ran in the proper channel : caesar borgia , one of the popes bastards , being a cardinal , laid by his holy order , and set himself to conquer all the princes of italy : historians fill a volume with his acts , the cruel murders of princes and people , surprize of cities , basest treachery , too long to be by me recited : he murdered his own brother , many of the chief of rome , and got possession of most of italy , killing the former lords , and their sons : the vrsin ▪ overthrew his army , and the pope flattered them with confident promises into a peace , till they foolishly trusting him , he got them into his power , and murdered them : some cardinals the pope commanded to drink poyson , and at last having more great men to dispatch , cardinals and citizens at a purposed feast , the pope ordered his butler to prepare poysoned wine for them , and mistaking the cup , he gave it to the pope , and his son caesar : the pope died of it ; but caesar being young , and diluting his wine , was recovered , but his army hereby scattered . if you would see the history of this monsters cruelties , read paulus iovius : i recite now but what onuphrius saith , who concludeth that this popes virtues were equal to his vices , ( so far goeth a little in a pope ) and yet that he had the greatest perfidiousness , savage cruelty , unmeasurable covetousness and rapacity , inexhausted lust of getting empire to his son by right or wrong , when business permitted , giving up himself to all pleasure without difference , but most given to women , by whom he had four sons , and two daughters ; the chief was vannocia romana , whom he kept as his lawful wife , for her beauty , alluring manners , and marvellous fruitfulnes : his comedies , sports , gladiators , he mentioneth more fully : never was there greater license to hackers and murderers , and never less liberty to the people : a huge number of informers ( or accusers ; ) death was the punishment of the least ill word ( against him ; ) all places were full of robbers or assaulters , so that there was no safe going in the city by night , nor out of it by day ; rome ●hat was the refuge and sanctuary of all other people heretofore , was now become a slaughter-house , or butchery . thus onuphrius of a virtuous pope . § . . the pope being dead , caesar borgia seizeth on the castle , and would have forced the cardinals ( being yet sick of his poyson himself ; ) but by the rising of the people his souldiers are stopt , and he agreed to depart , and pius . is chosen , said to be one of the better sort , but lived but days , and died of a sore leg , suspected to be poysoned . § . . next cometh iulius . a military pope , who spent his days in italian wars , especially against alphonsus duke of ferrary , and ludovicus king of france : in a cruel battel are said to be ●lain near ravenna , the french having the victory , but losing their general , and multitudes of nobles and commanders , and were so weakened , that by hired helvetians , and the english and spanish that invaded them at home , they were driven and drawn back . § . . cccclxxviii . a council at tours in france met against the pope . § . . cccclxxix . a general council at pisa . gathered against him to call him to account : he had sworn to call a counc●l within two years , and did not ; and so some cardinals call it , by the emperour maximilian and ludov. k. of france his will ( as they said . ) the pope excommunicateth the king of france , and calleth an anti-council to rome ; this of pisa removed first to millan , and then to lyons in france . § . . cccclxxx . now cometh the great anti-council at the lateran , which they call the seventeenth approved general one , . begun by iulius against the pisane council , and ended . under leo . the pope thought rome the safest place to rule them , and obtain his will ; and for all the numerous bishops of italy , this general council had but . bishops : qu. whether any of them came from abassia , egypt , armenia , greece , or the antipodes , and were the representatives of all the christian world ? yet they had a dull cheat herein to deceive the ignorant , and put the name of the alexandrinian and antiochian patriarch on two fellows of their own , as in a play the parts of princes are acted by the stage-players : but when the monothelites had a council of innumerable bishops under philippicus , that was not to be called general . he that is so idle may read a volumn of the twelve sessions of this council , and there find who said mass such a day , and who such a day , and who sung a gospel and te deum , and such like : and he may read divers orations , among which their great learned cajetane's is the chief , condemning the pisane council , and confessing that of the three popes , nullus eorum aut certus quidem aut absque ambiguitate verus petri successor existimaretur : another oration by christopher marcellus , sess. . tells the pope that he is , [ vnus princeps qui summam in terris habet potestatem , teque omnis aevi , omnium saeculorum , omnium gentium principem & caput appellat ] tantae reipublicae unicus & supremus princeps es , cui summa data poiestas , ad divinum injunctum imperium , tuum est . he calls the church his spouse , and saith , he hath given satutem vitam & spiritum , and saith , that he is alter dens in terris . you see what popes are . stephen , archbishop patracens , and bishop torcell●n , doth poetize 〈◊〉 saphicks . omnium splendor , decus & peren●● virginum lumen , genitrix superni , gloria humani generis maria , vnica nostri . sola tu virgo dominaris astris , sola tu ter●e , maris atque coeli lumen , inceptis faveas inclyt● nostris . vt queam sacros resecare sensus , qui latent chartis nimium severis ; ingredi & celsae , duce te , benigna maenia terrae . the business of that council was to frustrate that at pisa , and condemn it ; and so to save the pope , and to condemn the french pragmatical sanction , as injurious to the roman power ; to which end they read a renunciation of it , of ludovic●s . to pope pius . pope iulius died , and leo . was chosen in the midst of the councils sessions : they pretended war against the turks , but in vain . § . . one decree here past which nulleth utterly the papal succession , viz : sess. . ( that a simoniacal election of a roman pope is plainly null , and doth confer no right or authority to the elected ) which is plainly declarative ; therefore when they confess the simoniacal election of so great a number of their popes successively , where is the true succession . § . . in the eighth sess. a decree past against them that say the soul is mortal , or that it is but one in all or many : and they confute the truth , by pretending to confirm it , saying , that the soul is per se & essentialiter forma corporis ; for then the separated soul loseth its essence , and so is no soul , or else is forma corporis , when corpus is not corpus organicum . for the cure of this , they decree that none study philosophy above five years , unless they joyn divinity with it : and they forbid printing and preaching unlicensed . § . . this leo the tenth was excellently prepared for the papacy ; wars had dipossest his father at florence , and the king of france , lewis . for his fathers sake , had honoured ( or dishonoured ) him with an excellent and rich archbishoprick , when he was a child : you may conjecture at what age , when as he was scarce thirteen when innocent . made him a cardinal , to gratifie his father laurence mediees , who had given his daughter to francis the popes son ; but because of his non-age , he staid yet from rome : when he was pope , he would fain have had peace in italy if he could , being wholly addicted to ease and voluptuousness : he hired the helvetians for his militia against francis king of france , but they were destroyed by the french , and the pope was glad at last to beg a peace . having unbounded desires of empire , he pickt a quarrel with the duke of vrbane , and assaulted him with arms , and dispossest him of his country , whence he fled , and ungratefully banished d●rista●s , and his brother alphonsus a cardinal , who studying revenge , was destroyed by him : the pope sought to insnare the duke of ferrary , but failed ; the french in italy conquer the emperour and helvetians ; the turk winneth syria and egypt ; the pope sits bare-foot to pray against him , bringing forth all the consecrated dishes , the saints relicks , images , &c. in pomp , and the tyrant presently died of a cance●● the pope falleth on divers cardinals ; cardinal alphonsus he imprisoneth , and appointeth a blackamoor to break out his chamber , and strangle him : having hereby lost the love of many of the old ones , in one day he maketh one and thirty new cardinals , that he may be sure of help ; paulus baleon he beheaded , amadeus ricinatius he hanged : it was this pope that is commonly said to have said to pet. bembus his secretary , what profit doth this fable of iesus bring us in . § . . but now begins the fatal time , anno . martin luther began to cry down their sin , and draw the people of germany from them ; and zuinglius , and many others doing the same , the light brake forth , and the darkness vanished . i need not write the history of it , which is so commonly known or published : the pope published a bull against him , in which he numbereth his supposed errours ; you may see them in binius , pag. . in leo the tenths life , how iohn frederick elector of saxony bore luther out , how philip of hassia seconded him , how the university of wittenberge clave to him , and especially philip melancthon , that excellent man ; how the free cities , with many princes , came in to them , and joyned ; how many petitions and disputations there were about it ; how the augustine confession was written , and the apology for it ; how it turned to a war ; how the elector of saxony , and philip landgrave of hass●a , were taken prisoners ; how maurice of saxony , siding with the emperour , was made elector , and iohn frederick dispossest ; how the same maurice after , to vindicate philip of hassia , took arms against the emperour , and forced him to flight , and finally to some degree of toleration for the protestants . all these things the history of the reformation , written by divers , telleth you at large ; as also how many great and excellent divines were suddenly raised up to stand for reformation , as soon as tyranny was so far abated as that men might freely shew their minds , it soon appeared that most had been long subjugated to the pope more by violence than by consent : when the emperour was necessitated to a toleration , he consulted for some abatement to procure concord , and by agricola , sidonius , and iulius pflug ( an antinomian turned back to popery ) drew up a middle form of worship , called the interim , which he would have all conform to till a general council , which divided the reformers among themselves , while some as moderate ; and to avoid total ruine of the church , yielded to part , and others refused , and multitudes of ministers were therefore ejected and persecuted . this great emperour , charles the fifth , after long wars , and many victories , and sharp persecutions , was at last weary of all , and resigned his empire , and betook himself to a private life in spain , where he died , strongly suspected of repentance and inclination to the reformed doctrine himself : he bequeathed nothing ( as was usual ) to any religious house , or order : there were found papers about him for the protestant doctrine of justification ; his confessor , and another doctor that attended him , were hereupon suspected of heresie , and one persecuted , and the other put to death by the inquisition . thus errour , sin , and worldly violence are never true to themselves , but must be repented of at last , and none can stand to them when the light prevaileth . § . . but to return to pope leo , when he had made above forty cardinals , exercised many cruelties , and made a league with the emperour against the french , to drive them out of italy , when his arms had prevailed , and the french were expelled , and milan recovered , and some cities restored to the church ( that is , to the pope ) the excessive joy for the victory so ●oved him , that ( saith onuphrius ) he fell into a fev●r , of which he died , but not without suspition of poyson . the same onuphrius ( whom i follow ) saith , that ( he was a diligent observer of divine things , given to the sacred ceremonies , but he was profusely given to voluptuousness , hunting , hawking , luxury , splendid feastings , musick , and to get money sold cardinalships , invented offices , &c. and yet was the most liberal of all the popes that ever had lived to that day , excessively loving musick , &c. ) this was papal piety , by which he merited a monument inscribed optimo principi leonix . &c. saith onuphrius : ( in all his life he desired nothing more ardently than the highest glory of liberality , from which other priests use to be very far off . ) perhaps for this glory tecelius must get money by selling pardons , which began his fall : verily they have their reward , saith christ of hypocrites , that do their alms to be seen of men . § . . it is to be noted , that as the great ignorance and wicked lives of the roman clergy were the great advantage to luthers success , ( as the gross idolatry and wickedness of heathens was to christianity of old ) and the learning and piety of the reformers were the means of their common acceptance ; so hereupon the papacy perceived a necessity of greater learning , and some reformation , for its own defence from utter ruine : whereupon many were awakened , and addicted to seek learning , and some provincial councils made some canons for amending the clergies lives ; so that their encrease of learning ▪ and some amendment of manners , was occasioned by the protestants ; yea , the popes themselves have since then been far less vicious and turbulent than before . § . . and all christian princes have cause to be thankful to the reformers , and to acknowledge that from them they have now the safety of their crowns and dignities , and their peace ; and by them , of subjects , they are restored to a great degree of freedome , i mean even those that yet are papists , the pope dare not now damn them as henrician hereticks , as he long had done ; he dare not be so bold in taking away , and giving kingdomes ; he dare not execute his laws against princes investitu●es , nor excommunicate them , and depose them , and absolve their subjects , nor interdict whole kingdomes ▪ and shut up church doors , nor so much as openly profess that he hath power from god , and s. peter , to depose kings according to their merits , and to set up others in their stead . o how much quieter is italy , spain , france , germany , &c. since the reformation , and how much less troubled with papal terrours and wars , than heretofore ; and all is for fear lest if the pope should anger them , the rest of the princes should forsake him . heretofore if one kingdome stood up against the pope , the rest were ready blindly to obey his commands , to fall upon them and destroy them : but now the reformed nations have more strength to defend themselves , and those that shall joyn with them : the truth is , it is reformation that hath made even the papists princes free-men . § . the history of all the roman horrid bloody cruelties , by which they laboured to suppress reformation , i here omit , because ( as it well deserveth ) it is written in many large volumns by it self : i mean the bloody murders of the albigenses , waldenses , bohemians , the cruelties of the inquisition in spain , belgia and other parts : the massacre in france . the burning people in england and the murders in ireland , and in other countries : you may read them at large in many histories : in thuanus , sleidan , illericus , morney , perin , moreland , the belgian , and french histories : foxe's acts and monuments , and summarily in mr. sam. clerks martyrology : and carion , m●lancton , micreleus , d. paraeus , vignerius , scull●tus , bucholcer , fuactius , and many others give you an account of the reformation . and the lives of the german divines , written by melchior adaunes , yea and of their lawyers , physicians and philosophers , giveth not an unpleasant light into that history : so that for me here to treat of the reformation in a large volumn ( to do what is so often done already ) would be incougruous . the making of vrban the th . the emperours schoolmaster pope , and the wars in his time ; the succession of clement the th . and the italian wars in his time , between the emperour and the french and others , and the taking of rome by the emperour ( charles the th . ) army under charles duke of bourbon , and all the progress of their broils , historians have at large recorded ; and therefore i shall pretermit . § . the day before charles the th . was chosen emperour , the senate of electas chose iohn frederick duke of saxony ; but he ingenti animo recusavit , refused it ; and being asked whom he thought most eligible , he said none but charles was fit . for this noble mind , he was offered florens of money , which he constantly rejected : and when they urged him that might be given to his servants , he said , let them that will take it , but he that taketh any shall not stay to morrow with me , and taking horse went his waies , lest they further troubled him : thus saith erasmus , epist. l . ●p . . i was assured of by the bishop of liege that was presen●t ] see b●●●●zar chronol . p. . § . the reformation forced the german bishops to make many reforming canons , at colen , &c. among those of an augustine synod our own strife about communicating maketh me think of no loss of time to recite their catalogue of persons that were to be denied the sacrament of communion , viz. as followeth . . heathens , infidels and hereticks . . the excommunicate . . all men at a time of common interdict . . men that go from their own parishes for it . . those that are under age : and distracted , possessed , ideots . . those that are troubled with crudity of stomacks ( till cured . ) . infamous persons , as juglers , players , jesters , &c. . women that wear mens apparel . . separatists and conventiclers . . the sect of the beggars of lyons . . the superstitious . . those that have not contrition and confession , living in sin . . that live in notorious wickedness , as adultery , usury , &c. till their actual reformation . . deserters of marriage unallowed . . those that play much at dice . . that are given to drunkenness , gluttony , comessations , spend daies in taverns ; and if they amend not they are to be put to death . . that detain other mens goods . . that break and spoil temples . . that encroach on others lands and grounds . . servants that being corrected refuse their duty to their master after it . . they that use false weights and measures . . that pay not tythes . . that delay to execute testaments . . that obstinately despise the customes of the church , and meet elsewhere . . that disturb the preachers , or go out of church contemptuously . . that will not hear mass and stay the end . . that use unnecessary labour on the lords day or holy daies . . that marry secretly . . that slothfully or contemptuously refuse to learn the lords prayer , and creed . . that blaspheme or prophanely swear . . that reproach and dishonour priests . . murderers , enemies , revengeful and oppressors . . that preserve not carefully their childrens lives . . that make laws against church liberties , or judge by such laws , or lay burdens and exactions on churchmens persons or goods . . those that judge that money received on usury is not to be restored . § . the reformers accusations of the popish clergy had this effect , to make them confess many of their faults , especially drunkenness , and whoredome , as being the cause of the peoples distaste and desertion ; see the orations at the councils of augusta , and trevers ; and the council at trevers made strict canons against them , especially for removing concubines from the priests . and one at colen . is large for some reformation ; but especially careful to keep out true reformation , forbidding the books of protestants by name . among other things they forbid baptizing children in private houses , except kings children , &c. and another council at mentz hath the whole sum of the roman doctrine and discipline at the best , save the matters of the papacy ; and these late provincial councils made canons in the frame of them , not much of our english canons and our articles of religion set together . and another council at trevers repeateth their disciplinary canons in part , and addeth more . § . the history and canons of the council of trent are sufficiently published ; and pope pius his oath conjoyned ; so that i need not speak of that which i intend not to make any part of the matter of this epitome , which extendeth but to the time of luthers reformation . . even after the reformation , the pope could not live in italy without fighting : pope iulius the d , fought with octavius farnesius at parma ; pope paul sought with the king of spain : but was beaten : he set sixteen cardinals over the inquisition ( the defence of his kingdome ) : he imprisoned cardinal morrovius suspected of heresie , absolved after by pope pius the th . who yet strangled caraffa , and beheaded cardinal leonard , count montarius , &c. § . cardinal charles borrhomeus ( sainted by them ) at divers millane councils shewed a great deal of reforming , and some deforming zeal . in the first council i shall note that they decreed that men once admitted to the communion , and returning to their sin , be no more admitted till the priest see that they have actually reformed their lives . and that before any young persons first receive , they shall some dayes be examined , and taught the use and reason of the sacrament , priests notoriously criminal must not say mass till they amend their lives . no physician must give physick to any after four dayes sickness that is not confest to the priest ( on pain of excommunication ) . bishops are forbidden to stand when princes sit , no not for saying grace at meat : nor otherwise to depress and abject themselves to princes . parish priests must have a book of the names , sex , age , and state of every parishioner . whores are to dwell in their assigned places , and to be known by their apparel from others . dancing , playes , dice , selling , &c. forbidden on the lords dayes and holy dayes . indeed the roman religion was never set out with greater advantage of piety and reformation than in the copious decrees of carolus borrhomeus in the milan councils : to which a council at aquileia added , endeth binnius his history of councils . § . in all this history of councils , bishops and patriarchs it appeareth that corruptio optimi est pessima ; as the sacred ministry in pious humble wise , peaceable and sincere men , hath been gods great means of planting , ordering , preserving and encreasing his church , and converting , edifying , and saving souls , and such to this day are as paul called timothy ( not the church ) ( a pillar and basis of the truth in the church , which is the house of the living god ) the husbandmen that still cultivate the vineyard of the lord , while with self-denial , and faith , and heavenly minds , they labour to promote holy wisdome , love , spirituality and peace , abhorring pride and worldly designs , and being mostly little noted in the histories of the church , as not appearing in the turbulent and publick affairs of the world : so contrarily pride , and worldliness , seeking dominion , favour and wealth , to feed also sensuality with fleshly pleasure , by satans great diligence have corrupted sacred societies , doctrine , worship , discipline and conversation , and when the prince of pride and darkness , the god of this world , could not directly expugne christianity , he hath under pretence of government , unity , and advancement to the church , set his malignant ministers in the chairs and pulpits of the church to do his work , and fight down piety , love and peace in the name of christ , and as it were by his authority ; and instead of persecuting heathens , satan hath set up contentions , dividing , and silencing , and persecuting prelates , to smite the true shepherds , and scatter the flocks ; and as for faith and order , to tread down the true life of faith , love and order , and to be the capital enemies of the church , while they would make themselves its heads , advancers and defenders ; so that the chief good and the chief mischief hath come to the church by the means of the pastors : and no schismes , no heresies , no persecutions have been more grievous , than those that have been caused by a tyrannical and contentious clergy ; witness all the conciliary episcopal schismes , wars , and bloodshed mentioned in this collection ; witness the many hundred thousand albigenses , waldenses , and bohemians murdered , as for the faith and church ; witness the . or . at once murdered at the french massacre ; witness the horrid cruelties of the inquisition ; witness the volumes of burned and otherwise murdered protestants ; and witness the irish zeal stirr'd up by their clergy , that murdered two hundred thousand in so narrow a room as that small country , and in so few weeks : and whoever is the antichrist , certainly in rome , and the militant tyrannical church-clergy is found the blood of the saints , and martyrs of jesus ; and as proud contentious patriarchs and prelates ruined religion and the empire in the east , and gave it up to mahometan darkness and cruelty , so have they under the name of christianity impugned the christian interest in the west . i end with g. heebert : only the west and rome do keep them free from this contagious infidelity : and this is all the rock whereof they boast , as rome will one day find unto her cost ; sin being not able to extirpate quite the churches here , bravely resolv'd one night to be a church●man , and to wear a mitre , the old debauched ruffian would turn writer : i saw him in his study , where he sate busie in controversie sprung of late : a gown and pen became him wondrous well , his grave aspect had more of heaven than hell ; only there was a handsome picture by , to which he lent a corner of his eye : as sin in greece a prophet was before , and in old rome a mighty emperour ; so now being priest , he plainly did profess to make a jest of christs three offices ; the rather since his scattered juglings were united now in one , both time and sphere : from egypt he took petty deities , from greece oracular infallibilities ; and from old rome the liberty of pleasure , by free dispensing of the churches treasure : then in memorial of his ancient throne , he did sirname his palace babylon : yet that he might the better gain all nations , and make that name good by their transmigrations , from all these places , but at divers times , he took five vizards to conceal his crimes . from egypt anchorisme , and retiredness , learning from greece , from old rome stateliness ; and blending these , he carried all mens eyes , while truth sate by , counting his victories ; whereby he grew apace , and scorn'd to use such force as once did captivate the iews ; but did bewitch , and finely work each nation into a voluntary transmigration : all post to rome ; princes submit their necks , either to his publick foot , or private tricks : it did not fit his gravity to stir , nor his long journey , nor his gout and fur ; therefore he sent out able ministers , states-men wi●●in , without door cloysterers ; who without spear , or sword , or other drum , than what was in their tongue , did overcome ; and having conquer'd did so strangely rule , that the whole world did seem but the popes mule : as new and old rome did one empire twist , so both together are one antichrist ; yet with two faces , as their ianus was , being in this their old crackt looking-glass : how dear to me , o god , thy counsels are ! who may with thee compare ! thus sin triumphs in westerns-babylon , yet not as sin , but as religion ; of his two thrones he made the later best , and to defray his journey from the east , old and new babylon are to hell and night , as is the moon and sun to heaven and light. chap. xiv . lest this treatise be mistaken & abused to the dishonour of the christian religion , church or ministry i adde two papers which i long agoe published for the ministry . against profane malignants , . against sectarians , especially those called seekers , as also papists & others that for interest or faction , deny or vilifie the pastors . one sheet for the ministry ; against the malignants of all sorts . as mans first felicity was attended with the malice of the serpent , so is the wonderful work of his restauration . the promise of reconciliation by the seed of the woman , is joyned with a proclamation of open war with the serpent and his seed . the enmity was hottest in the devil and his seed against christ himself , who bare and overcame it ; and is become the captain of our salvation , that his church may overcome by his cross and strength , and conduct ; the next degree of malice is against his officers : the most eminent , the general officers had the hottest assault ; and his ordinary officers bear the next : that we shall be hated of all men for the name of christ , ( mat. . . ) is still verified to our experience . not only the openly prophane abhor us for our work sake , but false-hearted professors that turn from the truth , do presently turn malignants against the ministry ; and many weak ones that are better minded , are dangerously seduced into a guilt of the sedition . to all these i here proclaim in the name and word of the lord , numb . . . [ depart i pray you from the tents of these wicked men , and touch nothing of theirs , lest ye be consumed in all their sins . ] which i shall now open to you . . the office of the ministry is an undoubted ordinance of god , to continue in the church to the end of the world . no man can pretend that they ceased with the apostles , for it is gods will that ordinary fixed presbyters shall be ordained in every church , acts. . . tit. . . tim. . . tim. . . and pastors and teachers are appointed for the perfecting of the saints , for the work of the ministry , and edifying of the body of christ , till we all come to a perfect man , ephes. . , , . a ministry authorized to disciple the nations , baptize and teach them , is instituted by christ as king and saviour , and have his promise to be with them alway to the end of the world , mat. . , , . the same necessity and work continueth ; still souls are born and bred in darkness , and how shall they be saved without believing , or believe without hearing , or hear without preaching , or we preach without sending ? rom. . . , . there is a clearer word in the gospel for the ministry then the magistracy ; though enough for both . our own call i shall sp●ak of anon . . these malignants set themselves against the principal members of the body of christ , that are in it as the eyes and hands to the natural body , cor. . , , , . ephes. . , . the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god , cor. . . the over-seers of the flock that is purchased with christs blood , acts. . . they are the chief members , . in office , . ordinarily in gifts for edification of the body : . and in grace . now a wound in the stomack or liver is more mortal to the body , then in the hand : and the loss of an eye or hand is worse then the loss of an ear . . these malignants are therefore principally enemies to the church it self . they take on them to be only against the ministers , but it will prove most against the people and whole church . if they smite the shepherds , the sheep will be scattered . how can they more surely ruine christs family , then by casting out the stewards , that must rule , and give the children their meat in due season , even milk to the babes , and stronger meat to them of full age , heb. . , , . luke . . . mat. . . what readyer way to ruine the schools of christ , then by casting out the teachers that he hath appointed under him ? or to ruine his kingdome , then to reject his officers ? or to wrong the body , then to cut off the hand , and pull out the eyes , or to destroy the principal parts ? was it not ministers that planted the churches , and converted the world and have ever born off the assaults of enemies ? where was there ever church on earth that continued without a ministry ? the great kingdom of nubi● fell from christianity for want of preachers . the nations that have the weakest and fewest ministers , have the least of christianity ; and those that have the most and ablest ministers , have the most flourishing state of religion . all over the world the church doth rise or fall with the ministry : cut down the pillers , and the building falls . he is blind that sees not what would become of the church , were it not for the ministry ? who should teach the ignorant , or rebuke the obstinate , explain the word of truth , and stop the mouths of proud gain sayers ? what work would heresies , and division , and prophaneness make , if these banks were cut down ; when all that can be done is still too little . it must needs therefore be meer enmity against the church , that makes men malignant against the ministry . . the design of the maligners of the ministry is plainly against the gospel and christianity it self . they take the readyest way in the world to bring in heathenism , infidelity and atheism , which christianity hath so far banished , for it is the ministry that christ useth to bring in light , and drive and keep out this damnable darkness , acts : , . [ i send thee to open their eyes , and turn them from darkness to light , &c. ] why are so many nations infidels , mahometans , and idolaters , b●t for want of ministers to preach the gospel to them ? these malignants therefore would take down the sun , and banish christianity out of the world . . and they hinder the conversion of particular souls , and so are the cruellest wretches on earth . though an angel must be sent to cornelius , it is not to be instead of a preacher , but to send him to a preacher , acts . though christ would wonderfully appear to saul , it is to send him to ananias for instruction , acts . though the jaylor must feel an earth-quake , and see miracles , it is but to prepare him for the ministers words , acts . philip must be carried by an angel to expound to an eunuch the word that must convert him . the ministry is gods instituted settled way , by which he will convert and save the world , as truly as the light is the natural way by which he will corporally enlighten them acts . . tim. . . mat. . . rom. . . do you think so many souls would be converted if the ministry were down ? do you not see that the very contempt of them , that the scorns of the ungodly , and opposition of malignant apostates have occasioned , doth hinder most of the ignorant and prophane from receiving the saving benefit of the gospel ? how many millions of souls would these wretches sweep away to hell , if they had their will ? while thousands are in damnation for want of the light , they would take it from you , that you might go there also . do you not understand the meaning of these words , against christs ministers ? why the meaning is this : they make a motion to the people of the land , to go to hell with one consent , and to hate those that are appointed to keep them out of it . they would take the bread of life from your mouthes . they are attempting an hundred times more cruelty on you , than herod on the jews when he killed the children , or the irish that murdered the protestants by thousands ; as the soul is of greater worth then the body . . these malignants against the ministry are the flat enemies of christ himself , and so he will take them and use them . he that would root out the inferiour magistrates , is an enemy to the soveraign ; and he that is against the officers of the army , is an enemy to the general ; christ never intended to stay visibly on earth , and to teach and rule the world immediately in person ; but he that is the king will rule by his officers ; and he that is prophet will teach us by his officers ; and therefore he hath plainly told us , [ he that heareth you , heareth me ; and he that dispiseth you , despiseth me ; and he that despiseth me , despiseth him that sent me , luke . . ] o fearful case of miserable malignants ! durst thou despise the lord thy maker and redeemer , if he appeared to thee in his glory ! to whom the sun it self is as darkness , and all the world as dust and nothing ? remember when thou next speakest against his officers , or hearest others speak against them , that their words are spoken against the face of christ , and of the father . i would not be sound in the case of one of these malignants , when christ shall come to judge his enemies , for a thousand worlds . he that hath said , [ touch not mine annointed , and do my prophets no harm ; and hath rebuked kings for their sakes , psal. . . will deride all those that would break his bands , and will break them as with a rod of iron , and dash them in pieces as a potters vessel , psal. . , , . and as he hath told them plainly , [ who so despiseth the word shall be destroyed , prov. . . ] and [ he that despiseth , despiseth not man , but god , thes. . . so he hath told us that it shall be easier for sodom and gomorrah in the day of iudgement , then for such , mat. . . many a thousand prouder enemies then you hath christ broken ; and look to your selves , for your day is coming . if you had but stumbled on this stone , it would have broken you in pieces ; but seeing you will strive against it , it will fall on you , and gri●d you to pouder , mat. . . and then you shall see that he that made them his embassadors , will bear them out and say , [ in as much as you did it to these , you did it to me . ] and you shall then say , blessed are they that trust in him . . it is apparent that these enemies of the ministers are playing the papists game . because the just disgrace of their ministry , was the ruine of their kingdom ; therefore they hope to win of us at the same game . they know that if the people were brought into a hatred or suspition of their guides , they might the easier be won to them . they tell us in their writings , that not one of ten of our people but taketh his faith on trust from their teachers , and therefore take them o●f from them and they will fa●l : but they delude themselves in this : for though the ungodly among us have no true faith of their own , and the godly must lean on the hand of their supporters , yet there is in them a living principle ; and we do not as the papists priests , teach our people to see with our eyes , and no matter for their own : but we help to clear their own eye-sight . doubt not but the most of the sects in the land that fall against the ministry , are knowingly or ignorantly the agents of the papists . for the principal work of a papist is to cry down the ministry and the scripture , and to set all they can on the same work . . these sects that are against the ministry do all the same work as the drunkards , whore-mongers , covetous , and all ungodly persons in our parishes do : and therefore it seems they are guided by the same spirit . it is the work of drunkards and all these wicked wretches to hate , and despise , and revile the ministers , and to teach others to say as they . and just so do quakers , seekers , papists and all other malignants reproach the same ministers : and yet the blind wretches will not see that the same spirit moveth them . . it is apparent that it is the devils game they play , and his interest and kingdom which they promote . who fights against christs officers and army , but the general of the contrary army ? what greater service could all the world do for the devils , then to cast out the ministers of christ ? and what more would the devil himself desire , to set up his kingdom and suppress the church ? wretches ! you shall 〈◊〉 see your master , and he will pay you your wages contrary to your expectation . read gods word to a malignant , acts . . . these enemies do reproach as faithful a ministry as the world enjoyeth , and their malice hath so little footing , as that the result must be their own shame . among the papists indeed there are mass-priests that can but read a mass , whose office is to turn a piece of bread into a god : and yet these the malignants either let alone , or liken us to them . the greeks , and ethiopians , and most of the christian world , have a ministry that seldome or never preach to them , but read common-prayer , and homilies . the most of the protestant churches have a learned ministry that is so taken up with controversies , that they are much less in the powerful preaching and practise of godliness : above all nations under heaven , the english are set upon practical divinity and holiness , and yet even they are by malignity chosen out for reproach . alas , scandals in the ministry , ( as drunkenness , swearing , &c. ) among other nations are but too common : but in england magistrates and ministers combine against them . ministers are still spurring on the magistrates to cast out the insufficient , negligent and scandalous ; and desire and use more severity with men of their own profession , than with magistrates , or any others in the land. in nothing are they more zealous , than to sweep out all the remnant of the scandalous : and for themselves , they are devoted to the work of the lord , and think nothing too much that they are able to perform , but preach in season and out of season , with all long-suffering and doctrine ; and yet malignants make them their reproach . . it is abundance of pride and impudency , that these malignant enemies are guilty of . they are most of them persons of lamentable ignorance ; and yet they dare revile at the teachers , and think themselves wise enough to rebuke and teach them : many of them are men of wicked lives ; and yet they can tell the world how bad the ministers are . a railer , a drunkard , a covetous worldling , an ignorant sot , is the likest person to fall upon the minister ; and the owl will call the lark a night-bird . alas , when we come to try them , what dark wretches do we find them ! and should be glad if they were but teachable : and yet they have learnt the devils first lesson , to despise their teachers . . and o what barbarous ingratitude are these malignant enemies of the ministry guilty of ! for whom do we watch , but for them and others ? can they be so blind as to think a painful minister doth make it his design to seek himself , or to look after great matters in the world ? would not the time , and labour , and cost that they are at in the schools and universities , have fitted them for a more gainful trade ? do not lawyers , physitians , &c. live a far easier , and in the world a more honourable plentiful life ? have not the ministers themselves been the principal instruments of taking down bishops , deans and chapters , arch-deacons , prebends , and all means of preferment ? and what have they got by it , or ever endeavoured ? speak malice , and spare not . is it any thing but what they had before ? even the maintenance due to their particular charge . unthankful wretches ! it is for your sakes and souls that they study , and pray , and watch , and fast , and exhort , and labour , to the consuming of their strength ; and when they have done , are made the drunkards song , and the scorn of all the wicked of the country ; and when they spend , and are spent , the more they love , the less they are beloved . in the times of this greatest prosperity of the church , they live under constant hatred and scorn , from those that they would save , and will not let alone in sin . and what do they endure all this for but gods honour , and your salvation ? would we be ministers for any lower ends ? let shame from god and man be on the face of such a minister ! i profess , were it not for the belief of the greatness , and necessity , and excellency of the truths that i am to preach , and for the will of god , and the good of souls , i would be a plow-man , or the meanest trade , if not a sweep chimney , rather than a minister . must we break our health , and lay by all our worldly interest for you , even for you , and think not our lives and labours too good or too dear to further your salvation ; and must we by you , even by you , be reproached after all ? god will be judge between you and us , whether this be not inhumane ingratitude ; and whether we deserve it at your hands ? . yea , it is injustice also that you are guilty of . the labourer , saith christ , is worthy of his hire , luke . . ( mark that , you that call them hirelings ) the elders that rule well are worthy of double honour , tim. . . especially they that labour in the word and doctrine . and will you throw stones at their heads for endeavouring to save your souls ? will you spit in their faces for seeking with all their might to keep you from hell ? is that their wages that you owe them ? but blessed be the lord , with whom is our reward , though you be not gathered , isa. . . but as you love your selves , take heed of that curse , ier. . . [ shall evil be recompenced for good ? for they have digged a pit for my soul : remember that i stood before thee to speak good for them , and to turn away thy wrath from them , &c. ] o how many a time have we besought the lord for you ! that he would convert you , and forgive you , and turn away the evil that was over you : and when all these our prayers , and groans , and tears shall be remembred against you , o miserable souls , how dear will you pay for all ! . and is it not a wonder that these malignants do not see what evident light of scripture they contradict ; and how many great express commands they violate ? they break the fifth commandment , which requireth honour as well to spiritual ecclesiastical parents , as to civil and natural . and he that curseth father and mother , his lamp shall be put out in darkness , prov. . . the eye that mocketh at his father , and despiseth to obey his mother , the ravens of the valley shall pick it out , and the young eagles shall eat it , prov. . . did these wretches never read , thes. . . we beseech you brethren , to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you ; and to esteem them very highly in love for their work sake , and to be at peace among your selves . ] and heb. ▪ . [ obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls as they that must give account , that they may do it with joy , and not with grief ; for that is unprofitable for you . ] and heb. . . remember them which have the rule over you , who have spoken to you the word of god. ] and so ver . . and tim. . . the elders that rule well are worthy of double honour , &c. ] with abundance more such passages as these ? do not you feel these fly in your faces when you oppose the ministers of christ ? doth a thief or murderer sin against plainer light than you ? . these malignants sin against the consent and experience of the universal church of christ till this day . the whole church hath been for the ministry , and instructed by them ; and as the child doth seek the breast , so did new-born christians , in all ages , seek the word from the ministers , that they might live and grow thereby . and all the nations of the christian world are for the ministry to this day ! or else they could not be for christ , and for the church , and gospel . is it not plain therefore that these malignants are dead branches , cut off from the church , that are so set against the spiri● and interest of the church ? . moreover they sin against the experience of all , or almost all the true christians in the world . for they have all experience , that ministers are either their fathers , or nurses in the lord : and that by their means they have had their life , and strength , and comforts ; their sins killed , their graces quickned , their doubts resolved ; the taste of the good word of god , and of the powers of the world to come ? may we not challenge you as paul oft doth his flock , whether you did not receive the illuminating sanctifying spirit by the ministry , if ever you received it ? i tell you , it is as much against the new and holy nature of the saints to despise the ministers of christ , as it is unnatural for a child to spit in the face of his father or mother . and the experience of sound christians will keep them closer , and help them much against this inhumanity , what ever hypocrites may do . . and if these malignants had not pharaohs heart , they would sure have considered , that the experience of all ages tells them , that still the most wicked have been the enemies of the ministry , and the most godly have most obeyed and honoured them in the lord ; and that this enmity hath been the common brand of the rebellious , and the fore-runner of the heavy wrath of god ; and that it hath gone worst with the enemies , and best with the friends of a godly ministry . do i need to prove this , which is so much of the substance of the old testament , and the new ? was it the friends or enemies of all the prophets , apostles and ministers of christ , that scripture and all good writers do commend ? do not the names of all malignants against the godly ministry stink above ground , as the shame of mankind , except those that are buried out of hearing , or those that were converted ? . nay such as are noted for the highest sort of the wicked upon earth ; worse than drunkards , whorem●ngers , and such filthy beasts ! the persecutors of gods ministers have been ever taken as walking devils : and the hottest of gods wrath hath faln upon them . take two instances ; . when the iews went into captivity , this was the very cause , chron. . , . [ but they mocked the messengers of god , and despised his words , and misused his prophets , till the wrath of the lord arose against his people , till there was no remedy . . and when the iews were cut quite off from the church , and made vagabonds on the earth , this was the very cause , acts . . be it known therefore to you , that the salvation of god is sent to the gentiles , and that they will hear it . ] thes. . , . these jews [ both killed the lord iesus , and their own prophets , and have persecuted us : and they please not god , and are contrary to all men , forbidding us to speak to the gentiles , that they might be saved to fill up their sin alway ; for the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . ] . it is the devils own part that these malignants act : for it is he that is the great enemy of christ , and the saints , and he that is the accuser of the brethren , which accuseth them before god day and night : and is not this the work of quakers , drunkards , papists , and all malignants ? but the lord will rebuke them , and be the glory of his servants , zach. . , . [ he shewed me joshua the high-priest standing before the angel of the lord , and satan standing at his right hand to resist him . and the lord said unto satan ; the lord rebuke thee , o satan , even the lord that hath chosen jerusalem . ] . these malignants do most of them condemn themselves ; for they honour the ancient ministers of christ that are dead , even while they oppose and hate the present that are living , who are the nearest imitators of their doctrine and life that are on earth ! the name of peter , and paul , and iohn they honour , and some of them keep holy-days for them ; and at the same time hate and reproach those that preach the same doctrine , and that because they tread in their steps . they honour the names of austin , and chrysostom and hierom , and other ancients ; and hate those that preach and live as they did . they speak honourably of the martyrs that were burned to death for the doctrine of christ ; and at the same time they hate us for doing as they did . what difference between the calling , doctrine and lives of those martyred ministers , and these that are now alive ? o wretched hypocrites ! do you not know that these apostles , fathers , and other ministers did suffer in their time from such as you , as we now do , and more ? hear what christ saith to such as you , mat. . , , . [ woe to you scribes , pharisees , hypocrites ; because ye build the tombs of the prophets , and garnish the sepulchres of the righteous , and say , if we had been in the days of our fathers , we would not have been partakers with them in the blood of the prophets : ye are witnesses to your selves , that ye are the children of them which killed the prophets : fill ye up then the measure of your fathers : ye serpents , ye generation of vipers , how can ye escape the damnation of hell ? ] . moreover , these malignants do harden themselves against the fresh●st of the judgments of god , which some of their own hands have executed ; and justifie the presecutors , and succeed them in their fury . have you forgotten what god hath done here against the papal enemies of the gospel and ministry , in . and the powder-plot , and many other times ? have you already forgotten how the persecutors of a godly ministry have sped within these sixteen years in england and ireland ? and dare you now stand up in their room and make your selves the heirs of their sin , and punishment , and justifie them in all their malignity ? what do you but justifie them , when you rave against and revile the same sort of ministers , and many of the same persons , whom the former malignants persecuted ? and oppose the same sort of ministers that the papists burned ? and would not you do the like by them if you had power in your hands ? can any wise man doubt of it , whether papists , and quakers , and drunkards , that now make it their work to make the ministry odious , would not soon dispatch them if they could ? blessed be the great protector of the church , for were it not for him , our lives would soon be a prey to your cruelty . . and indeed if these malignants had their wills , they would undo themselves , and cut down the bough they stand upon , and destroy the little hope and help that is yet le●t for their miserable souls : it is for the sake of gods servants among them that judgements are so long kept off them . and as long as the gospel and ministers remains , salvation is offered them : the voice of mercy is calling after them , repent and live . they have the light shining in their eyes , which may at last convince them , as paul was convinced of his persecution : the voice which they despise may possibly awake them . though they have less hope then others ; yet there is some , but if they had their will , and were rid of the ministry , alas what would the forlorn wretches do ? then they might damn themselves without disturbance , and go quietly to hell , and no body stop them , and say , [ why do you so ? . and i pray you consider what it is that these men would have ? what if the ministers were all cast out ? would they have any to do gods work in their stead , or none ? if none , you may see what they are doing : if any , who , and where are they ? is it not horrible pride if all these silly souls do think that they can do it better themselves ? and what else do quakers and all these sects that are the enemies of the ministry ? do they not go up and down the land , and say to the wisest holyest teachers , as if they took them by the sleeve , [ come down and let me preach that can do it better : come down thou deceiver and ignorant man , and let me come up that am wiser , and better , and known more : out with these proud lordly preachers , and let us be your teachers , that are m●re holy , and humble , and self-denying then they . ] is not this the loud language of their actions ? and can you not hear the devil in these words of highest pride and arrogancy ? but really sirs , do you think that these men would teach you better ? and is there enow that are wiser and better then we to fill up our rooms , if we were out ? do but prove that , and you shall have my consent to banish all the ministers in england , to some place that hath greater need of their labour , that they may no more trouble you that have no need of them , and keep out better . . lastly , consider on what sensless pretences all this enmity against the ministry doth vent it self . you shall hear the worst that they have to say against us , ( though but briefly ) and then judge . . the quakers say , we are idle drones that labour not , and therefore should not eat . answ. the worst i wish you , is , that you had but my ease instead of your labour . i have reason to take my self for the least of saints , and yet i fear not to tell the accuser , that i take the labour of most tradesmen in the town to be a pleasure to the body in comparison of mine ; ( though for the ends and the pleasure of my mind , i would not change it with the greatest prince ) their labour preserveth health , and mine consumeth it : they work in ease , and i in continual pain : they have hours and dayes of recreation : i have scarce time to eat and drink : no body molesteth them for their labour ; but the more i do , the more hatred and trouble i draw upon me . if a quaker ask me , what all this labour is , let him come and see , or do as i do , and he shall know . . they accuse us of covetousness and oppression , because we take tithes or hire , ( as they call it . ) answ. . is it not malice or sacrilegious covetousness that frameth this accusation ? whose are the tithes ? are they ours or theirs ? the same law of the land that makes the nine parts theirs , doth make the tenth ours . if we have no title to the tenth , they have none to the rest . we ask none of our people for a farthing . they give it not to us : it was never theirs . when they buy or take leases of their land , it is only the nine parts that they pay for , and if the tenths were sold them , they should pay themselves a tenth part more . and would these men make all the people thieves and covetous , to take or desire that which never was their own ? nay would they have them rob god , to whom for his service the tithes were devoted ? read , mal. , , . rom. . . gen. . . heb. . , . and whether tithe it self be of divine institution still , is more then they are able to disprove . sure i am , when christ told them of tithing mint and cummin , he saith , these ought you to have done , and not to leave the other undone , mat. . . . but most certain i am that god hath made it our duty to meditate on his word , and give our selves wholly thereto , tim. . . and that we may [ forbear working , and not go on warfare at our own charge ; and sowing to men spiritual things , should reap their carnal things : do ye not know that they which minister about holy things , live of the things of the temple ; and they which wait at the altar , are partakers with the alter ? even so hath the lord ordained , that they which preach the gospel should live of the gospel . ] cor. . , , ▪ . . and know you not that the primitive christians gave not only the tenths , but all that they had , and laid it at the apostoles feet ? to shew that the gospel teacheth more clearly then the law , the necessity of dedicating our selves and all that we have to god. . and yet i must say , that we are content with food and rayment . most minist in england would be glad to give you all their tithes , if you will ▪ but allow them food and raim●●t for themselves and families , and such education for their children as is fittest to make them serviceable to god. and i hope it is no sin to have mouths that must be fed , or backs that must be cloathed . what! must gods ministers above all others be grudged food and rayment , and that of the lords portion , which none of you pay for ? i fear not to imitate paul stopping the mouths of malicious accusers , and to tell you , that the ministers , whose expences i am acquainted with , do give . pence , for . that they receive by gift from their people : and that they take all that they have as christs , and not their own , and if they have never so much they devote it wholly to him , and know he 's not beholden to them for it : and some of them lay out in charitable uses , much more then all the tithes that they receive for their ministerial maintenance . and if the quakers that accuse them of covetousness , would cast up accounts with them , i doubt not but it will be found that they receive more by gift then preachers , and give not the fourth part so much when they have done . . another accusation is , that we preach false doctrine , and deceive the people . answ. it 's easie to say so of any man in the world : but when they come to prove it , you will see who are the deceivers . . another is , that we are persecutors , and like the priests of old , and so all the reproofs of them and the pharisees belong to us . answ. this is soon said too : but where 's the proof ? for themselves we have no mind to be troubled with them . let them let us alone , as long as we will let them alone . but yet they shall be taught one day to know , that if the magistrate stop the mouths of such railers and abusers of god and men , he doth no more persecute them , then he persecuteth a thief when he hangeth him ; or then paul persecuted hymenaeus and philetus when he delivered them up to satan ; or elymas , acts . . or then peter persecuted ananias and sapphira , acts . or then god would have had the churches be persecutors against the woman iezebel that was suffered to teach and seduce the people , or against the doctrine of the nicolaitans which god hated , rev. . , . if hindering sin , be persecuting , the calling of a magistrate is to be a persecutor , rom. . . and all parents m●st pesecute their own children . . another accusation is , that we are against the preaching of any but our selves . answ. who doth not desire that all the lords people were prophets ? but yet we know all are not prophets , cor. . nor teachers . we would have none of gods gifts in our people buried , but all improved to the uttermost for his glory . but we would not have men turn ordinary teachers , that are neither sound , nor able , nor sent ; nor every self-conceited ignorant man , have leave to abuse the name and word of god , and the souls of men . what would you have more then is granted you ? when any unordained man that is judged competent by the commissioners of approbation ( of whom some are souldiers ) may be a constant preacher , and have fullest maintenance , as well as presbyters ? . another charge is , that we are some weak , and some scandalous . answ. we do all that we are able to cast out such ; and i think never more was done . the magistrate sets his guard at the door , and lets in none but whom he please : and sure if he knew where to have better than those that are in , he would put them in , or else he is too blame : if he do not know , will you blame him for using the best that he can get ? but if you will come and help us to cast out any that are vicious and unworthy , we will give you thanks . . another accusation is , that we differ among our selves , and one saith one thing , and another another thing . answ. . and are all these sects that oppose us better agreed among themselves ? enquire and judge . . do not all preach one gospel , and the same essentials of the christian faith ? and we expect not perfect unity , till we have perfect knowledge and holiness ; which we dare not boast of , whatever quakers do . . another accusation is , that we are not true ministers . and why so ? because we have not an uninterrupted succession of lawful ordination . answ. this objection is the papists , who have little reason to use it , while it is so easie a matter to prove so many interruptions of their papal succession . at large and often have we answered them , and are still ready to deal with any of them herein , and to prove ; . that an uninterrupted succession of right ordination , is not of necessity to the being of the ministry . . and if it were , we have more to shew for it than they . if others stick on this , let me tell them , that magistracy is as truly from god as the ministry : and let ever a king on earth shew me an uninterrupted succession giving him title to his crown , and i will shew him a more undoubted succession or title to my ministry . but here 's no room to discuss this question . . object . but you are parish priests , and no true ministers , because you have not true churches . answ. all the christians in our parishes that consent are our flock : and we undertake to prove the truth of such churches , not only against scorn , but against all the arguments that can be brought . . object . but you have not the spirit , and therefore are no true ministers . answ : and how prove you that we have not the spirit ? the approvers admit none but such as they think have the spirit . he that is sanctified hath the spirit : prove us unsanctified , and we will resign our office. object . you read your sermons out of a paper ; therefore you have not the spirit . answ. a strong argument ! i pray you take seven years time to prove the consequence . as wisely do the quakers argue , that because we use spectacles , or hour-glasses , and pulpits , we have not the spirit . it is not want of your abilities that makes ministers use notes ; but it 's a regard to the work , and the good of the hearers . i use notes as much as any man , when i take pains ; and as little as any man when i am lazy , or busie , and have not leisure to prepare . it 's easier to us to preach three sermons without notes , than one with them . he is a simple preacher that is not able to preach all day without preparation , if his strength would serve ; especially if he preach at your ●ates . . object . but the true ministry is persecuted ; but so are not you , but are persecutors of others . answ. . for our persecuting others , be so merciful as to prove it to us , that we may lament it . if punishing wicked men and seducers be persecuting , not only paul was such , that wished they were cut off that troubled the galatians ; but god himself would be the greatest of all persecutors , that will lay you in hell without repentance , and then you will wish your old persecution again . and if we be not persecuted , what means the reproaches of you and all the drunkards and malignants about us ? but i pray you envy us not our lives and liberties , and a little breathing time . do you not read that [ the churches had rest throughout all judea , and galilee , and samaria , and were edified , and walking in the fear of the lord , and in the comfort of the holy ghost , were multiplied ? acts . . ] envy not a little prosperity to the church . doth not paul pray that the gospel may run and be glorified , and that we may be delivered from unreasonable wicked men , thes. . . sometimes you can say that more glorious days are promised , and that the saints shall rule the world . unmerciful men ! it is but a while ago since we had our share of sufferings ! since that the sword hath hunted after us ! many of our brethren are yet in america , that were driven thither : at this time in spain , and italy , and germany , and savoy : alas , what do our brethren suffer in the same cause and calling that we are in ! and do you reproach us with our mercies , if we be out of the furnace but a little while , in one corner of the world ? object . . you work no miracles to confirm your doctrine . answ. it is true ; nor do we need : it is confirmed by miracles long ago . if we brought a new gospel , or as the papists , gave you not our doctrine on the credit of scripture , but scripture and all on our own credit , then you might justly call for miracles to prove it : but not when we have nothing to do but expound and apply a doctrine sealed by miracles already . again , i say , let any prince on earth that questions our calling , shew his title to his crown , or any iudge or magistrate to his office ; and if i shew not as good a title to mine , l●t me be taken for a deceiver , and not a minister . christian reader , as ever thou wouldest be sanctified , confirmed , and saved , hold fast to christ , scripture , ministry , and spirit , and that in the church and communion of saints , and abhor the thoughts of separating them from each other . a second sheet for the ministry ; iustifying our calling against quakers , seekers , and papists , and all that deny us to be the ministers of christ. the corruption of the romish church being most in the errours and vices of the priests , which made men abhor the offering of the lord ( sam. . . ) the reproach which they brought upon themselves , did much prepare men to hearken to the reformers : the observing of this , and of the necessary dependance of the people on their pastors , hath caused the papists to bend their force against the ministers of the reformed churches , and to use all their wit to defame their persons and callings , and make them seem ignorant , unworthy , or no ministers to the people . on this errand they send abroad their agents ; this is the saving gospel that the seekers , quakers , and their brethren preach ; that the scripture is not the gospel , or word of god , and that we are no true ministers . whatever doctrine we are preaching , the opposers work is to call us deceivers , and ask , how we prove our selves true ministers ? my work therefore at this time , for the sake of the ignorant in our assemblies , shall be , to acquaint them with our answer to this demand . and i shall give it you in order , in certain propositions . prop. . both in the old and new testament there is mention of two distinct sort of ministers of gods appointment . first , such as received some new revelation● ( either a law , or a particular message ) immediately from god ; so that the people could not be sure that their doctrine was true , till they were sure that the men were sent of god. these were called prophets in the old testament , and apostles , prophets , &c. in the new. so moses received the law from god ; and the following prophets their particular messages . so the apostles received the gospel from christ ; and so did the seventy , and other disciples that conversed with him ; and other prophets and evangelists had it by immediate inspiration . all these were necessarily by miracles , or some infallible evidence to prove their own call , before the hearers could receive their doctrine : for this was their message ; [ the lord hath commanded me to say thus or thus to you ] or [ the word which the lord spake to me is thus or thus ] this sort of ministers the papists and seekers do confess . but besides these , there is a second sort of true ministers , whose office is not to receive from god any new doctrine , law , or message ; but to proclaim the laws already delivered , and teach men the doctrine already revealed , and to oversee and govern the churches of christ according to his laws , and to go before the people in the worship of god : the prophets and apostles did both these ; both reveal the doctrine which they received from christ , and teach and guide the church by it when they had done ; but the latter sort of ministers do but the latter sort of the work . the papists and seekers cheat men by jumbling all together , as if there were no ministers of gods appointment , but those of the former sort ; and therefore they call for miracles to prove our ministry . here therefore i shall first prove , that the second sort of ministers are of gods institution . . that such need not prove their calling by miracles , though yet god may work miracles by them if he please . . that we are true ministers of christ , of this sort . . christ found such ministers under the law , that were to teach and rule by the law before received , and not to receive new laws or massages , i mean the ordinary priests and levites , as distinguished from prophets . these priests were to keep the law , and teach it the people , and the people were to seek it at their mouth , and by it they were to judge mens causes : and also they were to stand between the people and god in publick worship , as is exprest , deut : . . iosh. . . neh. . , , , , . & . . levit. . & . & . & . & . & . & . throughout , num. . & . deut. . . mal. . . ier. . the prophet had visions ; but the priest had the law , ezek . . isa. . , . hag. . , . num. . chron. . . & . . chron . . & . . & . , . he was called , a teaching priest , chron. . . lev. . , . deut. . . chron . ▪ . ezek. . . chron. . . and christ himself sends the cleansed to the priest , and commandeth them to hear the pharises that sat in moses chair , though they were no prophets : so that besides the prophets that had their message immediately from god , there were priests that were called the ministers of the lord , joel . . . . and levites that were not to bring new revelations , but to teach , and rule , and worship him according to the old . for moses of old time hath in every city them that preach him , being read in the synagogues every sabbath day , acts . . the iews rejected christ because they knew him not ; nor the voice of the prophets which are read every sabbath day , acts . . and even unto this day , when moses is read , the vail is on their heart , cor. . . and they that would not believe moses , and the prophets ( thus read and preached ) neither will they be perswaded , though one rose from the dead , luke . , . . and as priests and levites were distinct from prophets before christ , so christ appointed besides the apostles and prophetical revealers of his gospel , a standing sort of ministers , to . teach , . rule , . and worship according to the gospel which the former had revealed , and attested , and proved to the world . these were called overseers , or bishops , presbyters , or elders , pastors and teachers ; and also the deacons were joyned to assist them , acts . they ordained them elders ( not prophets or apostles ) in every church , tit. . titus was to ordain elders in every city : timothy hath full direction for the ordaining of bishops , or elders and deacons , tim . that their work was not to bring new doctrine , but to teach , rule , and worship according to that received , i now prove , tim. . . the things that thou hast heard of me among many witnesses , the same commit thou to faithful men , who shall be able to teach others also ] mark , that its the same , and not a new doctrine ; and that as heard from paul among many witnesses , and not as received immediately from god : and others were thus to receive it down from timothy . and v. . study to shew thy self approved unto god , a workman that needeth not be ashamed , rightly dividing the word of truth . ] it is not to bring new truths , but rightly to divide the old . and tim. . . hold fast the form of words which thou hast heard of me ( not which thou hadst immediately from god ) in faith and love which is in christ iesus ; that good thing which was committed unto thee , keep , by the holy ghost which dwelleth in us . the holy ghost is to help us in keeping that which is committed to us , and not to reveal more , tim . , . [ i give thee charge in the sight of god , that thou keep this commandment without spot , unrebukable , till the appearing of our lord iesus christ. there was a form of doctrine delivered to the church of rome , rom. . . and tim. . . the elders that rule well are worthy of double honour , especially they that labour in the word and doctrine . you see their work was to rule and labour in the word and doctrine , tim. . , , , . till i come , give attendance to reading , to exhortation , to doctrine ; meditate upon these things : give thy self wholly to them , that thy profiting may appear to all : take heed unto thy self , and unto the doctrine : continue in them ; for in doing this , thou shalt both save thy self and them that hear thee . ] tim. . . [ if thou put the brethren in remembrance of these things , thou shalt be a good minister of iesus christ , nourished up in the words of faith , and of good doctrine , whereunto thou hast attained . ] mark here the description of a good minister of christ ; one that 's nourished up in the words of faith , and good doctrine , ( which is the use of schools and universities ) and having attained it , makes it his work to teach it , and put others in remembrance of it , tit. . , , , . for a bishop must be blameless , as the steward of god — holding f●ast the faithful word as he hath been taught , ( mark that ) that he may be able by sound doctrine , both to exhort and convince the gainsayers : for there are many unruly and vain talkers and deceivers , whose mouths must be stopped , who subvert whole houses , teaching things which they ought not , &c. ] so tim. . , . the office of a bishop is to rule and take care of the church of god : ] to take heed to themselves , and to all the flock , and feed the church of god ; and to watch hereunto , according to the word of gods grace , which is fully and wholly delivered by his apostles , and is able to build us up , and give us an inheritance among the sanctified : as act. . , , , , . thes. . , . we beseech you brethren to know them which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you ( this is their office ) and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake ( and not revile them as the servants of satan do ) and be at peace among your selves , heb. . , , . remember them which have the rule over you , which have spoken to you the word of god : obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls , as they that must give account , that they may do it with joy , and not with grief : for that is unprofitable for you . salute all them that have the rule over you : the elders of the church are to pray with , and for the sick jam. . . they must feed the flock of god among them , taking the oversight of it , pet. . , . thus you see their office and work . . and that they were not to bring any new doctrine , further appears , in that they have a charge to preach no other doctrine , tim. . . nor to be tossed as children with every wind of doctrine , eph. . . nor carried about with divers and strange doctrines , heb. . . . yea , if any man bring not the doctrine of christ , we must not receive him into our houses , or bid him god speed , lest we be partakers of his evil deeds , for he that abideth not in this doctrine hath not god , john . , . gal. . . . [ though we or an angel from heaven , preach any other gospel to you , then that which we have preached unto you , let him be accursed . as we said before , so say i now again : if any man preach any other gospel to you then that ye have received , let him be accursed . ] and rom. . , . now i beseech you brethren , mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned , and avoid them ] tim. . . if any man teach otherwise , and consent not to wholsome words , the words of our lord iesus christ , and to the doctrine which is according to godliness , he is proud , knowing nothing , but doating . — ] . and if all ministers must be receivers of new doctrines , the church would never know when it hath all , but would be still obeying an imperfect law. . and it would be an oppression to the church instead of a direction , to be so overwhelmed with new doctrines and precepts . . and it would accuse christ , the lawgiver , of such mutability , as wise princes are not guilty of ; to be still changing or adding to his laws . . there was great occasion for the new testament or gospel , upon the great work of our redemption : but there is no such cause for alterations since . . the priests before christ were not to receive new laws , as is said . . the companions of the apostles that wrought miracles , had not all new revelations ; but did it to seal up this gospel . . what need we more then actual experience , that god doth not give new revelations to the world , and none since the scripture times , have sealed any other by miracles . and thus i have proved to you the two sorts of ministers : as paul plainly distinguisheth them , cor. . , , . eph . . there are planters and waterers , master builders that lay the foundation , and others that build thereon : other foundation can no man lay then that which is laid : but every man that buildeth hay or stuble and loseth his work , doth not nullifie the ministry . we are built on the foundation of the apostles and prophets , iesus christ being the head corner-stone : but we are not built on the foundation of every pastor , teacher , elder , bishop or deacon : though both in their places ( apostles , prophets , evangelists , pastors and teachers ) are given for the perfecting of the saints , for the work of the ministry , for the edifying of the body of christ , eph. . , . that we might be one united body , having one fixed standing doctrine , ver . , , . and how shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation ; which at the first began to be spoken by the lord , and was confirmed unto us by them that heard him : ( mark whence the church receiveth it ) god also bearing them witness ( but not every elder or teacher ) both with signs and wonders , and with divers miracles , and gifts of the holy ghost according to his own will , heb. . , . prop. . and now that these later ministers need not prove their calling by miracles , i prove thus : . god never imposed such a task upon them , nor commanded the people to require such a proof , and not to believe any but worker of miracles . . god gave not all the gift of miracles , that were employed in his work even in the apostles daies : are all workers of miracles ? saith paul ; some had by the spirit , the word of wisedom , and of knowledge , and others tongues , and others interpretation , and others miracles , cor. , , , , . . they that have the holy ghost are owned by christ ; and so have many without working miracles . see rom. . . cor. . . gal. . , , , . cor. . . eph. . . & . , . pet. . , . rom. . , . tit. . . . the law of moses was kept and taught by priests and levites that wrought not miracles . . if the laws of all nations may be kept without miracles , so may the laws of christ. . if humane writings are kept without miracles , ( as homer , virgil , ovid , cicero , livy , &c. ) so may the laws of god much more , as being the daily subject of the belief , meditation , conference , preaching , controversies , devotions of christians through the world , and translated into so many tongues . . there is nothing in the nature of the thing that requireth ordinary miracles . cannot men sufficiently prove without miracles , that there have been such men as caesar , pompey , aristotle , or which be calvins or bellarmines writings , &c. much more evidently may they prove what doctrine is essential to christianity , and the scripture that contains the whole . . else parents could not teach their children , nor bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the lord , eph. . . nor teach them with timothy , from a child to know the scriptures , which are able to make men wise to salvation through faith in christ , . tim. . . must no parents teach their children to know christ , but such as can work miracles ? . the doctrine which we preach is fully confirmed by miracles already , by christ and his apostles : there needs no greater then christs own resurrection , nor more then were done ; which universal unquestionable history and tradition hath brought down to our hands . . it is a ridiculous expectation , that every person should see the miracles before they do believe . then if christ had done miracles before all ierusalem , save one man , that one man should not be bound to believe : or if i could do miracles in this town or country , none must believe me ever the more but those that see it . and so you may as well say , i should not believe that there is any sea or land , city or kingdom , france , spain , rome , &c. but what i see . are these men worthy to be talkt with ? that believe no body , and confess themselves such lyars that they would have no body believe them . it was not all that saw christs miracles or resurrection , or the apostles miracles ! it seems the rest were not bound to be christians ? even as clem : writer told me , that no man is bound to believe that christ did rise again , or the rest of christianity , that seeth not miracles himself to prove it : adding withall , that indeed antichrist may do miracles ; and so it seems for all the talk , miracles themselves would not serve if they saw them . . is it not to put a scorn on god almighty , to lay that the glory of all his most miraculous works should be buried to all that saw them not ; and that parents should not tell them to their children , or children should not believe them if they do ? . it s injurious to posterity , that the knowledge of the most wonderful works of god shall be only for the good of them that see them , and that all ages after shall be never the better . . it tends to make men mad and as ideots , that must know and believe no more then they see : what kind of folks must these be , that know not that there is either prince or parliament , city or countrey , or any folks in the world but those they have seen ? this will stand with trading , converse , subjection , societies ; and its doubtful whether such are capable of managing estates ; or should not be put under others as ideots ? . children cannot learn to read nor speak without some kind of belief of them that teach them : nor can they obey their parents nor learn any trade , nor obey physitians : so that this conceit of incredulity is against the nature , livelihood , and life of man. . and they would tie god to be at the beck of every unreasonable infidel ; that shall say , [ though all the town have seen thy miracles , yet i will see my self , or else i will not believe . ] . they expect that god should overturn the course of nature : for if miracles be as ordinary as the operations of nature , they are confounded . . and by this they would cross themselves , and make miracles uneffectual : for if they were ordinary ; few would be moved by them as any proof of a divine testimony : were it as ordinary for the sun to go backward as forward , who would take it for a miracle ? to this clem : writer answers me , that [ miracles were convincing in the first age when they were common ] answ. how common ? not as natural operations : nor so as for all countreys or persons to see them ; saw christ at once after his resurrection : . were once miraculously fed : but as this was not every days work , so what was this to others ? and in that it was but for an age , and rarely in after ages , shews that they were not for every mans eyes . . what need we more proof then actual experience , that god doth not often now work miracles ! and he that saith the gospel , and christian faith , and church , and ministry are therefore ceased , its like will not take it ill to be taken himself for an heathen or infidel . . and we have experience of millions that still do actually and stedfastly believe in christ without miracles : and many have laid down their lives on that belief : therefore without miracles men may believe . but to this clem : writer saith to me , [ these believers of all sorts condemn each other as hereticks . ] answ. but not as infidels . none but the ignorant or passionate condemn all other sorts as hereticks . the sober do not . and it is not enough to prove you a bastard , if an angry brother call you so . . because this sheet alloweth me not room , i intreat the reader to peruse these texts , which tell him aloud that the word and works of god must be believed by tradition , though without miracles , exod. . , . & . , , , , . deut. . . to the . & . . to . iosh. . , . & . . to . psalm . . . & . . to . & . . & . . & . . ioel. . , , . acts . . & . . & . , , . & . . to . & . , . & . . & . . & . . & . . & . . tim. . . iohn . . & . . & . . & . . & . . & . , , luke . . pet. . . and that you would read my determination of this very question in my book against infidelity : i proceed to the next . proposition . this ordinary ministry for teaching , ruling , and publick worship , was ordained by christ to continue till his coming , and doth yet continue , and did not cease when the extraordinary ministry ceased . i prove it , matth. . . vpon this rock will i build my church , and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it . ] the church never did nor can subsist without its officers , who are an essential part of it , as it is a political body , and the first and most eminent part , as it is a community . and therefore if the ministry be extinct , the gates of hell have prevailed against the church : and then christ is overcome , or hath broke his promise ; and then he were not christ : so that if christ be christ , the church and ministry continue . so luke . . he shall reign over the house of jacob for ever , and of his kingdome there shall be no end , isa. . , . of the encrease of his government and peace there shall be no end , psalm . . thy kingdome is an everlasting kingdome , and thy dominion endureth throughout all generations . christ ruleth by his officers in his church ; if church or ministry had an end , his kingdome had an end , and he reigned not for ever , matth. . loe , i am with you alway , even to the end of the world . to this express promise , clem. writer hath no wiser an answer , but that , [ it is conditional . if they teach men to observe all things that christ hath commanded , then he will be with them , else not . ] repl. this is your forgery : here is no such words , but an absolute promise . his being with them , is to support and help them in his work : and will you feign christ to promise them help on condition they do it without ? the further cavils against this text and others , the london ministers in their vindication have answered at large , eph. . , , . the past●rs and teachers are given to the church for the perfecting of the saints for the work of the ministry , for the edifying of the body of christ , till we all come in the unity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the son of god to a perfect man , &c. ] extraordinary and ordinary officers are here conjoyned , who between them are to perfect the building , the first laying the foundation , and the others building thereon , tim. . , . i give thee charge in the sight of god — that thou keep this commandment without spot , unrebukable , unto the appearing of our lord iesus christ ] which must needs extend to his successors . the faithful and wise stewards that give the children their meat in due season , will be found so doing by the lord at his coming , luke . , . and it is not till the last day that christ will give up the kingdome to the father , cor. . . . the apostles actually setled an ordinary ministry in their time , as is proved . . there are commands for setling successors of these , as tim. . . tit. . . as is proved . . these ministers are described , and the way of their ordination setled by canons , tim. . tit. . . we had the several angels of the churches in their places , revel . . & . and promises to some of them for the future , with a command [ hold fast till i come , . . ] and . . [ i will keep thee from the hour of temptation which shall come on all the world : behold , i come quickly . ] . christ hath commanded the ministerial work to continue to the end : as the preaching of the word must be to all nations , and every creature , matth. . . mark . . and these most cruel men would have all the preachers give over their work , and leave the world to perish in infidelity . so for the assembling of our selves together , and exhorting one another , we are commanded not to forsake it , as is the manner of some ; and so much the more , as we see the day approaching , heb. . , , . so that the nearer we are to christs coming , the closer must we stick to church-communion , and holy assemblies ; considering , that it s but a little while , and he that comes will come , and shall not tarry , ver . . god doth on purpose forbear his coming , because he is long-suffering , and will continue the means to call men to repentance , and then the day of the lord will come suddenly , pet. . , . [ the word of the lord endureth for ever : and this is the word which by the gospel is preached to you , pet. . . the lords supper is instituted to be used to shew the lords death till he come , cor. . . church-government or discipline is a fixed ordinance , mat. . , , . and if the work continue , the workmen must continue . . the mercy of god , and the efficacy of christs blood , and the necessities of the church continue : we still need a teaching ministry , heb. . . and for our need it is instituted till the church be perfect , that we be not as children toss'd up and down , eph. . , . what enemies to us , and to the love and mercy of god are they that would perswade men , that he so quickly withdrew so great a mercy , when the gifts and calling of god are without repentance ? . the law and its priesthood was not removed but by the glory of a better law and ministry : and christ is the mediator of a better covenant and promises , heb. . . & . , . therefore he will not deal so much worse . . christ telleth us that a wise man will consider whether he can go through with it , before he build or make war : therefore he would not himself begin to build his church , and enter himself the captain of our salvation , and presently let his enterprize fall . . if the ministry continue not , then the church continueth not ; for as the head , liver , and stomack , or lungs are to the body , so is the ministry to the church , cor. . , , , , . they plant and water it , cor. . . and build it , ver . . for how shall we believe on him of whom we have not heard ? and how shall we hear without a preacher ? and hew shall they preach unless they be sent ? rom. . . but the church doth continue : for first , else christ were no longer the head of it , the king , prophet , or priest , and so not christ : but he is a priest for ever , abiding continually : he continueth ever , and hath an unchangeable priesthood ; he ever liveth to make intercession for those that come to god by him , heb. . . , , . . those that deny the church , must needs deny themselves christians and members of that church . . there is no salvation promised but to the church , eph. . , , , . mark . . . blindness is on the jews but till the fulness of the gentiles be come in , and so all israel shall be saved : therefore it is most evident that the gentile church shall not cease till the fulness have prepared for the re-ingraffing of the iews , rom. . , . . it is an everlasting kingdome , which cannot be moved , and the city of the living god , the heavenly jerusalem , whereof even the angels and perfected spirits of the iust are a part , to which we come by faith : therefore it ceaseth not , heb. . , , . . when that which is perfect is come , then that which is in part shall be done away , cor. . . but not before . . if nothing can separate us from the love of god , no not any distress or tribulation , then are not all the ministers and church cut off , rom. . . to . yea , those that in all ages suffer for his sake , are not cut off from him ; but so many faithful ministers do . . but what should i say any more against that assertion which carrieth stark heathenism or infidelity in its forehead , reproaching christ as no christ , and teaching men that they are not bound to be christians , and believe the gospel , and perswading the world to despise christs messengers and ordinances ; and ministers to cast off their masters work ; which in two words is , to turn infidels , or apostates . i must refer you for my fuller answer to such men , to my book against infidelity . prop. . god hath in his law appointed a standing way for the calling of these ordinary teaching , ruling , worshipping ministers , in all ages ; and doth himself call them in this way . . he instituteth the office. . he commandeth that fit persons be ordained to this office. . he describeth them by their necessary qualifications . all this is at large , tim. . tit. . act. . pet. . &c. this is his work by his standing law : by which also he commandeth the people to chuse , consent to , or accept the fit , and to hear and obey them , act. . . thes. . . act. . , . heb. . , . and then by providence , . he giveth them those gifts of the spirit that may competently qualifie them for their office. . he assisteth the chusers and ordainers to discern those qualifications , and do their duties . . he causeth some special fitness of a minister to the special province or charge which he is to undertake , and special inviting occasions and opportunities , and oft-times causeth necessity to make the choice . . he boweth the heart of the person called to consent , and usually to desire the work ( for the right ends . ) . and if he be called to be the pastor of a particular church , he moveth the people to consent or accept him . and thus god according to his appointed order doth call his ministers : besides which , he afterward . helps them in his work : . and procureth them liberty , and often furtherance from christian magistrates . . and giveth them success . proposition . the faithful pastors of the reformed churches , are these ordinary ministers of christ , approved by him , and given in great mercy to his people , who are bound to know ▪ honour , and obey them in the lord. i exclude not all others , but i now prove that these are true ministers . argument . they that have all that is essential to true ministers are true ministers : but such are these pastors of the reformed churches ; as i prove thus : if the office it self be of gods institution , and their qualifications competent , and their entrance right in every point of flat necessity , then they have all that is essential to true ministers : but the former is true , as i shall prove in the three several parts . . that the office it self is of gods appointment , is proved fully before , and confessed by all christians that ever i knew , acts . . tim. . tit. . pet. . , . thes. . . heb. . , , . acts . . . for qualifications , they have . competent knowledge , . and vtterance , . and godliness : and these are the qualifications that god accepteth . cor. . . tim. . . tim. . . mark the canons of the holy ghost , tim. . . they must be . faithful men , . able to teach others : but such are those in question , tim. . a bishop must be blameless ( that is , not scandalous ) the husband of one wife , vigilant , sober , of good behaviour , given to hospitality , apt to teach , not given to wine , no striker , not greedy of filthy lucre , but patient , not a brawler , not covetous , one that ruleth well his own house having his children in subjection , with all gravity . ] to which is added , tit. . , . a lover of good men , sober , just , holy temperate , holding fast the faithful word as he hath been taught , that he may be able by sound doctrine both to exhort , and to convince the gain-sayers . ] let all here note : . that here is not only the mention of the vertues necessary to the being , but to the well-being also of a minister : . and yet through the great mercy of god , all these are the qualifications of multitudes of the pastors of the reformed churches , as malice it self must be forced to confess : but if any deny it of any particular men , as that is nothing to the rest ; so an unproved accusation is not by honest men to be believed . the world knows that the act for rejecting scandalous , insufficient , negligent ministers is very strict , and commissioners in each county forward to execute it , and ministers have enemies enough to search out their faults , and yet none are more forward than ministers themselves to have the act put in execution ; so that their standing justifies them before the world : or , if any will yet deny them the necessary qualifications , i here challenge and provoke them to accuse all that are guilty , and cast them out ; or else to confess themselves meer slanderers , and back-biters , and learn more truth and modesty hereafter . . and for the third point , their entrance into the office : they have all that god hath made necessary to a just entrance , as i prove : they that have a true ordination , and the peoples consent , and the magistrates allowance , have all that god hath made necessary to a just entrance , and more than all : but the said pastors of the reformed churches have true ordination , and the peoples consent , and the magistrates allowance : that they have true ordination , i shall shew anone in answering all that can be said against it . the peoples consent , by electing , or accepting , is known by the fact ; and so is the magistrates by law and fact : i put in all this , though more than necessary , that all objections may be satisfied at once : so that the enumerations being unquestionable , the conclusion is so to . in short ; all those are true ministers , that are in an office of gods own institution , and are competently fitted for that office by knowledge , godliness , and vtterance , and have all , and more than all that god hath made necessary to a right entrance or admission , even true ordination , consent of the flock , and the magistrates allowance . but such are the said pastors of the reformed churches , therefore they are true ministers of christ. argument . those that have not only the essentials , but excel all other ministers on earth ( that are known to the world ) are certainly the true ministers of christ. but such are the ministers before-mentioned of the reformed churches ; ergo. this will be proved at once with the next , which is , argument . either these pastors of the reformed churches are the true ministers of christ , or else there are none such visible in the world : but there are such visibly and certainly in the world , as was proved ; else there is no church , no ordinances , no christianity , no christ : for he can be no king without subjects and laws ; no master without a school and scholars ; no physitian without patients ; no husband without his spouse ; no head without a body ; no intercessor without a church to intercede for . and to believe the holy catholick church , and the communion of saints , is part of our belief ; and therefore the christian faith is gone , if these be gone : and that either we , or none are christs true ministers , i prove thus : . we challenge the adversary to name us the true church and ministry ; if these be none of them , where be they , and who are they ? speak out , or give up your wicked cause . if you know not who they be , or where , then how know you that there are any such ? true ministers are like a light that shineth to all the house , even the lights of the world , and like a city on a hill that cannot be hid , mat. . , , . . but let us try the particulars : . the seekers have no church or ministry . . the quakers have no ordination , that we know of , and are every way so unworthy , and had no being in the world till a few years ago , that he is either no christian , or of a crazed brain , that thinks christ hath no church or ministry but them . . the anabaptists , socinians , swenlfeldians , familists , paracelsians , weigelians , and such like , have no more to shew for their ministry and churches than we , but their errours ; and are so few , and so lately sprung up , that of them also i may say , that he that takes them for the only church , or ministers , is either out of the faith , or much out of his wits . . the eastern and southern churches have no more to shew for their ministry and churches than we ; but are incomparably more ignorant , and erroneous : few of them doing more than read their liturgies and homilies , and so administer the sacraments . . all the controversie therefore lieth between us and the papists ; either they are true ministers , and a church , or not ; if not , then it s left to us : if they are , then we are so much more ; for we have much more unquestionable evidence of our title . . the office of a teaching , guiding , worshipping presbyter which we are in , is beyond all question , and yielded by themselves to be of divine institution . but the office of a mass-priest , to make a god of a piece of bread , and turn bread into flesh , so that there shall be quantity , colour , taste , &c. without bread , or any subject ; and a mans eyes , taste , or feeling , shall not know that its bread or wine , when we see , taste , and feel it ; as also to celebrate publick worship in an unknown tongue ; this office is more questionable than ours . . it remaineth a great doubt , whether the pope be not the antichrist : but of our ministry there 's no such doubt . . for knowledge , godliness and utterance , and all true ministerial abilities , as it s well known what an ignorant rabble their common secular mass priests are ; so those military fryars and jesuites that are chosen of purpose to play their game among us , and credit their cause , if they have any relicks of truth or modesty , will confess , that the generality of our ministers are much beyond theirs for parts and piety ; or at least , that we cannot be denied to be true ministers for want of necessary abilities : we should rejoyce if their ministers , priests or jesuites were near of such piety as those of the reformed churches . some of their jesuites and fryars are learned men ; in which also we have those that equal the best of them : but for the learning , ability , or piety of the common ministers on both sides , there is no comparison to be made . . all the question then is of the way of entrance : and there . the papists seek not the peoples consent so much as we do . . they despise the magistrates consent , in comparison of us . . and for ordination , which is it that all the stress must be laid on , we have it , and nearer the rule of god than they . are they ordained with fasting , prayer , and imposition of hands ? so are we . must it be by one of a superiour order ? who then shall ordain or consecrate the pope ? and yet a multitude of our ministers are ordained by bishops , if that be necessary : but the great objection is , that we have not an uninterrupted succession from the apostles , and so those that ordained us had no power ; and therefore could not give it to us . proposition . the want of an uninterrupted succession ; and so of power in the ordainers , doth not disable our title to the ministry , or set us in a worse condition than the papists . for if it be only the succession of possession of the office , there is no man of brains can deny , but we have an uninterrupted succession down from the apostles . but if it be a succession of right ordination that is questioned , . the papists have none such themselves . . we have more of it than they . . it is not necessary that this be uninterrupted . all these i prove : . the popes themselves , from whom their power flows , have been hereticks , denied the immortality of the soul , whoremongers , sodomites , simonists , murderers ; so that for many of them successively , the papists confess they were apostatical , and not apostolical . see in their own writers the lives of sylvest . . alexand , . & . iohn . & . & . greg. . vrban . and abundance more , ioh. . was proved in council to have ravished maids and wives at the apostolick doors , murdered many , drunk to the devil , askt help at dice of iupiter and venus , and was kill'd in the act of adultery . read the proofs in my book against popery , pag. , , , . the council at pisa deposed two popes at once , called them hereticks departed from the faith. the council at constance deposed ioh. . as holding that there was no eternal life , immortality of the soul ▪ or resurrection : the council at basil deposed eugenius . as a simonist and perjured wretch , a schismatick , and obstinate heretick . now these men are uncapable of the ministry , as an infidel is , for want of essential qualifications : as copper is no currant coyn , though the stamp of the prince against his will be put upon it : undisposed matter cannot receive the form : a fit man unordained is nearer the ministry , than such a man ordained : so that here was a nullity . . and all the following popes were the successors of eugenius that was deposed , and thus judged by a general council ; but by force brought them to submit , and held the place . . either the election , ordination , or both , is it that giveth them the essence of their papacy : if election , then there hath been a long interruption : for some-while the people chose , and in other ages the emperours chose , and in these times the cardinals ; and therefore some of them had no lawful choice : and for ordination , or consecration ; . there have been three or four popes at once , and all were consecrated , that yet are now confessed to have been no true popes . . inferiours only consecrated . . and such as had no power themselves . besides that , the see hath been very many years vacant , and some score years the pope hath been at avignion , and had but the name of p. of rome . and when three or four have been pope at once , bellarmine confesseth , learned men knew not which was the right , yea , general councils knew not . the council at basil thought faelix the fifth was the right pope , but it proved otherwise ; so that many palpable intercisions have been made at rome . . our ordination hath been less interrupted than theirs . object . but you are not ordained by bishops . answ. . almost all in england are till of late , if that will serve . . presbyters may ordain in case of necessity , as the generality of the old episcopal men grant , and their ordination is not null . . presbyters have power to ordain , and were restrained only from the exercise by humane laws , as many of the schoolmen confess . . presbyters have still ordained with the bishop ; therefore they had authority to it , and the work is not alien to their function . . our parish presbyters are bishops , having some of them assistants , and deacons under them ; or as grotius notes , at least they are so , as being the chief guides of that church : their own rule is , that every city should have a bishop ; and every corporation is truly a city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and therefore must have a bishop . . the ius divinum of prelacy is lis subjudice . . bishop vsher maintaining to me the validity of the ordination of the presbyters without a bishop , told me how he answered king c. who askt him for an instance in church-history , viz. that hierom ad evag. tells us of more ; that the presbyters of alexandria , till the days of heroclas and dionysius , took one from among themselves , and made him bishop ; therefore they may make a presbyter , which is less . . it s at last confessed , that in scripture-times there were no presbyters under bishops , but the single churches had single pastors . . no man can prove ordination by fixed bishops over many churches ( now called diocesan ) in the first age : the fixed bishops had no more at first but single churches . object . but you never received power from the bishop to ordain ; and therefore cannot have that which was never given your answ. if they put men into that office , to which god hath affixed the power of ordination , then they do their part to convey the power . as if you marry a couple , and express not the mans authority over the woman , yet he hath it nevertheless by being made her husband . so he that is made a pastor in city or country , may do the work of a pastor , though each particular was not named . proposition . ordination is ordinarily necessary as a means of our right entrance , but not absolutely necessary to the being of our office or power . for . god having already setled the office , duty , and power , and what qualifications shall be necessary , and giving these qualifications to men , he hath left nothing to man but mutual consent , and to judge of the person qualified , and solemnly introduce him . . god hath not tyed himself or us absolutely to the judgment of ordainers . if a bishop ordain a heathen , or any man void of essential qualifications , its null , as being against a flat command of god : and if bishops refuse to ordain us pastors , the people must take them without ; because the command of preaching , hearing , sacraments , &c. is greater than that of ordination , and before it . positives yield to natural morals , and matters of order to the substance and end of the duty ordered . see my christian concord , pag. , , . . ordination is no more necessary to the ministry , than baptism to christianity : as those that are first princes by title must be crowned , and those that are souldiers by contract , must be listed , and take colours , and those that are husband and wife by contract , must be solemnly married , which are celebrating , perfecting actions ; so they that are first heart-christians by believing , or by parents dedicating them to god , must be solemnly entred under the hand of the minister : and those that are by approbation and consent initially ministers , must by solemnization have the office publickly delivered them by the ministers of christ. so that as a man is a christian indeed before baptism initially , and is justified initially before , and in case of necessity may be saved without it ( the papists confessing that the vow will serve ) so is it in the case of ordination to the ministry . proposition . it is only christ , and not the ordainers , people or magistrates , that give us our office and power : only the people and approvers design the person which shall receive it from christ ; and our own consent , and the peoples , is of necessity thereto ( and our own as much as theirs ) and the ordainers do instrumentally invest us in it ; but the power and duty arise directly from gods institution , when the person is designed . now i proceed to prove our calling . argument . we have a far clearer call than the priests before christ had to the priesthood : for they were not of the true line ; they bought the priesthood ; they corrupted doctrine and worship , and were of wicked lives . and yet christ commanded submission to their ministry : ergo. argument . if we have as clear a call to our office as any magistrates on earth have to theirs , then we are true ministers of christ : for they are true magistrates ; and god is the fountain of their power too ; and its impossible they should have any but from him : or from him but by his means : officers have no power but from the soveraign . the prince was at first chosen by god immediately , as well as the apostles were by christ , yet no prince can plead an uninterrupted succession thence ; and if they may reign without it , we may be pastors without it : and yet i cannot say that we are without it , though princes be . kings were formerly anointed by inspired prophets , and were prophets themselves : and as the continuance of this is not necessary to them , so neither to us . the differences between their power and ours , makes nothing against this argument : if conquest , or the peoples consent , or birth , or directing providences can prove their title , then consent , ordination , providence , with due qualifications , will sure prove ours : were it not for fear , they should soon hear the arguments more set home against themselves , that are now bent against the ministers . argument . if besides all this god own us by such a blessing on our labours , that he maketh us the means of propagating and continuing his gospel and church , and brings most of his chosen to vnion with christ , reconciliation , holiness , and to heaven by our ministry , then certainly we are his true ministers : but experience assureth us of the former : therefore — so much for argument . proposition . if a minister be in quiet possession of the place , and fit for it , the people are bound to obey him as a minister , without knowing that he was justly ordained or called . argum. . we must obey a magistrate without assurance of his call and title , rom. . therefore a minister . . christ commanded hearing and obeying them that were not called as god appointed , because they were priests , or sat in moses chair , and taught the truth , luke . . matth. . . luke . . matth. . . mark . . . else the people are put upon impossibilities : can all the poor people tell before they submit to a minister , what is essential to his call , and whether he have all that is so , and whether his orders be true or forged , and whether they that ordained him were truly ordained , or chosen themselves : not one of twenty thousand knows all this by their pastors . proposition . the ordinances are valid to the people when the minister is uncalled and unordained , if they know it not : he that hath no just call , shall answer for what he doth as an intruder ; but the people shall have for all that the fruit of his ministration ; and preaching , and baptism , and other acts , shall not be null to them . . the papists themselves confess this . . else scarce a man could tell whether he be baptized , or may use any ordinance , because he cannot have an exact account of the ministers call , no nor know that he is indeed a christian. i knew divers in the bishops days that forged themselves orders , and acted long before it was discovered . . it is the office which is gods ordinance that is blest , and valid to the people , and not his call only . . it is he that sinneth that must suffer , and not the innocent ; therefore his sin depriveth them not of their due . . as an usurping magistrate oweth us protection , though he shall answer for his usurpation ; so an usurping minister oweth us his labour ; so that the people are bound to hear and obey men , when they are uncertain of their due call , if they possess the place ; and shall have the blessing of such administrations : for we are sure the office and work is of god. proposition . the truth of our doctrine depends not on our calling . were we no ministers , we can prove the gospel true which we deliver . and any man must be believed , that brings a truth that concerneth our peace . therefore let quakers , and seekers , and papists first disprove our doctrine if they can ; and not cheat the people , by perswading them , that our calling must first be proved ; as a prophets must be . object . but you have your learning only from books , and vniversities , and so have not true ministers . answ. we have it from god in the use of his means , even by prayer , reading , study and learning his works and word of our teachers , whether at universities , or elsewhere . and we are commanded to study and meditate on these things , and give our selves wholly to them , and to meditate on gods law day and night , psal. . . tim. . . tim. . , . christs ministers must be teachers or tutors to others , and commit the things which they have heard to faithful men , who shall be able to teach others also , tim. . ● . good ministers of christ are nourished up in the words of faith and good doctrine , and so attain to it , ▪ tim. . . all should learn according to their time of teaching , heb. . , , . we study nothing but the word , and works of god : and is not that a wretch , and not a man , that will reproach us as no ministers , for doing that which we have our reason for , and which must be the work of our lives : poor christians , as you love god and your souls , and would not cast off christ and heaven , let not deceivers draw you to cast off the ministry , scripture , or the ordinances of god. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * that 〈◊〉 local altar is here meant , i elsewhere prove against them that say it is but one communicating body adhearing to one bishop . see mr. iones hearts soveraign , excellently describing the english succession . alpaspinaeus learnedly maketh the best of it . but of can. . confesseth a wors● sence than this of binnius . and no general council had judged against them , for there had been none . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ s●crat . l. . c. . socr. ib. c. . socr. c. . ☜ niceph. l. . c. . ☞ socr. l. . c. . socr. c. . c. . c. . c. . ☞ ●in . p . ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ bin. tom. . p. , . ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ bin. p. . niceph. l. . c. . niceph. l. . c. , , . ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ and more largely , ep. . ad episcop . dardainae ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ evagr. l. . cap. . ☜ evagr. l. . cap. . ann. . ☞ evag. l. . c. . . and nicep . l. . c. . ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ some late historians tell us of incredible numbers of the egyptian christians whom iastinian destroyed in this blind zeal for christ , but i find no such thing in the old historians though it was too bad . ☞ ☞ ☞ constant. an . . ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ * and would not papists have princes do so ? ☜ ☜ ☜ * bar●nius contradicteth anastasius & others in this point . ☞ * baronius thinks that theodomire was father to 〈◊〉 . ☜ ☜ ☞ * no not the roman . ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ bin. pag. . ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ * pag. , . vide caetera . ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ * no wonder . * were not monks holy men then ? * if you will needs have the honour of so had a work , ( that you may have power to do the like ) take it . ☜ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☜ sixtus sene●sis & pet. crabbe p. . say it was at ephesus , but binnius confuteth them . ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ * see hen. fowlis of papists treasons , p. . proving the whole story false . ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ * the verb is left out . (*) where he was lately a leader . * how was he then of her substance . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ crab. p. . ☜ * at constantinople ☞ ☜ (*) what! superior to christ's humanity ? how prove you that she is superior to the highest angels ? (*) are the bodies of all saints already risen ? crab. p. . ☞ * alas ! must all be separatists from the bishops in england , france , & c ? * as by interdicts ☜ ☞ ☞ bin. p. bellarm. de imag. lib. . it was such a western general council as that at trent was for extent * lib. . de imagin . cap. . even dion . petavius after all saith , in which synod of frankford , the th general council was rejected by the bishops that were ignorant ●f its decrees , an. . hist. l. . c. . ☜ ☞ bin. p. . [ ex quadam elipandi confessione quae in biblioth . toletana reperitur in quodam libro à beato & heterio contra elipandum scripto ; aiunt nonnulli faelicem & elipandum non in mysterio incarnationis , sed tantum abut●ndo voce adoptionis , instar durandi , aberrâsse : idemque conjecturis affirmant istis , quod nihil eorum quae nestorio objecta fuerant in conc. ephes. contra elipandum attulerent , &c. see the rest . ☞ vid. not. bin. p. ☜ ☜ ☜ see petav. hist. li. . c. . ☞ ☞ ☞ * this is not the first time that councils have 〈…〉 catholick church . * they mean but the canons of the church . * a new controversie . ☜ ☜ * council-curses for opinions take place bin p. epist. theod. * it 's like iulius marinus , as onuphrius saith , was his name . * saith vita ludovici in bin. p. . congregatis episcopis , &c. fecit componi ordinarique librum canonicae vitae normam gestantem , in quo tot●us 〈◊〉 erdinis perfectio continetur . in quo inseri jussit c●●i potusque & omnium necessarrorum s●mmam . quem librum per omnes civitates & monasteria canonici ordinis sui imper● 〈◊〉 per manus miss●rum prude●tium . see the rest ; so that it was the emperor's book , and not the council's work . ☜ * quae si vera sunt , saith binnius himself . ☜ * an unlikely thing . ☜ ☜ ☜ * mark that it is the rights of the empire . ☞ ☜ a o wicked use of bishops ! b whom should they have feared more than god and their king ? c is this the use of reliques ? an. . * here is a high court of prelatical justice against a good emperor . * lotharius accusing his father a no doubt but you made this known too far . b by what authority ? c who made you the governors of the empire , & judges of such matters ? are rebellions of sons , the fathers fault ? d must the king answer to a court of bishops , all the evils that he permitteth the bishops and such others to do ? e lotharius had got the nobles to begin . f o humble prince●● o trayterous prelates ! (g) it s pity but he had better judges (h) it s like he lookt for better measures . (i) of a trayterous son and subjects . (k) was this keeping the fifth commandement , and honouring the king ? o wicked son , and wicked prelates ! l o insulting traytors ! (m) they wrote him his lesson , & confessed his sins for him . (n) a traytor in open rebellion o o ▪ oath . (p) against the arms of his own sons . (q) rebels must not be resisted in the lent , or easter . (r) b●t a bishop that doth but differ from the rest in a word , must be banished . * here is a new sort of imposition of the bishops hands , to depose a king so as never to be restored : but it failed . an. . in france claudius taurinensis set against image-worship , and going to rome , &c. and ionas aurel . writeth against him , citing some of his sentences ( too strong for the answerer , ) but in his preface professeth that he never read or saw his book : was not this an excellent confuter ? * thinking they would have resisted him : the pope submitted himself to all that was desired of a subject , till ludovicus was gone . ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ * because he was made deacon only by ebbo . ☜ ☜ ☜ * what a council would those make ? ☜ ☜ * at metz. ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ * saith harmar to his in bin. p. . ad hortos a basilio spectante michaele interfectus est . ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ * i.e. i pray you give up your crown . ☞ ☞ ☞ * did the church then hold that the pope was the supreme ruler and judge ? ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ * how oft have such oaths and subscriptions been condemned in councils ! and yet alas ! — ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ * by you . * so great and holy a man also against the pope . * luther was not the first . ☜ ☞ so epist. . for another murderer see also ep. , , , , . ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ * we now know them . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ saith baronius and binnius , but in the th . saith p●atina , and in the th . say others what certainty is here ? ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ * luitpr aud . l. . c . anno ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ see peta●●s hist. or l. . c. ● . ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ binius , p. . frodoard . in chronic . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ how many canons did john and his perjured adherents violate ? ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ platina speaks this of john . called by him the th . ☞ ☞ ☞ * he had saith platina , been schoolmaster to otho , and the king of france and other great men . platina after others tells a terrible story of his covenant with the devil and his confession ; but i rather believe onuphrius's vindication from that ignorant age . this oth● was but a child of ten years of age when he was made emperor . ☞ ☜ ☜ * onuphr . will tell you better that it was the th . (*) so say platina and many others also . ☞ ☞ (*) though a king may not ordain a bishop : question whether he may remove an ordained bishop from one church to another , the people only accepting him by free consent ? ☜ ☜ * remember that . rindx ; rindx ; lindx ; rindx ; rindx ; lindx ; lindx ; rindx ; an. . (*) but others say , the emperor's consent also was put in . lindx ; lindx ; rindx ; bin. p. . rindx ; ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ (*) and are prelates so bad too that rule the church ? (*) was it a mark of a reprobate to obey the king against the pope ? b and are there more popes saved ? c how few popes ever wrought miracles ? d it 's worth the enquiry what is the reason that we have no holy days , churches , or masses named for the honor of kings save a few of late that were devoted to the pope . * ah poor pope then ! that must answer for all the world or church , even for those at the antip●des which pope zachary believed not . but you use to say that kings are not for souls but for the body . ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ * these were no protestant bishops , and either wronged him , or he was greatly changed . ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ * see in the schoolmen what they hold ; particularly menrisse de trinit . and peta● de trinit . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ * that is so called by themselves so that not only the denying of transubstantiation but also the henrician heresie , that is , royalty , or that kings are not to be deposed by popes is here included ; and all royalists to be exterminated or else the king to be deposed for not doing it . a what upon suspicion ? ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ * o bountiful pope ! ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ the emperor saith mat. paris was forced to return from ierusalem , and make a truce , because the pope took his cities in his absence and sought to betray him to the soldan . ☞ ☞ ☜ mat. paris an . . p. . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ * or pardoning . id. ibid. ☜ * the bishop was for magna charta and the countreys liberties . * quod tamen ( saith he ) nec face●e potuit , nec debuit . ☞ * or nassau or holland , as they diversly called him . ☜ mat. paris p. . . ☞ but platina saith this was done in victor the ths . days . ☞ ☜ ☞ he died the first year . ☜ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ they forbad any below a bishop to examine or judge a priest as his ordinar● . ☜ ☜ ☜ the emperour lodovi● ▪ died . ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ * a calum●● . † v●der the turks . ☞ * what was the church then . ● * which councils have judged heresie . † like a lay chancellour and his surrogate . ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ bin pag. . ☞ see the old reformers doctrine . ☞ ☞ ☜ ☜ ☞ ☞ ☞ ☞ see paul. iovius , and gui●c●ardine . ☞ ☞ see the history of charles , prin●e of spains's death . ☞ ☞ ☞ councils by anathema's . hiera dakrya, ecclesiae anglicanae suspiria, the tears, sighs, complaints, and prayers of the church of england setting forth her former constitution, compared with her present condition : also the visible causes and probable cures of her distempers : in iv books / by john gauden ... gauden, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing g estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. 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[ ], , [ ], - p., [ ] folded leaf of plates : ill. printed by j.g. for r. royston ..., london : . title transliterated from greek. added engraved t.p. some pages are stained; pages - are torn; p. - are stained with loss of print in filmed copy. pages - photographed from huntington library copy and inserted at the end. errata: p. . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. chronological list of bishops: p. - . marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest 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bishops -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion Ἱερὰ Δάκρυα . ecclesiae anglicanae suspiria . the tears , sighs , complaints , and prayers of the church of england : setting forth her former constitution , compared with her present condition ; also the visible causes , and probable cures , of her distempers . in iv. books . by john gauden , d.d. of bocking in essex . jer. . . is there no balm in gilead ? is there no physician there ? why then is not the health of the daughter of my people recovered ? depressa resvrgo printer's or publisher's device london , printed by j. g. for r. royston , at the angel in ivie-lane , . ecclesia anglicana protege pasce dux mea in tenebras et gaudium in merorem vt pellicana in deserto proprio vos sanguine pasco nunquam christo charior quam sub cruce gemens illustrissimis anglicanae gentis nobilibus , omniúmque ordinum generosis & ingenuis , qui natales eruditione , eruditionem virtute , virtutem fide , fidem moribus verè christianis ( sanctitate suavitatéque conspicuis ) vel exaequarunt vel exuperarunt , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnibus , religionis christianae , tam à romanistarum faece & scabie quàm fanaticorum spumâ & rabie reformatae , professoribus , ( hoc est , verbo vitâque vindicibus ) haec ecclesiae anglicanae , matris , olim florentissimae , nunc afflictissimae , ( lugentis , languentis , suspirantis , et tantum non expirantis ) lacrymas , suspiria , planctus , preces , summa cum reverentia , debitáque observantia , pro charitate & sympathia quâ decuit humillimum in christo servum , d. d. d. j. g. the contents . the preface or address . p. book i. setting forth the present distresses of the church of england . chap. i. the name and thing : the title and truth of the church of england asserted . p. ii. primitive piety and prudence utterly against schismatick dividing or mincing of churches into small bodies or parcels . p. iii. the present afflictions of the church of england no argument against her national and well-reformed constitution . p. iv. the england's complaint . p. v. the cruel and unjust enmity of some against the church of england . p. vi. the causeless malice and ingratitude of the england's enemies . p. vii . of the excellent constitution of the church of england , and her undeserved calamities . p. viii . a furt●●●● scrutiny and discovery of the england's miseries and enemies . p. chap. ix . a general vindication of the england's former excellent constitution , although it be now afflicted . p. x. mr. hooker's defense of the church of england unanswered , and unanswerable . p. xi . the excellent constitution of the church of england , as to its doctrinals . p. xii . the devotionals of the church of england asserted . p. xiii . the ceremonies of the church of england no meritorious cause of her miseries . p. xiv . a second objection against the church of england from church-mens personal failings . p. book ii. searching the causes and occasions of the church of england's decayes . chap. i. how farre they conveniently may not , and how farre they may be searched into . p. ii. inordinate liberty in religious affairs the chief cause of miseries in the church of england . p. chap. iii. what christian liberty is desirable and tolerable among people . p. iv. of plebeian rudeness and licentiousness in religion , if left to themselves . p. v. instances of abused liberty in the vulgar neglect of reading the scriptures . p. vi. vulgar neglect and scorn of ancient forms of wholsom words , in the decalogue , creed , and lords-prayer . p. vii . the innovations , usurpations and vastations made by some upon the order , office and authority of the evangelical ministry . p. viii . the pretensions of intruders to excuse their wants . p. ix . of ministerial sufficiencies , real or pretended . p. x. what caution christians ought to use , as to those ministers with whom they intrust the care of their souls . p. xi . of late new models for making ministers of the gospel . p. xii . the false and foolish pretensions urged against the ministry of england . p. xiii . an impartial balancing of the old and new ministers . p. xiv . a charitable plea for the ancient clergie of the church of england , against the ingratitude and indifferency of some men . p. chap. xv. the best of the new teachers compared with the ministers of england . p. xvi . a farther sifting of these new teachers . p. xvii . the modesty , gravity , sanctity and solidity of true ministers , &c. p. xviii . the designs & ends of fanatick libertines fatal to the reformed religion . p. xix . an humble and earnest expostulation in the behalf of the people and church of england . p. xx. the rudeness & irreverence expressed by some in religious duties , as a part of their liberty . p. xxi . the sad exchange people make of their old religion for new raptures . p. xxii . the foul mistakes & abuses of christian liberty in vulgar spirits . p. xxiii . a further discovery of mischiefs from abused liberty in religion . p. xxiv . the contagion of abused or mistaken liberty spread among ministers , to the dividing , debasing and destroying of them . p. xxv . unavoidable contentions among ministers of different ordinations . p. xxvi . the folly and factions of ministers evidently seen and punished in their common calamities . p. chap. xxvii . the great diminutions of all sorts of ministers in england as to all civil respects . p. xxviii . the sordid envy and grudging against ministers tithes and glebes . p. xxix . ministers condition not to be envied , but pitied . p. xxx . experimental instances how petulant some people are to their ministers . p. xxxi . the personal sufferings of ministers , after all their pains , merits and troubles . p. xxxii . discouragements to ingenuous men to be made ministers in england in after-times . p. xxxiii . a worthy ministry not expectable , unless there be a worthy usage and entertainment . p. book iii. setting forth the evil consequences felt or feared from the distractions of religion in england . chap. i. decays in godliness as to the former generation of christians . p. ii. ● decayes of godliness as to the new brood and later off-spring of meaner christians . p. iii. the evil consequences infesting christians of better quality . p. chap. iv. prophaneness the fruit of unsetledness in religion . p. v. ministers molested by endless & vexatious disputes . p. vi. the endless bickerings with anabaptists , &c. now in england . p. vii . the perverse disputings of anabaptists aganst infant-baptism . p. viii . the weakness of anabaptists grounds against infant-baptism . p. ix . the catholick strength for infant-baptism . p. x. of right reasoning from scripture . p. xi . of the churches catholick custome and testimony . p. xii . the sin of presumptuous delaying and denying baptism to infants . p. xiii . the dangerous effects & principles of anabaptism . p. xiv . the romish advantages by the divisions and deformities of the church of england . p. xv. the wide and just distances between the reformed and romanists . p. xvi . irreconcilable differences between reformed truths and romish errors , which are manifest and obstinate . p. chap. xvii . necessary separation and distance from rome , without uncharitableness . p. xviii . two grand obstructions of all christian accommodation in these western churches . p. xix . the equity and charity of severe and sacrilegious reformings . p. xx. the excuses and pleas for sacrilegious excesses answered . p. xxi . sacrilege a great pest to religion , and stop to reformation . p. xxii . the insatiableness of sacrilegious spirits unrepressed . p. xxiii . pleas for sacrilege answered . p. xxiv . the romanists discouragements as to the reformed religion by sacrilege . p. xxv . a plea for paul's , and other churches in england . p. xxvi . of pious munificence becoming christians . p. xxvii . the main hinderances and unlikelihood of a conjunction between protestants and romanists . p. xxviii . roman interests advanced by the petty factions of super-reformers of religion . p. xxix . the danger of divided parties in religion as to the civil interests of england . p. book iv. setting forth the sighs & prayers of the church of england in order to its healing and recovery . chap. i. the design & method of this fourth book . p. ii. the difficultie of repairing a decayed church . p. iii. grand motives to a publick restitution and fixation of the reformed religion . p. iv. sense of true honour calls for the establishment of religion . p. v. the hopeful possibility of restoring true religion to unity and setledness in england . p. vi. of means to recompose the differences of religion in england . p. vii . of the late associations projected by some ministers . p. viii . of civil assistance from lay-men to restore this church & religion . p. ix . a scrutiny of what is good or bad in all parties . p. x. the reconciling of the real interests of episcopacy , presbytery and independency . p. xi . true episcopacy stated and represented to its antagonists . p. chap. xii . objections against episcopacy discussed . p. xiii . earnestly exhorting ministers of all sides to an happy composure and union . p. . xiv . humbly exhorting magistrates to assist in so good a work . p. xv. councils or synods the proper means to restore lapsed religion . p. xvi . the method of restoring a setled church and united ministry . p. xvii . of the well-being of the clergy or ministry . . in point of maintenance and support . p. xviii . of meet order , government and subordination among the clergy . p. xix . several pleas in behalf of episcopacy . p. a first plea , from the catholick antiquity of episcopacy . p. xx. a second plea for episcopacy , from its evangelical temper as to civil subjection . p. chap. xxi . a third , episcopacy most suitable to the genius & temper of the english . p. xxii . a fourth plea for episcopacy , from their true piety and orderly policy . p. xxiii . a review of our late english bishops . p. xxiv . bishop usher , primate of armagh , an unanswerable vindication of prelacy , not popish , but pious . p. xxv . commending this church of england , with the reformed religion , to the piety and wisdome of all persons of honour and honesty . p. xxvi . a further caution against sacrilege , upon the occasion of d. b his case lately published about purchasing of bishops lands . p. xxvii . further commending the unity , honor and support of the religion and ministry of this church . p. the catalogue of the bishops in england and wales . the embleme of the trees explained : in which is briefly set forth the history and chronology of episcopacy , presbytery , and independency , as pretenders to church-government ; their first planting , growing and spreading in the christian world . p. . revel . . . be watchful , and strengthen the things that remain , which are ready to die . lam. . . my sighs are many , and my heart is faint . synes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ferreus est , non fidelis , non christianus , sed crudelis , quem matris lacrymae non molliunt , suspiria non movent , planctus non mordent , preces non vincunt , vulnera non cruciant . j. g. ecclesiae anglicanae suspiria : the sighs of the church of england , humbly presented to my honoured and beloved countrymen : persons of true honour , piety , and prudence ; who have a just gratitude , love and pity for her. i am not so ignorant of you ( honoured and worthy gentlemen ) or of my selfe , as to think , that you need be put in mind by me , ( or any private monitor ) of that justice , moderation , and prudence , which you owe to your countrey ; in reference to those civill interests of peace , plenty , safety , honour , liberty , settlement , and the like : which , i know , doe usually fall under the first cares and counsels of men ; ( momentary concernments giving us poore mortals quicker summons and resentments , than those that are eternall : these being the objects of our faith afar off ; those of our senses neerer hand : ) for the just establishing and prudent managing of which , if gods providence either hath , or ever shall , give you any opportunity , worthy of your abilities and integrity , i have no more to doe or say ( as to any of these secular accounts ) save onely to crave , in all humility , of the supreme wisdome , and mighty counsellour , that he would make you repairers of those breaches , relievers of those burdens , and dispellers of those feares , which we owe , not so much to the impotence , or violence of other mens passions , as , each of us , to our own sins and personall impieties : those importune soliciters of gods judgments ; which by a strange vicissitude , and unexpected retaliation of vengeance , doe testifie to our faces , against the crying iniquities of all estates in these british nations : which have provoked the just judge of heaven and earth , to punish some of us , by sore adversities ; others by severe impunities ; justly letting us alone , and smiting us no more : our sins then becoming gods greatest grievances , when they are lesse ours ( as to contrition , confession and reformation ) than they should be ; and possibly would be , if we felt their burdens in our afflictions . hence they also grow at last our greatest penalties and infelicities ; even then , when prosperity betrayes us most to impenitency ; setting us farthest from amendment and remorse ; our earthy hearts ( usually ) most hardning , when we enjoy the warmest beams of that sun , which providence makes to shine upon good and bad , the just and unjust . as for those pecuniary and politick pressures , which most men fancy to be their greatest grievances , ( having a quicker sense of what pincheth their purses , than what wounds or pierceth their consciences ) i have learned a●ter twice seven yeares experience , to be a christian stoick ; not utterly stupid , and improvident ; but yet , not so impertinent , as to complain of any common charge , or burthen ; which seems necessary to the present polity , under which i may have leave to live a godly and peaceable life ; much lesse , so discontent , as not to be thankfull to god and man , for any moderate blessings i enjoy ; the least of which , i may say with jacob , is beyond my greatest deserts . i am of opinion , that , no price is too dear to purchase civill peace , except onely that , which pawns , or sels the peace of a good conscience for it ; that the liberty , and security of a private christian , under any government and governours , to whom god hath subjected him , is , first to pray , tim. . . next to pay , rom. . . i am no stranger to the domestick defeats of humane policies , pretensions , protestations , presumptions , which have by their frustrations not onely confuted the light and vulgar confidences of some men and their parties ; but they have even non-plussed and confounded the most pregnant hopes , and assured expectations of many , both too credulous , and too presumptuous christians : who , looking too much upon the ( supposed ) meritorious virtues of some men , and the enormous vices ( as they thought ) of others , have allowed lesse freedome to the wonderfull operations of god , and the intricacies of divine providence , than is fit to attend the abysse of soveraign power , and the majesty of infinite wisdome . in which onely , a wise man , and good christian , ( who lives by faith , not sense ) may safely rest , and glory , even then , when he is most posed , and least understands the riddles of gods wayes , or the depths of his unsearchable judgements ; whose , fathomings and unfoldings are reserved to make up the eternall admirations and beatitudes of patient and humble christians in another world . i know we live in a querulous age ; where few men are so modest , as not to think , they deserve larger enjoyments and better preferments than they enjoy ; or so content , as not to think , they suffer more pressures than they have deserved . you might ( no doubt ) have many importune monitors , and would have infinite earnest suppliants ( if you were in place , and petitions were in fashion ) from every county and corporation in england ; where the meere vulgarity ( like swine ) are prone to cry out more , for a little bite by the eare , than for all the sordidnesse of sin , and irreligious faedities , into which they shamefully fall ; and in which they securely wallow , if left to themselves , by the cruell indulgence of their betters and superiours : the out-cries and complaints of the commonalty , in civill regards , if you should every way effectually satisfie ; ( which is no easie matter ; it being as equally hard to please , as it is base , to flatter , the populacie ) and yet should leave the concernments of their soules , as to the true christian and reformed profession of religion , to that loose , licentious , and languishing posture , whereto some mens distempers and indifferencies already have , and farther seek to reduce this nation , as to any setled doctrine , uniform profession ; catholick order , and nationall combination , best becomming this , as all such famous and ample churches of christ ; certainly your secular agitations , complyances and successes would as little commend your fidelity , and discretion , much lesse your christian zeal and charity , as those cures would doe the skill of any physicians , who should take care to mend the clothes , or heale the scratches of their raving and distracted patients ; without any regard to their feavers and frenzies , which are their greatest maladies , and ( uncured ) will be their greatest miseries . i presume you well understand , that true religion is the chiefest ingredient , not onely to make up mens spirituall and eternall peace ; but even their civill and temporall tranquillitie : that no men can be good patriots , who are not good christians ; that men heal but slightly ( as physicians of no value ) the hurts of the daughters of their people , if they doe not apply seasonable and soveraign medicines to those ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) pestilent distempers , which disaffect the heads and hearts of men in matters of religion ; whose body is truth , whose soule is love ; its beauty is good order ; its health is peace with god and good men . the indication , crisis or judgment of its maladies are to be made , not onely by that totall defect , or absumption of religion , which is naturally incident to the profaner sort of men : but many times it hath dangerous symptomes and effects arising from pleurisies of piety ; from surfets of sanctity ; from the too hot livers , and over-boylings of religion ; even in those , that are ( as solomon calls them ) righteous overmuch ; of too high and plethorick constitutions in piety : for ( as a wise and witty man once said ) the heads , even of gods children , are as prone to breed nits and lice , as other mens . infinite odde opinions , like the itch , and scabs , or boils of egypt , arise from the ranknesse and luxuriancie of some mens crude and indigested godlinesse . the best and most generous vines , even of gods owne planting , will soon run out by their luxuriancie , not onely to sowrenesse , but even to barrennesse , as to good grapes , unlesse they be carefully pruned , and orderly bound up , by those holy severities of christian discipline , order , government and communion , which are necessary to every church , especially those that are grown to so large a size , to so numerous an extent as that of england . christian counsellours and states-men ( such as you either are , or may be ) will then prosper most in their politick counsels and designs , when they suffer not policy to overlay piety ; when secular projects are neither the sole , nor principall objects of their endeavours : but primarily , and impartially seek the kingdome of god and his righteousnesse ; not putting that in the reare ( to be brought up in the fag end of a civil war , when both church and state are sore and circumcised ) which should have been in the van , or front of all parlamentary counsels and proceedings : nor setting mens heels above their heads ; or ( which is more deformed ) preferring their bodies and estates before their souls and consciences . which preposterous methods doe oft make , not onely parlaments of state , but even church-councils , and assemblies ( as greg : nazianzen complains ) to become nehustan , broken idols , and despised vessels ; while christian men act more like cunning and pragmatick politicians , than charitable and sober christians ; passionately intending humane designs ; and divine onely with partialities , and factious byassings . in such cases , who can wonder , if their results and conclusions be as wretched and ridiculous , as their premises are unworthy of wise men , and ingenuous christians ? who should never so remember they are men , as to forget they are christians ; related in sacred and religious , as well as civill and naturall bands ; not onely to one another , as men , as brethren ; but also to one god , their father ; one saviour , their elder brother ; one holy church , both as catholick and nationall , their common mother . i cannot but observe the solicitous counsels , the sequacious complyances , the vigilant cares , the resolute endeavours of my countrymen , to preserve the civill unity , and ancient polity of this nation : not to suffer any part of this commonwealth to be dismembred ; or under pretence of either naturall liberty , or a secular independency , to dissociate , sever and withdraw it self from that grand community , and nationall subordination , which is justly esteemed , by all wise men , and therefore exacted by wise governours , as most necessary for the safety , peace , strength and honour of the nation . and can it ( i beseech you ) be thought by any wise and honest men , to be lesse safe , honourable and necessary for the people of england , ( who were all heretofore professedly christians and baptized ) to live in an ecclesiasticall unity , in a catholick order , in a nationall , religious polity ? is there no weaknesse , deformity , or danger to be observed , feared and avoided , in all these breakings , dividings , shatterings , schismes , separatings , sidings , strifes , envies , animosities , contempts , cruelties , factions & furies , ( whence grow confusion , and every evill work , as s. james tells us , jam. . . ) with all which this church , and so the whole nation , is now much over-grown , as to matters of religion , past all private help and recovery ; requiring no lesse publique care , united counsels , and authoritative endeavours , to compose and heale these ecclesiastique or church-distempers , than those civill disjoyntings and disaffections doe , under which this state hath long laboured , and which are yet scarce fully healed ; after so many cuttings and lancings , blisterings and blood-lettings ; which i doe not think proper remedies for such religious maladies as are not yet ulcerated to immoralities . 't is true indeed ( as optatus speaks ) that each particular churches welfare is much concerned in that of the civill state or common-wealth where it is imbarqued : yet it is as true , which the emperour theodosius said to s. cyril , that the happinesse of these doth no lesse depend upon the purity of religion , and peace of the church , in which they are so bound up , as jacobs soule was in benjamins , that they live and die together . as some of your fore-fathers and countrymen have ( in my memory ) found it , so will you and your posteritie , that it is no piece of good husbandry so to look to your own sieled houses , as to neglect the temple of god ; yea , that part of the bodie of christ , which is ( at least was ) in this nation , under the glorious name and title of the church of england ; sometimes famous and flourishing , now grievously wounded and wasted , torn and mangled , dis-joynted and divided , having many yeers suffered the strapado in england , as to the christian and reformed religion . in which behalf , as the freedome of my present publique addresse to you ( my honoured and beloved countrymen ) ariseth from the highest and best motives in the world , so i hope it confines it self to that sphere , which is most proper for me , as a minister of the gospel ; not onely a professor with you , but duly ordained to be a preacher among you , of that christian reformed religion , which hath been wisely established , and mightily prospered in the church of england . in whose honour and happinesse , ( which chiefly depend upon the continuation and restauration of the true christian and reformed religion ) since i know you are , as good christians and honest englishmen , most highly concerned , both as to your persons and your posteritie ; i presume , it will not be either unsuitable to me , or unacceptable to you , that i here endeavour , with all christian freedome and faithfulnesse , to present to your serious consideration , first , the present distresses of the church of england : secondly , the causes or occasions of them : thirdly , the evill and dangerous consequences of them : fourthly , the probable remedies , and preventions of them ; so far as god hath enabled me to understand and expresse them . whose gracious assistance in the first place i most humbly implore ; next , i crave the pardon , prayers and acceptance of all wise and worthy persons . their pardon , for my boldnesse and defects ; their prayers , for gods gracious direction ; their acceptance of my honest endeavours ; which i chiefly devote ( after the divine glory ) to your service , under the most endearing notions of my countrymen , and fellow-christians . whose judicious affections , tender compassions , prudent counsels , and consciencious endeavours , attended with discreet zeal , fervent prayers , and unfeigned tears , ( which are as the sweat of industrious and devout souls in their holy labours and agonies ) if i may be so far blest , as to excite in you , proportionable to the majesty , sanctity , and concernment of this great subject , set before you , under the name of the distressed church of england , i make no doubt , but i shall ( by gods help ) be an happy instrument , at once to procure some peace and rest ; at least some ease and relief to her , while she may ( however ) see her selfe pitied by so many worthy persons : which is no small comfort to any in affliction : and ( possibly ) i may be some means to stave off , abate or defeat the restlesse agitations and unreasonable expectations of her most implacable enemies both at home and abroad : who ( as the dragon that gaped upon the woman in the revelation ) have already swallowed up ( whilst it is yet quick and alive ) this reformed , and sometime united church of england , in their malice and presumptions ; between rome and babylon ; superstition and separation ; papal tyrannie , and popular anarchy . hoping , on all sides , to make their advantages , not onely by this churches sufferings , but by the want of sympathie in her children : whose silence and restivenesse , in behalf of this church , and its reformed religion , must needs prove their sin before god , and their shame before all wise and good men , in this , and after-ages ; when they shall see , how infinitely this generation of english-men , and christians , come short of that duty they owed to their god , their saviour , their countrie , their own souls , and the good of their posteritie ; which are all included in the welfare of this church ; to which they are neerly related , in a double regard , naturall and spirituall , civill and religious , as they were born and baptized in her. and here , because i know infinite prejudices , sinister suspicions , and undeserved jealousies , are prone ( like flies in summer ) to light upon every thing that is publique , and sold ( as it were ) in the shambles ; i crave leave to present you , and all men , in this porch , or preface , with a true prospect of my own integrity , as void of private passions and interests ; a qualification necessary for those that will meddle with religious concernments . this my present importunity , and publique addresse to you ( my worthie and honoured countrymen ) is , not to give vent to any private discontent , forced by any such pressures , as ( solomon tells us ) are capable to make a wise man mad ; nor is it to take , or seek revenge upon any , that hath offered injury or insolency against me in particular . as for private petulancies and indignities , i thank god , through his mercy , and my own integrity , ( though i am not wholly without them , yet ) i am as much above them , as armour of proof is above the stings of wasps or hornets . as for my publique station , or fruitions , i must ever with all gratefull humility to god , and ingenuity to men , acknowledge the great experiences i have had of gods gracious providence , and mans generous indulgence , ( notwithstanding that i have freely declared my dissent in some things , wherein i thought my self in a high nature concerned ) . hence i esteem it both just and comely for me , to use the like candour , equanimity , and moderation to all others , who fairly differ from me in things civil or sacred ; against whose persons , estates , places , and preferments , i professe to you i have no private pi●que ; no envy , no malice , no animosity . nor am i much moved by the various opinions , and different perswasions of any person or party , in matters of religion , if their opinions have any thing in them that seems so dark and dubious , as makes their dissentings veniall ; or , if the persons be so modestly scrupulous , as they appear both consciencious and charitable ; if they be not grosly blasphemous , manifestly erroneous , rudely immorall , palpably injurious , or impudently foolish and fanatick ; if they be not of a deep and scarlet die , as to evill speaking and evill doing . of which tincture i confesse some mens spirits , opinions , principles and practices seem to be ; who have , and still doe , very inordinately endeavour to divide and destroy , to condemne and contemne , to dishonour and impoverish , to dissipate and desolate this reformed church of england ; which was , in all wise and sober mens judgements , too precious , too polished , and too ponderous ( or burthensome ) a stone , for any private hands to take up , and cast ( as the angel did that mil-stone , which was the embleme of babylons fall ) into such a sea of blood , such an abysse of confusion , as some men seem to aim at : who think , that christ cannot sit on his throne , nor they on his right and left hand , judging the tribes of england , while any learned , ordained , orderly clergie , or any orthodox , uniform , united , reformed , and national church remains in england . i confesse i admire that providence of god , and prudence of man , which keeps these mad men in any bedlam ; which is able to put some chains upon their furie , and restraints upon their folly . to whose persons though i am generally a stranger , yet so far a christian friend , that i wish them the blessings of heaven and earth , of this moment and of eternity ; such graces , as may prepare them for glory : that doing justice , shewing mercie , and walking humbly , they may rest with god at last . although they have a long time , breathed out threatnings against , and sought to make havock of the whole church of england , and the majesty of it ; yet ( as the father of the prodigall ) i rather pity than despise them , in the rags and husks which they have chosen : i should be glad to be any means to bring them home to their fathers house , and their mothers bosome : i should joy to see them in their right minds , and clothed with modesty and meeknesse , with shamefastnesse and sobriety ; notwithstanding some of them may feed on the churches ancient patrimony , and clothe themselves with the pieces they have torn from their mothers garments . my aim is not at any mans being sequestred , proscribed , undone , imprisoned , persecuted , starved or oppressed . i design no benefit by any birds feathers ; and therefore desire not they should be pluckt so bare , as some eagles and doves ( excellent bishops and presbyters too ) have been in england , with whose spoils some have well feathered their ( heretofore ) hard and uneasie nests ; while those poore ( but precious ) men have ( some of them ) scarce wherewithall to cover their nakednesse , or where to hide their heads . but if such robbers and destroyers of this church and its clergie , be the onely true israelites and people of god ; and if we ( the sons and servants of the church of england ) be the onely egyptians , ( which is a point i desire to search ; ) we may with the more patience beare their spoiling us of our jewels , our honours , estates and liberties ; especially if they have an extraordinarie mandate and call from god to strip us , and destroy this whole reformed church ; which some doe strongly pretend and fancie . nor is this pretence more than needs ; for i am sure , they have no ordinary call or command so to doe ; either from the word of god , or the good lawes of this or any ancient christian church or nation . but by way of reprisall , i desire not to take from them a shoe latchet ; though some of them aime to make all the bishops and true ministers of this reformed church to goe bare-footed with their families ; and would fain sell many an excellent preacher , for a paire of shoes . as for any publique and popular advantages to be obtained by my thus scribling ; i am not so fatuous as to fancie , that the name of the church of england ( which is alwayes inscribed on my papers , as well as on my heart ) is in so much favour either in city or countrey , what ever it may be in court. i know , that religious unity and national harmony in england , as a church , may seem uselesse , if not dangerous in point of policy , untill there be a greater firmnesse and stability in civill affairs . all ladders must have two sides , besides severall staves ; and scaffolds must have many stayes , while they are used in the building ; though they be all afterward removed , when the palace of power , and temple of peace are finished . as for lesser projects , and those opiniasters which make up plebeian parties , i know my lines to be diametrall against them . it were a blind and impotent ambition in me , or any man of my coat , to seek great things for themselves , when they cannot but see how great a gulfe there ( now ) is between any professed minister of the church of england , and abrahams bosome : the favours to be expected either from the populacy , or the powers . alas , we poore and despised clergie , must not ( now ) aime at any earthly heaven ; or return to that terrestriall paradise which our fore-fathers enjoyed , out of which the angels , with flaming swords , have driven us . it is well , if we escape hell and purgatory , or keep our selves in limbo patrum : primitive poverty , with liberty . the pulse of the times beats very weakly , as to any double honour of profit or preferment for men of my profession and perswasion . indeed it is no time ( as elisha told gehazi ) for the ruinous and divided clergie of the church of england , to seek or receive vineyards and olive-yards , talents of silver , and changes of raiment . 't is a very great mercy that we have our lives for a prey , ( as jeremie told baruch ) that any of us may sit still under those poore vines and small fig-trees , which the storm and hail of the times have shrewdly battered . 't is well if we can get any decent imployment , or any competent maintenance ; for we have enemies that grudge us both these : though i trust , the all-sufficient god , through the favour of good men , will ever give us competencie , and contentednesse . a skuller will carry one to heaven , as well as a barge ; and one may ride on an asse to jerusalem , as well as in a triumphant chariot . ambitious vanities are never seasonable or comely for any humble christians , and least for the ministers of christ , ( who ought to be crucified to the world , and the world to them , gal. . . ) especially at my years , and in my condition . 't is honour and grandeur enough for me , if i may ( next the advance of gods glory ) promote your , and my countries common good , which , i must tell you , doth not a little depend upon the good order , unity and government ; the honour , peace and safety of the reformed religion , duly established in this church and nation of england : of whose festred scratches , and deep wounds , since i cannot but have a great sense , both of grief and shame ; and toward whose healing , since i am ( indeed ) very ambitious to drop one drop of soveraigne balsome before i die ; i have here endeavoured to seek your face , and to recommend her distress to your compassions . it is for her sake , and for yours in her , that i again adventure ( for truly it is an adventure , and no small one in this age ) thus to appeare in publique , possibly with more forwardnesse and zeale , than prudence and discretion , in some mens censure ; who ( it may be ) have not so much charity or courage in them , as to own an afflicted friend , an impoverished father , or a distressed mother . yet to justifie my discretion , this may be said , that nothing seems to me ( in policy as well as piety ) more rationally and religiously necessary , than a publique tender regard to the state of the reformed religion in this church and nation . to me , noblemen , and gentlemen , citizens , and yeomen , all sorts in their private and publique capacity , seem , if not to want , yet to expect something in this kind from some of us ministers of the church of england , which might handsomely excite to honest industry , those sparks of piety and generosity which heretofore flamed in their fore-fathers liberall breasts , toward this church of england , as christian , and as reformed . nor are they ( i presume ) quite extinct in yours , who now succeed them ; whom i doe not arrogantly instruct , as if i thought you ignorant ; but humbly provoke to doe what you know , when opportunity shall answer your abilities and good will. not , but that i have ( also ) pleasing speculations ( many times ) of that silent safetie and secure latencie , in which i see others , my betters or equals , hug themselves . i know there are men ( otherwayes of good worth and parts ) who dare not speak one good word , either of , or for , the best bishops , the best presbyters , or the best nationall church in the world , ( as this of england was . ) these ( over-bred , and too much gentlemen ) may consider , that a good man may be more wary than wise , more fearfull than faithfull , more cautious than consciencious . the prophet jeremie resolved , by reason of the danger and ingratitude of the jewes , to speak no more to them in the name of the lord : but the word of god was as fire in his breast , he could not hold his peace , and keep peace in his soule . i could as easily wrap my self up in silence and privacie , as some others doe , if i did not feare sins of omission , as well as commission ; which was the jealousie a most learned and godly person had of himself , lately dying ; who yet had been an earnest intercessor for the relief of many distressed ministers in england . i would also covet the reputation of a wise man , by keeping silence in an evill time , if i had not many and great stimulations , while my life is declining , and my death approching , to give what further constant and comely proofs i may , to this and after-ages , of my zeal for god , of my love to my saviour , of my communion with his catholick church , of my particular respect to this noble part of it , the church of england ; and in this , of my due observance to my reverend fathers , and beloved brethren , the godly bishops , and orderly presbyters of this church ; yea and lastly , of my charitable ambition to heap coals of fire ( not scorching and consuming , but melting and refining ) even upon the heads of those , who still professe to be remorslesse enemies to my calling , and to the whole church of england : who seem to me , as if they sought totally to debase the clergie of england , yea utterly to destroy the ancient catholique order and government , succession and authority of the evangelicall ministery in this reformed church ; while they endeavour to remove able , ordained and autoritative teachers into corners ; and to obtrude i know not what vol●ntiers , new and exotick intruders into that holy function . these will , certainly , ( in a few years ) make the sun goe down upon england at noon-day ; bringing upon this nation the shadows of the night , superstition , ignorance , profanenesse , irreligion and confusion ; leading posterity to popery , by the way of popularity , poverty , parity , despiciency , and anarchy , falling upon the ministery , and the reformed religion of this church . in which blacknesse of darknesse ( debasings and disorders ) the seers of this people will in time grow blind ; the guides unguided ; the teachers will be untaught ; the pastors unbred ; the flock unfed , by a mushrome and novell ministery , multiforme , miserable , mechanick grows-up , neither duly ordained , nor decently maintained , nor much deserving either of them ; being crest-faln in themselves , and contemptible to others . i cannot be satisfied in reason or religion , in honour or conscience , in policy or piety , how it can be happy for you , your posterity , and this whole nation , to live after a vagrant , loose and indifferent way of christian administrations and profession , according to every mans private fancy , choice and humour , without any such nationall setling and combination , such publique ecclesiasticall union , as hath in all ages and nations best edified and fortified , counselled and corrected , excited and increased both gifts and graces in a most comely and most christian order ; with such harmony , unity , majesty , and authority , as best becomes the disciples and churches of christ . i confesse i am ashamed to see and heare any gentlemen of honour , or other persons of commendable qualities , of good estates , of ingenuous parts and breeding , poorly and meanly to forsake the waters of siloah , and to follow the brooks of teman ; to discountenance at least ( if not quite discard ) their learned , grave , godly , and experienced ministers , who are of the true metall and stamp too , which a minister of the gospel ought to be , ( that is , really enabled , and duly ordained or authorized to that great work . ) and this most what not out of any serious advice and consciencious choise , becoming christians in so great a concernment ; but rather out of easinesse , levity , curiosity , popularity , or some pittifull complyances with novell upstarts , and rude intruders into that sacred office . among whom , if they doe save their purses , ( which is by some deserters of their lawfull ministers much looked after ) yet i am afraid they too much venture their souls , i am sure they lose much of their credit both in present , and after-ages , among learned , godly , and wise men . nor doe i beleeve , that in point of conscience , they have hitherto found any great improvement of piety in themselves , their families , children and servants . yea , i cannot but think , they must be very sensible of those many breaches , flawes and leakings , which daily grow , as upon their country , so upon their parishes and families , by the extravagancies of their children , strangenesse of their acquaintance , and irreligiousnesse of their servants , besides the factiousnesse of their neighbours , and coldnesse of their very kindred : who all affect ( according as they are cunning , proud , or simple ) the name of liberty in religion ; that is , ( in some mens sense ) neither much to feare god , nor to reverence man. however i wonder , that any persons of great worth and prudence , can with indifferency see the publique , nationall interests of religion sinking , ( which are the greatest jewels , ornaments and honour of any nation ) so as themselves may but have liberty to swim or paddle in what new pond , puddle or plash of religion , they list to fancie . 't is strange to me , that any persons of steady and sober brains , should not easily foresee , that these strange vertigo's , these tempests , and continuall tossings of religion , will in a short time , if they have not already , make the whole nation quite giddie , and as it were sea-sick , even to a vomiting up of its reformation . but if there be ( indeed ) a libertie indulged to every one , for the picking and choosing what way of worship , religion , church and ministery best likes them ; sure , it will be the greatest honour , and noblest freedome of all true english christians , to own and adhere to that , solidly , soberly reformed religion , which was duly setled in this church of england , by better heads , and ( i think ) as honest hearts , as any , either brochers or abetters of novelties , can justly pretend to : who ( as i conceive ) come vastly short , in all their variations , and new inventions , of that scripturall verity , catholick antiquity , yea and of that parlamentary authority and majesty , which had once happily reformed and established religion in this church of england , by the full counsell and free consent of all estates , princes and people , clergy and laity . what is of late by novellers pretended of an apostolique rudenesse , plainnesse , illiteratenesse , and simplicity , which ought to be in ministers of the gospel , is ridiculous , unlesse these new teachers could shew us their speciall gifts and extraordinary inspirations , better than yet they have done ; which were indeed miraculously bestowed upon the primitive planters and preachers ; but very superfluous in a church so full , and blest with the ordinary endowments of pious literature , and all good learning , both humane and divine , as england was . how childish an affectation were it in the gentrie of england , to forbeare to ride on good horses , because christ once rode upon an asse ? ( shewing , that the greatest triumph of all christians , is humility , lowlinesse , and meeknesse . ) how silly were it in them to expect , that asses should alwayes be able to instruct them , because balaams asse did once with great justice , and a prodigious gravity , rebuke his masters madnesse ? much lesse should gentlemen of worth and breeding , be such silly sots and children , as to fancie , that every jingling hobby-horse will be sufficient to carry them to heaven . no , the ministery of your souls is a far greater work , requiring greater ability , and better authority ; to convince men of their sins , to encounter their lusts , to moderate their passions , to purge out their corruptions , to break and soften their hearts , to terrifie and appease their consciences , to prepare them for god , to graft them by true faith into a crucified god and saviour , to wean them from the world , to win them to goodnesse , to pull them out of hell , and the devils snares , to bring them to heaven , and into the arms of christ . all which are the great works of true , able , and authoritative ministers , requiring other-gates workmen , than are ( now ) in many places much in fashion among common people ; though not so in favour with the wiser and better sort of christians in england , as to prefer these mens new and various fancies , before the wise constitutions , the ancient customes , the catholick and religious orders of the church of england , established by their pious and prosperous progenitors . all the world at home and abroad sees , that after all the many changes , and troublesome essayes of new-modelling the civill state of this nation ; yet true reason of state , and publique peace doe command , yea inforce us to justifie the wisdome of our fore-fathers , by bringing back matters of soveraigntie , power and government , to the former plat-form and polity , as to reality ; onely changing a few formalities . truly this makes me not despaire , but , when all new fangles of religion , and popular models of churches have been tryed in vain , and are found ( as they will be ) both impertinent and incompetent for the happy state of reformed religion in this church and nation , we may ( by gods blessing ) return to those pristine and primitive forms of sound doctrine , uniform order and government , which were never taken up by any private inventions here or elsewhere , but were of catholick observation ; and so ( no doubt ) of apostolique direction , and divine institution . which , if all men should silently forsake , and ( in so doing ) reproch not onely the church of england , but the very first catholique and apostolique churches ; yet let me cease to live , when i cease to sympathize with them in their unjust reproches , and with her in her great distresses : and 't is fit my tongue should cleave to my mouth , when i forbear , or am afraid to pray for the peace , and happy restitution of our jerusalem : i , who have seen her in such order , beauty , peace , plenty , honour , prosperity , and piety : i , who have received in her bosome and tuition so many and great mercies , not onely temporall , but ( i hope ) spirituall and eternall : i , who desire my posterity , kindred , friends , and countrey , may never have other god or saviour , than what was owned and worshipped in the church of england ; no other scriptures and gospel , than what have here been excellently preached , and comfortably believed ; no other sacraments , than such as were here duly administred , and devoutly received ; no other liturgie , or prayers and holy offices , than such as were here both publiquely proposed , and privately used ; no better bishops & presbyters , pastors and guides of their souls , both for learned abilities & exemplary life , than such as i have known frequent and flourishing in the church of england ; i pray god they may but have as good ; for better ministers , and better means of salvation , as they shall not need them , so they cannot have them without miracles , of which god is no prodigall . i should greatly sin , if i should not daily sigh and weep over the church of england ; if i should not poure our my soule to the god and father of mercies for her ; since she is now counted , by many , ( as jeremie complains ) an out-cast and forsaken ; whom no man ( in comparison ) seeketh after ; her bruise is almost incurable , and her wound is very grievous : there are few to plead her cause ; she hath no healing medicines ; her lovers have forgotten her , since god hath wounded her with the wounds of enemies , and with the chastisements of cruell ones : who in her dust and captivity require of her to sing the songs of sion ; commanding her to call her ruines , reformations , and to account their persecutions , her perfections . it is time ( then ) for all that have any regard to the church of england , to cry mightily both to god and man , to give them no rest , till they return to be gracious to this much afflicted , impoverished , despised , divided , disordered church : it is high time for all honest english christians to pitty her ruines , to favour her dust , to speak comfortably to her , to put an end to her warfare , to bind up her wounds , to make up her breaches , to repaire her losses , as jobs friends did his , with their kind and munificent compassions : that posterity may not read in the sad ruines , divisions and desolations of this famous and reformed church of england , pristine liberality , and modern sordidnesse ; the bounty , beauty and order of former times ; the deformity , sacriledge and confusion of these later . who can consider without shame and regret , how much more generous , and large-hearted even those ages were , which had some rust and dimnesse of superstition growing upon their religion , then these are , in which the english world is filled and confounded with the noise and shews of brightnings and reformations ; in which by new & most preposterous methods some of our late unlucky architects , or antivitruvian builders , have endeavoured with their axes and hammers to break down more good church-vvork in twice seven years , than the best master-builders can hope to repair in seventy seven : i doe not mean ( onely ) as to the materiall and mechanick fabricks of goodly churches , ( which in many places lie sordidly wasted , & shamefully desolated ) but as to that which was the rationall , politicall , morall ; the prudentiall , and truly pious structure of this well-reformed church of england ? of whose ruines i shall give you afterward a more particular account . but it is now time for me ( in order to work upon your affections ) to give over such tedious prefacings , and to present you with as true and lively a prospect as i can , of her sad posture : there being more pathetick power in your hearing or seeing one of her own sighs and tears ( o what is there in her wounds ! ) than in the greatest seas of any mans oratory , to stir up in you those filiall compassions which most become you , to so deserving , and now so distressed a mother , as is this church of england . the goodly cedar of apostolick & catholick episcopacy , co●●… with the moderne shoots & slips of divided novelties , in the church . ΔΕΝΔΡΟΛΟΓΙΑ . the embleme of the trees explained . in which is briefly set forth the history and chronology of episcopacy , presbytery and independency , as pretenders to church-government : their first planting , growing and spreading in the christian world. the design of this figure or embleme is to instruct christians of the meanest capacities , who have less abilities or leisure to read large discourses , touching the due order , way and method of church-union and communion : which subject is now multiplyed to so many parties and opinions , that ordinary people ( as in a wood , or maze and labyrinth ) are unable to disentangle themselves of those perplexed contentions and confusions , which have of late so miserably divided and almost destroyed the harmony and happiness of the church of england , upon the disputes , not so much about saving faith and holy life , as those of a churches right constitution in its divine original , apostolick derivation , catholick succession , regular subordination , and brotherly communion . first , most people , learned and unlearned , were heretofore prepossessed with the catholick use and approbation of episcopacy , as ( ubique , semper & ab omnibus ) ever and onely used in this and all other churches , from the first planting of christianity . after this , many weaker christians came to be dispossessed of their former perswasions , by the violent obtrusions of such a presbytery as challengeth church-government , not in common with bishops , but wholy without them . this forreign plant , not taking any deep root in this english soyle , was soon starved and much supplanted by the insinuations of a newer way called independency . at last many , heretofore well-meaning christians , finding such great authorities , even from christ , pretended on all sides , for these diversities of bishops , presbyters and people , ( each challenging the right of church-government , rule and jurisdiction , as principally due to them , and from christ immediately committed to them ) have by long , perplexed and sharp disputes been brought to such doubtings as have betrayed them to strange indifferencies , as to all ecclesiastical society and order , ( which is the very band of christian religion ) so far that they care for no church , no christian communion , no setled government , no sober religion . by this figure , type or scheme , every one may easily see in one view their rise , growth and proportions , what in the beginning was , what ever since for above . years hath been , and what in right reason ought to be the authoritative and constant order , polity and government of every particular church , as a part of the universal : if we regard either scripture-direction , or christs institution , or apostolical prescription , or universal practise of all churches in all ages and places , till of later dayes , wherein the factious ambitions of ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) abortive and divided novelties have , either in too indulgent or in troublesome times , strangely warped from , or contested against uniform antiquity , either usurping upon , or denying those just interests , which ought to be preserved joyntly in every well-ordered church to bishops , to presbyters , and to faithful people ; who as members of one body , and branches of one tree or root , ought to be but one in an ecclesiastical harmony , though they have different uses and offices for the common good . the catholick church of christ , which all true christians believe to be ( sponsa unica & dilecta ) the spouse and body of christ , one and intire , as united to him the head of all by one faith , so to one another as members by one spirit , one baptism , one bread and one cup , which are visible symbols or signs of that invisible communion in truth , in love & charity , which every true christian hath with jesus christ , and all true believers in all the world ; this catholick , one and uniform ch. is here set forth under the similitude of one , fair , straight , well-grown , fruitful , flourishing , & uniform tree , as the cedar of the lord , full of sap , rooted in christ , from whom it derives the spirit , life and radical moisture of grace , by such outward means and ministers as the lord hath appointed to be workers together with him , as some apostles , some prophets , some evangelists , some pastors and teachers , for planting , propagating , watering , pruning , fencing and preserving this goodly tree in its several branches , which have spread forth to several parts of the world , but were never quite parted or separated from either christ or one another , but grounded in christ , they have alwayes grown up in him to such an holy harmony , without any schismatical slipping , breaking off , or moral dividing from one another ; every small twigg , every bigger branch , every mainer arme of it , either for private christians , or publick congregations , or episcopal combinations , still holding that mutual communion which became them , both to christ and his church in general , also to each other in particular , according to the several places , duties , stations and proportions wherein the god of order and peace had set them , under the authority , power and episcopacy of his son jesus christ , as lord of all , the king , priest and prophet , the chief bishop and great shepherd , the principal teacher , pastor and ruler of his church . from our lord jesus christ ( whose love to mankind intended to enlarge the branches of his church beyond the jews , even to all nations under heaven ) this small and tender plant was afterward , as a fruitful vine and flourishing tree , carefully husbanded and orderly extended by such workmen as the lord was pleased to chuse and appoint for this holy care and culture ; whom he endued with the spirit of power , both for authority , when he solemnly breathed on them , and for ability , when he powerfully sent the spirit upon them , enabling them not onely with such ordinary gifts as were necessary for all true ministers , and such ordinary authority as was fit to governe the churches they gathered , but also with such extraordinary and miraculous endowments , as were meet for the apostles to carry on the first plantations of the gospel to all the world without any interpreter , beyond all contradiction ; the doctrine they taught of jesus christ being confirmed to be the will and wisdome of god , by the concurrence of his omnipotency in infallible signes and wonders . by these twelve apostles ( when their number was completed , and the apostasie of judas made up by the choise of matthias , to succeed and supply his episcopal charge and office for the teaching and ruling of the church , ( to whom , as a supernumerary help and great additional , st. paul was afterward joyned ) by these , i say ) as by so many chief pastors or oecumenical bishops , ( who had the general care and joynt oversight or episcopacy of the catholick church , both jews and gentiles ) was this tree mightily advanced in a few years , both in bigness and bredth , in strength and extention ; so that the gospel , according to christs command , was preached , more or less , to every nation under heaven : and as the beams of the sun are seen , so the evangelical sound of the apostles was heard in all lands , so loud and audibly , that every nation might have applied themselves to listen and seek after the lord , and have heard and found him in the voice of his glorious gospel , if they would have followed that news which they heard of , according to the curiosity after novelties which is in the nature of man. the news of which , so good and so great , was every where reported to be , as foretold by so many prophets long before , so attested and confirmed by so many eye witnesses , who not onely spake to every nation in their several tongues , but also wrought great miracles in every place where they came , according to those several lots or portions which they had taken by the lords appointment ▪ or by mutual consent , as their particular bishopricks or dioceses , for the more orderly carrying on of the work : some staying at jerusalem , as st. james the elder , and the other james surnamed the just , where they were slain ; others dispersed themselves , as st. peter who went to antioch , alexandria and rome , there planting eminent churches , & appointing bishops over them , as euodius at antioch , mark at alexandria , clemens and linus at rome ; one for the circumcision , the other for the uncircumcision , ( which churches ever after , even before , the nicene council , had the eminence of patriarchal seats , as afterward jerusalem and constantinople had . ) the histories of the church , either sacred or ecclesiastical , are not punctual or exact in setting forth the several countries to which the apostles divided themselves , or where they most resided , and at last ended their days : nor is it material , it being sufficiently clear , that , as they did not at first so confine themselves to one place or country , as to exclude any other apostles from coming thither ; so they went , some one or more of them , to all chief parts , to syria , arabia , persia , india , ethiopia , armenia , scythia , asia the less and greater , all greece , illyricum , italy , spain , france , germany , cyprus , britanny , africa , and all the rest of the grand parts of the then-known world , continents and islands , where , at last , they either fixed in their old age , ( as st. john did at ephesus ) or were martyred ; leaving , besides the monuments of their preaching and miracles , their apostolical seats supplied by an orderly subordination and authoritative succession of such bishops and presbyters , pastors and teachers , able and faithful men , as they had commission to ordain , and did authorize for their successors in that holy ministry , spirit and power of christ , which was to continue to the end of the world , for the further planting , propagating and preserving the church of christ , by such doctrine , government and discipline , as they , for the main rules and ends , clearly by word and practise delivered to them , which was then , as their faith , baptism and hope , but one among all churches in the all world : single christians , private families of them , small congregations , little villages , greater cities , ample territories , large provinces , great and small churches ( as to their several distributions for conveniency of actual converse and communicating in holy mysteries ) had still but one and the same polity , order , discipline , ministry , government and communion ; no variety , no difformity , no deformity in doctrine or discipline , among any orthodox christians , but every one observed that place , office , duty and proportion , wherein god , by the apostles and their successors , had set him or them , in relation to the whole church , as well as to that particular part or congregation of it , to which he was more locally and personally joyned , yet mentally , spiritually , charitably , cordially and consentiently he still adhered to the catholick conformity and unity , according to that holy polity and oeconomy which the spirit of christ in the apostles first and for ever established , so far as the nature of times and gods providence would permit ; that as there was but one god , and one lord jesus christ , so there might be but one church , one chast virgin , as the spouse of christ , in all places . for these holy husbandmen and chief labourers in christs vineyard , the twelve or thirteen apostles , did not think it sufficient to teach , to catechize , to convert , to baptize , to confirm , to communicate , to admonish , to excommunicate here and there several christians and their families , as single slips and off-sets of christianity , which might grow apart by themselves ; but their aim was , with preaching verity to plant unity , and with true faith to graft fraternal charity , which conjoyned them to and with christ and all christians in the world . this being a most visible mark of christs disciples , also a special means for mutual assistance and comfort amidst the many persecutions which christians would meet with , sufficient utterly to discourage them , if , when they were scattered from each other , they were presently without any joynt harmony , & greater combination and ampler communion of saints : by which means , whereever christians fled from one place to another , if they met with christians , they were sure of hospitable friends , bringing , as they ever did , letters of communication or commendation from their bishops ; which presently made their way to such a kind reception and communion in all holy duties , as that station permitted , as catechumens , or penitents , or eucharistical communicants , in which they stood whereever they had lived . therefore as the apostolical wisdom , so all their successors , diligently gathered single believers and private families of christians into greater congregations ; these they led on to larger combinations , which comprehended the christians of many villages , towns , cities and territories , according as the spirit of christ directed them , for the greater conveniency and benefit of both ministers and people , who scattered in small bodies or parcels , must needs be both more cold and more feeble , but so united in grand societies , they would be both warmer , stronger and safer , and besides more eminent and conspicuous in the eyes of all the world . such , beyond all doubt , were those apostolical and famous churches , distinguished by the spirit of god according to the chief cities , which were the centre of their religious addresses for church-order , authority and communion ; as the church of jerusalem , antioch , rome , ephesus , corinth , sardis , smyrna , colosse , with many more : whose cities being most-what metropolitan or mother-cities , as to secular power and distribution of civil justice , they were chosen as meetest for the principal residency of religious order , polity and authority ; wherein ( as was meet ) the blessed apostles did , during their lives , preside as bishops , either in their persons , or by those faithful apostolick men whom they ( as st. paul did timothy , titus , archippus & others ) appointed as rulers or bishops under them , for the carrying on of the service of christ & his church , partly by the common duty and office ministerial , which was to preach , baptize , & celebrate other holy mysteries in an orderly way , even in lesser congregations , yea to private families and single persons , as occasion required ( which was the work of bishops and presbyters in common ) and partly to manage that presidential power and episcopal authority over both presbyters and people , ( united in larger combinations and churches ) as might best preserve the purity , unity and honor of the church and christian religion in doctrine and discipline , also derive by way of right ordination , after the pattern given to timothy and titus , and others , a continued succession of an holy and authoritative ministry , by such an eminent power of order as was specially delivered to the chief apostles , and by them to their principal successors as bishops in those great , apostolical and complete churches , where , as christians increased , many presbyters were ordained by the chief pastor or bishop , to be both counsellers and assistants to him in that evangelical work of teaching and governing the church committed to him : first , as appointed immediately by the chief apostles while they lived ; and after , as chosen by the surviving presbyters in every precinct or diocese , to succeed so far in that apostolical eminency and presidential authority , as was necessary for the churches constant order and good government , according to that precedent charter and commission which all churches had received from the apostles , and they from christ , not as a temporary ordinance , but such as for the main end and method the lord would have continued till his coming again , by a succession of ordinary bishops , who are a lesser or second sort of apostles , in many things short of their gifts , yet having the same ordinary power to ordain presbyters and deacons , to appoint them their offices and places in the churches ministry , and to see they execute the same as is meet for the edifying of the church in truth and love , to rebuke and reject them in case of failing and obstinacy . as the church daily thus increased , spreading its boughs even to the utmost seas , still its polity or government , as the bark or rinde of the tree , enlarged with the body or bulk , being most necessary for the preserving both of lesser and greater branches , to knit and bind all together , to convey the sap and juice to every part , and to the whole . this once peeled , or broken , or cut , wounds the tree , weakens , and oft kills that part which is so injured : trees may as well thrive without their bark and bodies , live without their skins , as churches without setled and united government . therefore that all true christians might still keep a catholick correspondence , subordination and holy communion , between the whole and every branch or member , they had not onely deacons above the people , but presbyters above deacons , and bishops above presbyters : yea and as the borders and numbers of the church so increased , that not onely presbyters but bishops grew many , and so fit to be put into some method and order , they had archbishops or metropolitanes above ordinary bishops , and patriarchs above archbishops or metropolitanes , and a generall council above all ; thus still drawing nearer to a center of union and mutuall intelligence . so that first three , afterward five patriarchs had the general episcopacy , superintendency and inspection over all the christian world . nor were these bishops metropolitans and patriarchs , any ambitious affectations or forcible intrusions of pride or tyranny upon the churches of christ , but by a wise and general consent on all sides , christian bishops did so cast themselves into comely rancks of subordination , after the apostolical pattern , as might most suit to the good order , correspondence and unanimity of all christians , as but one church ; there being in the first . years of sore persecution , no other motives to these eminent places and regular orders in the church , of bishops , archbishops , metropolitans , primates and patriarchs , but onely those of labours and cares , of sufferings and martyrdoms , which still pressed most upon the presidents and chief governours or bishops of the churches : as was evident in the glorious marks of the lord jesus to be seen on the faces , hands , and other parts of the bodies of those venerable bishops ( ) which met at the first great gaudy-day of the church in the council of nice , which all made but one episcopacy , and were representers as well as presidents or rulers of but one catholick church . after which time , by the favour of christian emperors , the churches polity and government , being carried on by the same apostolical power and episcopal spirit , was highly promoted , even to secular dignities and estates ; bishops being not onely every where unfeignedly venerated by all sorts of christians , as chief pastors and spiritual fathers succeeding to the chief apostles by an uninterrupted and undoubted succession , of which every church had pregnant records and memorials , but they were invested in such civil honors as make them peers to the senators , nobles or patricians of the empire : which was more to their pomp and lustre , but not more to their episcopal authority , and that filial respect which was paid to bishops by all good christians , even then when they and their clergy had nothing to live upon but ( the dona matronarum & oblationes communicantium ) the contributions and offerings of devout people . in this fair and sun-shine-weather , as secular peace and plenty increased to the church , so christianity spread very far , as to the fashion , profession and form of it , in branches and leaves , but grew ( among many ) less fruitful in the real effects of piety and charity : many now thronged into christs church , but fewer touched him with the hand of faith , so as to heal their infirmities . yea , as in the very first times under the apostolical episcopacy , the simonians , nicolaitans , gnosticks , corinthians and others , afterward , ( during the still-persecuting ages ) the marcionites , carpocratians , valentinians , montanists , and others ; so in the most prosperous times , the manichees , novatians , donatists , arrians and pelagians , with diverse others , became as branches either miserably split and slivered by their own schismatick and separate humors , or quite wholy broken off by blasphemous apostasies , and the just sentences of excommunication , from that one catholick church and the unanimous bishops of its communion : for whom one bishop did rightly excommunicate by the lesser or greater c●nsure , all bishops , presbyters and christians in all the world did the same virtually . hence many lesser and greater branches , even some bishops with their whole presbyters and churches , grew sometimes scare and withered , twice dead and pulled up by the roots , by error and obstinacy , by voluntary desertion and ecclesiastick abdication , as many arrian and donatist bishop● . yet still by the correspondence and care of the excellently learned , resolute and unanimous bishops of the fourth , fifth and sixth centuries , with their orderly presbyters and faithful flocks , the church ceased not to flourish , for the most part , in verity and unity , in piety and charity , as well as in civil peace , plenty and honour ; the holy and good bishops every where still clearing the mosse and cankers which grew upon this fair tree : they pruned the excrescencies and superfluities both of jewish presumptions and heathenish superstitions , all and every one being prudently intent , as far as times and the manners of men would bear , to preserve his lot part or diocese committed to him by consent of the people , by the choice of his presbyters , and by the comprecation or consecration of his collegues the neighbour-bishops , so as became the relation they had to the whole church , after the grand patterns and models received from the blessed apostles ; who first , as bishops of equal size and authority , yet as men using an orderly precedency , sprang from that one root christ jesus , and by their united ministry spread abroad the church far and neer . 't is true , the primitive severity and rigour of christian discipline much abated in times of greater peace and plenty : many primitive signs of christian love and communion , as the holy kisse , their love-feasts , their oblations , their hospitality to all christian strangers , and the like , were crowded out by the wantonness , factiousness , hypocrisie , luxury and avarice of some christians , besides church-mens ambition and hereticall furie ; none of whom would indure the sharp yoke of primitive pennances , abstentions , castigations , and many wayes of mortification , by watching , sackcloth , fasting , prostrating , weeping , confessing , &c. at length mahometan poyson and power cruelly pressed upon the divided and debauched eastern churches : after this the papal policy and power by insensible degrees in ignorant and turbulent ages so prevailed upon the blindness and credulity of these western churches , ( who were much wasted also with wars in spain , italy , franee , and here in britanny , by domestick rebellions and barbarous invasions , ) that the face of this goodly tree was much battered and altered from the primitive floridnesse and fruitfulnesse ; the roman church and its bishop or patriarch being , like an hydropick body , swoln by secular pride and usurpation so much beyond its pristine comelinesse and honor , that in stead of an holy and humble apostolick bishop of the same order and authority with his other brethren , he must be owned in a superecclesiastical , and a superepiscopal , and a superimperial height , as lord , and soveraign , and prince , above that is called god in church and state. yet still , while this papal branch presumed thus to grow beyond its proportions , to the over-dropping and dwindling of all other parts of the church , its form or fashion , as a tree in its winter or less-thrifty state , remained even under those sad seasons of papal perturbations and presumptions ; god never suffering the church to be quite deformed , much less hewen down , because it was never so barren , even in those dayes , but it brought forth some tolerable bishops , presbyters and other christians , yea many of them very commendable ones . neither papal foxes nor mahometane wild bores had ever power to lay it quite wast , or overthrow it both root and branch , as to its saving foundations , or its orderly constitutions , or its authoritative successions in bishops , presbyters and deacons : still holy mysterys and holy orders , the holy ministry and holy scriptures , holy examples , holy doctrines , holy duties and holy lives were continued in such order and by such conduct , as easily represented the primitive pattern and apostolick figure of this tree , though with many accressions and some deformities , which time , and ignorance , and superstition , or humane policy and secular pride , had affixed to some main branches of it in these western parts of the church ; yet the ancient lineaments and true model were very visible in christian people , christian deacons , christian presbyters , and christian bishops , directed into several stations , as helps for the more orderly carrying on of the churches government in grand and national combinations . in this posture stood the state of the catholick church , as in all other places where the vastations of saracens and turks had left any miserable remnants of christian churches , so most eminently in this western world , which the providence of god had not yet wholly delivered over to gog or magog : none of these churches were without their deacons , presbyters and bishops , untill that great reparation rather than alteration of christian religion began in these western churches about the year . which was justly called a blessed reformation in many respects , as to clearing the corruptions of doctrine and manners which had been contracted every where , which by learned and godly men , bishops and other ministers , were notably discovered , and by some christian princes or states happily amended with great order and by due authority , as in other places , so no where with more wisdom , justice and moderation than in england . where ( as in most of the churches protesting against the roman deformities , especially those of the lutheran denomination ) the ancient orders and authority both of bishops and presbyters were preserved , as is evident in the augustane confession ; which finds no fault with , but highly approves the government of the church by bishops under episcopacy , provided bishops would joyn in a just reformation of those gross abuses which were the churches intolerable grievances , as well as the dishonour of christian religion and christian bishops , whose deserved honours , estates and eminencies in authority they saw no cause to envie , grudge or diminish . so far were these first reformers from hewing down episcopacy , as if it cumbred the ground , that they onely digged about it , and mended it , that it might bring forth good fruit , as it did in england and elsewhere . while the western churches reformation was yet but crude , and in motion by luthers means , there arose mr. john calvin about the year . a man of good learning , acute wit , copious eloquence , great industry , quick passions , sharp pen , of reputed piety , and of no less policy . him the people of geneva thought the fittest man in the world to settle their distracted church and state , after they had , with the wonted arts of tumultuating and discontented people , forced eustace their bishop and prince to flye from his palace and city , his bishoprick and his seigniorie , because he would not presently gratifie them with such a reformation as they imperiously demanded rather than modestly desired . mr. calvin ( as mr. r. hooker hath excellently set it forth ) undertook with much difficulty and after many indignities ( worthy of popular levity , fury and petulancy ) put upon him , to settle their church-affairs , together with the civil state , in such order as he thought , not most scriptural , primitive and catholick , but most prudential , plausible and probable in humane reason and honest policy , to take and hold the tumultuating inconstancy of that people , so to bring them to something of civil and religious order ; acting herein , not upon any wiclefian or the after - presbyterian and antiepiscopal principles , as imagining either episcopacy to be unlawful , or sole presbytery to be necessary as of divine institution ; neither of which were his judgement , as is sufficiently and vehemently declared by his passionate approbation of reformed bishops , and his esteeming so honourably of regular episcopacy , that he passeth all anathemas or curses on those that are against them : so far was calvin from laying the axe to the root of this tree , which , with christianity , had ever , as he confessed , born episcopacy . but he rather went upon erastian principles and politick grounds , looking , it seems , upon the government of the church ( as he did upon the lords-day , which is not elder , nor more authentick or catholick as to the churches use and observation , than episcopacy ) to be in their nature mutable , ( as of ecclesiastick , yet divine prescription ) according as times , occasions and minds of men might fall out . he well knew , being a learned man , and oft confesseth in his writings , the primitive blessing and universal authority of presidential episcopacy in all churches : yet he neither thought it , nor any forme of government ( any more than clothes ) to be essential to the substance and body or any church or of the christian religion , but variable to several forms and polities , as prudence might invite , or necessity require : so that he never set up any soveraign and unepiscopal presbytery as an idol or moloch , to which not onely the children , but the fathers of the churches , even very godly and reformed bishops , were all sacrificed . he thought it did not misbecome his policy and prudence to serve the times and humors of the citizens , so far as to seem to vary the outward mode of their and all other churches ancient government ; provided , he served the lord and that people in setling such a government as might preserve the christian reformed religion among them in true doctrine and good manners , which was the main work which calvin seemed to mind most . to have reconciled the city and their former bishop was a matter impossible , unless he or they had changed their minds in religion : to have perswaded them to elect a new prince and bishop of their own profession and opinion , had been very imprudent , considering either the fair offers they made to himself , of being , not titularly indeed , but virtually and really , both the prince and prelate , or remembring that strong fancy of liberty which had now so filled and intoxicated all sorts of citizens . in the last place , to have set up himself in the pomp and formalities of a bishop and a prince , had been an act of too much impudence and envy for a person of his ingenuity , policy and dexterity in publick managements : it sufficed his design , so far to gratifie both the populacy with seeming liberty , and the optimacy with some civil and magistratick authority , all of them with such reformed purity in religion , as most pleased them , and yet to keep up himself and his collegues of the ministry to such an height of ecclesiastical influence and church-power , as made them far from being either slaves to the vulgar , or cyphers to the government : for all cases , civil and criminal as well as religious , were one way or other reducible , and so responsible , either by way of comprimising , or upon scandal , or repentance , or satisfaction , to the cognizance and consistory of him and his collegues , himself being as the caesar , they as his bibuli . in effect , his wisdom , reputation , eloquence and courage set him up in geneva and other places to so high an eminency of respect and authority , as he equalled , yea exceeded , most bishops : however his pomp , train and pension were but small ( after the usual bounty expectable from any state or city that list to make their reformations of religion compleat by robbing the church and clergy of their ancient lands and revenues ) which doubtless in that city had been so great and princely , as upon the confiscation of them to their town-box or exchequer , they might well have allowed mr. calvin , their great reformer and chief pastor , and his associates , a salary much beyond an hundred pounds per ann . with a little provision of corn. but he wisely dissembled this indignity , finding that , as riches , pomp and luxury had undone former bishops , so a voluntary kind of poverty and austerity would now best conciliate to him and his collegues a greater reverence and authority : nor was it considerable to have a gay or rich scabbard , provided they had sharp and well - metall'd swords : their ambition was rather to intend gods work in reforming religion of its leprosie with elisha , than in taking mans rewards with gehazi . in this presbyterian prelacy or prelatick presbytery , which seemed to bow church-government to the ground , and make it , like a bramble , take root at the neather end , mr. calvin lived and died at geneva , never either rigid for a parity of presbytery as of any divine institution , nor against a comely eminency of episcopacy , which he owned as a very commendable , useful , venerable , ancient and universal order of church - polity and government , where it was paternal , not imperious , as an elder brother among brethren , not as a master among servants . such bishops presiding as fathers among presbyters , yet gravely and kindly advising with them , and assisted by them in all the grand and joynt concernments of the churches wellfare , these he never wrote , nor said , nor thought , nor dreamed to have any thing in them papal , antichristian , intolerable or abominable to god or good men , as some hotter and weaker spirits afterward declaimed . episcopacy and so presbytery had indeed ( as other holy mysteries , orders and customes of the church ) suffered very much smut , soyle , darkness and dishonour by the tyrannies , fedities , luxuries , sotteries and insolencies of some bishops and other church-men under the papal prevalency ; but reformed episcopacy , which in many churches continued with reformed doctrine , never received the least blame or blemish from mr. calvins tongue , pen or judgement , no nor from any of his collegues and successors in geneva , who were learned men and of sober minds . but from the reputation of mr. calvins name , this new and rather necessitated than elected project of church-government and discipline , under the name of a presbyterian parity or consistorian conclave , grew to be looked upon with very favourable eyes by other free cities , petty states and princes , as their interest lead them ; each crying it up , together with the reformed doctrine , to such an height , as if the new paper and packthred in which mr. calv. had wrapped those old , yet good spices , were of equal value with them . several interests advanced the businesse , shews of liberty with the people , parity of empire and power with the ordinary preachers , and hope of gain by confiscation of church-lands and bishops revenues , with some states and princes , as in the palatinate , hassia , and other parts of germany , so in scotland , with some suitzer cantons and hans-towns : the zeal for reformation which was very plausible , the zeal for imitation after the copie of so renowned a person which was very popular , and the zeal of confiscation , where so opulent and profitable a booty would fall into some mens purses and coffers , all these together carried many men with ful sails to presbytery , and with a strong tyde against episcopacy , by whose spoiles many hoping to be enriched , they rather chose to ruine than reform it , that extirpating might justifie their stripping of it , which had more revenues , but not more deformities , than presbytery had under episcopacy . to make this transport of some men good , which not onely deserted , but defamed , despised , and in some places destroyed the ancient , catholick and apostolick state of the churches polity of old by episcopacy , hereby varying even from the lutheran moderators and superintendents , ( which were reformed and qualified bishops ) as well as from all the present roman , greek , armenian , abyssine , and all other ancient churches in the world , to their great and insuperable scandal , yea and from some eminently reformed churches , as england and ireland were , in which episcopacy was still continued , as the honour , centre and fixation of all ecclesiastical order , unity and authority ; to avoid the odium and envy of this scandal , all plausible wayes were taken by the great admirers and adorers of the new geneva-platform , to set further glosses and titles upon this new presbyterian-government and discipline , finding that the water-colours of prudence , necessity , policy and conveniency , which mr. calvin had used , would not hold long ; especially where episcopacy now kept its pristine power and possession in so many famous reformed churches and states , as denmark , sweden , saxony , brandenburg and others , besides england , which outshined them all . all these so asserted the honour of true and reformed episcopacy , that all sober men saw prelacy was no more of kin to popery , than regality is to tyranny , or magistracy to oppression , or presbytery to popularity , or natural heat to a fever , or wine to drunkenness , or good cheer to gluttony , or good order to insolency , or due subordination to slavery . 't is true , great indulgencies and soft censures were carried by those churches which were episcopal , toward such of their reformed brethren who were not opinionatively but practically presbyterial , pleading for themselves not choice so much as force and urgency of their present affairs and condition , considering either the pressures even to persecution which some were under , or peoples impatiencies , or princes sacrilegious aimes : all which made their deviation from the confessed catholick and primitive pattern of episcopacy so long venial as their judgements were right and their charity candid toward episcopacy , either approving of it , or deploring their want of it , or wishing for it as the best government , where it might be enjoyed with the reformed religion . while presbytery continued thus humble and poor in spirit , it was esteemed honest and excusable upon christian charity , pleading not pervicacy but necessity ; not a schismatick faction or usurpation against episcopacy , but an humble submission to a condition which , as peter moulin owns , was far short of the happinesse they desired under good bishops . but this equable and charitable temper was too lukewarm and cold for some hotter zelots for the presbyterian way ; they did not like that their new platform ( which they called the pattern in the mount ) should thus take any quarter from bishops any where , but rather be in a capacity to give no quarter to any bishops or any presidential episcopacy . from private and amicable contests , which began at franckfort , and so by degrees were fomented in other cities , between some reformed divines , it grew to higher flames of contention than those between paul and silas : at length it rose to a rivalry , to reproches , menacings , fewds , despites and bitter animosities between such as adhered to ancient episcopacy , and those that admired the new-sprung plant of presbytery . to dig about , to muck and mend this last , the learning , wit and credit of mr. beza contributed not a little , who first of any man openly inscribed presbytery with a title looking very like to divine , as christs true and onely discipline ; in which yet he was not so punctual and peremptory as many that followed him in his supposed opinion , but came far short of his real learning , which still forbad him to deny primitive , paternal and reformed episcopacy its due honour , use and place in the church of christ , or to demand the extirpation of it where it was setled and reformed , which he deprecates as an intolerable arrogancy in him or any man. to which moderation if his judgement and conscience had not led him , yet he was shrewdly driven by the notable charges of learned saravia , a man of veterane courage , of a steddy judgement and unpopular spirit , who pressed upon his unepiscopal , much more against his antiepiscopal presbytery so strongly , that he forced his antagonist to stoop and subscribe to primitive and catholick episcopacy , yea , and to acknowledge bishops , even from the apostles dayes , to have been the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● presidents or chief rulers among presbyters in all churches . mr. beza's essayes , not so much to have undermined episcopacy , as to have fixed or earthed his presbytery better , being thus notably countermined , yet upon his very breaking the earth , and promising , at least pretending , to spring some rich mine of scripture and antiquity , to prove , if not the sole , yet at least the concurrent divine right of presbytery , on both sides of it , both as to its preaching & ruling elders , as stamped with the mark of christ and his apostles , ( besides his and others terrifying the world , as if popery had begun with prelacy , and antichrist had sucked the breasts of episcopacy ) it is not imaginable what industrious pioneers and souldiers followed these charms , this alarme for presbytery against episcopacy ; who sifting every name of bishop , presbyter , elder , evangelist , messenger , apostle , prophet , pastor , teacher , ruler , governments , helps , &c. in scripture and antiquity , found or fancied upon all of them something that made very much , if not onely , for presbytery , and very much , if not wholly , against episcopacy , so far that they would not allow so much as the twelve or thirteen prime apostles any episcopal presidency , eminency or authority above the seventy disciples , or any presbyters whom they ordained , much less any bishop after them , above the youngest , meanest and pettiest presbyter ; rather suspecting , yea aspersing all antiquity , even in the primitive and purest times , for ignorance and error , or falsity and ambition , in following the catholick custom of episcopacy , after the great apostolical pattern ( which was ( in them ) given to all churches by the spirit of christ , and after continued by the apostles own appointment ) than any way admitting any innovation , flaw or defect to be in their new-formed presbytery . heats unhappily growing great , and eruptions many , from the etna or vesuvius of mens passions , the sulphur and ashes at last came from geneva , franckfort and edenborough , over to england : where at first they onley fell upon the square caps and rochets of our excellent , reformed and reforming bishops ; but at last they flew in their very faces and eyes , without any respect to their age , learning , piety , sanctity , and martyrly constancy , besides the honourable places they still held , both in church and state , according to our laws . for the undertakers for the cause ( as they called it ) of jesus christ , first picking at the outworks of ceremonies , next at the spiriritual courts or jurisdictions of bishops , after that at the excellent liturgy , at last they laid amain at the whole body as well as the branches of episcopacy , going much further than ever their first founders of presbytery abroad , or the modester non-conformists at home ever designed or desired . thus a bolder generation of men ( stopping their ears against all the charms of scripture , antiquity , universality , prudence , personal merits , publick blessings , and all proportions of government and polity , only urging a peremptory necessity and a self-inforcing novelty ) perfected that in a dreadful war , which was neither begun , nor promoted , nor desired by the chief magistrate , nor by his chief council in its pristine fulness and freedom , nor ever before was acted in any reformed church whatsoever against their reformed bishops . after much bustling and blood-shed in perilous times , this crooked and low shrub of presbytery , which having never much thriven or grown handsomly in scotland or in any other kingdom , ( where it had been happily and handsomly grafted by king james with a renewed and well-reformed episcopacy ) this bitten , mangled and mis-shapen , was brought over on the swords point , and wrapped up in the cover of a covenant ( as plants in mats ) to be set in this good soyl of england , after sweating smectymnuus and the industrious assembly with many heads , hands , tongues and pens , had digged and prepared the ground for it , by gaining the minds of some wel-affected members in the two houses , and others in other places . about the year . ( the fasces imperiales , and the sacrae secures ) the holy rods and imperial axes of presbytery were displayed to england , in their ruling and teaching elders , in their high and mighty consistories , parochial , classical , provincial , national , oecumenical : for the presbyterian power was in all the world to prevail against episcopacy , as daniels he-goat did against the ram , casting him to the ground , and stamping upon him . every presbyter , young and old , ripe and raw , was to have not onely a sword in his mouth , but a switch of correption in his hand ; which , lest he should use too rashly and sharply , he was to be pinioned and surrounded with certain lay-elders , each of them furnished also with a rod of disciplinarian or ruling power equal to the minister . all this dreadful dispensation of presbyterian discipline was pontifically and punctually set out by many discourses , to the no small wonder of all wise men , who knew the disproportions to all government generally , which were both in younger ministers and in most lay-men of plain parts and plebeian breeding , such as in most places these herds of ruling elders must be , into whom the spirit of government must presently enter . and no less terrible was this paradox and parado of presbyterian discipline and severity even to common-people , yea and to the most of the ablest gentry and nobility , except some few , whose itch and ambition of a lay-elderships place had possibly biassed them to smile upon their persons and their now ▪ presbytery , to which they were invited solemnly to be gossips . thus armed and marshalled in its ranks and regiments , presbytery began to hasten its march in its might , furiously enough , setting up its conventions , ordinations , jurisdictions , trying the metal and temper of its censures by ebaptizations , correptions , abstentions , excommunications and new examinations even of ancient christians , old and eminent disciples to whom they had formerly given the sacrament twenty times : some of which they sought to win by fair speeches ; some people they perswaded , others they menaced and scared to submit to their new scepter . daily intelligences and brotherly correspondencies were zealously kept every where , very quick and warm among the presbyterian fraternity . bishops never so aged , learned , unblameable , venerable and meritorious for their labours and good examples , were as underlings and conquered vassals , not so much as pittied , but despised and trampled under foot , exautorated and vilified by every young stripling that had got the switch of presbytery in his hand , which he saw now was beyond the bishops keyes or crosier . presbytery thus driving at jehu's rate for some time , some of its wheels or pins , like pharaohs , began to drop off , which forced it to drive more heavily than its natural genius can well bear , ( being spirited , like ezekiel's wheels , with so many young preachers of very active fancy and eager to rule . ) after all this digging and delving this rare plant of presbytery soon dwindled , either as having no great depth of good earth , or as not planted by so lucky an hand as it should have been in so publick and grand a concern as government is in any church or state , or as watered so much with christian and reformed blood . in fine , its very bark grew streight and hide-bound , its soft branches and sudden shootes grew weak and withering , its junctures loose and infirm , its top too heavy for its body , and its bulk for its roots ; as an epidemick terror at first , so now a nauceous scorn befell most people , some laughing at , others despising these new undertakers to govern all sorts of christians great and small in england , without the leave of the chief governour in church and state , to whom they had sworn to be subject , as to the supreme governour in church and state. in a few years the breach which these trojans had made in the walls of their own city , this church of england , to bring in this wooden horse of presbytery , so weakned their own defence , both for maintenance and authority , that when they thought town and country and city had been their own , they saw themselves much forsaken , as by prince and peers , so by the people generally , yea and by some of their greatest masters , who listed not to write upon presbytery ( jugum christi or sceptrum crucifixi ) the yoke or scepter of jesus christ . after this damp and coldness had fatally come upon most men , who were now as willing not to be governed at all by any presbyters , as presbyters were unwilling to be governed by their lawful bishops ; no agitating , no stickling , no preaching , no praying , no fasting , no printing , no repeated crambes of christs discipline , of elders and elderships , of helps and governments , of the necessity of the divine right , of the aarons rod of presbytery , which had been kept hid ( it seems ) in the ark of the covenant for . years , no splendid names of mr. calvin , mr. beza , mr. farel , mr. knox , mr. cartwright , mr. baines , mr. brightman , mrs. smectymnuus ; no urging the covenant , the votes , the temporary ordinances , of two houses ; no engine was capable to buoy up presbytery , which was either leaky , as built of green timber in hast , or overloaden beyond its bulk and capacity . many sober and good christians , bred up under episcopal prudence and gravity , had already felt , and others feared the pertness and impertinency , the arrogancy and emptinesse , the juvenility and incompetency , the rusticity and insolency of some ruling and teaching elders too . sober men disdained , till they saw better reason from god and man , to put their necks thus into a new noose , and their hands under the girdles of their either equals or inferiours : no ingenuous man or woman thought that high-shoes and the scepter of government , yea of church-government , yea of christs government , could well agree together . so that the decoy and fallacy , the sophistry and shooing-horn of bringing in lay-elders by divine right , with some shew of common-peoples having an influence in the new church-government , was soon discovered and despised ; it being most apparent , that ministers must be very silly schollars and less politicians , not to over-bear by florishes of words and wit , or shews of reason , learning and religion all his lay-elders o● ruling partners ; so that he would ( upon the point ) enjoy the sole government of his parochial principality or petty-episcopacy , which would make the little-fingers of presbytery in time heavier than the loyns of episcopacy ever were , by so much as many poor mens oppressions and young mens follies are like to be more ponderous than one rich and aged persons power . at this stand and maze , some ministers and people ( who could not for shame return to episcopacy , not yet well persist in promoting presbytery , which they saw a lost game ) very notably betook themselves to a new invention of independency ; of which the first five famous planters and commencers in england , were men , as of prudential parts , so of good esteem for their piety where they were known , and some of them were reputed for their learning . these ( quinqueviri ) with very modest applications and humble insinuations first begged leave and liberty , not onely to dissent from presbytery , ( with more brotherly tenderness than that had done from episcopacy ) but to attend the further completing of that church-way , which they called congregational or bodying of christians , of which they already had some general light and model in their heads , as most - scriptural , though least discernable in any track or practise of former churches . their grand postulate or principle was ( as jacob ) very smooth , popular and pleasing , probable enough to gain disciples in a more gentle way than pre●bytery had done , which was red and rough handed like esau , the independant planters owning people to be the first and chief receivers and dispensers of all church-power . both of them agree and resolve , having shaken hands for fashion-sake as brethren , utterly to leave their aged father and old stock episcopacy , which they thought ( like isaac ) now blind , superannuated , doting and quite spent , having no more blessing for them . these , as young and lusty striplings , for a while socially apply to shift for themselves , without interfering each with other : the one , as eldest , hoped to live by hunting , by using arms and force to compell people to bring them provision ; the other , as yet of a milder nature , gently applies ( in a more furtive way ) to gather churches , like little flocks of sheep , from any fold whence they listed to stray , to feed them by their own will , and to rule them according to their own pleasure , because by their own power and popular commission , making the flock to be above the shepherd , and the ruled above the rulers in an absolute , complete and supreme power under christ , being immediately authorized from him to chuse and to depose , to make and to reject , to reprove and to remove their officers to presbyters , elders , pastors or bishops as their menial servants , and christs messengers as their dependent and manual ministers , elected and ordained as well as nourished and maintained by them . the body of the people thus congregated or congregating themselves being the measure of all church-power to it self , and to all its members great and small , neither appealing to others , nor requiring others appeales to them , neither ambitious to rule over others , nor enduring to be ruled by others ; but wrapping up it self in smal volumes , every church carries ( like a snaile ) its shell and all it hath with it ; not troubling poor people with tedious and long journies , with vexatious citations and appeales from one classis or court to another ; which were , they say , the burthens attending both episcopacy and presbytery , which last mended ( as they truly tell the world ) them atter very little , in point of peoples ease , quiet and liberty , after it had so quarrelled with episcopacy , and with many sleights as well as violence wrested the staffe out of its hands : presbytery seeming like the plant called touch me not , which flies in the face , and breaks in the fingers of those that presse it ; but independency , as the sensible plant , rather yielding to , then resisting any hand that is applyed to it . this later and softer plant no sooner ( almost ) began to be set on foot in england about the year . but it soon gained much ground of presbytery , which had been an old bitten shrub , ill rooted , and never very florishing or fruitfull , and lesse apt to be now at last transplanted : but independency , as a new slip or full-shoot , springs up apace , spreads its roots and branches without any noise , erects its churches as fast as presbytery could its consistories , out of the ruines of presbyterians parishes , as well as of bishops dioceses . independency hath no great line or out-work to maintain , and so can do it with fewer numbers and lesse noise : it desired onely in peace to enjoy it self ; affecting no forced ambition or unvoluntary rule over others as did presbytery : it professeth to aime at nothing , but a nearer and greater strictnesse of sanctity , unity and charity among christians in their church-way than it thought could well be had among the larger combinations of presbyterian or episcopall churches , which they think are not easily managed without much labour and toile , besides offence and complaint ; because they urge many things as of duty , and by constraint , when this is onely by every ones free will and consent . nothing is more soft and supple than independency in its first render branches and blossomes ; nor is it other than a little embryo of episcopacy in a little parish or diocese : for bishops , presbyters and people , did of old and at first so neerly correspond , as fathers , brethren and sons of a family , when they were but few , and scarce made up one great congregation in a city ; where one minister at first was both pastor and teacher , bishop and presbyter , who , as christians increased , ordained them presbyters , to carry on the work , and yet to keep a filial correspondency with him and respect to him , as became them . the pomp and solemnity of independent episcopacy is lesse , but the power and authority ecclesiasticall is , though broken and abrupt , yet full as great and absolute as to all church-uses and intents as ever bishops challenged . how far this willow will grow an oake , more rough and robust , as it growes elder , bigger , higher and stronger , no man knowes . i presume it cannot have better beginnings of order , unity , purity , piety , charity , meekness and wisdom , than episcopacy had in its first institution ; which is owned by all learned men to be at least apostolicall , both as to the enlarged churches , made up of many congregations , and the enlarged authority of one bishop placed by the apostles over many presbyters and congregations , so gathered by them into one ecclesiastick society or combination , as those primitive churches were in the scripture . nor can it have more specious and modest beginnings for purity and sanctity , than some former sects have professed , such as were the novatians and donatists ; of which st. cyprian and optatus , with st. austin and others , give us liberall accounts ; whose procedings did not answer their beginnings , either in modesty , charity or equity , but from rending from , they fell to reviling and ruining all churches but their own . from the rise and advantages which these two new , and now almost parallel , plants in england , presbytery and independency , neither of which are yet any way grown up comparable to the procerity , height and goodliness which episcopacy had , and yet hath , as in many churches of christ , so in many english mens minds , ( notwithstanding that both of them , as notable suckers , strive all they can to draw away all sap and succour from the old root of episcopacy , that it may quite wither and be extirpated every where , as it hath been lately with swords and pickaxes terribly lopped and almost quite stubbed up in england ; ) from these two ( i say ) which have so much pleased either some ministers or people with shewes of novelty , liberty , and share of authority , other parties , sects and factions have began to set up their scaling ladders , and ( for a time ) staying one of their feet either on the standards of presbytery or independency , they fall amaine with their hatchets to hack and hew down the remaines of all episcopal order and communion in churches , to cut off the battered , stript and bare branches of that ancient and goodly tree , which contained once the catholick church under its boughs and shade . thus these petty planters begin their new plantations , that every one set up new churches and pastors after their own hearts , opinions and fancies , making use of what seare , barren and schismatick slips or abscissions they are able to break or cut off , aiming still to plant ( as they say ) further off from the root and bulk of episcopacy ( as a notable character of more perfect reformation ) than either presbytery or independency seem to have done , who sometime professe they can comply with something in episcopacy . hence , first erastians or polititians begin to resolve all churches into states , all ministry into magistracy ; making no other origine of church-power than that of the common-wealth , nor of any ministers , bishops or presbyters authority than of a justice , or a captaine , or a constable . after this anabaptists , quakers , enthusiasts , seekers , ranters , all sorts of fanatick errors and lazy libertines , pursue their severall designes and interests under the notions of some new-found church sprigs and better plantations , filling all places in england like a wood or thicket with bushes and briers , and thornes of separations , abscissions , raptures , ruptures , novelties , varieties , contentions , contradictions , inordinations , reordinations , deordinations , and inordinations , no ordinations scarce owning any church or christians which are not just of their way and form , as optatus tells us the donatist bishop parmenian and his party did . all of them agreeing with presbytery and independency in this one thing ( however differing in others , as in the matter of tithes , which these are reconciled to ) that they are enemies against all diocesan ruling episcopacy , quarrelling even the honesty and credit of primitive churches on that account , despising all the fathers , and all the councils and canons of all churches , as levened with episcopacy . the reason in all of them is one and the same ; because true episcopacy was a notable curb , and restraint , and remedy , equally against all schisms and innovations in the church of christ , as st. hierom tells us . and further , by its venerable authority , so famous , so ancient , so universal , so primitive , so truely apostolick , it infinitely and intolerably upbraids all their novelties and extravagancies : besides they are conscious that they shall hardly ever ( one for a hundred ) either equallize or exceed in many ages the useful and excellent abilities , gifts , graces and miracles , or the benefits and blessings , which by and under regular and holy episcopacy the lord was pleased to bestow ( if ever any were bestowed ) on his church in all the world , who never ( till of later yeares ) knew any thing of other church-governments , besides that of episcopacy , any more than they saw new suns or new moons in the heavens . it may be these parelii or paraselenes , these meteors , comets and blazing stars , that now appear in despite of primitive episcopacy , will not be so long lasting , nor so benign to this or any church as that was ; though they seem to emulate , yea and strive to eclipse , nay quite to extinguish the shining of those ancient lights to which they owe their best light of sound knowledge and religion , episcopacy joyned with an orderly presbytery . mean time what inconveniencies , yea mischiefs and miseries have or may attend these fractions , diversities , divisions and confusions upon the account of religious forms and church-ambitions in this and other churches , between both ministers and other sorts of christians , what spoyle and havock they may be tempted in time to make upon one another , while they seek either to overdrop or to destroy each other , as they have done ( beyond all moderation and mercy ) upon episcopacy , how little hopes there is that any , or many , or all of them can ever thrive and ascend to any height , not of secular glory , but of christian proficiency in truth and love , comparable to the pristine or modern beauty , fruitfulnesse , usefulnesse and goodlinesse of a right episcopacy in england or any other church , is left to the sober judgement and prudent presages of all wise and worthy christians that list to be spectators and readers ; before whose eyes this scheme is with truth and love plainly and impartially set forth , as to the historick and politick description of these several and unproportionable figures , which are lively emblemes of the catholick and ancient unity and uniformity under episcopacy , compared to moderne diminutions , divisions and deformities , as to ecclesiastical polity , order , and government , since presbytery was planted in blood , and independency self-sown of late years in england ; whose honor , as a church christian and reformed , will then be most advanced , together with its civil peace , when both presbytery and independency , as to the just interests of godly ministers and people , are re-ingrafted or re-incorporated with those of primitive episcopacy , which is , beyond all dispute , and ever was , in the best and worst times , the best conservator , as of bishops apostolick authority and succession , so of presbyters worthy priviledges , and of all faithful peoples comely advantages , so far as they are joyntly concerned in ordination or approbation of ministers , in consecration and communication , in holy mysteries , in mutual counsels , supports and assistances both private and publick . the just ballancing or even twisting of which three together , makes christian churches and states at once ample , honourable and happy , both in order and unity , in strength and beauty , in unanimity and uniformity , which are the best constitution and complexion of any church that desires to thrive in piety and charity , in truth and love ; which the wise and blessed god in mercy restore to us . book i. setting forth the present distresses of the church of england . chap. i. lest any one should stumble at the very threshold of my discourse , and by their too much prejudice , coynesse and easiness , to take offence from names , should frustrate my whole design of doing them good , by forbearing to read what i write upon such a subject ; i am at first , as briefly and plainly as i can , to assert the name of the church of engl. which title is ( certainly ) the crown of our country , the honour of our nation ; the highest , holiest , and happiest band of our society ; the surest foundation of our peace with god and men ; which under this name , and in this relation , becomes sacred as well as civil , religious as wel as rational . it was a very sad and bad exchange , if this nation then began to be no ch. of christ when it began to be a common-wealth ; if it ceased at once to be an earthly , & heavenly kingdome : which last , as the emperour theodosius said , was the greater honour of the two . we eate , and drink , and sleep , we beget our like , we die , or kill and devour one another , as beasts ▪ we build and plant , we buy and sell , we rule and obey , as meer men : but we believe , and worship the true god ; we professe the faith of our lord jesus christ ; we are partakers of the gifts and graces of the blessed spirit ; we have an holy communion with that adorable trinity , and with one another in love and charity , as christians , that is , visible members of christ our head , and of his church , which is his mysticall body ; our noblest life , sweetest society , and divinest fraternity is , as we are christians , that is , emulators of the holy angels , imitators of god , children and servants in the family of christ , candidates of heaven , expectants of happinesse , partakers of grace , and daily preparing for eternall glory . all which are the dispensations , capacities , and priviledges of that nation and people onely , which are and own themselves the church of christ . a title of so much honour , and reall advantages , that in earnest , no nation or people once called and converted to be christians , and by publick vote or profession owning themselves to be such , should ever be patient to be robbed , or under any specious pretences and novel fallacies deprived of it , since the empire of the whole world , and the riches of both indies are not equivalent to this honour , for a people to be called gods people which were not his ; and for a nation which sate in darknesse and in the shadow of death , to be professedly and really the houshold of faith , the church of christ , as this of engl. was heretofore owned to be , by the solemn and publick profession of its kings and princes , its nobles and peers , its parlaments and synods , its magistrates and ministers , by the consent , suffrages , and submissions of all estates and degrees of people , ever since its first conversion ; who never thought it any impropriety or barbarity of speech , ( much lesse any disgrace ) to call themselves , according to their joynt and declared profession of the name and faith of christ , the church of england . which title i use , according to the good old style and generall phrase of all learned , godly and wise men , both at home and abroad , ancient and modern . with which inscription , that excellent bishop jewell set forth his just and accurate apologie , ful of honest learning , potent reasonings , and unfeigned antiquity , besides scripture-demonstrations : which got it and this church so great an applause , both at home and abroad , that all reformed churches and divines admired it , both this church and that book . the more learned and modest romanists either found they had not abilities to confute it , or not confidence enough to despise it ; nor did any non-conformists then boggle at this title of the church of england , when they found it convenient to enjoy the benefit of her shadow and protection , however in some things they then quarrelled at her garb and fashion . if any of these be now grown so wilfully ignorant , that they need to be informed in this point , they may please to know , that the name of the church of engl. is more ancient , more honourable , and every way as proper , as the new style and title of the common-wealth of england . which denomination imports , not the agreement of all private mens aims , desires , and interests in all civil things ( any more than the other doth all mens agreement in every opinion and point of religion : ) but it denotes the declared profession of far the major part , which is esteemed as the whole ; whose consent is declared in the laws and publick constitutions . so by the name of the church of engl. it is not imported or implyed , that we judge every particular person in this nation to be inwardly a good christian , or a * true israelite , that is , really sanctified , or spiritually a member of christ , and his mysticall body , the church catholick , invisible : no , we are not so rude understanders , or uncriticall speakers . but we plainly and charitably mean that part of mankind in this polity or nation , which having been called , baptized , and instructed , by lawfull ministers in the mysteries and duties of the gospel , maketh a joynt and publick profession of the christian faith and reformed religion , in the name , and as the sense of the whole nation ; as it is grounded upon the holy scriptures , guided also and administred by that uniform order , due authority , and holy ministry , for worship and government , which , according to the mind of christ , the pattern of the apostles , and the practise of all primitive churches , hath been lawfully established by the wisdom and consent of all estates in this nation , in order to gods glory , the publick peace , and the common good of mens souls . i know there are some supercilious censors and supercriticall criticks , who cavill at , disown , disgrace and deny this glorious name of the church of england : allowing god no title to any such nationall church , nor any nation such a relation to god , since that of the jews was dissolved ; nor doe they much approve the name , or believe the article of the catholique church . the truth and property of both which titles and expressions i know there is no need for me largely to vindicate , among judicious , sober and well - catechized christians , who doe not drive on any design by the fractions , parcellings and confusions of nationall churches , as those seem to doe , who are still affectedly ignorant ( for this subject hath been fully handled and cleared by many late excellent pens in england , besides the ancient and forrein writers ) that the name of church of christ , next to the highest sense , which denotes all that holy and successionall society in heaven and earth , who are or shall be gathered into one , as the mysticall invisible body of christ , that is purchased , sanctified and saved by him , which is never at one intuition visible in this world ; this is also , in a lower sense , not more usually than aptly , applyed to expresse that whole visible company of christian professors upon earth , whose historicall faith , declared profession , and avowed obedience to the gospel of christ , like a great body or goodly tree , in its severall extensive parts and branches , stretcheth forth it self throughout the whole world . this collectively taken , as derived from one root , or bulk , is called the visible catholick militant church of christ , being to particular churches , not as a genus to the species , but as an integrall or whole to the parts of it . besides these , the name of the church of christ serves to expresse any one of those more noble parts , or eminent branches belonging to that catholick visible church ; which being similary , or partaking of the same nature by the common faith , have yet their convenient limits , distinctions , and confinements , as to neerer society and locall communion , for their better order , unity , peace and safety , either in particular cities or countries , provinces or nations ; each of which , holding communion of faith and charity with the catholick church , were in that respect anciently called catholick churches : so were their synods and bishops called catholick , ( long before the bishop or church of rome monopolized that name ) as that of smyrna is styled in its commendatory letter , touching their holy bishop and martyr polycarpus . i deny not but the name of the church of christ , is in scripture , and in common use may be applied , in the lowest , and least proper or complete sense , to particular congregations , and small families , especially where others met to serve the lord : which may in some sense ( as noahs family in the ark ) be called cities , common-wealths , kingdomes , nations , as well as churches ; being the substrata , seminaries and nurseries of both : yet this in a defective , improper and diminutive sense onely , as apart from , or compared to those larger combinations and ampler communions , which all reason , besides the expresse wisdome of christs spirit , and the practise of the blessed apostles followed by all the primitive churches , invites all christians in any nation or polity unto , for mutual peace , good order , safety and edification , both as to doctrine , worship , discipline , and government ; far beyond what can be enjoyed or expected in smaller parcels , or separated societies : whose meer locall advantages , by neighbourhood or neerness of dwelling , and actual meeting together in one place , make them not any whit more a church of christ , or in and of a church , than it makes them men or citizens ; but only gives them some conveniences for the exercise of some of those duties and priviledges , which they enjoy , not as members of that single congregation , but as branches of the catholick church of christ ; to which mystical body they were admitted , when they were baptized , and to whose head , jesus christ , they are related and united , so far as they are believers either in profession or in power : being further capable to enjoy all those benefits and advantages necessary for the publick peace , order , government and well-being of a church ; all which christ intended it , and which are not to be had in the small parcels of christians , but in the joynt authority of larger combinations . such sober christians as live above capricious niceties , captious sophistries , and popular affectation of novel formes and termes , do well understand , that , as little slips grow great trees , and small families multiply to populous cities and nations , whose strength , honour , safety and happinesse consists , not in their living apart , reserved and severed from one another in their private houses , or parishes and townships ; but in their joynt counsels , large fraternities , and solemn combinations , under the same publick lawes and governours ; without which they cannot attaine or enjoy peace and safety , the noblest fruits and highest ends of humane societies and civil polities ; whose dangers , mischiefs and miseries are such , as cannot be avoyded or resisted , save onely by united counsels and assistances , to which just appeals and addresses may be made , for redress of such mischiefs as small parties cannot avoid or remedy : in like manner christians have in all ages grown up , from the first apostolical plantations of christianity , which were in particular persons and private families , to such holy associations , charitable combinations , and regular subordinations , as reached not onely to the first families , or lesse congregations and neighbourhoods ( which , as i said , may be called churches in their infancy , youth , and minority ; ) but they grew up , spread and increased , by the spirit of prudence , peace , order , love and unity , even to great cities , large provinces and whole nations . to all which more publick and extensive relations , christians finding themselves obliged by the ties , not onely of their common faith and love , but of their own wants and mutuall necessities for order , safety and peace ; they ever esteemed themselves so far bound in duty to every relation , both greater and lesser , as the generall good , and more publick concernments of those churches of christ did require of them ; which were ever esteemed as ( ecclesiae adultae ) churches in their full growth , beauty , harmony , procerity , vigour and completenesse , both as to the good to be enjoyed , and the evils to be avoided , by all christians , not onely in their private , but publick and politick capacity . 't is happy indeed , when one sinner , or one family , one village or congregation , give their names to christ ; at which the angels in heaven rejoyce : but how much more august must their joy be , how much more magnificent must the glory of christ , and the renown of his blessed name be , when whole cities , countreys and nations willingly a give themselves , and b be joyned to the lord , and to his ministers , or ambassadours ? this carries more proportion as to the merit of christs sufferings , price of his blood , and power of his spirit ; so to the accomplishment of those many cleare and munificent promises , foretold with so great pomp and majesty by the prophets , of gods c giving in the nations , with the glory and fulnesse of their multitudes , to christ , for his inheritance ; so far that many and mighty kings and queens should be nursing fathers and mothers to the churches of christ : which should be not onely diffused and scattered according to the latitude and extent of their civil dominions ; but piously owned , prudently governed , and orderly preserved by their princely and paternall care , in their severall distributions , and orderly jurisdictions , according as all true prudence and polity , ecclesiasticall as well as civil , doth require of wise and good men . namely , to such a grandeur , beauty , comelinesse and safety , as was and is infinitely beyond any of those modern models and petty inventions , which seek to slip goodly boughs into small twigs or branches ; to reduce ancient churches , of long growth , of tall and manly stature , to their pueriles , their long coats and cradles . such famous and flourishing churches ( for instance ) were those in the apostles times and long after , which received their denomination or distinction from those great ●●ties of jerusalem , antioch , ephesus , philippi , thessalonica , corinth , rome , and the like mother-cities : according to whose latitude and extensions , in point of civil distinction and proconsulary jurisdiction , the union and communion of christians there first converted , and formed into severall churches , did extend , by the holy and happy d association of their respective bishops , presbyters , deacons , and people , into one ecclesiasticall polity : whose orderly and united influence contained in it , not onely some one particular congregation , whose number might fitly meet in one place to worship god ; but it comprised all christians and congregations in that city , how numerous soever , yea , and extended , not onely to the walls of that city , but to the suburbican distributions , yea , to their several territories and provinces appertaining to them : in which , although there were ( no doubt ) many thousands of christians , who were divided into severall congregations , according to the nearnesse of their dwellings , and conveniencies of their meetings in one place to serve the lord ; yet were they still but one church , as to that polity , order , authority , government , inspection and subordination which was among them ; which cast and comprehended them by a native kind of right , and spirituall descent , as children to fathers , under the care , rule and guidance of that apostle or apostolick teacher , who first taught and converted them ; a which apostle afterward committed them , together with his own ordinary authority over them , to his vicegerents , suffragans , or successors in that chief city , who residing there , was called the angel , b apostle , bishop , president , or father of that church , even by the apostles themselves , and by the spirit of christ , c writing to the seven churches of asia , ephesus , sardis , pergamus , thyatira , smyrna , philadelphia and laodicea . all which were ever reckoned by pliny , strabo , stephanus and others , as chief cities , or proconsulary residencies ; to which many other villages and towns , yea some lesser cities and countreys , were subordinate and united ; as first , in civil dependence and jurisdiction , so afterward in ecclesiasticall communion and subjection . so that it is most evident , by scripture-dialect , by the wisdome of christs spirit , by the apostolick prudence , and the subsequent practices of all famous churches , ( as at alexandria , constantinople , carthage , and many other instances ) that the compleatnesse and perfection of church-polity , order , union , power , and authority , was never thought to be seated or circumscribed in every particular congregation of christians , as they were locally divided in their lesser conventions , which would make all churches as small twigs , both feeble in themselves , and despicable to others ; but it was placed in those great branches , those strong and extensive boughs , which had in them the united power or authority , not onely of many christians , but of many congregations , in which were many godly people , many grave deacons , many venerable presbyters , and one eminent bishop , or father , who continued in that presidentiall authority , to water , propagate , increase , preserve , and ●overn , in order , peace and unity , those churches which the apostles had so planted , fixed and established in their severall polities and limits , as to ecclesiasticall union , order and jurisdiction ; in which the chief pastor , president , or bishop so presided in the place , power , and spirit of the apostle , ( yea , and of jesus christ ) that no private christian , no deacon , no presbyter , yea , no particular congregation might , as ignatius and other ancients tell us ( regularly ) doe any thing , in publique doctrine , discipline , worship , or ministration , without his respective authority , consent , and allowance . yea all good christians did ever make great conscience of dividing from the principall succession , seat and pastor , who was the centre and conservator of that church-union and government , which was first setled by the apostles in primitive churches , and imitated by all others , which grew up after them . primitive christians ever esteeming it as the sin of schisme , the work of the flesh , a fruit of pride and factious arrogancy , for any christian , or any company of christians , to dissolve , to divide from , and so to destroy that great bond of christian communion , and subordination , into which , by the wisdome of the apostles , the providence of god did at first , and ever after , cast his church , in its severall parts , throughout all the world , for their greater safety , strength , comfort , counsell , honour , peace and stability , which are then most like to be enjoyed , when religious power and the churches authority run not in small and shallow rivulets , which are contemptible , and soon exhausted ; but in great rivers , with faire and goodly streams ; in the united counsels , and combined strength of many learned , wise , grave and godly men . nor may it be thought , in any probability of reason , that when the spirit of christ wrote by saint john to the seven churches in the lesser asia , which was about ninety years after the birth of christ , and above fifty after his ascension ; or when the apostle saint paul wrote to the churches eminent in other great cities , that there were ( then ) no christians , or no congregations and assemblies of them in the other cities , towns or villages of those large countries and spacious territories ; or that those christians were not at all considered by the spirit of christ , or the apostle , as to their further confirmation , instruction , regulation , order and government : no , but all those christians and congregations , in those respective limits , territories , or towns , belonging to such a principall city or renowned metropolis , were comprehended and included in the dedication or direction given to the angel , or bishop and chief overseer ( under , or after the apostle ) of that whole church which was contained in that precinct or province . which method and form of uniting , constituting and governing such ampliated and completed churches , was primitive and apostolical : whence it also grew catholick in all nations and churches without exception : no christians or congregations ( till these last and worst times ) ever seeing any cause to think themselves wiser than the apostles , or the spirit of christ ; nor ever either finding , or feigning , or forcing any necessity , to alter that constitution , order and subordination , by any unwarrantable breakings , schismes , separations ; which are the ready way to weaken and waste the churches of christ in their order , safety and majesty , by unbinding and dissolving what was once and ever well combined , breaking the staff of beauty and bands ; of unity , defence and stability . certainly , as no reason , so much less religion , doth perswade any men to shrink themselves from their manly stature and full growth , to become dwarfs and children again : who but children , mad-men or fools would rend a goodly and fair garment into many beggarly shreds and tatters , which are good for nothing but to trim up babies ? how savage a cruelty is it in any ( as medea did her children ) to cut a fair , strong , and well-compacted body into severall limbs , bits and mammocks ? which thus divided , are both deformed and dead . it argues no lesse a fierce and ferine nature in any men , to ravell and scatter themselves from all civil fraternities and sociall combinations ( which strongly twist the joynt interest of mankind together ) meerly out of a lust to return to their dens and acorns : or out of a fancy to enjoy such liberty as exposeth men , by their own infirmities and others malice , both to necessities , wants and injuries . who , but mutinous and mischievous mariners , will cast their wise pilots and skilfull masters over-boord , or shipwreck and cut in pieces a fair and goodly ship , in which many men being sociably & strongly embarqued , they were able to encounter with , and overcome the roughest seas and storms ; meerly out of a cruell wantonnesse and dangerous singularity , which covets to have each man a rafter or plank by themselves ; or out of a vain hope , to make many little skiffs and cock-boats , in which to expose themselves , first to be ( ludibrium ventorum ) the scorn of every blast , tossed to and fro with every wind ; next , ( after a little dalliance with death , and dancing over the mouth of destruction ) to be overwhelmed and quite sunk by such decumane billowes as those small vessels have no proportion to resist ? alike madnesse and folly would it be in the souldiers of an army , to scatter themselves into severall troops and companies of fifties and hundreds , that should be absolute of themselves , under no generall or commander in chief , as to joynt discipline : united they may be strong and invincible , divided they will be weak and despicable . the polity , wisdome , stability , authority and majesty of those ancient , ample , and apostolick churches was such of old , that all good christians had infinite comfort , relief , safety and support in their communion with them : if any injury were done by any private minister or particular bishop to one or many christians , remedy was to be had by appeale to such whose judgement was most impartiall , and whose authority as well as wisdome was least to be doubted or disputed by any sober christian . such as were imprudently erroneous , or impudently turbulent , innovators of true doctrine , forsakers of christian communion , disturbers of peace , or despisers of discipline , either they were soon cured and recovered by wholsome applications , from the authoritative hands and charitable hearts of many , not onely christians , but congregations , and their united presbyters , with the joynt consent of their respective bishops , so far as the evil and contagion had spread in particular persons , congregations or churches : or in case of obstinacy , they were not onely silenced and infinitely discountenanced , by the notable censures and just reproches of many ; but they were ( at last ) as it it were with the thunderbolts of heaven , so smitten , bruised , astonished and disanimated by the dreadfull anathema's , which from the concurrent spirit of those great churches and synods were solemnly denounced in the name of christ , by the chief pastors or bishops succeeding in the authority and place of the apostles , that every good christian feared and trembled ; they wept and prayed for such sinners repentance ; and in case of desperate contumacy or incorrigiblenesse , they gave them over to the devil , as certainly , as if the sentence of gods eternall doom had passed upon them . this , this was the pristine polity , unity , beauty , majesty and terrour of the churches of christ in their ample and apostolical combinations ; when each of those churches were ( as sometimes in england ) faire as the moon , bright as the sun , beautifull as the tower of tirzah , comely as jerusalem , a city of god , at unity in it self , also terrible as an army with banners : for so they are prophecied , of and described , under the name of the spouse of christ . can any christian , that is not utterly fanatick and wild with his enthusiastick fancies , ever expect such harmony , weight , lustre , authority and efficacy from any of those petty conventicles and pigmy churches , into which some men seek first by independent principles and practises to mince all episcopall and national churches ; next , by presbyterian policies , to mould and soulder them up again ( as medea did jasons-limbs ) either to partiall associations , or to parochial consistories , or little popular conventicles ; where either piety , or prudence , or learning , or gravity , ( besides authentick and due authority ) yea civility , and all good manners ( many times ) are prone to be very much wanting ; or if they be there in some few , yet a thousand to one but they are quite over-born , routed , silenced , over-voted and cryed down by the plebeian confidences of those many , whose ignorance and rudenesse delights in nothing more , than either to smother and crowd to death by numbers , or to assassinate by downright clamours and brutish violence , any thing that looks like sober reason , holy order , just restraint and due authority ; all which the vulgar esteem as their implacable enemies , and intolerable burdens . so little do those men seem masters of true reason , pious policy , christian prudence , or sociable charity , who advise , endeavour , or encourage to divide , and consequently to destroy , episcopall , metropoliticall and nationall churches , by dissolving the noble frames , the ancient and harmonious junctures of them , onely to make up small independent bodies , or presbyterian classes , & parochiall consistories , as the sole and supreme tribunals or ultimate judicatories , beyond any remedy or appeal , in church-affairs ; which is much like the digging down of mount lebanon , with a design to make it into many fine mole-hills : in which a few poor , yet pragmatick christians ( like so many ants ) may busie themselves solely and absolutely about themselves ; as arrogating to themselves ( though but two or three , or seven at most ) the perfect name , complete nature , entire power , and highest emphasis of a church of christ , to all uses , ends and purposes , without any regard to any other higher authority , or to any greater and completer society , further than they list to advise or associate with them for a time , as occasion serves , and till some new invention offers it self . mean time they are not ashamed , or concerned , as to that rude and ingratefull violation of those duties which they owe , and those relations which they ought to beare as christians , by the right of an holy propagation , spirituall descent , and ecclesiasticall derivation of their baptisme , faith and religion , to that church which was their mother , and to those chief pastors or shepherds which were their spirituall a fathers , by an apostolick title , designation and succession , both in place , order and power . which spirituall relation certainly imports no lesse duty , love , thanks , reverence and submission , than those of naturall and civill relations doe : since the blessing is at least equall , if not far beyond , to those that value their souls or their saviour ; who will not easily abdicate their ghostly parents , or renounce their spirituall fathers , though they should see many infirmities , and some frowardnesse in them . i shall not need to instance in the many defects , inconveniences , disorders , and mischiefs incident to these ( ecclesiolae , and congregatiunculae ) little churchlets and scattered conventicles : which cannot but be ( as s. jerome observes ) the seminaries of schisme , nurseries of faction , strife and emulation ; since the sire of them seems to be ignorance and weaknesse , or pride and arrogancy ; as the dam of them usually is faction , private ends and popularity : nor will their issue faile to multiply and swarm in a few years , with grosse ignorance and rudenesse , with all manner of errors and heresies , accompanied with vulgar petulancie , atheisme , irreligion , anarchy , confusion , and barbarity , which ( like vermine ) will devoure both themselves , and those completer churches , from whose communion , order , light , strength , discipline , integrity , and safety , they have withdrawn themselves , by needlesse divisions , to the weakning , shaking , subverting and endangering of the faith , charity , and salvation of many thousands of poore soules : the strength , beauty , honour , safety , and comfort of particular congregations , as of private christians and families , consisting in that orderly conjuncture , as parts with the whole body politick , which may best preserve both it and themselves : there being not onely more virtue in the whole than in any part ; but more vigour in each part , while it is continuous to the whole , than when it is divided . which as all reason and religion , so most sad experience in the church of england , sufficiently assures us . for , however private christians have indeed some power , as to counsell , admonish , reprove , comfort , pray for , and by charitable offices to help and edifie one another ; also private congregations have yet more advantages , being many in their number , to joyn in publique duties , to comprobate and execute ecclesiasticall censures ; further , each single minister , or lawfull presbyter , hath yet greater authority in his place and office , to administer holy things , by preaching , baptizing , consecrating , binding , loosing , exhorting , rebuking ; likewise every bishop hath still an higher order and authority , regularly to ordaine , to confirme , to examine , to censure , to rebuke , to suspend , to absolve , to excommunicate any private presbyter or other christians under his inspection : yet , where the bishop is assisted with the desires , consent , and approbation of many christian congregations , also with the joynt assistance of many learned and godly presbyters , yea and with the united suffrages and authority of many bishops , ( as in cases of great and generall concernment in matters of doctrine , censure , and discipline is requisite ; ) o how ponderous , how solemn , how celebrious , how powerfull , how apostolick , how divine , must the majesty and authority of such transactions be in any church , thus combined , established and fortified , against both secret contagions and violent incursions of any mischiefs , which easily grow too hard for private christians and petty congregations ; yea many times for particular presbyters and single bishops ! nor can the remedy expectable from these in their solitary capacities and small proportions , either cure or encounter the pregnancy and potency of those maladies which many times infest the flock of christ ; as was evident in those epidemick pests of arianisme , nestorianisme , donatisme , pelagianisme , and others : which malignities required not onely the influence and authority of a few private presbyters with their congregations , or of particular bishops and their churches ; but of provinciall synods and nationall churches , yea of the catholick church , as much as could be , united in those general councils , which were as grand ecclesiasticall parlaments , by their majority , deputation , inspection and authority , representing all churches in all the world ; that so the salve might still be wisely commensurate to the sore . the danger of a divided church being no lesse than that of of a divided state or kingdome , which our saviour tells us cannot stand ; it must not be imagined that christ hath left his church destitute of defence and help in such cases of distraction . these grand combinations of christian people , presbyters and bishops , convening ( as occasion required ) not onely to serve god in the piety of his daily worship , but for the right ordering and guiding of themselves and others in such publick concernments as christian polity and gubernative prudence required ; these made christian primitive churches appear in their synodicall , provinciall , nationall and oecumenicall assemblies , as the fairest sides and goodliest prospects of the temple and city of god were wont to do , to the joy or amazement of all spectators , so grand , so stately , so august , so amiable , so venerable , so formidable , that no man could with any modesty despise them , or with any ingenuity refuse their sense and sentence . whereas schismaticall scraps and scambling separations of christians , either in their persons or parties , as disjoyned and independent from these primitive polities and catholick integrations of churches , make their scattered fractions & unsociable societies appear not onely to the scornfull world , and to perverse minds , but to all sober christians and rationall men , like so many poor cottages , or like the late ruined pieces of our cathedralls ; like a flock of sheep or pigeons , scattered by wolves or kites ; or like the parts of a lamb , or kid , which a lion or bear hath torn ; without that grandeur , majesty , authority and efficacy , which ought to accompany ecclesiasticall judicatures and christian churches . in which pitiful posture , so feeble , so desolate , so despicable , if the wisdom of our blessed god and saviour had intended to have alwayes kept his multiplied church and numerous people , which were to beas the stars of the firmament , that they should ever be like the small parties of wild arabs and wandering scythians ; certainly , those primitive and purest churches , nominally distinguished and locally defined by the word of god , the spirit of christ , and the pens of the apostles , would never have grown , by an happy diffusion and holy coalescency , to such great and goodly combinations , such vast , yet comely statures and extensions ; to so large combinations and harmonious subordinations , as contained great cities , provinces , and whole countreys : for such churches those are which are signally described and punctually circumscribed in the new testament , as well as in all other records of the primitive churches . which fair and firm models of churches , comprehending many christian people , deacons , presbyters and congregations under one chief pastor , bishop , angel , or apostolick ●resident ( who was as the nave of the wheel , the centre of union , the anchor of fixation ) i make no doubt but the spirit of christ in the apostles ( which so framed and setled them ) did intend to have them so preserved , as much as morally , prudentially and providentially they could be ; yea rather to have them ampliated and enlarged ( as time , use , and the churches occasions required ) than curtailed ( like the garments of davids messengers ) or pared and divided into small shreds and shavings . the reason is evident : because the life and spirit , the truth and charity , the honour and vigour of christian religion and church-polity ( like wine ) are better preserved in great quantities , than in small parcels ; in tuns , than in terces . christian people , presbyters , congregations and bishops , like live-coals , united , glow to a more generous fervour ; scattered , they cool and extinguish themselves : unlesse in cases of persecuted churches , where martyrly fervencies are kept high and intense by the antiperistasis of persecution ; the most heroick love and ambition of suffering and dying for christ and his church , then uniting christians spirits most , when their persons are most scattered . book i. chap. ii. the primitive piety and charity so perfectly abhorred all fractures and crumblings of churches , that we see they kept for many hundred of years , as ignatius , justin martyr , irenaeus , tertullian , clemens alexandrinus , cyprian , eusebius , and all ancient both fathers and historians tell us , their respective combinations , fraternities , and subordinations to their bishops , patriarchs , and mother-churches ; according to those ( sedes principales , a cathedrae apostolicae , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) limits or boundaries , which were laid out and distinguished , either by the b apostles first lots and episcopall portions , or by their chief residencies , and setled inspections governed either by themselves , or their vicegerents and successors , most of them primitive martyrs and confessors : which was done even till the famous council of nice , which in the point of distinguishing churches , and keeping their severall dioceses or bounds , took care to preserve to after-ages and successions of the church , those ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ancient customes , measures , or dimensions ; some of which , begun by the apostles , and carried on by their successors , had passed through and endured the c hottest persecutions , without ever being so melted and dissolved , as to run into any such new moulds and fashions , as this last century , in these western churches , and these last seventeen yeares in the church of england have produced ; to such ( frustula ) fragments , chips and fractions , as look more like factious confederacies , and furtive subductions of yesterday , than like those primitive combinations , and that ancient and ample communion of christians and churches . the endeavour of many people and preachers too being ( now ) like that of plagiaries , to entice and steal children from the care of their mothers , and the custody of their fathers , to d ruine ( as tertullian speaks ) rather than to edifie themselves or the churches of christ , to that full measure , and complete stature , which the love of christ , and the wisdome of his apostles , first designed and assigned to the church of christ , in its severall limits and distributions . in order to preserve which unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , not onely as to private veracity and charity , but as to publick polity and harmony , for strength and safety , we find the primitive bishops and presbyters forewarned by s. paul of grievous wolves , who first divide , then devour : such as should be authors and fautors of hereresies and schismes too ; affecting to lead disciples after them , apart from the churches setled order and communion . the roman christians are commanded to mark with the black brand of schismatick pride , those that caused divisions among them , not onely as to private differences in judgement , opinion and affection ( which are of lesse danger , and easily healed among christians , where the health and soundnesse of the whole , as to publick order and entireness , is preserved ; which ( as the native balsam ) easily heals green wounds in any part of the body ; ) but the apostles caution , as to the corinthians , seems chiefly against those that divided the publick polity , and unity of the church of corinth ; which having many christians , many congregations , and many preachers in the city and countrey adjacent , was united by one church-communion , under some one apostle , or such a vicegerent as ( in the apostles absence ) was over them in the lord : to break which holy subordination , harmony and integrality , the simplicity or subtilty of some factious spirits made use of those names which were most eminent in that church , as planters , waterers , or weeders of it , such as paul , apollos , cephas were ; seeking by factious sidings and adherings to those principall teachers , to withdraw themselves into severall churches or bodies , from that grand communion and subordination , which they received first from the apostle converting them ; next , from that chief pastor or bishop , which had the rule , inspection , and authority over them by his appointment . which practises in the churches of christ were ever esteemed the fruits of a carnall , not christian minds ; of such as had more b subtilty than sanctity in them . as the apostles , so their primitive successors ever looked upon the mincing and mangling of churches , as the reproch , pest , poyson and deformity of religion , being diametrally opposite to those holy customes ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which c irenaeus , tertullian , cyprian , and , sixty years after him , the great council of nice , so command and recommend , as ancient , primitive and apostolick . for they were not such children , as to fancy those to be ancient customs and usages in the catholick church , which were not older than their own beards , or the gibeonites bread and bottles ; which a late writer of schisme seems to suspect of those renowned fathers , who were not above three descents from some of the apostles . some bishops in the council of nice might very easily know irenaeus , as d he tells us he did papias and polycarpus , who both knew st. john : so that the traditions and customs so evident by matter of fact to all the world , could neither be dark nor dubious ; nor justly called ancient then , if not primitive . the greatest glory , and most conspicuous character of the first famous churches was ( as ignatius tells us ) for christians to love one another , to be of one mind and one heart ; for their lesser congregations to be subject to their severall presbyters or preachers ; for their people and presbyters to be meekly subordinate to their respective bishops ; for their bishops to correspond with one another ( and all christians by them ) in their joynt councils , and publick conventions ; also by their ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) commendatory letters and testimonials , which presently admitted every good christian to communion with any part of the true church , or any congregation in all the world , upon the testimony and account of their baptismal covenant , and orderly conversation , or profession of the same faith , once delivered to the saints ; and that one hope , or common salvation , by which they stood related to the whole church as one body , and to christ jesus as the onely head of it ; without any new imposition or exaction of any other explicit covenants , and formall professions , or private engagements , to any one congregation or preacher : which must be renewed so oft as a christian changeth his abode , and may ( for ought i see ) as well be required by every private family , before they will pray , or eat , or drink with any stranger-christian , as by every particular congregation which listeth to call it self a church , and so fancies it self to be absolute , soveraign , independent , without any communion with , or subordination to those greater ecclesiasticall polities , which in the primitive style and esteem were called and counted the onely regular , politick , organized and completed churches ; the priviledges and benefits of whose communion every christian was in charity presumed capable of , and so allowed to enjoy , who having been duly baptised , instructed and confirmed in christian mysteries , did continue to professe the same by word and deed ; neither justly excommunicated out of that particular church , to which he was orderly joyned , nor excommunicating himself by voluntary schisme , declared abscession , separation , or apostasie . to such christians as thus professe the true faith , and keep that comely order , communion and subordination , which is publickly professed and maintained in their respective nationall churches , and the several parts & lesser congregations contained in them ( to which private christians are ( more immediately ) for order sake related ) there is no doubt , but a just right and claim belongs , according to their severall aptitudes and capacities ( as younger or elder , catechised or fuller instructed , novices or veterane and old disciples ) to partake ( in due order ) of any ordinance and institution given by christ to his catholick church , as a mark and priviledge of his disciples . nor can it seem lesse than a petulant and partiall , if not a proud , schismatical and sacrilegious practise , for any minister or people to deny or rob any such approved christian professor of the comfort of partaking such christian rights as he duly requires , meerly because he will not gratifie such a minister , or such a little congregation , in a new exotick way of bodying , that is formally covenanting & verbally engaging with them & to them , beyond the baptismall bond & vow : thereby owning first a greater right and priviledge to be received by him from such covenanting with them , than he had before as a christian baptised , and in catholick communion with christ and his church ; next , he must own an absolute , soveraign , and entire church-power among them , to the prejudice , division , and discarding of those higher relations , by which he stands united and subordinate to the church of christ in order to higher ends and uses , under greater notions and denominations ; as they are distinguished into severall bounds and orders both for episcopal inspection , and nationall correspondency , or communion ; which are of far greater vertue , and more publick concernment and benefit , than that congregating or meeting together , which is ( onely ) locall , and onely followes the aptitude of a christians residency or particular station in one place . undoubtedly , the grand ecclesiastical relations and sacred generall bands of christianity in a one body , one spirit , one faith , one baptism , one lord and father of all , &c. are of a far higher and nobler nature , than those which arise meerly from cohabitation , or personall convention ; which are very variable , humane and uncertain ; whereas the other are fixed , divine and immutable , except through mens own default , by infidelity , apostacy , and immorality : christian people owing to their bishops or chief governours ( as subjects do to their princes ) a duty of love , reverence and subjection ; also of due acknowledgement and holy obedience , although they never see their faces , nor meet them in any particular place ; as thousands of christians never did at all , or not for a long time , and never any more , after the apostle s. paul's departure from them ; who yet were subject to his orders and mandates , instructions and traditions , according to the mind and spirit of christ , declared by his own epistles , or such other messengers and apostles , bishops and governours , whom the apostle sent to them and set over them ; as he did timothy among the ephesians , titus among the cretians , epaphroditus among the philippians , archippus among the colossians . these , and such like , with , under , and after the apostles , as eminent pastors , bishops and governours of such churches and christians , as were contained in one great city , and its territory or province ( which were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) did take care , that every christian , every congregation , every presbyter or preacher in those precincts , should both do their duties , b keep their stations , preserve the private and publick order and unity , enjoy the priviledges of safety , peace and assistance , as parts or members of that polity or ecclesiasticall body , which still stood further related , and so was subordinate to the counsel , communion , and conjoyned authority of those integrall and maine or nobler parts , which made up the catholick visible church , and sometimes convened in generall councils . of all which rights , blessings , priviledges , and advantages , both for direction and protection , which are best preserved in , and vigorously derived from these ample combinations of churches , which are commended by the apostolicall wisdome and spirit ( which was christs ) for any christian or congregation needlesly to deprive themselves , or to withdraw & divide others from them , must needs be , first , their infelicity , exposing and betraying solitary christians and small separate parties of them , to many dangerous temptations and disadvantages , of weaknesse , contempt , subdivision , animosities among themselves ; also injuries and indignities from others ; and at last , dissipations and utter desolations , still dividing to atomes , and mouldring themselves to nothing . all which , like continued ploughes and harrowes , make long and fruitlesse furrowes of deformity upon the backs and faces of such congregations and such christians , who foolishly forsake or refuse those remedies and assistances which arise from the larger combinations of churches : which are easily had , when as whole cities , provinces and nations professe the faith of christ , and resolve to assert it . next , it is their great sin , called in scripture by the odious name of schisme , concision , sedition , separation , withdrawing from , forsaking and dividing of the churches unity ; judged by the apostle to be the works of the flesh and of the devil , when they arise from , and are carried on by wilfull weaknesse , ignorance , pride , arrogancy , popularity , levity , animosity , despight , study of revenge , covetousnesse , ambition , uncharitablenesse , or any other base lust , unholy distemper , inordinate passion , sinister interest , and secular designe , under never so specious pretensions , of church - reformation , of setting up christ in greater power and purity : which i am sure is not yet done in old england , nor like ever to be effected by such strange methods of new churching men and women ; which begins the first step with spurning at the mother that bred them , and the fathers that begat and nourished them ; laying the first stone of their new building in the ruine of that churches both superstructures and foundations , out of which quarry they were hewen , and to whose fabrick they were once orderly and handsomly conjoyned for many years , as many thousands of good christians still are , whom they endeavour to scare and seduce , with all the scandalls they can cast before them upon this church of england . which they having once learned boldly to reproch and abase , they must make good their words with deeds ; that their schisme may not savour of malice or ambition , but conscience and religion . hence m●●y have fallen to tear themselves quite off from any communion with , or relation to the church of england , and from all resemblance , in the point of polity , with any other ancient , or modern , and reformed churches of any renown ; making not onely rents in them , and objections against them , but total ruptures and abscissions from them , and the catholick form of all churches , no less than from this of england ; not modestly forbearing the use of some things , in which at present they are less satisfied , but haughtily forsaking , yea wholly disdaining communion and subordination in any things or ecclesiasticall order and holy ministration . and all this credulous christians must needs do with the more confidence , when they are furnished by potent orators with such apologies , as may either silence their own consciences , when they accuse them ; or plead , as they think , their excuse before gods tribunall , when they shall be there charged for the scandals , defamations , discouragements deformities , divisions and vastations , made or occasioned by them in such a christian , reformed and united church , as england sometime was . it is not amiss to hear the ground of their plea ; which is with as much reason , as if the hand or foot should think themselves not to be of the body , because in a fit and humour they so say and fancy . i find the tenour of their apology runs thus : i am by many men of seeming gravity , learning and piety , accused of the sin of schisme ; but very unjustly , because very falsely . i did not , i do not make any division or rent in the church of england , which is properly and critically the sin of schisme ; but i have totally chopped & quite lopped my self off from it , by abscission or rupture : i never troubled my self to reform or abstain from what i thought offensive and amisse in the old , but i have wholly erected a new church : i was not as a wedge to cleave a little , but as a saw to cut all quite in sunder , past all closing with any such society , as the ( reputed ) nationall church of england was , which i do not so much as account to be any church , but rather a chaos or colluvies of titular christians ; out of whose masse i have by a new percolation of independency extracted some such pure materials , as are formable into a new and true church-way . yet have i not made any formall schisme : for my work was not to rend the coat , or scratch the skin of christs spouse , but to break her very bones , and quite dismember that so diseased and deformed body , which pretended to be a nationall church , in its severall overgrown limbs or dioceses ; on each of which i saw a bishop or prelate sitting and presiding , which i took to be a mark of the beast , and denoting a limb of antichrist ; which i know should have no place or influence in any true church or body of christ . so that to become a perfect christian , i became a perfect separatist ; i hung by no string , sinew , ligature , skin or fibre , to the so-cryed-up church of england : no , i aimed not to divide it , but destroy it ; my design was , not to weaken its integrity and unity , but to nullifie and abolish its very name and being , its polity , ministry , p●●r , and ecclesiasticall authority ; if ( at least ) these amounted to any thing more than the chimaera , fancy and meer fiction of a church . however , i chose rather to deprive my self of all the good in it , than to bear with what seemed evil . i did not carry my self to that church ( in which after a superstitious fashion i was ( indeed ) baptised and educated a christian ) as became a son to his sick mother ; much lesse as a servant to christs spouse , which might have her faintings : but i counted her ( when i came to misunderstand her and my self ) as a deadly enemy ; i treated her as an adulteresse , i proclaimed her a putid strumpet ; i withdrew from her as from a dead and noysome carkase , which had long layen dead and buried in the old grave of episcopacy these thirteen or fourteen hundred yeares , even from her very nativity : therefore i condemned and abhorred her with all her scriptures and sacraments , her bishops and preachers , her tithes and universities , her books and learning , her fathers and histories , her languages and sciences , her seeming gifts and specious graces , her religion and reformation . notwithstanding the shew of all these , i abhorred her as a synagogue of satan , a den of thieves , a cage of unclean birds , a very babylon , worse than that church was from which peter wrote his first epistle ; i called her sacred things execrable ; i counted her ministers no better than the magicians of egypt , and baals priests . her ministrations as magick enchantments ; her sacraments insignificant ; neither sanctified , nor sanctifying . so far am i from being a poor and sneaking schismatick which ( like a viper ) secretly gnawes the bowels where it is bred and lodged ; that out of an higher spirit of zeal and reformation , i have ( like saturn or time ) quite devoured the old , and wholly begat a new church ; notwithstanding that i saw heretofore many seeming notes of a true and reformed church in england ; many specious fruits of christs holy spirit , in many formall good words and works of his seemingly gracious servants , in doctrine , faith and manners : by which temptations i sometimes had been a great zelot and eager professor , having an high esteem both of the ministers and ministrations of the church of england . but afterward ( a new light breaking in upon me ) i first began to scruple some things in the church of england ; after , to suspect more , at last i was jealous of all things ( but my own heart . ) from jealousie i soon fell to enmity , from enmity to a divorce ; from being divorced to prostitute the name , honour , peace and patrimony of that church to the most insolent spoilers , profaners and persecutors ; from cavilling i fell to calumniating , then to condemning ; at last to contemning all its professed christianity , and noised reformation , as meer nullities , uncapable to invest any man in the priviledges , honour and happinesse of a true christian church , or holy society . thus bogling cruelly at the too great authority and revenues of bishops ; scared also with some ceremoniall shadows , and no lesse frighted with the late presbyterian rigour and severity , i was so driven by i know not what impulse , ( but i am prone to believe well of it , because i have got well by it ) that i ( at last ) fled from the very substance , shew and name of the church of england ; chusing rather to be a rank separate , a meer quaker , an arrant seeker , or nothing at all of an old-fashioned christian , than to continue in any visible communion with so corrupt , so false , so lewd , so no church : by which high-flown resolution all this while ( i thank god ) i am become no schismatick ; because neither being nor owning ( and therefore not being because not owning ) my self as any member of that church ; from which i rather chose boldly to separate , than poorly to schismatise in it . having a while wandered alone ( as lot when he fled out of sodom ; ) and standing by my self , as holier than others , finding none meet to joyn with me in church-fellowship ; but growing weary , and a little ashamed of my solitude , ( neither hearing , nor praying , nor receiving with any christians for many moneths , nay yeares , ) at last i had an impulse to preach and prophecy , that so i might erect and create a pure and perfect church after my own heart , and call it after my own name . in which though i began but with a little handful , whom i gleaned ( most-what ) out of the presbyterian late harvest , ( which proved too big for their barns , and so was never yet well inned ; ) yet we ( two or three ) met together in christs name , though upon our own heads , and by our own authority , expecting , yea challenging his promise to be in the midst of us , with all that plenitude of his spirit , with those clear illuminations and assurances , with that divine power and supreme church-authority , which next and immediately under christ we judge to be in and among us , as the first subject capable of it , and is by us to be dispensed to what pastors , members and officers we list to chuse . being thus happily agreed as men , we further covenanted as saints , to live together in this church-fellowship : we organized our body with all church-officers ; some of us ordained our selves to be ministers of the gospel , others of us begat our fathers , and formed our pastors ; we equally exercised church-discipline upon one another , so long as we could hold together : some indeed went out from us , because they were not of us ; the remaining faithfull members of christs little flock still cemented themselves , and kept together as a a church , where was prophecying , and dipping , and breaking of bread , and excommunicating , and all manner of censuring and discipline ; to far better uses and effects than ever were in that spurious , as well as spacious and over-grown , church of england . all this i have ordered and done by a power of christian liberty , with my church or body , without any check or controll from any above us ; in a way ( indeed ) new and strange to the world , but more pure , free and perfect , than ever was used , or known in this of england , or any other pretended reformed church ; which were all grosly deformed : yea , we are gone beyond any of those famous primitive churches , which were by some called pure ; but i find them leavened with the mysterie of iniquity , universally governed by bishops our bitter enemies , and presbyters our not very fast friends . the lands of bishops are now happily sold , and some of us have bought a good part of them : the livings , tithes and places of presbyters we now gape for , and crowd into ; yet are we neither guilty of sacriledge nor schisme , ( the two prelatick scare-crows , or episcopall bug-beares , ) because nothing could be sacred which was never consecrated or devoted to the true god in a right way ; as nothing could be , which was given to maintain episcopacy with , and presbytery ; a meer idol , which we , and so god ( no doubt ) perfectly abhors , however it got footing so early in all churches , and immediately perked up in the place of the apostles . this seems to be the summarie sense of that pious apology , lately offered in behalf of all through-pac'd separates , and perfect apostates from the order and constitution of the church of england : where either these men extremely dissemble ; or they first learned christ , and became christians , at least in profession , many yeares , being baptized and instructed , confirmed and communicated , in this church : from which being now totally divided , they thus ( most ingeniously ) seek to wipe off the shame , ingratitude , levity , sin & suspicion of schism , by their owning no true church at all in england , and declaring plenary separation , or independency ; fancying , that he is lesse blameable who quite burns up his neighbours coat , than he that onely singeth it ; and he that flayeth off ones skin , is lesse insolent and injurious than he that onely scratcheth it ; as if every schisme were not a partiall separation , and every separation a plenary schisme . how justifiable the ground of such a plea is , i leave to wiser men , to their own more coole and impartiall spirits , and to the great judge of all hearts ; whose word hath much deceived his church in all ages , if his prohibition be not against separation , apostasy , and total forsaking of the churches communion , both in discipline and doctrine , in polity and verity , as well as against schisme . the difference is not much between s. pauls censure of schisme and division as a carnall , and a work of the flesh , gal. . . and that of s. jude , against such as b separate , as being sensuall , and not having the spirit ; especially where such communion is offered and required by a church , christian , and reformed , as is no way against the word of god , the apostles example , and the primitive catholick practise of all churches : such i believe ( and hope to prove ) that of the church of england was and is , as to those main essentialls of religion which constitute a true church both in the being and well-being . but i needed not ( and therefore i crave your pardon , worthy gentlemen ) have spent so much breath to blow up and break the late thin bladders or light bubbles , these new corpusculas of separate churches , compared to the catholick eminency , unity and solidity of the church of england , and others of like size . an easie foot will serve to beat down such new-sprung mushromes , of late perked up in this english soyle ( through the licentiousnesse of times , and luxuriancy of mens humours ) since it hath been watered with humane and christian blood : whose ambition seems to be , not onely to divide and share , but wholly to possess and engross this good land ; or else to leave desolate that field out of which they are sprung , which bare far better fruits than now it doth , long before their name was heard of , under the new titles or style of bodyed and congregated , associated or independented and new-fangled churches : who have now the confidence to cry down the church of england in its late visible polity , harmony , order and unity , as a meer name and notion , an insignificant idea , and empty imagination , as if it were neither ( bonum nor jucundum ) good nor pleasant for brethren in christ to dwell together in unity , or for men in one nation to be christians in one church ; as if bonds of civil polity reached farther than ecclesiastick . some are so vain and vulgar , as to boast , that all church-fellowship in england is no better then floten milk , when once they have taken off the cream of some saintly professors , which they think worthy to make up and coagulate into their new and small - bodyed churches ; which are carried on by some with so high an hand and brow , that a young master of that sect hath been heard to say , not more magisterially than uncharitably , he would sooner renounce his baptism , than own the church of england to be a true church . and this , notwithstanding that it is evident , these new rabbies have added nothing new and true to the doctrine of the church of england ; nor yet to the divine worship , and holy ministrations or duties used and professed in it , with as much solemnity , judgement and sincerity , i believe , as they can pretend to , without blushing , on mans part ; and with infinite more spirituall blessings and proficiency , in all graces , so far as yet appeares , on gods part . nor have they ever shewn any cause why it should be denyed the name , honour , priviledge and comfort of a true church of christ , both in its principall parts , and in the whole visible community or polity ; afflicted ( indeed ) at present , but sometime famous and flourishing , as in favour both with god and good men : nor did it ever recede from its love , or apostatize , by any publick act or vote , from such a profession of christian and reformed religion , as gives her a good title to be , and to be called a true church of christ , in spight of men and devils . if any still list to quarrell at the name of a nationall church , the same schismaticall sophisters may as well slight all those proportions and expressions used in all the grand combinations and visible constitutions of such ancient churches , throughout all descents of christian religion ; which never doubted to cast themselves into , and continue in such ecclesiasticall forms , and parallel distributions , as they found laid out by the blessed apostles , and the spirit of christ ; which ( without doubt ) most eminently guided those primitive churches . when these new projectors have answered the scripture style , and the apostolick patterns and pens followed by all antiquity , which call and account all those christians conjoyned in one churches communion ( in point of ecclesiasticall polity , subordination , chief power and jurisdiction ) who ( yet ) were dispersed in many places , and so distinguished ( no doubt ) into many congregations , as to the duties of ordinary worship throughout their cities & respective provinces , which , i am sure were many of them far larger than any one diocese or province in england , yea , and ( possibly ) not much lesse than all england ; as ephesus , crete , jerusalem , antioch , whose province was all syria ( as ignatius tells us ) so corinth , philippi , laodicea , rome , &c. with their suburbs , territories and provinces , which extended as far as their proconsulary jurisdictions reached ; in one of which , that learned and pious , but fancifull interpreter , mr. brightman , doubted not to find a prophetick type , representing the nationall church of england , with much more aptitude than his other satyrick correspondencies were applied : when the wit and artifices of independent brethren ( if they allow me that relation ) have shrunk those great and famous churches ( so distinguished and nominated by the scripture line and record ) into little handfulls , such as one mans lungs can reach , at one time , in one place ; when the presbyterian brethren ( who have cast off , yea cast out their fathers the bishops ) can manifest that the severall congregations of christians in those parishes , classes , or associations which they fancy , had as many bishops properly so called , and fully impowered , as there were presbyters or preachers ; when by their joynt skill and force they can evince out of any ecclesiasticall records , or scripturall , that there was not some one eminent person ( as the apostle , angel , bishop and president , or chief governour among them , over all those people and presbyters ) who lived within such large scripture-combinations as churches , ( such as was timothy in ephesus , titi● in crete , s. james the just in jerusalem ) either succeeding the apostles after death , or supplying their places during their absence from particular churches , who in their severall lots , portions , or episcopal charges and divisions , had ( while they lived ) the chief inspection , rule , authority and jurisdiction : when ( i say ) these grand difficulties are cleared and removed , as scales from our eyes who still honour the church of england ; then we shall be willing and able to turn the other lessening end of the optick glasse , and to look upon the great and goodly church of england as fit to be shrunk into decimo sexto volumes , or to be divided into small pamphleting congregations , and bound up in calves leather : which heretofore , by an happy deception of sight , appeared to us at home , and to all the christian world abroad , as a church in folio ; as a fair book of royall paper written with the finger of god and apostolick characters , well bound up and nobly adorned ▪ as an holy nation , a royal priesthood , publickly owning it self to be gods people , taught by the word of god , sprinkled with the blood of the son of god , that immaculate lamb slain for us , and partaker of that holy passeover , which gives us of christs flesh to eat , & his blood to drink . all which christian profession , priviledges , & practise of this nation , are ( i conceive ) sufficient without vanity or falsity to denominate and distinguish it , with the glorious title of the church of england ; which was the thing i had to prove against the peevish schismaticks , envious scepticks , and rude separatists of these times . chap. iii. nor may the church of englands present afflictions eclipse or diminish its true glory in this point , any more than jobs misery did lessen his innocency ; nor may they abate your value , love and honour to her , who are her loyal children , because she needs your pity . 't is true , it hath sadly suffered the late dreadful tempest which came from the a north ( which hath ever been , as the magazine of men , so the fatall scourge of the southern parts of the world : hoping to mend their condition by changing their climate , they never wanted occasions to quarrel and invade . thence the assyrians invaded syria , palestina and egypt ; the goths and vandals swarmed into italy and africk ; the gaules into greece ; the normans into france ; the picts , saxons and danes into england ; the barbarous scythians and tartars into asia . ) this hyperborean impression hath ( indeed ) beyond any civil war that ever was in this nation , grievously peeled , barked , shattered and defaced the church of england , as to its pristine strength , peace , unity , order , beauty , riches , sanctity and glory , ( when b kings were its nursing fathers , and queens its nursing mothers : ) yet is its condition such , as makes it not so much the object of your despiciency or despair , as of your , & all good mens compassion , prayers , and real endeavours for her relief . her calamitous state is not like that of the object of davids pity , the sick servant of the amalekite , from innate distempers ; but as his , whom the good samaritan found stripped , wounded , and half dead , an object capable to stir up the bowels of any good christian ; while her enemies , who have sought to cast her down to the ground , who sometime roar in her sanctuaries , and hope to set up their banners for ensigns of an absolute victory , do contemn her as a dead carkasse , and have long ago cast her off as an unclean thing , fit to be abhorred of god and man. yet this is the church ( most worthy gentlemen ) which hath been , and is the mother of us all . to this , you and your forefathers , for many ages , have owed ( under god ) your baptisme , your christian institution , your holy communion with christ and his catholick church ; to this you owe your vertues , your graces , your faith , your charity , your hopes , your evidences and preparations for heaven , your christian priviledges , characters and seals , by which you are distinguished from heathens and aliens , as much as their naturall reason , morality and humanity distinguisheth them from beasts . this is the church , this the mother , which some children of belial would teach you , by most preposterous wayes of piety and rude reformation , to divide , to debase , to despise , to destroy : this ( now ) craves your compassion : nor do i doubt , but you are infinitely sensible how much it hath deserved ( as it extremely wants ) your filial gratitude , relief , comfort and countenance , as testimonies of your love and duty , better becoming you than anything you can do under heaven , most worthy of your most generous piety . nor may your christian charity , holy courage and ingenuity be discouraged , because you every where find so many of your and mine unhappy countrey-men rejoycing to see the church of england brought to so broken and infirm , so poor and despicable , so mean and miserable a condition , as she now appears and deplores her self in . i know there are on every side of her busie mockers , who gnash upon her with their teeth ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) evil-speakers , false accusers , bold calumniators , delighters in her destruction . these have helped forward her affliction , when the hand of god was against her , as edom did against judah in the day of sions calamity ; these cry , down with her , down with her even to the ground ; now she is faln let her rise up no more ; raze the very foundations of her , let not one stone be left upon another ; no bishops , no presbyters , no catholick succession , no right ordination , no true ministers , no baptisme , no confirmation , no consecration , no liturgie , no polity , no church ; let her destruction be like that of sodom , and her desolation like that of gomorrah , that there may be room enough for ijim and ohjim , for owles and dragons , for rough and deformed satyrs to dwell in the ruines of her palaces and sanctuaries , her pulpits and temples . there are ( i know ) too many such proud scorners , who laugh and triumph at what your and all sober minds deplore , both at home and abroad , with infinite grief and astonishment : through whose pious hearts a very sword daily pierceth , when they behold , how the church of england is faln from being the beauty of the western world , and chief among all , both christian and reformed churches , to be like babylon , full of licentiousnesse , divisions , confusions , and many abominations , both as to mens practises and opinions ; some of which are so petulant , so fanatick , so putid , so impudent , so blasphemous , so inordinate , so unbeseeming the gravity of men , or sanctity of christians , that the ancient hereticks and schismaticks ( of all ages , sorts and sizes ) would be ashamed , if they could revive , to see themselves so outvyed in ignorance , despight , malice , monstrosity , impiety , impudence . the gnosticks , valentinians , cataphrygians , marcionites , montanists , manichees , novatians , arians , aerians , circumcelians , were tender-foreheaded , and simple-spirited people compared to those high-crested and scraphick sophisters , who study to shake and subvert , to defile and destroy all that was sacred or setled in the church of england . at whose sad aspect proud and mercilesse men , who ( as one said sharply of them ) have guts , but no bowels , mingle their scornfull smiles with your , mine , and other mens unfeigned tears : they triumph in her rubbish , and dance in her dust ; they count her ashes their beauty , her waters of meribah and marah ( strife and bitternesse ) to be their wine and refreshing ; they cry up their rendings of her to be rare reformations , their rags and patches to be new robes for christs spouse ; which they pretend to have been dead and stark naked till the rough touches of some later prophets happily revived her , and till their cruel charities revested her ; they call the dissolutions of all ecclesiastick orders of primitive government , & of true ministeriall authority , precious liberties ; what sober men count defections from the ancient catholick & apostolick pattern , they boast of as perfections ; what plain-hearted christians esteem as decayings of the reformed religion , and ill omens and presages of its ruine , these seraphicks affirm to be edifyings and repairings of that structure , which since the apostles times , they pretend , was alwayes decaying and dropping down to apostasy , being overladen with the fair roof or covering of episcopacy ; of which burthen some blessed reformers seek totally to have lightened this church , as they have done some cathedrals of their leads , that they may leave this church and the reformed religion , as without any roof and defence against the injuries of foul weather , so without any band or coping , to keep the walls and sides together . what others call extirpations , these magnifie as rare plantations ; in which they fell down cedars and set up shrubs ; they root up vines , and plant brambles ; rejecting venerable bishops and orderly presbyters ( who are of the primitive stock and apostolick descent ) that they may bring in a novel brood of heteroclite teachers , equivocall pastors , and new-moulded ministers , whose late origine ( without all doubt ) ariseth no higher ( at best ) than geneva or frankfort , or amsteldam , or arneheim , or new england ; some are such popular pieces , so much ( terrae filii ) of obscure rise , of base and mean extraction , that they have no name of men or place to render them remarkable ; being like mushromes , perking up in every molehill , and in a moment making themselves the ministers of jesus christ . to whose strange and novell productions in old england , the late civill distractions ( finding , it seemes , much prepared matter ) gave not onely life and activity , but so great petulancy and insolency , that many do not onely change their former profession , and utterly abdicate their church-standing and communion in england ; but ( as meer changelings ) they prefer the saddest succubaes and empusa's , the most fanatick apparitions of modern fancies in their poor and pitifull conventicles , before the church of england ; as some children do the queen of fairies before their genuine mothers ; instead of whose sound doctrine , sacred order , and catholick councils , they betake themselves each to their private dotages and ravings , to meer nonsense and blasphemies ; which some cry up , as strong reasonings , high raptures , extatick illuminations , to which all men must subscribe , though no wise man know what they mean : such confidence some men have , that christians in england have lost , not onely their religion but their reason ; upon whom they hope so rudely and grosly to impose their most childish novelties and frivolous follies , that , as erasmus speaks of some monkish corrupters or interpolators of s. jeroms works , who had made it harder for him to find out what that acute and learned father wrote , than ever it was for him to write his excellent works : so in england , what was formerly plain and easie , sound and wholsome , orderly and catholick as to true religion , both in faith , manners , ministry and government ; the modern novelties , whimseys , factions , intricacies and extravagancies of some men , have made not onely perplexed , confused , but contemptible and ridiculous . yet these are the trash and husks which some mens nauseo us & wanton palates in this age do prefer and chuse , rather than that wholsome food and sincere milk of gods word , with which the reformed church of england alwayes entertained her children , untill an high-minded and stiff-necked generation of rank appetites , like jewes , growing sick of quailes , and surfeited of manna , longed for the garlick and onions of egypt ; legendary visions , fabulous revelations , and fanatick inspirations . which egyptian diet hath of late ( by a just anger of heaven upon mens ingratefull murmurings , and wanton longings ) brought many in england to those high calentures and distempers in religion , that like frantick people , they flye in the faces of their fathers , and tear the very flesh of their mother . though civil troubles and state-furies seem much allayed , yet these clero-masticks and church-destroyers still maintain a most implacable war against the church of england ; thinking , yea professing , some of them , that they shall do god good service , utterly to destroy it , with all its assistants and adherents . in order to which design they have sought every where to vilifie , and set at nought , to crown with thorns and crucifie , or at best to counterfeit and disguise the merit , worth and majesty of all the sacred solemnities and rites , the peace and polity , the ministry and ministrations of the church of england : yea , and fancying they have a liberty to mock them first , and after to naile them to the cross ; good god! how have they buffeted them ! how importunely do they obtrude upon them , amidst their many agonies , gall and vinegar to drink ! what cruell contempts , what virulent pamphlets , what scandalous and scurrilous petitions do they frequently vent against all churches and church-men relating to , or depending upon the church of england ! some of them ripping up ( by a neronean cruelty ) the womb that bare them ; others cutting off ( by a more than amazonian barbarity ) the breasts that gave them suck . nor do they despair to pierce ( at last ) this bleeding church to the very heart ; if ever the power of the sword come into such hands , as are professed enemies to all other reformed churches , as well as this of england : whose languishing , but living , fate they now behold as with great pleasure , so with no small impatience ; while they see that , notwithstanding all their sedulous and industrious machinations against learning and religion , against the church and universities of england , against ministers and their maintenance , yet there is still some life and spirit , some liberty and hope left , through the mercy of god , and the moderation of some men in power , for those christians that have the courage and conscience to own the reformed church of england as their mother , and the reformed clergy as their spirituall fathers . whose just honour and interests as i must never desert while i live , because i think them linked with those of gods glory , my redeemers honour , the catholick churches veracity , the peace of my conscience , and my countrey's happinesse , both as to the present age and to posterity ; so i have thought it my duty , in her deplorable condition , and in the despondency of many mens spirits , to apply the cordiall of this confection , mingled with her teares , and with her sighs , presented to you ( my most honoured countrey-men : ) by the help of which you may both fortify your own honest minds , and oppose that diffusive venome , which you cannot but daily meet in some mens restlesse malice , who neither know how to speak well of the church of england , nor how to hold their peace . by the example of your judicious favour and generous compassion , i doubt not to excite like affections of courage and constancy , in all worthy protestants & honest-hearted english , whose duty it is , amidst the pertinacy of all other parties and factions ( who like burres hang together ) to hold fast that holy and reformed profession , which is truly christian , ancient , and catholick ; thereby justifying that mercy and truth , that grace and peace of god , which was plentifully manifested and faithfully dispensed to the people of this land , by the piety and wisdome of the church of england ; notwithstanding that the lord seems now to hide his face from her : the want of whose favour , which her great and sore afflictions have seemed to cloud , is far beyond the triumphs of her enemies , or the coldnesse of her friends , the oppositions of many , the withdrawings of some , and the indifferencies of others , who have all contributed to her miseries ; but none of them have yet convinced her ( that ever i could see ) of any sin or errour , as to ignorance or iniquity , superstition or irreligion , dangerous defect or excesse . if the church of england had as many mouths as she hath wounds , as many tongues as maims , as many hearty mourners as she hath cruel destroyers ; if there were as many that durst pity and relieve her , as there are that dare spoile and ruine her ; these would fill , not england onely , but all the christian world with the bitternesse of her complaints , as a learned and pious * minister for his part hath lately done . if the church of england had many such pious orators , whose potent and pathetick eloquence were more proportionable to her calamities , than the narrownesse of my heart and tenuity of my pen are like to be : certainly heaven and earth would be moved with compassion ; flints would melt , and rocks be mollified with commiseration ; the upper and the nether milstones , partiall presbytery , and popular independency , between whom she hath been so ground to powder , that papists , and anabaptists , and familists , and quakers , and seekers , and ranters , with all the rabble of her proud and spitefull enemies , hope to fill their sacks with her grist ; those ( i say ) might possibly repent ( if they have not much mended their fortunes by this churches ruines ) of their occasioning her so long and sharp a warfare , so many and sad tragedies , while by infinite jealousies , grievous reproches , and unjust scandals cast upon their and your mother ( this reformed church of england ) they have made her implacable enemies , the papists and others , to blaspheme her for a meer adulteresse all this while ; to condemn all her children as a bastard brood of illegitimate christians , from the first reformation to this day . her most desperate deserters of late ( in order to take away their own reproch , & to expiate ( as they imagine ) the sin and shame of their former profession ) have laboured first to destroy the eldest brethren and chiefest sons in this church ; next , to cast out and exautorate the principall stewards and dispensers of holy things : after this they have endeavoured to rob her both of her dower and patrimony ; hoping at last to famish the whole family , when there shall be neither nursing fathers nor nursing mothers in this church , neither milk left for babes , nor stronger meat for the elder ones , neither plain catechising nor profitable preaching , neither ordaining bishops nor ordained presbyters . chap. iv. such as have eares to heare , and charity to lay to heart , may with me hear the church of england thus lamenting and bemoning her self , while she sits upon the ground , covered with ashes , clothed with sackcloth , besmeared with blood , drowned in teares , and almost buried with her owne ruines . o all you that pass by me , stand and see , if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow , if it hath been done to any christian & reformed church under heaven as it hath to me , in the day wherein the lord hath afflicted me with his fierce anger . my wounds , my wasts , my ruines , my deformities , my desolations are not by the barbarous inundations of goths and vandals , not by the rude invasions of saracens and turks , not by the severe inquisitions and cruel persecutions of papists ; i do not ow my miseries to the incursions of forrainers , to a nation of a strange language , of professed enmity , of different interests and religion . they are not professed neroes , domitians , diocletians and julians , heathen princes and persecutors , that have done me this despight ; for then ( perhaps ) i and my children could have born it , with a like heroick patience and christian courage , as those did their primitive persecutions : the splendour and constancy of whose martyrdomes contributed more than all their preaching , to the honour , advantage and propagation of the christian religion ; when churches and christians being happily united in love , and onely persecuted by professed enemies , they knew in what posture of defence to cast themselves , so as to suffer and die , becoming christians . but i ( alas ) am ambiguously wounded by those that are of my own house , family and profession : such as have been washed at my baptismall fountain of living water , such as have freely and fully tasted of my sacramentall bread and wine , feasting at my table , which is the lords ; these , these have lifted up the heel against me : such as have been bred and born by me , taught and brought up in the same true christian faith and reformed profession ; by these am i hated and despised , by these am i stripped and wounded , by these am i torn and mangled , by these am i impoverished and debased below any church , christian or reformed ; by these am i scorned and abhorred , by these am i made an hissing and astonishment to all that see me , by these am i made a derision and mocking-stock to my enemies round about me , by these am i in danger to be quite devoured and destroyed , who envy me so much breath and life , as serves me to complain of my calamities . hear o heavens , and give ear o earth , be not ye also cruel or uncompassionate : since one of you cannot but behold the deformity of my sufferings , the other cannot but feel the burthen of my complaints ; one of you is blasted with my sighs , the other is bedewed with my tears . be not ye also accessory to my injuries by concealing them , or guilty of my blood by covering it ; which cries aloud against my ungratefull , my unnaturall , my rebellious children . those that came forth of my own bowels , these have risen up against me ; to whom i liberally afforded milk when they were babes , and stronger meat , as they were able to bear it ; for whom i provided the sacred oracles of god in a language they best understood : i furnished them with such formes of wholsome devotion , agreeable to the mind and word of god , as might best suit the common necessities of all , and the capacities of the meanest : i concealed no part of gods sacred counsel from them , nor detained any necessary saving truth out of any principle of unrighteous policy : i neither denied , nor diminished , nor deformed any ordinance of christ to them : i coloured no errours with shews of truth , nor disguised any truth with fallacious sophistries : i set forth to them , with all plainnesse and freedome , the blessed fulnesse and excellencies of my lord jesus christ , in such a manner and measure as i received from his word and spirit ; for i learned not those manifestations of divine love from any other church , pristine or modern , so much as the speciall dispensations and discoveries of gods graces and gifts to me , in which few equalled , none seemed to exceed me , in all the world . from this great and pure fountain of all perfection and comfort ( the sweetnesse , merit , and fulnesse of my saviour ) i recommended to my children every grace , every vertue , every holy duty , every necessary precept , every precious promise , every imitable example : and this was done with all the advantages of good learning , of sound knowledge , of most potent and pathetick eloquence ; which at once was able to inform the weakest capacity , to satisfie any sober curiosity , and to silence the subtilest adversary . to this purpose , that the great work of saving their souls might be effectually carried on , with order , power and authority , i furnished them not with precarious praters , bold intruders , or pitifull pieces of plebeian oratory ( in whom ignorance and impudence , inability and inauthoritativeness contend which shall be greatest ; ) but i provided and prepared for them , with much study and industry , with many prayers and teares , with long education and diligent care , excellent bishops , orderly presbyters , able and authoritative ministers , workmen that needed not be ashamed ; of a lawful ordination and right descent , of a mediate divine mission after the apostolick line and catholick succession , after the form of an uninterrupted and authentick commission , duly and truly exemplified in the consecration of bishops , and ordination of presbyters and deacons , through all ages of the church , agreeable to that originall institution , which was from christ jesus the great high priest , the unerring prophet , the soveraign king of his church , the chief preacher of righteousnesse , and bishop of our souls , who instituted first his twelve apostles , afterward the seventy disciples ; whose commission was not so large , nor their mission so solemn , as that of the twelve , whose episcopacy and number was to be completed , and upon whom the promised power from on high specially came in the miraculous and ministeriall gifts of the holy ghost . after this pattern ( which was ever followed by all churches in all the world ) i supplied those under my care with such a succession of bishops and ministers of holy things , as for solid learning , for powerfull preaching , for devout and discreet praying , for reverend celebrating , for acute disputing , for exact writing , for wise governing , and holy living , were no where exeeded in all the christian world , and hardly equalled in any age since the apostles times ; whose ministeriall sufficiencies and successes were sometime highly magnified , and almost deified , by many of those that now would stone them , and destroy me , by a late transport of malice , as much unexpected , as undeserved , by me ; which looks more like a fascination and fury , than any thing of true zeal and sober reformation . for no men of any weight or worth for parts and piety , for judgement and ingenuity , for conscience and integrity , have ( hitherto ) convinced me , or those men that were my prime servants , sons and supports , of any heresie or idolatry , of any superstition or apostasy , of any just scandall or notable defect . what some have urged for my not exercising a more severe and strict discipline , after the manner of some ancient primitive churches , it is not imputable to any unwillingnesse in those worthy bishops and presbyters whom i employed , but to the general wantonness or refractorinesse of all sorts of people in that point , who were so farre from enduring a stricter discipline to be set up , that many grudged at any ecclesiastick authority , exercised over them , though it were established by their own publick consent and lawes . if any of my bishops , presbyters , or people , failed to do the duties which i required , or rather christ commanded them ; it was to be reckoned as the fruit of mens private temptations and personall infirmities , but not of my constitutions or directions ; which were so pious and perspicuous , that people could not justly plead invincible ignorance , to excuse their immoralities and impieties , which indeed they owed to their own negligences or corruptions . yea , where the seeds of religion were thinnest sown , and thrived least in some parts of this nation , it was not so much from the want of labourers , as from the labourers wants : the poverty of many places , and barrennesse of the soyle was such , that either impropriations , or sacriledge , or both , had not left for any competent workman a competent maintenance ; both my dower and patrimony , glebes and tithes , being almost wholly alienated , by hard lawes and evil customes , from my use and enjoyment ; that holy portion ( which is gods ) being oft perverted to feed hinds and dogs and horses , which was originally devoted to feed such shepherds as might feed my flock in every place : nor could , in those cases , either my prayers or teares , the sordid necessities of many poor ministers , or the cryes of poor peoples famished souls , ever yet move the civil state effectually to restore , or remit , or to make other necessary supplyes for pastors and peoples good . yet , even in this distresse ( which befell too many places much against my will ) my care and endeavour was so to keep up the life , health , and soundnesse of the true reformed christian religion , that people every where had what was necessary , wholsome and decent for their souls good ; though possibly they had not ( nor was it needfull ) the same plenty , variety , dainties and superfluity , in a constant way , ( which some places did so long enjoy ) untill ( as with the jews ) the manna and quailes ( sunday sermons and week-day lectures ) came out of their nostrils : while the heavenly food was rowling in their curious palates , and wanton jawes , the wrath of god brake forth upon them and upon me ( as upon moses ) for their sakes ; who was indeed as jealous of their surfeitings of holy things , as of the others famishings ; both being contrary to my care and desire : which were ( god knows ) first to preserve the foundation of necessary and saving truth among them ; next , to adde the beauty of holinesse to humility , to joyn decency to sincerity , to maintain the power of godlinesse , with the wholsome formes of it ; that so truth and peace , order and unity , the leaves and the fruits of the tree of life might grow together , for the nutriment , muniment and ornament of piety . nor do i doubt to plead and affirm before gods tribunall , that if those people , who seemed to fare hardliest ( though the greatest complainers against my treatment of them were such as enjoyed most , and fared deliciously every day , wantonness being more querulous than want , ) if they had made so good use as they might , and ought to have done , of that holy light and rule which was duly held forth to them in the plain parts of scripture every year read to them , in the sacraments duly administred among them , in the articles , creeds , homilies , catechise and liturgy , with which they were , or might have been well acquainted ; they might even in these ( so much nauseated and despised means , sufficient ( i fear ) to damn those who despised salvation by them ) have found as plain and easie , as sure and compendious a way to heaven , through faith , repentance , humility , charity , holy obedience to god and man , as they are likely now to do , after they have stirred up so great a dust and smoke as hath put out poore peoples eyes , leading them into endlesse mazes and confusions , under the name and noise of a better reformation and safer religions . in this posture of peace and plenty , of piety and prosperity , as to christian and reformed religion , had the god and father of my lord jesus christ , the founder of his church , once setled me ( out of his abundant mercy to the people of england ) by the patience and prayers , by the preaching and writing of godly bishops and other ministers , who were not onely gods painfull labourers , but his faithfull martyrs and confessors some of them : whose great worth drew the favour of pious princes to me , who were my nursing fathers ; and the love of peaceable parliaments , who were my faithfull friends : insomuch , that for one hundred years ( next preceding my miseries ) i had no cause to envy any christian or reformed church that ever was or is in all the world ; nor had any sober christian just cause to complain of me , much lesse thus to murmur , mutiny and fight against me , for no other cause but this , that i would not suffer them rudely to bite off those full and fair breasts , which they had so long sucked , ingratefully deforming those conduits of plenty , order and peace , which they had so long enjoyed , both in word and sacraments , in ministrations and ministers . yet , behold how i am faln , suddenly , shamefully , ingratefully , indignly , and almost desperately ; my doctrine not duly examined , but rashly condemned ; my tenets not confuted , but blasphemed by my various adversaries ; my publick service and solemn worship of god sharply indeed corrected , even to blood , but no whit improved or amended , yea infinitely impaired and neglected ; my holy sacraments ( those two great seals of a christians charter and gods covenant , those fair marks and badges of christian profession , the two poles and pillars on which all mysterious and spirituall comforts , temporall and eternall joyes do constantly turn ) these are ( most what ) rarely used , in many places either totally disused , or grosly abused , by the execrable consecrations of unwashed , unholy , unordained hands . many of my oratories , temples and churches ( houses so called , because dedicated to the service of the lord and his church ) are by some men first profaned with all the sordidnesse of men and beasts ; next , they are suffered to ruine of themselves , while they are robbed of what should repaire them ; and at last ( that sacriledge may be the better husband ) they are threatned to be sold , and utterly demolished . the sanctity of christian marriages , which were wont to be solemnized by prayers , instructions , benedictions , by mutuall , solemn and sacred stipulations , according to the word of god and ecclesiastick practise , is sought to be reduced by some to new wayes , either very brutall , and meerly naturall , or , at best , but civil and politick . the infants of christians ( who were ever esteemed as the lambs of christs flock ) are partially , carelesly , disorderly , many of them dubiously , yea not at all baptized ; neither sprinkled nor washed , nor marked with any note of christs blood , to distinguish them from the herd of heathens , the brats of aliens , jews , pagans , mahometans . the sacred , dreadfull and venerable symbols of the lords supper , ( which i had happily purged from all rust and rubbish of superstition ) in many places have been supinely neglected for many years ; in others strangely consecrated , irreverently celebrated , partially distributed , denied to many worthy and desirous christians : as if those were not catholick signes and seals of the truth of the gospel , the covenant of grace , & those common rights or priviledges which belong to every one that professeth to believe in the lord jesus christ , and keeps communion with his church ; but onely marks to discriminate sides and parties in religion , to divide christians into uncharitable factions . as for my dead , for they are still mine , ( as they sleep in jesus , and are gods deposita ) these are , in many places , put into their grave , with no other solemnity than a silent procession , and a demure perambulation ; as if all that attended were as dumb as the corps , and the dead buried the dead ; without any difference expressed between those bodies that are charitably presumed to have been temples of the holy ghost , that are candidates of heaven , and expectants of a blessed resurrection , and the bodies of meer infidells or miscreants ; being now treated in many places like the carkases of beasts , or the burial of an asse , for whom men do usually as much as this comes to , namely , the covering their corps with earth , to avoid the noysomness and offence of them , without any further hopes of them . and all this late supercilious novelty , and neglect of dead christians , is grounded upon a strange scrupulosity of some , either silly or superstitious men , who pretend to boggle at my office , which was more for the living than the dead ; not meerly humane and naturall , but christian and spirituall : which they count as a kind of necromancy , or strange superstition to the dead ; while i onely made the dead an occasion of godly instruction and christian hope , of comfort , warning , and lawfull devotion to the living , which how they should offend any sober christian , i could never yet be convinced ; and i am sure came farre short of those commemorations , yea comprecations for the dead , which were anciently used without offence in the primitive churches . all other offices of piety and charity , for the sick and well , the young and old , the penitent or impenitent , prescribed by me , are ( now ) either wholly laid aside , or performed in so various and exotick forms , as common people cannot easily understand them ; their very novelty , obscurity and affected variety , makes some ministers prayers a kind of latin service to the simple common people . lastly , my whole frame and polity ecclesiastical , all my ancient constitution , order and communion , as a nationall church of christ ( in which brethren did happily dwell together in unity ) all is by some men not onely quite forsaken and abandoned on their parts ; but they seek utterly to rout and destroy me , by defaming and discouraging those that most love , approve and obey me ; as if there had nothing been setled in me with any piety or prudence , reason or discretion , by the wisdome of their fore-fathers , who were sometimes esteemed blest reformers by most of these modern renegers , separates and apostates . how justly they have done me this despite , i appeal to the just and impartiall judge , before whom i can thus far with truth and comfort assert my innocency ; that as to the foundations of faith , and rule of holinesse , i have onely adhered to his blessed word , as it hath been delivered to me by the most credible testimony of the catholick church in the books of canonicall scripture , truly so called . nor did i ever teach for doctrines the traditions of men , which some have blasphemed . as for the circumstantial and ceremonial parts of religion , i used in them modestly , cautiously and charitably , that liberty and power , for order and decency , which , i conceive , gods indulgence , who is not the author of confusion , but of peace , allowed me , no lesse than any of those primitive or later churches , whose best examples i sought to follow . if any of my children had discovered something in me lesse agreeable to that beauty , order and gravity , which had been desirable by them in a christian and reformed church ; if any matter of reall uncomelinesse had been espied in me , ( as what church is there upon earth so fair , but ( as the moon ) it may have some spots , wainings and eclipses ? what state of christians so complete , that god may not have a few things against them ? ) yet it had been their duty , with the veile of christian love and pity , modestly to have covered , silently concealed , and dutifully reformed , what was indeed amisse ; and not ( like so many chams ) to have exposed such a parent , such a mother , to the petulancy and derision both of her enemies abroad , and the plebs at home , who are as prone as ever the jews were , to worship any new calves they fancy to set up , and to cast off moses and aaron , that god and those governours , who had done such wonders among them . if while men slept , the enemy sowed some tares there where my saviour had plentifully sowed good seed , was i presently to be trampled under the feet of the beasts of the people , or quite to be rooted up , burnt and consumed , because some tares appeared ? if my garments were in time a little spotted and sullied , yet was my honour still unblemished , and the sanctity of my profession , as christian and reformed , unviolated ; nor did my garments deserve thus to be rinced in the blood of my children : if the ceremonious lace and fringe of my coat were a little unript , or torn with time , yet there was no cause to rend it quite off , or tear my coat in pieces : if my garb and fashion seemed somewhat more grave , catholick and ancient , than agreed with some mens singular and novellizing fancies , yet did i not deserve to be stripp'd and stigmatiz'd , to be thus exposed to shame and nakednesse ; much lesse to have my flesh thus torn , my eyes pull'd out , my throat cut , and my skin to be flayed off ; which are the merciful endeavours of some of my reforming , that is ruining , enemies . if some weak or unwise servants ( whom i trusted with the management of my affaires ) discharged their duties less piously or prudently than i expected or exacted of them , as church-governours & ministers ; if the licentiousnesse of others was impatient to be governed so strictly as they should have been ( most men abhorring true christian discipline even then when they most clamoured for it , intending extravagancies when they pretended severities ; ) yet was i not on the sudden to have been wholly deprived of all church-government and order , once duly established , untill such time as my new discipliners and wise masters had found out some fitter way for me , than that catholick fabrick , form and fashion , which all churches ever had and enjoyed from the apostles times and constitutions . certainly the failings of church-governours ought not to have been so severely avenged upon the church-government it self ; nor are any mens male-administrations to be laid to the charge of those good lawes and constitutions which are setled in either church or state. the very apostolick churches are oft blamed , yea and threatened , for their early degenerations , without any reproch to their first institution , which certainly was holy and good . it savours too much of humane passion , to pervert divine order , under pretence of reforming humane disorders . which in me were never so predominant , as to remove me from that posture of christian piety , honour , order and integrity , wherein i stood firm and conspicuous in all the world , as a christian and well-reformed church : hated indeed , and many times opposed by my forraign adversaries of the papall interest and perswasion ; but they despaired ever to prevail against me , unlesse they first divided my children within me , and armed my own bowels by home-bred and strange animosities against me . these by infinite artifices and undiscerned stratagems , have by them been heightened of late to such factious petulancies and furies , as to adde scorns to the others thornes , contempt to the others crosses , gall to my vinegar , scurrility to my agonies . as if i could not be miserable enough , to satisfie the malice of my enemies abroad , unlesse i were made a scorn to my children , and a shame to my friends both at home and abroad ; leaving me few that dare pity me , fewer that can plead for me , and fewest that are able and willing to relieve me . my spitefull persecutors are so cruell , that they are impatient to see any sympathize with me , threatning those my children , that dare ( yet ) own me for a true church , or their mother ; the very name of which they seek to deprive me of , hoping to make me quite forgotten , who was sometime so renowned among the most celebrated churches of the world . alas , among some furies it is not safe for sober christians to speake one good word of me , or for me ; they cannot endure any should pray for me , no nor weep for me : teares are offensive , and charity it self is scandalous to my implacable enemies , who labour to be my cruell and totall oppressors . to this dreadfull height hath the lord been pleased to afflict me , with my children , in the day of his fierce wrath ; in which he hath given me ashes for bread , and mingled my drink with weeping ; filling me with blacknesse instead of beauty , with war for peace , with faction for union , with confusion for order , with impudent patricides and ungratefull matricides , instead of modest , thankfull and tender-hearted children . behold he hath smitten me into the place of dragons , and given me a cup of deadly wine to drink : but it is the lord , let him do as seemeth good in his sight . if my prayers and sighs and teares cannot , yet ( possibly ) the exorbitant and implacable malice of my enemies ( who in the end will not appear gods friends ) may provoke him to remember his tender mercies , which have been ever of old , and to repent him , as a father , of the evil he hath suffered to be brought upon me , by those that delight not in his justice , but in their own sacrilegious advantages . it may be he will return to be gracious as in former times , and not shut up his loving kindnesse wholly from me , since his ( oft-repeated ) mercy endureth for ever : yea , it is because his compassions fail not , that i am not utterly consumed . though thou kill me , yet will i trust in thee , o lord ; who hast wounded me very sore : yet heal me , o my father , and i shall be healed ; save me , and i shall be saved : for thou art my praise . o be not thou a terrour to me , who art my hope in the day of evil . chap. v. thus may the church of england be heard , in every closet and in every congregation , where devout souls either retire or meet , sighing out its sorrows , and deploring its great miseries , sufficient to move the compassions of all those who have any filiall and gratefull respect to her ; upon whose welfare , as to the unity , peace and prosperity of the true christian and reformed religion , all sober english-men may easily foresee , that their own and their posterity's happinesse , spirituall , temporall and eternall ( under god ) doth chiefly depend . it is the infinite grief of all good patriots and true protestants , to see this sometime so famous and flourishing church of england in danger to be eaten up , not by a sea-monster , like andromeda , or by that over-grown leviathan of rome , which takes his pastime in great waters , and rules over many nations , people and languages ; but by small vermine , by a company ( for the most part ) of creeping and corroding sectaries , home-bred and home-fed : like that a tame lizard or dragon ( as suetonius calls it ) which tiberius nero kept at capreae , which was eaten up with ants or pismires , to the emperour 's great grief and astonishment , as an unhappy presage of his own fate by the fury of the multitude ; or like the lions in mesopotamia , who are destroyed by gnats ; their importunity being such in those paludious places , that the lions by rubbing their eyes , grow blind , and so are drowned , as ammianus marcellinus reports in his history of julians wars . if nothing else , yet ( as sir henry wotton glories in his sentence ) the very itching & scratching of christians eyes , the scrupulous doubtings , the vexatious disputings and endlesse janglings about religion in england , both as christian and as reformed , already hath , and daily will , bring down such a rheume and blood-shottennesse into mens eyes , that ( unlesse some soveraign eye-salve be timely applied ) the most people will in a few years be onely fit to play at blind-man-buff in religion , taking what heresie or fancy comes next to hand , and changing it the next day ; rather groping at all adventure in the dark , than clearly discerning and conscientiously chusing the weighty matters of religion , which are hardly discovered when the blind lead the blind ; and ●s hardly either embraced , when once practising is turned into prating , and the power of godlinesse into pragmatick pomp or popular contempt . such is the sad and shamefull fate of the church of england now like to be , which heretofore never wanted ( nor yet doth ) such champions as durst undertake her defence against any who bring arguments , not arms ; strong reasons , and not long swords ; scripture-demonstrations , and not scepticall declamations ; pious antiquity , and not partial novelty . but now it hath not the honour to be opposed or overcome by any such antagonists , whose learning , wit and eloquence ( speciously managed ) would lessen the disgrace ; but she is in danger to be over-born by such petty parties , such obscure animals , such mechanick pieces , and ( for the most part ) such illiterate wretches , that it is not onely a grief , but a shame , to see so comely a matron crowded , and as it were stifled to death , by a company of scolds and shrews , a generation of men and women extremely unbred , of passionate , rude , spitefull , and plebeian spirits ; many of them the very abjects of man-kind , viler then the earth , as job speaks , whose manners are much baser then their fortunes ( which embase no good man ) who owe most of their stickling activities to their worldly necessities , and ( conscious to their want of reall worth and abilities ) they seek to revenge their grosse defects , either by their sacrilegious flatteries of others , or by a rusticall fiercenesse of their own against the church of england : as if flailes , and fannes , and shovels , and spades , were the fittest instruments to thrash and purge such a church , or to discusse and ventilate the weighty matters of religion , as to a sober christian reformation . o happy england , who art ( of late ) bless'd with so cheap , so easie , so inspired , so rare reformers ; who get more skill in one dayes confidence , in one nights dreaming , or one hours quaking , than modest scholars , either divines or other gentlemen , can obtain in twice seven years study ! o how fruitfull is faction , how spreading is schisme , when they are fitted with soile and season ! these new-bred creepers , which are now so numerous and noxious in england , are ( generally ) but the spawn or fly-blowings of those elder sects and factions , which a long time have been buzzing and breeding in the bosome of the church of england , under the name of disciplinarians : whos 's first authors long ago made some essayes for their desired innovations , by modester , indeed , yet very popular wayes of remonstrances and supplications ; well knowing that it is ever welcome to the vulgar , to see any fault found with their betters , or any project of subjecting their superiours under any more plebeian rigours and severities . the next and worse abettors ( pejor aetas ) tried how far they might by scurrilous pamphlets , railing & reviling , like rabshakeh , unravel the cords of all government , both the majesty of the civil , and the authority of the ecclesiastick . after such biting petitions and satyrick pasquils , ( worthy of such martonists ) came open menacings of princes and parlaments , priests and people too , as mr. r. hooker observes in his preface to his ecclesiastical polity . at last , words came to be turned into swords : many both at home and abroad having evil will at the sion of england , making their advantages of our unhappy differences in civil affairs , and taking fire from those flames , have sought by the licentiousnesse , riot and rudenesse of infinite sects and factions , as by so many trains and barrels of gunpowder , utterly to blow up the whole frame and constitution of the church of england . which unchristian practises and cruell designs , that they might the better justifie or palliate to their credulous followers , they every where , as boldly as falsly , affirm , that both in the matter constituted , and the form constituting a true church in ordinances , duties , priviledges , members , ministrations , ministry , communion , and all comforts necessary for christians , there were few things in the church of england tolerable , most were blameable , and many most abominable to their more sanctified senses : yea some men clamour that there was nothing sound or constitutive of a church of christ , but the whole head was sick , and the whole heart faint ; that not onely schisme is commendable , but absolute separation is as necessary from the church of england , as the going of gods people out of babylon . these are the poysons with which some serpents have sought to infect the minds of common people , and to envenom even the better sort with their biting and bitter invectives , against the purity and peace of the church of england . o venerable censors ! o severe aristarchusses , of a more than catonian gravity ! to whose ploughs , and looms , and distaffs , and clubs , and hammers , 't is meet ( as to so many sacred scepters ) this later english and christian world should no lesse submit their souls than the jews and gentiles , greeks and barbarians , romans and scythians , did to the nets and fish-hooks of the apostles ; who were authorized with miraculous gifts , and assisted by the speciall power of the holy spirit of christ , to plant , settle , and reform and purge christian churches . to whose holy doctrine and divine institutions , delivered in the old and new testament , and followed by all the primitive catholick churches , notwithstanding that the church of england did in its first reformation diligently and exactly conform it self ; if we may believe the integrity of those reformers who had the courage and constancy to be martyrs , whose learning , worth & piety hath been confirm'd by the testimony of so many wise & religious princes , by the approbation & sanction of so many honourable and unanimous houses of parliament , by the suffrages of so many learned and reverend convocations , by the applauses of so many sister-reformed churches ; if we may believe the preaching , living and dying of so many hundred excellent bishops and presbyters , or the prayers , praises and proficiencies of so many thousands of other good christians ; or ( lastly ) if we may believe the wonderful blessings and speciall graces of a merciful god , attesting to the verity , sanctity and integrity of this church-reformation and christian constitution for many happy years : yet against all these , some peevish momusses , some spitefull caco-zelots , some evil-ey'd zoilusses , some insolent and causelesse enemies of the church of england , have not so much modesty as to conceale their malice , or to smother their insolent folly , and intolerable arrogancy , which dares to put the ignorance , giddinesse , emptinesse , vulgarity , rashnesse , precipitancy and sinisternesse of their silly censures , into the balance of religion , contrary to the renowned learning , piety , gravity , grace and majesty of all those who have had so great favour , love , respect and honour for the church of england . whom her spitefull and envious adversaries now presume to follow with nothing but contumelies and anathema's , with pillagings and spoylings , with railings and revilings , with waste and ruine , to the excessive joy of her. papall enemies , whose deeply-designed policies have a long time desired and hoped to see that wofull day befall the church of england , in which her bishops might beg , her presbyters be starved , her ministry contemned , her liturgie ejected , her unity dissolved and broken , her ancient and primitive government abolished , her undoubted ordination and succession of ministers interrupted , her whole christian frame and nationall constitution ( which was ( for the main ) truly catholick , primitive and apostolick ) destroyed , dissipated , desolated . what invincible armadoes could not atchieve , what monstrous powder-plots could not accomplish , what wily jesuits and other subtile sophisters despaired to attain ( having been oft defeated and repelled by the learned care and vigilant puissance of wise princes , sober parlaments , reverend bishops , and other able ministers of the church of england ) that the weaknesse , wantonnesse and wickednesse of some of our own petty sectaries , schismatick agitators , & super●reforming reformers , is likely to bring to passe ; whom the most admired and devout lord primate of armagh ( a great prophet of god , and pillar of the reformed religion ) sometime told me , he esteemed no other than factors for popery , and engines for roman designs , by divisions and domestick confusions of religion , to bring in popish superstition and tyranny . indeed a prudent conjecturer may in this case easily make a true prophet : for the roman eagle ( a watchfull , powerfull and voracious bird ) can never fail ( at last ) to seise on these parts of christendome for her prey , where she shall see ignorance prevail against knowledge , barbarity against learning , division against unity , confusion against order , people against their priests , novelty against antiquity , anarchy against catholick authority , and infinite deformities ushered in , under the title of speciall reformations . that cunning conclave ( which overlooks the christian world as the greatest constellation of policy in the west ) knows full well , that such feaverish distempers in any church or christian state , as now afflict the church of england , will not faile ( if they long continue ) to bring it to such an hectick consumption as will quite destroy its former healthfull constitution , and prepare it for those italian empiricks , who will come then to be in request with common people , when they find no good to be got by the best-reputed physicians , the most specious reformers : when these are at their wits ends , so differing in their judgements and practise , that they know not what to do , by reason of the madnesse , impatiency and petulancy of people ; those foraign mountebanks will alwayes promise men help and cure at an easie rate ; for they require no more of the most desperate patients , than to credit their receipts , to be confident of , and reconciled to the skill and artifice of the church of rome their mother , and the pope their father . chap. vi. i cannot believe , that any of you ( who are persons of learning , honour , and integrity , lovers of your countrey and the reformed religion ) can be wholly strangers to the sad and dangerous condition of the church of england . nor can you ( if rightly set forth to you ) be unaffected with it ; ( unlesse your designs and fortunes are to be advanced by the rents and ruines of this church of england . ) in which ( as the lord liveth , before whom we all stand ) distempers are risen ▪ not onely to divisions , but distractions ; not onely to injuries , but insolencies ; not only to obloquies , but oppressions ; not onely to schismes , but abscissions ; not onely to factions , but confusions ; not onely to lapses , but apostacies ; not onely to rude deformities , but they tend to absolute nullities , as to any christian harmony , fraternity , order , beauty , unity , strength , safety , and publick setling of that reformed religion which was once professed in the church of england : and this by reason of the envies , despites , rudenesses , animosities , seditions , strifes , separations , raylings , reproches , contumelies , blasphemies , and prophane novelties , every where pregnant and predominant among vulgar spirits , and odiously cast upon all things that you and your forefathers esteemed as religious and sacred in this church of england . the torrent of rebukes and troubles ( like ezekiels waters ) is now risen , not onely to the ankles and knees , but to the loyns and neck ; growing too rapid and deep for the common people to wade over , or venture into : nor are they safe for any to engage upon , but those who ( as s. christopher is represented in the legendary emblem ) are heightned by their own integrity , and supported by gods heroick spirit : for it is a black and dangerous , a red and dead sea , upon which he adventures , who will now seriously assert the church of england ; whose troubled state is more stormy than those waters were on which s. peter ventured to walk , or wherein our blessed saviour slept ; with whose disciples we may well cry out , master , save us , we perish . what tongue , what pen can sufficiently set forth the rudenesses , outrages , barbarities , despites , diminutions and indignities , which some have offered in their speeches and writings , in their pamphlets and petitions , in their restlesse agitations and implacable malice , against all that was established in the church of england , contrary to that duty of charity they owed , and that profession of communion they sometimes professed ; being possessed ( now ) with so fierce a spirit , that they have broken all cords and bands of humanity , civility , charity and piety , both private and publick ? i shall not need to mind you or any of them of their many oaths and subscriptions , of those protestations , vowes and covenants which many of these ( now deserters and destroyers of the church of england ) so easily and eagerly swallowed : by which last three-fold cord , most of them ( i believe ) tied themselves to maintain the protestant religion , as it was established in the church of england . if any of them were so wise and cautious as to avoid such politick gins ( which how far they intended well to church or state god only knows ; this to be sure all sober christians see , that they have little advanced the state of the reformed religion in england : ) yet still they must know , that themselves , and all that are good christians , and honest english , are bound by far higher and nobler bonds of their baptismall vow and covenant to their god and saviour ; from whence do necessarily flow those of christian gratitude , duty , love and charity , obliging every good christian to pray for and preserve the welfare of this church , and that reformed religion which was once happily established in it ; in which the glory of our god , the honour of our saviour , the good of our countrey , and the salvation of many thousand souls , are highly concerned . against all which , for any man , upon small or no account , rashly , proudly , spitefully , out of envy , covetousnesse , ambition , or any other depraved lust and passion , to offend ( especially where so great light of divine truth and grace , such a presence and pregnancy of gods a spirit clearly shines , as doth in the church of england , to the very dazling of the eyes of these adversaries ) must needs be such a complicated and resolved wickedness , a sin of so enormous and transcendent a nature , that irenaeus counts it a b mangling or killing of christ again : and in earnest , it seems scarce pardonable , because 't is scarce a repentable sin , or repairable malice ; therefore hardly to be repented of , because few can plead ( with s. paul ) they c do it ignorantly , and so hope to obtain mercy , being wilfull persecutors and vastators of such an excellent and illustrious church as this of england was , before these spoilers thus came upon it to make havock of it . in which church , if those holy means and divine graces which accompany salvation were not professed and enjoyed , for my part , i despair any where to find the way of truth and peace , of holinesse and happinesse . i know nothing truly excellent and necessary in any church , ancient or later , which this church of england did not enjoy ; yea i find , many things which seem lesse convenient or more superfluous in others , we were happily freed from . nor can i yet discover any materiall defect in the church of england , as to christians outward polity , inward tranquillity , and eternal felicity . nothing either pious or peacefull , morall or mysterious , rituall or spirituall , orderly or comely , that may contribute to the good of mens souls , but was plentifully to be enjoyed in the church of england ; whose rare accomplishments and prosperity ( both inward and outward ) were ( i believe ) the greatest eye-sore and grievance in the world , both to evil men and devils ; when they saw that truth and holinesse , those graces and vertues , those spirituall gifts and comforts , which were here entertained with excellent learning , noble encouragements , ingenuous honours , peaceable serenity , and munificent plenty : in all which the reformed church of england so flourished many years by gods and mans indulgence , that nothing ( in truth ) was wanting to the perpetuity of its prosperity , but moderation , humility and charity : these would ( on all sides ) have kept out luxury and lazinesse , pride and envy ; the usuall moths and worms which breed in all things that are full and fair , opulent and prosperous . which humane defects ( justly blameable on mans part , and punishable on gods ) may no way be imputed to the church of england , ( which afforded so great advantages of wel-doing & wel-being to all good christians ) but to us poor mortalls , who were prone to abuse so great indulgences of god and man : so uncharitable , unthankfull and unreasonable are those malecontents , who blame the fulnesse of the breast , or the sweetness of that milk & honey , of which they have eat and drank too much ; who either from other mens failings and infirmities , or from their own corrupt fancies and conceits , do take occasion to blast and blaspheme all that was reformed , sacred and setled , as to religion , in the church of england ; so filling all places with their dust and clamours against this church , that the levity and easinesse of many people have quite forsaken it , running , like those that are scared with earthquakes , out of their houses , cities and temples , to heaths , woods and wildernesses . some out of a sequacious easinesse and vulgar basenesse ( studying to comply with their leaders interests and their own advantages ) affect to appear to the world , not onely neglective and indifferent , but scorners and high opposers of all that ever the church of england pretended to , as to the truth , reformation , wisdome , spirit , power , or grace of religion ; neither caring what they condemn , nor much minding upon what grounds they do it . others taking advantage of the levity , loosenesse , covetousnesse , sacriledge , arrogancy , injuriousnesse and madnesse of some that heretofore professed speciall purity and strictnesse in religion , do resolve ( as those heathens of old , who excused their own thefts and wantonnesses , by the lubricities and pranks of their gods ) fully to gratifie their own licentious & native inclinations , how inordinate soever , utterly casting off and abhorring all outward form and profession , as well as all inward power and perswasion of godlinesse ; counting all religious duties to be no better than consecrated rattles , which polititians put into the hands of the common people , to please and compose their childish frowardnesse . the ground and rise of all which is , from those many scandals which loose and unsetled tempers take from those endlesse strifes and janglings ; the continued disorders and deformities , the poverty and contempt , the maimes and wounds , the cruelty and uncharitablenesse , with which some high-flown reformers have of late treated the church of england , and those that have most constantly adhered to it . what man or woman , capable of such profound , serious and grave thoughts as become christian religion , whose lusts or interests have not quite decocted all humanity as well as piety , can behold , without seven dayes silence and astonishment ( like job's friends ) the rufull and dismall spectacle of the church of england ? which is like job or lazarus , living indeed , but almost buried in its sores and sorrowes ; not onely lying , but even dying on its dunghill ; like the sometime lovely and beautifull daughter of zion , now grovelling in the dust , deserving another tender-hearted jeremy , who might write the book of england's lamentations with his teares , since the history of her fall and ruine is written in blood : her own brood ( like the young pelicans ) feeding upon her without any pity or remorse , growing daily fiercer after they have once tasted of her flesh , and more resolute ( as absalom ) by the rapes they have rudely made upon a matrone , lately so comely , chast and honourable , whom her destroyers dare now to count and call the filth and off-scouring of all churches ; crying down her holy habitations and conventions , as cages and flocks of unclean birds ; her holy ministrations , as impious and odious ; her holy bishops and ministers , as antichristian usurpers and impostors ; her whole constitution , as babylonish and abominable , worthy of nothing but their curses and comminations . chap. vii . hath * any nation changed her gods , though they are no gods ? saith the prophet , expostulating with the inconstant and apostatizing jews , who had despised the word , forsaken the law , and broken the everlasting covenant of god , made with their forefathers . what people ( that owns a god , or a saviour , or a soul immortall , or any divine veneration , under the name of their religion ) was ever patient to heare their , and their fore-fathers god blasphemed ? or to see that religion ( wherein , to the best of their understanding , they agreed and professed publickly to serve and worship their god ) vulgarly baffled and contemned ? was ever any part of mankind so stupidly barbarous , as to behold , without just grief and resentment , their oracles and scriptures vilified and abused ? their solemn prayers and liturgies torn and burnt ? their temples profaned and ruined ? their holy services scorned and abhorred ? their priests and ministers of holy mysteries impoverished and contemned ? in matters of religion , the light of nature hath taught every nation to be commendably zealous and piously pertinacious , esteeming this their highest honour , to be very tender of any diminution , dishonour , or indignity offered to their religion ; which reflects upon the majesty of their god , whom every nation may in charity be presumed to serve in such a way , as they think to be most acceptable to their god ; every man being convinced , that he ought to pay the highest respects to that deity which he adores : from which to be easily moved , by vulgar clamours and inconstancy ( without grand and weighty demonstrations , convincing a man of his own errour , and his countreys mistake ) or , contrary to the dictates of conscience , for any man shamefully to flatter , or silently to comply with any such designs as appear first reproching their religion , next robbing their god , and at last destructive to all publick piety , is certainly a temper so base , so brutish , so ignoble , so servile , so sordid , so devilish , that it is worse than professed or avowed a atheisme : for he sins lesse that owns no god , than he that mocks him , or so treats him , as the world may see he neither loves nor feares him. and can it i beseech you ( o noble christians , and worthy gentlemen ) become the piety , wisdome and honour of this so ancient and renowned nation of england , to behold with coldnesse and indifferency ( like gallio ) the scamblings and prostitutions , the levellings and abasings , the scorns and calumnies so petulantly and prodigally cast , by mechanick and plebeian spirits ( for the most part ) or by mercenary insolency , upon that christian and reformed religion , which hath so long flourished among you and your fore-fathers , and which was first setled among you , not slightly nor superficially ; not by the preposterous policies , passions and interests of our princes ; not by the pusillanimity or partiality of over-awed parlaments ; nor yet by the superstitious easinesse or tumultuary headinesse of the common people ; but upon learned , publick and serious examination of every thing that was setled and owned as any point or part of our religion ? there was godly , grave , mature and impartial counsel of most learned divines used ; there was the full and free parlamentary consent of all estates and degrees in this nation ; there was a strict and due regard had to the word of god , and the mind of christ , as to doctrine and duties , to the faith and fundamentals of religion , without any regard to any such antique customes or traditions , as seemed contrary to that rule . as for the rituals and prudentials , the circumstantiating and decorating of religion , great regard was had in them to the usages of pure and primitive antiquity , so as became modest , wise , and humble christians ; who ( seeing nothing in the ancient churches rites and ceremonies contrary to gods word , or beyond the liberty allowed them and all churches in point of order and decency ) did discreetly and ingenuously study such compliance with them , as shewed the least desire of novellizing , or needless varying from , and the greatest care of conforming to sober and venerable antiquity . against all which sacred suffrages and ecclesiasticall attestations for the true christian and reformed religion once setled in the church of england , now at last to oppose either popular giddinesse and desire of novelties , or any secular policies and worldly designes , or any brutish power , that is neither rationall nor religious , but meerly arbitrary and imperious , altering and abolishing , as the populacy listeth , matters of religion ( which are the highest concernments of any nation , and so require the most publick counsels , impartial debates , and serious consent of all estates ; ) by such pitiful principles , and the like unconscientious biasses , for a nation to be swayed in , or swerved from the great and weighty matters of religion , once well established , is ( certainly ) a perfect indication of present basenesse , also an infallible presage of future unhappinesse . which i beseech god to divert from this nation of england , by your prayers and teares , by your counsel and courage , by your moderation and discretion ; who are too knowing to be ignorant , and too ingenuous to be unsensible of your duty to god and your own souls , of your respect and deserved gratitude to your countrey , and to this church of england ; which was heretofore loved by its children , applauded by its friends , reverenced by its neigbours , dreaded and envied by its enemies : and this not onely for that long peace and prosperity it enjoyed ( which alone are no signs of gods approbation ) but chiefly ( as * irenaeus observes ) for those rare spirituall gifts , ministeriall , devotionall and practicall , which were evidently to be seen in her ; those pious proficiencies , those spirituall influences , which preachers & people found in their own hearts ; those gracious examples and frequent good works which they set forth to others ; those heavenly experiences they enjoyed in themselves ; those charitable simplicities they exercised to each other ; their numerous conventions , their fervent devotions , their reverent attentions , their unanimous communions , their cheerfull amens ; those blessed hopes and unspeakable comforts which thousands enjoyed , both living and dying , in the obedience to , and communion with the church of england . all these holy fruits and blessed effects , as most certain seals and letters testimoniall , were ( i conceive ) most pregnant evidences and valid demonstrations of true religion , and of a true church , so happily setled by the joynt consent and publick piety of this nation , that it was not in reason or conscience , in modesty or ingenuity , to be suddenly changed , much lesse rashly deserted , and rudely abandoned , chiefly upon the giddinesse of common people , or by the boysterousnesse of common souldiers ; whose buff-coats and armour cannot be thought by any wise and worthy souldiers , to be like aarons breast-plate , the place from which priests and people are to expect the constant oracles of urim and thummim , light and reformation . such of that profession as are truly militant christians , that is , humbly wise , and justly valiant ( as i hope many souldiers may be ) will think it enough for them , modestly to learn , and generously to defend , as constantine the great said to the nicene bishops , not imperiously to dictate , or boldly to innovate matters of religion in such a church and nation as england , which was , i am sure , and i think still is , furnished with many able divines , many evangelicall priests and ministers of the lord , whose lips preserve saving knowledge , who have ( many a one of them ) more learning and well-studied divinity in them , than a whole regiment , nay , than an whole army of ordinary souldiers ; whose weapons are not proper for a spirituall warfare , nor apt ( as davids hands ) either to build or repair a church , otherwaies than as labourers , who may possibly assist the true ministers , who are , and ought to be , the master-builders of gods house ; whose skill is , not to destroy mens bodies , but to save their souls ; not to kill , but to make alive . it must ever be affirmed to gods glory ( because without any vanity or flattery ) that the church of england ( for this last golden century ) came not behind the very best reformed churches , nor any other that profess christianity in any part of the world : which is not my particular testimony ( who may seem partiall , because i unfeignedly professe my self a son and servant of it ; ) but it is and hath been the joynt suffrage of all eminent divines in all forraign reformed churches , who have written and spoken of the church of england , ever since its setled reformation , not with commendation onely , but admiration ; especially those who , coveting to partake of the gifts and labours of english divines , have taken the pains to learn our hard and untoward language . yea , i may farther with truth and modesty affirm , that ( saving the extraordinary gifts of tongues , miracles and martyrdomes ) the church of england , since its setled reformation under queen elizabeth of blessed memory , came not much short of the primitive churches in the first and second centuries . which had ( at least some of them , as i shall after shew ) rather more than fewer ceremonies , partly judaick , partly christian ; yea , far greater errors and abuses were found among some of them , than were generally among any professors in communion with the church of england : witnesse those touching the resurrection of the body , and in the celebrating of the lords supper , among the corinthians . the first some denied ; the other many received covetously , uncharitably , drunkenly , disorderly , undecently in the church of corinth . besides the scandalous fact of the incestuous person , with which they were not so offended as became christians ; they were also full of factions and a carnall divisions ; going b to law one with another before infidels ; undervaluing the blessed apostle s. paul , and other faithfull labourers ; c preferring false apostles and deceitfull workers , with no lesse folly than ingratitude ; challenging in many things disorderly and uncomely liberties , which amounted to clokes of malice , and a licentiousnesse tending to confusion . these and other corruptions were among christians of an apostolicall church , newly planted , carefully watred , and excellently constituted . nor are there lesse remarkable faults found by the spirit of god in six of the seven asian churches , mentioned in the second and third chapters of the revelation , while yet they were under apostolicall inspection . for the devil , who is a great rambler , but no loyterer , began betimes to sow his tares in gods field , by false apostles , unruly walkers , deceitfull workers , meer hucksters of religion , schismatick spirits , proud impostors , sensuall separatists , wanton jezebels , curious and cowardly gnosticks , with all the evil brood of nicolaitans , simonians , cerinthians , and other crafty hypocrites , brochers of lies , patrons of lewdnesse , extremely earthly and sensuall ; yet vaunters ( in proud swelling words ) of spirituall and heavenly gifts ; but more covetous of filthy lucre , and sedulous to serve their own bellies , than zealous to serve the lord , or to save souls . in all which instances of diseases , growing even upon any of those primitive churches , however christians are commanded to repent and do their first works , to keep themselves pure from contagion , private or epidemick ; yet are they no where put upon the pernicious methods of reproching , rending and separating from the very frame and constitution of their respective churches , as they were holy polities , constitutions or communions , setled by the apostles , in decent subordinations and convenient limits of ecclesiasticall order , government , authority and jurisdiction ; without which all humane societies , civil or sacred , run to meer chaosses and heaps of confusion . which as the god of order and peace perfectly abhors , so he no where by any divine precept , or approved example , recommends any such practises to christians ( under the name , notion , or intention of reforming abuses crept into any churches ) presently to rend , revile , contemn , divide , destroy and make desolate the whole order , polity , frame and constitution of them , which is very christian and very commendable . if the grand example of divine mercy was ready to spare sodom upon abrahams charitable intercession , in case ten righteous persons had been found in that city ; and jerusalem , in case one man could have been found there , who executed judgement and sought the truth ; how little are those men imitators of gods clemency , or abrahams pity , who have studied , and still endeavour by all acts of power and policy , utterly to destroy such a church as england was , in which many thousands of good christians may undoubtedly be found , who are constant adherers to the faith , gratefull lovers of the piety , and most pathetick deplorers of the miseries of the church of england ? whose excellent christian state and reformed constitution deserved much better treatment from those ( at least ) who were her children , carefully bred , born , and brought up by her ; however ( now ) they appear , many of them , better fed than taught , more puffed up with the surfeits of undigested knowledge , than increased in humble , sound , saving and practicall understanding . whence ( then ) the present lapses , depressions , diminutions and feared desolations , are come upon and befaln this church of england , ( which threaten you , o worthy gentlemen , and your posterity , no lesse than they afflict the despised , divided and dejected clergy ) is a disquisition most worthy of your serious inquiry ; that discerning the causes , which cannot be good , with the consequences , which must needs be bad , you may endeavour , with all christian prudence and good conscience , to advance those counsels and remedies which become wise men , good christians and true-hearted english : ( which christian counsels and pious endeavours , in order to the setling of religion in this nation , his highnesse professed in his speech at the dissolving of the last parlamentary convention , to have expected from them . ) nothing becomes any men or nation worse , than to own no setled religion , as the publick rule , measure and standard of peoples piety , except onely this ( which is one of the basest pieces of policy that ever came out of the devils skull ) to professe religion , yea the christian and reformed , with such a loosenesse and latitude , as may expose it , with its prime teachers and professors , to vulgar indifferencies and insolencies , yea to be profaned , blasphemed , baffled , beggered , scorned , contemned , according to the dictates , lusts , disorders and levities of popular humours and the vilest of men . the first is the temper of sots and beasts , who own no god : the second of machiavillians and hypocrites , who fear no god. it was a good rule of the roman policy and heathenish piety , either pretend not to the gods , or treat them as becometh gods. chap. viii . the outside or visible effects of the church of englands troubles and distempers are as manifest as miriams , uzziahs and gehazies leprosies on their fore-heads , both in respect of secular contestations , and ecclesiasticall contradictions : in both which this church and nation have been at once so involved , that our miseries are not onely the more complicated , cumulated and encreased ; but they are the lesse curable , because less compliable with any impartiall way of publique christian counsels ; mens hearts being so many wayes extremely divided and differently biassed , not onely upon civil , but even religious differences , in which the meanest and shortest-spirited men do ever affect to appeare most cruelly zealous , and most uncharitably pertinacious . the rivalry and competition for soveraign power between princes or peers , which in former ages for many years , and in various vicissitudes of civil wars , afflicted this english nation , were ( yet ) so far tolerable , as men still preserved the unity of their perswasions and affections touching religion , amidst those deadly feuds and different adherencies in respect of civil affairs , with which they were distracted : which politick contests were capable of an end , either by the extinction of one party , or the uniting of both ; as it came to passe in seventh's dayes , who laid the foundation for uniting the families of york and lancaster , also the kingdomes of england and scotland . but ( alas ) our late distractions , like fire from hell , have seized not onely our barns and stables , our dwellings and mansions , but our temples and churches , our hearts and souls . religion , the christian religion , the reformed religion , this staffe of nationall beauty and sociall bands is broken in sunder . religion ( both as christian and reformed ) this is torn and mangled , this is deformed and unchristened . religion , whose obligations are most strict and sacred , whose breaches are most wide and incurable , this is wounded , this is ulcerated , this is gangren'd . religion , whose balsam is most soveraign to close and reconcile a sinner with an offended god , which professeth to worship god and man united in one blessed redeemer and mediator jesus christ , this is faln out with it self , and wofully divided . religion , whose aim is to unite first god and man in one band of eternal love , next , all christian professors in charitable compliance one with another , as members of the same body , and belonging to one head ; this , this is the poniard , this the sword , this the spear , by which we are ( in england ) armed and animated one against another . not onely our heads in policies , and our hands in power , but our hearts in piety are divided . most men in england fancy they cannot be truly godly , or justly hope to be saved , unlesse they damn and destroy each other , not onely upon civil , but religious accounts . the silver cord of religious love is ravelled and broken ; the golden girdle and perfect rule of evangelicall charity is not onely much worn and warped , but quite pulled and snapp'd in sunder● we war and fight , kill and slay , we bite and devour , we persecute and oppresse each other , not onely upon humane , secular and momentary , but upon divine , spiritual and eternall pretensions . so that to find out either our distempers or our cures in england , we must search deeper than the skin and superficies of things ▪ the poyson is profoundly imbibed , the malignity deeply diffused , rising in its source from , and reaching in its effects to the very hearts of men : the venome and spite is hidden in the most retired cels and inaccessible recesses of mens souls : the malice and mischief are fled for their refuge or asylum to gods sanctuary , to the very spirits and consciences of christians ; which should be the receptacles of most sacred influences , the very holy of holyes , the heaven of heavens in the reasonable soul , in which the oracles of god , the special presence and manifestations of his spirit , are most lively to be heard , seen , felt and enjoyed : these are either grosly darkened and defiled , or garnished with false lights , or swept with the devils broo● , lies wrapped up in hypocrisie , and strong delusions guilded over with godly pretensions . here i find the greatest enemies and destroyers of the church of england are very far from confessing or repenting of any folly , pride , levity , ignorance , lukewarmnesse , lazinesse , deadnesse , hypocrisie , malice , presumption , rebellion , covetousnesse , ambition , sacriledge , profanenesse , coldnesse , atheism , apostasie , uncharitablenesse , disorderly walking , disobedience , or unthankfulnesse to god or man ; all which ( possibly ) may be in their own hearts and hands , and so must needs have as great an ingrediency in our publick calamities , as any mens sins in the nation . they rather imploy all their wits and skill , their artifices and oratory , to anatomize the church of england , to dissect every part of its constitution ; to observe , not onely the practick pulse and outward breathings of its ministers and professors , but the very inward fibres and temper of its heart , as to all its holy mysteries , religious ministrations and ecclesiastick constitutions . upon the pretended inspection of which , as the vitals & noble parts of religion , they daily proclaim to the credulous vulgar , & other amazed spectators ( as the astonished augurs & soothsayers were wont of old ) that in these they discern all the portentous omens of our afflictions , all the prodigious causes and effects of our publick troubles and miseries : in these they evidently see tokens of an angry god , of a provoked justice , of an armed power from heaven , which hath begun not to chastise as a father , but to consume as an enemy ; n●● to reform as a friend , but to destroy and desolate as an avenger , this lukewarm , this laodicean church of engl. with all the antichristian pomp , pride and tyranny , the superstition and abomination of its whole frame and constitution . in this point or centre of the england's ill-reformed , nay utterly deformed and desperate state , it is , that these severe censors fix'd the foot of their compasses , fetching in all bishops and presbyters , all preachers and professors , all duties and devotions , all ministrations and ministers , all liturgies and ceremonies , within the wide circle and black line of their censorious severity , condemning all but themselves and their own way or parties ; who are called and counted by some of them ( in a most pharisaick pride and uncharitablenesse ) the onely saints , the called , elect , and precious of god. all such as are dissenters from them they have set already at christs left hand , fancying it a great part of piety , magisterially to judge , and authoritatively to condemn all the members of the church of england , both severally and joyntly ( though never so holy , learned , wise and good ) more upon popular prejudices and sinister presumptions , than upon any just triall and serious examination ; which ( alas ) few of these censorious adversaries and supercilious destroyers of the church of england are able to reach in any proportion , either for parts or prudence , learning or experience , reason or religion ; being ( for the most part ) like mushromes , of crude , indigested and dangerous composition , who ( yet ) think themselves capable to compare with the highest cedars of lebanon , and fancy they are able to over-top the fairest and fruitfullest trees that ever grew upon the mountains of god in this church and nation . alas , they puff at all that ever was accounted pious or prudent , learned or religious , gracious or godly , comely or comfortable , holy or happy , in the church of england ; looking upon it with scorn and triumph , as david did upon goliah , when he was dejected , groveling and dead : an object fit for these worthies to set their feet upon , and by the sharp sword of their zeal utterly to destroy , that neither head nor taile , root nor branch of the church of england may remain . chap. ix . but here , ( as michael the archangel did ) so must i crave leave to contend with these men about this * body of moses , this carkase ( almost ) this skeleton ( as they esteem it ) of the church of england ; which heretofore was thought to have conversed with god in the holy mountain of vision ; whose face was heretofore , not onely well-favoured , but it so shined , that these feeble spectators , the now blind , blear-ey'd , or blood-shotten despisers and destroyers of it , were not then able to behold its glory without envy and regret . though the lord may seem to have slain her with her children , yet i cannot but believe and profess , that the salvation of god hath been both manifested to , and received by thousands , in the former order , way and dispensations of the church of england ; that no christians need , few ever enjoyed more means of grace and glory , than were piously and prudently dispensed in the church of england . while i live i must deny , what is clamorously and injustly calumniated , fiercely , but falsely , alledged , to justifie some mens advantagious schismes , profitable separations , and gainfull innovations ; that our publick afflictions and miseries have sprung , as to their inward and meritorious cause , from the evil and unsound constitution of the church of england , as it was once publickly reformed and established in this nation . this calumny i can no more grant , than , that holy job's sores grew from some unwholsome aire or diet he used , or from the unhealthful temper of his body ; or that satans malice was to be justified by job's want of any right to claim , or eloquence to assert his innocency , as to his practice before man ; and his integrity , as to his purpose and sincerity before god , amidst his bitter losses and calamities : which were so passionately aggravated by the unjust censures and misinterpretations of his mistaken friends , because they did not wisely consider the paradoxes of gods providences , and depths of divine judgements , which many times inflict upon whole churches , as well as upon private christians , by the malice of men and devils , many sharp and sore afflictions ; not alwayes for penary chastisements , but oft for triall of graces , exercise of patience , and exemplary improvements in all christian virtues , which usually grow blunt , dull , and rusty , through long plenty , peace and prosperity , and so need sometimes the mercifull files and furnaces of gods inflictions , mans persecutions , and devils temptations ; which are rather purgative than consumptive to good christians , and oft preparative for greater splendors , both of inward mercy , and even outward prosperity : of which the church of england hath not yet any cause to despair , because it hath a good cause and a good god. it is not more necessary than comely , for the body and members of christ to be conform to christ their head in bearing his crosse , and partaking of his agonies ; upon whom the houre of temptation ( foretold ) is still to come , as it did upon the primitive churches and christians ( with some lucid intervalls ) for three hundred years . there may be as good an omen or prognostick in the scorns and contumelies cast upon any church of christ by its persecutors , as there was in the dirt of the streets cast upon vespasian by the command of cajus caesar , as a punishment for his not keeping the streets cleaner ( of which he was then chief scavenger or surveyor ; ) it was ( as suetonius tells us in the life of vespasian ) thought by the wise men to portend , that he should one day receive into his bosome and protection , both the oppressed city of rome and the wasted empire : which accordingly came to pass . affliction is part of gods good husbandry , and is for the churches mendment no less , than compost or manure is for the earths . hence the christian oracles bid us to rejoice with exceeding great joy , when we fall into divers temptations of triall , when we suffer for righteousnesse sake : the spirit of glory ( as gods presence to moses ) is oftner seen in the bush or shrub ( which burns , but consumes not ) than in the oke or cedar ; in the low and mean estate of his church , as well as in the more pompous and flourishing . s. stephen had a clearer vision of christ in heaven , when the cloud of stones was showring about his eares , than ever he enjoyed in his more peaceable profession . the lily is not less fair , nor the rose less fragrant , when they grow among the thorns . affliction , like gods physick , hath that in healthfulnesse which it wants in pleasantnesse . particular parts of any church may have causticks and corrosives applyed to them , when god , as a wise and wary physician , intends both their cure , and the preservation of the whole , which may be still sound and entire as to the vitall , more noble and principall parts . i well know , that it is not meet for the church of england , or the most deserving member of it , to dispute with divine justice ; nor is it either safe or wise , to contest with his omniscient and almighty power : but rather to lay our hands upon our hearts , to put our mouths in the dust , and to abhor our very righteousnesse , than to quarrel with gods judgements , which are alwayes just , though they are deep and dark , past our finding out . i think it an high presumption in the sawcy criticks of these times , who pretend to read the hand-writing upon the wall , and to have such skill in sacred palmestry , as to know the mind of god by the operation of his hands ; conceiting ( both vainly and wickedly ) that god is such an one as themselves , delighted with the spoiles and deformities , the plunder and confusion of churches : they boldly interpret the meaning of all the troubles in england , to be no other than this , gods anger against bishops and ceremonies , against steeple-houses and common prayer , against ordination and ministry , against the whole polity and constitution of the church of england ; which they believe were so offensive and nauseous to god , that he was forced to spue them out of his mouth ; justifying by this great argument of gods providence ( as their chief shield and defence ) all their schisms and separations , their rapines and sacriledges , their reproches and blasphemies , their insolencies and injuries , committed and intended both against this church in generall , and against many most worthy and eminent church-men in it . i do not , i dare not vindicate the church of england before the most holy god ( whose pure eyes behold folly in his saints , and darknesse in his angels ) as to the people in it , either preachers or professors , the governours or governed , the shepherds or the flock . this is sure , that , where god had planted this church , as a pleasant vine on a fruitfull hill , where he had watered it with his word , as with the dew of heaven , fenced it by his speciall power and providence , as with a wall , expecting it should bring forth good grapes , and good store ; there his contrary dealing with this his vineyard , taking away the hedge , breaking down the wall thereof , suffering it to be eaten up and trodden down , to lie thus fa● wast , without its just pruning , weeding and digging , to be overgrown with briars and thornes , commanding the clouds that they rain little or nothing upon it , &c. these sad dispensations and desolating experiments sufficiently proclaim gods controversie with the land , and complaint against this church , that when he looked his vineyard should bring forth good grapes , behold it brought forth wild grapes in so great a proportion , that there was no remedy , but god must be avenged on so unfruitfull , so ungratefull a nation , which was second to none in temporall and spirituall mercies , which are now become the aggravations of its sins and miseries ; it being condemned to punish it self by its own hands , not for that it wanted the means of true religion , ( for what could the lord have done more for his vineyard ? ) but for not using them , yea , for wantonly abusing those liberall advantages it enjoyed , equall to , if not beyond any church or nation under heaven . thus before the bar and tribunall of divine justice , it is meet that we all , as men and christians , confess our personall prevarications , and cry out bitterly , wo unto us , for we have sinned against the lord. yet as to mans judgement , looking upon the church of england not in the concrete or subject matter , as consisting of many preachers and professors , in many things possibly much depraved and deformed , but considering it in the abstract , in the reformed form and state of it , in its former pious and prudent constitution ; i must profess to you ( my honoured countrey-men ) and to all the world , that in the greatest maturity of my judgement , and integrity of my conscience , as most redeemed now from juvenile fervours , popular fallacies , vulgar partialities and secular flatteries ; yea , apart from the sense of my private obligations to the church of england ( which are great and many , i owing to it my baptisme and education as a christian , my office and ordination as a minister ) all these laid aside , and looking onely upon the consideration of its religion , as grounded upon scriptures in the main , and guided by the prudence of primitive antiquity , i must profess , that i cannot understand how the church of england hath deserved to fall under those great reproches , oppressions and miseries , which the weakness , wantonness and wickedness of some men hath sought to heap upon her ; whose causeless malice and excessive passions against the church of england are ( i think ) by a fatall blindness , and most heavy judgement of god upon some men , made the sorest punishers of their own and other mens sins ; their former unprofitableness , ingratitude , despite , disorderliness , and undutifulness against so venerable a matron , so good a mother as the church of england was ; at least it desired and offered it self to be so , even to her most ungracious and unthrifty children , whom neither piping nor weeping , prosperity or adversity , she could ever move or affect with such conformities to her , or compassions for her , as she deserved of them . i do here declare to the present age , and to all posterity , ( if any thing of my writing be worthy to survive me ) that since i was capable to move in so serious a search and weighty a disquisition as that of religion is , as my greatest design hath been , and still is , through gods grace , to find out , and to persevere in such a profession of the christian religion , as hath most of truth and order , of power and peace , of sanctity and solemnity , of divine verity and catholick antiquity , of true charity and martyr-like constancy in it ; being farthest from ignorance , errour , superstition , partiality , vulgarity , faction , confusion , injustice , immorality , hypocrisie , sacriledge , cruelty , inconstancy ; so i cannot ( apart from all prejudices and prepossessions ) find in any other church or church-way , ancient or modern , either more of the good i desire , or less of the evil i endeavour to avoid , than i have , a long time , discerned , and daily do more and more , since the contentions and winnowings of these times have put it and me upon a stricter scrutiny in the frame and form , the constitution and setled dispensations of the church of england . no where diviner mysteries , or abler ministers ; no where sounder doctrinalls , holier morals , warmer devotionals , apter rituals , comelier ceremonials : all which ( together ) by a meet and happy concurrence of piety and prudence , brought forth such spirituals and graces ( both in their habits , exercises and comforts ) as are the quintessence and life , the soul and seal of true religion ; those more immediate and special influxes of gods holy spirit upon the soul ; those joynt operations of the blessed trinity , for the justification , sanctification and salvation of sinners : in all these i never found ( by my reading and experience , nor do i know where to seek ) for any thing beyond , or every way equall to what was graciously dispensed in the church of england . upon which grounds ( appearing to me and all the unpassionate christian world most certain ) no man can wonder if i so much magnifie and prefer the church of england , that in the communion of its doctrine , worship , ministry and order , i chuse to live ; in the communion of its faith , hope and charity , i desire to die . let my soul be numbred among those martyrs and confessors , those renowned bishops and orderly presbyters , those holy preachers and humble professors , whose labours , lives and deaths , whose words , works and sufferings , helped to plant and propagate , to reform , settle and preserve , to so great a conspicuity of piety , grace and glory , the catholick church of christ , in all ages and places , and particularly this part of it , which we call the church of england . i am so far from envying or admiring any novel pretenders , who boast of their folly , and glory in their shame , in their endeavours to destroy and devour this church ; that i rather pity their childish fondnesses , their plebeian petulancies , their insolent activities , their unlearned levities , their ingratefull vanities , who have demolished much , and edified nothing , either better , or any way so good , as what they have sought to pull down , as to the order , honour , tranquillity , beauty and integrality of a christian church . so little am i shaken or removed from my esteem , love and honour to the church of england , that i am mightily confirmed in them , by all the poor objections made against it , by the unreasonable indignities cast upon it , which are as dirt to a diamond , but the further test and triall of its reall worth and splendor : nor do i conceive , that by those afflictions which are come upon us , god pleads against the church of engl. but rather for her , against the lewd manners of her ungracious and ungratefull children , for whose wickednesse he makes so fruitfull a mother to grow barren , so fair an house to become desolate , so flourishing a church to decay and wither . it is no news , where the lives and manners of christians are much depraved from the holy rule of christ evidently set forth among them , to see famous churches , like the moon in the wane or eclipse , clothed with sackcloth , and turned into blood ; to see order subverted , unity dissolved , peace perverted , beauty deformed , holy things profaned . it is no news to read of holy prophets , blessed apostles , orthodox bishops , and godly presbyters ill treated , and despitefully used by heathens , hereticks , schismaticks . no men ( but ignorant and unlettered ) can wonder at bibles and other holy books burned ; at church-lands alienated , the houses demolished , and the preachers silenced , banished , destroyed . all church-histories tell us , it was many times so , even among the primitive churches , even then when their pious and apostolick constitution was ( no doubt ) at best ; it was most violently and desperately so just before the churches enjoyed the greatest prosperity , & longest tranquillity ; the blackest darkness usually going immediately before the welcomest break of day : as was remarkable in the serenity of constantine the great 's time , succeeding the dreadfull storm of diocletians persecution ; which was looked upon and intended as an utter extirpation of christian religion . which distressed estate of the primitive churches of christ , in all the roman world , eusebius bishop of caesaria ( who lived in those worst dayes ) describes with so much pious oratory , and so parallel in many things to the temper of our times , that i cannot but present you ( my honoured countrey-men ) with the prospect of them , because the fury and darknesse of that tempest reached even to the then british churches in england ; under which many bishops and presbyters , noblemen and gentlemen perished ; and among others that famous martyr s. alban , who , as bede tells us in his history , l. . rather then he would deliver or discover a pious presbyter , whom he had hid in his house , by whom he was either converted or much confirmed in the christian faith , chose to offer himself in the priests habit to the inquisitors , and owning himself for a christian , though yet unbaptized , he died for that profession . hereby the world may see how much poor mortalls are prone to mistake in their calculations of gods judgements upon any church , both as to their own sins and other mens sufferings , where the greatest sufferers are commonly the least sinners , and the greatest inflicters are the least saints . having in the former seven books ( sayes eusebius ) set forth that holy succession of bishops which followed the apostles in all the famous primitive churches , in their several limits and proportions , under the various seasons and storms of times ; the churches had ( now ) in the roman empire so great liberty , serenity and quiet , that bishops in many places were much honoured even by the civil magistrates ; the temples and oratories of christians were every where full and frequented ; new churches were every day erected , more goodly , costly and capacious : nor could the malice of men or devils hinder the growing prosperity of the churches every where , while god was pleased to shine upon them with his favour . afterward , too great liberty and ease degenerated to luxury and idlenesse : these betrayed christian bishops , presbyters and people to mutuall emulations and contentions ; these sowred to hatred and malice ; these brake out to fury and faction ; christians persecuting each other with words and reproches , as with armes and weapons : murmurings and seditions of governed and governours , justling against each other , grew frequent , arising from desperate hypocrisies and dissemblings . at last , being generally less sensible of their sins , than their sides and factions , and less intent to the honour of the church and its holy canons , than to their private passions and ambitions , the wrath of god overtook them all . then ( saith that historian ) as jeremy complains , did the lord bring darknesse upon the beauty of the daughter of sion ; then did he cast down to the ground the glory of israel ; he remembred no more the place of his footstool in the day of his wrath ; then did he profane the habitation of his honour in the dust , and made her a reproch to all her enemies , &c. then were churches commanded to be pull'd down to the ground , holy books and bibles to be burnt ; the bishops and pastors , some banished , others imprisoned , tortured and killed ; all silenced , impoverished , disgraced , abhorred by the emperour with his followers and flatterers ; christians were forbidden all holy meetings and duties , commanded and forced to sacrifice to popular idols , and plebeian gods , upon pain of death and torture ; seventeen thousand christians slain in one month ; an utter extirpation of bishops , presbyters , professors , churches , and christianity it self , designed , enjoyned and publickly solemnized by a triumphant pillar erected in spain , with this inscription , an imperial monument of honour merited by the emperours * diocletian & galerius , for their extirpating christian superstition , & restoring the worship of the gods. no pen ( saith eusebius ) could equall the atrocity of those times against the church of christ . yet even then the gracious spirit of sincere christians ( as the ark in the deluge ) rose highest toward heaven : then godly bishops and presbyters were ( as another historian writes ) more ambitious of martyrdome , than now presbyters are of being all made bishops : then were christians more then conquerours , and true christianity most triumphant , when it seemed most depressed , despised , and almost destroyed ; as sulpitius severus writes of the same times , in his short , but elegant history . thus eusebius and others describe that horrid storm and black night , which was relieved by the blessed day-star of constantine the great appearing . in which dismall times , learned men do not quarrell at the profession and state of religion , but at the irreligion and scandall of christians lives : the fault and provocation was not from the faith , doctrine , liturgy , order and government then established in the churches of christ , but from the degenerous , depraved and ungoverned passions of men : as they all blamed these last , whenever they appeared , so they constantly asserted the other ; as was evident in the synod of antioch , in which ( a little before diocletians time ) the heresie of paulus sam●satenus , denying the divinity of christ , was condemned by all , being confuted by malchion , a learned man , & an accurate disputant : the * author or heresiarch was excommunicated , not onely from the church of antioch , but also from the catholick church , and separated from all christian communion throughout the world , by a just and unanimous severity . holy men then rightly judged , that the meritorious cause of all those sore calamities arose , not from the frame of christian churches , which was holy , uniform , and apostolick as yet ; but from the wantonness and wickedness of christian professors , neglecting so great means of salvation , and abusing such halcyon dayes as had been sometime afforded them . which censure i may without rashnesse or uncharitablenesse pass , as to the present distresses incumbent upon the church of england ; whose holy , wise , honourable and happy reformation must ever be vindicated , as much as in me lies , against all such gain-sayers , as make no scruple to condemne , as all the generations of gods children in former ages , so those especially who worthily setled and valiantly maintained the christian reformed religion in the church of england , as against all heathenish and hereticall profaneness , so against the more puissant and superstitious papists ; also against the more peevish , but then more feeble schismaticks . chap. x. it were as impertinent a work for me in these times , to insist upon every particular in the frame of the church of england , or to cry up every small lineament in her , for most rare and incomparable ; as it is unreasonable and spitefull in those , that deny her to have had any one handsome feature in her , or any thing grave , comely , christian-like , or church-like in her main constitution and complexion . mr. richard hooker ( one of the ablest pens and best spirits that ever england employed or enjoyed ) hath ( besides many other worthy men ) abundantly examined every feature and dress of the church of england , asserting it by calm , clear and unanswerable demonstrations of reason and scripture , to have been very far from having any thing unchristian or uncomely , deformed or intolerable , which her ( then ) enemies declaimed , and now have proclaimed ; whose wrathfull menaces the meekness and wisdome of that good man foresaw , and in his epistle foretold , would be very fierce and cruell , if once they got power answerable to their prejudices , superstitions and passions against the church of england ; which he fully proved to differ no more from the primitive temper and prudence , than was either lawfull , convenient , or necessary in the variation of times and occasions . the excellent endeavours of that rarely-learned and godly divine ( so full of the spirit and wisdome of christ ) one would have thought might have been sufficient for ever to have kept up the peace , order and honour of the church of england ; also to have silenced the pratings and petulancies of her adversaries . but ( alas ) few of those plebeian spirits and weaker capacities ( to whose errour , anger and activity the church of england now chiefly owes her miseries , tears and fears ) were ever able to understand , or bear away the weight , strength and profoundnesse of that most ample mans reasonings , and his eloquent writings . others of them , that were more able , were so cunning and partiall for the interest of their cause and faction , as ( commonly ) to decry for obscure , or to suspect as dangerous , because prejudiciall to their interest , or to bury in silence , as their enemy , that rare piece of mr. hookers ecclesiasticall polity , which many of them had seldome either the courage or the honesty to read ; none of them the power ever to reply , or the hardiness so much as to endeavour a just confutation of his mighty demonstrations . yea , i have been credibly informed , that some of the then-dissenters from the church of england had the good ( or rather evil ) fortune , utterly to suppress those ( now defective , but by him promised and performed ) books touching the vindication of the church of england in its ordination , jurisdiction and government , by the way of ancient , catholick , primitive and apostolick episcopacy . which one word ( episcopacy ) hath of late years cost more blood and treasure in scotland and england , than all the enemies of bishops and of this church had in their veins , or were worth , . years ago : whose importune clamours of old , and endeavours of late to extirpate primitive , catholick and apostolicall episcopacy out of this church , and to introduce by head and shoulders the exotick novelties and vanities of humane invention , have brought themselves and this whole church to so various and divided a posture , as makes no setled or uniform church-government at all ; by a popular precipitancy ruining an ancient and goodly fabrick ( whose temporary decayes or defects might easily and wisely have been amended ) before they had agreed of a new model , or seriously considered either their skill or their authority to erect a new one , if they could find out a better , which hitherto they have not done , nor will they , i believe , ever be able to do ; as destitute in this point of any just commission , direction , power , or precedent either from god or man. i am sure the supreme power of regulating all ecclesiasticall affairs , was , under god , by the laws of england invested in the chief magistrate , and governours of this church ; without and against whose judgements , consents and consciences , no innovations were to be carried on , nor indeed begun in this church : whose events or successes hitherto have been only worthy of such tumultuary beginnings ; the effects of them being full of dissolution & confusion to all , of injurious afflictions to many worthy men , besides penall and perpetuall divisions among the innovators themselves ; who varying in this , as in other things , from the whole ancient churches constitution , no less than from this of england , are likely to differ among themselves even till doomesday , unless they return , under some new name , and disguised notion of moderators and superintendents , to what they have rashly deserted , the true pattern in the mount , that paternall , primitive and catholick episcopacy , which was the centre and crown of the churches unity , peace , order and honour , which imports no more ( after all this clamour and terrour ) than one grave and worthy presbyter duly chosen in the severall dioceses & limits , to be the chief ecclesiastick overseer and governour , succeeding in the managing of that ecclesiasticall power and authority , which , without an apostolick president or bishop properly so called , presbyters alone in parity or equality never did enjoy , and so never ought to exercise in the churches of christ , as to ordination and jurisdiction , no more than bishops regularly may without the counsel and assistance of presbyters . which ancient order , & eminent authority of primitive episcopacy , if neither right reason , nor the word of god , either in the old or new testament , did clearly set forth to us as best ; if neither apostles at first , nor the primitive fathers after them ; if neither church-history , nor catholick custome , nor primitive antiquity , nor the approbation of the best reformed churches and divines ; if all these did not commend it , as they evidently do ( to my best understanding : ) yet the late mad and sad extravagancies in religion do highly recommend it ; yea , the great want of it in england shews the great use , necessity and excellency of it , especially if advanced to its greatest improvement of counsel , order and authority . i may adde the votes of all sober and impartiall christians , even now in england , who are grown so wise by their woes , as generally to wish for such episcopacy , whose restitution would be more welcome to the wiser and better sort of christians in this nation , than ever the removall of it was , or the medlies of presbytery and independency is like to be . nor do i believe that the restauration of a right episcopacy would be unacceptable to many of the soberest men even of those two parties , if any expedient could be found , to salve and redeem the reputations of some lay-leaders and popular primates of those sides ; whose credits lie much at pawn with the people , upon this very score , as having been by them rashly biassed against all episcopacy : the abusing of which apostolick order on one side , and the abolishing of it on the other side , were , i think , two of the greatest engines the devil used to batter the church of christ withall ; pride and parity , insolency and anarchy , being equally pernicious to church-polity and christian piety . the overboylings of some mens passions ( which the scotch thistles ( being set on fire under them ) chiefly occasioned ) having now almost quenched themselves , by bringing infinite fedities and deformities upon the whole face of the christian reformed religion in this church , as well as otherwhere ; these sad events may save me the labour of further asserting ( in this place ) the use and honour of catholick episcopacy in the churches of christ , which is already done , as by my owne , so many abler pens ( as it was also done by mr. hooker ) sufficiently proving , that the church of england deserved not , upon the account of its retaining the catholick and apostolick order of episcopacy , to have suffered these many calamities which have ensued since the schismes and apostasy of many from this church , and from that primitive government : other than which was not so much as known or thought of in the catholick church of christ for years ; nor then when the church of england began its wise and happy reformation , which did not indeed abolish , but reform and continue ( as became its wisdom ) that ancient and apostolick government of the church , which was primitively planted in these british churches , as in all others throughout the world , long before the bishop of rome had any influence or authority among them , being highly blessed of god , and honoured of all good men ; nor hath yet any cause appeared why it should be blasted , or accursed , or scared by smectymnuan terrors . chap. xi . as for the doctrinals of christian religion , this church of england ever had so high an approbation from the best reformed churches , and so harmonious a consent with the most orthodox and primitive churches , that it must be extreme ignorance or impudence ( on this part ) to esteem the present miseries of this church as merited by her , wherein it was indeed most exact and compleat ; as wholly consonant to the word of god , so nothing dissonant from the sense and practise of the ancient and purest churches . yea , i find that the bitterest enemies of the church of england , do in this least shew their teeth or clawes ( except onely in the point of infant-baptism ; ) not for want of ill will , ( for nothing more pincheth them then the doctrine of the church of england , which was according to godliness ; teaching all men , that denying ungodliness and worldly lusts , they should live righteously , soberly and godlily in this present world : ) but for want , as of just cause , so of skill and abilitie ; most of them being such as have no great stock of knowledge , learning or judgement , nor very capable ( on this side ) to assault the church of england , whose strength and shield is the invincible word of god rightly understood . therefore the cunning adversaries and vastators of the church of england drive a lesser trade , of small cavellings and bitings rather , as the serpent , at the heel than head ; not much engaging themselves in any grand controversies of divinity , which are ( generally ) above the reach of their capacities : whose feeble assaults the church of england hath no cause to fear , against the doctrine set forth in her . articles , her catechisme , her liturgy and her homilies ; since she hath so many years mightily maintained this post of her doctrine against the learning , power and policy of the roman party , who are veterane souldiers and mighty troopers , weightily armed ; in comparison of whose puissance these light-armed schismaticks and small skirmishers are like pot-guns to canons , or pigmies to giants ; seeking to deface the pinnacles and ornamentalls of religion , but not capable to shake the foundations of it , as it was happily established and duly professed in the church of england . chap. xii . nor have they had either more cause for , or better successe in their disputings against the devotionals of the church of england in its publick worshipping of god , by confessions , prayers , praises , psalmodies , and other holy oblations of rationall and evangelicall services offered up to god by the joynt devotion of this church : the subject and holy matter of which ever was , & is , too hard for their biting ; therefore most of them contented themselves to bark at the manner of performing them ; chiefly quarrelling at that prescript form or liturgie used in this church , under the title of the book of common-prayer . which very title , though agreeable to the style and mind of antiquity , as ignatius , justin martyr , and s. austin use it , yet ( perhaps ) might in time something abate , as to our english dialect , the reverence of common people toward it , which probably might have been raised and preserved to an higher veneration , if some title more august , solemn and sacred , had been affixed to it ; as , the holy liturgy , or , the form of gods publick worship , or , divine service , &c. for ordinary people easily in time undervalue as triviall , even in a religious satiety , any thing which they are wonted to call and use as common , which ought to be kept up by all prudent means , to all due majesty , sanctity , solemnity , veneration , not onely in the use , but in the very name and familiar appellation . as to the substance and matter of this book , the wisdome of the church of engl. had first exactly adjusted it to the sense of gods word ; nothing being there expressed , as the mind of the church , which was not thought agreeable to the mind of gods spirit in the scriptures : nor do i know any part of it , to which a judicious christian might not in faith say amen , taking the expressions of it in that pious and benigne sense , which the church intended , and the words may well beare . next , all the parts of it were so fitted ( both as to the language , and the things contained in it ) to ordinary peoples capacities , as well as all mens necessities , that none had cause to complain of it , as hard to be understood , nor any to disdain it , as too flat and easie . indeed , the whole composure of the english liturgie was ( in my judgement ) so holy , so wholsome , so handsome , so complete , so discreet , so devout , that i cannot but esteem it equal at least to ( yea i am prone ( with gilbertus the german ) much to prefer it before ) any one liturgie or publick form of serving god , used in any church , ancient or later , in eastern or western , greek or latin , romish or reformed , that ever i saw . let any sober christian , that is able , compare the liturgie of england , with those now extant ; as the armenian , the constantinopolitan , ascribed to s. chrysostome ; the greek euchology , used at this day ; that anciently ascribed to s. james ; those used by the syrian and egyptick churches , under the names of s. basil or gregory nazianz. that of s. cyril , of which he gives a large account in his catechisme ; the gregorian or roman liturgie ; the musarabick liturgie of spain , composed by isidore hispalensis ; the officium ambrosianum , by s. ambrose ; that of alcuinus in england , which bede mentions ; the dutch , french , suevick , danish , any of the lutheran or calvinian liturgies : he will find nothing excellent in any of them , but is in this of england : many things which are less clear or necessary in them , are better expressed , or wisely omitted here . as for the english liturgies symbolizing with the popish missall , as some have odiously and falsely calumniated ; it doth no more , than our communion or lords supper celebrated in england , doth with the masse at rome ; or our doctrine about the eucharist , doth with theirs about transubstantiation , or our humble veneration of our god and saviour in that mysterie , doth with their strange gesticulations and superstitions . in all which particulars , how much the church of enland differed both in doctrine and devotion from that of rome , no man that is intelligent and honest can either deny or dissemble . i am sure we differ as much as english doth from latin , truth from errour , true antiquity from novelty , completeness from defect , sanctity from sacriledge , the giving of the cup to the people from the denying of it ; as much as the holy use of things doth from the superstitious abuse of them ; as much as divine faith doth from humane fancy , or scripture-plainnesse and proportions from scholastick subtilties and inventions . that the church of england retained many things pious and proper to severall occasions , which the roman devotionalls had received and retained from the ancient liturgies , is no more blamable , than that we use and preserve those scriptures , sacraments , and other holy services , which the church of rome doth now profess to celebrate and use . the wisdome of the church of england did freely and justly assert to its use , and to gods glory , whatever upon due triall it found to have the stamp of gods truth and grace , or the churches wisdome and charity upon it , as what it thought most fit for this churches present benefit ; finding no cause peevishly to refuse any good , because it had been mixed with some evil : but trying all things , it held fast that which it judged good , as it is commanded ; never thinking that the usurpations of errour ought to be made any obstructions to truth ; or that humane inventions are any prejudice to divine institutions . it knew , that though the holy vessels of the temple had been captive at babylon , and there profaned by belshazzar ; yet they might well be restored again , and consecrated by ezra to the service of god. some men ( possibly ) as conscientious , others , as curious and captious , quarrelled perpetually at the liturgie of the church of england ; some at the whole form as prescribed , others at some particular phrases and expressions , as less proper and emphatick . it is now an hundred years old , and able to speak for it self ; justly alledging first the great joy , & devotion , the piety & thanks with which it was first received as an wholsome form of prayer , easie to be understood by english christians ; next , the great good it at first did , & ever since hath done for many years to many poor silly souls , who otherwaies had been left in great blindness and barrennesse of devotion . further , it pleads , that it never intended to offend any good christian , since it studied in all things to be consonant to gods holy will and word : that as its order , premeditatedness , and constancy of devotion , was never forbidden or dissallowed by god , or any good men , jews of old , or christians of later times , but rather approved , exemplified and commanded in all their publick services , both of prayers , praises and benedictions ; so late experience abundantly teacheth , how much the advantages of true reformed religion were generally carried on more happily by the publick and private use of that liturgie , than hath been of late years by the rejecting of it , as many have done , and introducing in its stead nothing but their own crude and extemporary prayers ; which being much unpremeditated are many times so confused , so flat , so flashy , so affected , so preposterous , so improper , so indiscreet , so incomplete , that they grow oft-times ridiculous , sometimes profane bablings and battologies , condemned by our saviour , when those men affect in publick extemporary prayers , who have neither invention for the variety , nor judgement for the solidity , nor discretion for that gravity , fitness and decency which are necessary in all our prayers , especially when publick and social . for some to pretend speciall and immediate inspirations , and divine dictates in their prayers , is so impudent an imposturage , that they may as well obtrude all they pray and preach for new oracles of god , and grounds of infallible verity ; for such are the dictates of gods spirit , not mixed with any thing of our own abilities . the verbal dislikes which some had against the words and phrases of the liturgie are easily salved , if men will but consider the usual significancy of them at that time when the pious and prudent composers of it applied them to express their conceptions to common people . words , as all things sublunary , have their varyings and alterations , even as to the benignity and property of their sense . they are pittifull feeble christians that stumble at such straws , for want of so much candor and discretion in their devotions , as must be allowed in ordinary usage and civility to the changeableness of all languages ; which occasions so many new translations of the bible , as to the emendation of some words , which time at length makes less proper , significant , or comely . it argues , the enemies of the liturgie had no great fault to find with the matter of it , in that they so carped at the words and manner of it ; which ( considering the speech and oratory of those plainer times ) was not onely good and grave , but very apt and significant , full of holy and pathetick expressions , such as were most fit , as to inform all peoples understandings , so to excite their attentions , and quicken their united devotions . indeed , the rejection of this liturgie , as to publick use , hath deprived multitudes of poor people of an excellent help , both to prayer and all other duties of piety , as well private as publick ; without any valid grounds of reason or religion alledged by any , that i have seen , to justifie their so doing . i believe the greatest fault ( in earnest ) that the more lazy , wanton and nauseating tempers of most men and women found in it was , its length and solemnity , which they thought tedious , as taking up too much of their time ; yet sure not so much as did any way exclude the exercise of ministers either praying or preaching gifts ; of which some were jealous . but a more soft and delicate generation of christians of later years is sprung up , which hath found out a more easie and compendious way of devotion , which serves their turns , and must be ( now ) obtruded upon all others : for instead of so many psalms , chapters , commandements , creeds , collects , litanies , epistles and gospels , constant and occasionall prayers , which in the liturgie of the church of england were prescribed , men now make up their orisons in smaller cocks , and bind up their devotions in far lesser volumes than the ancients used ; contenting themselves ( for the most part ) either with long prayers and sermons of their own invention & composure , without reading any part of the holy scripture , or with such as are not now so prolix & tedious , as the fashion sometime was , when weak men first affected publickly to exercise and shew their rare faculty that way ; which ( truly ) after the rate of some mens performing , is so very vulgar , empty and easie , that if a wise , learned and grave man could , yet for shame he would not so far expose prayer and preaching to vulgar irreverence , as some men have done , by seeking to out-do the devotionalls of the church of england . so that the pride and perfunctoriness of those popular affectations being now much discovered , the graver sort even of antiliturgicall preachers and people too , either confine themselves to a more constant method and form of prayer ; or they vary so little , so cunningly and so easily , that the best of their prayers in their greatest latitude for matter and variety , is not beyond what may be parallel'd in the english liturgie , and was to be fully enjoyed by its help and constancy . whose cold entertainment in scotland , and disorderly rejection by some in england , as they did at once highly justifie the papists for their former recusancy , & gratifie their future designes by reproching the church of england , yea openly condemning here all our reformed predecessors , for serving god so amiss , that it is not now either longer tolerable or excusable in any reason or religion , conscience or prudence : so with unpassionate christians all this doth not lessen the sacred dignity and reall worth of the english liturgie , which is , and ever will be famous at home and abroad , among sober , wise , and impartiall christians , who know how to serve god ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in all manner of prayer and supplication , disdaining no way , in which god hath testified his good pleasure , that we should or may serve him , as questionlesse he hath in this of publick and prescribed formes both of prayer and praises and benedictions ; else neither of old to the jews , nor after to the christians , would the wisdom of god by moses , david , and other of the prophets , or john baptist the great prophet , or our lord jesus himself , have so taught the church or disciples , to have prayed to , or praised and blessed god after such manners , or in such set and solemn forms of words , as are evidently recorded in scripture . which divine warrants , as the ancient christians in all churches generally owned and followed , as sufficient authority for their set liturgies ; according to which constantine the great , as eusebius tells us in his life , l. . c. . prescribed to his christian souldiers one solemne form of latin service ; yea our late anti-liturgists thought set forms of prayer might do well at sea , though not at land : so the church of england is not therefore to be blamed , because some mens peevishness or petulancy hath pleased themselves in disgracing as well as disusing that holy and good way , rather answering , i fear , the wantonness of their own and other peoples hearts , than any way seriously considering the sad inconveniences following the want of such wholsome forms , to be frequently inculcated upon common peoples understandings , the better to inure their memories , and to work upon their affections ; whom new and unwonted petitions rather loose and confound , than so inform and affect , as prayer should do ; few capacities among plain people going so fast as another mans tongue , where usually a fresh petition crowds out the former , before ever poor dull people have leisure to understand what it meant , or can in judgement and faith say amen . it is not worth my answering , what some alledge against the liturgie , that many godly people were weary of it , that they could now go alone , and so might well cast away their wooden legs , stilts or crutches . yet by way of answer i may truly affirm , that this was not , nor ever will be , the happiness of all or most christian people in this nation , or elsewhere , to go upon their own legs , without any stay or staff ; which might well help the weaker , and i am sure could not hurt or hinder the stronger , who may upon the same pretensions refuse the benefit of any one ministers most extemporary prayer , which to the hearers hath the same aspect of a crutch or staff , no less than that set form which by many is composed and proposed to the congregation . as for the humours of common people , they are an ill compass to steer by in concernments of church or state. it is no wonder to see wontedness breed weariness , and weariness wantonness , & wantonness loathing of the most holy duties , and heavenly dainties ( as of manna to the jews ) unless the hearts of men be alwaies humbly devout , and sincerely fervent : and such can ( i am sure ) daily follow wonted wholsome forms with new fervours , and give a fresh amen to known & oft-repeated petitions , as well as a fiduciary assent to such precepts and promises as they have heard or read from gods word a thousand times . without which sacred flames of constant zeal and successive devotion upon mens hearts ( as the holy fire , which was never to go out upon gods altar ) not onely the extemporary varieties of mens own inventions will prove perfunctory and superficiall , but even scripture it self , and the oracles of god , will grow to be meer crambe ; yea , the repeated celebration of the most divine and adorable mysteries of the blessed sacraments , which christ instituted as constant solemn services in his church , will prove nauseous burdens , and hypocriticall loades to the dull and indevout spirits of men : whom if they be such in their hearts and tempers , no variety or novelty will quicken ther niauseous and lazy hypocrisy ; if they be not such , no constancy or wontedness will dull their sincere fervency , and holy fragrancy of their affections . the late ramblings , barrenness and confusion of some mens sad and extemporary rhapsodies , their rude and rusticall devotions , are , especially in solemn and sacramentall celebrations , observed by many wise christians to be such , since the cadet or younger brother of the directory , ( if it deserves the honour of that name , which to many seems but as a by-blow , the illegitimate issue of partiall spirits , apostatizing from their former conformity to the church of england , in that point of its liturgy ) since , i say , it crowded , or as jacob , supplanted its elder brother , out of the house of god ( though it self be now little used and less regarded , even by its first patrons and sticklers ) that it makes them and me highly admire and more magnifie the wisdome of the church of england , in first composing , after perfecting and prescribing that excellent liturgie to common people , which contained the very quintessence of all that we find used by the ancient piety and charity of churches , agreeable to gods word , which is the onely pattern , pillar and support for christians prayers , both publick and private . nor did the church of england ever intend ( as i conceive ) by her liturgie , so to stint and confine any discreet and able minister , or private christian , but they might further pour out their souls to god in prayers and praises , publickly and privately , so as occasion required , and good order permitted : onely it judged ( as i doe , with pious antiquity , and all the most learned reformers , particularly mr. a calvin ) that it is a great and reall concernment in every true and orthodox church , that care be taken to settle and preserve wholsome forms and solemn devotionalls , for the publick celebrating of prayers , praises , holy duties , christian mysteries , sacraments and ordinations ; next to the care of propounding and establishing sound doctrine , or true confessions and articles of faith. which care of all christians good in that behalf , first induced the ancient and primitive churches , as b s. austin and others tell us , next to their laying of scripture-grounds in their creeds and confessions , to enlarge and fix their liturgies and devotions ; finding that fanatick errour and levity would seem an euchite as well as an eristick , pr●yant as well as predicant , a devotionist as well as a disputant , insinuating it self with no less cunning under a votary's cowle than in a doctors chair , in prayers , sacraments , and euchologies , as well as in preachings , disputations and writings . this i am sure , the liturgie of the church of england was so usefull , so well advised , so savoury , so complete , so suitable , so solemn and so significant a form of publick worshipping god , so highly approved by wise and worthy men , at home and abroad , as composed by the speciall assistance of the holy spirit of god in the judgement of the first heroes and martyrs of this reformed church , so reverently used by many even lesse conformable ( in some things ceremoniall ) to the church of england , that ( beyond all question ) it deserved a longer question , a more calm debate , a more serene , serious and impartiall triall , before it should have been so utterly abdicated or expulsed out of the church , as hagar was out of abrahams family . i humbly conceive that neither recusants should have had so great a gratification to their refractoriness , nor this so famous , flourishing and wel - reformed church should have had so great a slurr & aspersion cast upon its princes , its parlaments , its bishops , its presbyters , & all its faithfull people : as if they had hitherto served god so far superstitiously , irreligiously and unworthily , that the very book it self , containing the method , form , matter and words of their publick service of god , must be first vilified and scorned by the vulgar insolency ; next utterly abrogated and quite ejected out of this church , by such as passionately undertook to abett and patronize the present humours and distempered fits of popular surfeitings and inconstancy , lately risen up , not onely against their own former approbation and practise , but against the piety , wisdome and gravity of this nation , and all other setled churches in the world . yea further , the partiality and immoderation of some men seems in this most excessive ; that , to shew their implacable despite against the liturgie of the church of england , they cannot endure , nor would , if they had power , permit any christians to use it , though they find it ( as our marian martyrs did ) very beneficiall to their souls comfort , and therefore earnestly desire , highly value , and duly use it . so imperious dictators would some men be over other mens liberties and consciences , even in religion , who are rigid asserters of their own , impatient to be imposed upon by others ; and yet most insolently ambitious to impose upon other men , how far they may , or may not serve god in a religious way and manner , fancying , that nothing can please god which doth not please them . what some men have preached and printed against the english liturgie , and all set forms of prayers , never so good and fit , as if they were stintings and dampings of gods spirit , &c. i must confess i understand rather the jeer and contemptuousness of their words , than the wit , reason , or religion of them : for certainly the same may be said against all scriptures , psalms , sermons , preached or printed ; against ministers own prayers , and any other proposed helps for the advancing of knowledge or devotion in mens hearts . and however some of these despisers of the day of small things , may say with the pharisee , god , i thank thee that i am not as other men , who need take to themselves the help of their own or other mens prepared meditations and words to pray or praise god ; yet no charity will permit , that all others should be deprived of such publick helps as they find best for them , yea and necessary , if we duly regard , not the pretended or reall strength of some , but the generall weaknesse in which the plebs or common sort of christians are , and ever will be , as to matter of true devotion ; whose infirmity may not only well endure a well-composed liturgie ( as one said he could do good musick ) but , in earnest , they extremely want it : and it may prove , i fear , not onely a great uncharitableness , but a cruelty , besides imprudence , utterly to deprive the most of christians of so meet and necessary an help ; since nothing yet is found among them , or offered to them , that can or doth any way recompence the want of such forms of serving god , which were at least as good , and most-what far better than any private abilities can afford them . hence it is that poor countrey-people are grown of late years more loose and unsetled , so ignorant and idle , so rambling and irreligious , beyond what formerly they were , when ( at least ) they were enjoyned to attend the wholsome liturgie of the church of england , which offered plainly to them , as i conceive , all things necessary to entertain any humble , charitable and devout christians , in their publick services of god ; nor could it but be very helpfull to them in their private devotions . for my own particular , it may be ( by gods assistance ) i may as little need this liturgie , or any other prescribed form , as any of those ministers or other christians that are most contemners and deserters of the church of england in that point , and most gloriers in their own rare gift or fluency in prayer : yet i must profess , that as i ever highly valued the liturgie of the church of england , and most , since it came most to be despised by some , neglected by others , & considered by my self ; so i cannot but unfeignedly justifie the england's great piety , prudence and charity in that particular ; looking upon such well-composed forms , in publick , solemn and constant ministrations of the church , to be ( in many regards ) before those of any private mans either serious composing or suddain invention , not onely as to the majesty , solemnity , exactness , unanimity and fulness of them , also as to the suitableness of them both to all holy publick occasions , and to the common peoples necessities , as well as capacities ; but even in regard of that which is most spirituall in prayer , judicious fervour and fiduciary assent , where the understanding rightly moves the will , and the will readily follows the understanding ; the devout soul well knowing what it should desire of god , and earnestly desiring in faith what it knows god allows . it cannot be thought that the spirit of the most wise god is seen in the unpremeditated rashness of mens praying , or such preaching , more than in what is well advised , and deliberately prepared . which in liturgies was and is , in my judgement , an excellent means ( and so the charitable wisdome of the church of england judged it ) as to settle people in the true faith , so to keep them in it with peace and unity , by a uniform way of instruction and devotion too ; which was easie to be understood by the simplest people , and unanimously both composed and approved by the wisest and best in this church . nor could it but be in that , as in all other respects , well pleasing to god , who certainly doth not change with every new opinion , fancy and humour of men , be they never so zealous and seemingly devout . so that to conclude , as to this particular , the liturgie of the church of england , i freely profess , that i do in no sort believe , that either god hath afflicted her for composing , enjoyning and using it ; or that she hath hereby deserved any of those rude indignities , reproches and injuries cast upon her and it. the greatest fault and onely blame as i conceive , in this part , lies upon mens own hearts , which were grown so squeamish , so cold , so coy , so formall , so indevout in the use of the liturgie , as a part of gods service : which faults and defects in themselves ought not to have been by them imputed to , or revenged so severely upon the book and composure it self , or upon the church composing and commending it to its children . but the insolencies of some rude reformers , contemning , tearing , burning and abolishing the liturgie of this church , must be veniall ; since there are those that use the very book of god , or holy bible , no better , calling it an idol , and condemning it to be destroyed : possibly more because it is in english , than because it is gods book ; which if lock'd up in an unknown tongue , would less discover and brand with sin their wicked practises and policies , than now it doth . the same grand interest that is most against the english liturgie , is also against our english bibles : both of them were great eye-sores to the papists , and are now no less to many factious separatists , who are the jackals or providores for those lions . chap. xiii . there are ( yet ) two grand objections which stick in some mens stomacks , never ( they say ) to be digested by them , which have driven them utterly to cast off , and shamefully to spue out of their mouths the church of england , abhorring the whole frame and constitution of it , both name and thing . the first is the enjoyning and using of some ceremonies in religion , which some esteem as so many magick spells or charms , superstitious observations , humane inventions , raggs of rome , will-worship , vain oblations , brats of babylon , marks of the beast , brands of antichrist ; fitter for heathenish idolatries , or jewish superstitions , than for the simplicity of the gospel , where the service of god must be in spirit and in truth , not in fleshly shadowes ; in power , not in form , &c. these and the like rhetoricall flowers are oft used to gratifie mens wits and passions , rather than their reason and conscience , in the point of ceremonies , when they are resolved not to poise in their hands , but to trample under their feet , every thing they list to dislike ; notwithstanding all the counterpoise and weight which they could not but see was laid upon them by the choice wisdome and approbation of this whole church and nation ; in which we may without vanity presume there were many men as godly and judicious as any of their opposers . i will not descend to the particular nature and use of each of them : this work hath been sufficiently done by many of my predecessors . i confesse i am not so zealous for those , or any other ceremonies ( which may be spared without diminishing the substance of christian religion ) as to forget that forbearance and charity which i owe to christians , who may be weak & conscientiously scrupulous : nor yet am i so against these , or any other innocent ceremonies recommended in any church , by the joynt consent of all parties , and by due authority , as for their sakes to withdraw my humble subjection to , and charitable communion with this or any other christian church in the world , that is otherwise sound in the faith. i do not so affect embroyderies in religion , as to have its garments too gay and heavy , with the church of rome : nor yet do i so affect a plainness , as to abhorre all decency : least of all am i of that curiosity or coynesse in religion , as i will rather rend my garments in pieces , and go stark naked , than weare such an one as may have possibly some spots or patches , which might be spared , if they could handsomly be removed , but are better suffered , than to have rude hands teare and cut them out as they list , to the perturbation and injury of the whole church . as to the generall nature of ceremonies used in the church of england , it may suffice , at present , in order to vindicate this church , to declare in its behalf , first , that the ceremonies enjoyned and used in the church of england were esteemed , and oft so declared to be in the sense of the church , and its chief governours , not at all of the essence or necessary substance of any religious duty , no more than the clothes of their opposers were of their constitution , or their hair was of their heads ; yet both clothes and hair are very comely and convenient in the sociall living both of men and christians together , where neither nakednesse ( i think ) nor baldnesse would become them . secondly , it doth no where appear that our blessed god is so anti-ceremoniall a god as some men have vehemently fancied and clamoured , rather than proved . this i am sure , the god of heaven , whom we worshipped in england , did institute many ceremonies in the ancient religious services required of the jewish church ; which certainly god would not have done , if all ceremonies had been so utterly anti-patheticall against the divine nature , or contrary to that spirituall sincere worship , which he anciently required ( beyond all doubt ) of the jew as well as the christian , as all the prophets witnesse . nor do we find that god hath any where forbidden any decent rites , holy customes , or convenient ceremonies , to any christians , in order to advance the decency and order of his service , or christians mutuall edification and joynt devotion under the gospel ; except onely such as were like the shadows of the night or morning , which went before the rising of jesus christ the sun of righteousnesse , importing christs not being yet come in the flesh , or implying the mystery of mans redemption not yet completed by the messias : such as were circumcision , which was to last no longer in force than the promised seed of abraham came , in whom all nations should be blessed ; and the covenant of god should be declared to the gentiles as well as jews , under another sign or seal , which is baptisme . the mosaick rites and ceremonies , as the sacrifices , the passeover , the high priest , and other legall types , as fore-going shadows , justly vanished when the substance came ▪ but those subsequent shadowes , evangelicall ceremonies and signs , which follow , attend upon , and betoken the suns being now risen , and present with his church , these in point of outward order and decency , also of inward significancy and edification , may well consist with the evangelicall worship of god in spirit and truth , however it be not founded on them , or confined to them , as to the inward judgement and conscience of the worshippers . we see our blessed saviour , as he conformed to the judaick ceremonies , both of divine and ecclesiastick institution , as in his sitting at the passeover , and celebrating the encaenia or feasts of dedication , till his work was finished ; so he from the jewish use adopted or instituted some new evangelicall ceremonies , to be used in a most solemn manner , as sacraments , or holy mysteries in his church under the gospel , for visible signs , memorials and seals of his love and grace to us ; by which his christian people may be instructed , comforted and confirmed in faith and charity , both to god and to one another . yea our blessed saviour hath , by his spirit guiding the pens and practises of the apostles , sufficiently manifested ( as s. austin observes ) that grand charter and commission of liberty and authority , given to his church and the governours of it , for the choyce and use of such decent customes , rites and ceremonies , as may agree with godly manners and the truth of the gospel , best serving for the order , decency , peace and edification of his church in its severall states , parts and dispersions : not as annexing ceremonies to the nature of the duties , or humane inventions to the essence of divine institutions ( which the church of england never did , but oft declared the contrary ; ) nor yet binding the judgement and consciences of those that used them , to any such perswasion ; nor yet invading hereby , or prejudicing the liberties of other churches , or any christians in their respective subordinations : but allowing other churches the like liberty , and investing its own members in the use and enjoyment of that christian liberty ( as to those particulars ) which the church hath chosen and appointed in the name of all its parts and adherents , for their sociall order , for the solemnity , decency and mutuall edification of christians . which was all that the church of england intended in its ceremonies , agreeable to that indulgence and authority given by christ to it , as well as to any church . nor have these enemies to the church of england upon this account of its ceremonies , ever proved , that christ hath repealed this grant , or denied it to this church more than any others , or that this church hath yet abused its liberty , or that themselves have any speciall warrant given them to enter their private dissent , and put in a publick prohibition against the whole church ; as if it might do nothing in the externalls , ornamentalls and circumstantialls of religion , without asking leave of such supercilious censors and imperious dictators , who scorn to make the consent of the church in things of an indifferent and undefined nature , to be their rule and law , as to outward observance , unity and conformity ; & yet arrogate so much to themselves , as they would make their private opinion and dissent to be a bar and negative to the whole church . for as the liturgie , so the ceremonies used and enjoyned in the church of england , were not the private and novell inventions of any late bishops , or other members of the church of england ; much less of any popes , or papists , as some have imagined : but they were of very ancient choice and primitive use in the church of christ , whose judgement and example the church of england alwayes followed by the consent of all estates in this nation and church , represented in lawfull parlaments and convocations : and this they did then , when with a martyr-like zeal and courage they put themselves into the happy state of a well-reformed church , paring off many superfluities or noveller fancies , and onely retaining a few such ceremonies as they saw had upon them the noblest marks of best antiquity & decency . nor may any man , without discovering great folly and injustice , find fault with those members of the church of england , who used those retained and enjoyned ceremonies , agreable to their judgements , and in obedience to a publick lawfull command , in which their own vote and consent was personally or virtually included : so that he must by condemning such as were conformable , either condemn himself , and all others who were authors of this publick appointment , or else he must prefer his own private judgement before them all . the first is fatuous levity , the second is immodest arrogancy . i allow as much as these men demand ( and so oft impertinently decantate against the ceremonies of the church of england ) as to that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that spirituall and inward worship of god in the rationall faculties of mens souls , which the church of england chiefly intended , and vehemently required , beyond any outward ceremonies , of all true and sincere worshippers of god : but withall it judged , and so do i , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the outward man , which ought to be conform to the heart , and ( being most conspicuous to others ) ought also to be most exemplary and significant in those visible acts which necessarily accompany the religious , visible and sociall service of god ; that this ought not to be rude , slovenly , negligent , confused , irreverent or uncomely , by affecting various singularities and inconformities to others , which occasion scandalls , strifes , factions , divisions , animosities , disorders and confusions in particular churches or congregations : for avoiding of which , every private christians spirit ought in reason and religion to be subject to the publick prophetick spirit of the church in its joynt counsels , consents and determinations ; against which a man cannot bring any pregnant demonstration of right reason and morality , or of faith and scripture-revelation , as s. austin in his epistle to januarius observes ; having learned , as he tells us , that principle of calmness , moderation , humility and charity , from s. ambrose , as an oracle from heaven . these considerations moved the primitive churches of the first and second centuries , in their severall grand combinations ▪ and ampler distributions , even amidst their martyrdomes and sharp persecutions ( while they had no leisure to be superstitious or superfluous in things of religion , but onely were intent to piety , devotion and charity ; ) these moved them to use and retain , as they had received them from the apostles and their successors , some ceremonies , yea many more than were used in the reformed church of england : which appears in justin martyr , irenaeus , tertullian , clem. alexandrinus , and others . who tell us of the holy kiss and love-feasts ; of water added to the wine in the lords supper ; of oyl , milk , honey , a white garment used in baptisme ; of christians not washing a week after they were baptized ; of constant fasts on wednesdayes and fridayes ; of frequent signations with the crosse , both in religious and civil motions , as indications of their courage and constancy in professing christ crucified . i might adde their solemn stations and vigils , their adorations and prostrations toward the east ; besides their strict zeal in observing easter , or the time of christs resurrection ; also their quadragesimal or lemen fast , preparatory to it ; their not kneeling between easter and whitsuntide , nor upon any lords day on which they were forbidden to fast , before and at the nicene council : besides , their severe forms of exercising discipline , and enjoyning penances to such as were scandalous offenders ; the great respect & observance which christian people payed to their bishops and presbyters , yea to their deacons in many things , who all joyned in an high reverence and submission to their bishops or chief governours in the church ; in order to which duties concerning the churches order and peace , most councils of the church spent much of their time , care and pains , next to the keeping of faith entire and sound . if the ceremonies of the church of england had been many more in that kind than they were , yet since they were in their generall nature allowed by god , and left by him to the prudent choice and use of this , as other particular churches ; certainly , as learned zanchy and other reformed divines observe , they ought not by sober christians to have been put into the balance of their religion so far , as for their sakes to overthrow the peace and whole state of such an happy and reformed church as this was , bringing infinite greater mischiefs upon religion & the whole church , by violently removing such ceremonies as neither empaired the faith , nor depraved the manners of good christians than ever could be feared by the sober use of them ; which did not so much as occasion any scandall or inconvenience to those that had knowing , humble , meek and quiet spirits , rightly discerning the nature of such things , and that liberty granted to themselves of submitting in them to the determination of the church : nor can it be other than weaknesse of judgement , or want of charity , or a signe of schismaticall and unquiet spirits , that list to be contentious ( rising either from ignorance , or superstition , or pride and petulancy ) for private persons in such cases peevishly to sacrifice to their private passions and perswasions , the publick peace and prosperity of the church , which ought to be so sacred ( as the learned and pious bishop of alexandria , dionysius , wrote to the zealous and factious presbyter novatus ) that it is not to be violated upon less accounts than those for which one would chuse to suffer martyrdome : there may be , as saint paul confesseth , a zeal in them , and yet they persecute the church of christ . after that divine justice hath further punished and manifested the supercilious folly and inquietude of some men , times may come , in which sober christians would be glad to enjoy such a state of reformed religion in england , as they sometimes happily enjoyed , and despised under these so tedious and terrible burdens of ceremonies , as some complained , who are greatly wronged , if they have not since charged their consciences with far greater pressures than any ceremonies can be imagined ; the least wilfull and presumptuous immorality being heavier than a thousand such formalities , as much as milstones are beyond feathers , and talents of lead more ponderous than the largest shadows . experience hath already taught us , that the authentick ceremonies of the church of england were either up hinderances at all , or far lesse , as to the advance of piety , holiness and charity , than the taking away of them , and the consequences have been ; especially in such a fashion , as instead of ripping off the lace , hath torn the whole garment into rags ; and pretending to shave the superfluous hair , hath almost cut the throat of the reformed religion , as to its unity , order , stability and constancy , either in doctrine or duty . sure it was far better to have the holy , complete and reverent sacrament of the lords supper administred and received by humble , devout and prepared christians , meekly kneeling upon their knees , than to have none at all celebrated for twice seven yeares ; both ministers and people willingly excommunicating themselves , and starving one another as to that holy refection . it was much better and more christian-like , to have infants baptized with the ancient signe of the crosse ( as a token of their constant profession of the faith of christ crucified ) than to have them left wholly unbaptized , and so betrayed to the anabaptistick agitators , who boldly nullifie that sacrament , when they see others either vilifie and wholly reject it as to infants , or dispense with so great partiality , as if every petty preacher were a lord and judge , not a servant and minister of the church of christ . it was better to have some things lesse necessary , yea inconvenient , that looked like order , decency and harmony in the church , than daily to run thus to endlesse faction , ataxie , confusion , and irreligion . better that bishops and presbyters , and deacons officiate , after the ancient manner in eastern and western churches , in white garments ( under which form a angels , who are ministring spirits , are represented to us , and b christ himself in his transfiguration ) duly administring holy things to the people of god , than to have no true ministers , no divine or due ministrations at all , as is now in many places of england and wales ; where either churches and people are desolat● ▪ or pitifull intruders , neither truly able , nor duly ordained , dare to officiate in their motley and py-bald habits , as they list ; superciliously affecting such odde and antick fashions , as they most fancy to please themselves , or amuse the people with , over whom they seek to have an absolute dominion . if those few ceremonies appointed and accustomed to be used in the church of england were not herbs of grace , or of the most fragrant and cordiall sorts of flowers ; yet ( certainly ) they were never found to be so noxious and unsavoury weeds as some pretend : the squeamishnesse of some people was no argument of any thing pestilent or banefull in them . there are noses that have antipathies against roses , and some will faint at any sweet smell . if a few modest christistians could lesse bear the sent or sight of them , for my part , i could willingly indulge them such a connivence and toleration , as might consist with the publick peace , order , and rules of charity : but i can never approve the counterscuffle of those , who for their private disgusting of one sawce or dish , rudely overthrow an orderly feast and well-furnished table ; who upon the suspicion of weeds , root up all the good plants in a garden ; who jealous of briars and thorns , destroy the vines and fig-trees . ceremonies , if they bear no great or fair fruit , yet they may , as hedges , be both a fence and ornament to religion , which truly for my part i esteemed them , and so used them ; nor did they grow so offensive as now they have proved , untill over-valuing on the one side , and under-valuing on the other side , pertinacy and obstinacy ( as s. austin expresseth his sense and sorrow ) like a pair of alternative bellows , kindled such flames of animosity , as instead of bearing and forbearing one another in love , sought to consume each other in those heats and flames , which would not have risen , had both sides more intended the substance , and lesse the ceremonies of religion . there were infinite more obligations to christian union by the true faith they joyntly professed , than there were occasions of dividing by the ceremonies about which they differed . but one sharp knife will easily cut in sunder many strong cords , if it be in a mad or indiscreet mans hand . although ceremonies of mans invention be no more to be made rivals to religion , than hagar was to sarah , or ismael to isaac ; yet it is hard to cast them out , ( having been sons or servants to the churches family ) with scorn , unlesse they be found to grow too petulant , either jeering or justling pure religion , of whose genuine substance indeed they are not ; yet they may ( as hair is to women and men too ) be given it for an ornament : nor do they deserve to be suspected for superstitious , much lesse irreligious , untill christians make more of them then they deserve , or the church intended ; either so much contending for them or against them , as takes them off from intending those main things wherein the grace and kingdome of god doth consist . it doth not become the children of god , either so to please themselves with toyes and bagatelloes , as to neglect their meat ; or so to wrangle about them , as to forget either the mutuall love they owe as brethren , or the duty they owe to their parents . but those little scratches , which some anticeremoniall mens itching fingers heretofore made upon the england's beautifull face , would never , i believe , have so far festred and deformed all things of religion in this church , if some men had not mixed of late some things of a more venomous nature and malignant design , in order to gratify the despite of those rude demagorasses of rome , who have most ill will and evil eyes against the beauty of this parthenia , the church of england . i know the common refuge of many , who eagerly opposed the church of england in this point of its ceremonies , was , when they could not answer those arguments which learned and godly men brought to justifie the lawfull nature of the things in themselves , also for the churches undoubted liberty and power in chusing and using them lawfully ; they then flew to that popular and plausible argument , which is in it self very fallacious , arguing a mind rather servile to mens persons , and enslaved to their opinions , than enjoying the freedome of its own reason and judgement : namely , that some learned and many godly men did greatly scruple those ceremonies , being so scandalized with them , that they either never used them , or with very great regret ; others bitterly inveighed against them , petitioning god and man for the removall of them . thus do most men plead , who were but coppy-holders under the chief lords of this faction against the ceremonies of the church of england . ans . i do not unwillingly grant ( as having been no stranger to some of them ) that many of those who were no great friends to the ceremonies , were yet learned , grave and godly men , such as they are reputed to be by those who pretend to be their followers , and have rather out-gone them in the rigour of non-conformity , than kept pace with them in that moderation , gravity and charity , which those men seemed to have : who were not therefore sworn enemies against the church of england , because they were no great friends to ceremonies ; yea , i am perswaded there were few of them ( who truly deserved in former ages the names of godly and wise men ) who would not have born ten times more such ceremonies with patience , rather than have occasioned so great troubles and confusions to this reformed church , which they highly honoured and stoutly asserted against those , who under pretence of straining at gnats , intended ( it seems ) to swallow down camels ; and under colour of battering a few ceremonies , aimed at last to overthrow the whole frame of so famous and flourishing a church ; which hath now suffered more from some mens malice or immoderation , than ever it can hope to recover by the wisdome or godlinesse of any of that anticeremoniall party . but grant it , that some of their patrons and predecessors , who opposed ceremonies , were good and godly men ; yet still they were but men , subject to like passions as others were : their hearts to god-ward ( i hope ) were sincere as to the inside of their religion ; but they might ( as is usual even in good men ) be much warped as to the rinde or outside of their religion , both in their judgement and practise of things , by their native tempers and complexions , as they were either melancholick , dark and scrupulous , or cholerick , hot and bold , or more phlegmatick , dull and easie , or more sanguine , popular and pompous : for through the tincture of these glasses most men behold even religious forms , either as more or less agreeable to their genius and temper : nor are they seldome lesse biassed and swayed by the prepossessions and prejudices of their education , by custome , conversation , reputation , expectation , admiration of mens persons , addition to particular parties , private relations and interests : all which ( though matters of no rationall or morall weight , yet ) have a strong secret tide and influence upon mens minds and professions , especially in cases disputable in matters of religion , that are of a sceptical , dubious & indifferent nature , wherein most men are prone to be so superstitious , as to imagine that to be most pleasing or displeasing to god , which is so to themselves . many things are by some practised , because they ever did so ; and by many omitted , because they never did use them : men flie from positive superstition , with a strong rebound to negative superstition . nor is it lesse superstition , i conceive , for men to think it a point of religion to forbear or remove such things , than it is in others , to think it necessary to retain and observe them , upon a religious necessity : which last was not the judgement of the church of england , as to any ecclesiasticall ceremonies ; which were not held to be of necessity , but onely of decency . the opposers of them ( indeed ) pressed an absolute necessity of duty and conscience to remove them . who then were in this point superstitious persons , is no hard matter to judge . if the reputation of mens parts and pietie , of their devotions and austerities of life , signified much in the outward rites and ceremonies of religion , to make them good or bad , lawful or unlawful ; certainly by those marks the romish party will be able to produce many instances of exemplary sanctity , severity , and austerity in outward abstinences or observances , by which to maintain the concurrent errours and grosser superstitions of their religion . persons of applauded piety are many times , like smooth and ponderous wedges , the devils fittest engines to cleave the church in sunder ; the weight of their example presents all things to the minds of weak and sequacious christians , as great importances of religion . so origen and tertullian became the great scandalls and temptations of the christian world , by the greatnesse of their parts , piety and reputation , as vincentius lirinensis observes : nor had novatus , donatus , pelagius , and others of old , done so much mischief in the church , if they had been men either obscure for their parts , or infamous for their moralls . it is not onely to be considered , how able men are in any setled church , but how peaceable , how humble , how far removed from private passions , secular designs , worldly discontents , popular and pragmatick humours ; all which doe oft leaven men ( otherwise of commendable parts and piety ) especially in their younger dayes , when they are most prone to have good conceits and confidences of themselves . once on wing in their own fancy , and mounted by the breath of vulgar esteem , they are loth to light , and afraid to fall , when their fame and credit are thus at stake ( besides the glimmering of some oblique interests of profit or preferment , which lye within their eye and reach . ) elder years do morosely resolve to maintain what once they have adopted under the name of stricter piety and purer religion . few men know how to revert or recant , when once engaged in a party or difference which carries any mark or ensign of a speciall way of religion . reputation is the bearded hook , which holds most men faster than conscience to their sides , even after they perceive how delusory the artificial bait was , which first invited them to entangle themselves . i have known some ministers of worth and ability , who in all things materiall agreed to the doctrine and worship of the church of engl. yet in point of non-conformity to some ceremony , rather chose ( being once engaged before they had so well examined all things ) to live a scrambling , vagrant , and almost mendicant life , from one good house to another ( by which means some of them sucked no small benefit ) rather than they would take any setled living in the church of england ; in which obstinacy they persisted to their dying day : although they grew very calme and coole as to their first heats ; and perceiving in time the weaknesse of their own and others motives , they durst not in their maturer years perswade any others , no not their own sons , which were ministers in the church of england , to be non-conformists , onely they were ashamed to be retrograde in their reputation , though they were got well forward in their better judgements . yea , even as to the polle and number of names ( which i think to be but the number of the beast , if we onely tell noses , and not consider reasons ) who knows not but the conformable part both of ministers and people in england , were , for many years , twenty to one beyond the non-conformists ? nor did they more exceed them in number , than they equalled them every way in learning , piety , gravity , in all good words and works ; yea in many things of publick and more generous charity they far exceeded them : the one were , for the most part , getting and scraping for their private advantages ; the other were much more hospitable , munificent and charitable . the first and second generation of non-conformists were more excusable , and more modest in their dissentings : for , coming newly out of not onely the dungeon of papall superstition and darkness to a marvellous light of reformation , they were jealous of any cloud or shadow which they suspected as threatning to eclipse that light ; but coming also out of the fiery furnace of romish persecution , they were jealous of every thing that had once past the popes fingers , lest it might be too hot for them . these good and warm men ( to whose martyrly courage much might be indulged ) while yet reformation was an embryo ( in the formation and birth ) were in time much worn out ; men afterward began more coolely to consider the nature of the things , no less than their own fears or other mens prejudices , especially after they saw those things three times solemnly determined and setled by the publick wisdome and authority both of this church and state. the few remains of the old stock of pious dissenters ( which in my time i have known ) were grown so calm and moderate , as to the ceremonies of the church of england , that i never found they perswaded others against them . as for liturgie and episcopacy , i am sure they justly asserted them , as to the main , as wishing onely some small sweetning of the first , as to a few darker expressions ; and the softening of the other , as to some more equable regulations : which were as far from extirpation of either of them , as wiping the eyes is from pulling them out , and washing the hands from cutting them off . yea , i know by long experience , that when the graver and more learned sort of non-conformists perceived how mightily the reformed religion grew and prospered in england , amidst the liturgie , bishops and ceremonies , against which some fiercer spirits had so excessively inveighed ; when they saw what buds and leaves , blossoms and ripe fruit aarons rod brought forth , what eminent gifts and graces god was pleased to dispense by bishops and presbyters , that were piously conformable to the church of england , they wholly laid aside their former heats and youthfull eagernesses ; which sometimes fed high , and were kept warm by the hopes and flatteries of those who expected that party should long agone have prevailed ; yea many of them , now aged , both repented of and recanted their more juvenile and indiscreet fervours , advising others , now beginners , to conform to the good orders , and to study the peace of the church of england , which they saw so blessed of god , as none in the world exceeded her. nor did i ever hear of any sober christian , or truly godly minister , who ( being in other things prudent , unblameable and sincere ) did ever suffer any penitentiall strokes , or checks of conscience , either upon his death-bed or before , meerly upon the account of their having been conformable to , and keeping communion with the church of england ; nor did they ever find or complain of ceremonies , liturgie , or episcopacy , as any damps to their reall graces , or to their holy communion with gods blessed spirit . at last , both good ministers and people generally submitted themselves in all peaceableness , for many years , to the order and uniformity of the church of england ; untill the late northern earth-quake scared many by a panick fear from their former stedfastness in practises and judgements , which had been taken up by many ministers , not suddenly and easily , but after serious and mature deliberations : against which nothing new hath as yet been alledged to alter their minds , onely old rusty arguments have been wrapped up in new furbished arms ; & the strongest sword , it seems , makes the best proofs and impressions on some mens consciences , even in matters of religion . which ( vertigo ) excusable giddiness in the vulgar , but shamefull inconstancy in some men of parts and learning , is no news to wise men ; since ( as the most renowned * isaac casaubon observes ) the native mutability of mens minds is such , that they precipitantly run by sholes and troops upon changes , which are for the worst ; but scarce one man of a thousand is to be won by the sense of his own and other mens miseries , or by the most importune and strongest reasons in the world , to retract his popular transports ; or to revert to the better , by holy and happy apostasies . changes to the worse , like sicknesses , are easie and sudden ; recoveries to the better , like health , are slow and difficult . irregular zeal and popular tumults , like storms and tempests , easily drive men from their anchors into dangerous seas ; but they seldom bring them back into safe harbors . the first is the work of the many , but not the wise ; the second of the wise , who are but few , and who , during the paroxysme or first impression of vulgar violence , must a little yield themselves either to be carried away , or oppressed by the rage and precipitancy of such mutations , which divers sober men ( no doubt ) have rather suffered of late years than approved here in england , who humbly pray to recover that happy port or station , wherein the reformed religion was once , like a well-built , well-ballasted , and richly laden ship , safely anchored in the church of england ; where the ceremonies were but as the wast clothes , flags and streamers ; no part indeed of its precious lading , but yet not uncomely ornaments , much less such dangerous burthens or blemishes , as merited the utter sinking and over-setting of so fair a vessel : which seems to have been the delight of some men ; though i do not think it was or is according to the desire of the most sober & modest non-conformists , no more than it was or is agreeable to the mind of the chief magistrate , nor of the best nobility , the wisest gentry ; the learnedst clergie , or the better sort of commons , if they were left to their free votes and untumultuated suffrages . certainly all pious and prudent persons , who ever owned the church of england , having now more leisure and clearer light to discern things , than when the clouds and storms first began , cannot but continually deplore their own credulity , some mens cruelty , and most mens inconstancy in religion , which have left this church in so broken and calamitous a condition , while some oppose her , many forsake her , and few assert her. especially when they finde , as they do every where , by experience , that those eager agitators against the church of england , upon the old account of ceremonies , liturgie and episcopacy , doe yet , as grand masters and most authentick dictators , take to themselves and their respective parties a most plenipotentiary power , to teach , ordain , rule , over-see , guide , correct and excommunicate such as they can get into their severalls , divided or new-erected churches , whose divine authority , power and jurisdiction in things ecclesiastick , they cry up for absolute , supreme , divine . thus they make , or at least fancy themselves , mutually kings and priests in the majesty and soveraignty of all ecclesiastick jurisdiction , amidst their small conventicles , who wholly deny any such authority to the grandeur , number & magnificence of the church of england ; that is the joynt consent , united influence , and combined interest of all good christians in this nation , who publickly agreed with one mind and in one manner to serve the lord. yet in the manner of their communion , ministrations or worship , who sees not , that every one of these new masters affects to be author of his own liturgie , perswading people to pray to and praise god , to consecrate and celebrate holy mysteries , rather after such a form as they shall either suddenly conceive , or more soberly provide ; either keeping for the main to the same matter , method and tenour of devotion , which was in the church of england , or , with great artifice , varying so much , as it may be thought to be new and unpremeditated , yea and inspired too , rather than from any ordinary gift or common habit acquired ? which sober christians know full well to be neither an hard nor a rare matter for any men to attain , who have quick inventions , moderate judgements , and voluble tongues . lastly , even in the point of ceremonies , ( which they have clamoured for dangerous , and rendred so odious in the church of england ) even these men that are so impatient to be concluded under any ceremonies upon publick order and injunction , yet many of them use two ceremonies for one , after their own fancies and inventions ; not only by those emphatick looks , dreadful eagernesses , vehement loudnesses , long and extatick silences , antick actions , odde and theatrick postures , which they peculiarly chuse to personate in , hereby setting off ( as they think ) with the greater grace and gusto , their religious performances before the people : but further , they require of their disciples , and all that will be their followers , some things of a ceremonial nature , besides words and phrases , as speciall marks and discriminations both of admission to , and communion with their churches or parties ; who may commonly be known by those omissions , no less than by those expressions which they affect to use . 't is religion with some , not to give the title of saint to any but their own partie ; never to use the lords prayer , creed or ten commandements . they have also speciall times and gestures , yea & vestures too , observed by them in their holy duties : some chuse to sit , others to stand at the lords supper ; neither of which was the posture of christ or his apostles , which was a leaning or recumbency : some take it after their own suppers , others before : some familiarly hand the elements one to another : most of them use such words in consecration and distribution , as they like best , or as come first to their lips ; sometimes such rude expressions ( which i have known by some that were no little idols of the vulgar ) that truly no wise man or good christian could approve them . there are that abhor to appeare as ministers of the church of england , by wearing any gown , or so much as black clothes , in their officiatings : many of them , rather than wear a black cap ( which is most grave and comely , in case they need one ) chuse to put on a white cap , though they need none , appearing as if they went to execution when they go to preaching : some love to preach in cuerpo , casting off their clokes , as if they went like boyes to wrestling , when they go to preaching . how ill would these men take it , if any of those that are lovers and esteemers of the ch. of engl. should so severely circumcise their devotions , as not to suffer them to use any of those new forms , exotick fashions , or affected ceremonies , which they have thus chosen to themselves , as the discriminations of their factions , the decencies of their profession , and the solemnities , no doubt , of their devotions ? how angry would they be , to hear any men crying down all their fine new modes ( which no doubt themselves think very demure and saintly ) as very undecent and superstitious , as superfluous and scandalous , as unnecessary , yea impious , because not expresly commanded by christ , not punctually practised by the apostles , nor any other holy men in any church ? to many of whom the strange and affected carriages of some new men in their duties and devotions , would certainly seem very ridiculous and indiscreet , if not worse , while they are such imperious and severe censurers of a few ceremonies , thought fit to be used by the wisdome of the church of england . whatever these men can plead for those ceremonious customes and observations , used by them in their religious performances , which have no other signature or note upon them but onely their own fancy , choice and use , that , i am sure , and much more , may any sober christian plead in behalf of the ceremonies chosen by , and used in the church of england , as seemed fittest and best for the common good . there is a necessity of decency , reverence , order and convenience , for the adorning of religious duties , that are sociall and exemplary , related not onely to god , but to men in outward profession , quickening thereby and incouraging our selves , winning and alluring others , yea instructing and edifying all sorts in some degree ; like the flourishings of capitall letters , which make them not more significant , but more remarkable . these are no less lawfull and necessary than discretion is to devotion , or prudence is to piety ; though they are not of the highest and most absolute necessity , which constitutes what these adorn , gives being to what these onely beautifie , gives the inward and essentiall form to what these adde onely outward and visible forms to : ceremonies making religious duties not more pious , but more conspicuous ; not more sacred , but more solemn ; not more spirituall and holy , but more visible and imitable . in all which things of a circumstantiall and ceremoniall nature ( for ceremonies seem no other but modified or limited circumstances , such as are time , place , gesture , vesture , posture , action , &c. all which in the generall do attend ( as shadows do gross bodies in the sun-shine ) all the outward actions of men , either naturall , civil , or religious in this life of mortality ) if any men may lawfully use , as these enemies to the church of england now do , what their private fancy , skill and will , list to set up in opposition to , and derogation from the custome , wisdome , and publick consent of such a church as england was . certainly wise and godly men may with much more modesty , safety and discretion , follow the joynt advice and direction of so famous a church , to whom , and to its followers , some of these new reformers will not now allow so much liberty as to follow their own judgement , and the churches appointment too , in matters of religion , either for substance or ceremony ; which liberty they alwayes boldly demanded , and lately challenged to themselves and their adherents , as a right or priviledge belonging to them , not onely as men , but as christians ; which yet by their good will no christians should enjoy besides themselves , and such as receive the lawes of religion from their lips . it is possible indeed for one man to be in some things , at some time and occasion , wiser than many men , ( for truth doth not alwayes go in crowds , never in rabbles ) as one lay-man seemed in the great council of nice : who was , as socrates , ruffinus and nicephorus tell us , a very plain and simple man ; yet he relieved those fathers , when they were shrewdly perplexed by a subtill sophister in the point of christs divinity , and the most adorable trinity ; whose disputative insolency that one plain man ( as david against goliah ) did so rebuke , not by subtilty of his reasonings , but by the majesty of his faith and confession , that the philosopher confessed himself evicted , convicted , converted . such a solitary rock of christian constancy was that one great athanasius , ( deservedly master of an immortall name ) because in the sea and inundation of arian perfidy , and the apostasy of most , he , he persisted a constant professor , a couragious confessor , a patient martyr by his sufferings for so great a truth ; which is of greater price than all christians temporall lives : better all men die , as to their mortality , than christ be deprived of the honour of his divinity ; which is the life of a believers faith , and hope for eternall life , by the meritorious excellency and infinite goodness of the blessed jesus , both god and man. notwithstanding these instances in cases of great concernment ( which had the scriptures testimony , & the consent of all the ancient churches , to buoy up their undertakers against all the oppositions of men or devils ; ) yet in things of a lesse nature , which being indifferent in their kind , are best determinable by publick prudence , it argues ( as s. austin speaks , ( insolentissimam insaniam ) no small pride and arrogancy ( which is the mother of folly and faction ) for any one man , or some few men , whom all order and polity hath made inferiour to others , either as their betters , or as the rulers and representatives of the whole society , to prefer their own private opinions and judgements before the well-advised results and solemn sanctions of those that are far more in number , and every way as eminent for piety , prudence and integrity , besides the advantage they have of more publick influence and just authority . such indeed were the first reformers and constituters of the church of england , both as to its fundamentals , and what they thought ornamentals , or ceremonies ; who , i believe , had much more religious reason for what they then approved and appointed , both as to piety and policy , than we at this distance of times , and different state of things can well discern . i am sure they were masters of as much learning , and as great searchers of divine verities , as any of those new masters , who now so much blame them , and pert upon them ; yea and , i believe , they had much more of true zeal and meekness , of humility and charity , attending their learned counsels and pious endeavours , than will be ( at last ) found in those men , who are so far from suffering as martyrs for christ and his church , that they seek to make this church one of the greatest sufferers and martyrs that ever was of any christian and reformed church . those forenamed gifts and graces , which sowed ( by gods blessing ) those good seeds of piety and peace , whence a long and plentifull harvest of blessings , spiritual and temporal , did grow , and was reaped for many years in england , by us and our fore-fathers ; those , i believe , will carry the honest and humble conformists sooner and nearer to heaven , than the pride , passion and petulancy of these is like to do , who now seem the most supercilious and triumphant non-conformists against the church of england : to some of whose violences , immoderations and imprudencies , ( that i name not sacriledges , profanenesses and cruelties ) the church of england and its children ( next their sins ) do now owe so much of their miseries , dangers and undoings ; for which i doubt not but in the day of impartiall doom , they will find , that gods thoughts were not as their thoughts , nor his wayes as their wayes . to the jealousie and contempt which some men expressed against the ceremonies of the church of england , they added their perpetual quarrelling with those festival solemnities which were appointed to be annually observed in a religious way to gods glory , and christians improvement , by fasting or feasting , by prayer , preaching and communicating : which uses and ends being sufficient to justifie all things that any church particularly appoints or observes , agreeable to the generall tenour of gods word ; yet some mens divinity hath been alwayes bent to condemn and discountenance , even the solemn and speciall memorials of christs nativity , passion , resurrection , ascension , and sending of the holy ghost , which celebrate no other mysteries or memorials than those , which the grand articles of christian faith do teach us . the wisdome and piety of the church having , in all ages , written in dominicall or great letters those most remarkable histories of our saviours transactions on earth , in order to our redemption ; which certainly are never more observed by common people , than when they are set forth in such holidayes , and are kept with more than ordinary solemnity and festivity , or joy , such as becomes sober christians : for which we have not onely the ancient churches general practice , but gods own command and precedent among the jews , to prevent forgetting or slighting of gods signall mercies . against all which some men are so envious among christians , that they will not endure either ministers or neighbour-christians to benefit their own and others souls , by preaching upon any of those speciall dayes , or occasions and subjects . they can allow state fasts , civil festivals , and common-wealths thanksgivings , upon petty and inconsiderable accounts ( comparatively ) but by no means upon such as are purely christian , either for mortification or gratulation : in which they are so peevishly partiall , that they superciliously fancy , their not observing such a day to be a service to the lord ; but they have not so much charity , as to grant that anothers observing such a day is an observing it to the lord ; which affirmative the blessed apostle allows no less than the others negative : whose uncharitableness seems in this , not onely superstitious as to their own liberty , but injurious against anothers , while they count them jewish and ceremonious in observing those dayes , which all the world knows do not look forward to christ as yet to come , but backward , as to christ already come , both in the flesh and in the spirit ; having , as to his meritorious part , finished the glorious work of our redemption , which ought to be had in everlasting remembrance ; and left such a ministeriall authority in his church , as ought to preserve the memorials of his incarnation , passion , resurrection and ascension , untill his coming again , by all such means , both ordinary and extraordinary , which may with most piety and prudence best attain that great end . which the ancient and primitive churches undoubtedly did ; among whom so early and eager a controversie rose , as to the punctuall day of christs resurrection : nor have the modern and best reformed churches failed in these grand celebrations , to conform , as the ch. of engl. did , to pious antiquity , finding no reason or religion why they should in such lawfull and laudable customes affect to vary from the catholick patterne , so conform to the word and will of god. from which private christians would not so easily dissent , if they did not too much lean to their own understandings , and so fall under that woe , of being wise in their own conceits : which biasses easily betray weak and wilfull men , to count good evil , and evil good ; to think their own refractoriness to be religion , and other mens honest devotion to be but superstition : of which i confess i never thought either this church or any other to be in the least degree guilty , while they did observe such holy memorials , with publick celebrity , as were appointed to the honour of god , and to the imitation of those graces which were remarkable in the eminentest servants of god , renowned in the gospel ; such as are the blessed virgin and mother of our lord , as also his prime apostles , by whose means the light of the gospel shone through all the world . nor do we find our saviour himself withdrawing in such cases his conformity to the churches practise , in those encaenia or feasts of dedication , which were thankfull and joyfull memorials of the restauration of that material temple which was to be demolished ; whereas these holiday-celebrations used in this church , have respect to such things as are never to be forgotten , abolished , or changed , while the world continues , and christ hath any church upon earth ; which i believe he will have to the end of the world , according to his promised assistance to all his faithfull ministers , who continue in the fellowship and succession , both for doctrine and authority , of the blessed apostles . but i have done with these long and unhappy debates about the sacred festivalls , and other ceremonies authorized by the church of england ; on which some flesh-flies ( mistaking them for galls and sores , when they were but decent variations of beautifull colours in its garment ) have so importunely fastened , especially in the hotter season of these late dog-dayes , that they have very much flye-blown the reformed religion , and endangered not onely the putrefaction , but the utter corruption of the whole state of this church of england : whose quarrel and right in these things i should not have thus far revived or vindicated , if i had not thought it necessary by this salt of sound speech , to represse those further putrifying principles , which upon this account are daily suggested to simple and well-meaning people , against the whole frame and constitution of the church of england . whose publick commands and setled constitutions as i alwayes approved and obeyed , but most readily , since i best understood them in their late fiery triall ; because i have found them , in great and weighty matters , serious , solid , scripturall ; in lesser things , moderate , discreet and charitable : so i never had either heart or hand , tongue or pen , to assert any thing that was by private or particular mens fancies brought in , either to a peevish non-conformity , or to a pragmatick super-conformity . though i willingly allow many of my calling to be much wiser and better than my self ; yet i cannot look upon them as wiser than the whole church of england , which saw with many more eyes , both forward and backward , than any one bishop or presbyter can do : whose reall innovations in later times , beyond what either the letter or usage of this church ( which best interprets its meaning ) did enjoyn and authorize , i am no way concerned to maintain ; nor was i ever discontent to have them both gainsaid and removed , as insolencies mis-becoming any church-man , never so wise or great , to impose upon the majesty of so famous a church as england was ; which never needed any other additions , innovations or decorations , either in doctrine , or discipline , or worship , than those which it self had soberly chosen as a wise mother and grave matron , which justly disdains to be made gayer or finer by such ribbands , feathers and toyes , as any of her children shall list to pin upon her . it had better become , in my judgement , the learning , gravity and discretion of those men , who most admired and obtruded their own supernumerary and unwonted ceremonies , to have confined themselves to the churches known injunctions and customes : for it were endless , if every man , never so good , should be gratified in his church-projects and religious inventions ; which became the great pest and oppression of the western churches ; when the bishops of rome , by their own incroachments and other bishops connivence , undertook to innovate or regulate all things in all churches , which should have been ordered either by generall councils , or by the synods of particular churches , as was most convenient for them . nor in england could ever prudent men with reason have do●ed on any of their novelties , when they plainly saw that even those few sparks of ancient ceremonies , with which the church of england contented her self , ( and which neither made nor marr'd religion , being rather spangles than spots on the churches garments ) even these ( i say ) have a long time been made , beyond their merit , not onely occasions for some to rail , others to scorn , a third sort to blaspheme the purity and honour of the church of england ; but also to schismatize in her , and separate wholy from her. yea from the later obtrusions of some mens either renovations of things antiquated , or innovations of ceremonies never enjoyned by the church , those dreadful conflagrations have grown , which have almost quite consumed her ; the quenching of which deserves ( as it needs ) not onely these drops of my pen , but of all your tears and prayers ( most worthy gentlemen ) who find your selves ( as i am ) very much concerned for the honour and happiness of this church , which was in all points prudently reformed , and excellently constituted . chap. xiv . a second grand objection , very popular and plausible , which the enemies of the church of england have made great use of to decry and destroy , if possible , the whole frame & constitution of it , is taken from the private infirmities , personall failings , & male-administrations , which some men have either suspected or really observed in some of the clergie , either arch-bishops , bishops , or presbyters of the church of england : against whom it is objected , that either they were not so warm and voluble preachers , as those men do most fancy ; or possibly less learned and industrious then was fit for ministers ; or not so prudent , it may be , and compassionate toward weaker christians , as became those that were stronger in the faith ; or lastly , not so morally strict & unblamable in their lives , as indeed all ministers of the gospel ought to be at all times . hence the adversaries of the church of england do conclude that both head and heart were sick , that there was no sound part , that all was full of bruises and putrified sores , that in the church of england nothing could be found worthy of a true church , a true minister , or a true christian . my answer is , that all the modest clergie in england desire to be so humble , so ingenuous & so impartial , as not to forget their own infirmities , while they cōplain of others injuries . for my self , being conscious how little removed i am from fallings , as a m●n and minister , i shall willingly confess , and strive to amend , what any mans charity shall with truth convince me of and for others , my fathers and brethren , i presume i have ( because i humbly crave ) their leaves to give god the glory of his own justice , of other mens malice , and of our own failings . my design is not to reproch any man in particular , but to excite my self , with all other ministers , to such repentance & amendment as god requires , the better world expects , the malice of our enemies exacts , our own safety and this churches distresses command of us . the clergie of england of all degrees have endured too many sufferings ( beyond any other rank or order of men ) to fancy they have not had many sins . not to own our distempers , after the long application of so rough physick , were indeed to tax the wisest and gentlest physician , not of severity , but cruelty and superfluity : whereas the father of our souls never chastiseth his children so much for his own pleasure , as indeed for their profit . gods judgements are in this very mercifull , and his severities the fruits of his loving kindness , that he chuseth rather to punish us than forsake us ; and to afflict us by his own justice , than to betray us to the cruel flatteries of our own lusts , which would prove ours and his greatest enemies too , if we were left to our selves . the smart eye-salve which the clergy of england have endured of late years , may well cleare our sight so farre , at least , as to discern and confess those faults which heretofore ( it may be ) we over-looked , or slighted , or excused , upon the common score of humane infirmity ; which indulgence may better be allowed to any men , than to ministers of the gospel , especially if persons of eminency and conspicuity . of all clergie-men , beyond all other men , the world justly expects ( and so doth god ) sobriety , gravity , exactness , even in their younger years , as s. paul doth of timothy ; how much more in their maturity and age ? little sins in them ( if publicated ) grow great by their scandall and contagion : o how ponderous , how immense , how flagitious are the presumptions , the vicious habits , the wilfull , open , obstinate and constant deformities of ministers ! in all which ( if the just god should be extreme to mark what hath been amisse among us , both young and old , great and small , who is able to abide it ? before the lord who hath done it , we must , with old eli and holy job , put our mouths in the dust , and smother our sense in silence . nevertheless , we are , and ever must be , pertinacious even to the death ( with holy and afflicted job ) to maintain , not onely the innocency , but also the merit of the clergie or ministry of england ( as to the greater and better part of them ) in respect of the people of this nation in all degrees . although ( as david did , when shimei reproched and cursed him bitterly , disdainfully and injustly ) we cannot but be sensible & complain of some mens excessive malice & immoderation against us ▪ ye● we cannot but make an humble submission to , with an agnition and justification of that divine wrath & justice which seems to be gone out against us : before the almighty we desire to be either silent , or confitent , or suppliant , as becomes those that are justly ashamed , and truly penitent . t is fit we hide , and abhor our selves in dust and ashes , before his presence , who onely can pity and repair us , by turning the causeless curses of men into a blessing , making the sacrilegious impoverishings and indignities , the ingratefull abasings and insole●●ies of some unreasonable and violent men , an occasion of his gracious favour , and all good mens compassions toward the afflicted clergie and church of england : for where church-men are miserable , the church cannot be happy ; where the clergie are distressed , the laity cannot be prosperous . we are so far willing to gratifie the malice of our bitter adversaries , ( to whom no musick is so pleasing , as any evil report brought upon the ministers of england ) as with s. austin to make our confession to god , that we may be more vile in our own eyes before the lord , and cover our selves with that cloke of confusion which god hath suffered some men to cast upon us , after they have stripped us of those ancient honours and ornaments , with which we were by the piety , gratitude and munificence of former times happily invested , not more to our own , than the whole nations great renown in all the world . without all peradventure , the most holy and all-seeing god , who walketh in the midst of the golden candlesticks , whose pure eyes are most intent upon the ministers of his church , hath found out the iniquity of his servants , the bishops and other ministers of the church of england , not onely in our persons , but in our professions ; not onely in our morals , but in our ministrations : who being solemnly consecrated , and duly set apart to the service of god & his church , in the name , place , power and authority of jesus christ , and drawing neer to his speciall presence , with moses in the mount , with aaron in the holy of holies , in those glorious manifestations of god in christ to his church , by publick ordinances and spirituall influences ; yet have not so sanctified the name of the lord our god by our hearts and lives , by our doctrine and duties , as we ought to have done . many of us doing the work of god ( which is a great work , of eternal concernment to our own and other mens souls ) either so unpreparedly , negligently and irreverently , or so partially , popularly and passionatly , or so formally , pompously and superciliously , that our very officiatings have been offences to god and man , our oblations vain , our prayers the sacrifices of fooles , our pains in preaching ( how much more our idleness ? ) hath been no better than the foolishnesse of preaching in good earnest . some of us have been prone to place the highest pitch of our ministeriall care , exactness and duty in ceremonious conformities , which alone are meer chaffe , miserable , empty formalities ; neglecting the substance , life and soul of christian religion , which consists in righteousness and true holiness , while we too much intended the meer shadow , shell and out-side of it : others have so eagerly doted upon their sticklings against what was duly and decently established in this church , as to the outward circumstances and ceremonies , the decent manner and form of sociall religion , that they feared not ( as far as in them lay ) to make havock of the power of religion , together with the peace , unity , order , and very being of this famous church . many of us so over-preached our peoples capacities , that the generality of our auditors , after many years preaching , were very little edified , nothing amended , being kept at too high a rack , both of affected oratory and abstruse divinity , for want of plain catechising , and charitable condescending to them : others in a supine and slovenly negligence , have sunk so much below the just gravity , solidity and majesty of true preaching , that the meanest sort of illiterate people have undertook to vie with them , and to match them : infinite swarms of mechanick rivals rose up into desks and pulpits , when once they saw such pitiful preaching serve the turn , which consisted not in study , meditation and reading , but in a bold look , a confident spirit , and a voluble tongue ; so that neither such preaching nor praying seemed many degrees removed from meer vulgar prating , from triviall extemporary chat . 't is true , few bishops , few presbyters among us , but may confess , that either in our accesses to that great and terrible work , unfitted and unfurnished in great part , or in our converse and exercises in it , with less mortified affections and less exemplary actions , either by our ambitions , or our envies , or our covetousness , or our impatience , by our looseness , or luxury , or laziness , or vulgarity ; we have too much abased the dignity of our calling , and the honour of our profession : whence justly and necessarily follows the darkning and eclipse of our credit , esteem and reputation among the people ; when they see their physitians themselves infected , their surgeons ulcerous , their antidotes poysonous , their ministers helping to fill up the measure of the sins of the people , doing wickedly in a land of uprightnesse : while justice was done to them , while all favor shewed them , in plenty , peace , dignities , honours , while the fruits of gods and mans indulgence were bestowed upon them and continued to them ; then for clergie-men and pastors to wax wanton , to feed themselves , and to neglect the flock which was purchased with the precious blood of christ . who can wonder if the wrath of god break out against us , when ( as the sons of aaron and eli ) the priests of the lord adventure to approch the glory of god with strange fire , with dead and unreasonable , instead of living and acceptable sacrifices ? who of us can doubt or complain , that we bear the iniquity of our holy things , while the anger of the lord is thus gone out against us , and presseth sore upon us in the saddest wayes of temporall calamities ; loading us at once with poverty , reproch and contempt , cast upon us by popular fury and plebeian despite , which knows no bounds of justice , moderation , pity or charity , much less of any reparation and restitution ; which possibly might have been hoped from the magnificence of princes and great men , when once their anger had been asswaged , and their displeasure pacified against the distressed and despised clergie ? but vulgar fury , like the fire of hell , is consumptive and unquenchable , when once it hath leave to rebell and rage against their betters , especially such as have been their governours and teachers , the reprovers or restrainers of their ruder lusts and follies : nothing is more insolent , precipitant , boysterous , brutish , implacable , inexorable , irreparable . 't is like that divine vengeance which was executed by the earths opening its mouth ( as it did upon korah and his complices ) scaring all , and threatning to swallow up the whole congregation of the lord , as it doth at this day ; still gaping upon the whole clergy , and the remnant of this church of england , which yet hath escaped : the bayardly blindness of common people being such , that they are neither able nor willing to discern between what is precious and what is vile , to distinguish between the use and abuse of things , between persons and their functions , between divine authority and humane infirmity , between the essentiall constitution of things , and their accidentall corruptions . the headiness of such reformers would seek to put out the seeing eyes of all bishops and ministers , because of the weaknesse or wantonnesse of some . nor do these popular flames know at length how to spare their own idols and teraphims ( their lares and penates ) those houshold and familiar gods , whom they formerly most dearly embraced , adored and doted upon , but now they have cast them to the moles and bats . for it is very observable in these times , that the plebeian rudenesse , coldnesse , mutability , licentiousnesse , petulancy and ingratitude of some men , hath vented it self against no sort of ministers more spitefully and insolently , than those who heretofore were their great favourites and darlings , because they soothed them up many times , contrary to their own private judgements , and the churches publick appointments , either in a weak and wavering non-conformity , or in a wilfull and wanton refractorinesse , even to a despising , calumniating and separating humour , against the whole church of england . 't is evident , many ministers have found those their keenest persecutours , of whom themselves were sometimes the greatest flatterers , and compliers ; slightly healing or lightly skinning over those raw sores of non-conformity , even to a greater pain and festring ( as now it hath proved ) which they should have seriously searched & throughly healed , by sound demonstrations asserting at once both their own judgments , and the churches wisdome , in the pious use of its power and liberty . all which ministers did then shamefully betray , when they daubed with untempered mortar , complying for their private interests and advantages , both with this churches injunctions , and its enemies oppositions : which shuffling , at last , put the common people into such a confusion and uncertainty of mind , that they knew not what to chuse or refuse , whom to believe or follow , what to preserve , or what not to destroy ; severely punishing even the authors , occasioners and abettors of their irresolutions ; resolving at last to be destructive of all things that had any mark of the church of englands wisdome and authority upon them : not content to prune off superfluous suckers , they concluded to lay their rude axes to the root as well as branches of this church . yea , while the clergie or ministers of england do justly and humbly , in the freedome and integrity of their souls , thus make their penitent agnitions to the divine justice , ( every one seeing his own sins in his and the churches sufferings , and best knowing the plague of his own heart ) while they are , with daniel , humbly prostrate before the majesty of god and the throne of his grace ; some people are of such impotent malice , that they make them the more the foot-stool for their pride and insolency , thereby to exalt themselves the more against us . i would have such monsters of cruelty and uncharitablenesse to know , that however the clergie of england do shrink to nothing before god , condemning all their own righteousnesse , and themselves as unprofitable servants , that they may be found clothed with the righteousnesse of christ ; yet as to the exorbitancies of some mens malice , revenge , passion , covetousness , cruelty and ingratitude , which hath vented it self beyond all bounds of christian charity , modesty and equity , against the whole frame of the church of england , against all its ministry and ministers , as well presbyters as bishops , great and small , good and bad , one and all , no man can hinder me or them from this just plea for our selves , in the words of sobernesse and truth . first , whatsoever the clergie of england ( either as bishops or inferiour ministers ) did enjoy and act according to the lawes established , and agreeable to their own consciences , they are , in those things , not to be blamed in the least kind by any sober and wife mans censure : yet even for these chiefly it is , that some subtil and silly people do most bitterly inveigh against them , and in them against this whole church and nation ; which must either be guilty with the clergie , or the clergie must be free and unblameable with the parlaments and ▪ whole people of the land , who chose , and by law imposed such orders upon themselves and their ministers . secondly , for the clergies private failings and personal infirmities , either immorall or indiscreet , to which , as frail men , they may be subject ; in these they desire to be the first accusers , and severest censurers of themselves : which ingenuity is sufficient to silence the malice of the worst , to satisfie the justice of the best , and to merit the pity as well as pardon of all charitable christians , who are not strangers to their own excess or defects . thirdly , beyond these ( which are but personal and occasional , & so venial failings ) the clergie of england do defie , and challenge their severest adversaries , to charge and convince any considerable number of them , either in private parties and conventions , or in more publick synods and convocations , of having at any time conspired to broach or abet any heresy or false doctrine , any gross errour , schisme or apostasy , any immorality or exorbitancy , contrary to truth , faith , and good manners . that liberty which some of the clergie conceived might honestly be indulged to such people as were tired and exhausted with hard labour in the six dayes , for their civil and sober recreation on the lords day , or christian sabbath , thereby to counterpoise those jewish severities which they saw some men began to urge and obtrude upon christians , both as to the change and rest of that day ; ( which quarrell is not yet dead in england ) this ( i am prone in charity to believe ) neither arose from any root of immorality in the advisers , nor intended any fruits of impiety in the publishers , who were not ignorant how far in such a toleration they did conform to the judgement , and practise too , of some forreign reformed churches , and to the chief instruments of their reformation , who neither did nor do ( even in geneva ) abhor , avoid , or forbid modest , honest and seasonable recreations to servants and labouring people on the lords day . although , for my part , i confess , i approve rather , according to the doctrine of the church of england , in the homily of the time and place of prayer , that holy & strict observance generally used by the most cautious christians in england , which yet doth allow such ingenuous relaxations of mind , and motions on that day , as are neither impious nor scanlous , being at once far removed from judaick rigours , and from heathenish riots ; which medium was the sense and practise too of the best and most of the clergie in england , as to that one point of the christian sabbath , or lords day , which justin martyr calls sunday , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so sharply objected against some of them . so then , as to any reall enormities of opinions , or scandalous practises in religion , the clergie of england ( taken in their polity and integrality ) neither are , nor ever were guilty ( since the reformation ) either in doctrine , worship , discipline , or manners : which justification is as clear as the noon-day's light , if not our selves , nor our home-bred enemies , but the reformed churches abroad , or the ancient and primitive churches might be our judges . none but papists and separatists , or anabaptists and schismaticks , have ever condemned or suspected the church or clergie of england of any corruption in doctrine , of any flaw in the foundation , of any fraud in holy institutions , of any allowed licentiousnesse in our conversations , of any undecency in our devotions , of any superstition in our religious administrations ; in all which , according to the directions of gods word , by the assistance of gods holy spirit , through faith in the merits and mediation of the son of god our onely saviour jesus christ , we worshipped the onely true god , who is blessed for ever . as to the point of church-discipline , wherein some men were so clamorous and importune , as if there had been no health in this church , because it did not take their physick , which it needed not ; as the laws had not enjoyned all those ancient severities and strictnesses of penances , because neither the temper of the times nor mens spirits would bear them ; so the wise bishops , and discreet ministers under them , did so manage this point of church-discipline for many years , by their care and vigilancy , their good doctrine and exemplary lives , their fatherly monitions and charitable corrections ( as far as the laws gave them leave ) that they happily attained to the reall use and best end of all church-discipline , which is the churches peace and preservation in purity and honour , in sincerity and conspicuity of true religion : whose interests might ( possibly ) have been carried higher , as to the point of discipline , if the clergie of england had been furnished with such a latitude of power as primitive bishops and presbyters both enjoyed and exercised ; which the softness and delicacy of this age would hardly endure , especially when once the passions , novelties & ambitions of men were carried on , under the pretexts of reformation and new discipline ; in which some men resolved never to be satisfied , till all things fell under the tuition and gubernation of their own factions : unless all church-power be in some mens hands , no church-government is worth a button . not but that the remissness of some church-governours , and the rigours of others ( according to their private tempers , judgements and passions ) might ( sometime ) by their excesses or defects ( possibly ) displease more calm and moderate men ; as warping too much on either hand , from that medium and rectitude of charity , discretion , legality and constancy , which the canons of the church intended , its constitution , health and peace required , especially in the peevishness and touchiness of those times , when many philistins and dalilahs lay in wait to betray and destroy the church of england . yet amidst these seeming exorbitances of some church-men , it may with truth be affirmed , and is by all experience confirmed , that the state of christian and reformed religion , for doctrine , manners and government , for piety , charity and proficiency , was far better , both in england and in wales , than it now is , or is ever like to be , under those sad effects to which some mens fury , faction and confusion seek to reduce this church . so then the male-administrations truly charged upon some church-governours heretofore , had not so bad an influence upon this church and the reformed religion , as the later want of able and fit governours , after the ancient way of church-government , hath now produced every where . for the defects and inordinacies of some private ministers ( which can be no wonder , where there were above ten thousand of them ) i neither approve nor patronize them in the least kind ; onely i plead in behalf of the whole order and function , as it stood in this churches constitution , that a few ministers faults ought not , in any justice or reason , to be odiously charged upon the whole church or their profession , no more than the fall of some angels is imputable to the whole angelick nature . nor do i see any reason why the infirmities or deformities of some clergie-men ( and those not many in comparison ) should be more a stain and reproch to their calling , than other mens misdemeanours are to their either civil or military professions : in which though there ever will be some cheats and pettifoggers , others quacks and mountebanks , a third cowards and traitors ; yet these do not diminish the just honour and use of learned lawyers , discreet physicians , or gallant souldiers , whose imployments are then liberall and ingenuous , when they are honest and usefull to the common-wealth . it were a madness to quarrel with all candles , and put them out , because some are small , others want snuffing , a third sort burn dimly , and have ( as we say ) thieves in them : the foggs and vapours rising from the earth , and oft darkening the suns light , are no diminution to its native lustre , which is the greatest visible blessing in the world , as a good bishop and ministry is in the church : nor may the miscarriages of some bishops and presbyters in the church of england be cast as reproches , or made disparagements to their holy orders , much less to the whole church ; especially when we consider that the defects and faults of some clergie-men in england were mightily recompensed , yea , and over-balanced by that learning , piety , industry and virtue , which was generally competent , and in many of them so eminent , that i believe the whole world did not exceed them , and few in any church did match them ; yea many , both bishops and other ministers , who seemed less plausible or popular in their preaching , were yet not less sound in their doctrine , potent in their writing , prudent in their governing , and exemplary in their godly lives , having that in height and depth , which others had in breadth and length . who but persons of egregious ignorance or profligate impudence , without wit , modesty , or conscience , can or dare deny , what ( blessed be god ) is and ever will be most evident to all the world , that ever since the happy reformation of the church of england , there have been , and still are ( though their number seems now much diminished by death , and other disorders , without any due recruiting ) such clergie-men ( both bishops and presbyters ) who for all worth , divine and humane , will be had ( as they deserve ) in everlasting and honourable remembrance ? after-ages , more remote from partiality , passion and faction , will better know how to value them by the want of them , than this age hath done , which did sometime enjoy them , and still might , if having had so liberall experience of their other christian vertues and ministeriall abilities , in preaching , praying , writing and living , it had not sought further to satisfie its curiosity , by trying the patience and perseverance of many grave and good ministers ; to which purpose the most heavy log-end of christs cross is laid upon many of them , ( not onely supplicia , but ludibria ) silence , prisons and poverty , which have befaln some of them , but undeserved shame , with popular contempt ; and this from their own countrey-men , and from many of their own converts : these now press upon their persons and profession too , threatning an utter extinction of their ancient order , authority and succession in this church and nation , if their enemies might have their wills upon them ; which ( god be thanked ) they have not yet obtained to the latitude of their malice , though it hath reached very far , god help us . i know that the present sufferings of bishops and other ministers ( as chief members of the church of england ) have been , and still are , in many mens eyes , the greatest signs and indications of their sins ; vulgar justice ever judging those men criminous whom they see calamitous : like dogs in a countrey village , which are ready to flie upon any strange one , not for any offence he gives them , but because they see some currs have begun not onely to bark at him , but to bite and worry him . the plebs or common people are first injurious , and then censorious ; prosperity and power are their great idols ; they easily trample upon those gods whose hands and feet are off ; they conclude them unworthy of any resurrection , who are once cast down and buried by them . nothing is more common with the community of people , than to condemn the generation of gods children , who have generally been rather passive than pragmatical . holy polycarp is called for , as an atheist , to be sacrificed in the fire of vulgar zeale ; s. paul not fit to live ; christ himself worthy to be crucified , if the rabble may have their vote ; the chief part of whose innocency consists in finding fault with others that are vastly better than themselves . i believe that if the bishops and ministers of this church had been stoned by none but such as had a not faults and infirmities equall to , nay exceeding theirs , they had to this day been untouched . to whose score and account this ( now ) is added , that they must needs be great sinners , since they are so great sufferers ; they cannot but be murtherers , on whose hands people see such vipers hanging . thus carnall and sensuall christians are prone to judge , who are strangers to the crosse of christ ; not understanding that the afflictions of christians are mysterious , as well as then faith , and their sufferings as well as their sacraments ; that god doth , as our heavenly b father , many times love most where he most rebukes ; that they have oft most of his heart , from whom he most hides his face as to temporal prosperity , and on whom his hand lies heaviest as to visible chastisements ; which if they mend us , they argue not enmity , but love . it is no token , that because he punisheth our faults , therefore he hates our persons , much less our calling and profession : the c rod and staff of god lying upon us , or lifted up against us , is not to drive us from him , but , as a shepherds crook , to draw us neerer to him ; nor is it with any design to scare us from our duties , or to make us desert our station , or to force us to renounce our ordination to his holy service ( as some have shamefully done ) but as with goads to excite us the more to persist in our office stedfastly , and to discharge our ministry the more diligently : so that it is but a plebeian and fanatick fancy from hence to imagine , that the god of order is now ( after . years ) grown out of love with primitive and apostolick episcopacy , or with regular and orderly presbytery in his church , because he afflicts both bishops and presbyters ; or that jesus christ , the ancient of dayes , the alpha and omega of immutable wisdome , now designs to set up a meer novelty of parity and popularity in his church , which tend experimentally , and so most apparently , to the fedity , nullity and anarchy of religion in this and all other churches ; whose constitution may be commendable , although the execution of things may be blameable and punishable upon the merit of personall defaults , not ecclesiasticall defects . no chaldean , no magician , no soothsayer , no astrologer , no enchanter can spell any such meaning , as to gods displeasure against the frame and constitution of the church of england , out of that hand-writing which seems to be directed against the clergie and ministers of england . 't is true , every one ventures to read and interpret it as they list , to flatter their own parties , opinions , passions and interests : so did the philosophers , the heathens , the atheists , the idolaters , the scoffers , the julians , the apostates , the hereticks , the schismaticks of old , grosly mistake the meaning of those hot and sharp persecutions , which oft befell the primitive christians and orthodox professors of faith in christ crucified , concluding they deserved true crosses , who so much gloried in the cross of christ ; not knowing what theriak god makes out of those serpents that sting us , nor what antidotes he extracts out of those deadly poysons which destroy us . the royal title over christs head was never more deserved than when he was hanging upon the crosse ; for on that , as a king on his throne , he most conquered , and after triumphed over both his and his churches greatest enemies : nor were his sufferings the least of his solemnities and glories , his father being never better pleased with him than when he cryed out , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? i am perswaded in like sort , that the great afflictions now incumbent upon the clergie and church of engl. do no way signifie , that it or they are forsaken of god , any more then christ then was ; nor do they import any dislike that the god of peace and order hath against the respective office and subordination of presbytery , or the ordination and eminent gubernation of bishops , as they were designed and established in the church of england , according to the primitive and catholick pattern : for both these god hath heretofore highly and signally approved ; if imploying , blessing and prospering of them in his church , if accepting so many holy sacrifices and services from them , be as much a sign of gods approving their function , as his now afflicting them is a sign of his reproving their faults . but the plain sense of our sufferings is , ( as * s. cyprian observes ) the lord punisheth us , that he may bring us to repentance for our sins , both personall and professionall ; for those disorders by which we blemished or prophaned our holy orders . 't is not the government in it self , but our own mis-governments , that have offended god : he aims not to consume that primitive and pure gold that is in this church , but to refine us from that dross we had as men contracted . nor do i doubt but god intends to improve us to his service in better times ; of which we may not despair , if we find our selves amended by those bitter potions which in bad times , and by evil men , a good god administers to us for our health . how glorious will both godly bishops and orderly presbyters in england appear to this church , and to all the world , when , coming out of this fiery furnace , they shall shine brighter than ever they did , with the love of christ , and of his church , both as to the care of those private charges and publick inspections committed to them in excellent order , and administred by due authority , when neither pride nor envy , pomp nor popularity , neither the upper nor the lower springs of ambition ( rising from prince or people ) shall distract the counsels , or divide the hearts , or cross the endeavours of venerable bishops , and worthy presbyters , and pious people , from that christian subordination , unanimity and conjunction , which best becomes them as men and christians ; which ignatius so highly commends , and which is so necessary , both as to counsel and order , government and proficiency , for the good of all sorts of christians in any church ? mean time it is no small mercy that exacts from some ministers , and enables them to give publick experiments of true christian courage , patience , magnanimity and constancy , which are our highest conformity to christ ; by which the world may see , that the honour of true christian bishops and ministers doth consist as much ( or more ) in their sufferings , as in their speaking and doing well ; in their losses , as well as in their injoyments of all things . then will princes , parlaments and people , think us most worthy to enjoy the ancient estates , honours , liberties , priviledges and immunities , which the pristine piety , charity , munificence and gratitude of your and their fore-fathers bestowed upon the clergie , and devoted to god , when they shall see that , without these , we are not onely willing , but zealous to serve god , and solicitous to save their souls , as the greatest reward and wages of our work : nor will the incumbent distresses upon the worthy clergie of england much abate the love and value of them , with those that are worthy of them : certainly , as mens sins should be esteemed their greatest afflictions , so no mens sufferings are to be counted their sins . if any ministers have justly suffered , as unable , and so intruders ; as incorrigible , and so unworthy ; having had the justice of being accused by two or three witnesses , and the charity of receiving two or three admonitions , before they were suspended , silenced , sequestred and ejected , giving no hopes of their being amended ; yet even the grossest defects and immoralities of such clergie-men ( who are indeed the shame and reproch of their profession ) may not be imputed to , or revenged upon the whole calling and church ; considering that the church of england , by her good lawes , wholsome canons , and wise constitutions , did strictly require , not onely the best minds and abilities , but the best manners and examples , both from bishops and presbyters , agreeable to those respective duties and instructions set before and charged upon them at their ordination , which they were not onely to know , but to do ; not onely to believe , but to live : that so the ministers of this church might appear not only the best of civil men , but the best of christians ; who ought to be holy men , and the holiest of holy men , as specially consecrated to the service of christ and his church . it was by the church intended , that church-men should be the most savoury salt in themselves , and carefull seasoners of others : if some proved unsavoury , yet i am sure it is most unseasonable and unseasoned rashness to cast all bishops and presbyters , yea the whole order and oeconomy of the ministry and church of england , upon the dunghill of vulgar contempt ; among whom ( beyond all dispute ) were so many most accomplished preachers , and excellent practisers of true christianity , whose breath was so good , that their lungs could not be bad . but if there had been a visible and generall apostasy in many , or the most part , yea in all the bishops and ministers of england , from their duty ; yet ( i conceive ) this is no argument to destroy that holy order and evangelicall function , from whose declared rules and injunctions in the church they had degenerated : for neither the infirmities nor the presumptions of men ought to annull that office , or abolish that authority which is divine : christs commission which is given to the church , must not be voyded or cancelled by reason of any ministers omissions . sacred institutions ( such as the ministry and government of christs church are ) ought to continue , notwithstanding the intervening of mans ignorance , errour , profaneness , or idolatry . the plagues and leprosies arising from mens persons , and adhering to them , are not imputable to that place , power , station and authority which they have in the church . men may be unworthy of their holy function , but the function it self is not made unworthy ; no more than aarons joyning with the people in making the golden calf , did disparage the sacred dignity of that priestly office , to which he was by the lord designed . the enormous folly of eli's sons did not make the sacrifices they offered of none effect , nor yet nullifie the honour and office of that priesthood wherewith they were duly invested . judas his being an hypocrite , a thief , a traitour and a devil , yet did not abrogate that apostolical office and episcopall authority which he had received from christ equally with the other apostles , untill by open apostasy he fell into open rebellion , desperation and perdition . which gross and open apostasy , either from christ or his gospel , from the christian faith or their ministeriall office and ordination , cannot with any truth or fore-head be charged upon the clergie or ch. of england , who ( for the main ) both in the consecration of bishops and ordination of presbyters , in the administration of holy duties , & execution of their offices , generally , and for the main , kept to the ancient , primitive and apostolick customes of all the churches of christ since the apostles dayes : so that whatever blame , charge , or reproch is cast upon the clergie or church of england , must equally lie upon all christian churches , since the first complete and setled constitution of any church . i know the mouths of some men , like moths , and their tongues , like worms , are prone to corrode by infinite scruples , scandalls and reproches , all the beauty of the church of england , with all the merit and honour of its clergie : but ( blessed be god ) we stand or fall with the catholick church of christ , with the whole order , race and apostolick succession of christian bishops and presbyters : we more fear the rudeness and heaviness of mens hands , than the sharpness of their wits , or weight of their arguments , which are as spiteful , and yet as vain , as the vipers biting of the file ; when from some ministers personall failings , they fasten their venomous teeth upon the whole state and constitution of the church of england . in whose behalf i am neither afraid nor ashamed to appeal to you ( my most honoured countrey-men ) as the nearest and best judges in the world of this matter : first , as to the church of england in its godly care and christian constitution , whether you do believe , or really find , that in any thing it hath been wanting which is necessary for the good of your souls : next , as to the bishops and ministers of england , whether ( abating personall infirmities ) they have not generally been , ever since the reformation , both able and faithfull in the work of the lord ; whether ( as mr. peter du moulin confesseth ) you and your fore-fathers do not chiefly owe to them both the beginning and continuance of the reformed as well as christian religion , next under the mercy of god , and the care of your pious princes ; whether the tenuity or weakness of some ministers , who had less abilities , and perhaps too little incouragements , were not abundantly supplied by the eminent sufficiencies of many others : and if every diocese had not an excellent bishop at all times , or every parish enjoyed not a very able preacher ; yet i am sure neither of the two provinces in england , nor any one county ever wanted , since the reformation , either excellent bishops or excellent preachers in them , to a far greater store than was to be enjoyed in primitive times , when dioceses were larger , and petty parishes not at all in the church of christ . so then i may justly quere , whether one odious century of ministers , ( branded ( some of them ) for scandalous , because they were more exactly conform to the laws and customes established in the church of england ) were a just ground to reproch the whole clergie , or to abolish the order , function and succession , both of bishops and presbyters , which some men aim at ( officious compilers of that uncomely cent● ▪ ) whether they might not with as much truth and more reason have enumerated the scandalous livings of england , as so many not convicted but supposed scandalous ministers ; many of whose maintenance was worse than their manners , and more unworthy of their profession : whether any thing truly objectable against any bishop or minister of england ( as scandalously weak , wicked and unworthy ) may not with as much more truth be objected against their severest enemies . no man in england , not grosly ignorant , or passionately impotent , can deny what i here affirm and proclaim to all the world , that the clergie of england , both governours and governed ( taking them in their integrality or unity , as they were esteemed a third estate in the body politick , or as an ecclesiasticall fraternity and corporation ) have been not onely tolerable , but commendable , yea admirable instruments of gods glory , and the good of mens souls , in this church and nation : that as they did at first in the morning of the reformation , so ever since , during the heat and burthen of the day , they have with great learning and godly zeal , with christian courage , constancy , integrity and wisdome , every way asserted , vindicated and maintained the truth , purity and power , also the peace , order and honour of christian and reformed religion , against atheists and infidels , against the superstitions of the romanists on one side , and the factions of the schismaticks on the other . nor have they onely built with the trowel , but fought also with the sword of the word . what giantly error , what papal goliah hath ever appeared defying this reformed church , whom some excellent bishops , and other learned divines who were episcopal , have not encountred , prostrated , confounded and beheaded ? the spoiles and trophies of them are still extant in their works , as eternall monuments of the incomparable prowess , worth and merit of the english clergy . what wholsom , saving and necessary truth did they ever wilfully deprive you of ? in what holy institution and ordinance of jesus christ have they ever conspired to defraud or diminish you ? in what holy work or duty have they come short of any ? in what excellent doctrine , gift , grace , or vertue have they been so defective , as not to give your forefathers , your selves , and all the world , most illustrious proofs and generous examples ? to which testimony no ingenuous , knowing , and conscientious christian can deny his assent , if he hath ever made use of their excellent lives or labours ; to which ( as i formerly touched ) god himself hath set to the broad seal , and great witnesse of his own spirit , upon the hearts and consciences of many thousands , both still living , and long ago dead . these , at the grand assize , or day of gods righteous judgement , will ( i am confident ) highly justifie before men and angels the church of england , and its clergie or ministry , as blessed means of their salvation : these will convince the gainsayers , enemies , blasphemers and destroyers of this church , and its ministry , of their envy , partiality , blindness , unthankfulness , and malice ; also of their unreasonable lusts and injurious passions : for nothing but such black and hellish clouds , could ever hinder men , after an hundred years experience , from seeing , owning , esteeming and enjoying so great and glorious a light of grace and mercy , truth and peace , as hath shined in the church of england , ever since the reformation , while the golden candlesticks were unbroken , the beautifull order and proportion of their branches unconfounded , the burning lamps of bishops and presbyters in them either not wholy extinguished , or not snuffed so close as might put them quite out , in respect of that pristine beauty and lustre , love and honour , which they formerly enjoyed and deserved in this as all well-composed christian churches . what wise and gracious christian ( comparing , as the builders of the later temple , former times with these ) doth not with sadness of soul see and confess , that the generall state of this church , the visible face of the christian reformed religion , the tempers of mens hearts , and the pra●●ses of their lives , were heretofore , both as to truth , order and peace , to piety , morality and charity , incomparably beyond what now they commonly are , or are like to be , while so much emulation , faction and confusion prevail among us , which are the dry nurses of ignorance , atheism and irreligion ? blessed be god , in former times , while worthy bishops presided , and discreet presbyters assisted them in the great work of teaching and governing the church of god in eng. o what beauty , what order , what harmony , what unity , what gravity , what solidity , what candor , what charity , what sobriety , what sanctity , what sincerity , what improvements , what perseverance , what correspondency , what constancy was there generally to be seen among christian pastors , and true professors under their potent ministry and prudent inspection ! who is able to express or conceive ( unless he had some experience of those blessed times and tempers ) what sound and judicious knowledge , what fruitfull faith , what hearty love , what discreet zeal , what severe repentings , what fervent prayers , what earnest sighs , what godly sorrows , what unfeigned tears , what just terrours , what unspeakable comforts , what well-grounded hopes , what spirituall joyes , what heavenly meditations , what holy conversations , what humble softnesses , what diligent assurances , what longing desires , what unwearied endeavours , what patient expectations , what tender compassions , what meekness of obedience , what conscientious submissions were observable in the general frame of good christians carriage , as to god and their saviour , so to their superiours , both civil & ecclesiastical , in order to their own souls and their neighbours good ? and all this blessedness was enjoyed while some mendid pitifully complain , that a few ceremonies pinched their consciences ; that a white garment dazeled their eyes ; that the ancient & transient signe of the crosse crucified both the sacrament and their senses ; that kneeling at the communion bowed down their souls even to the ground ; that the devout liturgie loaded their spirits ; that grave & godly bishops pressed church-order and discipline too hard upon them . yet then ( even then ) it was , that learning flourished , knowledge multiplied , graces abounded , excellent preaching thrived , sacraments were duly administred and most devoutly received , the fruits of gods spirit were every way mightily diffused , justice and common honesty were practised , hospitable kindness exercised , christian charity maintained , plain-heartedness and good works abounded ; without any such crafts and policies , such frauds and factions , such jealousies and distances , such malice and animosities , such rudeness and disorders , such insolencies and hypocrisies , such indignities and diminutions , as are now of later years generally cast upon the reformed religion , and those preachers of it that adhere to the constitution and communion of the church of england ; who are implacably maligned by those men , who in persecuting and oppressing them and this church , do boast as if they had done god very good service , and highly advanced the interests of jesus christ . which themselves will then begin to doubt and disb●●ieve , when the heat of their passions is allayed , when their popular fallacies and froths are vanished , when their secular designes are frustrated , when their high metal is abated , when their strength begins to fail them , when their sectators , flatterers , feeders and abettors are scattered from them , when the tide of successes is come to its ebb , when the terrours of death are upon them , when their consciences shall give them a true and impartiall prospect of their actions and passions , when they shall see how little holy fire there was amidst so great a smoke , how much dross and trash hath been their superstructures , how much their pragmatick spirits have ruined , how little they have edified , as to any thing of true , serious , solid and usefull religion , beyond what was formerly enjoyed to a satiety in england , while they make it their master-piece of piety and reformation , utterly to debase the clergie , to divide christian people , and to demolish the whole frame of the church of england . the great day of burning and refining will best discover and determine what the hearts and works , the purposes and practises of such men have been . mean time , that i may not be deceived in my own perswasions or prejudices ( who possibly may be partiall to my mother the church of england , ) i crave the favour of your upright judgement , as wise gentlemen and worthy christians ; who , remotest from all designs and discontents , have most impartially observed the rise and progress , the variations and depravations , the folly and fury , the divisions and confusions of some mens spirits and practises in england ( who have earnestly sought , and still do , to obtrude their fancifull , deformed and many-formed reformations upon this church , as much , god knows , against her will , as a lothsome potion is against the stomack of an healthfull patient . ) do you , o my noble countrey-men ( bona fide ) ( apart from fears and flatteries , which are below persons of true honour and piety ) do you in earnest find the temper and constitution of religion , as christian or reformed , either its inward power , or its outward polity , any way bettered and advanced in this nation , as to the visible form of it , in essentials or ornamentals , in doctrine or discipline , in faith or good works , in profession or reputation , in order or peace , in solidity or decency , in authority or charity ? do you find it in your own present comforts and enjoyments , or in your hopes of after-blessings upon your posterity ? if i had the opportunity to see your faces ( o honoured gentlemen and beloved countrey-men ) i should ( no doubt ) easily discover by the clouds and dejections of your looks , what your thoughts , fears , griefs and sympathies are , in the behalf of the reformed religion , and the present state of the church of england . while some of her destroyers walk with haughty looks , triumphant spirits , and threatning eyes ; you are full of tears , sighs and sorrows , to see the church of england ( sometimes so amiable , venerable and formidable , for the beauty , authority and majesty of christian and reformed religion in it ) so much now divided , impaired , debased , deformed , and in danger to be destroyed . and this , after so many publick protestations , so many specious pretensions , so many pious precipitations , so many parlamentary heats and votes , ordinances and acts , to maintain the true religion , established in the church of england . after all which , little other effects appear , save onely these : the hypocrisie , formality , coldness and unprofitableness of some christians , have been punished by the rudeness , rashness , fancifulness and uncharitableness of others ; who neglecting cordially to advance the great and joynt interests of gods glory , this churches peace , their own and others souls good , have rather raised , fomented small factions , and carried on the poor concernments of different and divided parties , in order to their own private profit and sinister advantages . hence , hence these luxations , distortions , dislocations , weaknesses , deformities , and almost dissolutions , which have befaln the church of england , and the reformed religion , once happily established , professed and prospering in it ; which pejorations , as to the piety , peace and honour of this nation , no man that hath eyes to see , and a heart to be sensible of , can behold , without sad and serious deploring : while he sees , not onely the outward order , polity and harmony of religion worsted , torn and shattered ; but the inward bands of christian love and charity so ravelled , broken and cut asunder , that almost all people in all places , in cities , in parishes , in families , in churches , are full of bitter feuds , envies , enmities , animosities and antipathies . christians of different principles and parties do not love the presence or aspect of each other ; they look with jealous , supercilious , contemptuous , evil eyes upon one another ; they do not willingly meet in one place , nor correspond in civil affaires . as for religious unity and mutual society , they perfectly abhor ( as needles touched with the different poles of the load-stone ) any communion with one another in any sacred duties and christian mysteries : they thunder out anathema's against each other : they have different churches or bodies , different ministers and bishops , different designs & interests , different spirits and principles ; each studying as much to depress and destroy their rivals and dissenters , as to advance their own sides and parties ; which dream much more of swords and pistels , of fights and victories , of blood and vastation , whereby to set up that empire and dominion which each affects in their new wayes of religion , than of humility , obedience , charity , and other christian graces . the evangelicall exhortations of christ and his blessed apostles to all christians , to love one another , to live in peace , to be of one heart and one mind in the lord , to speak the same things , to walk worthy of their holy calling , to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , to be gentle , meek , courteous , tenderly affected , forbearing , forgiving one another ; these holy charms , these pious and pathetick conjurings , these divine prayings , and charitable beseechings , are much forgotten . those scriptures which joyn faith and repentance , zeal and meekness , righteousness and true holiness , piety and charity , patience and perseverance together , are practically interpreted , as if they were meer apocrypha , unfit rules , blunt tools , weak engines , to carry on the great designs that some pretend for christ and his saints ; who take their modell for a new jerusalem , more out of the dark descriptions of the apocalyps , than out of the clear revelations of all the gospels and epistles . so that christian & reformed religion being very much resolved into fancy and faction , there must necessarily follow great abatings , not onely of christian charity , but even of morality ; infinite degeneratings , as of mens passions and affections , so of their actions , from christian sincerity to hypocrisie , from common equity and humanity , to mutual insolencies , animosities , cruelties . plead to some men scriptures or statutes , lawes of god or man ; they reply , providences , power , successes : urge the commandements of the second table , the holy precepts , the humble , meek and orderly examples of saints in old or new testament ; there are that retort new lights , inward dictates , spiritual liberty , special impulses , extraordinary cases . in which they hold , as once a person of very supercilious gravity , also of versute and vertigenous policy , ( a true protestant preacher , who had passed through all shapes , episcopall , presbyterian , independent , and is now ready for the metamorphosis of a lutheran superintendency ; ) he told me as his opinion , that it is in many cases lawful for moses to do what pharaoh may not ; and for the israelites to do what the egyptians ( as men ) might not do : that there are ( after the gnostick principles , which irenaeus tells us of ) gospel-liberties , which holy men may sometimes take upon heroick motions , and extraordinary impulsions upon their spirits & fancies , which those that are yet under legall bondages and restraints may not venture upon , nor are capable of , because they ( are psychici , not pneumatici , they ) may have principles of law and reason , but have not the privy seal or warrant of gods spirit dictating or moving within them . this was answered to me by that sage dictator , whose answers have more of the heathen oracles ambiguity , than of divine infallibility ; when i sillily urged those fixed rules of justice , and unflexible bounds of equity and charity , of righteousness and true holiness , which i ( simply ) conceived were impartially given in the written word of god to all mankind , and specially to all christians , to whom that word is now delivered , and owned by them , as onely able to make the man of god perfect to every good word and work . certainly it was ever esteemed strange divinity among orthodox christians , to hold , that there are some special indulgences and providential temporary dispensations given to some sort of christians above others , to act at some times and conjunctures , in such wayes as themselves must needs confess to he , by the clear letter of the law and word of god , injurious , unjustifiable and unwarrantable , that is , in plain terms , unlawfull , wicked and abominable : which evils ought not in any case to be done that good may come thereby , no more than lot's daughters might lie with their father , to prevent their barrenness , or the defect of posterity . hence have followed those strange rapes , which some mens lusts have endeavoured to commit upon the christian and reformed religion , against the known lawes both of god and man : hence those presumptuous sins , those enormous impieties , for which no apology , but made and affected necessity , is alledged , which none but god almighty can convince , confute and revenge : hence those convulsions , faintings , swoonings and dyings , which are befaln the church of england , and its holy profession , the reformed religion ; which heretofore was a pure and unspotted virgin , free from the great offence , constant to her principles and duties both to god and man , alwayes victorious by her patience . this seems now besmeared all over with blood ; this is sick , deformed and ashamed of her self : so many sanguinary and sacrilegious spirits pretend to court and engross her ; such foul spots are found upon her , which are not the spots of gods children , & which no nitre , no sope , no fullers earth , no palliations or pretensions of humane wit , policy , or necessity , can wash away , or make clean , til he plead her cause , & take away her reproch , whose love induced him to shed his own precious blood for his church ; a noble , eminent , uniform and beautifull part of which , i must ever own the church of england to have been . of whose former holy and healthfull constitution i am daily the more assured , by those modern eruptions and corruptions , defections and infections , errours and extravagancies , blasphemies and impudicities , which have so fiercely assaulted and grievously wasted the truths , the morals , the sanctities , the solemnities , the mysteries and ministrations , the government and authority , the whole order and constitution of the church of england : clearly evincing to me , that this church was heretofore not onely tolerably , but most commendably reformed , and happily established upon the pillars of piety and prudence , verity and unity , purity and charity . nor do i doubt but the blessed apostle s. paul , with all those primitive planters and reformers of churches , would have given the right hand of fellowship to the christian bishops , presbyters , and people of this church of england , cheerfully communicating with us in all holy things , blessing god , and greatly rejoycing to have beheld that power and peace , that stedfastness and proficiency , that beauty , order and unity , which was so admirably setled , and happily preserved many years in this church , by the joynt consent and suffrage of the nation ; princes , parlaments and people cheerfully giving up their names to christ , and willingly yielding themselves to the lord , and to his ministers . nor do i believe those primitive and large-hearted christians , who brought the price of their estates , and laid it down at the apostles feet , testifying their esteem of all things but as loss and dung in comparison of the excellency of the knowledge of jesus christ , that these would have ever repined or envied at the riches , plenty , civil honours , peace and prosperity , wherewith the governours and ministers of christs church were here endowed . no , those first-fruits of the gospel had too good hearts to have evil eyes , because the eyes of princes , peers and people had been good to the clergie , investing them with that double honour , which the spirit of god thinks them worthy of , while they rule well , and labour in the word and doctrine ; so as the godly bishops and presbyters of the church of england did abundantly , since the reformation : nor was their labour of love in vain in the lord. what was really amisse or remisse in any ministers , as to their minds or manners , ( as some errata's we find even in those pastors and churches which were of the apostolicall print , the very first & best edition ) certainly there wanted not sufficient authority and wisdom , skill or will , in the governours of church and state , to have reformed all things in such a way of christian moderation , as should have gratified no mens envies , revenges , ambitions , covetousness , and the like inordinate passions ; but have kept all within those bounds of piety , justice , charity and discretion , which would have satisfied all wise and honest mens desires and consciences . such an apostolical spirit and method of reformation , as would have cleared the rust , and not consumed the metall , sodered up the flaws , but not battered down the whole frame of so goodly a church ; this spirit might have mended all things really amiss in england , at a far easier and cheaper rate , than either calling for fire from heaven , or calling in the scots to quench our intestine flames with oyl . to purge the english floor from all chaff , there was no need to raise up such fierce winds , as the devil did when he overthrew the whole house , and oppressed all jobs children with the rubbish and ruine both of superstructures and foundations . no work requires more wary , wise , and tender hearts and hands too , than church-work , or that which men call reformation of religion , which easily degenerates to high deformities , if bunglers , that are rash , rude , deformed and unskilfull , undertake it . nothing is more obvious , than for empiricks to bring down high and plethorick constitutions to convulsions and consumptions , by too much letting blood , and other excessive evacuations : those are sad purgations of churches , which with threatning some malignant humours , do carry away the very life , spirit , and soul of religion , the whole order , beauty , unity and being of a church , especially so large , so famous , so reformed , so flourishing an one as the ch. of engl. was ; which some mens ignorance , malice and excess hath a long time aimed at , impatient not to forsake , yea and quite destroy both it and all its true ministers , to whose learning and labours they owe whatever spiritual gifts , christian graces , priviledges or comforts they can with truth pretend to . all which , i believe , they have not much bettered or increased since their rude separations and violent apostasies , by which they have shewed themselves so excessively and unthankfully exasperated against the fathers that begat them , and the mother that bare them ; more like a generation of vipers , full of poysonous passions , which swell the soul to proud and factious distempers , than like truly humble , meek and regenerate christians , who cannot be either so unholy , or so unthankfull , as to requite with shame , despite and wounds , the womb that bare them , and the breasts that gave them suck ; not feeding them with fabulous legends , superstitious inventions , or meer humane traditions , but with the sincere milk of gods word , as it was contained in the holy scriptures , which were the onely constant fountain from whence the church of england drew and derived both its doctrinals and its devotionals , its ministry and ministrations . of which truth , having such a cloud of witnesses , so many pregnant and undeniable demonstrations before god and the world , before good angels and devils , before mens own consciences in this church , and before all other reformed churches round about : i suppose these are sufficient testimonies in the judgement of you ( o my worthy countrey-men ) and of all other sober christians , to vindicate the church of england , that it never deserved , either of princes , parlaments , or people , so great exhaustings and abasings , as some men have sought to inflict upon her. over which no tongue is so eloquent , no pen so pathetick , as to be able sufficiently to express , eye no so melting , as to weep enough , no heart so soft and diffusive of its sorrows , as worthily to lament , when they consider that wantonness of wickedness , that petulant importunity , that superfluity of malice , that unsatisfied cruelty of some men , who have endeavoured to cast whole cart-loads of injust reproches , vulgar injuries , and shameful indignities upon the whole church of england , seeking to bury with the burial of an asse , either in the dunghill of papall pride and tyranny , or popular contempt and anarchy , all its former renown and glory , its very name and being , together with the office , order , authority , distinction and succession of its ancient , apostolick , and evangelical ministery , which hath been the savour of life unto life , the mighty power of god to the conversion and salvation of many thousand souls in the church of england . whose sore calamities and just complaints having thus far presented to your consideration and compassion ; it is now time for me to enquire after the causes and occasions of its troubles , miseries , confusions , and feared vastations ; in order to find out the best methods and medicines for her timely cure and happy recovery , if god and man have yet any favour or compassion for her. the end of the first book . book ii. searching the causes and occasions of the church of england's decayes . chap. i. but it is now time ( most honoured and worthy countrey-men ) after so large and just , so sore and true a complaint in behalf of the church of england and the reformed religion , ( heretofore wisely established & unanimously professed in this nation ) to look after the rise and originall , the causes and occasions of our decayes and distempers , of our maladies and miseries , which by way of prevention or negation i have ( in the former book ) demonstrated to be no way imputable to the former frame , state or constitution of the church of england ; but they must receive their source from some other fountain . the search and discovery of which is necessary , in order to a serious cure : for rash and conjecturall applications to sick patients are prone ( as learned physitians observe ) to commute their maladies , or to run them out of one disease into another , but not to cure any ; turning dropsies into jaundise , and feavers into consumptions . the greatest commendation of physitians ( next their skill to discerne ) is , to use such freedome in their discoveries , and such fidelity in their applyings , as may least flatter or conceal the disease . in this disquisition or inquiry after the causes and occasions of our ecclesiastick distempers , i will not by an unwelcome scrutiny , or uncharitable curiosity , search into those more secret springs and hidden impulsives , which proceed ( as our blessed saviour tells us ) out of mens hearts , into their lives and actions ; such as are wrathfull revenges , unchristian envies , sacrilegious covetings , impotent ambitions , hypocriticall policies , censorious vanities , pragmatick impatiencies , an itch after novelties ; mens over-valuing of themselves , and undervaluing of others ; a secret delight in mean and vulgar spirits , to see their betters levelled , exauctorated , impoverished , abased , contemned ; a general want of wisdome , meekness , humility and charity ; a plebeian petulancy and wanton satiety ( even as to holy things ) arising from peace , plenty , and constancy of enjoying them . these spiritual wickednesses , which are usually predominant in the high places of mens souls , being ( arcana diaboli , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & stratagemata satanae ) the secret engines , depths and stratagems used by the devil , to undermine the hearts of christians , to loosen the foundations of churches , and to overthrow the best setled religion ; being least visible and discoverable , for they are commonly covered , as mines , with the smooth surfaces and turfs of zeale , sanctity , reformation , scrupulosity , conscience , &c. these i must leave to that great day , which will try mens works and hearts too , when men shall be approved and rewarded , not according to their pharisaick boastings , popular complyings , and specious pretensions , but according to their righteous actions and honest intentions . onely this i may without presumption or uncharitableness judge , as to the distempers of our times , and the ruinous state of the church of england ; that many men , who have been very busie in new brewing and embroyling all things of religion , would never have so bestirred themselves to divide , dissipate and destroy the peace and polity of this church , if they had not been formerly offended and exasperated , either by want of their desired preferment , which s. austin observes of aerius , the great and onely stickler of old against bishops , or by some animadversion , which they called persecution ; although it were no more than an exacting of legal conformity , and either sworn or promised subjection , as to canonicall obedience . many men would have been quiet , if they had not hoped to gain by rifling their mother , and robbing their fathers . some at the first motions might ( perhaps ) have good meanings and desires , as eve had to grow wiser ; but they were soon corrupted by eating the forbidden fruit , by the unlawfulness of those means , and extravagancy of those methods they used to accomplish them . but god and mens own consciences will in due time judge between these men and the church of england , whether they did either intend or act wisely or worthily , justly or charitably , gratefully or ingenuously . this i am sure if they have the comfort of sincerity , as to their intent , they have the horrour of unsuccessfulness to humble them , as to the sad events which have followed preposterous piety . chap. ii. the chiefest apparent cause , and most pregnant outward occasion of our ecclesiastick mischiefs and miseries ( as i humbly conceive ) ariseth from that inordinate liberty and immodest freedome , which of later years , all sorts of people have challenged to themselves in matters of religion , presuming on such a toleration and indulgence , as incourageth them to chuse and adhere to what doctrine , opinion , party , perswasion , fancy or faction they list , under the name of their religion , their church fellowship and communion : nor are people to be blanked or scared from any thing which they list to call their religion , unless it have upon it the mark of popery , prelacy , or blasphemy ; of which terrible names , i think , the common people are very incompetent judges , nor do they well know what is meant by them , as the onely forbidden fruit : every party in england being prone to charge each other with something which they call blasphemy , and to suspect mutually either the affecting of prelacy , or the inclining to popery , in wayes that seem arrogant and imperious in themselves , also insolent and injurious to others ; each aspiring so to set up their particular way , as to give law to others , not onely proposing , but prescribing such doctrine , discipline , worship , government and ministry as they list to set up , according to what they gather or guess out of scripture , whereof every private man , and woman too , as s. jerom tells of the luciferian hereticks , flatter themselves , that they are meet and competent judges , since they find themselves no way directed by any catholick interpretation , nor limited and circumscribed by any joynt wisdome and publick profession of this church and nation ; which heretofore was established and set forth in such a publick confession of their faith , such articles and canons , rules and boundaries of religion , as served for the orderly and unanimous carrying on and preserving christian doctrine , discipline , worship , ministry , or government . this wide doore once opened , and still kept open by the crowding and impetuosity of a people so full of fancy and fury , spirit and animosity , so wilfull and surly , as the english generally are ; besides that they are naturally lovers , and extremely fond , as children , of new fashions , as in all things , so in religion it self ; it is not ( i say ) imaginable ( as at the pulling up of a great sluce , or opening of a flood-gate ) what ( vortices & voragines opinionum ) floods and torrents of opinions , what precipitant rushings and impetuous whirlings , both in mind and manners , have every where carried a heady and head-strong people quite headlong in religion : not onely to veniall novelties , softer whimsies and lesser extravagances in religion , which are very uncomely , though not very pernicious ; but also to rank blasphemies , to gross immoralities , to rude licentiousnesse , to insolent scandals , to endless janglings , to proud usurpations , to an utter irreligion , to a totall distracting , confounding and subverting of the church of engl. all this , under the notion of enjoying whatever liberty they list to take to themselves , under the name and colour of religion : which anciently imported an holy obligation of christians to god , and to each other , carried on by a catholick confession , an unanimous profession , an uniform tradition , an holy ordination and orderly subjection ; but now , they say , it is to be learned and reformed , not by the old wayes of pious education , and ecclesiastick instruction , not from the bishops or ministers of this or any nationall church ; but either by the new wayes of every private spirit's interpreting of scriptures , or by those new lights of some speciall inspirations , which , they say , are daily held forth by themselves and others of their severall factions , or according to the various policies of lay-men , and those pragmatick sanctions which serve the prevalent interests of parties . this , this is the project , so cried up by some men , for propagating the gospel , and advancing the kingdome of jesus christ , so rare , so new , so untried , so unheard-of in any christian church , ancient or later , that it is no wonder , if neither the church of england , nor its learned clergy , nor its dutifull children , can either approve , admire , or follow such dubious and dangerous methods , or labyrinths rather of religion , any more than they can canonize for saints those vagrants and fanaticks of old , who were justly stigmatized for damnable hereticks , or desperate schismaticks , for their deserting that catholick faith , tradition , order and communion of the churches of christ , which were clearly expressed in their creeds and canons , founded upon scripture , and conform to apostolick example . the gnosticks , cerinthians , valentinians , carpocratians , circumcellians , montanists , manichees , novatians , donatists , arians , and others , were esteemed by the primitive churches as foxes and wolves , creatures of a wild and ferine nature , impatient of the kindest restraints , not induring to be kept in any folds , or bounds of christs flock , which ever had an holy , authentick and authoritative succession of ordained bishops and presbyters , as its pastors and teachers ; also it had its safe and known limits for religion , in faith and manners , doctrine and discipline , for order and government , both in lesser congregations and larger combinations . the true christian liberty anciently enjoyed by primitive christians and churches , was fullest of verity , charity , unity , modesty , humility , sanctity , sobriety , harmonious subordination , and holy subjection , according to the stations in which god had placed every part or member in those bodies ; they were the farthest that could be from schism , separation , mutiny , novelty , ambition , rebellion , while every one kept the true temper , order and decorum of a christian . certainly , if either particular congregations , or private christians liberty had consisted in being exposed or betrayed , as sheep without their shepherds , to all manner of extravagancies incident to vulgar petulancy and humane infirmity ; those primitive churches and ancient fathers , those godly bishops and blessed martyrs , those pious emperours and christian princes of old , might have spared a great deal of care , cost , pains and time , which were spent in their severall councils and synods , parlaments , diets and conventions ; whose design was not to make new , but to renew those scripture-canons and apostolicall constitutions , which were necessary to preserve the faith once delivered to the saints , and to assert , not onely the common salvation , but also that catholick succession , communion and order of churches transmitted from the apostles : in which endeavour the piety and wisdome , the care and charity of ancient councils , expressed in their many canons made for the keeping of the unity of the spirits truth in the bond of peace among christians , were so far ( in my judgement ) from being meer heaps of hay , straw and stubble , burying and over-laying the foundations of christian soundnesse and simplicity ( which seems to be the late censure of one , whom i am as sorry to see in a posture of difference from the church of england , as any person of these times , because i esteem his learning and abilities above most that have appeared adversaries to , or dissenters from her ) that i rather judge with mr. calvin ( a person far more learned , judicious and impartiall in this case ) ▪ they were , for the most part , very sober , wise and suitable superstructures , little deviating from , & no way demolishing any of those grand foundations of faith , holiness , or charity , which were laid by christ and his blessed apostles , which ever continued the same , and were so owned by their pious successors , however they used that liberty and authority in lesser matters , which was given them by the scriptures , and derived to them by their apostlick mission or succession , for the prudent accommodating of such things as concerned the outward polity , uniformity , order and peace of the church , or for those decent celebrations and solemnities of religio● , which were most agreeable to the severall geniu'ses , and civil rites of people , and the mutable temper of times ; all which who so neglects to consider , will never rightly judge of the severall counsels , customes and constitutions of either ancient or later churches . the best of whose piety and prudence the reformed church of england chose to follow , as exactly as it could , first in her decerning , declaring , determining , translating and communicating to her children those canonicall books of holy scripture ; also in the owning , professing , and propounding to them those ancient , catholick and received creeds , which are as the summaries and boundaries of christian faith , containing those articles which are necessary to be believed by all : after this it used those discreet limits and rules which it thought fittest to keep the visible profession of christian religion in due order and decency , according as occasion required , and the state of this particular church would bear . nor was the church of england in any of these things ever blamed or blamable , by any well-reformed church ; nor by any men that impartially professed christianity : among whom i cannot reckon either the politick papist , or the peevish separatist ; much lesse those later rude rabbles of libertines and fanaticks , who abhor all things in any church or way of religion , which they suspect to be contrary to their loose principles , and these must be conform to their several secular ends and interests ; which truly in england are now neither small , nor poor , nor modest , but grand , high , and aspiring , extremely inconsistent with those publick principles and ends of good order , polity , peace and unity , which formerly were established and maintained in the church of england , as they ought to be in all well-ordered churches : whose work and design was , not loosely to tolerate different publick professions of religion in the same nation or community , according as every man lists ; but seriously and impartially to constitute and authorize some one way , grounded upon gods word , and guided by the best examples , as the publick standard of religion , for doctrine , duties , worship , devotion , discipline . which methods of piety and charity were ever highly commended , and cheerfully followed by the wisest and best christian magistrates in all ages ; and possibly they had been ere this recovered and renewed here in england , if the beast of the people , getting the bridle of liberty between its teeth , had not so far run away with some riders , who had too much pampered it , that it is no easie matter ( not to be done by sudden checks , or short turnes ) to reduce that heady and head-strong animal to the right postures of religious managing : besides , that wise men are taught by experience , that nothing so soon tames the madnesse of people , as their own fiercenesse and extravagancy ; which at length , as s. cyprian observes , tires them , by taking away their breath , and vainly exhausting their ferocient spirits . time and patience oft facilitate those cures in church and state , which violent and unseasonable applications would but more enflame and exasperate . i do not ●oubt but the greatest patrons for the peoples liberty in matters of religion , will in time ( if they do not already ) see how great a charity it is to put mercifull restraints of religious order and government upon them , which are no lesse necessary than those sharper curbs and yokes of civil coercions . no wise states-man will think it fit , in honesty or safety , to permit common people to do whatever seems good in their own eyes , as if there were no king or supreme magistrate in israel : nor can any good christian think it fit , that in religion every man should be left to profess and patronize what he listeth , as if there were no christ , as king , and chief bishop of our souls , or as if he had not left us clear and setled foundations for faith ; also evident principles , besides patterns of christian prudence , and church-polity , for order and office , discipline and duty , direction and correction , subordination and union . what these measures and proportions have been , both as to the judgement and practise of the universall church , from the very apostolicall times , and their primitive successors , till this last century , is so plain , both in scripture and other ecclesiastick records , that i wonder how men of any learning can be so ignorant , or men of any honesty can be so partiall , as by their doubting and disputing , to divide the minds of christian people , and by rude innovations to raise so unhappy factions , as have at this day overspread this church and nation like a leprosie , which is a foul disease , though it may seem white as snow , blanched over with the shews of liberty , but betraying men to the basest servitude of their own lusts , and other mens corruptions as well as errours . chap. iii. i know and allow that just plea , which is made by learned and godly men , for christians mutuall bearing with , and forbearing one another , in cases of private and modest differings , either in opinions or practises : yea , as s. ambrose , s. austin , s. jerome , and others observe , there is a great latitude of charity to be exercised among particular churches , in their different methods , and outward forms of holy ministrations , according as their severall polities are locally distinguished by cities , countreys , or nations . i willingly yield to all men , much more to all christians , that liberty naturall , civil and religious , which may consist with scripture-precept and right reason , with grounds of morality and society ; which is as much as i desire to use or enjoy my self , in point of private opinion , or publick profession . i have other where observed out of tertullian , that religion is not to be forced , but perswaded . i admire the princely and christian temper of constantine the great , who professed he would not have men cudgelled , but convinced to be christians ; that religion was a matter of choice , not of constraint ; that no tyranny , no rape , no force is more detestable , than that which is committed upon mens consciences , when once they come to be masters of so much reason , as to chuse for themselves , and to hold forth those principles upon which they state their religion . this indeed was the sense of that great and good emperour : but then withall , he professed not to meddle , by any imperatorian or senatorian power , with matters of religion , either to alter and innovate , or to dispute and decide them , but left them to the piety and prudence of those holy and famous bishops , which were chief pastors of the church ; whose unanimous doctrine and uniform practise had carried on christian religion amidst all persecutions with so great splendour , uniformity , authority and majesty , that few christians were so impudent as to doubt , much less contradict , and openly dissent from their religious harmony , publick order and profession , which was grounded on scripture-precepts , and guided by apostolicall patterns . yet amidst those primitive exactnesses , to preserve the publick peace and unity of churches , nothing was more nourished and practised , than that meeknesse of wisdome , which every where sought to instruct men , not to destroy them for their private differences in religion , when they were accompanied with humility , modesty and charity , not carried on with insolence and injury , to immorality and publick perturbation ; in all which men shew malice and pride , mixed with , and sowring their opinions , which easily and insensibly carry mens hearts from dissentings to emulations , from emulations to anger , from anger to enmity , from enmity to despiciency , from despising to damning one another . private perswasions , like sticks , when they come to vehement rubbings or agitations , conceive heat , and kindle to passionate flames ; whereas in a calm and christian temper , who so differs from me , is in charity to be interpreted , as desirous either to learn of me , or to instruct me better : and therefore such an one deserves to be treated , not as an enemy , but as a brother ; not tetrically , morosely , injuriously , but candidly , charitably , christianly . yet because experience teacheth us , that the ignorance , infirmity and incapacity of most people is such , that they cannot easily find out of themselves the truths of god , which are the grounds of true religion ; yea , some are so lazy and indifferent , as to neglect all means which might help them ; yea , and many are either so peevish or proud , as they are impatient not to be singular , or not to lead disciples after them in religion ( the highest ambition being that of hereticks , which seeks to domineere over mens souls and consciences : ) for these and other weighty reasons , both in civil and religious regards , christian religion ought not in any christian church-polity or nation to be left so loose and dissolute , as to have no hedge or wall to the vineyard , no limits or restraints set to the petulancy of those , who under the name of liberty , study to be malicious , licentious , abhorring any thing solid , strict , or setled in religion , either as to themselves or others ; counting all those as enemies to their factious designs and interests , who enjoyn them to live in any godly order . hence these oecumenicall censors and universall criticks as boldly and easily reproch , revile , contemn , injure as they please , all those christians and churches too , who humbly conform to that profession of religion , though never so christian and reformed , which is once established in any nation or church , by publick consent and sanction , upon the most mature deliberation and impartiall advise , in order to gods glory , and the common good of that society . if these dissolute fancies of christian liberty should be followed or indulged to people by such magistrates and ministers as own that religion , certainly no society of men would be more unsociable , more sordid , more shamefull , or more miserable . common people will be starved or poysoned , if they be left to feed themselves ; they will be as so many ragged regiments , if they be left , as the israelites , to pick up religion , like straw , where they can find it . therefore all piety , policy and charity commands , that in every nation professing the faith of jesus christ as the only true religion , there should be , as there was in engl. some such wise and grand establishment , as should be the publick measure or standard of religion , both as to doctrine , worship & government . this in all uprightness ought to be set before people : not onely propounded and commended to them , but so far commanded and enjoyned by authority , as none should neglect it , or vary from it without giving account ; much less should any man publickly scorn and contemn it , or the ministers and dispensers of it , by writing , speech , or action , to the scandall of the whole church and nation , yea to the scandall of the very name of jesus christ and his holy institution , which ought to be ( as tertullian rarely expresseth it ) received with godly fear and reverence , entertained with solicitous diligence , maintained with honourable munificence , contained within the bounds of charitable union and humble subjection ; such as no way permits any private fancy , upon any pretensions whatsoever , rudely and publickly to oppose or despise it . but , because it is possible that some truths of religion may be unseen , and so omitted by the most publick diligence ; and some may afterward be discovered by private industry and devotion , which ought not to be prejudged , smothered or concealed , if they have the character of gods will revealed in his written word , whose true meaning is the fixed measure and unalterable rule of all true religion : to prevent the suppressing or detaining of any truth , which may be really offered to any church or christians , beyond what is publickly owned and established ; also to avoyd the petulant and insolent obtruding whatever novelty any mans fancy listeth to set up upon his own private account , variating frō , or contrary to the publick establishment ; nothing were more necessary and happy , than to have in every nationall church ( which hath agreed with one heart , one mind , one spirit , and one mouth to serve the lord jesus ) according to the pattern of primitive piety and wisdome , persons of eminent learning , piety , prudence and integrity , publickly chosen and appointed to be the constant conservators of religion ; whose office it should be , to try and examine all new opinions publickly propounded : no man should print or preach any thing different from the publick standard and establishment of religion , untill he had first humbly propounded to that venerable council in writing his opinion , together with his reasons , why he adds to , or differs from the publick profession . if these grand conservators of religion , who ought to be the choisest persons in the church and nation , both for ability , gravity and honesty , do ( at their solemn and set meetings once or twice every year ) allow the propounders reasons and opinions , he may then publicate his judgement by preaching , disputing , writing or printing : but if they do not , he shall then keep his opinion to himself , in the bounds of private conference onely , for his better satisfaction ; but in no way publicate it , to the scandall or perturbation of what is setled in religion . here every man may enjoy his ingenuous liberty , as to private dissenting , without any blame or penalty , which he shall incurre and undergo , in case he do so broach any thing without leave , as a rude innovator and proud disturber . private and modest dissentings among christians safely may , and charitably ought to be born with all christian meeknesse and wisdome : but certainly it would be the very pest and gangrene of all true religion , also the moth and canker of all civil as well as ecclesiastick peace , to tolerate every mans ignorance , rudeness and pragmaticalness , to innovate and act what they please in religion . though christians may be otherwaies sound and hearty , yet they may have an itch of novelty , popularity , vain-glory . it would make mad work in religion , if every man , under the notion of christian liberty , should be permitted not onely to scratch himself as he listeth , but to infect others by every pestilent contagion , yea to make what riotous havock he pleaseth of the publick peace and order . it were a miserable childishnesse in any nation professing christianity , to be ever learning , and never coming to the knowledge of saving and necessary truths ; to be still tossed to and fro with winds of doctrine , and never cast anchor upon sure and safe grounds ; which are easily found , if men aimed at piety as well as policy , and regarded christs interest or his churches , more than their own private and secular advantages : which was once happily done , by gods blessing , in the church of england , to so great an exactness and completeness of religion , that nothing for necessity , decency , or majesty , was to be added or desired by sober christians ; nor could much be added for conveniency . when religion is thus setled by publick counsel , consent and sanction , it ought in all reason and conscience to be preserved in wayes of honour , peace and safety , more carefully than those banks are , which , by keeping out the seas inundations , preserve our pastures and cattel from drowning : else every polity and nation pretending to be christian , proclaim to all the world , that they think religion to be no better than matters of scepticall dispute , and variable opinion , having nothing in it clear or certain , as to any divine truth , or infallible revelation . of which , since their ignorance and weakness , or passion and partiality ( to which every private man is subject ) makes them less capable either to search or judge , to dispute or determine ; the wisdome of god hath alwayes either established , or exemplarily directed his church to use and enjoy some such constant conservators of religion , besides the occasionall reformers and restorers of it ; which were of old the prophets extraordinarily sent , besides those that were ordinarily brought up in the schooles of the prophets , which were the nurseries of those learned and wise men , who made up the sanhedrim or grand council among the jews , consisting of seventy men , who were for piety , parts and place , chief fathers , doctors and rabbies in the church of the jews , and the great conservators of their law and religion . answerably we read in the primitive churches and times , this care and power was by the wisdome of christ fixed , and by all good christians owned , in the apostles and elders ; to whom , in case of any dispute or difference in religion , address was made , not onely to hear their counsel and judgement , but to submit to their decisions and decrees ; which bound every man to preach no other doctrine , different from , much less contrary to , what that venerable consistory both taught and summarily delivered to the churches of christ , viz. wholsome formes , and short summaries of sound doctrine , as well as in their more diffused writings , occasionally sent to particular churches , and divinely delivered to the use , care and custody of the catholick church . agreeable to these holy precedents , every christian church in after-ages had ( within their several distributions , or dioceses , distinguished by their cities or provinces ) their synods or ecclesiasticall councils , for all those emergencies or concernments of religion which arose within their limits and combinations : proportionably they had more extensive conventions and generall councils in cases of grand concernment , for the comprimising of all differences in religion , and conservation of the churches both purity and peace . these methods of prudent piety and pious prudence , as they were of divine institution , so they ought to be perpetuall in the church of christ , as being the onely means left for the conservation and reformation of religion . 't is true , in the dimness of after-ages , when the decay of primitive zeal , love , sanctity and sincerity , had too much prevailed over these western churches , the bishops of rome , taking the advantage of the higher ground , whereon the fame of that city was raised , not onely for being the metropolis of the roman empire , but for being a prime church of apostolicall plantation , and high renown for the faith and martyrly constancy of its first bishops ; these , with no great difficulty , as with great art and policy , contrary to the judgement and practise of antiquity for the first . years , sought to fix the standard of religion in the popes chair , and to make his breast the great conservator of religion : certainly a very easie , compendious , and happy way to keep up the peace and honour of christian religion and churches , if the bishop of rome could , in the noon-day-light of these , times either convince the world of his speciall gift of infallibility , or make good his claim of being sole and supreme judge of all controversies in religion , above any other pastors and bishops , yea and above a generall council . this late prodigious pillar , or huge colosse of the popes infallible , sole and supreme power , hath , as of old , so of late years , not onely been much weakned by many churches , greek and latine , dissenting , but by some it hath been quite overthrown , demolished and broken in pieces , as an arrogant abuse and intolerable tyranny , contrary to all rules of scripture and reason , never challenged by the first famous and holy bishops of that church , nor owned in after-ages ( when popes began to usurp upon other bishops and churches ) by the most learned and godly men of those times . this justice being done to the honour and liberty of the churches of christ , and their respective bishops or pastors , against the papall obtrusion of his sole judicature : yet no reformed church , of any repute , hath been so transported by just indignation against the papall usurpations , as to expose themselves and their religion to the various breach and giddy brains of the vulgar ; but every one hath both confined and setled their profession by some publick profession , as the standard of religion ; also they have some such conservators of religion , either ordinary or extraordinary , as do take care that the established religion suffer no injury or detriment . this authority or power seems now much wanting in england , though it be very necessary , in my judgement , which should so preserve the publick stability of true religion , as not to invade any good mans private liberty , which ought not to be too severely curbed ; yet not so indulged , as to injure the common welfare , contrary to all rules of reason , justice and charity . these conservators of religion should not exact of private christians any explicite conformity or subscription , under penalty of any mulct or prison , much less with the terrour of fire and faggot , which was the zealotry of papal tyranny : onely they should take care that people be duly taught that religion which is setled ; that none be a publick preacher , that is a declared dissenter or opposer of it ; that no man do broach any novelty without their approbation ; that no man do petulantly blaspheme , oppose , scorn or perturb that constitution of religion which is publickly setled , as supposed to be the best ; that no man abuse the name of christian liberty to the publick injury . all sober and wise christians do see and feel , by late sad experience , that liberty , in the vulgar sense and notion , is but a golden calf , which licentious minds set up to themselves under that specious name ; as the israelites did their abominable idoll , under the popular title and acclamation of these are thy gods , o israel . if common people be indulged in what freedome they will challenge to themselves , wise men will soon find , that their christian liberty is no better than an image of jealousie , a teraphim , a tamuz , or adonis , offensive to the god of reason , order , law and government ; destructive to humane society ; dishonourable to the name of christ , and that holy profession which was so renowned of old , as christian , that is , the most regular , meek , harmlesse , strict , peaceable and charitable religion in the world : whose divided and deformed aspect , even now in england , if ( as clem. alex. observes in his time ) a prudent heathen , or morall turk , or sober jew , or grave philosopher , should behold , as to the effect of some mens principles and practises , who glory much in their christian liberty , would they not conclude , that christ their master was the author , and christion profession the favourer of all manner of licentiousnesse ? which is not more a dehonestation of the doctrine , spirit , disciples and mysterie of christ jesus , than an infinite damp and hindrance to the propagation and spreading of the gospel in the world : yea , it is the high-way , through the justice of god upon the wanton wickedness and hypocriticall profaneness of such christians , utterly to extirpate the power , peace , comfort , yea and profession of christian religion . the mahometan power and poyson had never spread so over those famous asian , african , and eastern churches , if heretical and schismatical liberty had not first battered the strength , and corrupted the health of christianity . hence those inundations of barbarity , those incursions of forraign enemies , following those intestine wars and confusions , by which the wise and just god hath in all ages punished the folly and presumption of petulant and licentious christians , who first dare to think , then to speak , at last to act , what they fancy and affect , instead of what god commands , and the catholick church hath observed in all ages . these popular provocations of god , which are full of impudent impiety , commonly are revenged by dreadfull and durable judgements , long and lasting miseries . for the pertinacious mischiefs of heresie and schisme once prevailing upon any church & nation , are , like frenzy or madness , rarely cured , without loss of much blood ; besides the iron goads and sharp harrows of mutuall depredations and oppressions , which are used between parties and factions , once in religious respects engaged against each other . 't is not expectable that christians thus tearing and massacring each other , should recover their wits , till sharp and successive afflictions have shewed them how unholy and unthankful they are , without naturall and spirituall affections , who dare at once despise their fathers , reproch their mother , and devour their brethren ; who being baptized , instructed , communicated and converted ( as they pretend ) to the same lord jesus christ , and to his holy profession , by the ministry of such a church as england was ( so christian , so reformed ) yet by a voluntary separation and desperate defection ( as ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) self-condemned ) dare to execute such bold and rash censures of excommunication , both upon themselves and others , as a sober christian should greatly tremble to undergo , if the sacred authority of such a church , by its bishops , ministers , and other members , should joyntly pass such a censure upon them , as their own pride , passion , superstition , and licentious humours daily dare to do . may they not justly fear , lest god should satisfie them with their own delusions , and ratifie that judgement which they have uncharitably chosen , of being ever separated from his church , and from himself ? might not god justly despise and reject them , who have despised and rejected such means , such ministers , such ministrations , as some have done , and still do , in the church of england ? if the dust of his ministers feet will rise up in judgement against ingrateful refusers ; how much sorer punishment may they expect , who are the insolent abusers of such messengers of peace , and cruell vastators of such a church as england was , before it felt the sad effects of this christian liberty , which common people are prone not more to magnifie , than to mistake and misuse ? chap. iv. who doubts , but if the plebs or populacy , in any nation or church , be left to themselves , to cut out religion & liberty into what thongs they list , they will soon be not only unshod , ungirt & unblest , but so quite naked and unclothed , as to any christian grace or vertue , gravity or decency , truth or sanctity , that their shame and nakedness will soon appear in all manner of fedity , deformity , errour and ignorance , insolence and confusion ? they have little studied the vulgar genius , who do not find by all reading and experience , that the common temper of people is rude and perverse , light and licentious , petulant and insolent , as s. bernard well expresseth it . they are not convincible with reason , because incapable ; they despise good examples , because they love not to imitate them ; they are too proud and peevish to be sweetly won and perswaded to goodness ; they are mad and impatient to be curbed . yea , they are undone , and perish eternally , if they be betrayed to themselves ; if god and good men be not better to them than they deserve , desire , or design for themselves , either in things civil or sacred ; if there be not , by just and honest policies , such holy restraints and wholsome severities put upon them , as are not their chains , but their girdles ; not their bannacles , but their bridles . alas , what wise magistrate or minister is there , who doth not find by daily experience , that if you will but save peoples purses , they are not very solicitous how to save their souls ? most of them think taxes and tithes farre greater burthens , than all their sins and trespasses ; not much valuing their sanctification or salvation , so as they enjoy that rustick , thrifty and unmannerly liberty , which they naturally affect , against their teachers and betters . what immense summes of money have of late years been spent upon military and secular accounts ? if the hundredth part had been desired of them , in order to have procured a competent maintenance for an able preacher in every parish ( without which there is little hope ever to enjoy competent ministers ) o what an out-cry would have been made ? what an oppression would it have seemed to the common people , beyond ship-money , yea , beyond the bricks and bondage of egypt , as if their very life-blood and the marrow of their bones had been taken from them ? so much doth the beast and naturall man over-weigh the christian , in the most of men and women . the freest , easiest , and cheapest religion is thought the best among them : what is most grateful , is most godly : then they fancy themselves most happy , when least obliged to be holy ; and then most zealously religious , when they may be most securely licentious . the more factious and pragmatick spirits among them do think that all polity and religion , things civil and sacred , must needs be shipwreckt and utterly miscarry , unless they have an oar in the boat , unless they put their hand to the helm of all government . it doth not suffice their busie heads and hands to trimme the sailes , as common mariners , when commanded , but they must be at the steerage ; not considering what balast of judgement , what anchor of constancy , what compass of sound knowledge , both divine and humane , is necessary for those who undertake to be pilots and guides of states and churches . the rude plebs , like mutinous mariners , are prone so to affect liberty , as to endanger their own and other mens safety : they are like porpuices , pleased with storms , especially of their own raising : they joy in the tossings of religion , and hope for a prey by the wrecks both of well-built churches and well-setled states : they fancy it a precious liberty to swim in a wide sea , though they be drowned at last , or swallowed up by sharks : they triumph to see other poor souls dancing upon the waves of the dead sea , to be overwhelmed with ignorance , idleness , atheism , profaneness , perdition ; which is the usual , and almost unavoidable , fate of those giddy-headed , & mad-brain'd people , who being happily embarqued , and orderly guided in any well-setled church , do either put their ablest pilots under hatches , or cast them over-boord ; which hath been of late years the religious ambition of many thousands , in order ( forsooth ) to recover and enjoy their imaginary christian liberties , which soon make common people the sad objects of wise mens grief and pity , rather than of their joy or envy . for , like wandring sheep , they naturally affect an erroneous and dangerous freedome from their shepherds and their folds , that they may be free for foxes , wolves and doggs : yea , some of them , by a strange metamorphosis , that they may seem christs sheep , turn wolves , seizing upon and destroying their own shepherds : which the true flock of christ never did , either in the most persecuted , or the most peacefull times of the church ; but were ever subject , with all humility and charity , to those godly bishops and presbyters , which were by apostolicall succession and divine authority over them in the lord ; whom they were so far from stripping , robbing , or devouring , that both christian princes and faithfull people endowed them with most gratefull and munificent expressions of their loves and esteem , even in primitive and necessitous times , as a due and deserved honour to men of learning , piety and gravity , who watched over their souls , being both wel enabled , and duly ordained to be their rulers and guides to heaven . but now , who sees not by the sad experience of the church of england , how the plebs or common people , yea all persons of plebeian spirits , of base and narrow minds , ( who are the greatest sticklers for those enormous and pernicious liberties ) who sees not how much they would be pleased to set up jeroboams calves , if they may have liberty to chuse the meanest of the people to be their priests , or some scabbed and stragling sheep to be their shepherds ; if they may make some of their mechanick comrades to be their pastors and ministers , examined and ordained by their silly selves ? o how willing are they ( poor wretches ) in their thirst for novelty , liberty and variety , as theophylact observes , to suffer any pitifull piece of prating impudence , who walketh in the spirit of falshood , to impose upon them so far as to be their preacher and prophet , if he will but prophecy to them of liberty and soveraignty , of sacred and civil independency , * of corn , wine , and strong drink , of good bargains and purchases to be gained out of the ruines of the church , and the spoils of church-men ? o how little regret would it be to such sacrilegious libertines , to have no christian sabbath , or lords dayes , as well as no holy-dayes , or solemn memorials of evangelical mercies ? how contented would they be with no preaching , no praying , no sermons , no sacraments , no scriptures , no presbyters , ( as well as no bishops , ) with no ministers or holy ministrations , with no church , no saviour , no god , further than they list to fancy thē in the freedom of some sudden flashes and extemporary heats ? there are that would still be as glad to see the poor remainder of church-lands and revenues , all tithes and glebes , quite alienated and confiscated , as those men were , who got good estates by the former ruines of monasteries , or the later spoylings of bishops and cathedrals : nothing is sacred , nothing sacrilegious to the all-craving , & all-devouring maw of vulgar covetousness and licentiousness . o how glorious a liberty would it be in some mens eyes , to pay no tithes to any minister ! much more precious liberty would it be to purchase them , and by good penniworths to patch up their private fortunes . nothing ( in very deed ) is less valuable to the shameless , sordid , and dissolute spirits of some people , than their souls eternall state , or the service of their god and saviour ; whom not seeing , they are not very solicitous to seek or to serve , further than may consist with their profit , ease and liberty . they rather chuse to go blindfold , wandring and dancing to hell , in the licentious frolicks of their fancifull religions , than to live under those holy orders and wholsome restraints , which in all ages preserved the unity and honour of true christian religion , both by sober discipline and sound doctrine . in the later of these the clergy of england most eminently abounded ; and in the former of them they were not so much negligent ( which some complaine ) as too much checkt and curbed : few men being so good christians , as to be patient of that severe discipline which was used in the primitive churches ; which if any bishop or minister should have revived , how would the rabble of libertines cry out , depart from us , we will none of your wayes , neither discipline nor doctrine , neither your ministrations nor ministry , neither bishops nor presbyters ; let us break these priestly bonds in sunder , and cast these christian cords from us : our liberty is , to lead our tame teachers by their noses , to pull our asinine preachers by their luculent ears , to rule our precarious rulers : if they pretend to have or use any ecclesiasticall authority , so as to cross our liberties , to curb our consciences , or to bridle our extravagancies ; we look upon them as men come to torment us before our time , who seek to lead us away captive , to deprive us of our dear god mammon , ( as micah cried out after the danites ) or of our great goddess liberty , according to the jealousie which demetrius and the ephesine rabble had for their diana , against the apostles . this is the idea of that petulant , profane and fanatick liberty , which vulgar people most fancy and affect ; for the enjoying of which , they have made so many horrid clamours , and ventured upon so many dangerous confusions , both to their own and other mens souls , in matter of religion . chap. v. i shall not need by particular instances further to demonstrate to you ( my honoured countrey-men ) what your own observation daily proclaims , namely , the strange pranks , cabrioles , or freaks , which the vulgar wantonnesse hath plaid of late years , under the colour and confidence of liberty in religion ( provided they profess no other popery or prelacy than what is in their own ambitious hearts & insolent manners . ) nor is this petulancy onely exercised in the smaller circumstances , or disputable matters of religion , but even in the very main foundations ; such as have been established of old in all the generations and successions of the churches of christ , both as to good doctrine and orderly conversation . first , if you consider the ( magna charta ) grand charter of your souls , the holy scriptures . those lively oracles , which were given by inspiration and direction of gods spirit , which beyond all books in the world have been most desperately persecuted , and most divinely preserved , having in them the clearest characters of divine truth , love , mercy , wisdome , power , majesty and glory , the impressions and manifestations of greatest goodness , grace , both in morals & mysteries , in the prophecies and their accomplishment , in the admirable harmony of prescience & performance , of prophets & apostles , setting forth the blessed messias , as the prefigured sacrifice , the promised saviour , the desire of the world ; those books which have been delivered to us by the most credible testimony in the world , the uniform consent of the pillar and ground of truth , the catholick church of god , which the apostle s. paul prefers before that of an angel from heaven ; that divine record , which hath been confirmed to us by so many miracles , sealed by the faith and confession , the repentance and conversion , the doctrine and example , the gracious lives and glorious deaths of so many holy confessors and martyrs in all ages , besides an innumerable company of other humble professors , who have been perfected , sanctified and saved by that word of life , dwelling richly in them in all wisdome . yet , even in this grand concernment of religion , the holy scriptures , ( whose two testaments are as the two poles on which all morality and christianity turn , the two hinges on which all our piety and felicity depend ) much negligence , indifferency and coldness , is of late used by many , not onely people , but their heaps of preachers , under the notion and imagination of their christian liberty , that is , seldome or never seriously to read , either privately or publickly , any part of the holy scripture , unless it be a short text or theame , for fashion sake , which ( like a broken morsell ) they list to chew a while in their mouths : but the solemn , attentive , grave , devout , and distinct reading of psalms or chapters , or any other set portion of the holy scriptures , old or new ( to which s. chrysostome , s. jerome , s. austin , and the other ancient fathers , both greek and latin , so oft and so earnestly exhorted all christians ) this they esteem as a poor and puerile business , onely fit for children at school , not for christians at church ; unless it be attended with some exposition or gloss upon it , though never so superficiall , simple and extemporary ; which is like painting over well-polished marble ; being more prone to wrest , darken and pervert , than rightly to explain , clear or interpret the scriptures , which of themselves are in most places easie to be understood : obscure places are rather more perplexed than expounded , when they are undertaken by persons not very learned , or not well prepared for that work ; which was the employment anciently ( as justin martyr tells us ) chiefly of the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the bishop or president then present , whose office was far above the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ) readers , who having done his duty , the other , as pastor of the flock , either opened or applyed such parts of the scripture as he thought best to insist upon . yet there are ( now ) many such supercilious and nauseous christians , who utterly despise the bare reading or reciting of the word of god to the congregation , as if no beauty were on it , no life or power in it , no good or vertue to be gotten by it , unlesse the breath of a poore man further inspire it , unlesse a poore worm , like a snaile , flightly passing over it , set a slimy varnish upon it : as if the saving truth , and self-shining light of gods word , in the precepts , examples , promises , prophecies and histories , were not most cleare and easie of it self , as to all things necessary to be believed , obeyed , or hoped ; as if honest and pure-hearted christians could not easily perceive the mind of god in the scriptures , unlesse they used alwayes such extemporary spectacles , as some men glory to put upon their own or their auditors noses . certainly such new masters in our israel forget how much they symbolize with the papists in this fancy , while denying or disdaining all reading of scriptures in publick , unless some expound them , though never so sorrily , slovenly and suddenly , they must by consequence highly discourage , yea , and utterly forbid common people the reading of any portion of them privately in their closets or families , where they can have no other expositors but themselves , and it may be are not themselves so confident , as to undertake the work of expounding the hard and obscurer places ; as for other places which are more necessary and easie , sure they explain themselves sufficiently to every humble , diligent , and attentive reader or hearer : the blessed use and effects of which if these supercilious rabbies had found in themselves , while the word of god is publickly , distinctly and solemnly read in the church to them , doubtlesly they would not have so much disused , despised and decried this godly custome in the church of england , of emphatick reading the word of god in the audience of christian congregations . o rare and unheard of christian liberty , which dares to cast so great a slighting and despiciency upon the publick reading of the scriptures , which are the churches chiefest jewel , so esteemed and used by jewes and gentiles , full of its own sacred , innate and divine lustre ; then indeed most spendid and illustrious , when handsomely set , that is , when the priests lips preserve the knowledge of them , and duly impart them to christian people , both by discreet reading and preaching , that is , explaining and applying them ! chap. vi. after these vulgar slightings and depreciatings , cast upon the publick reading of the word of god by some novellers , i shall in vain set forth to you what is less strange ( yet very strange and new in the church of christ ) that is , the supercilious contempt and total rejection of all those ancient venerable forms of sound words and wholsome doctrine , either literally contained and expresly commanded in the scripture , such as are the ten commandements and lords prayer ; or evidently grounded , and anciently deduced out of the scriptures , such as are the apostles creed , with other ancient symbols and doxologies , which were bounds and marks of all christians unity and soundness in the faith , generally used by all pristine and modern churches of any renown , who mixed with their publick services of god these great pillars and chief foundations of piety , these constant rules , standards and measures of religion , by which they took the scantlings or proportions of all their duties and devotions , of their sins and repentance , of their faith and hope : hence the humble confession of their sins , the sincere agnition of their duties , the earnest deprecations of divine vengeance , the fervent supplications for mercy and pardon , the hearty invocations for grace , the solemn consecration of the sacramentall elements , the due celebration of holy mysteries , the high doxologies or exaltations of the glorious trinity , the joynt testifications of christians mutuall charity , harmony and communion : all these ( i say ) were carried on and consummated in the churches publick worship , which was excellently improved , heightened and adorned , by the use and recitation of those summaries of religion amidst the congregations of christians , to which they assented with a loud and cheerfull amen . yet , which of them is there ( now ) that is not openly , not onely disused , but disdained , disgraced and disparaged by some men , as nauseous crambe , which their souls abhor ? so far as they from reverent attending , or hearing , when any minister reciteth them , that they scarce have any patience , or can keep within those looks and postures of civility which become them : yea , they endure not to have their children taught them , as the first rudiments of religion , the seminaries of faith , and nurseries of devotion ; which being rightly planted , and duly watered by catechising , may in time ( by gods blessing ) bring forth the ripe fruits of wisdome and holiness , of faith and obedience , both to power and order , to an uniformity and constancy of godliness . the ancient christian writers , as irenaeus , tertullian , cyprian , ruffinus , jerome , austin , and others , sufficiently tell us , that these compendious forms of duty , faith and devotion , the decalogue , creed , lords prayer and doxologies , were highly valued , and solemnly used in christian conventions , as the gracious condescendings of our god , and saviour , to the weakest memories and meanest capacities : some of them being of their express and immediate dictating : according to which pattern , the blessed apostles , and the churches of christ after them , took care that both those , and other forms like to them , should be used among christians ; that so by frequent repeating and inculcating those excellent summaries of faith and catholick principles of religion , all sorts of christian people , young and old , learned and ideots , might be either catechised or confirmed in the very same things , to be believed , prayed for , and practised , in order to their own and others salvation . which great work can never be safely built upon seraphick sublimities and scholastick subtilties ; much less upon imaginary raptures , childish novelties , idle dreams , and futile whimseys , which of late do seek ( very impiously ) to justle out of all churches use , and out of all christians memories , those wholsome solidities , and holy summaries , which have in them both the warmth of christian love , and the light of divine truth ; in comparison of which , all novel affectations are dark and cold , dull and confused , silly and insipid . yet what sober christian doth not see , that of late years this popular liberty in england is risen to such a nauseating , niceness and curiosity of religion , as hath not onely infected the simpler sort of common people with an abhorrence of all those usefull and venerable forms , which the prudence & piety of this or any church commended to them in their publick celebrations ; but ( to the great incouragement and advance of ignorance , atheism and profaneness , uncharitableness and insolence among the vulgar ) many persons of very considerable parts and good quality , are shrewdly leavened with these novellismes and libertinismes ? yea ( which is worst of all ) many ministers , especially of the presbyterian and independent parties , yea and some of the ancient order and catholick conformity of the church of england , even these ( as s. peter was over-awed to a dissimulation , misbecoming the freedome and dignity of so great an apostle , by too great fears , and compliances with the circumcised jews ) have been so carried down this stream of plebeian prejudice , and popular indifferency , more than liberty , to say or silence , to do or omit what they list , that they have not onely much neglected all the devotionall set forms of this churches prescription ( which , in my judgement , merited a far better fate and handsomer dismission , than they found from many mens hands ) but some have wilfully disused , and so discountenanced , even all those sacred formes which have either divine , or apostolick , or catholick characters of honour , antiquity and religion upon them . how miserably are many publick preachers either afraid or ashamed , solemnly to recite so much as once every lords day the ten commandements , or the apostles creed , or any other of those ancient symbols ? yea , when is it , that some ministers dare use either so much courage or conscience , as to use the lords prayer , either by it self , or in the conclusion of their own voluminous supplications before or after their sermons ? in which neither much regard is had to the method , nor the matter of the lords prayer , which they pretend is the use of it ; but it is made to stand , like a meer cypher , silent and insignificant , while men love to multiply the innumerable logarithmes of their own crude inventions and incomposed devotions : when as that prayer which the wisdome of our lord jesus twice taught his disciples upon severall occasions , and in them all his church , both in a doctrinall and devotionall way , as a method , matter and form of prayer , is in it self , and ever was so esteemed and used by all good christians , not onely as the foundation , measure and proportion , but also as the confirmation , completion , crown and consummation of all our prayers and praises to god. instead of which , and wholy exclusive of it , how many poor-spirited preachers , of late , more to gratifie and humour some silly and self-will'd people , than to satisfie their own consciences , yea , highly to the scandall of many worthy christians , and the dishonour of the reformed profession , are become not onely strangers , but almost enemies to that , and all other holy forms of religion , contenting themselves with their own private composures , or their more sudden conceptions , in all publick celebrations and solemn worship ; not having so much modesty and humility , as to consider , what is most evident to wise men , that no private mans sufficiencies in point of publick prayer and celebrious duties can be such , for method , comprehensiveness , clearness , weight , solidity , sanctity and majesty , as may compare , much less dispense with , and neglect , yea utterly reject , those sacred summaries and solemn formes , which have been divinely instituted : whose foolishnesse is wiser then the wisdome of men , and whose shortness is beyond the amplest prolixity and largest spinnings of humane lungs and invention ; there being more spirit in one drop of christs prayer ( as in cordiall and hot waters ) than in whole seas of vulgar effusions ; which , at best , having much in them very flashy , insipid and confused , had need to have , at last , the sacred infusion of christs prayer added to them , to give them and us that sanctity , spirit , life , completeness , comfort , and fiduciary assurance of acceptance , which all good men desire in their service of god. certainly they seem much to overvalue their own prayers , who wholy disuse or despise the lords : nor do i see how a minister of christ can comfortably discharge his duty to the flock of christ , if while he professeth to preach that gospel which christ hath taught , he industriously omits the use of that prayer which christ hath not onely commended , but enjoyned and commanded , as an evangelicall institution . which shamefull compliance of many ministers with vulgar levity and licentiousnesse , seems to me so far from really advancing their own honour , or the true interests of the christian and reformed religion , that ( in earnest ) they have by these and the like mean desertings of their own judgements & duties , very much exposed themselves , and the reformed christian religion , to the insolencies and contempts of the meanest people , which as easily crowd and prevail upon them , as waters do against crazy and yielding banks , when once they see ministers so stoop and debase themselves to the dictates and censures , the fears and frowns , the fancies and humours of giddy and inconstant people , who naturally affect such liberty or looseness in religion , as may have least shew of divine ligation and authority ; but onely such , as being of mens own choice and invention , they may as easily reject , as others obtrude . the very directory and its ordinances , which gave the supersedeas or quietus est to the liturgie of the church of england , doth not yet seem to intend any such severity , as wholy to silence , sequester & eject the lords prayer , ten commandements , or the apostles creed , out of childrens catechisms , ministers mouths , or christians publick profession and devotion ; in which they seem to me to appear a rich and invaluable jewels , giving the greatest lustre , price and honour to their religious solemnities . chap. vii . i have already shewed you ( o worthy gentlemen ) one great and evil instance of that inordinate liberty , which some people have challenged of late to themselves in england , to the great dishonour and detriment of the christian reformed religion ; besides the disgrace and indignity cast upon this sometime famous and flourishing church , while they have endevoured to abolish all those holy summaries and wholsome forms , which are the best and meetest preservers of true faith , holy obedience , and mutual charity among the community of christian people . nor are these the onely extravagancies of vulgar licentiousnesse , ( whose inordinate and squalid torrent , like an inundation of waters , knows not how to set any bounds of modesty , reason , or conscience to it self ; ) but they have farther adventured , as a rare frolick of popular freedome , to invade and usurp upon , to confound and contemn , to divide and destroy the office , honour , authority , the succession and derivation , yea , the source and original of that sacred priesthood , or evangelical ministry and mission , which was ever so highly esteemed , reverenced and maintained among all true christians ; as well knowing that its rise and institution was divine , from our lord jesus christ , as sent of god his father , who alone had authority to give the word and spirit , the mission and commission , the gifts and powers that are properly ministeriall . which , as the blessed apostles first received immediately from christ , so they duly and carefully derived them to their successours , after such a method and manner as the primitive and catholick churches , in all places and ages , both perfectly knew , and ( without question ) exactly followed , in their consecrating of bishops and ordaining of presbyters , with deacons , as the onely ordinary ministers of christs church ; whose ministeriall authority never was any way derived from , depending upon , or obnoxious to the humour , fancy , insolency , and licentiousness of the common people . to which miserable captivity and debasement , as the aaronicall or levitical priesthood was no way subjected , so much less ought the melchisedekian , christian , and evangelicall priesthood , which is no less soveraign and sacred , nor less necessary and honourable in the church of god. so that those licentious intrusions , which some people now affect in this point of the ministry , cannot be less offensive to gods spirit , than they are directly contrary to those holy rules of power and order prescribed in the new testament ; which both the apostles and their successors , both bishops and presbyters , together with all faithfull people , precisely observed in all those grand combinations and ecclesiasticall communions , whereto the church of christ was distributed in all nations : where , if sometime the peoples choice and suffrage were tolerable , as to the person whom they desired and nominated for their bishop or presbyter ; yet it was never imaginable , that either bishop or presbyter was sufficiently consecrated and ordained , that is , invested with the power , office and authority ministeriall , meerly by this nomination and election of the people ; which indulgence , in time , grew to such disorder , as was intolerable in the church : much less was any esteemed a minister of christ onely because he obtruded himself upon that service . the late licentious variations , innovations , invasions , corruptions and interruptions , even in this grand point of the evangelicall office and ministry in england , have , partly by the common peoples arrogancy , giddiness , madness and ingratitude , and not a little by some preachers own levity , fondness , flattery and meanness of spirit , not onely much abated , and abased to a very low ebbe , that double honour which is due ; but they have poured forth deluges of scorn , contempt , division , confusion , poverty , and almost nullity ▪ not onely upon the persons of many worthy ministers , but upon the very order and office , the function and profession ; whose sacred power and authority , the pride , petulancy , envy , revenge , cruelty and covetousness of some people , have sought , not onely to arrogate and usurp as they list , but totally to innovate , enervate , and at last extirpate . for nothing new in this point can be true , nothing variable can be venerable : that onely being authentick , which is ancient and uniform ; that onely authoritative , which is primitive , catholick and apostolick , both in the copy and originall , in the first commission and the exemplification . i confess i formerly have been , and still am , infinitely grieved to hear , and ashamed to report what enormous liberties many men have of late years taken to themselves in this point of being ministers of the gospel ; what contradictions of sinners , what cruell mockings , & sawings asunder ; what buffetings , strippings , crucifyings , and killings all the day long , the ancient and catholick ministry of this & all churches hath lately endured in england , since the wicked wantonness of some men hath taken pleasure to be as thorns in the eyes , & goads in the sides of the ch. of england , and its ministers , be they never so able , successfull and deserving : whom to calumniate ; contemn , impoverish and destroy in their persons , credits , estates , liberties , yea , and lives , hath seemed ( like mordecai to hamans malice and wrath ) so small a sacrifice to the fierceness and indignation of some men , that they have aimed at the utter extirpation of the nation , the nullifying , cashiering and exautorating of their whole office and function ; either owning no ministers in any divine office , place and power , or obtruding such strange moulds and models of their own invention , as are not more novell and unwonted , than ridiculous and preposterous ; like monsters , having neither matter nor form proportionate to ministers . against whose petulant and too prevalent poyson , i have formerly sought to apply some antidote ; not more smart and severe , than charitable and conscientious : aiming ( as now i do ) neither to flatter nor exasperate any ; but in all christian integrity and sincerity , to discharge my duty to god and my neighbour , to this church and to my countrey . nor was it indeed then , or is it now other than high time to answer that folly , to repell and obstruct ( if possible ) that epidemick mischief , which ( on this side ) greatly threatens both church & state , faith and good manners , all things civil as well as sacred . what wise and honest-hearted christian ( that hath any care of posterity , or prospect for the future ) doth not daily find as an holy impatience , so an infinite despondency rising in his soul , while he sees so many weak shoulders , such unwashen hands , such unprepared feet , such rash heads , and such divided hearts , not onely disown , cast off , contemn and abhor all ministry and ministers in the church of england ; but they are publickly intruding themselves upon all holy duties , all sacred offices , all solemn mysteries , all divine ministrations , after what fashion they list , both in their admission and execution ? in many places , either pittifull silly wretches , or more subtill and crafty fellows , have become the mighty rivals , the supercilious censors , yea , the open menacers & opposers , no less than secret underminers , of the most learned and renowned , the most reverend , able and faithful , both bishops and presbyters , in england . all that ever these worthies have done in former ages , or still do never so commendably in their religious services of god and this church , is superciliously and scurrilously cried down by some men ( under the presumption and protection of their ignorant and impudent liberties ) as no better than formall and superficiall , carnall and unspirituall , as unchristian , yea , antichristian . all their and our catechisings , preachings , prayings , baptisings , consecratings ; their instructing of babes , their confirming of the weak , their resolvings of the dubious , their terrifying and binding over to judgement unbelieving and impenitent sinners , their censuring and admonishing of the scandalous , their excommunicating the contumacious , their loosing the penitent , their comforting the afflicted , their binding up the broken-hearted ; all the exercise and operations of their spirituall power , yea , their very ordination and holy orders , their gifts and graces , their abilities and authority , either from god or this church ; all these are either baffled and disparaged , or invaded , usurped by some rude novellers , with equall insolency and insufficiency , being for the most part by so much the more impudent , by how much they are grosly ignorant . yea , some of them , the better to colour over their lazy and illiterate licentiousnesse ( to which they are now degenerated ) have such audacious brows , and seared consciences , as after they have pretended to have tasted how gracious the lord was , in the orderly and holy dispensations of heavenly gifts by the ministry of the church of engl. yet they now glory to cast off all her ministrations , to separate from her communion , and all due subjection to any of her ministers , vapouring much of their own and other mens gifts , of extraordinary callings , of odde ravings and rantings , of new seekings and quakings , of rare dippings and dreamings , of their extemporary prophecyings , and inspired ( yet confused ) prayings , of extraordinary unctions and inward illuminations ; the grounds and fruits of which strange pretensions i have been a long time diligently curious to observe in the speech , writings and actions of these pretenders . and i must profess , that either i am wholly a stranger to right reason as well as true religion , to the word and spirit of god , principles and practises of all godly men and women in former ages ; or i am utterly uncapable to discern any of these , either rationall or religious , orderly or honest expressions in any instances or degrees proportionable , or indeed comparable to ( much less beyond ) what was most clearly observable ( as the suns light at noon-day ) in the sermons , prayers , writings , lives and actions of those ministers , and other excellent christians , who heretofore held , and still do , an holy communion with the clergie and church of england . beyond whose sober light and solid discoveries of true religion , these new masters ( who will needs be ministers ) have yet offered to me no other but such strange stuffe , such rambling rhapsodies , such crude incoherences , such chymicall chimaeras , such chaos-like confusions , such seraphick whimsies , such socinian subtilties , such behmemick bumbast , such profound non-sense , such blasphemous raptures , big as behemoth , and disdainfull as leviathan , proud swelling words of vanity , as no sober christian hath leisure to intend , or need to understand , if he had capacity ; which he is not likely to have , since i am confident they pass their authors own understanding : not that there is any thing in them that flows from the higher springs of grace , or the profounder depths of divine mysteries ; but they are meer puffings up of proud and fleshly minds , intruding themselves into things they have not seen , who delight in this froth of idleness , these lyings and vapourings of hypocrisie , which never did of old ( in the gnosticks , montanists , manichees , or others of the like bran with these men ) in the least degree advance the majesty or authority of christian religion , or the credit and comfort of christian preachers or professors ; however they served for a time the bellies and interests of such popular parasites , more than preachers of the gospel , or ministers of jesus christ . pure religion and undefiled before god and the father was of old , still is , and ever will be in the minds and mouthes of true ministers ( when these hucksters and mountebanks , these deceitfull workers are buried in infamy and obscurity with those their rotten predecessors ) a rich magazine of heavenly wisdome , a treasury of sound knowledge , a store-house of pregnant and ponderous truths , bringing men to a good understanding of god , themselves , and their neighbours , free from the rust and scurf of childish easiness and popular petulancy , planted by holy and humble industry , watered by prayers and patience , beautified with all manner of usefull vertues and moralities , dispensed to others with authority , industry and perspicuity , entertained in mens own hearts with honesty and charity ; not studying to be admired of men , but approved of god ; not affecting to stupifie auditors with strange difficulties and curiosities , but to edifie them with saving truths , and sound doctrine , in words easie to be understood ; five of which s. paul preferred before ten thousand in an unknown tongue , or unintelligible gibberish , so much affected by these new-minted ministers . that primitive , plain , and profitable way of preaching , praying and writing , was the commendable method of those excellent , ordained , and orderly ministers of the church of england , who were furnished both with ability and authority for so great and sacred a work , whose notions were more in the fruitfull valleys of practicall piety , than in the barren heights of uselesse sublimities . then was it that the sweet and fruitfull dews of heaven crowned those true ministers labours with all spiritual proficiencies and heavenly blessings : then was the church of england , and thousands of pious souls in it , like gideons fleece , full of holy distillations , or like the garden of eden , liberally watered with the rivers of god ; i mean the faithful endeavours of able , honest , and orthodox ministers , both bishops and presbyters , duly ordained and divinely authorized for that service : then was the time common people had less of curiosity and liberty , but more of piety and charity ; they were more kept to their bounds and inclosures , but enjoyed far better pastures than they now find in the ramblings and extravagances of those commons , where they have chosen to enjoy their pastors and preachers after their own heart . nor is this insolency of people any wonder ( though it be a great grief ) to sober christians , when they consider how far this gangrene of abused liberty hath spread among men and women too : the meanest and most mechanick he or she ( as tertullian observes of some bolder hereticks and schismaticks in his dayes ) dare , contrary to all primitive pattern , and scriptural precept , to preach , to baptize , to consecrate , to censure , to excommunicate ; scorning and opposing all things that are not branded with their schismaticall marks , their novell badges , and factious discriminations . wherewith so soon as any silly men or women come once to be dubbed and signalized , their first vow and adventure is against the whole frame and constitution of the church of england , but specially against the orderly , ancient , and catholick ministry of it ; which is the rind or bark of religion , by which the sap , life , and nourishment of it is preserved and conveyed from the root christ jesus , to the severall branches of his church in every place . this , this must by all means be peeled round , stripped off , and cast away , under pretence of christian liberty ; and a better , because freer , course of deriving chirstian religion to peoples eares and hearts , by another ministry than that ancient , apostolick , catholick and primitive way of an orderly ordained ministry , which consisted of bishops , presbyters & deacons , be brought in . against the constitution & succession of all these , as corrupt , adulterous , popish , babylonish , spurious and superstitious , in england , whole troops of plebeian spirits have been , and still are , engaged , whose fierce onsets and encounters were at first begun , and are still carried on with as great resolution and errour , as his that assaulted a windmill instead of a giant . the great alarm given by their chief leaders , is , first , to rail bitterly against the whole clergie , and all sacred orders used in the church of england : thence they proceed to wipe off their baptisme , as vain and invalid ; to vomit up their lords supper , as nauseous and superstitious ; to read their creeds backward , to an unbelief of all things have been preached : next , they cancell the decalogue , as a judaick phylactery , a legall prescription : lastly , they learn to account and call the lords prayer a kind of spell and conjuration , being perfect enemies to any thing that looks like a liturgy , or set form of prayer and devotion . after this , with stiff necks and haughty looks , they scornfully defie all ancient ordination , all catholick succession , all apostolick commission derived to any bishops and presbyters , as ministers of christ , altering and annulling , as much as in them lies , all the order , descent and power of the evangelicall ministry , both in this and all other christian churches since the apostles dayes ; the right of resumption and redemption of which they challenge to themselves , according as their severall fancies list to make themselves or others ministers , or to have none at all ; which is the highest pitch of their christian liberty , counting all ministers to be but their curbs and manacles . having thus commenced masters of mis-rule , their next work is to tu●n the garden of god , any setled church , as this of engl. was , into ruinous heaps , or a very dunghil ; to expel the priests of the lord out of his temple ; to make churches of stables , and stables of churches ; to bring in the lips of bleating calves there , where the calves of learned , devout , and eloquent lips were wont to be offered . it is not liberty enough for them to separate from the church of england , and apostatize from those ministers that baptized them , unless they utterly destroy them both ; setting up instead of one national and renowned , one uniform and flourishing church , in which were truth and order , unity and beauty , strength and safety , all christian gifts and graces , every good word and work to admiration , innumerable little swarms in severall conventicles , with ministers strangely multiform , mutable and mis-shapen : in which novell confederacies , both preachers and people rather catch and hang together by chance , like burres , in confused knots , than grow like olive-branches , or the kernels of pomgranates , with order and comeliness , from the same root christ jesus , after the methods of those ancient churches , which were the prime and exemplary branches whereto after-successions should conform themselves . as these factious people are , so must their new priests and ministers be . grave and godly bishops , with their learned presbyters , must be set aside , as broken vessels , that they may set up , by popular and plebeian suffrages , some miserable mechanicks , some antick engines , some pittifull praters and parasites of the vulgar , who have had no higher breeding or degree in church or state , than that of poore tradesmen , ( for the better bred and more ingenuous sort of men abhor such impudence and usurpation : ) their shop hath been their school , their hammers , or shuttles , or needles have been their books . at last , coachmen , footmen , ostlers and grooms despair not to become preachers , by a rare and sudden metamorphosis , coming from the office of rubbing horses heeles , to take care of mens souls , as some farriers in time turn physicians . it matters not how sordid , how silly , how slovenly , how mercenary , how illiterate they are , provided they have cunning enough to pretend a call , impudence enough to display their ignorance , and hypocrisie enough , by much talk of gods grace in them , to supply the reall wants of all competent ability , as well as authority , to be ministers of the gospel . yet these , these ( o my noble countrey-men ) are in many places rude intruders , insolent usurpers , doughty undertakers , to discharge the duty of evangelicall ministers : in any one of these you must seek , and may find , as they pretend , a bishop , a presbyter , and a deacon ; all evangelicall power , ecclesiasticall offices , and ministeriall authority : these are the new-invented machines or engines ( which the church of england , and all others , since the apostles times , were not so happy as to know or use ) which must set up the decayed kingdome of jesus christ : these must propagate the glorious gospel ; these must exalt christ crucified ; these must consecrate for you holy elements ; these must administer to you the blessed sacraments ; these must exercise all church-power and divine authority over your consciences : whereas for my part i do not think that the best of these new masters and ministers can have from their own fancies or peoples forwardness so much authority ( because they have none , either from god , or the church of christ , or the laws of this land ) as would make them petty constables or bom-baylies , a lay-elder or an apparitor . this i am sure , that in the purest and a primitive times , as justin martyr , irenaeus , tertullian , s. cyprian , and others assure us , the holy mysteries of christian religion , the power of the keyes , the sacrating of sacraments , the pastorall ruling and preaching , as of office , duty and necessity , to any part of christs flock , was esteemed the peculiar and proper work of bishops and presbyters in their order and degree , as the true and onely pastors and teachers that succeeded the twelve apostles and the seventy disciples in their ordinary ministry ; nor were men branded for other ( how able soever ) than insolent and execrable usurpers , who did adventure to officiate unordained , that is , not duly authorised as ministers . such intruders b tertullian notes both some men and women to have been in his time , who were leavened with schisme and heresie : so c epiphanius and s. austin tell us of the quintilliani , pepuziani , and colliridiani , who were confounders of the ministeriall order . sozomen , socrates , nicephorus , and other church-historians sharply censure one ischyras , or ischyrion , who unordained pretended to be a presbyter , and so to officiate ; calling him a detestable person , and worthy of more than one death : whom athanasius finding about to consecrate ( or rather desecrate ) the eucharist , he in an holy and heroick zeal , as christ in the temple , brake the communion cup , overthrew the table , and repressed his insolent impiety , counting him as another judas iscariot , a traitor to christ and the church . yet in the place of the ministers of the church of england , i beseech you how few athanasiusses , how many ischyrasses may you now see , challenging to themselves the care of mens souls , as ministers of christ , undertaking the managerie of mens eternall interests , confident to interpret scriptures , to resolve doubts , to decide controversies , to satisfie mens consciences , to keep up the truth , power and majesty of christian religion , by new , undue , and exotick wayes , against the torrent and impetuous force of ignorance , atheism , profaneness , errour , malice and madness of men and devils ? for all which grand designs of gods glory and the churches good , those men are as fit agitators as phaeton was to drive phoebus his chariot ; and truly with like success they will do it : for instead of enlightening the world , these incendiaries will set all on fire , as far as they meet with any combustible matter : in which sad conflagrations begun and blown up by them in this church of england , some of them are so vain as to glory , calling them the spirituall day of judgement , an invisible doomesday , a coming of christ in the spirit of burning and refining , to purge his church . for this purpose they say the sun must be turned into darknesse , and the moon into blood ; government of church and state must be subverted : nor do they ( according to their severall fancies and interests ) fail to presage and expect a glorious resurrection to their parties , which they hope shall reign with christ , if not a thousand years , yet as long as they can prevail , so as to get power , and preserve those liberties they have ravished to themselves . chap. viii . nor are these novell undertakers ever more ridiculous , than when they sow pillowes under their own rustick arms and others elbows , excusing , yea abetting their illiterate rudeness , and idiotick confidence , with the primitive plainness and simplicity of the apostles , when christ first chose them , who were fishermen , tent-makers , or the like . which is truly , but very impertinently alledged , as any parallel case with these impotent and pragmatick intruders ; unless they could manifest to the world ( which they never yet did , nor ever will ) such miraculous endowments , such power and anointing from above , as came upon the apostles , which in one moment was able to furnish them with more sufficiency and authority , than all study and industry can ever do any of us ; which are the now ordinary means appointed and blessed by god , succeeding in the place of miraculous gifts , where churches are once fully planted , and christianity setled . to all which the constant testimony of an uninterrupted ministery and holy succession of ordained bishops and presbyters , from the very apostles , as they from christ , is a more pregnant witnesse and conviction , than any new miracles could be , much more than any such pittifull accounts can be , as these wonders of ignorance and arrogancy can give to the world , of any extraordinary matters they say or do , either as ministers or christians . the best of some of whose lives would deform ( i fear ) the golden legend , which seems to be written by a man of a brazen forehead , a leaden wit , and an iron heart . we ( the despised clergie of england ) do profess to use , and pray god to bless our long preparative studies , meditations , writings , readings ; also our immediate care & concomitant labours in this kind , habitually to fit us for that dreadfull work , and for every actuall discharge of it . we find these methods practised by the most famous lights of the church , recommended by s. paul to timothy , though a person in some things extraordinarily gifted , that he should attend didiligently to those exercises , that his profiting might appear . we do not now expect fire from heaven with elias , to come down upon our sacrifices ; but we are glad to take the ordinary coals of gods altar , which may , by his word and spirit going along with our pains and prayers , both enlighten our minds and kindle our hearts , so as to make us burning and shining lights in gods house , which is his church . truly those proud and poor wretches , who know no coals , but those of their own chimney-corners , may possibly have a few embers on their hearths , or in their potsheards ; they may , like dark lanthorns , have a bit of a farthing-candle in them , that shines with a little dim and dubious light on one side onely ; as in the smatterings of some plain primer-knowledge , which they have gathered either by superficiall reading the scriptures , or by hearing some sermons heretofore from the able ministers of england , or by gleaning a little out of the plainest of their writings : but 't is most apparent , that on three sides of them , ( that is , for grammaticall skill , historicall knowledge , and polemicall learning ) they are so horridly black and dark , that they seem fitter implements to bring in such ignorance , irreverence , atheism , superstition and confusion , as shall quite put out the christian and reformed religion in this nation , ( reducing all to pristine darkness , deformity and barbarity ) than probable ever to be either propagators , purgators , or preservers of it ; which had long ago been over-run with the rank weeds of idolatry , heresie , schism and apostasie in all the world , if god had not in the place of primitive miracles supplied the church with such ministers , both bishops and presbyters , whose admirable learning , undaunted courage , indisputable authority , uniform order , and constant succession , was beyond any miracle ; which did at once both wonderfully attest and mightily preserve the sanctity , mystery and majesty of christian religion , from the subtilty of persecutors , the sophistry of philosophers , the contumacy of schismaticks , and contumelies of hereticks ; being too hard ( by gods assistance ) for the malice of men , and the wiles of satan . all which are then ( under severall new notions and disguises ) probable to prevaile over this or any christian church , when such liberty shall be used by vulgar spirits and inordinate minds , as shall not onely diminish and abate , but quite in time destroy and vacate the divine reverence and inviolable sanctity of religious mysteries and holy ministrations ; which will inevitably follow , where the catholick order and divine authority of ministers derived through all ages , is not onely questioned and disputed , but denied , despised , variated , prostituted , usurped , by whosoever list to make himself a minister in any new way ; which cannot be true if new , nor authentick if it be exotick , unwonted in the church of christ , either broken off , or different from that primitive commission and constant exemplification , or catholick succession , which was owned and observed in bishops and presbyters throughout all the christian world . for my part , i abhor all intrusion and obtrusion of dangerous novelties , both from papists and separatists , either in doctrine , discipline , or government of the church : and those i account dangerous , yea detestable novelties , which not upon any plea of ignorance or necessity , but meerly out of wantonness and wilfulness , seek to alter the sacred streams and currents of ecclesiasticall power , authority and order , from those fountains where christ first broached it , and those conduits by which the apostles derived it ; which unquestionably was by bishops and presbyters . i know , that the sacred office and angelick function of the evangelicall ministry , as it is from my lord jesus christ , and is in his name and stead ; so it ought to be managed , reverenced , esteemed , transmitted , and undertaken among all true christians , as a visible supply of christs absence in body ; as an authoritative embassie or delegation from him ; as a sacred dispensation of that ministry to his church , by chosen and duly ordained men ; setting forth his history , his precepts , promises , sacraments , and other holy institutions , together with the ministrations and gifts of his holy spirit , by which he promised to his apostles , to be with them to the end of the world , in that holy work wherein he employed them and their lawfull successors , to be his witnesses among all nations whither he should send them . so that every true minister ( as with the ancients mr. calvin observes ) in his proper place and order ( as bishop or presbyter ) is first a prophet , to teach and instruct in the truths of god , that part of christs church over which he is constituted : next , he is as a ruler , shepherd , and governour over them in the lord , to feed and guide them in that holy order and discipline , which becomes the lesser and the greater , the single and sociall parts of christs flock , according as they are under their several care and inspection : lastly , every true minister is in his proper station to perform in christs stead those offices of his evangelicall priesthood , which he hath assigned to be dispensed for his churches good ; as the solemn consecration and celebration of that eucharisticall memoriall of the great oblation of christ to his father upon the cross , for the redemption of the world , by which all mankind is put into a conditionall capacity of salvation , and upon their true faith and repentance , christs body and blood , with all his meritorious benefits , are evidently set forth , signally confirmed , and personally exhibited , in that great sacrament and most venerable mystery , to every worthy receiver . he is further to offer up upon the altar of christs merits the spiritual sacrifices of the church , in prayers , praises , thanksgivings , alms and charities . besides this , there is in the true pastor or minister of the church of christ , according to their proportion and degree , their line and measure ( as bishops and presbyters ) a power of mission and propagation , in order to maintain that holy succession of an evangelicall priesthood which christ jesus hath appointed ; and which the apostles , with their successors , the bishops and pastors of the church , in all the world , have to this day continued , without any interruption , or any variation , as to the maine , of the power and practise of ordination . so then , as these three offices are eminently in christ , as the great prophet , prince and priest of his church ; to all which he was consecrated by the mission of his father , by his own blood-shed and passion , also by the anointing of his eternall spirit , which filled him with all divine graces , ministeriall gifts , and miraculous power , necessary for so great a work : so the lord christ being absent in body , but present in his power and spirit , had derived and committed the outward ministeriall execution of these his offices , to chosen and ordained men , as over-seers and workers together with christ , of themselves but earthen vessels , yet the fittest instruments for the present dispensations of his gospel and grace , which yet are to be carried on , according to the first appearance of christ in the flesh , in such darkness , weaknesse , and meannesse , as may most set forth the present excellency of gods gracious power , and set off the future manifestations of his glory to his church ; which even in this inferiority and obscurity of the gospel , hath yet , as three that bear witnesse to its truth in heaven , the wisdome of the father contriving , the love of the son effecting , and the power of the holy ghost applying evangelical mercies to poor sinners ; so it hath three that bear witnesse on earth to that glorious truth and mystery of the gospel , the water of baptism , which sprinkles to regeneration , the blood of the lords supper , which feeds and refreshes believers , also the spirit of ministeriall power and authority , which hath been , and still is , from christ continued in all true christian churches . as the first three are one in an essentiall unity of divine nature , so these later three ( as s. john tells us ) agree in one , that is , in one soveraign author jesus christ , and in one sacred order and office of church-ministry , or evangelical dispensations , successively derived from the apostles , elders and deacons , by a power and commission peculiar to those who are duly ordained to be christs deputies , lieutenants , and vicegerents in his church , for those holy offices and divine ministrations ; whereto they are severally appointed in an higher or lower degree , as apostles or elders , as bishops or presbyters , as pastors or teachers ; either over-seeing , as rulers and guides , or attending , as deacons and servitors . chap. ix . in reference to which sacred & grand employments , st. paul's modesty and humility asked with trembling that unanswerable question , who is sufficient for these things ? whereas now in engl. there are such insolent intruders , who act as asking quite contrary , who is not sufficient for these things ? as if forwardness , boldness and confidence were all the sufficiency required in a minister of the gospel : in which plebeian and pretended sufficiencies as these novell intruders do most abound ; so i am sure there were really never more blunt and leaden tooles in any age applyed to church-work , than many , if not most of them , are : they come indeed with their beetles and wedges , their swords and staves , their axes and hammers , to beat down all the carved work of gods house , rather than to prepare or polish the least stone or corner of that sacred building . who being not a little conscious to themselves , that they are grosly defective in all those reall abilities of good learning , sound knowledge , sober judgement , orderly method , grave utterance , and weighty eloquence , which all wise and sober christians expect should appear in every true minister of the church of christ , in such a competent measure & evident manner , as they may be able comfortably to discern them , and usefully to enjoy them ; these crafty intruders do first cry down all those reall and visible abilities , as meerly naturall , humane , carnall , as enemies to the cross , grace , and spirit of christ : for ( as the apes in the fable ) these deceitfull workers having no tails themselves , they would fain perswade all other creatures which have that ornament , to cut them off , as burdens and superfluous . after this rude essay of craft and malice in vain attempted against the fruits of learned industry , wherein the ministers of the church of england have , and still do , so vastly exceed these mushrome ministers of the last and worst editions , they cunningly flie to the pretentions of speciall callings , extraordinary inspirations , illuminations , and graces ministeriall ; which ( they well know ) are not easily to be discerned by any other but a mans self , even there where they may possibly be real . who knows not that as to the point of inward graces , they are far more easily pretended and voiced , than discerned and enjoyed in ones self ? much less can they be so proved and manifested to others , as to satisfie their conscience in the points of anothers power and their own duty . i am sure , neither gifts nor graces ministeriall are by wise and sober christians to be much supposed or expected there , where men evidently silly and weak , mean and vain , ignorant and arrogant , dare yet to disdain all that ancient order and uniform succession of the evangelicall ministry , which hath been visible in all churches ( as in this of england ) for . years : and to salve their credit , or gain reputation as teachers , they bring for the satisfaction of their own and other mens conscience , in point of that office , duty , and power ministeriall , which they challenge and undertake , no other signature and character of their commission and investiture into that office , save onely what themselves pretend to be within them , of secret impulses , which being to mans judgement undiscernable , are utterly insignificant ; nor ought they to bear any sway in the church of christ , where the power ministeriall was first declared by miraculous gifts and endowments , also by evident signs & wonders , sufficient to confirm its first commission , and to authorize its after-succession , from those onely with whom it was deposited , to be transmitted by them and their successors to the churches of christ in all ages , by such gifts and ordinary endowments as might be first duly tried and approved in men , before they were ordained to be ministers in the church of christ . but these heteroclite teachers , for the further corroboration of their dubious title and claim to the office of the ministry , are content to accept of some appointment from that power which is meerly military , or civil and magistratick : which powers in primitive churches for . years were so far from making any minister either bishop , or presbyter , or deacon in the church of christ , that they sought by all means to persecute and destroy the whole profession of christianity : yea , when the empire became christian , as in great 's time , neither he , nor any christian emperour , prince or magistrate after him , was ever so impertinent as to imagine , that because they could derive civil and military power to others , they had also power to make christian ministers , or to invest them with the ecclesiasticall power of holy orders ; nor did they think they had any thing more to do with the clergie by way of authority , save onely to take care for their due and comfortable discharge of that ministery , to which they were by another principle and power ordained , according as the peace , honour and order of the church required , which so conformed to the state and common-weal , that all ministers were humbly subject to the scepters of princes , in the severall places and stations ecclesiasticall to which they were applied . the clergie owe to princes the civil endowments of honour and revenue , given to them as the temporall reward of their spirituall work : but they are not the sources of their orders , nor can their broad seal confer that power of the holy spirit , which onely makes a minister of jesus christ ; not by way of graces or gifts , so much as by way of mission and authority , flowing onely from the spirit of christ , as the chief pastor , bishop and minister of his church . others of these new-modell'd ministers , in a way not more preposterous than ridiculous , seek to deduce their ministerial power from meer plebeian suffrages , from vulgar examinations , approbations and elections ; which commonly are factiously begun , foolishly carried on , and schismatically concluded ; having not less weakness , but less madness , or possibly a little more seeming order , civility , or tameness , than those whose who pretend no other warrant or authority for their being ministers , but what is to be had from their own blindness and boldness , their proud conceit and flattering confidence of themselves , which emboldens them by a self-ordination , to take this holy power to themselves , beyond what aaron , or the true prophets , or the apostles , or christ himself ( as man ) did , who were not self-sent or ordained , but chosen and appointed , solemnly consecrated and inaugurated to their office and ministry , either by clear prophecies accomplished , or visible miracles wrought in the sight of the people , or by some such other signall token , ordinary or extraordinary , by word or work , as god was pleased to use for the manifestation of his will , and for the satisfaction of his church , as to those persons which were to minister to the lord , and to whom his church was conscientiously to submit as to the lord. agreeably to which holy pattern , and as a full answer to all those clamours , envies and despites , which the enemies , rivals and extirpaters of the ancient clergie and ecclesiastick order in england can pretend , the true ministers ( bishops and presbyters ) of this christian and reformed church doe challenge , use and maintaine no other power , priviledge , or authority ecclesiasticall , than what they have duly and constantly received in the way of holy orders from their predecessors hands , who have descended from the very apostles dayes . nor are they such monopolizers , or appropriators of this power and office ministeriall to their own persons , or to such onely as are formall academicks , professed scholars , and university graduates , as not willingly to admit into that holy order and fraternity , by the right and catholick way of due ordination , not onely any worthy gentlemen , of competent parts , pious affections , and orderly lives , whose hearts god shall move to so holy an ambition , to desire so good a work ; but even those that are of plebeian proportions , of meaner parts , and less improved erudition , provided they be found , upon due trial , to have acquired such competent abilities , by gods blessing upon their private industry and studious piety , as may render them meet for any place or work in christs husbandry , where one may sow , another may water , a third may weed , a fourth may fense the church and vineyard , according to the severall gifts and dispensations ministred by the same spirit and power of christ , which ought to be dispensed and carried on , not in an arbitrary , rude and precarious usurpation and intrusion , but in an authoritative , orderly , and decent derivation & succession , for the honor , profit & peace of the church of christ . certainly no worthy minister or sober christian can so undervalue and debase those evangelicall offices of christ , which are exercised by his ordained ministers , as to think that every self-flatterer and obtruder is presently to officiate , without any due examination , approbation and ordination from those with whom that commission and power hath been ever deposited in a regular and visible succession from christ the great exemplar or original ; which visible order , mission and delegation is as necessary for the outward unity , authority , solemnity and majesty of christs militant church and ministry upon earth , as the workings of his blessed spirit are for the inward operation and efficacie of true grace in mens hearts . so that as no private and good christian hath any cause to complain in this part of the bishops and ministers of the church of england , who in dispensing of holy orders , or ministeriall power , acted after the catholick pattern of primitive churches , no less than the particular constitutions of this church , allowed by all estates and degrees of men ; no more have any secular powers , or civil magisrates , who are or shall be professors of true christian religion , any cause to be jealous of the ancient bishops and ministers of the church ; nor shall they need either out of conscience , or reasons of state , to pervert and innovate that pristine course and regular succession of ministeriall authority : yea , as worthy christians and wise governours , they ought , both in piety and policy , in honour and conscience , to be no less exact in preserving this sacred order and divine authority from alteration , invasion and usurpation , than they are for their own civil power , and secular jurisdiction ; which the renowned patterns of christian potentates , constantine , theodosius , and other great and godly princes , were so far from arrogating to their imperiall power , that they humbly submitted themselves to the order and power ecclesiasticall in the things of christ , highly esteeming and venerating that apostolick race of bishops and presbyters in the church , as the great luminaries of the world , the constant witnesses of christs life and death , the celebraters of his mysterious sufferings , grace and glory , the ministerial fathers and confirmers of christians faith , as terrestiall angels , as gods gracious ambassadors for pardon and peace , as christs speciall commissioners appointed for to carry on the great work of saving mens souls . just and generous princes , if they be truly christian , cannot be so partial , as to forbid any man , under the high●st pain and penalty of high treason and death it self , to challenge to himself any part of their civil or military power , without a due commission derived either from themselves immediately , or from those to whom they have deputed power for such ends and purposes ; which order they permit no man to violate or usurp , however conceitedly or really able he may seem to be to himself or others for the managing of such power ; and yet permit such persons as are for the most part heady and high-minded , insolent and disorderly , to intrude themselves , by a meer usurpation , upon that sacred office , authority and ministry , which is christs , without any due and solemn derivation of this power , in such a way as hath ever been apostolick , primitive , catholick , and onely authentick in the churches of christ . certainly , the rude innovation and usurpation upon this office and honour merits above any boldness ( as nilus in balsamon expresseth it ) that black brand of the last and perillous times , when men shall be emphatically traytors , not onely to men , but to christ ; not onely to common-weals , but to churches ; disobedient to parents , not onely naturall and politick , but also spirituall and ecclesiastick ; violating and betraying , not onely the visible peace , order , uniformity , and successive authority of the church , but the invisible comforts , quiet and grace of poor peoples souls : who must needs be at a great loss , in a very sad and shamefull case , as to their religion , where their spirituall leaders and shepherds are usurpers , intruders , clamberers , not coming into the sheep-fold by the door of right ordination , but climbing some other way , as thieves and robbers ; when their titular and intruding pastors prove either grievous wolves , or miserable asses , as they commonly are found to be , who are not admitted by due ordination , but crowd into the ministry by rude and novell obtrusions ; so domineering over the flock of christ , over whom not the holy ghost , by an ordinary derived power and authority , but their own unruly spirits have made them , not so much over-seers of others , as either stark blind , or grosly over-seen in themselves . chap. x. the sense of this high treason against christ , and of those sinfull disorders which men bring on themselves & the church of christ , by their intrusion , usurpation upon this ministeriall power and office , makes me here seriously suggest to you ( my honoured and beloved country-men ) this religious caution , that it very much concerns you , for your own and your posterities souls good , to be very wary not to be imposed upon , and abused by vulgar pretensions of zeal and christian liberty in this point of the ministry ; but to be vigilant with whom you intrust , as ministers , your own , your childrens , or any other peoples souls , where you are patrons of livings . and since your own prudent abilities for learning , piety and experience , are so modest , as not rashly to adventure upon this sacred office , charge and ministration ; how infinitely ought you to be ashamed and regretted , to see them usurped many times by the dogs of your flocks , by your hinds and foot-men , your grooms and serving-men , by threshers , weavers and coblers , by taylors , tinkers and tapsters , any mean and mechanick people , whose parts and spirits are onely fit for those trades to which their breeding and necessities have confined them ? not that i despise or reproch these honest , though mean , employments ; but i highly blame their insolence , and other mens patience , to see these usurp upon the dignity of the ministry . certainly such proud & poor wretches may to some men possibly seem fittest ministers in a disordered state , and decaying church , as factors for satan and antichrist , setters for ignorance and superstition , turning faith into faction : but they will never prove ( after that fashion of preparing and admitting ) either able , or faithfull , or fruitfull ministers of christ or his church ; seeming themselves , and making others despisers of christ , with the blasphemous jews , while they so look upon him and treat him , as under the notion of the carpenters son , as their equall or inferiour in some handicraft , forgetting his divine glory and majesty , as the onely-begotten son of god , to whom all power is given in heaven and earth ; who hath executed this power most visibly in sending forth his ministers to teach and baptize all nations , out of which to gather , and govern his church in his name . they rudely slight christs ministerial authority , in such as are truly excellent and duly ordained ministers , that they may proudly challenge it to themselves , without any reason or scripture , law or order , command or example , either from christ or his church . these men , who say they are apostles , prophets and preachers , and are not , will be in the end ( and already are ) found liars against god and their own souls , deceitfull workers , false apostles , mock-ministers , pseudo-pastors , disorderly walkers , authors of infinite scandall and confusion , of scorn and contempt to christian and reformed religion , both here and elsewhere : many of them serving their bellies , and gratifying their carnall lusts and momentary wants , much more than designing to advance the glory of god , the kingdome of christ , or the eternall good of mens souls ; which are not to be carried on , save in gods way , that is , by fit abilities , and with due authority : both are required as necessary for a true minister ; the first ( though reall ) is not sufficient without the second . for as the meer outward materiall action cannot be a divine , sacramentall , or ministerial transaction , more than every killing of an ox was a sacrificing ; so nor are meer naturall or personall abilities sufficient to acquire any office or authority , much less this of the ministry ( which is divine , or none ) any more than every able butcher was presently enabled to be a priest . any mans ability fully to understand , or handsomely to relate the mind of his prince , makes him not presently an embassador or minister of state , unless there be a commission , or letters of credence to authorize the person . the blessed apostle s. paul , who was extraordinarily converted , called , and sent of god , as a christian , & a minister or apostle , yet we see did not take upon him the exercise or office , till first ananias had by gods speciall command laid his hands on him , and he became endowed with the ministerial gift or power of the holy ghost : which were afterward ( in like sort ) solemnly confirmed and increased by the express command of god , when paul and barnabas were separated , and sent upon special service , with fasting , prayer , and laying on of the hands of some prophets and teachers in antioch , where the apostle had formerly preached in the church a whole year among much people . this same apostle oft blames ( and bids christians beware of ) false apostles , not onely false in their doctrine , but in their ordination and mission ; as the prophets of the lord did of old the false prophets , whom god had not sent , yet they ran . the spirit of christ commends the angel of the church of ephesus ( where , as irenaeus and others tell us , s. john lived long , and left the most pregnant examples of ecclesiasticall order , episcopall power , and ministeriall succession ) for trying those that said they were apostles and were not ; for finding , esteeming , and declaring them as liars , no way listning and adhering to , or communicating with them , as being falsaries and impostors , enemies at once to the truth , order and peace of christs church . for 't is seldome that a bastardly generation of preachers doth not bring forth some false and base doctrines : for it is observable in this , as in civil histories , that bastards in nature , and so in office , are commonly most daring and adventurous spirits . certainly the late illegitimate ministers , or spurious preachers of new and strange originals in england , have in less than fifteen years brought more monsters of opinions and factions in religion , than have arose in so many hundred years before in any one church . i know some christians are prone to gratifie their curiosity ( as those do who sometime go to see monsters ) in making some triall and essay of these pretended preachers , that once knowing their ignorance and insolence , they may upon juster grounds ever after abhor them . if this be tolerable for some persons of able and sober judgements , yet it is no better than a snare and dangerous temptation for others that are weak and unstable : nor may the venture be oft made by the more steddy christians , lest they seem thereby to countenance and encourage so great a confusion , innovation , usurpation and scandal in the church of christ ; besides the abetting of that high profanation of holy duties and mysteries , which ought not to be transacted , but in the name , power and authority of our god and saviour . certainly good christians ought not at any hand to communicate with such usurping intruders in any sacramentall action ; nor ought they to own any thing more of a minister of jesus christ in them , than they would of a king or magistrate in a stage-player . doubtless , as no good christian , so least of all those that profess to be ministers of christ , ought to live as sons of belial , disorderly , refractory , unruly , after the arbitrary , rude and presumptuous dictates of their own wills . the spirit of true ministers and prophets will be subject , as it ought , to that rule , order and custome , which in all ages hath been the canon , measure and commission of all evangelical ministers and pastors of christs church . as naturall and morall endowments are no plea to invest any man into any office , military or civil ; much less into any power and authority ecclesiastical . the pretenses of new and extraordinary calls , of missions immediate from god , are not in any reason expectable , nor in christian religion credible , where the ordinary power and commission was continued , and might duly be had , as it was , and yet is in the church of england : ravens must not be hoped for to feed us , where providence gives us opportunity to get our bread by honest industry . where then there are so many intruders and deceivers gone out , as ministers of the gospel , it is a matter of conscience as well as necessary prudence in all good christians , to be cautious and inquisitive , whom they allow and follow as ministers ; to be first satisfied in that question which the jews rationally asked of christ , by what power or authority dost thou these things ? no discreet person in civil affairs will obey any warrant or order , which hath no other authority than a private and pragmatick activity : and can it be piety or prudence in christians , to be deluded by any pretenders in the great concernments of their souls ; to have no more of sacraments , or any other holy duties , than the meer sensible shell and husk of them ? for the spiritual life and power of them is no where to be had but from such dispensers of them , as have the authority and power , the mission and commission of christ rightly derived to them : which was evident first in christ , after in his holy apostles and their lawfull successors . certainly the cheat and falsity of such mock-ministers and pseudo-pastors , is of far greater danger and detriment than those of spurious and supposititious children , or of embased coin , and counterfeit money . some people have been so wicked , as to change their own children , & steal others from their parents ; but it was never heard that children of any discretion were so foolish and unnaturall , as to abdicate their true fathers and genuine mothers , that they might adopt false parents , and superinduce upon themselves the empire of bastardly progenitors . the mischief & abuse is not less in churches than in common-weales , in christian congregations than in families . due respect of paternall care and filiall love , such as ought to be between pastor and people , can never be mutually expected , where the relation is either supposititious , or presumptuous , or meerly imaginary , or at best but arbitrary , which is inconsistent with humane , much more with divine authority ; the measure of which is not the pleasure of man , but the will of god , whose will is asserted by his power . for my part , i firmly conclude , that as no true christians may admit of any gospel , or sacraments , or holy institutions , other than such as have been already once delivered to the catholick church , and preserved by her fidelity , against which the preaching of an * angel from heaven is not to be received or believed , but accursed ; so nor may any church or good christians either broach , invent , or admit any new ministeriall power , order , mission , or authority , beside or beyond that which the church of england and the catholick church of christ hath received , and transmitted in a constant succession . that sacred ordination which began in christ , and flowed from him as the effect of his melchisedechian , evangelicall and eternall priesthood , must never be interrupted , innovated , or essentially altered , no not under any pretense or removing or reforming what corrupions may ( possibly ) be contracted by time and humane infirmities , which are but accidentall ( as diseases to the body ) to catholick prescriptions founded upon divine institutions . fields once sown with good corn must not be rooted up or fired , because tares may be sown by the enemy while men slept ; trees that are full of moss & missletow through age , yet bearing good fruit , ought not to be cut down , but pruned and cleared . the decayes or dilapidations of the temple before hezekiah and josiah repaired it , were no excuse for peoples neglect to frequent it , ( much less were they justified ) and to sacrifice other where than there onely , as the place which the lord had chosen to put his name there ; nor did those pious princes set that house of god on fire , because it was decayed , but duly repaired it with great cost and care . and such indeed was the excellent piety and prudence of the church of england , such wisdome and moderation it observed , as in all other things , so in this of the ministeriall order and office : what injuries it ( as other holy things ) had suffered in the darkness of times , by the dulness of presbyters , the negligence of bishops , or insolence of popes , it wisely reformed ; not abrogating the authority , or breaking the catholick succession of bishops and presbyters in this , as in all churches ; not broaching a new fountain ; not obstructing ( as philistins ) the wells their fathers had digged ; not diverting the ancient course and conduits of the waters of life : but cleansing the fountains , and continuing the streams of primitive holy orders , in the constant descents , degrees and offices of bishops , presbyters and deacons . they did not raise up new ministers , like mushromes , out of every mole-hill , no● force them ( like musk-melons ) out of the hot beds of popular zeal and novellizing faction , without any regard to the ancient stock and root of ecclesiasticall power and ministeriall authority ; from which ( as irenaeus , tertullian , s. cyprian , and all the ancients clearly tell us ) bishops and presbyters were ever derived , as slips and off-sets of the twelve apostles and seventy disciples . no time ever did , or ever shall render that primitive plant and root of evangelicall ministry so dry , dead and barren , that they may or ought to be quite stubbed up , or new ones set in their room . no , they are only to be pruned and trimmed , that so they may be worthy of that honor which indeed they have , to be by an uninterrupted succession derived and descended from the blessed apostles , whom christ first planted by his own hands ; nor may any mans presumption undertake to pul up that holy plantation , as those design to do , who endeavour to destroy the derivation and succession of the power ministeriall . the truth , sanctity and validity of which , as to the ministry of the church of england ( by its bishops and presbyters ) hath been fully and clearly asserted by able pens , against both papists on the one side , and novellists on the other . the one confining all episcopal and ministeriall power to one head and origin , the bishop of rome , as if there had not been twelve fountains and foundations of prime apostles , but onely one , s. peter , appointed by our lord jesus christ ; the other lewdly scattering that sacred office and divine authority , even among vulgar and plebeian hands , that every man may scramble for it as he list , according as he fancies that his abilities and liberty in these times may extend . the putid and pernicious effects of which , in their present usurpations , divisions , confusions , debasements , & discouragements upon the clergie and church of england , as i shall afterward in the third book more fully set them forth ; so i cannot here but justly condemn those partiall , unreasonable and irreligious principles , from whence so pragmatick an itch , or thirst of novelty , in so grand a concernment of religion , must needs arise ; that fond men should be so eager to stop up the ancient fountains of living waters , which they digged not , that they might dig to themselves broken cisterns , which can hold little or no water . and this they delight to do , not onely against those daily instances , which miserable and manifest experience gives them of the sad and decayed condition of the christian and reformed religion in this ch. of engl. since these new ministers have intruded and divided ; but contrary also to all those pregnant testimonies & undeniable demonstrations , which both our pious fore-fathers in engl. and all other christian churches in all ages have afforded us in the practises and writings of the fathers , & testimonies of all church-historians , who with one mouth every where unanimously tell us , what was the apostolick , ancient , true , and onely beginning of the ministeriall order , what the holy and happy way of its descent , derivation and succession , by duly consecrated bishops and ordained presbyters . contrary to all which plain and perpetual remonstrances ( for nothing is in them dubious or dark ) i am amazed ( i confess ) to see , not the giddy and heady vulgar ungratefully engaged , who are alwaies like tinder , ready to take fire at any sparks of innovations , diminutions , and extirpations especially of their laws and governours ; but i find some men of worth , yea and ministers of good learning , and seeming ingenuity , either so over-awed by the vulgar , or over-biassed by their own private interests , inclinations and passions , that after so much light of scripture and antiquity , shining both in the divine originals , and the ecclesiastick copies of ministeriall order and succession , after their own former solemn approbations and subscriptions , after their late experience of the sad consequences already too much felt in this church , as fruits of those innovations and usurpations made upon that unity , power and authority of the evangelicall ministry : yet i grieve , and am ashamed to see that such men should still pitifully comply with , consent to , yea and promote those dangerous alterations , and desperate extirpations which are designed by the enemies of this church ; whose aim is to baffle and deprive this reformed church in so main a point and hinge of religion , as the ancient sacred orders , the constant ecclesiasticall methods of the evangelicall ministry must needs be which , what they ever have been in this and all catholick churches , no man of moderate learning , humble piety , and honest principles , can be ignorant of . chap. xi . those new , unwonted , and exotick fashions , which some men have studied of late to introduce or incourage in england , as to this point of ministeriall office and power , besides that they are all of them new , some of them monstrous to this and all ancient churches , they plainly savour more of humane faction than of christian faith ; else they would not , they could not in any conscience or charity be so mischievously bent , and malapertly spitefull against those worthy bishops , and other excellent ministers , who still adhere to the ancient and catholick order of the church of england ; nor yet could they be so mis-shapen , multiform , and many-headed in themselves , changing every day almost ( as proteus ) by an innate principle of mutability , which follows the fancies and interests of new and present projectors , but not the judgement and grave example of our ancient and impartial predecessors . and however some of these new ways , not of successive procreating , but new creating ministers , may seem first brewed by domestick discontents , next broached by a forreign sword , at length fostered by a partiall and over-awed assembly , at last fomented for a season by scattered and divided houses , parlaments , in very broken , touchy and bloody times , ( when every new thing was made triall of , which might ( as toyes and bables ) best please the peevish and petulant parties of people in england ; ) however others have further challenged to themselves a particular liberty and arbitrary authority , such as best likes them , in this point of the ministry ( which no man of any wisdome , piety , or gravity can allow , under any pretensions of gifts or graces ministeriall in any man : ) yet all these novell inventions , whatever title they pretend from god or man , from policy or necessity , may not in any reason or religion , in any honour or conscience , in any piety or prudence , be put into the balance with ( much less be thought fit to out-vie ) that clear primitive pattern , that catholick constant succession , that apostolick and divine prescription ; which do ( all ) preponderate for the ministry of the church of england , in the true scale of regular and authentick ordination of ministers , who are never so completely and indisputably invested with that power , as when by the imposition of hands solemnly done by episcopall presidents , and presbyterian assistants ; who after due examination , and serious monition , and fervent supplication , do in prescript words commit that ministeriall power , spirit , and authority of christ , which ought to be rightly imparted to those that undertake evangelical ministrations in christs name , to any part of his church , if they desire to avoid the sin and scandall of being intruders , traitours , usurpers , and counterfeiters of christs ministeriall dignity and authority . secular or civil powers , which are but the products of the sword , and managed chiefly by the policy and arm of flesh , may ( indeed ) confer what honour , office and authority they please on any man in civil things ; yea they may and ought in conscience to take care of , and regulate the exercise of ecclesiastical power in reference to gods glory , and the publick good both of church and state : but they cannot ( as from themselves ) by any naturall , morall , or civil capacity , confer holy orders , or bestow ministerial authority on any man ; much less may they ( or as christian magistrates will they ) make a new broad seal of christianity , or commence any new way of ministeriall authority ; nor may they in conscience cancel or abrogate the good old way , no nor yet alter in any materiall part the catholick way of its right derivation and succession , which was by the hands of those who had first received that holy deposition ; which certainly is of as much higher nature , orb and sphere , beyond any naturall , moral , or secular power , as the celestial light of sun and stars is above that which is from candles , or that holy fire on gods altar was above that which is but culinary . all good christians agree , that its originall is in christ , its commission from christ , its first delegation to the twelve apostles and the seventy disciples : from the apostles we read its transmission to others in the apostolicall acts and epistles . how it was afterward continued , and by what means derived to an uninterrupted catholick succession in all churches for years , is not indeed to be learned , & so not decided by scripture ; whose records ( except the apocalyps ) extend not above or years after christs ascension : but being a thing now of late so hotly disputed in this and some other churches , there is no rationall satisfaction to be had ( as to matter of fact ) but by the after-histories of the church ; which i am sure give all the seeing world in this point so clear , so perfect , so full a light , and so uniform a testimony , that no learned , impartiall , and conscientious christian can desire more ; nor can they but acquiesce in these , unless they dare to doubt and deny the veracity and fidelity of all authors that have given us account of any ecclesiasticall catholick affairs and customes since the apostles times : in all which no one point or practise hath less doubt or dispute , less variation or diversity , than this of ecclesiasticall order , , both as to the ministry and government of the church . what the ignorant vulgar ( who are the bran and courser sort of people ) may endlesly fancy and affect , or what others of better parts , but as base passions , may cunningly pretend , i know not ; the better to bring in their new modelings of ministers and churches : but i am sure it will very ill become you ( o noble gentlemen ) who are the best and finest flower , the beauty and honour , the strength and stability of this english nation , who are the choice and chiefest sons of the church of england , it ill becomes you to suspect all those burning and shining lights , both bishops and presbyters , fathers and historians , single and sociall , in their closets and in their councils , even in the first innocent ages , when the church was most pure and persecuted ; as if they had all been either grosly ignorant of , or supinely negligent in following the mind of christ , and methods of the blessed apostles , as to these great affairs of the church ; which were openly , uniformly & universally both preached and practised by the apostles , also delivered to and received by their successors , as in other things , so most indisputably in this which so much concerned not onely the right ordering and well-being and polity of the estate of the church militant , but it s very being and essence , in doctrine , ministry , duties , discipline and government . can it ( i beseech you ) without great uncharitableness and pervicacy ( unworthy of any ingenuous soul ) be imagined , that from the beginning , during the life of some apostles and their scholars , the whole church , and the most eminent persons in it , ministers , martyrs and confessors , did all conspire to delude themselves , and to deceive all posterity , in so clear , great , and sacred concernments , as those of the churches ministry and polity were ever esteemed ? the incomparable and unanswerable mr. rich : hooker ( who is not to be read without admiration , nor named without veneration ) long ago urged this absurdity against the then more modest sticklers for their disciplinarian innovations in the ministry and polity of the church of england . sure ( saith he ) it were a very strange thing , that such a discipline ( meaning the presbyterian ) as ye speak of , should be taught by christ and his apostles in the word of god , and no church hath ever found it out , nor received it till this present time : or contrariwise , that the government ( of the church ) against which you bend your selves , should be observed every where through all generations and ages of the christian world , and no church ever perceive it to be against the word of god. we require you to find out but one church upon the face of the earth , that hath been ordered by your discipline , or that hath not been ordered by ours , that is , episcopall government ( for ordination and jurisdiction ) since the times that the blessed apostles were conversant upon earth . this unanswered challenge did that excellent person heretofore make , in order to prevent ( if possible ) these innovations and mischiefs which are now grassant in england , to the hazard of quite overthrowing all that ancient order , ministry , succession and government , which had been conserved in this church , conform to all parts of the catholick church . if your other employments and studies have hindred you from being so well acquainted with the authentick works , and authoritative testimonies of the ancientest writers of church-affairs , as those grand authors deserve , and your ingenuity cannot but desire ; yet far be it from your prudence , piety and charity , to derogate from the honour and credit of your own countrey-men , who have in the histories of england ( both civil and ecclesiasticall , to which you cannot well be strangers ) sufficiently shewed from the originall of these british churches , what ministry and orders they had . if you are yet strangers to those eldest ages , times and authors of your own , and so cannot maturely ground your judgements upon their testimony ; yet what think you of the learning , piety , honesty and courage of those later , and reall , and renowned reformers of this church , whether clergie or lay-men , who lived in your fathers memories , whose blood and ashes , as martyrs and confessors , against papall innovations and corruptions , is still warm and precious ? these did not lay new foundations of a christian church , a true religion , or an authentick ministry here in england ; but they onely repaired the decayes of the old , and lightned them of those either erroneous or dangerous superstructures , with which long ignorance and superstition had over-laded them , and not so much built upon them , as almost quite buried them . these heroes , these worthy men ( i say ) who were worthy of the name of christians , english-men and reformers , did not ever design , or go about to broach new fountains , nor to cut new channels , nor to lay new pipes , by which to convey the ecclesiasticall order and ministeriall authority here in england ; but they cleansed the foulness , they removed the obstructions , they sodered the ruptures of the former catholick way , which was very good , as well as very old : yet not the antiquity , but the veracity and divinity of it , attested both by scriptures and by the catholick usage of all churches , made those blessed reformers ( now an hundred years ago ) cheerfully subscribe to that polity , ministry , and authority ecclesiasticall , which they mended , but changed not : these they recommended to all estates in this nation ; by whose parlamentary votes and sanction they were established , as the best means to preserve this church both christian and reformed . after these famous fathers of england's happy reformation , whose judgement is manifest in the point of ministeriall power and holy order , to be carried on by bishops and presbyters , can you suspect that their later successors , in office and judgement , i mean all those learned , grave and godly ministers of england , whom your eyes have seen , and your ears have heard heretofore with great respect , love and admiration , dispensing the word of god and holy mysteries to you ; who till the divisions and deformities of these last and worst dayes , have baptized , instructed and guided , both you and your hopefull posterity in the way to heaven and happiness , in truth and peace , in faith and repentance , in humility and holiness , in all graces , vertues and good works , powerfully set forth to you by their excellent sermons and fervent prayers , by the blessed sacraments and worthy examples they have communicated to you ; can you ( i say ) suspect that all these , together with the bishops and presbyters of the catholick church , the east and west , the old and new , the greeks and latines , the roman and reformed , that all these have conspired to erre so great , so universall , so constant an errour themselves , and to mis-guide you , me , and all the christian world , in such wayes of receiving and conferring ecclesiastick order , evangelicall ministry , & church-government , as were unchristian , yea antichristian , diverse from christs mind , yea contrary to it , offensive to the godly , & odious to god himself , as some men have lewdly declamed ? whose tongues i judge to be no slander , since they appear persons of so little conscience , and less forehead ; either grosly ignorant of the practise and platform of antiquity , or most uncharitably impudent , in branding so many thousands of godly bishops and other gracious ministers , both in england and all other places ( who were justly famous in their generations for their learning and piety ) as if they were either so many blind guides , or so many bold intruders , meer usurpers , juglers , impostors & hypocrites ; as if , to gratifie their own private ambitions , they had from the very beginning , in the sight and in despite of s. john and other apostolick pastors , perverted the way of christ , as to that ministeriall power & church-order which he had appointed , setting up of their own heads a paternall presidency or episcopall eminency , instead of these newly discovered wayes of either a presbyterian parity , or a popular independency , by which presbyters and people in common challenge to themselves the sole possession , dispensation and managery of all ecclesiasticall office , power and authority : inventions so pragmatick , so turbulent , so contrariant to one another , as well as to the ancient orders of the church , that we in england were happily unacquainted with them till of late years , as were all other churches in the world , till this last century ; who cannot be thought in all former ages to have wanted such pastors and teachers , such rulers and governours as were after gods own heart , to carry on his great work of saving souls , in the preserving and propagating of his church by the ministers of it . if the great cloud of ancient and catholick witnesses , who ever owned all ecclesiastick power to be magisterially ( indeed ) and primarily in christ , but ministerially and secondarily in the apostles and their successors , as to all church-ministration , ordination and jurisdiction ; which power resided chiefly in bishops , and from them was regularly derived to presbyters : if these ( i say ) can fall under your hard censure , as either deceived , or deceivers , yet truly their errour in this point may be the more veniall , because the case was not so much as once doubted or disputed for three hundred years , in those best and first ages of the church . it will be more charity in their censurers , to suspect they wanted ability to see the light of christs mind and the apostles examples , than honesty to follow them . but for my self , and other ministers , my fathers and brethren of the church of england , who after so high contests about the ministry of the church , both as to ordination and jurisdiction ( in which we have examined all scriptures , and rifled all antiquity ) if we do still ( bona fide ) humbly , honestly and conscientiously chuse to follow what seems to us christian , catholick and uniform antiquity , rather than any partiall and divided wayes of novelty ; i hope we are excusable to you , if not commendable ; how ignorant or obstinate soever we seem to others , who think we ought to be confounded , if we will not be converted ( or rather perverted ) by them . but if you do indeed judge , that after so clear demonstrations and potent convictions from scripture and antiquity , which either geneva , or edenburgh , or amsterdam , or new-england have alledged , we do still persist in our primitive opinions and catholick errours , touching the office , power and derivation of the evangelicall ministry and authority , such as was established in this church of england , meerly out of either passion , pertinacy and obstinacy , or for private interests , sinister ends , and secular policies ; if you can think us so base and false , such sots and beasts , so unworthy of the names of ministers , christians , englishmen , or men ; if this be your sense of us , truly you and the whole state shall do but an act of high justice , speedily to cast us all out , as well presbyters as bishops , for unsavoury salt ; to expose us yet more upon the dunghill of vulgar contempt and worldly poverty , which some satyrick tongues and pens have earnestly importuned , and petulantly endeavoured , against all the ancient ministers and orderly clergie of england , under the name of prelaticks and episcopall . if the bitter and bold invectives of spitefull papists and fierce separatists , of rash presbyterians and rude independents , of erastians and anabaptists , if these have been or can be made good to you against the ministry and ordination of the church of england , against all its bishops and presbyters , both in office and exercise ; as if we had not , either before or since the reformation , any due ministeriall office or authority , no true ordination or succession , little of ministeriall gifts , and less of graces , no sound doctrine faithfully preached , no sacraments rightly consecrated , no holy mysteries lawfully celebrated , no church-discipline dispensed , no right government constituted , no true ministry , or authoritative ministers any way deserving either love or honour from you and your posterity : if all your and our faith , repentance , charity , and other graces , be in vain ; if your christian peace and hopes be all but imaginary ; if neither we are made true ministers of christ , nor you true members or disciples of christ ; if all your and your fore-fathers piety , devotion , charity , christianity , hath been onely a fantastick pageantry , a mummery and mockery of religion , christianity and reformation ; if hitherto you have onely been deluded and abused in so high concernments of your consciences and souls to eternity : truly 't is but high time for you and your new common-weale , to offer up the wretched remnant of those bishops and presbyters ( who have yet survived the calamities and contempts of these times , and who yet retain their former judgement , ministeriall office , and holy orders , conformably to the church of england ) to be an acceptable sacrifice , a welcome holocaust , or much longed-for burnt-offering , to the malice of their adversaries and persecutors , both gog and magog : first to the more secret , but implacable despite of papists , who have infinitely longed , and no less rejoyce to see poverty , obscurity , silence , scorn , division , confusion , extirpation , to be the portion of the english clergie , whom they heretofore either envied or dreaded , beyond the ministry of any christian or reformed church in all the world : next , you shall in so doing highly gratifie the bitter and bolder enmity , the fouler-mouth'd fury of all other sharp-tongu'd , brazen-fac'd and heavy-handed schismaticks , who have a long time grudged at the clergie of england , envying both bishops and presbyters their honours , liberties , livelihoods and lives , prompted hereto partly by their own pride , covetousness , and other discontented lusts , and partly by jesuitick arts and papall policies , whose joynt aims are ( at this day ) to extirpate the whole race ( root and branch ) of the reformed , catholick , christian church and ministry in england . they conspire nothing more , than that they may serve both the bishops and presbyters of england , as elias and jehu did baals priests : for this is the sense some men have of us ; and this is the sentence they have passed , and seek to execute upon us , as upon so many cretians , not christians , as if we were onely liars , evil beasts , and slow-bellies , either imperious masters or unprofitable servants to the church ; that so these new masters may on all sides freely enjoy those superstitious and fanatick liberties , which they have designed for their divided parties , who despaired to prevail in england , untill they had brought the english clergie to undergo all manner of indignities and injuries . chap. xii . all which tragedies that the people of england might behold and bear with the greater patience and stupidity , they must by popular orators be perswaded , . that all bishops , or presidentiall fathers and over-seers among the clergie , such as the apostles and their immediate successors first were , are antichristian ; truly so are fathers in families , magistrates in cities , and chieftains in armies . . that the ordaining of presbyters by bishops is meerly popish ; so is the celebrating of baptisme , or the lords supper , or the lords day . . that christs ministry appropriated to one order of men , is a monopoly , or a taking too much upon mens selves , when others of the congregation may be as holy and able ; so is all order , office and authority , civil and military , a meer monopoly , when others may be as able and wise as the best magistrates and commanders . . that all humane learning is not onely superfluous , but pernicious in the ministers of the gospel ; so is all skill , industry and ability in all other workmen . . that ministers maintenance by tithes , glebe-lands , and other oblations , is jewish ; so is all justice and gratitude in paying labourers their wages . . that the distinction of clergie and laity is arrogant and supercilious ; so are the titles of master and scholar , teacher and disciple , priest and people , minister and ministred . . that it was proud and insolent for any clergie-men to be invested with honour , to be stiled and respected as lords . truly , if it be no dishonour to any temporall lord to become a minister or christs glorious gospel , nor doth he thereby lose his civil lordship and dignity ; no more is it misbecoming learned , grave and venerable ministers of the gospel , the chief fathers and governours of the church , to be adorned with honours , and to enjoy , as the favours of christian princes and states , both the titles and revenues of their temporall baronies and lordships , which they might ( for ought i could ever see ) as well deserve and use as any other lords , who had their lordships by birth , by purchase , or by favour : nor did honour less become ecclesiastick rulers , than it doth those military commanders , who , i see , can endure themselves to be called & treated as lords . i confess ( under favour ) i do not understand how church-government should be less capable of degrees and distinction in governours , than those which are civil or military , since order and subordination must be in them all : nor do i more understand how such chief governours of the church-militant , as bishops were , and ought to be , might not as well both merit and manage such honours and estates , as any men , who by far less abilities or pains do get to be major-generals , or colonels and chief commanders in an army over poor souldiers . sure the saving of souls is every way as hard and honourable a work , as the killing of mens bodies , which is the worst of a souldiers work ; or as the saving of mens temporall lives and estates , which is the best of that employment : nor is it less of true valour , vigilance and resolution in learned and good scholars , to fight with , and overcome the ignorance , errours and barbarity of mankind , than it is fortitude in good souldiers to suppress the rapines and injustice of mens extravagant actions . but these , and such like , are the envious cobwebs , the thin and ridiculous sophistries formerly used by some men of evil eyes and worse hearts , out of principles full of ignorance , or envy , or covetousness , or licentiousness , or atheism , whereby to perswade silly people to follow these novell , easie , and more thrifty methods of saving souls , which some swelling libertines propound , who have the confidence earnestly to invite this noble nation to commit the whole managery of christian religion , and of their souls eternall salvation , to such new , cheap , and bold undertakers , who adventure to minister in christs name , without any such character , commission or conscience of divine authority , which ( as irenaeus and all the ancients tell us ) were ever in a solemn , visible and orderly manner derived by the hands of bishops to the presbyters , or lawful ministers of the church , as from christ and the apostles , in an undoubted and uninterrupted succession ; of which tertullian gives so excellent an account in his book of prescription against hereticks . their ostentations of naturall liberty , of civil indulgence , of rationall abilities , of speciall gifts and undiscernable graces , or ( which is most incredible ) of extraordinary calls from god ; all , or any of these ( if they were really true ) yet will not be allowed as a justifiable ground for any mans usurpation or intrusion into any office military or civil , without a visible commission derived from the supreme power in both : much less are they sufficient pleas for any man to officiate in the ministry ecclesiasticall , whose supreme authority is confessedly in christ ; and the derivation or deduction of it in all ages is so visible , constant and uniform , that no man honestly learned can be ignorant where it resided , or how it was derived . certainly it never was dispensed by the hands or power of emperours , kings , protectors , princes , or any civil magistrates ; whose duty ( i conceive ) if they will act as christians , is not to alter or innovate this sacred authority and method used by christ , the apostles and the catholick church , but to preserve it as sacred and inviolable : much less was it left to the spontaneous confidence , the passionate suffrages , and confused petulancies of common people , who are the great and infallible prostrators of all religion , vertue , honour , order , peace , civility and humanity , if left to themselves ; but it was divinely setled by christ in the apostles , and by the apostles in their successors , the ordained bishops and presbyters of the catholick church , in its severall branches and combinations ; who ever have been , and ought to be ( under christ ) the great conservators , the onely complete and regular distributers of this holy ministeriall power , as they have been to this day , in this and all other orderly churches of christ , without any controversie or contradiction , without dispute or doubt , till of later years . chap. xiii . the late licentious invasions made upon this church of england , the reformed religion , the ministerial order , office , and succession established in it , through all ages since the nation was christian , were yet something tolerable & justifiable , if those ministers who profess to be of the ordination and communion of the ch. of engl. either wanted ability or industry , skill or will to serve god , and to deserve well of you ( o worthy gentlemen ) and all their countrey-men : or if you and the rest of the nation were already better provided , in order to your souls good , by any new generation of preachers , better learned , more rarely gifted , more spiritually extracted , or more regularly consecrated and duly ordained ; if these new-minted ministers , these self-intruding teachers , did afford you weightier sermons , warmer prayers , more solemn sacraments , more sacred examples , more usefull writings ; if they brought you ( with all this bustling and parado ) a better god , a better saviour , a better gospel , better scriptures , or a better spirit than those were , which the excellent bishops , and other ministers of the church of england , set before you and this nation , many wayes , for many years , with mighty successes ( while they were countenanced , encouraged , and ingenuously treated ; ) if the advantages of religion , as christian and reformed , or of your and your posterities souls , were either reall or probable , by these new intruders , we might well bear with your and the common peoples pious inconstancy , when it should tend to the improvement and happinesse of your souls . but these great and good interests of your souls , for my part , as i have not yet found any where in any new wayes , so i do not think that any wise and honest-hearted christian can by any one instance prove , that those libertines ( who are levellers of the ministeriall duty and dignity ) either have been hitherto able , or will ever be probable to advance them in the least kind or degree , beyond , or equall , or any way comparable to what the former clergy of england have done , and are still both able and willing to do . as for these new rabbies , you shall have commonly their best at first : by soft , and ( as they think ) saintly insinuations , they first creep into houses , next into bosoms , at last into pulpits . the small and light bundle of the gifts they have picked up , are soon set on fire by the least sparks of popular desire and applause ; then ( as squibs or granadoes ) they flie off amain , with more extravagant motion , panick terrour , thick smoke , foul stench and vapour , than with any great or good execution done against sin , or satan , or the world. after a few godly prefacings about the spirit , grace , christ and the new covenant , together with some gallantries , or light skirmishings with some starveling errors and useless sins , you shall know the utmost of their sufficiencies ; which is , with egregious impudence , to scorn what they cannot attain , that is , all good learning , and the manners of their betters . when they have loudly ratled at , more than confuted , any thing which they list to call an error , when they have huddled together , wrested & distorted a great many places of scripture , without any regard to the grammaticall and genuine sense of the words , or to the propriety of phrases , or to the main scope of the place , or to the clear analogie of faith ; after all these flourishings , you shall see the bottom and dregs of their hearts poured forth in vile and uncomely railings , scurrilous and odious rantings against all bishops and ministers , against the whole hierarchie , ministry and church of england . at last , with equall vociferation and emptinesse , without any principles of reason , or grounds of religion , without proof or plausibility , with more lungs than brains , they cry up their own new lights , their rare discoveries , their excellent reformations , and pure ordinances of jesus christ : all which are as much beyond all former dispensations and ministrations in this or any church , as the deceits of mountebanks excell all that fernelius , galen , or hippocrates , could ever use or invent ; especially when these are ( in a new paracelsian way ) applied and dispensed , not by the old empiricks , the papall and episcopall clergy , but by new-called and ordained preachers , by specially-inspired prophets , by precious men , extraordinarily qualified , and sent , either by the inward and unknown impulses of gods spirit , or by the call and election of some godly select people ; who casting off all ancient christian communion with this nationall or the catholick church , do first body themselves to a new way of church-fellowship , then they assume to themselves some brother and member ( as they can agree ) to be their spirituall pastor , him they invest by their bare suffrages with all ministerial power and authority , as from jesus christ himself . such a kind of confused noise doe these land-floods , these popular torrents , these turbulent teachers make , where once they have found a vent and course for their liberty , to break through all bounds of law and order , being indeed very muddy , shallow , fatuous and feeble in all things , divine and humane , for the most part ; onely they have a strong high conceit of themselves , and a perfect antipathy against those ministers in the church of england , to whom they owe all they have of knowledge and religion which is worth owning . do but look near to their new doctrines and opinions , and you will easily see how loose , how false , how futile , how fanatick they are : look to their speech and writing , how rude , how improper , how incoherent , how insignificant , how full of barbarismes , soloecismes and absurdities : mark their whole form of preaching , how raw , how rambling , how immethodicall , how incongruous , how obscure , impertinent : consider their prayers , how are they farced with odde expressions , with forced , affected , confused , dull , dead and insipid repetitions : weigh their lives and actions ; how pragmatick , licentious , injurious , sacrilegious , spitefull , uncharitable , pernicious , scandalous are they to many sober and quiet men , and specially to such as they have most cause to suspect to be much their betters , and their most accurate censurers . last of all , look to all their novell principles , and you shall see how various , versatile , ambiguous , temporizing and dangerous they are ; while much of their divinity depends upon diurnalls ; their religion is most-what calculated by the almanack or ephemeris of their hopes and feares , their interests and lusts , their prevalences and advantages , measured not by scriptures , but by providences . these distempers evidently appearing ( as they daily do in your new teachers ) must not you and all sober christians confess , that these comets , these blazing and wandring stars , mostly made up of gross , vulgar and earthy exhalations , full of portentous malignity to this reformed church , are infinitely short of that benign light , and that divine , sweet and heavenly influence , which heretofore shined from the fixed starrs of this church , which were in the right hand of christ , the godly bishops and other ministers , to the great honour and unspeakable happiness of this nation , to the flourishing of the christian and reformed religion ; when men knew what it was to have and to honour gods ministers , and to be good christians , that is , judicious , humble , honest , charitable , orderly and constant in the true religion ? chap. xiv . but suppose ( in very deed ) it were true , that you , the nobility , gentry , and commons of england , did find an irreparable decay and dotage now grown upon the ancient clergie ; and that you might now be cheaper and better served by these new-sprung gourds which are but of yesterday , like mushromes , the sons of a night : yet since the ancient race and stock of apostolick bishops and presbyters , is not onely of so venerable an age as years in the catholick and this church of christ ( which is a great plea of priority , honour and prepossession , against any novell intruders and pretenders ; ) since they and their predecessors , both before and since the reformation , even from the first plantation of christianity in this island , have done their best to deserve well of you and your fore-fathers , who , this last century especially , in your own memory , greatly rejoyced in the lustre of these * burning and shining lights , justly and gratefully esteeming the learned ability , industry and piety of the english clergie , a great crown , honour and rejoycing to this nation ; since they have thus far premerited of you in their former age , strength and vigour ; truly it must needs be , not more their grief and misery , than your shame and eternall dishonour , if you should use your ancient clergie and ministers , as you would your old dogs and harrased horses , casting them off to seek new masters , or turning them into the high wayes , to graze upon what alms they can pick up among their timorous and ungratefull friends , or their supercilious and disdainfull enemies . surely it were but charity and humanity in you , to provide rather some almes-houses and hospitalls for your cast and decayed ministers , as well as you do for your veterane and unserviceable souldiers , who have in their time and station been valiant , faithfull and orderly ; that at least the prouder jesuits , and the less charitable papists ( besides other pestilent enemies of the peace and piety of england ) may not too much triumph , to see so many , so venerable bishops , and other worthy ministers of this reformed and sometimes flourishing church of england , either begging or starving : which if it be not ( as i fear it is ) i am sure it would be the sad fate of many of them , if god did not stir up some mercifull obadiahs to relieve them ; not that they want ability or industry , but either such liberty , or such opportunity as their adversaries presume to enjoy . but against all this that i plead of justice and mercy for the english clergie , some mealy-mouth'd and hen-hearted men are prone secretly to object ; alas ! there is now no hope to recover the pristine honour ( either as to reputation , reverence , or revenue ) of the ministry of england , neither to bishops nor presbyters . alas ! they have been , and still are , so vulgarly slighted and abased . we see these new teachers have most-what got the upper hand ; they are brisk and bold young men , who have disgraced , displaced , and baffled many of the old stock ; they have decried , affronted and over-awed in a manner all of them : the new-fashioned ministers ride on the fore-horse , and are fancied by many wary and wise men to be most useful , advantageous and conform to the present state of civil interests and affairs ; so that men are prone to think they had better rest satisfied with these new preachers upon any account , if they be but tolerable speakers and livers , rather than go about to restore , much less to prefer the former ministers and ministry , which grow daily more antiquated and exautorated , both as to their persons and pretensions , among the common sort of people : besides many others , who are their friends , yet look upon the very names of bishop and presbyter , of ordination and succession , as terms extremely unpopular , unpleasing , and growing out of fashion in england . well , much good may these new ministers do to these new-fashioned christians , these wary men and their posterity . 't is well however , if christ be preached ; whether of envy or good will , whether in truth or in pretence onely . yet i cannot forbear ( in an honest and christian freedome ) to offer this to the judgement of you and other gentlemen , who are of more noble minds , and more prudent spirits : do but foresee and consider , i beseech you , what pitifull ministellos , what pigmy presbyters , what plebeian preachers this nation in after-ages is like to have , if the ministers of the glorious gospel of j. christ your saviour must ever grow up , & live under such vulgar scamblings , contempts , insolencies , obloquies , molestations , intrusions , confusions , which are , and ever will be as so many nipping frosts and horrid discouragements , to all able , ingenious , grave and godly men ; when they shall see , under the pretence of novelty and christian liberty , not only themselves very much impoverished , curbed , despised , and depressed , as to that order , dignity , office and authority which they claim and exercise upon grounds divine , catholick and ecclesiasticall ; but they shall further behold all sacred , solemn and venerable mysteries , as well as offices of the evangelicall ministry and christian religion , exposed to such plebeian insolencies , such petulant extravagancies , such fanatick fancies , such fulsome affectations , such empty pretensions , such uncharitable janglings , such miserable manglings , and such proud usurpations , under any notions and pretensions which common people please to call their christian liberties . chap. xv. which are indeed little else than novell vanities , opposing pious antiquity ; weaknesse vaunting it self against strength ; ignorance , darkness and confusion boasting against sound knowledge ; true light , and holy order ; folly crying it self up for wisdome ; the rapes and stuprations of religion styling themselves rare reformations : melancholy ravings are cried up for divine revelations ; schismatick conventicles voted for the onely pure and organized churches of christ ; being bodies ( as tertullian accurately observes ) so homogeneous , similary and inorganick , that it is hard to discern which is the head or tail , hand or foot , pastor or people : like earth-worms they crawl with either end forward ; all are prophets & inspired , all grow seers , teachers , elders and rulers of the church . if they can but light on some new notions , some strange fancies , some odde and unwonted expressions , they are presently set forth for rare and spiritfull discoveries ; when ( indeed ) they are but old and rotten errours , protrite and putid opinions of the ancient gnosticks , or valentinians , or manichees , or montanists , or circumcellians , or donatists , who affected either to invent poetick fancies , or to darken and bury plain and wholsome truths , by words without understanding . and such are , for ought that ever i could discern , those seraphick , anabaptistick , & familistick hyperboles , those proud swelling words of vanity and novelty , with which those men use to deceive the simple and credulous sort of people , who are set up by them as the great rivals and antagonists of the ancient , catholick and apostolick ministers of christ , and vastators of the whole frame of the church of england . can you ( o worthy gentlemen ) or any sober christians , who are not strangers to the prayings , preachings and writings heretofore brought forth by the worthy ministers , bishops and presbyters of the church of england ; can you think , that either the godly ministers , or the christian people in england were ignorant of , or strangers to those spirituall influences , those inward powers and secret experiences of religion , till these new pedlers of piety began to open their packs , or till these rare rabbies turned their shops into synagogues , and their conventicles into the onely true spiritualized churches of christ ? did we never know before these new illuminates and spiritaties rose up , what belonged to the humble seeking , the happy finding , and holy acquaintance with god , by the union and communion of gods spirit , working and witnessing with ours ? had we neither the root nor the fruit of true religion till these new planters sprung up ? were we utterly strangers to faith , repentance , charity and good works , or to that joy , love , peace , blessed hopes , sweet satisfactions , evident sealings , sincere sanctifyings , and undoubted assurings of the holy ghost , which are wrought by , and conform to the word of god ; first casting the christian into that holy mould , and then filling him with such comforts as are unspeakable and glorious ; whose nature is rather to be humbly enjoyed , modestly owned , and tenderly treated in a gracious soul , than vulgarly discovered , and vapouringly ostentated in a rude and vain-glorious fashion ? the brightest lustre of gods jewels is rarely shewn , and hardly seen , being most glorious within : the richest wares are least set upon the stalls or shop-boords . these ( arcana , magnalia , sublimia dei ) secrets of the lord , these whisperings of the blessed spirit , these ( oscula christi ) kisses of christ as s. bernard calls them , these ( aromata gratiae ) perfumes of his soft breath , these glowings of grace in the heart , these holy fervours and heavenly raptures , of humble , devout , meditative , fervent souls , who the more they believe , the more they love , and the more they love , the better they live , more humanely and more divinely , more justly , more charitably and more orderly ; these real pregustations of glory , and anticipations of heaven , blessed be god , were long ago known , and experimentally set forth in the prayers , sermons , writings and actions of thousands of good christians , both ministers and others , long before these novell and exotick masters began to lisp out the soboloths of fine phrases ; before they dared to assault , and not onely cry , but beat down this and all national churches , all clergie of the ancient and right order , all universities and nurseries of good learning together , all tithes , all liturgies , all studied sermons and premeditated prayers , all wholsome forms and sober compendiums of religious duties and devotion ; as if all these were meerly carnall , literall , formall and superficiall , naturall and papall , meer husks and shells , the rind and out-side of religion . yea , we had the comfort , and god the glory of his grace in the ch. of eng. long before either anabaptists , or familists , or seekers , or quakers , or ranters , or any other spawn of libertinism and independency , of schism and separation , had amused the silly vulgar ( as * s. austin tells us , by his own experience , the subtill , but sordid , manichees were wont to do ) with their new motions and strange expressions of being godded with god , christed with christ , spirited with the spirit , and the like affectations ; which are either barbarities and simplicities , or blasphemies , insolencies and impossibilities of speaking : for no sober christian ever did or in religion ought , or in true reasoning can understand , that by a believers being a partaker of a diviner nature through christ , he is presently deified , that is , personally invested , and plenarily possessed with all the infinite attributes , essence and glory of god , which are incomprehensible by any finite understanding , and personally incommunicable to any creature , excepting christ jesus , the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or immanuel ) god incarnate , who onely may without b robbery be equall with god , esteemed , called , and adored as god. so that they can religiously mean no more by all this pomp of their words , than what was long ago far better understood , and expressed in more humble , wholsom and intelligible words ; also better enjoyed by sober , meek , just and quiet-spirited christians , who well knew the glorious priviledges of every gracious and sincere christian , which is to see the glory of god in the face of jesus christ ; to whom being related by faith , they are in some sense united to god. as the eye that sees the suns light and glory by its beams , is in some sense truly enlightened by it , united to it , & partaker of it ; not as to the vastnesse of its globe , essentiall glory , which is far too big and too bright for the eyes small capacity , but as to its pleasing influences : in like manner , the christian that is illuminate and regenerate by baptism , instructed by the word of god , and sanctified by the spirit of god , is so drawn to christ , by the sweet attractions of the cords of his love , and engraffed in him , that he is not now his own , but christs ; not enslaved to his own sinfull and depraved nature , but endued with the new powers and principles of an holy and heavenly nature , which is truly and soberly that divine nature of which s. peter speaks ; which while we behold by true faith and obedience , we are changed into the same image from glory to glory . chap. xvi . if then a wise and serious christian , who is not so idle or impudent as to play with religion , to trifle in holy things , or to mock with god ; if such an one will lose so much time as to sift all that these new masters vent , that these vapouring prophets say or write , as rare and precious , spirituall and heavenly , beyond all the fleshly forms , learned ignorance , and litterall darknesse , under which , they say , we other christians and ministers in england have lain long , and laboured all night in vain ; if he will do himself and them so much right , as to winnow away the chaff of their affected language , their bumbast tearms , their insolent expressions ; drive them from the refuge and confidence they have in the sillinesse of their auditors , the easinesse of their disciples , and the sequaciousnesse of their followers ( who most admire , when they least understand : ) this done , he shall find , that either nothing remains that is wholsome and good in their swoln heaps of new notions and expressions ( which are many times the gildings of some of their pills , the palliations of their poysonous opinions , the daring-glasses or decoyes to bring men into the snares of their dangerous or damnable doctrines ; ) or ( at best ) all this froth and swelling , this noise and ratling of their novellizings , is reducible into a few drops , a little proportion of plain , easie and well-known truth ; which neither needs nor desires such gnostick disguises , such vapourings and vampings of uncouth language , such muddy , rather than mysterious , clouds of words ; which rather signifie a crackt brain , a fanatick spirit , or an affected hypocrite ( who either knows not , or cares not what they say or do ) than any such blessed broachings of rarities , as they set forth their pageantries of new-drest divinity to be , with the emphasis of gospel-truths , precious sparks , spirituall manifestations , rare discoveries , unheard of emanations , the saints anointing , the uncarnating of a christian , the pryings of gods children into their fathers glory , their rising and reigning with christ , their deification with god. with these and such like , either torments of opinions , or terriculaments of expressions , do these new sort of preachers seek , not to edifie in the most holy faith , but to scare and terrifie their silly sectators out of their sober senses and mother-wits ; by which ( god knows ) they are onely capable , as babes , of milk ( things and words easie to be understood ) but not of such hard and strong meat as these men proffer them , which are indeed stones rather than bread , and many times serpents more than fishes ; dry and bare bones , or rotten and noysome carrion , rather than savoury and wholsom nourishments of sound and christian doctrine . but if any of these rare master-cooks of christianity , whose art is to new dress and disguise old divinity , when they have first learned themselves , then taught others to despise those plain and practick methods of faith and repentance , of piety and charity , which were wont to be commended to good christians , by the learned , orderly and excellent ministers of the church of england ; if these mysterious mountebanks do by chance hit upon some new notions and odde expressions , either by reading some of the speculatists of the roman party , as harpius , nubergensis , thomas de kempis , martin d' espilla , teresa , or the like ; if they can spell out theologia germanica , or conne by heart the religious rhodomontado's of h. n. if they can ( as heraclitus his ass ) feed upon the tall thistles of jacob behmen , vanhelmont , or some such piece of familistick nonsense , and seraphick curiosity ; if they have naturally a chimerick fancy , a stroke of evans or gostelowes crowing brains ; if in many odde ravings they perchance light upon something that seems truish and newish , gay and glistering in religion , beyond what was heretofore known by themselves , or usuall to the common people , because neglected and despised by grave and sober ministers : yet ( still ) all this their glory and invention amounts commonly to no more than the devils setting christ on the pinacle of the temple , not to exalt him , but to tempt him : the end and aim is , that from the precipice of pride and presumption he may cast them down and destroy them . after much bigness , they bring forth ( perhaps ) some scholastick subtilty , some sceptick nicety , or seraphick sublimity , which onely serves to puff up , but not at all to feed either themselves or their windy disciples : much after the rate that origen did , when he decayed or doted , when from a learned catechist at alexandria , from a grave and admired interpreter of scripture , he turned chymist in divinity , & allegorist in religion ; for leaving the fruitfull valleys and plain paths of necessary christian verities , he fancied nothing but high-flying curiosities , and far-fetch'd fancies : of which ( as tertullian speaks ) good christians have no need , and so no desire , since the excellency of the knowledge of jesus christ is sufficiently and plainly revealed to them in the scripture : although even tertullian himself ( as a man of an enormous wit and transcendent fancy , too big for it self ) was hardly able afterward to keep within those sober bounds which sometime he prescribed to others , after the good rule of s. paul ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to be soberly wise , or wise with sobriety ; but he , even he turned enthusiast , and driven by envy , disdaine and anger , beyond the bounds of reason and religion , he forsook the catholick communion of the church ( not in doctrine so much as discipline ) to comply with some fanaticks , who fitted his sharp and melancholy humour , which was prone to severities of conversation and extasies of speculation . not onely great wits , as origen and tertullian , so nestorius and apollinaris , &c. but lesser ones , as montanus , and manes , and arius , whom saint jerome calls daemonium meridianum , are many times prone to adventure on the brinks of hell ; their itch and petulancy are not satisfied , till their bold fancies and heterodox opinions have an haut-goust of blasphemy ; till they so far advance upon the suburbs of errour , heresie , and damnable doctrine , that they can hardly be fetched off by any salvoes of cunning sophistries , with pretended inspirations , or nice and subtil distinctions , which are like high-tasted sawces made with garlick or onions , purposely applied to tainted meats , to make their putidness less perceptible , or more passable with grosser palates . as dead carcases , so are the corrupt minds and doctrines of men , the more putid , by how much the more swell'd in the pomp of words . take their raptures , rarities and novelties of our new masters at their best , they have ever much more in the shew than substance of religion ; like herons and estriches , they are more in the wing and feather than in the body and substance : they are such precious discoveries as are justly nauseous to a gracious spirit , and of which a good christian may safely be ignorant . if any simple souls do perchance light on any of their jingling notions , and be taken with their new-sounding divinity , like the noyse of tinkling cymbals , or bag-pipes , or jews-trumps , compared to that grave church-musick which was made of the ancient harmony of catholick doctrine ; yet i see no cause for either the authors or followers of those novell niceties , to be puffed up , & swelled so excessively in themselves , nor yet to despise ( as they do ) all those grave divines and godly christians , whose rack is not so high , but their manger may be as full ; who can be content with manna , though they have no quailes wherewith to gratifie their wanton appetites . truly i could never yet esteem these vapouring seraphicks , these new gnosticks , to be other than a kind of gipsy-christians , or a race of circulators , tumblers and juglers in the church , who have more of little apish tricks and feats , than of solid ability , industry , or honesty : they impose upon the vulgar by a kind of legerdemain , by a juggling and canting way in religion : much shifting up and down , much capering and vaulting they use , but they advance not at all in any vertue , grace , or knowledge . they are a sort of ( funambulones ) dancers upon the ropes in religion , whose affected height and daring curiosity in their notions and motions , doth not countervail the danger of their audacity , or the impertinency of their activity ; nor have they any cause to despise those who walk more lowlily and soberly on the firm ground , less indeed to vulgar admiration , but more to their own safety and others benefit . s. paul seriously represseth the vanity of knowledge falsly so called , when men intrude themselves into things they understand not , being puffed up ( as those primitive gnosticks ) in their fleshly minds , not holding the truths as they are in jesus , nor content with the simplicity of the gospel , as it hath been delivered , received , understood , believed and practised by the catholick church of christ : this check the apostle gave to humane curiosities and satanick subtilties , even then , when speciall gifts and revelations were at the highest tide . chap. xvii . the better learned and more humble ministers of the church of england , ( both bishops and presbyters ) ever professed , with s. austin and the renowned ancients , an holy nescience , or modest ignorance in many things ; no less becoming the best christians , the acutest scholars , and profoundest divines , than their ( otherwayes ) vast knowledge and accurate diligence to search the scriptures , and find out things * revealed by god which belong to the church . the modesty and gravity of their learning commends the vastness and variety of it ; as dark shadowes and deep grounds set off the lustre of fair pictures to the greater height . they were not ashamed to subscribe to saint * paul's ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) unfathomable depth , the divine abyss of unsearchable wisdome and knowledge : they were not curious to pry into things above them , or to stretch their wits and fancies beyond that line and measure of truth , which god had set forth to his church in his written word , and in those catholick summaries thence extracted , as the rule of christian faith , manners and devotion , whereto the spirits of all good christians , great and small , learned and idiots , were willingly confined of old ( as irenaeus tells us : ) they never boasted of raptures , revelations , new lights , visions , inspirations , special missions and secret impulses from gods spirit , beyond or contrary to gods word , and the good order of his church , thereby to exercise their supposed liberties and presumptuous abilities ; that is , indeed , to satisfie their lusts , disorders and extravagances in things civil and sacred , to discover their immodesties and impudicities , like the cainites , ophites , judaites and adamites , to gratifie their luxuries and injuries , their sacriledges and oppressions , their cruelties against man , and blasphemies against god , their separations , divisions and desolations intended against this church . the godly pastors and people of christs flock never professed any such impudent piety , or pious impudence , because they were evidently contrary to sound doctrine and holy discipline , beyond and against the sacred precepts and excellent patterns of true ministers , sincere saints , and upright christians , whose everlasting limits are the holy scriptures , sufficient to make the man of god and minister of christ perfect to salvation . they were not ( like children ) taken with any of these odde maskings and mummeries of the devil , who is an old master of these arts , in false prophets and false apostles , with their followers ; whose craft ever sought to advance their credits against the orthodox bishops , presbyters , and professors of true religion , by such ostentations of novelties and unheard of curiosities in religion , which never , of old or late , made any man more honest , holy , humble , or heavenly : they never advanced christians comforts , solitary or sociall , living or dying ; but kept both their masters and disciples in perpetual inquietudes , perplexities and presumptions , which usually ended in villanies , outrages and despairs . nor will these new masters late discoveries prove much better ( whereof they boast with so insolent and loud an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) for all their rarities are but dead carkases , which are become mummy by being long dried in the sands , or wrapped up in searcloths ; they are not less dead , though they seem less putrified , to those whose simplicity or curiosity tempts them thus to rake into the skulls and sepulchres of old hereticks & idle ecstaticks , such as the very primitive times were infinitely pestred withal : but , blessed be god , they were all long ago either extinct of themselves , and gone down to the pit , or crucified , dead , buried , and descended into hell , by the just censures , anathemaes and condemnations passed against them by the godly bishops and ministers of the church in those ages . nor have these spectres ever much appeared in this church of england till these later years , in which , by the ruines and rendings of this church , they have gained a rotten kind of resurrection ; not to their glory , but to their renewed shame and eternall infamy , i trust , in gods due time , when once the honour of the true christian and reformed religion ( once happily setled and professed in the church of england ) shall be again worthily asserted and re-established by your piety and prudence ( my noble and religious countrey-men ) who have been , and i hope ever will be , the chief professors and constant patrons of it , under your god and your pious governours . your prudence and piety , your justice and generosity is best able to see through all those transports , which are so transparent , those specious pretences , those artificiall mists and vapours , which are used by some novel teachers to abuse the common people ; that engaging them into eternall parties , animosities and factions , they may more easily , by many mouths and hands , not onely cry , but utterly pull down this reformed church of england , in its sound doctrine , wholsome discipline , catholick ministry , sacred order , solemn worship , and apostolick government . all which must now be represented to the world by these new remonstrants , as poor and pittifull , carnall and common , meer empty forms and beggarly elements , fit to be cast out with scorn , as reaching no further than christ in the letter , jesus in the flesh , truth in the outward court , religion in the story or legend : but ( they say ) the ministers and other christians of old england are not come within the vaile , to the spirit and mystery ; they have not that light within , which far out-shines the paper-lanthern of gods word without them . chap. xviii . these , and such like , are the uncouth expressions used to usher in , under the names of liberty , curiosity , sublimity , nothing but ignorance , idlenesse , atheisme , barbarity , irreligion , and utter confusion in this church : or , at best , ( as i shall afterward more fully demonstrate ) they are but van-courriers or agitators for romish superstitions and papall usurpations ; the end of all this gibberish is , venient romani . put all these fine fancies and affected phrases together , with all those strange phantasms in religion , which of late have haunted this church , like so many unquiet vermin , or unclean spirits ; truly they spell nothing but , first , popular extravagances , which are the embasings and embroylings of all true and reformed religion ; next , they portend popish interests and policies prevailing against this church and state , whose future advantages are cunningly , but notably , wrapt up in these plebeian furies and fondnesses , as grocery wares are in brown paper . be confident , the spirit of rome ( which is very vigilant and active ) doth then move most potently upon the face of our english waters , when there is to be seen nothing but a sea of confusion , a meer chaos of the christian and reformed religion . which feared deluge , and ( by wise men foreseen ) devastation of the reformed religion ( once wisely established , honourably maintained , and mightily prospered in the church of england ) is already much spread and prevalent among many people , under the plea and colour of i know not what liberty , to own any or no minister , any or no religion , any , none , or many churches in england . the visible decayes and debasings of the true and reformed religion in england , as to piety , equity , unity and charity , as to the authority of its ministry and solemnity of its ministrations , are so palpable , both in the outward peace and profession , also in the inward warmth and perswasion , that it is high time for all sober and wise men , that love god , religion and their countrey , mightily to importune the mercies of god , that breathing upon us with a spirit of meeknesse and wisdome , truth and love , humility and honesty , he would ( at length ) asswage that deluge of contempt and confusion , the troubled and bitter waters of wrath and contention , which have over-whelmed the highest mountains of this church ; over-topping by their salt waves and aspersions , the gravest , wisest , most learned and religious , both preachers and professors , of the reformed religion in this church and nation . which licentious insolencies have made all sober christians so sick , weary and ashamed of them , that they cannot but be infinitely grieved to see and foresee the low ebbe , to which the reformed religion , in its purity and power , must in time fall in england , while the pristine dignity and authority of the evangelicall ministry is so invaded , baffled and despised ; while the authentick derivation , and catholick succession of that holy power , is so interrupted , innovated , divided , destroyed ; while the reverence of primitive customes and examples is so slighted , abated , by fanatick innovators ; while the cords of christian harmony and church-polity are so loosened and ravelled on every side ; while the just honour and encouragements of learning and learned men are so much damped and exhausted ; while the ecclesiastick glory of this nation , which was its chiefest ( in being and owning it self as a true and reformed church of christ ) is so much eclipsed , to the great reproch of this present age , and the infinite hazard of posterity ; which will hardly ever recover the honour , order , beauty and unity of christian and reformed religion formerly enjoyed in this church and nation , when once the jewels of it , the learned , ordained , orderly and authoritative ministers of the gospel , with all their ministry and ministrations , come to be either trampled under feet by schismaticall fury , or invaded and usurped by vulgar insolency ; which in time will rake them all up , and bury them in the dunghill of romish superstitions and papal usurpations . chap. xix . how far in humane policy or reason of state this popular liberty ( or rather insolency , usurpation , and anarchy in religion ) is to be indulged , i know not , as not pretending to any of those depths of secular wisdome , which will be found shallow at last , if gods glory and the good of mens souls be not in the bottom of them . but thus far i conceive i may ( after so many years sad experience , which all sober christians have had of the retrogradations of the reformed religion in england ) appeal , as to you , who are the most generous and judicious persons in this nation , so to all prudent and well-advised persons , of all sizes and conditions , who are capable to weigh the true interests and future concernments of their countrey and posterity , both as to piety and peace , honour and happiness , by way of an humble and earnest expostulation . hath not ( i beseech you ) this english world , prince and peasant , pastors and people , great and small , had enough , both in cities and in villages , of these late hashshes , olives , and queckshoes of religion ; in the mixture and dressing of which every foul hand must have a finger ? do you not perceive a different face of christian and reformed religion , from what was heretofore in england , when it had less experience of vulgar licentiousness , but more true christian liberty ; when , in my memory & most of yours , engl. was so full and flourishing , with excellent christians of all sorts , young and old , plain and polite , learned and illiterate , noble and ignoble , in the nobility , gentry , yeomanry and peasantry , whose setled & judicious piety was the fruit of the labours , cares , counsels and inspection of those learned , grave and godly ministers , both bishops and presbyters , with whom you were blessed ? have not all of you had enough , and too much of these new flashes , these fluttering squibs , these erratick planets , these wandering stars , these pretenders to rarities , novelties , superfluities , super-reformings , raptures , revelations , and enthusiasmes in religion ? to all which you may easily see , that a fancifull invention , a melancholy pride , a popular itching , a profane spirit , a loose temper , and a glib tongue , are very prone to betray men ( being as sufficient to furnish them in those trades , as a little stock will go far to make up a pedlars pack : ) yet have they so great confidence of themselves , as if they exceeded not onely all former christians , all ministers , all councils , all churches , but even all holy scriptures themselves , whose darkness or incompleteness must ( as some men say ) be cleared and supplied by their speciall illuminations : an old artifice of the devil , most used by those men , and in those times , which being most destitute of true reason , good learning and religion , did most vapour of their visions and revelations , their traditions and superstitions : witness those cimmerian centuries , or blinder ages of these western churches , in which there were as many visions , revelations and miracles daily obtruded on the credulous vulgar , as there were monasteries and nunneries , which in stead of seminaries and nurseries became dark dungeons , wherein christian religion and devotion were for many ages sadly confined , and almost smothered with superstition , idleness and luxury . have we not had enough & too much of vulgar playings with piety , of triflings with christian and reformed religion , of baffling , abusing and abasing the christian ministry , of buffetings of christ , of mockings of god , by impudent pratings and insolent intrudings , by confused rhapsodies and shuffling sanctities , by endless janglings and refined blasphemies , vented in some mens writings , preachings , prayings , & practisings ; so far from the light , weight and height , the sobriety , sanctity and majesty of true religion , that they are ( most-what ) void of ordinary reason and common sense , of equity and modesty , of humanity and civility ; being little else but the froth of futile and fanatick spirits , who blind poor people to enlighten them , captivate them to make them free , and ruine them , under pretense of building them after new wayes and models of religion , sanctity , salvation ? have we not had enough of passionate transports , popular zelotries , anarchicall furies , deformed reformings , and desperate hypocrisies ; by which some men have , like very foul chimneys , not onely taken fire themselves , according as their own lusts kindled them , but they have sought to set this whole house of god , the reformed church of england , on fire , under pretence ( forsooth ) of cleansing the soile and soot of it ; which appear now to have been more in their own hearts , than any where else ? have we not had enough of insolent railings , bitter calumnies , odious indignities , and endless divisions , brought upon this reformed church of england , upon its apostolick ministry , and all its evangelical ministrations , as invalid , superstitious , popish , antichristian , abominable ? besides the tragick depressions and undoings of many sober ministers , in their persons , credits and estates , who were justly esteemed by good christians for very pious , painfull and peaceable men ; yet have the storms of times not onely faln heavily upon them , during the paroxysme of our civil wars , but even since that tempest hath been allayed , many poor ministers ( beyond all other men ) have been afflicted with the strifes of tongues , with schismatical despites , with opinionative and disputative ( besides operative ) persecutions , so far , that many a grave and godly minister hath not known whither to flie , not so much for employment , as for his safety , or quiet ; that he might in any corner or cottage of the land be free from the molestations of those importune wasps , those ill-natur'd factionists , who are his eternall antagonists ; who first separating from him , at length they preach ( or prate ) against him , against his office , orders and function , counting themselves as a new swarm of teachers sent of god , to be to the former stock of preachers like the hornets sent against the canaanites , that driving all the ancient , orthodox , duly ordained , and well-learned ministers out of the employment and communion of the church , this canaan of england , this good land , this famous church , may wholly be in their possession . have we not had enough and too much of petulant practises , scurrilous expressions , and blasphemous insolencies , cast even upon that god , that saviour , that holy spirit , that blessed trinity , whom we adore and admire ; besides the neglects , contempts and profanations cast upon our sacraments , our sermons , our prayers ? i need not to adde and repeat the diminutions and indignities under which many worthy ministers , both bishops and presbyters , do lie , together with that whole evangelical order and office , which planted , preserved and reformed this church of england . how many have questioned , others derided , a third sort divided from , and not a few have utterly denied , and ( as much as in them lies ) destroyed them all ? hence many are grown to esteem all our religion , all our reformation , all christian duties , all worship and devotion , no better than meer politick frauds , specious fables , popular fallacies , cunning captivities , witty mockeries and delusions of the people . yea , that nothing might be wanting which malice can invent or act , there are some so fierce and cunning enemies of the church of england , that ( to bring our reformation into further defiance and disgrace among papists , atheists and profane livers ) they dare to impute even their most putid errours , their most extravagant fancies , their most factious and flagitious practises , either to reforming principles , or to gods spirit and divine impulses . o what astonishment , what stupor , what a lethargie , what a dumbnesse , what searednesse , what deadnesse must needs possess the spirit of any nation ( so christian , so reformed , so knowing and enlightened as the people of england sometime was ) to hear with patience , yea with silence , yea with connivence , yea with smiles and seeming approbation , such insolencies , such extravagancies imputed to their religion , yea to their reformation , nay to the spirit of their god and saviour , horrid and black enormities , which deserve to be expiated with teares of blood , as gregory nazianzen speaks of some abuses of religion in his times . o blessed god , stir up such a pious shame , sorrow and abhorrence in the generality of the people , that these fedities may not become the sins of the nation . have we not had enough and too much of scepticall disputes and unedifying contests , of unhealing questions and uncharitable quarrellings , of bitter strifes and bloody contradictions , of evil eyes and envious emulations , prevailing like gangrenes or cancerous distempers , even among those that profess to be godly , and contend for the superiority of sanctity ? by all which ( as s. hilary passionately complains , after the arian fury had poysoned the church in his times ) not onely unkind distances , but mutuall defyances and damnings , the christian reformed religion , sometime setled , uniform , and flourishing with verity , charity , decency , divine authority and publick majesty in the church of england , is now made * an annual , menstruall and diurnall faith or religion , as s. hilary aptly deplores . all things are either so snarled and intangled by infinite doubts and scruples , or so wire-drawn by popular and petty disputes , or so broken in sunder by factious divisions , or so horrid , by reciprocall anathemaes , like thunder-bolts , cast on all sides in each others faces , that the common sort of people know not what to make of christian or reformed religion , nor to what ministers or ministry to apply themselves with comfort and conscience . the solid masse of pure gold , which was the highest riches and honour of this nation , the true and invaluable treasure of your souls ( while religion , as christian and reformed , was carefully preserved as a precious and holy depositum ; ) this well-refined gold is now so dim and embased with dross , or so malleated and beaten thin by perverse disputations , that most men use religion onely as leaf-gold , to tip their tongues , or gild over the superficies of their conversation withall , or to set off ( as s. austin observed of old in the crafty manichees and others , both hereticks and schismaticks , of his time ) with the shew and lustre of christian religion , all the new fancies , projects , policies and opinions of severall parties , which are presently by their authors and abettors cryed up as the pure ordinances of jesus christ , the perfect mind of the spirit , the true meaning of the scripture , gospel-truths , hidden treasures , evangelick rarities : yea , that nothing might be thought to have been christian , catholick , clear and constant , setled and indisputable , as to religion , in this or any other church of any other frame and fashion ; some men have sought , not onely to shake and batter , but to demolish and utterly overthrow , the whole house of wisdome , beating down all the grand and goodly pillars , on the one side , of faith , repentance , charity , good works ; on the other side , of scriptures , ministry , worship , and sacramentall mysteries , as to the validity , authority , majesty , sanctity , solemnity , and saving efficacy of them all : upon which the catholick church was every where anciently built , even then , when it was by the hands of the apostles & their successors ( the primitive bishops & presbyters , martyrs & confessors ) hewn out of the rock of heathenish barbarity & idolatry , polished by heavy & sharp persecutions , fixed by the solidity and patience , honoured by the charity and constancy of christian people : even all these solid supports of religion are sought by some men to be either sawn in sunder , or to be cut into chips and shavings , by their infinite scrupulosities , by their importune longing after novelties , by their affectations of schisms , and separations , and usurpations . alas ! how many poor souls , rather weak than wicked , of easie heads , yet honest hearts , have ( in these later years , since the vertigo of religion befell this nation ) ravelled out their time and ended their dayes in obs and sols , in cavilling and contending , in shifting their sides and parties , in seeking and shaking , in ranting and raving , in quarrelling and jangling about their religion ? what new models of churches , what new methods of worshipping god , what new forms for ministry and ministers have distracted and distorted them , while they have been picking and chusing what way they could best fancy , and with most advantages follow ? thus poor mortalls ( who have infinite sins to be pardoned , and infinite wants to be supplied , who have precious and immortal souls to be saved , by the happy improvement of their short uncertain moment ) are by a pragmatick vanity , continually itching and scratching , while they should be cleansing and healing ; sceptically and miserably disputing and doubting , while they are decaying and dying , while they should , in all piety and prudence , by sound faith and serious repentance , be doing that great work which is evidently set forth in the word of god , and faithfully delivered unto them by the ministers of his church . behold the terrours of death prevent them ; eternity presseth upon them , before they are resolved what side to take , when to begin , where to fix , what to hold fast : the flower of age passeth , gray hairs are here and there , giddiness in their heads , stupor in their minds , hardness in their hearts , searedness in their conscience , a manichean dotage and delirancy seiseth upon them , before ever they are resolved whether the scriptures be the true , onely and sufficient revelation of the word and will of god ; whether it be their duty to live righteously , soberly and holily in this present world toward all men ; whether this church of england , and all the churches of christ in all ages , have not till now cheated them and all the world ; whether there be any ministers in the church of england that are duly set over christian people in the lord , to whom they owe double honour ; whether they may not in some cases follow their own fallacious fancies , and other mens flattering suggestions , rather than the scriptures plain and pregnant precepts , in order to carry on the covetous , ambitious , factious , fanatick and novell designs of such as call themselves godly ; whether they may not in some junctures of times and things ( when opportunity suits with their lusts and worldly interests ) dispense with gods revealed will in his word , that they may fulfill his secret will , hinted , as they suppose , by his providences ; whether in order to advance the glory of god , men may not sometimes break his express commands , presuming that then they please god best , when they most please or profit themselves , as the onely people of god. these strange scrupulosities , or extravagancies ( rather ) in religion , do ordinarily not onely intangle , but debauch the minds of common people , when once they please themselves with inordinate liberties and ramblings in religion , which fill their heads and hearts with such snarlings and intrigues , as resemble those deformed knots of burres which colts get upon their manes and tails , when they run loose upon heaths or commons ; they are easily got on , but very hardly shaken off , or cleared : mens interests , lusts and passions , once leavening their religion , and blinding no less than biassing their judgments , it is not imaginable what sport the devil makes with them , and with what compasses and fetches of godliness he plays his game by them . have we not enough and too much hitherto in england , of verball sanctity and titular saints ; not after the catholick christian account , which was scripturall and orderly , unblamable and charitable , most imitable and honourable in an uniform and constant holiness , full of equity and charity , purity and sincerity ; but upon new notions , names and factions ? we have sects of self-canonizing saints , as well as self-ordaining ministers : every petty schismatick , every solitary seeker , every extatick quaker , every independent noveller , every presbyterian temporiser , each of these have learned of late to tip their tongues , & crown the heads of their parties with these precious names ; ( which are the ambition of angels , the beauties of heaven , and glory of god himself . ) and this they do not in a way of charitable communion and christian emulation , as allowing others with them an interest in that honour , which i have the charity to believe some of the soberest in most of those sects may deserve ; but peculiarly and exclusively , as if none that had , or still have communion with the church of engl. either as bishops , or presbyters , or people , ever had , or have any right or claim to be called or esteemed saints : yea , some of the most noysome weeds of late grown up in the garden of this church , the most vile , polluted and profane wretches , affect to style themselves the onely herbs of grace ; hereby causing the silly people to mistake hemlock for parsley , and to gather hen-bane for hearts-ease . thus while either with great superstition many men scruple , or with great pride they disdain to give the name & honor of saints , to those holy men and women , whom the judgement of the catholick church , or the scripture-records , have ever counted and called saints ; yet they very superciliously and pharisaically arrogate , nay some monopolize these titles to themselves and their comrades , as absolutely and magisterially , as popes have done that of his holinesse , though they be never so black and abominable , as some popes , even by roman writers , are reported to have been , in the darkness and degeneracy of times , very monsters of men , and prodigies of all impiety ; such as guicciardine * describes pope alexan. the sixth , a father worthier of such a son , as caesar borgia , or the duke of valentinois was , than to enjoy so high a place of paternal presidency in the church of christ . for what ( i pray ) can be more unsaintly , than to desire , yea , delight and glory , as some in england now do , in most unjust and uncharitable actions , in immoderate revenges , in the poverties , disgraces and dejections of their lawfull pastors , in the divisions , distractions and destructions of that nobly christian and reformed church , in whose bosome they were duly baptized and instructed , legitimately begotten , wholsomely nourished , and carefully educated , as christians , and as reformed , to all excellent proportions of piety ? what is less saintly than for christians to mutiny , nay rebell ( as s. cyprian calls it ) against those reverend fathers , orthodox and godly bishops , and other worthy , yea excellent ministers , to whom they and their fore-fathers do really owe themselves , as s. paul tells philemon , as to whatever they can rightly pretend of the true honour , priviledge and power of christiany ? what is less saintly than to cry up novell , partiall and factious reformations , to magnifie uncouth and exotick wayes of ministry and christianity , church-fellowship and communion ; while in the mean time they ungratefully despise and cruelly crucifie their proper mother , the church of england , together with those whom they sometime justly esteemed as their fathers in god , and brethren in christ ? what is less saintly than to endeavour to rob god in a land of peace and plenty , to expose his servants and service ( after the order of christs evangelicall priesthood ) to as great contempts , deformities and diminutions in all points , both for order and authority , learning and maintenance , as ever julian the apostate did design ? with great impudence crying down the rare and ( indeed ) incomparable ministers of the church of england , who had been liberally treated and honourably maintained , that they may , with vulgar easiness and credulity , by a penurious , covetous and sacrilegious sophistry , cry up some cheap new-fashioned teachers , as rare angels , that had no stomachs , and would preach gratis ; who , i believe , are found in many places , as greedy and voracious as bell and the dragon in the apocrypha ? nor can i think them other than apocryphall preachers , so far from angels of light sent from god to comfort the reformed religion in its bloody sweat and agonies , that they seem rather as messengers of satan sent to buffet this reformed church and the renowned clergie of england ; whose fame and flourishing , whose piety and prosperity , whose honour and unity , whose catholick order and authority , heretofore was so conspicuous , by the rare indulgence of gods providence , by the generous munificence of pious princes , and by the moderation of wise and worthy parliaments , that god ( it seems ) saw it in danger ( as s. paul ) to be exalted above measure , by reason of those excellent endowments and enjoyments , both spirituall and temporall , which were bestowed upon it . all which are prone to threaten themselves by their excess ; the usuall temper of humane frailty being such , that it is never so fixed , sweetened and seasoned by any temporall blessings in the best of men , but it is subject to warp , to sowre , or to putrifie , if it stand too long in the warm sun of prosperity . however it becomes all holy and humble ministers to bless god , with holy job , though he take what he once gave : it is his mercy that he chuseth rather by impoverishing of us to correct us , than to leave us wholly to that crookedness and putrefaction , which we were ready of our selves in peace and plenty to contract : it is better for any church , any clergie , any christians , to be healed by the sharpness of gods corrosives and vinegar , than too much softned by the suppleness of his oyles and lenitives . i hope the health and soundness of the church and clergie of england are gods last designs ; that his blessings to both shall in due time be restored and enjoyed again , when being better prepared to use and value them , we shall be less subject to abuse and loose them . chap. xx. mean time , while many grave and excellent ministers are faine patiently to hang their harps upon the willowes , while they and other sober christians daily weep over the waters of babylon ( our sad confusions ; ) a generall astonishment hath seised upon all sober and serious , wise and worthy men , true lovers of this church and nation , who , with sad hearts and moistened eyes , do hear and see the more then childish petulancies , the rude insolencies , the impudent familiarities , the irreverent behaviours , which in many places the common sort of people are grown to affect , and presume to use , even in our religious duties and sacred assemblies ; expressing less outward respect or reverence in the presence of god , when his ministers and his people assemble to worship him , than they are wont to use , either for fear , or civility , or shame , before the steward and jury of a court leet , or the meanest justice of peace and his clark in the countrey . from the rude examples and daring indulgences of some men , whose years and education might have taught them better manners ) there daily growes up a numerous generation , a rustick , heady and impudent fry of younger people , who carry no more regard to any duties of religion , or respect to the ministers of them , than the fourty children did to the prophet elisha , when they mocked him , and were for their ill breeding and irreligious rudeness * torn in pieces by the she-bears ; to teach both parents and children better manners towards gods prophets , as was of old observed . yea there are some grown so clownish and cyclopick christians , that their very religion consists ( not a little ) in their morose , undecent , uncivil , untractable spirits and demeanour : if others have their heads reverently uncovered in the presence and service of god , these must have their hats on ; not to relieve the tenderness and infirmity of their heads , but to shew the liberty and surliness of their wills and spirits . if others testifie their inward veneration of the divine majesty by their outward comely gestures , as either standing or kneeling , according to the variety of duties ; these by all means affect to fit or loll , after such a lazy and neglective fashion , that easily discovers and openly proclaims , neither much fear of god , nor reverence of man : yea , some people are not satisfied thus to express their sullen tempers by their churlish and unconformable gestures , as to our religious duties and decencies ( in case they vouchsafe to be present ; ) but they must be railing and reviling , prating and opposing , cavilling and disputing in publick . what eare , not wholly uncircumcised , can bear the vain bablings , the unprofitable , unpleasing and profane janglings of such sophisters , the unharmonious noise of such low-bels , whose sound is neither with verity , certainty , harmony , nor gravity ? yet do they , every where , seek to drown or confound the sacred concent of aarons bells , and that sweet musick which was wont to be in gods sanctuary , in our churches here in england , when good christians did orderly and reverently meet together with their lawfull ministers in one place , with one accord , with one heart , one mind , one mouth , to serve the lord , and to edifie one another in truth and love , with all modesty , humility , decency and solemnity . chap. xxi . which comfort & honour , solemnity and blessing of religion , formerly enjoyed in most congregations of the church of england , how many of later yeares have dared , not more with rudeness than profaneness , to exchange for a kind of sibylline ravings , bacchinal raptures ? they obtrude upon poor people sudden correptions , licentious rantings , ridiculous quakings , fanatick ravings , senselesse vapourings , and such like rallieries or gallantries in religion , which seek to turn christianity to a kind of buffoonery . if these corrept & corrupt extasies , or extravagancies , be not permitted to such fanatick triflers , troublers of travagancies , be not permitted to such fanatick triflers , troublers of religion ( which no sober christian can tolerate in their publick and religious meetings ) they presently meditate the most desperate separations ; they instantly fall to set up new churches and pastors after their own heart ; their full revenge must be had , not onely by dividing themselves , but by seducing and poysoning other silly people , as much as may be , withdrawing them from that good esteem they had , and respect they formerly bare to the church of england and their lawfull ministers . then the followers of these pragmatick preachers are taught to bear with patience ( as horses are the noise of drummes and trumpets ) all manner of scurrilous railings against the church and clergie of england . at last they are by troops brought up in front , to charge them with such insolency of speech and behaviour , of writing and acting , as sufficiently discovers their evil hearts to be like mines or petars , full fraught and charged with all kinds of bitterness , contempt and animosity against them , in order to destroy them utterly , as soon as they have power and opportunity to do it . in the room of whose orderly beauty , learned gravity , sober sanctity , and exemplary piety , so famous , conspicuous and prosperous heretofore , these bold extirpators and bitter antagonists have hitherto produced ( as the eructations of aetna , and earth-quakes are wont , with much swelling , noise and terrour ) nothing but darkness , smoke and thick vapours , full of sulphureous obfuscations . sure their executions and conclusions must be full of mischiefs , subversions , confusions , desolations , to the reformed religion ; because there is not one dramme or iota ( that ever i could observe ) of sound knowledge , of usefull piety , of gracious effects , of holy patterns , of christian principles , to be found in them , any way comparable to those proportions of wisdome and good understanding , of justice and charity , of meekness and moderation , with all which the english world was heretofore well acquainted , by the learned industry and exemplary piety of its reverend bishops , and other godly ministers ; who were ever highly honoured , passionately loved , and worthily treated by pious princes , peacefull parliaments , and unpassionate people , long before either tumultuary rabbles , or schismatick agitators , or the scotch sword , or the smectymnuan juncto , or a sifted sequacious assemblie , or covenanting houses , or committee-consistories , or military superintendents , undertook ( by an unwonted authority and severity ) not onely to catechise , but to chastise the church and clergie of england , even all the bishops , and most of the presbyters ; among whom many one person might be found , whose learning and worth ( every way ) might modestly be put into the balance against all that any or all those parties can pretend to , or ever yet discovered to the wiser and better world , who have been , and are , the most rigid exactors , severest censurers , and sorest enemies to the reformed clergie and church of england . whos 's more crafty rivalls and cruellest persecutors , finding themselves ( as heretofore , so still ) vastly exceeded , and infinitely out-done , as to all reall endowments , commendable practises , and visible sufficiencies , for learning , knowledge , utterance , prudence , for praying , preaching , writing and living , they are ( now of late , after the way of those old fanaticks , who called themselves the pure , elect , inspired and spirituall ones ) flown to the retreats and refuges of their inward graces , to more secret and spiritual perceptions , to hidden and unseen acquaintances with god. which are ( as i formerly touched ) the old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of elect manichees , and paraclete montanists , meer shifts and sleights , blinds and evasions , where the light of mens works and gifts shines not to the glory of god , as our saviour speaks : for these are ( a nemo scit ) as easily denied as they are rashly affirmed , being indiscoverable and incommunicable to any but gods and a mans own spirit . the hidden manna , the white stone , the new name , which none can read but he that hath it , these ( if meant of graces ) are best asserted , or most confuted , by mens works . no man is of god , who doth not the will and works of god , as they are revealed in his word , in all righteousness and holiness , with meekness and humility , with sobriety and good order : in all which , if any ( the best ) of these novellers do at any time come neer to the parts , graces and merits of those that were , and are , dutifull sons and servants to the church of england ; yet i am sure they cannot , without intolerable impudence , pretend to exceed them so far , that no fair quarter may be allowed to the former preachers and professors in this church ; that no place or naile should be left them in gods sanctuary here in england . chap. xxii . into which ( as i have by many instances evinced ) some mens folly or fury hath ( of later years ) sought to bring so much filth and confusion , that they have almost made this church an augean stable ; so that it is an herculean work to cleanse it of all those debordments and debasements faln upon christian religion , of those fedities and deformities brought upon its reformed profession , of those disorders and undecencies which have invaded ecclesiastick duties and mysteries : all which necessarily follow the invasions and usurpations of popular libertie in religion ; which ( though already full of squallor and sordidness , yet ) are still eagerly challenged , loudly clamoured , and fiercely asserted by the common people and their parasites , the most plebeian spirits . who not capable to comprehend , or not willing to understand the gracious beauty , the holy modesty , and divine majesty of true christian liberty ( which most excludes all base licenciousnesse , as the brightest light doth all darkness , and the perfectest health all sickness ) have excessively doted in later years upon this image of imaginary liberty , as if it had newly come down from heaven in a whirlwind of civil war and schisme ; whereas ( in good earnest ) the most vociferant vulgar , who most cry up this their diana , like the riotous rabble at ephesus , do least know what the matter is , nor what true christian liberty means : which undoubtedly puts the severest restraints that may be upon it self , as to doing any thing offensive to god , or injurious to its neighbour , in private and single , much more in publick and sociall respects ; in civil , much more in religious relations , which as men and christians we bear to one another . true christian liberty is as far as heaven from hell , from any thing that looks like incivility , rudeness , barbarity , inhumanity , frenzy , fedity , disorder , deformity . rationall and religious liberty is not the freedome of an untamed heifer , of an unbridled horse , of a mad dog , or an unyoked hog , which will ramble and wallow , and bite and root up where they list ; which seeks to subvert , not whole houses onely , but famous churches , to infect as many as they can , with the plague and contagion of mens own evil hearts . it is not christian liberty , but an earthly , sensuall and devillish lazinesse , or licentiousness , for men and women that have been baptised in the name of christ , and so dedicated to his worship and service ( as well publick and social , as private and solitary ) to sleep and laze in their chimney corners on the lords day , rather than go to church , as many hundreds do . it is no part of christian liberty , to come seldome or never to the lords supper , to despise baptisme , to forsake those publick assemblies where the true god is truly and sincerely worshipped , according to his word , with soundness , holiness , order , decency and sincerity ; to rail at , and separate from all those bishops and ministers of so well a reformed and wisely setled nationall church , who are evidently furnished with good ability , and invested with most undeniable & due authority , to dispense sacred mysteries . it is no part of christian liberty , for men to speak , and act , and behave themselves in religion , as seems good in their own eyes ; which are easily blinded with passion , pride , prejudice , covetousness , ambition , revenge . it is no part of christian liberty , for men to have no regard to that order , peace , charity , duty and subordination which god requires , and which every christian owes , as to the civil , so to that ecclesiastick polity and society in which god hath placed him , as by his birth and habitation , so by his baptisme and profession ; which are the holy ties of religion , by which , as members of christs body in the judgement of charity ( his visible church ) we are bound to him as the head , and to each other as members , in the severall places and proportions where god hath set us , either in a coordination and community , as to brethren , or in subordination and superiority , as to fathers , guides , pastors , governours , teachers ; to whom , as sons , or scholars , we owe the duties of love , gratitude , reverence , submission and obedience for the lords sake , and for their work sake . if it be a great sin , and deserving the ponderous milstone of gods heavy judgement ( as our saviour tells us ) to offend causelesly , uncharitably and maliciously , one of christs little ones ; how much greater and more intolerable must the condemnation of those be , who wantonly and presumptuously offend , yea , seek to wound and destroy , those that are duly and deservedly the bishops and presbyters , the chief heads and fathers , officers and stewards , guides and governours , even in christs stead , and by his authority , over his house and family , his temple and body , which is his church , in the several parts and proportions of it , according to the catholick order and custome used in his church ? of which riotously to make havock , to rend , to strip , and waste all things of good order , catholick custome , comely honour , authority , decency and solemnity , to the overthrowing of christian unity and charity , to the dissolving , deforming and discountenancing even of that truth , those gifts and graces , which were in such a church as this of england was , must without all peradventure be no less sin and crime , than it is a sacriledge and scandall ( in s. austins judgement ; ) agreeable to the sense of dionysius bishop of alexandria , who in his epistle , so famed , tels novatus as much , who was a primitive schismatick , or a saintly separatist , from the catholick custome , judgement and communion of christs church . for which practice in any case , a man must have very great and pregnant grounds ( as s. cyprian & s. austin oft observe ) either in point of gross errors , or immoralities , obtruded upon a believer ( in case he will keep communion ) whereby to justifie his desertion , division , or separation , which upon small and trifling accounts , or upon spiteful and malicious principles , or for covetous and vain-glorious interests , or upon meer jealousies and surmises to violate , was ever esteemed , by the soundest and soberest christians in all ages , a sin much of the nature and size of korah's , dathan's and abiram's transgression or rebellion , as s. cyprian observes , applying that history to some such mutinous distempers and unquiet spirits , as haunted the church in his dayes and diocese ; that their popular and parasitick crying up of a all the lords people to be holy , their rude reproching of moses and aaron , as taking too much upon them , these specious pleas did not serve their turn , when gods searching severity , and not vulgar levity , credulity or ingratitude , was their judge : all their plausible pretensions of sanctity and liberty before the people , were not able to defend them from those horrid chasms , and unheard-of gapings of the earth , which by a new way of death , swallowed up ( even quick , and yet alive ) these mutinous novellers and levelling rebels into the black and dreadfull abyssus of eternall death and darkness ; whose names and memory ( yet ) the cainites did venerate , as the commendable asserters of popular liberty , and the princes or protoplasts of schisme , as s. austin observes . nor is the usuall fate of such like insolent and popular perturbers of christs church much different or disproportionate at last : for either they fall ( when their pride and folly is manifest ) into the pit of vulgar hatred , contempt and abhorrence ; or they are swallowed up with carnall lusts , with earthly , sensuall and devilish passions , affections and actions ; or being at last justly abandoned and abhorred of all sober and good christians , they are ( by gods utter forsaking of them ) plunged into the gulf of their own polluted , seared and despairing consciences . if those were in the primitive times esteemed as given over to the will and power of satan , who were justly excommunicated from the communion of the true church of christ ; which sentence ( as tertullian tells us ) every good christian did dread , next to that doom of ( ite maledicti ) goe ye cursed , as a dreadful pre-judging before the last and fatal judgement ; how must they needs lie down in darkness and sorrow , who upon no just cause , do not onely excommunicate themselves from any one churches communion ( in which they were ) out of a fancy of i know not what liberty , but ( out of an excessive pride , arrogancy and boldness of spirit ) they dare excommunicate even whole national churches , yea , such a famous reformed church as england ; nay they exclude the very catholick church of christ in all ages and places , from any communion with themselves ( which certainly is no small height of uncharitableness ) yea , and from all communion with christ himself , which is a strange pitch of luciferian pride . it is no news for the patient , but just and righteous god , to keep those men and women at a great distance , even from himself , and from the sweet communion of his holy spirit , who proudly or peevishly despise the communion of any part of his church , in the holy ministrations of the word , prayer and sacraments . they that hope to kindle to themselves strange fires , and light new sparks by their violent strikings and novell agitations in any sound and well-ordered church , god ( commonly ) beats the smoky brands ends about their own heads , and kindles a fire of displeasure in their own breasts , because they cared not to set whole-churches on fire , in order to rost their new-laid eggs ; the best of which are of no great worth , and most of them are quite addle or rotten . chap. xxiii . although i have thus far and thus long insisted ( most honoured and beloved countrey-men ) upon the mischiefs of abused liberty , as the first and chief cause ( i conceive ) of the greatly lapsed and decaying estate of the church of england and the reformed religion ( which was heretofore so setled , so sound , so prospered , so approved by god and good men ; ) yet i cannot forbear a further search into this ulcer or fistula : for indeed her hurt is not now a green wound lately made , either by the malice of open enemies , or by the wantonness of those friends , who love to be alwayes pickeering and skirmishing in religion ; but it is now by a long confluence of ill humours in people , grown a venomous and inveterate sore , contumacious to any ordinary medicines , opprobrious to the best physitians , contagious to the remaining parts of this civil and ecclesiastical body , which have any thing in them sound and sincere ; many of which , especially among the common people , being weak , are less able to resist that petulant poyson , and spreading itch of liberty , which is so bewitching a name to the populacy ; a temptation and infection which few vulgar spirits are able to resist , or willing to remedy . and indeed the mischief seising ( like mercury or quicksilver ) upon the spirits and brains of men that are rash , easie , & heady , it makes them presently suspect , and shortly to hate all those , as their enemies , who go about to curb or cure so welcome and flattering a disease : which is not less dangerous , because delightfull ; for commonly all those things that are most agreeable to naturall men and carnall minds ( who love to be licentious ) prove grievous to gods spirit , scandalous to the name of christ , and pernicious to his churches purity or peace . liberty , if it be in ill keeping , soon putrifies to licentiousness , as the manna did , which turned to wormes . not that i am any way against that rationall , ingenuous , modest , inoffensive , charitable and conscientious liberty , which is the onely true christian liberty to be desired and enjoyed , either in private or in publick ; such i mean as is neither touchy nor turbulent , but carries an equall tendernesse to other mens honest and harmless freedome , as to its own , seeking onely by lawfull means , either to remove those impediments of its well-being and doing , that are really rubs or remiras in its way to heaven , or else to obtain those holy allowed advantages which may most promote its communion with god ; with christ , and his blessed spirit : which holy freedomes and happy advantages are surest to be met withall ( as i conceive ) in those high wayes and plain paths , which christs catholick church in its nobler parts and ampler combinations hath constantly kept , after the primitive proportions , & apostolicall distributions of churches , wherein the majesty of christ , & the harmony of christians , which is the honour of christian religion , are infinitely more to be seen , and safely preserved , than in any of those by-wayes or diverticles , which schismatick liberty affects to chuse and follow ; which will at length make any nationall , christian and reformed church , that was heretofore grounded in truth , guided with order , united in love , conspicuous with beauty , fortified with its joynt power , uniform in its solemn ministrations , and orderly in all its holy motions ( like an army well ordered disciplin'd , and bravely marshall'd ) to be like the routed parties and ragged regiments of a scattered and divided army . it is an observation never failing , that the sanctity of christian martyrs , the honour and prevalency of that religion which recommends the crucified lord jesus , as a saviour and preserver , not a destroyer of mankind , these are best preserved in any nation or society of men , there , where least liberty or license is permitted to private spirits publickly to innovate or alter , dispute or deny , contemn or subvert , those catholick truths and doctrines , or those comely constitutions and customes , which are once well & wisely setled by publick counsel and authority , which carried due regard to the glory of god , to the rule of his word , to the catholick precedents , and to the common good of that particular nation or polity . all experience , and our own as bad as any , teacheth us , that liberty , in the vulgar sense and use , is like a sweet and rank kind of clover-grass , with which the beast of the people will soon surfeit , even till they burst themselves , if they be not moderated , and restrained from over-feeding by their wise governours in church and state. the histories of sleidanus and others sufficiently shew you , in the last century , how wild the boores of germany grew , even to a kind of a lycanthropy , by such liberties as their teachers first indulged , and themselves afterward usurped ; how quickly this charm ( like circe's ) turns men and women into dogs and wolves ; how abused liberty having once seized upon the thatch and straw , the petulancy and insolency of common people , as most combustible matter , like a masterless and unbridled fire , it will devour more in a few dayes , by the pragmatick folly of some extravagant heads and hands , than the wisdome , piety and gravity of your forefathers could erect , or your posterity will be able to repair , in many years or ages : for no fires burn with more fury & pertinacy , than those which maintain their unquenchable flames by the oyl of religion and liberty , with which they are least to be trusted , who most love to play with it , as children do with fire and gun-powder . common people , like young heirs , who have more wealth than wit , are of so profuse an humour , and so lavish of their liberty , both civil and religious , when once they think themselves masters of it , that they will presently be undone , if they have not some wiser men to be their guardians , who will be better husbands for them than they would be for themselves ; nor are they ever more desperately prodigall , or more certainly miserable , than when ( like mad-men ) they have by insolency or importunity extorted from their governours and the laws , such a portion of liberty , either civil or religious , as they least know how to use , and will be sure to abuse . let those men that are the greatest tribunes of the people , the seeming patrons of their liberties ( but reall parasites of their licentious humours ) in religion , let them , i say , make but one years triall , with how much good nature , reason , justice and modesty , these people will use their civil and naturall liberty ; in which , being absolved from all restraint of laws and fears , of power and of punishment , they shall have leave , with the bridle on their necks , to covet , challenge , contend , invade , usurp , and take every man to himself such women , such houses , such goods , such lands , such offices , such power and such honours , as each of them most fancies himself capable to deserve or enjoy : in a few dayes they will soon see how severe a revenge such folly will take of it self , both as to the actors and permitters . if such inordinate liberty ( which naturally men affect , and which imposeth on mankind the necessity of having publick laws and magistratick powers above all private mens fancies ) if it be so pestilent in civil and secular regards , that the indulgence of it is no more to be permitted by wise and good men , for one moneth , or one day , than a fire may be left to its freedome for one hour in any private cabbin or chamber , to the endangering of the whole ship and house ; how ( i beseech you ) can it be convenient or profitable to the common interests of religion , or the honour of any nation that desires to be called christian , to let every man pick and chuse their severall doctrines , opinions , forms and fashions of religion , as they best fancy ; or to suffer them to set up to themselves what prophets , pastors , or preachers , what churches , congregations & conventicles they most affect ; one being of paul , another of apollos , a third of cephas ; one episcopall , another presbyterian , a third independent , a fourth owning no ministers , no religion at all ? specious names and godly pretensions may be very pernicious to the peace of the church , the honour of christ , and the good of mens souls , as the blessed apostle there observes , through the folly and factiousness of people . better the most deserving names , how much more the most flattering novellers in the world , should be buried in eternal oblivion , than they should be set up in the church of christ , as so many apples of contention , so many wedges of division , so many rivals to the glory of christ , so many moths to religious unity and the churches beauty , so many molechs or idols , through whose fires your posterity , as christians ( that are not yours onely , but gods children , and , as it were , christs seed and off-spring ) should be forced to pass with popular noyses and incondite acclamations of liberty , onely to drown the sad cries of those poor souls who are to be tormented in those flames , those tophets of uncharitable novelties and factious liberties . christian liberty , as vulgar spirits commonly use it , is but a corroding salve spread on a silk plaister ; it is a confection of carnal projects , wrought up with spirituall mixtures ; it is poyson presented in a gilt cup , the devils rats-bane mingled with sugar . the sad effects already upon us in england , and further threatning us , do promise nothing upon this account , but envies , wraths , strifes , jealousies , animosities , whisperings , swellings , tumults , seditions , oppressions , and mutual persecutions , with every evil work among us , as men and christians . chap. xxvi . nor are these mischiefs only rife among lay-men , or ordinary people ( whose ignorance , meanness and discontent , are prone to tempt them to any thing ) but even among those who desire to be called the ministers , teachers , pastors & leaders of the people ; for even these , in many places , either mis-led by the people , or sadly misleading them , are very much bitten and infected with this epidemicall disease , of mistaken , corrupted and abused liberties in matters of religion , both as to doctrine and worship , as to ecclesiasticall order and ministeriall authority : many of these ( otherwise men of worth , for soundness and integrity , no way unfit for the work , or unworthy to have the honour of being ministers of the gospel ) yet are miserably tainted with these divisions , distractions and deformities , even among themselves . which contagion ( among the pastors as well as the flocks ) as a farther sad and evident instance of the grand causes or occasions of this churches present miseries , and of the great decayes of the reformed religion , i crave leave , without offence to any of my worthy and deserving brethren in the ministry ( of what name or title , of what stamp or metall soever they are ) a little to insist upon ; that i may , by further discovering the rise and progress of our mischiefs , the better make way for such remedies as your wisdome ( o my noble countrey-men ) shall see fittest for the recovery of health , strength and beauty , to this deformed church , and the remnants of reformed religion in it . as all experience tells us poor mortalls , that our greatest enemies are many times nearest to us , and oft lie in our own bosoms ; so the greatest mischiefs that have , or can befall the christian reformed religion in england , do chiefly arise from some preachers , or such as would be accounted the ministers of christs church , under severall notions and formations . vulgar reproches , plebeian contempts , the injuries of lay-men , yea the persecutions of great and mighty men , the clergie , or true ministers of christs church in england , might possibly have born with patience , constancy , comfort and honour , ( though much to their outward diminution ) if they had had the grace , wisdome and understanding , to have kept among themselves that harmony , constancy and integrity , in judgements , practise and affections , which became men that should be both wise and warm , prudent as serpents , and innocent as doves ; if they had ( as christs disciples ) loved one another , though the world hated them : if they had ( as one man ) held together , like a well-turn'd arch , surely they might at once have upheld themselves , and easily sustained any pressures laid upon them by the levity , violence and ingratitude of other men : the clergie being as the cable and anchor of religion , which firmly twisted together , and fraternally combined in truth and love , will in time bring the people to quiet and calmnesse in religion ; however they may have their storms and tossings sometime , partly by innate fluctuancy , as the rollings and tidings of the sea , and partly by outward winds and tempests . what nation hath there been so barbarous , what heathens so truculent , what persecutors so inhumane , whom godly bishops and other ministers have not by their exemplary faith , patience , unity and charity , with gods blessing , in time softened and sweetened , convinced and converted to be christians ; while they all spake the same things , & carried on the same interests of christ , as it were with one shoulder ? these once broken in their orderly and uniform methods , varied in their catholick succession and authority , divided in their fraternall concord and harmony , the peoples minds soon grow distracted , and are violently driven , as ships from their anchors and cables , upon a thousand dangers . when primitive pastors and people were most cordially united , though they were most cruelly persecuted , yet christianity spread and prospered ; what the fury of men pull'd down , that the care and charity of their ministers built up , twisting what others ravelled , either as idolaters , hereticks or schismaticks : which reparations of religion were easily effected , while the sheep knew their true shepherds , following them , or flying to them in case of any danger ; when the people knew their proper presbyters , and orderly presbyters owned those bishops to whom they were duly subordinate , when all ranks and orders in the church of christ , as parts in the body , kept their stations and ranks , their orders and correspondencies , their proportions and duties , either in filiall subjection or fatherly inspection ; when no good christian was to seek what pastors , what preachers he should apply to , nor any deacon or presbyter did doubt to what bishop he owed a respect , as to his superiour , in ecclesiastick eminency , order and authority . this , this blessed harmony , this catholick ( and in primitive times undoubted , as well as uniform and constant ) order , did then keep up , or recover , by gods blessing , the majesty of christian religion , the love , together with the honour and authority , of the evangelical ministry , amidst the heaviest distractions and persecutions ; and so , no doubt , it would have done in england , amidst all plebeian insolencies and popular prostitutions . but ( alas ! ) though all this evil be come upon us ministers of all sorts and sizes , from without , from civil warres , and unhappy publick differences in secular interests ( which spare no men ) as also from the private covetousness , inconstancy , malice , revenge , impatience , ambition and ingratitude of some vulgar people ( not onely to the great injuring of many ministers persons , credit and estates , but to the menacing of an utter subversion , even to the whole tribe , office and function , as it was founded on divine institution , built up by apostolicall tradition , and preserved by catholick succession : ) yet in our distresses and afflictions many ministers ( as ahaz ) have sinned more and more : and as if it were a small matter that plebeian spite and petulancy could ambitiously inflict upon ministers , themselves have added much fewel to their fires , encouraging their malice by wretched complyings with them , & flattering of them , in the very abuses of their liberties , in their rude arrogatings , and usurpations upon the ministry , infinitely to the disgrace of their holy calling , to the disparagement of their own judgements , and to the prostrating of their due authority , which is ( as i have proved ) divine , or none at all : that i mention not ministers betraying of their own honest interests and enjoyments as to this world , in point of profit , honour and reputation . all which the gulf of secular avarice , and the abyss of lay-mens sacriledge , daily gapes to devour , after the pattern which some achans and ananiasses of the clergie have set them : the poor remainders of which , as they are already forfeited , by the sordid and shamefull debasing of themselves , to the humouring of people in their lusts and licentiousness ; so they will in a few years be utterly lost and confiscated , by the advantages which will be given to peoples covetous cruelty , through those mutuall animosities , jealousies , distances and varieties , which are now maintained by the severall sides and sorts of ministers in england , all pretending to be preachers of the gospel , under reformed and super-reforming names . what infinite swellings , disdains , envies and pertinacies , are open to all mens observations , even among those men who would be thought grave , wise , learned , holy , and every way able to teach and rule the vulgar ? how have their innovations , mutations , levities and divisions , so clearly manifested their weaknesse , folly and factiousnesse , that as it cannot be hid from vulgar eyes and censures , so it is already many wayes confuted and sorely punished , not onely by the palpable frustratings of some of their novell designs , but by their being generally debased far below their former station , and extremely worsted in all points , as to that handsome , if not honourable condition , which they might in unity and order ( as heretofore ) have enjoyed in england ? if once the ministers of any church ( who are as the walls and sea-banks ) do make cracks and breaches upon themselves , or suffer the moles and water-rats of the people so to do ; no wonder if the high tides of vulgar insolency and rapine soon break in upon them , & make their ruines not more deplorable than irreparable . chap. xxv . yet after all this sharp and sad experience , which hath rendred the profession of ministers on all hands contemptible , their ordination disputable , their enjoyments miserable , their necessities irreparable , their dependences poor , plebeian , & almost sordid , by their mutuall and unhappy divisions ; yet still many , who glory to be called ministers , ( of whatever odde ordination or new edition they are ) do fancy it a great part of their piety , to be pertinacious in those new opinions , wayes and factions , which they have adopted ; yea much of their sanctity is made to consist in their scorning all antiquity , and of all reformation heretofore in the church of england . if they can find nothing else to quarrel at in the old clergie of england ( whose doctrine was found , whose ordination most catholick , valid and unquestionable by bishops , whose learning and lives were most commendable ) yet they must find fault with their very clothes ; and rather than not differ , they must disguise themselves from the gravity of gowns and cassocks , of black caps and black clothes , to military clokes , to scotch jumps , to white caps , and all mechanick colours : in which posture being as preachers once got into a pulpit , then both they and the silly people fancy they see great reformations of religion , more looking at the gay and strange colours of a foolish bird , than minding how it speaks : especially if these new ministers do gratifie the plebs of the laity and the plebs of the clergie with any influence or stroke in their ordination , and consecration to the office of the ministry ; if they have highly cried up popular rights and liberties in making and marring , in electing and rejecting , in ordaining and deposing their pastors ; if they have gently condescended to such popular transports and real novellizings in england , as are contrary to all practises of ancient and best churches ; o what an high mountain do these new masters and their new disciples fancy they are ascended ! to what a glorious transfiguration do they imagine themselves to be changed ! what a new heaven and new earth do some of them , either more silly , or more subtill than others , glory they have created , in their godly corporations , their rare associations , and blest ordinations ! how strange , novell and disorderly soever they are , as to all ancient customes of this and all churches . nor do they think it worth considering , how much they deviate from all antiquity ; how much they desert , yea & reproch the wisdom of this church and all estates in this nation , ever since it was either christian or reformed ; how much they go beyond the duty they owed to the civil peace of this nation , as also that modesty , humility , ingenuity , reverence and subjection , which by the lawes of god and man , by all sanctions , civil and ecclesiasticall , they owed to the governours and guides , pastors and preachers , the peace and wellfare of this church of england ; besides that prudence and policy which they ought to maintain , in order to the honour and respect , which is indeed due to their calling and authority , when it is truly ministeriall and authentick . what sober and impartial man doth not see , how the despites , arrogancies and insolencies , first expressed in tumultuary heats and furies , against all bishops whatsoever ( though never so learned , grave , godly and industrious men , fit to govern , and apt to teach the church of christ , ) are still maintained and repeated daily ; yea raked up and increased by the popular oratory of some novel ministers , so far as to raise eternall prejudices and antipathies , even against all those presbyters which were , or are , of episcopall ordination ? and the better to justifie these novelties and schisms in the church of england , ( which some were so eager and easie to begin , so loth and unwilling to retract ) they still entertain their nauseous , credulous and itching disciples , with all those odious , stale and envious crambes , which are most welcome to vulgar ears and sacrilegious aims : as how unfit it was for the ministers of jesus christ , who was the great pattern of piety and poverty , to have great revenues , stately palaces , and noble lordships , which more godly men do want ; for preachers to have any titles of honour and respect , as lords , to have any part of civil power , or indeed of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction . all which honest employments and enjoyments , i conceive , ( under favour ) the excellent bishops , and other deserving clergie-men in england , were as worthy to enjoy , and as able to use , with honour , conscience and charity , as any of those men , either military or civil , who were most zealous to deprive , to debase , and to destroy the hierarchy , or just honour of the ecclesiastick state in england . nor do i think it was any way displeasing to god , or in the least kind unbecoming the name of christ , for bishops and other ministers of his church to have such ample estates and honourable preferments for their double honour , in so plentifull a land as england was : this i am sure , it was far less beseeming any good christian to repine at them , and unjustly to deprive them of them . if this envious vein of popular oratory grow at length fulsome , vile and ridiculous ( as it is now to all sober and judicious auditors ; ) then the anti-episcopall parties of ministers devoutly rip up , and sadly repeat whatever they have heard , or others invented , of any bishops faults , or the episcopall clergies past infirmities : whatever they can they rake up , though long ago buried as it ought to be , in the charitable forgetfulness of all good men , who either consider their own frailties , or remember how many holy bishops were martyrs and confessors in all ages of persecution ; how learned , how diligent , how commendable , how admirable , how useful they were to this church , for their preaching , writing and living , in times of persecution as well as peace , even here in england . all good bishops and other clergie ( as i have formerly expressed ) confess themselves , as men , to be subject to infirmities and temptations ; the best bishops and ministers least deny this truth , being every day most vigilant to resist the one , and amend the other . these allegations then ( like the devils quoting of scripture ) though they may have some squint-ey'd truth in them , yet they are spitefully , partially , and most impertinently alledged against all bishops , especially by those fierce presbyterians , or other implacable preachers , who have now liberally taught the english world , that however the riches , pomp and honours of presbyterian or independent , or other preachers , are ( much against their wills ) far less than those which god and man , reason and religion , order and polity , devotion and gratitude , law and gospel , allowed to bishops and presbyters heretofore ( that the eminency of their office and place in the church might have something of honourable splendour and hospitable magnificence , proportionable to its venerable authority and great antiquity ; ) yet men are not so blinded by that popular dust , stirred up against the faults and names of bishops , as not to see that the pride , covetousness and imperiousness of the most furious and factious anti-episcopall ministers , come not one jot behind any of those bishops , whom they look upon and represent with the most malignant aspect . o how magisteriall are many new masters in their opinions ! how authoritative in their decisions ! how supercilious in their conversations ! how severe in their censures ! how inexorable in their passions ! how implacable in their wrath ! how inflexible in their factions ! how irrevocable in their transports , though never so rash , heady , plebeian and unsuccessfull ! by which they ( at once ) forsook their duties to others , and their own mercies . and this many of them did to please others or themselves , contrary to their former judgements , their sworn and avowed subjection to bishops for many years , when they paid that respect to those fathers and governours of this church , which the laws of god and man required , long before either presbytery was hatched , or independency gendered in england . the sharp severities and early rigours of both which parties and their consectaries , grew quickly both remarkable and intolerable to sober christians : for as they were bred and born ( like pallas ) armed , full of anger , revenge and ambitious fierceness ; so they have acted , even in their infancy and minority , far beyond what regular , sober , and true episcopacy ever did in its greatest age and procerity here in england ; yea its greatest passion and transports did not exceed the aims of these new masters , both ecclesiastical & civil , which was either to rule all , or to ruine all . bishops commonly justified their reall or seeming severities by those lawes , either civil or ecclesiasticall , which were in force against all such as did not conform to them . hence were occasioned ( much , i am confident , to the grief , and against the desire of the most grave and godly bishops ) sometimes those so oft declaimed against , and aggravated persecutions of some unconformable , yet otherwayes godly ministers , by silencings , suspensions , deprivations , &c. which sometimes were but just and necessary exercises of discipline ( as i conceive ) if men will maintain any order and government in any church or state ; sometimes , it may be , some bishops pressed too much upon the strictness and rigour of law , aggravated by their private passions , beyond what might with charity and moderation safely have been indulged to some able and peaceable ministers , though in some things dissenters , yet , as to the main , good and usefull to the church . yet all these old almanacks , these stale and posthumous calculations of episcopall severities , did not upon true account , no not in one hundred years , equal the number and measure of those pressures and miseries , which have been acted or designed in one fifteen years , by such as now profess presbyterian and independent principles , against all bishops , and all those ministers which are of the episcopal perswasion . i think it may , without any stroke of rhetorick or hyperbole , be said with sober truth , that the little finger of presbytery and independency , with the warts and wens of other factions growing upon them , hath been heavier upon the episcopal , which was the onely legal clergie of england of late years , than the loins of any sober and godly bishops ever were for any one century , yea , and equal to the burdens of the most passionate and immoderate bishops whatsoever in any age , who commonly were most imperious when the church had most peace and civil prosperity ; but the presbyterian thunder and independent lightning , urged most upon all bishops , and all episcopall ministers , then when they were most scared , pillaged and harrased by a civil war , when most tossed by those sad storms , and almost overwhelmed by the impressions of those sad dissentions . then , then was it that bishops and other episcopall ministers , ( whose consciences were guided in their judgements by the wisdome of this church and nation , together with all other christian churches in all ages ) having lost their clokes in the wars , must be deprived of their coats also ; chiefly for their innocent opinion , and honest adherency to catholick episcopacy : then was it , that where episcopacy had at any time , and that by special command from their governours , silenced or sequestred refractory or turbulent ministers , by tens or hundreds , possibly presbytery and independency inflicted either those mulcts , or terrours at least , upon thousands of ministers dissenting from them , not as to the religion established , or laws in force in england , but meerly as to their private opinions and principles about church-government . hence so many learned , pious and painful preachers , since the civil digladiations ceased , had been condemned to chains of everlasting darkness , to remediless distresses , both they and their families , if there had not been some more generous mercy and connivence shewed , than those mens spirits intended , or can well bear . through which miseries and terrours , many ministers gray hairs have been brought down with sorrow to their graves . after all which dreadful severities , either intended or executed , against the episcopall clergie , yet , as far as i can see , the condition of any sort of ministers now in england is not any whit better , as to the generality , nor comparable to what the clergie enjoyed in former times , who in my judgement might well have born the yoke of episcopacy , with as little disparagement , and with as much ease and honour , every way , as they have for some years done the examination and inspection , the rebukes and frowns , the terrours and jurisdictions of major generals , or countrey committees , not onely in secular and military , but even in religious respects : among which few , i believe , were to be found equal , or exceeding such bishops and other grave divines as england afforded , both able preachers and excellent governours ; much more fitted in all respects ( except their swords ) to be the superintendents of ministers , being of the same education , office and calling , than most of those men can be , who are ( generally ) so much ( heteroclites ) different from learned men , both in their breeding , learning , studies and course of living , that even from hence they have sometimes secret antipathies even against all ministers or clergy-men , as persons of another genius , of more refined minds , and , if men were impartially weighed , of greater worth and merits . as then i cannot find that ministers of any new name , form , title and extractions whatsoever , have much mended their condition , by that great alteration they have made or sought in this church and state ; so , i am sure , their mutual enmities and divisions do very much heighten their common afflictions , and add exceedingly to that general darkness and diminution , in all respects , civil and sacred , which is come or coming upon them , as upon wicked men , in the strict account of gods justice ; or as weak men , in the vulgar process of mans severity . indeed the worst of ministers miseries they generally owe to themselves , who in piety and prudence , above all men , should by united counsels and cares avoid them ; because it is sport to the most and worst of men , to see those men together by the ears , hating , despising , biting and devouring one another , who are esteemed the severe censurers of other mens sins and follies , sharp curbs to the childish , petulant and licentious humours of people . ministers scufflings and contests with one another , is beyond any cock-fighting or bear-baiting to the vulgar envy , malice , profanenesse and petulancy . in the midst of all which sufferings , first from divine justice , ( which calls upon every one to examine the plague of his own heart , ) next from humane ingratitude and insolency , though every sober and prudent minister cannot but see that precipice and gulph of irreligion , irreverence and contempt , to which the reformed religion and the whole office of the ministry is now falling in england , through the endless capricios and extravagances chiefly of some ministers ; though most ministers on all sides , that have any learning , worth or abilities for that office , do generally agree in the same scriptures and sacraments , in the same faith and salvation , in the same god and saviour , in the same graces and vertues , in the same doctrine for morals and mysteries , in the same precepts and promises , in the same holy duties and blessed hopes ; yet even these ministers ( which is a thousand pities ) are sharply , and for ought i can see ( unless god work miracles upon some of their spirits and tempers ) resolutely and eternally divided by those wedges of differences , touching external church-order and discipline , the manner of worship , and power of managing of church-government : so that the way of peace few have known ; nor are they patient to learn , contrary to their presumptions . to recant their errours they are ashamed ; remit their rigour they must not , lest they abate their parties and followers ; exchange their animosities as men , for moderations becoming brethren and christians , they will not , lest their credit decay , and their factions abate , lest those shews and shadows of popular empire vanish , which they have seemed or fancied themselves to enjoy , upon these accounts of rare inventions , and new models of reformation , ministry , &c. all which must by some men be kept up , though all things else do fall to the ground : though the church of england lies languishing and sighing , weeping and bleeding ; though the reformed religion is deformed , decaying , dying ; though both piety and sincerity be much dispirited ; though they cannot but see ichabod wrote upon all their foreheads ; though all ministerial order , office , employment and authority , as to mens inward respect and consciences , no less than in their outward reverence and obedience , is infinitely slackned , and in many places ( as well as in many hearts ) quite dissolved ; though the catholick character , or christs cognizance of christians , which is sincere charity , be much defaced , & the devils badges of factious confederacies be much worn ; though the purity and simplicity , the warmth and worth , the words and works of true religion be much out of fashion , giving way to fanatick follies and impudent vanities , daily vented in every place ; though the beauty & serenity of the true christian religion , as of old , and of the well-reformed religion , as it was of later years well established in engl. be much hidden , defaced , disguised by many hypocritical masks & new dresses ; though the palpable cunning of some men hath taught them to abuse this credulous age , by shaving off the hair & primitive ornament of this church , which was very good & graceful ( having the honour of ancient , venerable and gray-headed episcopacy upon it ) that they might the better induce christianity , which is now above years old , to put on and wear ( a la mode ) the new peruques either of young presbytery , or younger independency ( rather than religion should go quite bald , and be ridiculous by its deformity and confusion ; ) though the pristine polity , peace , purity , majesty , severity , sanctity and solemnity of religion , as christian and reformed in england , be infinitely baffled and abased by the petulancy of those that affect licentious liberties and unsaintly extravagances ; though all these evils ( as daemones meridiani ) are pregnant , and every day proclaimed by the loud herauld of experience , which themselves declaime against and deplore , as well as other men : yet many ministers ( in other respects not to be despised , or much blamed ) do still , as to the point of church-order , discipline , government and polity , ( which is the outward centre of unity , and visible band of peace ) passionately desire and solicitously endeavour , that those wild oats and tares , which some men have of late years sown , watered and cherished ( while the nation and church were not aware , as being engaged in war and blood , during whose heats great wounds of religion are little felt ) might for ever grow up , spread and shed abroad ( like thistle-down ) yea and succeed to after-generations in this nation ; that so england might be more famous for variety of parties and opinions in religion , than either poland is or amsterdam . how few nominal or real ministers , that have been either authors , or great sticklers and abettors , not of any modest , just and sober reformations , but of needless , endless innovations , schisms , deformities and defections in the church of england , can yet find in their hearts meekly to retreat by any humble , ingenuous and happy wayes of christian meekness and wisdom , to a sweet accord , from their first heady extravagances and unhappy transports ? in which the heat and passion of mens spirits ( as is usual in all quarrels ) made , even at first , the differences , jealousies and offences far greater than the real injury or inconvenience indeed was : which is most clearly evident now , not onely by our comparing the former happy estate of this church , and of the reformed religion here , besides those comforts which the generality of all good ministers and sober christians in former times enjoyed in england under episcopacy ; but further , by our serious considering those fair offers , those great moderations , those self-denials and christian condescentions , with which all worthy and wise bishops , with all episcopal ministers , were , and are , ready to gratifie the peace of this church , and the desires of all good christians , even of those who have been most their enemies and destroyers ; whom they forgive the more readily , because they believe most of them , as the crucifiers of christ , did it ignorantly ; ignorant of the laws of this nation , and of the good constitutions of this church , ignorant of the customes , practise and judgement of all ancient catholick churches , ignorant of that equity and charity which they owed to others , ignorant of that honest policy and discretion which they owed to themselves and their order , lastly , ignorant of that pious , grateful and prudent regard they should have had of the honour , peace and prosperity of this church , both at present and in after-ages . but however the exorbitancies of some ignorant men at first might be so far venial , as they were led on by the pious and specious pretences of others , rather than their own principles ; yet they are less excusable ( now ) since the sad events have so fully confuted all those prejudices and pretensions ; since popular looseness , avarice and madness , hath , as a rude broom , swept away all the fine-spun and speciously spread cobwebs of reformation , either as to the state of this church , or the reformed religion professed here in england , or as to the promised amendment of the ministerial order and office , either for ability , duty , authority , or maintenance . ministers first tearings and rendings of themselves asunder are not yet sewed together ; yea religion it self is faln to rags , and preachers are become as so many pie-bald patches , of several colours and antick figures : which wretched division and fundamental deformity in religion cannot but daily grow , as a gangrene , to greater maladies , mischiefs and miseries , which will be bitterness in the later end . for as no city , so no church can prosper , that is divided against it self : neither grace nor peace can advance , where preachers of religion are mutual persecutors ; where , while ministers teach people to believe , to love and to live christ crucified , they are daily crucifying one another . it is a deplorable and desperate state of any church , where ( as in babels building ) the builders tongues , heads , hands and hearts are divided , yea the very builders are self-destroyers , mutually ruining themselves under pretence of zeal to build , or repaire the church of christ : what one rears with the right hand , another pulls down with the left ; when they frequently leave their trowels , and fall to their pick-axes and ponyards ; when they fling lime and sand in one anothers eyes ; when they build , or dawb rather , with untempered mortar ; when every one is ambitious to be a master-builder , a new modeller of religion , of churches , of ministers and of ministry , contrary to the wisdome and piety of such a church and nation as england was . leaving poor people ( mean while ) infinitely amazed , jealous , unsatisfied , perplexed , as to religion . some are sadly grieved , others are quite confounded : many are zealous for the newest fashion , others are for the good old way , a third sort is glad of the occasion to cast off all religion , while they see those ministers cut the catholick cords of charity and unity in sunder , in order to bind christians up to new parties and factions , or to private interests and opinions , which , like sampsons wit hs , will not serve to bind the lusts or consciences of men to their good behaviour . these , these are the sad effects which follow those deformities of preachers turning pioneers , of ministers being underminers and demolishers of one another , and their mother-church ; when those that should be gods ambassadours ( forgetting the majesty of their mission , and sanctity of their errand ) fall to railing and reproching , calumniating and declaiming against one another ( like so many eager baristers and mercenary lawyers , who are resolved ( being once fee'd ) to defend their cause and their client , whatever the merits of them be , because they have once undertaken them ) without any regard to that justice , honour , wisdome , gravity , charity , meekness , harmony , joynt counsel and ingenuous correspondency , which ought to be preserved in all fraternities and honest callings or mysteries : but chiefly among the ministers of christs glorious gospel ; preachers should be of the highest form of christs disciples , the most exemplary in all piety , meekness and prudence , in all gravity , equity and charity ; for want of which , even as to matters of outward polity , order , civility and ministration , they are ( and ever will be ) the more blamable before god and man , by how much nearer they profess to come to one another in the harmonies of faith , and confessions of the same reformed and true doctrine , which would soon unite their hearts and studies , if they had ( on all sides ) less of easiness , credulity , popularity , peevishness , obstinacy , small ambitions and juvenilities . the removing of which distempers from all ministers , new and old , and from my self as well as any other , is one of my chief designs and endeavours to be carried on in the fourth and last book of this discourse . at present it sufficeth to have shewed ( as an evil branch of abused liberty in religion ) this to be none of the least causes or occasions of the church of englands distempers , decayes and miseries , that ministers are ( after mundane and machiavellian methods ) so sharply divided from , and eagerly opposite against one another ; so hardly perswaded by any retreats and principles of piety , charity , prudence , which honest policy , publick necessity , self-preservation , or care of future succession invite them to ; which may make for an happy close and christian accommodation . upon some ministers pride and peevishness , not any one , nay not all these considerations together , can so far prevail ( i fear ) as to induce them to any terms or treaty of equable accord ; but they still carry themselves as young men , high in their own conceits , coy and elate in their parties , opinions , presumptions , prejudices , animosities and disdains , especially against the former ministry of england , which was not more episcopal than catholick , primitive , apostolicall and truly christian . few novell ministers ever lay their hand on their heart , and ask , what evil have i acted , occasioned , or not hindred to this church of england ? chap. xxvi . that i may a little further open the eyes of all my brethren , such as either are , or deserve , or desire to be ministers of the gospel , and of all other my countrey-men , both as to their own private interests as ministers , and as to the publick concernments of the christian reformed religion in this nation , i shall yet more particularly , and as pathetically as i can , endeavour to shew them the true state and posture in which their persons , their livelihoods , their credits , their worldly comforts , their calling at present , and their succession for the future ( now ) seem to stand in england : what scratch'd faces , what deformed aspects , how deplorable conditions all of them either feel , or may justly fear and expect , by reason of that inordinate liberty which people in england have lately carried on to such intolerable petulancies , insolencies and licentiousnesse against ministers ; whereto they have been highly animated and encouraged , not more by their own lusts and malapertnesse , than by those unkind , indiscreet and unchristian dissentions , which have broke out among ministers themselves against one another , while forgetting that gravity , constancy , modesty and equanimity , which they owed to themselves and to each other , they either rowed down , or suffered themselves to be carried down this foul stream and torrent of vulgar liberty , out of principles of facility or faction , popularity or pride , covetousness or cowardise , ignorance or sequaciousness ; which have so blinded some ministers , otherwise of very good abilities , that ( like men drenched over head and ears in water ) they cannot suddenly or easily see what deformities are upon them , what dangers threaten them , both as men , and as ministers . whatever title , order , original , badge , or discriminating character of their ministry they bear and wear in the world , whatever principles they profess , whatever party they patronize , adhere to , or adopt , new or old ; this i am sure , if they be not purely plebeian praters , of the very scumme , lees and dregs of people ( which have no sense of sin , shame , or honour ) if they are persons of any learned latitude , of any ingenious capacities and abilities , of any tenderness in honour or conscience , if they be painful , pious or prudent men in any degree , they cannot but see , that no mens condition in england , or almost under heaven , of whatever calling and quality they are , is more mean and miserable , more tattered and scambling , less honourable , or less comfortable ; no profession , order , or fraternity of men , is more divided , dubious , distressed , forlorn , despicable , as to all civil and secular interests , for profit , peace , respect and reputation , both for the encouragement of their present ministration , and for the hopes of an able future succession : none of which things wise and worthy ministers ought supinely , sordidly , sluggishly , or simply to neglect . their own and all mens eyes that are open and clear , may easily see the sad prospects of ministers dejections , diminutions , debasements , distresses in all those points : all of them are under the scorn of some opposite party or other ; most of them live in a low and mean estate ; many of them ( to my knowledge ) contend with extreme difficulties , and all manner of necessities ; not a few of them , which i have been oft an eye-witness of , have been , and are reduced to a morsel of bread , and are driven even to beg alms for the support of themselves and their distressed families . how many of their cryes have i heard ? how many of their tears have i seen ? with what pallor and dejection , with what squallor and horrour , with what astonishment and despair , do many of them wander from one village , city , and countrey to another for relief , untill being weary and wasted , sunk and oppressed by their daily distresses and remedilesse tragedies , they go to their graves with sorrow , to the shame and sin ( i believe ) of the age in which they have thus lived and died ministers of the gospel , and very worthy ones too , if it be any merit to have constantly deserved well of the church of england , by their godly preaching and living : over whose sad ruines i know the enemies of this church and the reformed religion , both at home and abroad , do infinitely triumph and seriously rejoyce . nor is this hard fate befaln those ministers onely , who were , and are of the episcopal persuasion , and most constant to the love and duty they owe to the church of england ; but even those ministers have been shrewdly singed , who most eagerly sought to heat the fiery furnace of popular wrath and revenge against all bishops , and the episcopall clergie : the thumbs and toes of many of those great adonibezeks have been cropt off , who most joyed in the like executions done by popular revenge and vulgar fiercenesse against all of the episcopall order and ordination ; even those preachers who filled their sails most with the peoples breath , are now either becalmed , or come aground , or very leaky , or quite dashed in pieces , as to their former great influence and reputation among the people : nor have they made either such a fair port , or such a prosperous voyage , as might any way answer their former presumptions , their high ostentations , and their flattering expectations . this i am sure , that the ambitious wantonnesse of many ministers lusting to tast of the forbidden fruit of government , beyond their share , proportion and capacity , hath now ( if not altogether ) almost quite driven themselves , and all others of that calling , name and profession , out of that paradise of peace , plenty and respect , which they did heretofore , as ministers , enjoy in england , and still might have done , if they had used such modesty , prudence and piety , as best became wise and worthy men , who had been masters of any prudence and providence . but now ( alas ) who ever professeth to be a minister of the gospel in england ( not as an interloper or mungrel , who ekes out his other mechanick trade , by putting the new patch of a plebeian preacher to that old garment ( for these wretches are deservedly despicable to all consciencious , sober and ingenuous men ) but even those who have destinated and confined themselves wholly to the ministeriall work and function , whatever account they go upon for the derivation of their mission , ordination and authority , whether episcopall , presbyterian , independent , or plebeian ) yet if they make their ministry their work and businesse , and not their wantonness and sport ; if they give themselves to that painful plough and sacred husbandry which tills rocky hearts , and sowes in hopes of an eternall harvest ; they shall be sure to find work enough both to do and to suffer ; enemies enough to encounter with , indignities more than enough to digest , necessities enough to contend withall : at their very best estate they are altogether vanity , accounted as the scorn and out-casts of the people , the filth and off-scouring of all things , by some party or other . even those ministers that fancy themselves most favoured by the potent or impotent , by prince or people , yet still they are attended with many evil eyes , bitter speeches , contemptuous reproches , spitefull affronts , from some side or other . this , this is the portion of ministers of all sorts to drink ; this is the cup which vulgar liberty and their own dissentions have mingled for them , as to all civil respects and worldly enjoyments . chap. xxvii . truly they had need make much of good consciences , for little comfort else is left to most of them , as to any civil splendour , competency , or certainty in this world . look but to the point of estate , and that moderate subsistence which all ingenuous & industrious men may justly expect and aim at for themselves and their relations , in the way of honest labour ; no mens salary , subsistence , or maintenance is generally so dubious and uncertain , so arbitrary and hazardous , so burdened and exhausted , so thin driven , and , as it were , wire-drawn , both by their own necessities and other mens injurious sharkings : insomuch that many ministers very well-deserving , are reduced not onely to tenuities , but to difficulties , necessities , extremities ; they are forced to live by faith : and some of them have ( as i have heard ) even died with famine ; others had so perished , if charity had not interposed , wanting those necessary supports which their aged and languishing condition did require . the truth is , not one of ten ( i might say of an hundred ) of any sort of common people make it a matter of conscience to pay them their dues , if they can hold their livings ; few do pay them without delayings , defalkings and defraudings : many people make it a great point of conscience , to pay them nothing , either by the laws of justice or gratitude . ministers must in most places onely learn how to want ; for in few they shall ever learn how to abound . many of them have been a long time quite turned out of gods husbandry , from their livings and labours : many , such as have leave to labour , have ( most-what ) their labour for their paines ; forced to study how to live , when they should live to study : such as should dispense the bread of eternall life , and consecrate the sacramentall bread , which is the communion of christs blessed body to his body the church , these are solicitous for that perishing bread , which is the staffe of this momentary life . many angels of christs church , and stewards of his houshold , are exposed , many wayes , and many times , to sordid necessities , and scurrilous indignities . the chief pastors and ablest shepherds are very much levelled to the meanest of the flock , while yet the weakest and most scabbed sheep affect to be shepherds : the very abjects of the people , every where , dare , if they list , contemne their ministers to their faces ; they make no scruple , yea they take pleasure to be petulant , peevish , refractory , and insolent , even in publique . the ayme of many is , to have such preachers , as shall be , not fathers , rulers , and heads in the church , but either as sequacious and flexible tayles , following the frowns and flatteries of the people , on whose good will they must depend , if they will eate ; or as firebrands of unquenchable factions , engaging the populacy to infinite parties and sects , under the notion of new ministers and new religion . these , these are the treatments , these the methods used by some , to bury not the dead carkases of ministers in the graves of common people , ( which fact is branded in king jehoiakim , as a token of great irreligion to god , and irreverence to the prophet uriah ; ) but they seek to cast them yet alive into a most plebeian state , the graves of ignominie , poverty , contempt , and shame : yea many hope at length to make the reformed clergie or ministery of england , as odious as those heathen priests became , when ( as the church-historians tell us ) their temples were rifled ▪ when their despicable deities , their deformed idols and worm-eaten gods were discovered . nor is this deplorable estate befaln those incruders onely , who from the basest of the people have of late consecrated themselves to serve those calves that list to set them up , or follow them ; but many great prophets , like jeremy , stick to this day in the mire and dirt of those dungeons into which they are cast : others are become miserable , as eli's posterity , crouching for a morsell of bread , even to their enemies , i mean those factious and sacrilegious spirits , who would be glad to see the most learned ministers in england advanced to no higher preferment than musculus was in germany , who though an excellent preacher and writer , yet was forced for his livelyhood sometime to help a weaver at his loome , otherwhile to work as a scavenger in purging the towne-ditch . n●r is this a parable of misery , or an artificiall and theatrick tragedie made by me : no ; i solemnly protest to you ( my honoured countrymen ) the world affords not greater , more numerous , or more calamitous objects of christian pity and humane charity , than are many ministers at present in england , if you consider their calling , their abilities , their education , and their sad condition . many of them are already implunged into the horrible pit of darknesse ; others are upon the very brink and precipice of extreme poverty , meannesse and contempt , through the trialls or displeasures of god , executed by the restlesse malice and immoderate revenge of some men , against this church , its ministry , and the reformed religion ; whose spite and passion have much over-born ( of late years , as by a new , unwonted and ponderous bias ) the ancient noble genius and generous piety of this nation ; which was by no people under heaven heretofore exceeded in its honourable munificence , yea magnificence , toward their god and saviour , toward learned and religious men , especially those who had the honour to be their teachers , governours and guides to heaven . no men had more priviledges and immunities ; no men had more tranquillity and leisure to be good ; none had more means and encouragements to be good , and to doe good , to live holily , hospitably , honourably ; no men had abilities , opportunities , and hearts to doe more works of piety and charity both to rich and poor , great and small , both transient and permanent , occasionall and monumentall , than the clergie of england : witnesse the severall goodly foundations , and liberall endowments , which the ecclesiasticks of england have either themselves erected , or perswaded others to found and endow , to gods glory , to the good of mankind , and the honour of the nation . but now ( alas ! ) as the estates of most ministers are so small , that they hardly reach to their own necessities ; so their influence upon other mens estates and minds is almost as little . they are despised by many , valued by few , scarce loved by any , and honoured almost by none : they are all reduced to such a timorous , sneaking , servile , arbitrary , dependant , and plebeian proportion . nothing grand , conspicuous , magnificent , honourable or venerable , is upon any of them , especially as to vulgar eyes and censure : who are never too liberall of their courtesie , civility , and respect to ministers ; much lesse when they find them at a low ebbe , as to the esteem of their betters , the rich , the noble , and the mighty . for with common people , learning , wisdome , and all intellectuall excellencies , generally signifie little or nothing , if they see nothing of power , authority , plenty , splendour , or eminency in men , by which they either hope to be benefited , or feare to be punished . certainly that part of the clergie of england were extreme out , as to all politicks , who fancied that common people , yea , or the better sort of mankind , were so good-natur'd , as to value them most for ministers , when they enjoyed least as men . angelick vertues doe not weigh so much in the worlds balance , as houses , lands , revenues , preferments , and honours doe . a golden calfe easily tempts people to worship it , while desolate and wooden vertues are despised : yea they much mistook the interest of christian and reformed religion , as well as of the ministery in england , who thought it would turne to any account of honour and advancement of reformation , to serve the clergie as hanun did davids servants , not onely stripping them of their upper garments , and those comely ornaments which became gods ambassadours , but cutting off their nether garments and necessary coats , to such a curtail'd proportion , as renders them both ashamed of themselves and ridiculous to others . the reall impoverishings , sufferings and abasings of many ministers , have been very great , in all bitter extremities ; nor are the fears , terrors or dejections of those , few or small , who have scaped best , who are still permitted , either by their gentler neighbours , or the lesse severe lay-bishops of later inspection , to earn their bread with the sweat of their brows . for even of these ministers , many of them dare scarce demand their wages , when they have dearly deserved it ; nor can they tell how with safety and peace to get it , when they have hardly earned it : so terrified and over-awed , so threatned and reproched are they , some by peevish parishioners , others by separating straglers , and a third sort ( which is a very epidemicall mischief ) by sharking and shuffling , dilatory and grumbling pay-masters ; who think they deal very bountifully with their ministers , if they pay them at the years end , with some difficulty , and many importunities ( which looks very like pure begging ) after the rate of two shillings in the pound for their tythes , when they are bonâ fide worth foure , five , or six shillings . few , yea very few , as i said , make it any point of conscience in law , religion , or gratitude , to doe justice to their ministers , so as their rights are assigned them by mans laws . few scruple to rob , deny , shark , detain , and immodestly to delay the payment of their dues , even according to their own agreements . if the poore minister complains , though never so softly and whisperingly , if necessities so pinch him , that he must either cry aloud , or starve with his wife and children , if he have so much spirit and courage , as he dares roundly to demand , or to urge the law in his behalf ; presently he is scared with the menaces of some proling sequestrator , or some surly aproniere , who being the fag-end or dregs of a countrey-committee , and sowred either with anabaptisticall leven , or other factious principles , thinks he does god good service to threaten , to terrifie , to torment , to rout , to undoe such a quarrelsome minister , who dares thus far to own himself , his calling , his condition , and his rights by law ; especially if the minister be known to be of the episcopall judgment , a lover and honourer of the church of england , and have a living worth the losing . o what arts and policy , what windings and shifts , what complyings and cringings must this poore perplexed minister use , to fence himself against the crafty agitations of his spitefull neighbours , and those pragmatick pieces , who in every corner doe hover over the heads of ministers , as kites doe over pigeons ! how many times have ministers been affronted publiquely , even in their churches , amidst divine offices ; and had been much more , even to the outraging of their persons , if either the piety or the policy of those in power had not intervened , and in time repressed this intolerable insolency , which was never heard of , never indulged , never connived at in any nation under heaven , that owned any publique veneration , service , or religion to their god ? if some stop and restraint had not for shame been given to these profane enormities , certainly by this time no true or worthy minister should have opened his mouth in publique , but he should have been smitten on the mouth ( as ananias commanded them to use st. paul ) by some of those rude and facinorous assassinates , whose design is to silence and extirpate all the reformed , orthodox , and orderly clergie of england ; not onely bishops , as the apostolick roots , but even all sober presbyters , as the branches of ecclesiastick ordination . for besides the private scorns and contests , no lesse than publique affronts , which ministers have personally sustained , their enemies have proceeded many times to give even publick alarms to all the tribe & function , by rude pamphlets , bitter libellings , and insolent petitions , importuning an utter extirpation of the calling , ordination , and succession , ( such as haman designed against the whole nation of the jews ) together with a total alienation or confiscation of all the setled maintenance of ministers by glebes and tithes . at which morsel some mens mouths have a long time extremely watered ; with which prodigy of sacriledge they have been big a long time : nor do they yet think they are quite miscarried , or that this godly & gainful project is wholly abortive ; although they have not yet been able to get a publick law or parlamentary sanction to be their midwife ; nor i hope ever shall be able so far to blind and abuse the whole nation , no less than abase the ministry of the gospel . but the frequent tamperings and essays which some men still make in these kinds , ( for what dare not the meanest wretches meditate and adventure against the best , yea all the sober ministers of england ? ) these ( as the clouds did deucalion after the flood ) do still so terrifie the minds of the better sort of ministers ( till they shall see a clearer rain-bow of assurance appearing in the english firmament , for their favour and security , than yet hath been seen ) that they have continual damps on all their spirits , great and daily checks in their studies , industry and ingenuity . few of them can be so good husbands in these times , as to lay up any thing out of their livings for posterity : nor dare they be so provident , as to lay out any thing upon the glebes or houses of their livings , either for their after-benefit , or present conveniency , because they know not ( besides the hazards of mortality ) what a day or a night may bring forth ; uncertain how soon they may be undermined , and together with their miserable families turned out of that house and home , which heretofore was counted their free-hold by law , till by law they had forfeited them . many ministers have been suddenly conformed to our saviours condition , who had not of his own where to lay his head : which was not his necessity or impotency , but his gracious choice , by being poor to enrich us ; but poor ministers are not armed ( as christ was ) with miraculous supplies when they please , nor may they now expect to be courted with such devout donaries and charitable oblations , as in primitive times were remarkable for their munificence , amplitude and splendour ; of which the acts of the apostles , the after-church-histories , and ammianus marcellinus in the fourth century give us accounts . alas , this age is an iron age ; and mens estates are not generally more impaired than their hands are withered , and their hearts petrified : these are hardned in many , the others are exhausted in most . mens minds are every where indifferent towards their ministers ; in many places they are divided from them , and their spirits exasperated against them . no wonder then if charity be grown cold , if popular stipends and arbitrary alms ( like morning dews ) be soon dryed up . the devil is so crafty , that he knows , if once he can take away that ancient , legal and evangelical maintenance of ministers by tithes , he shall soon by starving take that royal citadell and sanctuary of gods church , that ancient fort of christian religion , the ministry it self : which above all things in the world he aims to slight , undermine , and utterly demolish ; and hopes to do it by the help of such crafty and cruell engineers , who have , as satans mouls and pioneers , done all they could in these times to undermine and batter down that firm pillar and support of religion , a legal and certain maintenance by glebes and tithes , which are yet left to carry on any church-work and ministry , with any comfort or cheerfulness . chap. xxviii . yet how cruelly do these still stick in some mens teeth and stomachs , onely because they cannot , yet , devour them . i have other-where largely shewed to the publick view , how endlesly and earnestly some covetous and sacrilegious sophisters have disputed , or rather cavilled against tithes , as paid to the ministers of the gospel , either in a civil or religious right , as given to them , and deserved by them , as gods proportion and mans assignation . o what swines-flesh , what abominable broth are they still to some mens squeamish stomachs ; not as to their receiving them , or to their detaining them , against all law , justice and conscience , but as to their paying of them to those to whom they are many wayes and onely due ! o how legall , how judaicall , how ceremoniall , how popish , how antichristian are tithes in ministers hands ! let these holy harpies once get them into their own clutches , either by impropriation , or sequestration , or hard compositions , by fraud , force , or by any way never so illegall and injurious , o then , how sweet is the sacred sop to them ! how quiet is the cerberus of their tongues and consciences in the point of tithes when paid to themselves ! these ( as all things ) are a portion meet for such saints , if they can but get them by any means ; though neither god nor man , law nor gospel , reason nor religion , give them any true right or title to them . nothing is more halting , more partiall , more subtill , more sinister , than covetous hearts and sacrilegious spirits , as is evident in this one instance of tithes ; which hath been long debated to and fro by the perverse disputations of men of corrupt minds , who have been told a thousand times , that the ministers of the gospel do not plead any right of tithes , as the jewish priests did , by any mosaick law and jewish institution ; for our service , our sacrifice , our ministry , are all changed to an higher and more noble priesthood than that of aaron or levi was . we plead that tithes weve prae-mosaical , and so may be post-mosaical , before moses , and after him in the church of god ; they are due to the melchisedechian priesthood of christ ; they were paid to the type or shadow , and so much more may be to the antitype or substance : that they are gods proportion even by a genenerall law of * naturall gratitude , besides gods special choice and assignation : that as they were ever owned and confessed as due to the divine majesty by an innate principle or a traditionall dictate of all nations , almost in all ages , confirmed by a parallel law of god among the jews ; so they are no where in the gospel abrogated or denied , but confirmed as to evangelical uses and respects , in as much as the christian hath no less cause to pay such an homage to god and his ministers now , than the jew had of old ; the ministry of the gospel ( which a is a more excellent ministry ) deserving as much and as well of mankind as that of the law : besides , in all reason , gods ancient demand and unrepealed proportion is rather to be chosen than any other , as most pleasing to god , most equall in it self , and every way best , both for minister and people , more agreeable to good conscience , and least subject to cavill , grudging or exception on either side ; especially when 't is most evident , that it is confirmed by evangelical sanctions and apostolick orders ; even b so hath the lord ordained , that they who preach the gospel should live of the gospel , as those that served at the altar did live of the altar . if these repiners do not like gods assignation , and christs right to tithes , ( which was not leviticall , for c christ was not of that tribe ) which are devolved to his evangelicall ministers , as being in christs stead and office ; yet they may very well satisfie their consciences in the paying of them , meerly d upon the account of ministers civil rights , and the publick donation of the nation , which hath by law invested ministers , yea christ and his church , in the right and property of demanding , receiving and enjoying tithes . this in all other cases holds good , even with these godly grudgers , as to meum and tuum , the law giving to every man what is his own by any honest acquisition of industry , purchase , or donation : which last title of gift is as good , both in law and conscience , as any title in the world ; especially where it is done by publick counsel and consent of a nation , upon valid reasons of gratitude , equity and piety , both to god , to ministers , to mens own souls , who have the greatest benefit by tithes , if they have grace to partake of those spirituall good things , which ministers do ( at least ought ) conscientiously to dispense to them . if these devout devourers of things sacred ( these helluones decimarum ) had as many pregnant texts of scripture , as much analogy of religion , as strong grounds of reason , as potent pleas of merit , as great evidences of equity , before the law , under the law , and after the law ; if old testament and new testament were as evident for any thing which they fancy to set up , and are concerned to promote , as all these undeniably are for tithes to be paid to the ministers of the gospel ; o how should all the world ring , and all ears be filled with their noise , cryes and clamors of a divine institution , an ordinance of jesus christ , an holy rite , a necessary duty , a gospel-dispensation , an everlasting law , an undispensable institution ! o how should all men , all christians , all churches be unchurched , unchristened , unsainted , unheavened , quite excommunicated , and eternally damned , if these men might not have their wills ; if all not did not readily submit to so clear a cause , in which christ jesus was so much concerned , at least in their opinion and interpretation , especially if it made for their profit ! but in the case of paying their tithes , being themselves most concerned not to part with them , they are so stupid , so sottish , so wilfully blind and impertinently peevish , that seeing by all those lights , yet they will not see what is equall , just and righteous before god and man ; the bias of their covetous and base hearts being therefore cross-grain'd to the paying of tithes to ministers , because they hope ( foolishly ) that tithes will one day lapse to their own private hands , as owners or farmers , and that they shall shark them not onely from ministers , but from the exchecquer , and from their severall land-lords : the one of which will certainly confute the folly of these men , who are never to be reconciled to tithes , till they can get them , or save them , if by no other wayes , yet by their turning popular preachers : in which employment ( forsooth ) their consciences will serve them now at last to receive those antichristian tithes , which they cannot now much deserve , and which they heretofore so eagerly disputed against , and injustly denied , as too much for true and worthy ministers , beyond , yea , against all modesty , civility , gratitude , honesty and equity . by which rude , injurious and vexatious tempers and dealings of such men , swarming in every corner of the land , poor ministers of late years , in many , yea most parishes , have hardly been able to keep life and soul together : what they get is with difficulty , importunity , grudging , reproches , unkind and uncomfortable contests , below the spirit of any learned and ingenuous man , especially when he thinks he hath a right both of law and gospel , of publick gift and personal desert . chap. xxix . what , i beseech you ( o noble englishmen and generous christians ) can you find in this posture of ministers condition , that hath the least shadow of double honour ? what is there here to be envyed ? what not to be pityed , as to the present ? what hopes , what help for the future , if your favour , who are persons of piety , ingenuity , honour , compassion , constancie , faile them ? if you also forsake them , they are utterly lost , and , as to this world , of all men most miserable . for as to the vulgarity and generality of people , what is there in the best condition of any true minister , that carryes any thing with it of spirit and life , of comfort and encouragement , of vigour and improvement to those studies and prayers , those pains and parts , those charities or hospitalities which doe become a minister , and which people expect from them , though they feed them but with pulse , the bread and water of affliction , and make them ( with their families ) look like pharaohs lean kine ? what almost is there left for their comfort , either as to future provision , or present subsistance ? by that time their poore pittances are injuriously compounded , and slowly payd by dribbets and with infinite delayes ; by that time taxes , tenths , and town-rates are defalked out of their wages ; by that time they have satisfied the poor and rich in every parish , which alwayes expect , as a right and due from their ministers , something of charity and hospitality , be their livings never so small ; by that time the upper and the nether milstones , private necessities and publique exactions , have ground these poore men ; alas , how little will be left for necessity , how nothing for conveniency , how lesse than nothing for posterity ? you may despaire of any such superfluity as should serve for any such great , good , and generous designs , as the clergie in former times did effect , both for piety and publique charity . their livings , at best , are but for life ; and ( now ) many times upon a very verticall point , an arbitrary and uncertain account : besides , they are many wayes peeled and exhausted beyond any mens estates , paying not onely civil taxes and subsidies for their tithes , after the rate of land of inheritance , but first-fruits also and tenths , as a spirituall tax and speciall mulct upon them . truly , for my part , i am so far from seeing any cause for men to envy and grudge at ministers enjoyments , such as they are for the most part , that i rather wonder at many of their subsistence , considering how ill it becomes their breeding and calling , to debase themselves to any sordid and mechanick wayes of gain . especially when i consider a further cumulation incident to ministers miseries , which is , to be oft molested with pedling , peevish , and unhandsome suits of law , to which they are compelled by those that list to be contentious : ministers not having to this day any such easie , quiet and compendious way to get their wages when they have done their duties , as is daily used in raising the souldiers payes , or the poors collections ; but the poor minister , if he will not be utterly impoverished , must ride and run , solicite and engage in tedious and chargeable attendances upon justices , committees , lawyers , attorneys : among whom although ministers find some very just , ingenuous , and generous gentlemen , lovers of learning , religion , equity , order , and of their mother the church of england ; yet others of them savour so strong of the apron antipathy , of a rustick , mechanick and illiterate breeding , besides that factious and peevish temper which they have lately added to their other perfections , that ( in good earnest ) the sober and sound ministers of the church of england are as unwelcome to them , as cold water is to their feet in winter , or vinegar to their aking teeth , or smoke to their sore eyes , which they have ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) many wayes and oft expressed by their looks , words , gestures , actions ; some of them treating aged , grave , godly , venerable , and most deserving divines , ( much their betters ( god and man knows ) in all true worth ) not onely with rudenesse and petulancy , but with such bitternesse , haughtinesse and disdain , as they would not shew to a foot-man or lacquey , related to any person whom they either fear , love or esteem . herod was civill to john baptist in comparison . these puffe and swell , they bite and threaten , as ahab did at eliah or micaiah : counting these ministers , though never so supple & humble , tame & trembling before their good worships , as enemies , because they hold to the catholick truth ; and as troublers of their israel , because they will not be flatterers of their new fancies in religion ; because they persist in a judicious and consciencious owning their orders and asserting their ministry , which is their chiefest honour ; because they will not yet fall down and worship the imaginations which some men seek to set up in england ; because they follow the primitive order , constancy and verity , not complying with that ignorance , levity , vulgarity , schisme and apostasie against the church of england , wherewith some men are so delighted , without any sense of sin or shame , though never so much against that duty , gratitude , love , honour , estimation and communion which they owed to the church of england , and the worthy ministers of it . chap. xxx . this i write to you ( o nobler christians , and my honoured countrymen ) as with great certainty , sorrow and sympathy , in regard of my brethren the ministers of this church ; so with the greater freedome , because it neither hath been , nor is my particular case ( through gods mercy ) either to be considerably injured , or in any degree over-awed by common people , much lesse by any men in power , either military or civill : nor have i any cause to complain of the generality of my own people , as to any want of justice , gratitude , or civility expectable from persons of their size and proportion . yet my own experience teacheth me to have the more sensible belief of many other ministers sad complaints , who having ( it may be ) lesse advantages above their people , and much depending upon them , are forced in a very low posture to truckle under such factious , imperious , and injurious spirits as they meet withall . there is , i find , no flock of pigeons so pure and entire , but there will be some stares , jack-dawes and rooks among them ; no people so modest and ingenuous , so respective and submissive to their ministers , but there will be some surly and supercilious , petulant and insolent spirits among them . no minister of any good name and merit is so exalted in the love and respect of his people , but he will have some messenger of satan to buffet him ; some judas among his disciples , that will be prone to betray him , to traduce him privately and publiquely , to make him an offender for a word , to suck poyson as spiders out of the sweetest flowers of his zeal , piety , charity , and oratory ; turning honey into gall , and requiting evill for good . i could give you ( if you wanted daily experiences ) some neer and notable instances , how respective , how gentle , how good-natur'd , how gratefull , how civill some people are to their ministers , since they have taken the liberty to be rude , petulant , insolent , unholy , unthankfull . i have seen how much they disdain to pay any more civility or outward respect to their minister , than they challenge to themselves , or than they give to their meanest comrades , which are of the same bran and barrell with themselves : yea some of them have taken a glory and pleasure to shew incivility , rudenesse , contemptuousnesse in words and behaviour as well as looks ; more passionate , malapert , and imperious to their ministers , than they durst be toward a petty constable , or a bum-baily : some of them so unthankfull , that for twice seven years constant pains among them , they never returned any acknowledgment : some have not been ashamed to use down-right railing , scorn and ruffling to their faces , others behind their back . some are so conceited of themselves , that they have adventured to dictate and prescribe in a way even haughty and menacing , what their minister should doe and say . there want not some aguish and feaverish auditors , who heare onely by fits , when they list : others are great criticks and severe censurers , whose wanton curiosity useth sermons , as walnuts ; they crack them , and peel them , and cast away the greatest part of them with great nicety , eating little , and digesting lesse of sound doctrine . some have high conceits that they can preach better than my self , i or any minister . some have begun a clownish contest with their minister at the font , bringing their children to baptism with such indifferency , as when one was asked by his minister , if he desired to have his child baptized in the christian faith , he answered very surlily , yes , if you can doe it . another with great peremptorinesse refused to have his child baptized , unlesse the minister would doe it himself , though he pleaded ( with truth ) his great wearinesse after twice preaching that day , and desired another minister then assistant and present might doe it , as was usuall : but he , stiffe-girl , and inexorable , went with a short turn out of the church , carrying his child with him , nor ever after offered it , that i know , to be baptized , although he was intreated with great gentleness and kindness . these are the religious demeanours and deeds of some people that i have known . nor am i a stranger to those garlands and flowers of rustick oratory and civil behaviour , wherewith some true plebeians do crown the heads of their ministers , with as much love and respect as those did , who platted a crown of thorns on christs head . i have heard and read the language of some of their tongues and pens too , for they dare to scribble as well as babble ; nor doth their goose-quill want teeth any more than their lips do the poyson of asps , sufficient to exercise the best antidotes of christian patience and charity , which any true minister bears about him . i have seen sometime the virulent letters of some of these scribes and pharisees , as full of contempt , insolency and menacing , as their little wits and great malice could invent : and this from such as have been sometime personally obliged , and to whom their minister willingly never gave the least offence . no touch-wood or dry gun-powder sooner kindles to flames of wrath , indignation and disdain , than some ordinary and mean men dare , yea delight , now to do against their ministers . i have seen both by their pasquils and practises some instances of their ingenuous manners , of their great respects , love and gratitude : all which ( in good earnest ) i might ( i think without any vanity ) have challenged and expected from all men , especially from my own parishioners and auditors , whom for many years i have endeavoured to entertain with so much industry , civility , candour , charity and hospitality , as is not inferiour to most ( if any ) ministers in the countrey ; and in some things , as to publick charges and burthens , i believe i have exceeded any man of my estate and calling in england . as for private charities to the poorer and richer , to the well and the sick , for food , physick , clothing , &c. it is fitter others assert me , than i should vindicate my self against the petulant ingratitudes of some men ; among whom one had his tongue so much at liberty , that uninjured , unprovoked , yea almost unknown to me ( yet one of my many hearers ) he doubted not openly to joyn me with my man , and put upon us both the title of a couple of proud jack anapeses , when he was but , after two or three years forbearance , demanded to pay what was due , professing he would not maintain any proud parson . such spirits as these i must leave to be punished with their own manners ; i must pardon them , as david did shimei , and pray for them , as samuel did for the ingrateful israelites : the rather , because , i thank god , i meet with few of them in a very numerous people , who for the greater and better part of them , do indeed deserve all that care , love , labour , kindness and constancy , which i have shewed to them for years together . onely by these experiments , both my self and others may easily conjecture how the pulse of people beats in most , if not all places , toward their ministers , whatever they be ; if they be men of any worth , spirits and parts above them . 't is sure enough , that even the best of them in the best places they meet with , are brought to a low ebb , in comparison of what respect they formerly enjoyed in england . indeed some ministers ( perhaps ) have some little sleights and popular artifices to win and please the vulgar ; whom rather than offend , they will do , or say , or omit , or silence any thing , not grosly a sin and shame ; and rather than not please , they will rub ever and anon some salt upon the bishops , the ancient clergy , upon the liturgy and the former constitution of the church of england : for this gall is honey to the palates of some plebeian spirits . and rather than displease some people , there are ministers that will never use the creed , decalogue , or lords prayer in twice seven years . nay some people so rule the tender mouths , and ride the galled backs of their preachers with so sharp a snaffle and hard a saddle , that they are afraid to offend these their great censors ( rather than good masters and dames ) by putting the title of saint to any holy evangelist , or apostotick writer , no not when they name their text , or cite any place out of their holy writings ; but those holy and reverend men are named with as little respect or honor to their memory and merit in the church , as if they spake to matthew , and james , and peter , and john in their kitchin , as their servants , or fellowes and familiars . yea so spongily soft , timorous and sequacious some ministers are , that what they own as their judgement among men of learning , parts and courage , this they smother with great wariness and cowardise among those plainer hees and shee s , by whom they are over-awed , as it were , by a kind of necessary sportulary dependence . chap. xxxi . what the sufferings , dejections , d●basements , indignities are , which many ministers have , and do endure , no man can imagine , who doth not see and feel the weight of high shoes , or the ponderousness of weavers beams , when they dare to tread on ministers toes . if ( as i have experimentally instanced ) it be thus done to a green tree , to one that hath been not barren or unfruitfull among them , whom god of his mercy and bounty hath planted in an upper ground , and in many degrees of eminency above the vulgar ; how ( think you ) will rustick spirits lift up their flailes and sithes , their hooks and bills , their shuttles and shovels against those of my brethren , whom they look upon as much their underlings and shrubs , by reason of the tenuity of their condition , though they be never so tall cedars in learning , piety , and all true worth ? how do they threaten , and scorn , and molest them , if they do not suffer them to enjoy those shaking and sacrilegious compositions which they will make , or none at all , for their tithes ? else articles and committees , sequestrations and suits are loudly threatned : at best , parties , factions , schisms and separations are presently hatched and nourished against him ; if the minister do not sacrifice with great tameness a great part of his small means , as a peace-offering or atonement to these turbulent spirits , who if they may not be his masters and commanders , resolve to be his oppressors and undoers , if they can ; however they take the freedome to be his declared deserters and enemies , discouraging and disparaging him what they can , by separating from him , and from the congregation or parish , to some private and spitefull conventicle . which reserve of malice never fails to follow there , where any minister hath the courage and confidence so far to own himself , as not to submit either to the injuries or insolencies of some proud and pragmatick spirits . if the conscience of his own integrity sets him immovably as a sluce against the tide of their folly and petulancy , o how excessively will their spleen swell against the good man ! rather than fail of having some revenge upon him , they will take this most severe revenge against themselves ( as malice is oft its own mischief ) wholly to deprive themselves of all the benefit to be enjoyed by his learned , judicious and devout ministry ; which they labour to cry down , as that by which they cannot profit ; that to refresh their souls , they are forced to seek out some more warm , complying , creeping and inspired preacher : such an one , though a meer rhapsodist and rambler , must presently be cryed up as a rare soul-saving preacher . and indeed it may justly be feared , that most separates of later years have taken the rise and occasion of their schismes and separations from their lawfull ministers , and from the church of engl. not so much upon any scruple of conscience , as upon pride , covetousness , ambition , revenge , and other inordinate lusts , with which their ministers would not comply : from which centre of order , union and consistence in the church , when countrey people are once removed , no wonder if , like their cart-wheels , they run round in a vertigo of religions ; & being themselves once bitten with their own rage , they run ( like mad dogs ) up and down the countrey , seeking whom they may bite and infect with the contagion of their malice , contempt , revenge and abhorrence against their former minister and all of his form , raising what mutinies , conspiracies and animosities they can against them , among those rurall neighbours , to whose conversation the most part of ministers are condemned , and by whose egregious insolence many of late years have been , as with evil spirits , grievously vexed and tormented , being in most places little respected and less beloved ; generally but men of small estates , helpless enough , and friendless , full of frequent perplexities , betweene conscience and necessity , between piety and policy ; having run through so many ordeales or fiery trials of state , first a protestation , then a covenant , after that a vow , next an engagement , and soon after a dis-engagement . one while they are bound to maintain the reformed religion , as established in the ch. of engl. according to their education , judgement , conscience and ordination : if they keep to this station , first presbytery hath a fling at them , next independency pincheth them ; at last the licentious humour of people lets out a whole kennell of libertines to worry them . thus have many ministers lingred out their lives of late years , laden and almost oppressed , worn out and quite tired with the burden of years , cares , labours , fears , anxieties , necessities , rude affronts , and remediless afflictions . all which calamities have faln so thick upon them in their persons and reputation , in their estates and quiet , in their calling and employment , that none , but very ingenuous minds and compassionate hearts , are apt or able to consider fully those sad talents of lead which lie upon many or most ministers . their private closets are almost daily witnesses to their sighs , tears , prayers , bitter complaints , despondencies , and almost despairs : many of them ready , with job and jeremiah , to curse the day of their birth , their education as scholars , and their ordination as ministers : many of them , as eliah , say secretly in their souls , lord , 't is enough , take away my life , since i have out-lived the glory of this church , and the honor of my calling . many are in such anguish of spirit , that they long for death , as for their rest , and seek for the grave , as for hidden treasure ; so sorely doth the heat and burden of the day beat upon them , as upon jonah , and no gourd to refresh them . all which griefs and dejections , however they strive , many of them , by a generous magnanimity , to conceal and smother , as much as is possible ( knowing how vain a thing it is to complain , where is no hope but of pity , and scarce that ; ) yet many of their neighbours , both friends and enemies , are so much curious spectators of their distresses and discouragements , that the one hath the pleasure to pity them , the other to insult over them . which dismall reflections when the poor ministers discern in mens looks , words , treatments and comportments toward them , how do they ruminate afresh , and chew over their calamities , when they retire home , and hide their heads in their ruinous and uncertain habitations , which daily , with their masters , fall to dilapidations ? ministers having neither money to lay out , nor hearts , if they had money , to repaire such uncertain , and , it may be , momentary mansions , where every relation they meet renews their regrets and vexations , both as to their private and publick condition ; when they consider how much they and their profession are faln in england , as to all former civil and secular interests , either honourable , or honest and comely , and forced to stoop to those that make them their foot-stool , commanding them to bow down , that they may go over their backs . when they hope a little to divert their melancholy thoughts , by going abroad and meeting with other men ; with what force and affectation do ministers contend to put on so much brow and confidence , as may keep them from appearing too sensible of their being every where discountenanced and despised as ministers ? hence they think themselves safest , when they are most disguised in their clothes , both for colour and fashion , such as may least bewray them and their pitifull profession ; being ministers now rather by force and fatall necessity , than of any good will , choice , or self-comprobation , finding the best of their condition , preferment and expectation amounts not beyond a dispirited , dejected , despised , decayed , precarious , proletary , predicant , not many degrees removed from a mendicant , condition . thus while the souldier looks big , and glories to be seen in his arms , as the ensigns of his well-paid profession ; while wary lawyers keep as grave and wise men to their robes and gowns , as badges of their calling , which is their honour and gain too ; while other civil fraternities and companies of trades own their vests and liveries ; onely the poor ministers of england study with great artifice to disguise themselves , as manifestly , and not a little ashamed of their order and function ; and this not onely in high-wayes and markets , but even in their very churches and pulpits : they had rather appear as lawyers , physitians , troopers , grasiers , yea , mechanicks , apprentices and serving-men , than in such a colour , garment , garb and fashion , as best becomes ( in my judgement ) grave scholars and venerable preachers : so great is the damp and discountenance they are sensible of , when they come among lay-men , being alwayes loth , and oft afraid to be taken for ministers , lest they be openly disgraced , jeered and contemned : this makes many leave off their wearing black , when they have cause enough to be in mourning . there is yet one relief onely left them , by which a little to buoy up their sinking spirits ; that is , when ministers meet together , they seem with some shew of wit , or gravity , or learning , or confidence , or sanctity , to hold up each others chins , especially if they be of a party , and get into some associate convention ( which is the least of comforts to consorts in calamity ; ) and even this invention is carried on ( as yet ) rather furtively and precariously , than with any great solemnity or authority : and here , in the midst of their feigned mirth and seeming serenity , o what a secret guilt , shame and regret , do most of them find in themselves and in one another ! o how great a cloke of confusion covers their faces ! as those most , who are most modest , ingenuous , ancient and innocent , when they see in their own nakedness , how god hath satisfied either the superpolitick or the simple sort of ministers with their own delusions ; what a cloud they have embraced instead of goddesses ; with what slighting they are treated & looked upon by all sorts of men ; how they have helped , with much zeal and little wisdome , to reduce themselves and their order to this diminutive posture ; being so divided & disordered among themselves , that they are easily despised , derided and destroyed by any that dare to attacque them : having now no nationall circumference as church-men , no ecclesiastical centre for union or ordination , no shadow or paternall shelter of protection among themselves , to defend them from vulgar heats and plebeian storms ; nothing of filiall subordination or fraternal conjuntion , to keep them in any comely posture and regular motion . look beyond the seas , and they see all orders cast into a strength , stability and honour , by their subordination to their bishops and superiours , after the ancient and venerable pattern of all churches : look homeward , and they find all mysteries of civil trades and merchandise kept up by mutuall correspondencies and corporations , for order , counsel and government : onely the ministeriall tribe is become a disorderly order of men , like simeon and levi , they must be divided in jacob , and scattered in israel ; which was the left-handed blessing of that holy patriarch to those fierce and furious brethren , &c. yea , the clergie , or ministry if you will ( for some like that new title best , since their condition is much worsted ) are become in england like the jews in all lands ; who are dispersed in many countries , but have no where any polity , community , authority , or government . adde to this dissipated and distracted state of ministers , their private distresses and poverties , together with the publick neglect and indifferency of people toward them ; who can wonder if they look pitifully one on another , which no jocose or juvenile drolings can relieve ? how forced are their mutuall salutations , since they affect to call one another brethren , and yet have cast off their fathers ? how feigned are their smiles and embraces , when they see how hard an after-game they have to play for their subsistence , reputation , civill respect and ecclesiastick union ? for splendid estates , or any beam of publick honour and reall authority , further than the territories of their desk and pulpits reach , they may sadly and justly , many of them , despair of them : though i am of opinion no men can better deserve them than some clergy-men did heretofore , and still do ; but not those , who by a spiteful and rash prodigality have set their own as wel as other mens corn-fields on fire , by helping to tie foxes tailes with fire-brands . these may be glad if they can preserve the petty provinces of their parochial and independent episcopacies , which they so infinitely ambitionated , that they indiscreetly ventured to consume the larger harvest of this church , which was annexed to the honour of ancient and catholick episcopacy ; by which means , not onely many ministers of the episcopall ordination and judgement have been shrewdly distressed , but even presbyterian and independent preachers , who flatter themselves as if they were the speciall favorites of the people , even these are fain , in many places , with much ado , to fall to their gleanings , to pick up what small compositions , remnants and scatterings of support and respect , they can here and there get or find , as new and speciall undertakers to preach the gospel , and give some credit to the lapsed and distressed ministry of england . this , this is generally the fate of ministers ; deservedly indeed of some , but most unworthy of many of them , who not without a patient horrour behold this prospect of calamities befaln them in their decline & age : and all this after great pains in their studies from their youth upward ; after infinite prayers and tears , for their own and others souls improvement ; after unwearied diligence in their calling ; after invincible patience under common peoples incapacities , stupidities , ingratitudes , indignities ; after many rigours and severities of life , voluntarily , besides necessarily sustained ; after a kind of civil martyrdome endured , like that of simon stilites , who loaden with irons , confined himself into a narrow pillar of stone , while most ministers are all their life-time condemned to the rusticity , barbarity , moroseness and brutishness of the flinty vulgar , being like orient jewels set in sockets of copper , or brass , or lead , or iron , or clay . what minister but finds in these licentious times , the deportment of many common people , as in the city proud and supercilious , so in the countrey harsh as hedge-hogs , and hard as rocks ? for so their society oft seems to those men that have once tasted of ingenuous breeding , of softer and civiler conversation ; from which to be wholly removed , and all ones life confined to hob-nails and high shoes , to lo●es and lasts , to tempers utterly clownish , or meerly mechanick , yet ponderous or petulant enough , as now they dare appear , is as if a man should fall from a down bed into a plot of briars and thorns . tell me i beseech you ( o my brethren and fellow-labourers in the ministry ) who have many years contended with the clod , and toiled in the brick clamp of a countrey living , being as ministers ( now ) even faln under plough-shares , and sawes , and harrowes ( as david once treated the children of ammon ; ) tell me ( o you my companions in this tribulation ) who have any thing in your temper , constitution , or education , that is courteous and civil , polished and generous , learned and ingenuous ; yea tell me ( o ye noblemen and gentlemen of england , who are the chief pillars of cloud and fire , of light and favour , of capacity and affection ( under god ) to the now depressed ministers either in their severall solitudes , or amidst those rural societies , which are many times more sad than utter solitudes ; ) tell me ( i beseech you all , who are my betters or brethren ) are not those excellent associates , rare refreshments , precious rewards , noble encouragements , which ministers of worth and parts in most places of england ( for in wales they say few are resident or incumbent ) do now enjoy , for which they must spend their spirits , wast their lungs , decay their health , exhaust their lives , neglect all other wayes of livelihood , both for themselves and their families ? after all which , little shall be left them , if some men may have their wills , but contempt cast upon their persons & calling together , with the legacies of extreme poverty , which after a lingring death they must leave to their desolate wives and fatherlesse children . good god! what arts did church-men in former times use , when they did so much out-wit and out-wealth us ; when having less charge , less learning , and less work , they had more order and unity , more honour and revenues , even heaped up , pressed down , and running over ? whereas ( now ) the tale of brick is much more , and the supply of straw far less : livings heretofore worth an l. per annum , are now ebbed and hardly squeezed to . or . pounds ; and this with much whining and grudging , with many evil eyes and evil words on all sides . nor are these yet the dregs of that bitter cup , which ministers above all men are to drink : for after all their former pains faithfully bestowed , after they have been miserably tossed and weather-beaten by the storms of a long and dubious civil war , in the bowels of the church as well as the state , after they have made shipwreck of almost all but a good conscience ( few of them being ever admitted to any composition or resumption , as to their livings , yea many of them denied to make use of any such plank or rafter , which might serve to buoy them up from utter sinking and starving , though it were but teaching school in a belfrey ; ) yet after all these personall sufferings and extremities , behold they must live to hear and see their very calling and orders , their whole function and fraternity disgraced and disordered , yea ( as to some mens desires and endeavours ) quite routed and abolished ; the primitive pipes and ancient conduits of all ecclesiastick power quite broken , and new cisterns set up , which hold no water , comparable to that brazen sea of apostolick episcopacy and orderly presbytery , which ever served the sanctuary of christs church , in all ages , places and offices . it might ( possibly ) break the quiet , the cheerfulness , the estates of many worthy ministers , to see their persons , preaching , pains , prayers and holy ministrations neglected by many , despised by some , and trampled under foot by not a few ; who ( after the rate of plebeian spirits ) following the revolutions of mens fortunes , think there can be no worth meriting their value and respect , either civil or religious , but onely under the characters of riches , honour , and power ; soon ebbing in their love and esteem of the clergie , when they see the tide of honour and munificence so turned and abated , even to the lowest water-mark almost , as now it seems in england . but it breaks the very hearts and spirits of worthy ministers ( like old elies ) to hear and see philistines take by violence the ark of god , and carry it captive to their dagons , the idols that every ones fancy lists to set up in private conventicles , under the title of ministeriall power and holy ordination : this at present infinitely dejects all sober christians and true ministers ; this for the future quite sinks them in despair . chap. xxxii . o how high and holy an ambition , i beseech you ( my worthy countrymen ) will it be in after-times , and already is , for any man of parts , of learning , of conscience , ( guided by scripture , and by all ancient practices of the catholick church , no lesse than that of this reformed and famous church of england ) to devote himself to be a minister of the gospel , when he shall see no reverend bishops , no subordinate presbyters left to ordain him , few or no people left to entertain him with due respect to his calling ; some doubting , others denying , a third sort wholly despising all his ministeriall power and authority ! of which , next to our salvation , ministers and other christians should study to be assured that it is valid and divine , upon good and authentick grounds , which may both merit their acknowledgment , and oblige them to submission . if any man that is fit , and willing to be a minister in england , if , i say , he can dispense with the novelties , irregularities , and inconformities of his ordination , as to all antiquity , no less than the orders of the church of england ( which ever was by bishops , as the apostolick conduits , the chief fathers and proper conveyors , so confessed by all reformed churches ; ) if he can bear the tedious journeys from the remoter counties , the long delayes , the unexpected scrutinies , and the strange questions he shall meet with , before he be allowed and admitted to officiate ; which are very hard trials to men that are tolerably learned , and not intolerably necessitated for a small living : if these difficulties can be digested , which we see of late have deterred many good scholars and hopefull students from entring upon the ministry , rather diverting their thoughts to other employments which are more easie , profitable and honourable now in england ; yet still , whatever doore he comes in at , he is a great and bold adventurer , daring at once to undertake so tedious and dreadful an employment , in which he must daily undergo many oppositions , many abuses , many injuries , many indignities incident from one side or other , to any minister , what stamp soever he bears . he must be fortified with invincible patience , with heroick resolutions , with humble constancy , with hermeticall content , with martyrly charity , while he contends with many causeless enemies , with all those difficulties of poverty and contempt , which are very unwelcome to flesh and blood , though never so spiritualized and refined : these do and ever will attend him as a minister , while common people take so great liberties and confidences to baffle , to dispute , to despise , to disturb , and to undo their ministers , besides their daring to obtrude themselves into his place and office . the meanest tradesman or handy-craft mechanick bears the labour of his hands , and that sore travail of his soul , during his mortall pilgrimage , cheerfully and comfortably , while being willing and able to work for his living , he gets his wages without any mans grudging , and enjoyes himself without any envy or obloquy , in honest wayes of industry , though possibly it reach no further than making of ribbands , or points , or buttons , or babies , for the use of the common-weal : onely the poor minister ( especially if he dare own the church of england , or assert his authority from an higher origine , than what is novel , secular and popular ) after twice seven years rigging and preparing himself for so rough and hazardous a voyage ; after he hath many nights and dayes , by studying , watching , fasting , praying , weeping , furnished himself as a workman that needeth not to be ashamed before men ; after he hath wholly and onely devoted himself to that heavy plough and employment , the care and culture of mens souls ( which are naturally hard as fallow grounds , full of weeds and thorns ) which work may well take up the whole time , ability and industry of the best of men ; after he hath so followed this holy husbandry , as to neglect all other means and opportunities to advance his worldly condition , thinking it would be enough for him to merit well of his countrey and the publick , and , as a learned , grave and serious minister , to serve god and mankind , by setting forth and communicating to the world the inestimable riches and excellencies of his and their saviour ; which service might well deserve as good salaries and encouragements as those enjoy , who have offices in the customes , excise , exchecquers , and treasuries of unrighteous mammon ; after he hath thus denied , exhausted and macerated himself , in order to promote the highest interests of god and man , which is the eternall salvation of sinfull souls , and this at no great charge , or expence of mens estates ; after his modesty , charity and hospitality hath convinced all men , that he covets them , not theirs , condescending oft below himself , in order to captate the love and civil favour of people , that he might gain more advantages to save their souls : yet still this good ministers condition will of all mens in engl. be most miserable : for while he is daily doing his duty , and doing it well , with meekness of wisdome , with good conscience and discretion ; yet he shall be sure to contract many enemies without a cause . many that are meere strangers to him will hate him out of anti-ministeriall antipathies and epidemick principles ; which are so rife and in fashion in england , against any that own themselves as ministers ( ex officio ) by duty and office , especially after the order of the church of england . upon this very name he shall adopt the censures and hard speeches , the envy and malice , the janglings and ruffling , the injuries and indignities of many : he must be made a man of strife , whether he will or no ; oft destinated to disgrace and ruine , unheard , untried , unseen , unknown . if he own himself as a man of any spirit , and a minister of any authority , then he is censured as proud , a pope , a lucifer ; if he be soft and supple , then he is counted spongie , poor-spirited , pusillanimous : if by any honest arts and innocent frauds he can preserve his station , his living , his liberty , then he is counted cunning , a meere politico , a time-server , an hypocrite : where he is best known he must look to be least beloved by many high seraphicks and supercilious separatists ; there will be some godly bubbles , swolne with pride and ignorance , that will scorn all his learning , all his abilities , all his devotion , all his duties . when their mouths are stopped , and their gain-sayings confuted , though not silenced , yet neither his work nor his person will be accepted ; nor will some men own their profiting by his ministry , that they may save their purses , and excuse themselves for not paying him his dues . his wages must be oft changed by peevish labans , sometimes totally denied by churlish nabals ; and there are who never batten more than when they most cheat their minister . in fine , he will need argus his eyes to look about him , for feare lest the whole foundation of his livelihood and subsistence be so undermined , shaken , assaulted and quite overthrown by two or three pragmatick and spitefull neighbours , that he will be in hazard to be quite routed and outed , without reward and work , forced to be either indigent or idle ; and this without any ordinary rule or remedy , that i know , as to the lawes of england . a dreadfull prospect , god knowes , of idleness and indigence , sufficient to scare a very resolute soul , more than that spectre did brutus the night before he fought unfortunately in the philippick fields ; discouragements capable to damp any provident mens spirit , from so dangerous , and almost desperate a service as this is , to be a professed and ordained minister of the gospel in england . what young men of any parts and hopes , of any pregnancy and ingenuity , will be so zealously forward , as to prick their fingers by gathering roses and lillies , among such rude thorns , as now either hedge up the way , or encompass the paths of every solid and sober minister ? it is a fervour not very frequent , nor are they quotidian fits , either in younger or elder men of any worth , to embrace religion in rags , and vertue when it is vagrant and mendicant , out at heels and elbows : when to be a minister of jesus christ , is to have little for the belly or back , less for books or the brain ; nothing to exercise charity of hospitality , less than nothing ( as from man ) to cherish graces , to increase gifts , to whet industry , to promote piety . what mortal is so brutishly hardy , as having no fleece or wooll on his back , he would chuse , not to dwell , but do penance in so cold , so scottish a climate , as old england will soon prove to worthy ministers ; when it is become an iseland , a freezland , a nova zembla , nothing but hyperborean rigour , frozenness , and barrenness in it ; no spring , no summer , no harvest expectable , as to any common favour , ingenuous pleasure , honest profit , or moderate honour ? which is the temperature that some mens distempers have sought to reduce poor ministers to , while they endeavour to turn the english church and clergy either up-side down , or out of doors . chap. xxxiii . can you ( o my worthy and honoured countrey-men ) without an infinite vanity , folly and presumption , ( most unworthy of your piety and prudence ) ever expect that there should be such burning and shining lights among you , as have been in this church and nation ; when there shall be little or no oyle to supply the lamps , or such as shall be rather whale-oyl and greenland-stuff , than such sweet and golden oyl , as through the golden pipes flowed from the olive trees , which were round about the candlesticks in zachariah's vision , which was an emblem of evangelicall diffusions from christ to his ministers , and from these to his church ? do you think any mens sons of better quality , or others ( whose hopes and ambition will carry them above the condition of a cobler or a tinker ) when they come to yeares of discretion , and have a true prospect of that barren heath , that dry and parched wildernesse , to which the ministry of england is like to be confined and condemned in the midst of a land of goshen , which flows with milk and honey to all other wayes of industry ; doe you think ( i say ) that any man , who hath not lost his mother-wits , and those innate principles of self-preservation , will spontaneously rush into so many sharp contentions and temptations , like the horse into the battail , where hunger , and thirst , and cold , and nakednesse , and shame , and sordidnesse of living , shall threaten him as a minister , like the ragged regiment attending that armed man , whose name is poverty ; besides the black pots , among which these doves must lie , i mean the foot and skullery of vulgar insolency , plebeian petulancy and fanatick contempt ? all which , like the over-hanging brow of a rock or cliffe , threaten to fall upon him and his relations , who seeks for the refuges of his life and pilgrimage , under the shelter of the ministry : where if any single men ( being more ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) callous and iron-sided ) can bear with , and bustle through their own sufferings and others rude oppositions ; yet when they are married , and have relations more tender and dear to them than their owne lives , o how will their bowels be broyled like s. laurence's , and their hearts turned upon the gridiron , when they are frequently forced to hear , and see , and feel the cryes , the wants , the distresses , the tears , the pallors , the squallors of their wives and children , which pierce and wound the very souls of ingenuous men ! o how cruell will that indulgence appear in after-ages , which took away the heavy yoke and severe restraints , beyond what god and nature , law or gospel imposed , as on the other western clergie , so here in england , by the policy more than piety of the popes of rome ( contrary to the sense of the nicene and primitive fathers ) when the fruit of such clergy-mens marriages shall appear no other than withered plants , starved in their very originall , and condemned to perpetuall tenuity , both of parts and employments ! in ancient times , when the state of this church and its clergie was more idle and superstitious , but more opulent and honourable , what gentleman , what nobleman , what prince , yea what soveraign kings did not ambitionate to plant some of their sons ( as henry the seventh intended his second son , henry the eighth ) into gods vineyard , for the work , office and honour of a church-man ? now a gentleman of the first head disdaines it , a yeoman disputes it . if the fathers piety can digest to make the meanest of his sons a minister , the mothers tenderness dreads it ; if the good mothers zeal devotes the poor youth to that perpetuall servitude , yet the fathers prudence and policy rather chuseth for him a life of more activity , ease , peace , pleasure and honour ; if it be but to make him , as the last refuge , a common trouper , or a foot-souldier , who may in time over-awe the best bishop and minister in a county , yea a whole diocese and association of them , if ministers shrink the next ten years as they have done of late . nor may any wise men , that wish well to their countrey and the church of england , ever flatter themselves , that one man of a thousand , who hath good abilities of mind , or any competent estate , sufficient to redeem himself from the servilities of poverty and popularity , will ever condemne himself , in a monastick or melancholy humour , to be a minister . the old stocks already are dwarft in great part , or hewn down ; and generally they will be but shrubs , on which the ministry hereafter will be grafted , in a foile and age that growes so barren , stingy , ungenerous , unbenigne to them . possibly there may be now and then an heroick resolution in a gentleman of worth , for family , parts and estate , to assert the honour of his saviour , and the declining dignity of his blessed ministry , by undertaking holy orders : but these are rare birds , and will be phoenixes in after-ages ; not more admirable than commendable indeed , when they come in at the right doore of catholick ordination and apostolick succession , which are the visible seales of divine authority and commission , conferred of old , even from the first age , by none ( that ever i read ) without episcopall power and precedency , which immediately succeeded the apostles in that ordinative and gubernative eminency ; which , i believe , was to be ordinary and constant in the churches oeconomy , both to preserve an orderly polity , and to confer holy orders with due , that is , divine authority , in an uninterrupted succession . but where a childs portion must be wholly raised by a mans own industry , and gods blessing upon his employment in the ministry , o how cruell will those parents seem to their sons at years of discretion , when once they come to tast and drink deep of that cup of gall and vinegar , tenuity and contempt , which some mens charity designes to mix for ministers ! how will such poor and despised preachers , all their tedious and necessitous lives , condemn , and in the bitterness of their souls sometime be ready to curse ( as job and jeremiah did the dayes of their birth ) that preposterous zeal , and pitiless piety , which bred them up , with no small care , cost and pains , onely to condemn them to the pulpits , as to the gallies of plebeian slavery and necessity ; when they shall by wofull experience find , that all their costly learning and education , their ingenious parts and excellent abilities , have made them like the sacrifices of old , adorned with ribbands and garlands , that they may with the greater pomp and solemnity be slain by popular insolency ; when parents devoting their hopefull sons to the service of the church , is to prefer them to labour and sorrow , to pains and poverty , to scorn and shame , to vulgar contempt and contradiction ! which very unpleasing and horrid apparitions of all manner of discouragements , have of later years so evidently damped and discouraged many worthy men , that not onely very hopefull scholars have diverted their studies to any other design than that of divinity and the ministry , but few parents , who can find any other way to dispose of their sons , are so unnaturall , as to expose them to that sad fate , which they see attends every minister that dares own the right way of acquiring and exercising the sacred authority of that function . certainly origens juvenile impatience not to be a martyr , was not many degrees above the resolution of those young men who will now adventure to be ministers in england , upon a good and catholick account , which equally abhors plebeian petulancy , popular dependency , and uncatholick novelty . and to hope that common people will in time grow better-natur'd toward ministers , by enjoying whatever liberties they list to arrogate or indulge to themselves in religion , is so high a presumption , as is next door to despair : unless it can be imagined that mankind ( naturally enemies to god and all grace ) will of themselves learn to value their souls and their eternall interests , which are so remote from their senses , as much as they do their bodies and estates ; or that they will look upon divines and ministers as no less necessary for their good , than lawyers and physicians are ; whose fees and entertainments tell the world , that men willingly or necessarily bestow many pounds in order to secure their bodily health and wealth , when they miserably and basely grudge at three half-pence spent upon their ministers and their souls : on which to bring men to set a due value , hath been in all ages the chief end of true religion , the great work of all the prophets , apostles , holy bishops and godly ministers ; yea the main design , next the divine glory of god himself , and our blessed saviour jesus christ. men are miserably betrayed to themselves , when they are suffered to live at that liberty or looseness , which will certainly debase , despise and damn their souls . which sad events being chiefly imputable to common peoples own folly and madness , yet will those men be highly responsible for them , in whose power it was , either to teach them better , or to restrain them from those profligate humours , by which prodigal and poor wretches are prone to destroy , as well as to despise , both their ministers and themselves ; whom to perswade to a true value and reverence of themselves , is an high point of philanthropy and theologie , of charity and piety , of humanity and divinity : which foundation once well laid , would soon recover the decayed and desolating condition of ministers , who will never be valued , loved , or rewarded proportionably to their worth , labours and dignity , untill men think they have infinite need of them ; yea , more need than of the most learned and honest lawyers , or the most faithfull physicians , who have so great an influence , yea empire upon mankind , because men sensibly feel and find the want of them , which they do not of their able ministers ; every prating intruder being enough to serve their turn . but i have done with the causes and occasions , the instances and evidences of the decayes and deformities of religion in the church of england ; which chiefly rising from the licentiousness of people , and the inordinateness of ministers , have been the main subject of this second book . book iii. setting forth the evil consequences felt or feared from the distractions of religion in england . chap. i. having in the first book endeavoured to set forth the sad and just complaints of the ch. of engl. therefore just , because her calamities are neither deserved by nor descended from her former well-reformed constitution ; having also in the second book enquired after , and in great part discovered ( as i suppose ) the genuine and proper causes together with the unhappy occasions of her calamitous distresses and decayes ; i am now in this third book to set before you ( my honoured countrey-men , as to honest englishmen and worthy christians ) those evil consequences which already are greatly felt , or may rationally be feared , as to the interest of the true christian and reformed religion in this church and nation : which i shall chiefly reduce to these four heads . first , the palpable decayes of religion , as to the power of godlinesse , in the proficiency and practicks of piety and charity , together with the daily encrease of atheisme , with a supine neglect and irreverence towards all religion in all sorts of people . secondly , the unprofitable , scandalous , vexatious & endless disputes about religion . thirdly , the romish advantages and papal prevailings , which are unavoidable . fourthly , the civil dangers and dissentions necessarily following religious differences , if once they come to be fomented by numerous parties , as they will be , if fit remedies be not seasonably applied to restore , establish , incourage and unite the pretensions and interests of the reformed religion , according to some order , polity and discipline in the church of engl. such as may be most agreeable to scripture , to reason , and to the patternes of primitive antiquity : all which pious and prudent methods our fore-fathers very commendably and wisely followed ( as i conceive ) in that excellent reformation , which after the fiery trial of queen mary's dayes came forth of that furnace , pure in its doctrine , complete in its liturgie , comely in its order , solemn in its worship and duties , authoritative in its discipline , harmonious in its government , sound in the faith , fervent in all charity , full of good works , abounding in the gifts , and transcending in the graces of gods spirit . it was , as gods darling , for many years highly prospered with all temporall and spirituall blessings , as the beloved disciple , lying in the bosome of jesus christ , to so extraordinary indulgences of divine favour , that all reformed churches admired her ; yea the greek patriarchs and churches , though in a depressed and distant state , yet highly revered her so pious , so prosperous , so prudent , so primitive constitution and condition : in all which how it now is impaired , and daily will further decay , will best appeare by taking an impartiall view of those sad effects and bad consequences which either already attend , or further threaten , the divided , distracted and distressed state of christian reformed religion in this church and nation . the first of which is , the great abatement and palpable retrogradation of godliness , as to the proficiency & power of it , both in mens hearts and lives . the sweet savour and fragrancy of religion , which ariseth from truth and peace , from inward sanctity and outward harmony , these are grown infinitely sowred by the leaven of differences , embittered to factions and despites , to mutual despiciencies and eternal animosities . where envy and strife are , there must needs be ( as saint james tells us ) confusion , and every evil work , heightening men by spirituall pride and evil jealousies to a kind of zealous malice and cruel charity , which choke ( as the devils tares and thorns ) the good seed , giving great and daily advantages to all manner of evil temptations , even to gross fedities and barbarous immoralities : for where religion is once poysoned with passion , & swoln to factious emulations , men count it a great part of their own godliness , to censure others for ungodly : it is made a master-piece of piety to cover their own impieties , by the sharp and severe imputations they cast upon other mens opinions or profession ; thinking it no small assurance , even of their own salvation , confidently to condemn all that differ from their party in opinion or communion . by this means the root and fruit of true charity , which is the life and soul of christianity , the milk and marrow of all graces , this first growes mortally infected through the pestilence of divisions and distractions in religion : this vitall and naturall balsam of piety once decayed , dried up , or exhausted by unchristian calentures , no wonder if the whole constitution of religion grow weak , ricketly and consumptuous . for as planting and good husbandry are commonly neglected where war rageth , men being more intent to killing than tilling ; so in parties and factions of religion , christians study to live more upon the insolent plundering of other mens opinions , upon the rifling and harrasing of others consciences , than upon their own pious industry , or humble devotion ; every one is so eager to make good their side and contests , that they cannot much intend the great work of grace and truth in their own hearts , which most thrive in faire and clean weather , in the summers serenity and tranquillity of religion . as the hot and scorching beams of the sun soon drie up the morning dew , or as violent flames instantly lick up the water cast upon them ; so are controversies in religion to the sweet distillations of grace , and heavenly diffusions of gods spirit ▪ gods still voice , or those silent and secret whispers of his love to the soul , are not to be heard in the clamour and tintamar of controverted religion in the same house or church . the work of grace , both in private hearts , publick congregations , and greater churches , is best carried on , like solomons temple , with least noyse and knocking , the furthest from such contention and confusion , which are onely proper for the building of babels . they are most preposterous and unevangelical methods , by which christians beat their plough-shares of mortification into swords of destruction , and their pruning-hooks of repentance into sharp spears , by which they may smite and pierce to the heart one another . while mens heads are so hotly busied in disputations against others tenets ; their hearts and hands easily grow cold and idle , as to that work of sanctification which they owe to their own souls ; and that exemplary conversation in all holiness , which they owe to others . the lilly ( indeed ) of christian religion did mightily thrive amidst the thorns of heathenish persecutions ; but it was soon choked by those of uncharitable janglings and contentions which grew up among christians : which commonly prove so sharp and hot ( like that between paul and barnabas ) that even good men separate one from the other ; the bellowes of disputes blowing up sparks of native passions to uncomfortable dissociatings , distances and damnings . at last the daily whettings of mens wits , and exasperatings of their spirits , tongues , or pens against each other , do infinitely blunt the edge of their charity , and dull the brightness of all their graces , both solitary and sociall , as to the holy improvement of their own or other mens souls ; for all things of religion are disputed and acted , as between rivals , or enemies never to be reconciled . we find of old , that no warres were ever carried on with more popular eagerness , godly presumption and pious pertinacy , nor yet with more superstition and unsuccessfulness as to christianity , or with more depopulation to true piety , and vastation of reall sanctity , than those which were at first called the holy warres ; when men inscribed the croisado on their arms and banners ; fighting in the first design onely against saracens , turks and mahometans , but at length against christians , both greek and latine , by the policies and cruelties of some popes and princes . thus transports of piety usually engage men , not onely against the first supposed enemies of other mens errours and evil manners , but even against those truths and holy duties , at length , by which the antagonists seek to serve and assist their parties one against another . at last the dust of dispute so blinds mens eyes , that in pursuing of one errour to destroy it , they are engaged and wounded unaware with another ; as is evident in the ancient reciprocations of opinions , touching the reality and unity of both natures in the one person of christ : in which , as in other disputes , men of no mean parts for learning and piety greatly over-shot themselves ; as vincentius lyrinensis instanceth in tertullian , origen , apollinaris , eutyches , arius , and others ; himself being suspected for religion too , if those quaestiones vincentianae , to which prosper gives answer , be of that vincentius . after much inordinate heat and expence , both of time and spirits , the ablest christians quarrellings do at once wound others , and wast themselves , as we see between s. jerome and ruffinus : but common people by these childish bickerings in religion , as by cracking of nuts , rather break their teeth , than ever fill their bellies , losing most-what the kernell , sweetness and substance of true holiness , while they eagerly contend about the husk , shell and shadows of religion , beyond which the plainer sort of professors hardly advance in disputes . the purest spirits of true religion , which are very fine , subtil and volatile , do quickly evaporate , when such chymicall heats and unchristian fervours are applied , as are no way apt to fix and consolidate true piety , either by charity , or humility , or holy humanity , or any blessed harmony . all which speculations of wise men are most evident in the late experiences every where pregnant in england , where the christian and reformed religion being over-heated in the furnace of some mens zeal , and too much hammered upon the anvils of needless and various contentions , they have onely made some sparks to flie in each others eyes , not without great wast to the solidity , substance and beauty of that former excellent reformation , which was so glorious and renowned . the high tide of justice , mercy , humility , meekness , charity , thankfulness , obedience , order , unity and sincerity , which heretofore flowed among us , as countrey-men , as christians , and as reformed , is now brought to so low an ebbe , that every one is either censuring , or complaining , or condemning some other : several parties are jealously cautious of one anothers injuries , cruelties , malice , pride and hypocrisie . in stead of mutual symbolizings and sweet complyings in holy duties , as prayer , conference , comfortings & communicatings , people with pastors , and pastors with their people , or with one another , both privately and publickly ; all places are full of cavillings and calumniatings , quarrellings and disputings , scornings and contemnings , schismatizings and separatings , which in many are now advanced ( as fire in light and combustible materials ) to infinite hatred and utter abhorrencies of each others persons , piety and professions . one party thinks it self not safe , if another enjoyes as much freedome in religion as it self affects or usurps ; it is death to some to see others live in any order and unity ; each faction measures gods dislike and displeasure by their own : at last they begin to perswade themselves , that nothing would be more acceptable to god , than victimes and holocausts of all those christians , both magistrates , ministers and people , who are not of their parties and adherencies . thus are the main pillars of religion , righteousness and peace , meeknesse and patience , charity and humility , mortification and self-denying ( which are the noblest victories of our selves , and the most generous conquests of others ) these are undermined , shaken , battered , and in danger to be quite overthrown by these modern bickerings and digladiations of religion now in england . every one is ploughing and harrowing long furrows , either on other mens faces or their backs ; few are sowing , weeding , or watering the seeds of grace in their own hearts and consciences . christians , like cattel in hot summers days , are so molested with the biting of these flies , that they cannot feed fat ; so agitated with scruples , that they can take no rest : like silly sheep , engaged among bushes and briars , they not onely lose their food , but their fleeces , getting nothing but scratches ; which are the decoyes of flies , and nurseries of vermin . what serious and charitable christian is not grieved at heart to see so many of their children , neighbours , kindred and acquaintance , disputing away so much of their precious lives , and uncertain moment ? while they should be examining their consciences , repenting of their sins , strengthening their faith in christ , increasing their love to god and man , getting good evidences for heaven , and preparing for an happy departure ; they ( alas ) are bawling and braving , railing and raving against one another : yea , many are doubting and disputing , while they are dying ; ravelling and undoing their own comforts , as well as other mens religion , when they should be working out their own , and assisting others salvation with fear and trembling : even poor silly souls are then full of obs and sols , when penitent sighs and fiduciary teares were much more seasonable and necessary for them ; kindling and encreasing those fires with their breath , which they should rather quench with their tears , nay with their blood , than leave them to be such everlasting burnings , the very hell and tophet of the church , the continual torment of infinite christians , that possibly mean well , and might do well , while they get little good , yea they both suffer and do much mischief : like sheep surfeited in good posture , they infect others , and die themselves of the rot , or scab , or maggot , having no skilful and carefull shepherds to cure or relieve them . thus infinite poor people in england , by officious tending upon some late new masters and various teachers , do by their religion , as the poor link-boyes in london , who so wast their links by running after other mens steps , that they are fain to go at last to their own homes in the dark . without doubt , many christians heretofore very thrifty and well-liking , able and honest , have of late years lain down both in sorrow , poverty and obscurity , as to the point of true spiritual comfort and inward peace ; which are the fruits onely of quiet , humble , charitable and composed minds : for as pigeons are scared out of their houses by much noise and knocking , so are the gracious motions and consolations of gods sweet spirit driven out of christians hearts ; between which calm breathings or soft insinuations , and the rude tempests or commotions of mens passions , there is as much difference , as between the operations of oyl and of vinegar , or between a tunable peal of well-rung bells , and those harsh janglings which are used as the alarms of scare-fires , or tokens of publick conflagrations . nor are the publick symptomes of decayed religion , as to the gracious power and charitable efficacy of it , more apparent in other mens lives and conversations ( so scattered , so divided , so dissonant , so unsocial , so uncivil , and so unsympathising generally with one another , unless with those of their own side and party ) than those damps and decayes are which men must needs find secretly in their own hearts ; when many , both ministers and people , cannot but see ( though they are loth to confess ) that the sun of righteousnesse , which was well risen in their souls , with healing in his wings , is now gone backward many degrees ( as the shadow did on king ahaz his dial ) whereto it was heretofore ascended . in stead of their first unfeigned love , which is most lost and decayed towards god and true religion , there is general coolness , much chilness and luke-warmness brought upon their purity and sincerity , by many sinister policies and worldly interests , besides their own passions , which , like water , are mixed with the wine of their religion : many trees of god that were heretofore sound and full of sap , florid and fruitfull , are now become mossy , cankered , hide-bound and barren . i am sure the liberal hand and out-stretched arm of christian charity and english munificence , to god , his church , his ministers , his poor , are now shrunck and withered , like jeroboams , when it was stretched out against the prophet of the lord. neither ministers nor other christian men love one another , as christs disciples , ( qua tales ▪ & quia tales ; ) but rather as confederates , in their severall factions , interests , separate parties , sidings and designs : who , though they be like gebal , and ammon , and amalek , like manasseh against ephraim , and ephraim against manasseh , in their mutual antipathies ; yet all are against judah , against the distressed ch. of engl. and all such as do with the greatest conscience , charity and constancy , adhere to the former good order and holy profession of the reformed religion here established , which now in many places , in many mens lives and hearts , appears , as to its cordial spirit , its vital and celestial vigour , like the old drugs and dispirited simples of apothecaries : the ea●thy , gross and material parts , do yet remain , in some proportion , as to the main bulk and pretence of reformed religion ; but the vertue and efficacy of it is much vanished and evaporated , both as to the hearts and lives of christians , both of pastors and people , comparing them with the former generation of their fore-fathers , or with themselves in their former grave , comely , humble , wise , sober , usefull , orderly and peaceable conversation ; which made many of them like vines , fig-trees and olive-trees , bearing good fruit , to cheer god and man ; where now they are like so many sharp , bushy and scratching brambles , rather ambitious to have dominion over other mens faith and consciences , than any way carefull or helpfull to their own edification or others comfort , either private or publick , as christians and neighbours , or as members of one nationall church ; in which relation they once thought themselves to stand obliged , as members of one great and goodly body , to support , sympathize , and pity one another : now the aim of many is to divide themselves , and tear others asunder from all catholick communion , to a catholick confusion and destruction . thus is religion evidently decayed , as to the power of it , in those that were formerly strong and lively in the wayes of piety and charity . chap. ii. as for that new generation which is grown up of later years , and who have never known those josephs , whose prudent piety established and preserved the reformed religion for many years , with great peace , plenty , prosperity and proficiency in the church of england ; these have , for the most part , been onely spectators or abettors of those ingratefull exorbitances , which some christians have affected and mis-called for precious liberties , though beyond all bounds of modesty , charity and piety , as well as beyond the merits of the church of england and its well-reformed religion . these have hitherto seen the face of this church and our religion , like that of a field , in which a fierce and cruell battel hath been fought , and still is , with dubious success , by christians of bold , pertinacious and implacable spirits ; they behold all things , as to the purity , peace , order and harmony of the reformed religion ( which was once wisely established and uniformly professed in the church of engl. ) full of clamour and confusion , of hatred and horrour , of bitter complaints , uncharitable jealousies , satyrick invectives , sharp disputations , endless contentions . many are brought up in gross ignorance of the very fundamentals of true religion , counting it a part of their liberty & religion , not to be taught by any man , parent or minister , any principles of religion : others that have some glimmering knowledge , are but meer scepticks , and unsetled , ever dubious and vertiginous , thinking it a token of their true conversion , to be daily turning from one side and opinion to another : a third sort quarrel at all they have been taught and baptized into by the testimony of the church and its ministry , as a method below the sublimity of their spirits , who fancy nothing but immediate teachings of god , illuminations and inspirations , beyond the usual dispensations of the heavenly treasure , which hath been hitherto in earthen vessels . a fourth sort of people , driven by the furies of their own lusts and passions , animated also by the extravagancies of others ( who seem pretenders to religion ) have sought to cast off the thought , care and conscience of any religion , fancying such a religion and liberty , as may best consist with their temporal safety and worldly interests ; however they profess , they practise perfect atheism , to live without any god preceptive , but onely providential , in the world . nor are there wanting some men of great parts and conspicuous learning , as well as estates , who set their wits on work to maintain this principle , that there is no numen , no divine being distinct from that we call nature , no creator , no creature , no scripture as gods word , no saviour , no sin as against god , no reward or judgement to come . yea , that universal tradition , that inbred principle , that catholick perswasion , which hath possessed all nations and successions of mankind , ( as tully observed ) touching the immortality of rationall spirits or humane souls , as to their eternall recompenses ; this point is not onely doubted and disputed , but by some denied : notwithstanding that few men in all ages , by their greatest wit and wickedness , were ever able to redeem themselves from the terrour of this truth , and the captivity of their own consciences , which are hardly freed from these convictions , that there is a god above us , and an immortall soul within us : nor have ever any men endeavoured to put out this light within them , but onely those , whom the conscience of their wickedness made desirous rather to perish utterly , than to be perpetuated to an after-being in misery . from these main unhingings of religion in mens consciences , which have set them above any fear of god or reverence of man , who can wonder at those disorderly motions , which have so long filled and deformed this church with so many schisms , heresies and tragedies ? the utter irreligion of some , the superstition of others ; the peevishness of some , the pertinacy of others ; here atheisme , there hypocrisie ; here any religion that civil politie lists to set up , there no religion setled , to give any check or restraint by law ; here novelties and varieties of religion affected , there uniformity and catholick antiquity despised ; these encounterings and contradictions among men , as to matters of religion in england , what strages and vastations have they made in the minds of common people , and the younger sort especially ? the face of christian and reformed religion looks blasted with fire , black with powder and smoke , besmeared with dirt and blood ; the prospect of it is full of death and despair ; the distractions of it threaten both it and us with destruction at last ; because nothing whets mens swords sharper against each other than religion . with how much glorying , even in point of conscience , have christians and protestants wounded , oppressed , killed one another in england , in great part upon the quarrel of religion , yea , and of reformation ? the scandall , eclipse , and ruine of which , as to its truth , credit and consistency , is far more considerable , than the loss of thousands of our carkases , or vile bodies , which were worthily and almost meritoriously sacrificed , if by such means the true honour and interests of religion , as christian and reformed , could be preserved or advanced . but ( alas ) this is so far from any advantages of life , health and vigour , by all those bitter pills and potions it hath taken , by all those sharp phlebotomies & lancings it hath endured , that it seems exhausted , dispirited , languishing , drooping , decaying and dying ; sinking under its own weight , or rather under the pressures of impotent passions on all sides : not onely to indifferency , negligence , and unsetledness as to any religion at all , which is very rife ; but to sottish ignorance , gross superstition , high atheism , and insolent blasphemies against our god , our saviour , our scriptures , our sacraments , all ordinances , and all that is sacred . the epidemical rudeness and irreverence , the vulgar profaneness and immorality , their brutish stupor and barbarity , their licentious impudencies and insolencies , their publick scorns , affronts and oppositions of the lawful ministers of england in their holy ministrations ( part of which i have seen , others i have heard of , ) these and the like fedities , like a plague and leprosie , have mightily infected and daily spread over the souls of men and women , young and old , in countries and cities , both in england and in wales , as necessary consequents and concomitants of that liberty in religion which many men have challenged to themselves . nor is this depravedness onely befaln the beasts of the people , the meaner sort , whose souls are as precious as the best , though their condition be poor , their breeding bad , and their manners generally vile , having naturally a brutish carelesness and dulness to any religion ; but their greatest awknesse and aversness is against that religion which is most soberly setled , and exactly professed ; this giving most check to their boisterous lusts and extravagant fancies : whose religion is generally more upon custome and constraint , than upon judgement , choice or conscience ; ever waiting , as water pent up doth , for any opportunity to get such a liberty as will at last quite spill and spend it self ; being never better pleased than when they finde themselves least tied to please either god , or any men but themselves . this sort of vulgar people may in part excuse the abuses they make of any liberties or indulgences they can at any time extort by their terrours , multitudes and importunities , from wiser men . chap. iii. but the mischiefs of unsetled religion and irreligion , like a gangrene , is further spread to the more noble parts of this body politick , to persons of generous quality , of hopefull ingenuity , both by extraction and education , who have fair fortunes , like fuel , to maintain the flames of their factions ; and good abilities , like oyl , to nourish the wild-fires of their fancies , which way soever they affect to rove . this sort of young gallants , who are grown up amidst our late civil broils and religious distractions , as handsome young trees oft do among brambles and bushes ; these ( i say ) who might be the strong supports and goodly shelters of religion in after-ages ; these are miserably shaken , depraved , distorted : not so much by the impetuousness of their own juvenile fervours and passions ( which , if inordinate , will , as s. austin observes , be their own sting , reproch and punishment ) as by those various circulations and contrariant traversings of religion , which have tossed their minds to and fro , to a kind of delirium or vertigo , a meer whimsicall uncertainty , as to religion . which distemper and giddiness in their heads and hearts they have contracted , chiefly , by beholding that unsettledness , looseness , giddiness , variety , irreverence , contempt and confusion , which hath been cast upon the face of the reformed religion and this church of england : for since they came to any years of discretion , and a capacity , as men , to judge of humane affairs , they have seen nothing managed with less discretion , gravity and judiciousness , than the publick interests of the reformed religion and this church . many of them have been taught by words , and more by examples ( full of all petulant rallieries against our church and religion , as formerly established ) to despise and abhor all that their fore-fathers reformed , or setled , or professed and delivered as their religion . how do some suck from their very milk and nurses all manner of bitter scorns and reproches against the church of england , its baptism , divine ministrations and ministry ? some that are now grown up men and women , yet are still in the very infancy and cradle of religion , either sleeping securely in sensual impenitency , or delighting to be variously rocked from one side to another , with a lullaby of novelty , which will bring them to a drowsie indifferency by a religious inconstancy . thus the very salt of true religion , as to its smartness and savour , its piercing and preserving vertue ( which only is able to keep persons of pregnant parts and opulent estates from vicious putrefactions ) this is presented to them as useless , unsavoury , infatuate , while they have from their youth upward seen it , especially in its chiefest dispensers & most constant professors ( according to the establishment of the church of england , daily cast out upon the very dunghill of plebeian petulancy and contempt , exposed to poverty , yea beggery in many places , yea and profanely trampled under foot by the very beasts of the people . hence it is that the christian and reformed religion appears to many great spirits and young gentlemen , not as a matter of eternal truth , of infinite weight , and highest concernment to them ; not as having the catholick testimony of the wisest and best of mankind in all ages , the expectation of the patriarchs , the prediction of the prophets , the preaching of the apostles , the signatures of martyrs and characters of confessors , by their bloodshed and sufferings , which they chose rather to endure , than the least abnegation , apostasie or swerving from so great , so holy , so constant , so necessary , so divine principles , as the christian religion is grounded upon . many good wits of later years in england look upon religion with a supercilious eye , with a squeamish coynesse , with a nauseating and huffing aspect : so far are they from fear and trembling , as if they did god a good turne to own him in any fashion , or religion were beholden to them , if they were but civil to it ; not considering the majesty of miracles , the admiration of angels , the accomplishments of prophecies , the manifestation of the messias , the expresse image of gods grace and glory , mercy and truth upon it , in the holiness of the precepts , in the honour of the examples , in the preciousness of the promises , in the astonishing love , compassion , wisdome and goodness of god contained in it , laying out gracious and glorious methods of reconciling and saving sinfull mankind , by such a way of propitiation , satisfaction and merit , as no whit blemisheth or diminisheth his justice , but every way advanceth and magnifieth his mercy . all this divine beauty , majesty , glory and extasie of true religion , so highly valued heretofore in england , by princes and peers , by noblemen and gentlemen of all degrees , is now looked upon by many as a mimicall play , a popular pageantry ; a business so scepticall and litigious , so mutable and various , so childish and impertinent , so trivial and plebeian , that many think it a point of gallantry and greatnesse of mind , totally to undervalue all religion , as a meer fabulous flourish , set forth with some pomp and solemnity heretofore , now with specious liberties and indulgences , in order either to amuse and over-awe , or to please and gratifie common people , whose brutall strength and refractory rudeness is found to be such by all wise governours in all ages , that nothing can over-awe or bridle the populacy so much , as the opinion of some religion , derived from a deity ; whose power being represented as omnipotent , can onely give either terrour and check to vulgar presumptions , or fixation to their everlasting revolutions . which volatile temper of common people some cunning men of later years having observed , how in nothing of received religion they were setled , they have flown anew to the old craft of those heathenish legislators , to pretend nymphs and caves , to dreams and visions , to extatick grotts and groves , to converse as sibyls with demons or spirits , and to keep immediate intelligence with god himself , by special inspirations , beyond any thing of traditionall religion , anciently received and constantly delivered by this or any other church of christ . nor doth this sorry artifice fail to take some simple birds that are more silly and incautious , who hardly ever get out of these snares and lime-twigs of pretended new religion , till they lose their feathers , much of their time and estates , besides the hazard of their souls and consciences . but others , of more bold and robust tempers , are from these temptations and scandals of snarled and entangled , or loose and unsettled , or arbitrary and nulled religion , betrayed to down-right atheism ; from thence they are carried down the stream of all sensuall debaucheries , without any stop or check of conscience , as to god or any religion , by which they stand obliged and responsible to a divine power above them . all which comes to pass , by reason that they fell into such unhappy times , as to their religion , education and imitation , as offered them for many years very little but novelties ; and in them nothing worthy of the name of true and solid religion , as to any publick certainty , harmony , unity , or authority . nothing must be owned as the uniform piety of this nation , or the consent of the church , either as from wise men or good christians ; nothing fixed , as becomes the majesty of a glorious god , and a gracious saviour , an immutable goodness , and unerrable truth , held forth by the most idoneous and credible witnesses in the catholick church , through all ages and successions : but , as if all christians had been either ignorant or impostors in this and all churches , as if no christian princes , no presbyters , no bishops , had had either wit to discern , or grace to retain true religion ; so have many people on all sides run up and down , to pick and chuse , to begin and invent , to contrive and cut out what they listed to call their religion : yea , many rigid reformers , and most severe pretenders to religion ( upon new accounts , as schismatizing in , or separating from the church of england ) even these are daily found either split upon the rocks of uncharitablenesse , or beating upon the quick-sands of change and uncertainty ; not onely their several factions , but the same persons having as many faces successively of religion , as proteus had shapes . the stakes and cords of that christian and reformed religion , which was fixed in the church of england , these are pulled up , quite ravelled and broken into pieces by many . nor are these new modellers such as made modest trials and essayes of truth ; but they are generally fixed to their unsettled fancies , constant in their inconstancy , pertinacious in their extravagancies , and hardly ever to be perswaded by any experience of their own folly , to recant or repent of their apparent and imprudent transports ; much less to return from their exotick novelties and fanatick inventions they have lately chosen , to that solemn & sacred , uniform and majestick , primitive and catholick posture of religion , in which it was for many years illustrious in the ch. of engl. and in all other famous churches . chap. iv. the very light of nature and common reason commands mankind to be serious and setled , grave and reverent in the publick service and veneration of their god : to which end they added ( as varro , tully , and isidore hispalensis tell us ) not onely many ceremonies to adorn their devotion , but a publick consent and sanction , to authorize , and confirm , and fence their religion , against all those ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that affected to be rude , or dared to be profane . for right reason tells us , that novices , strangers , or beginners in religion , must be miserably betrayed to all manner of irreligion , where they see all things of religion presented to them , like a kind of matachin dance , or counter-skuffle , full of fraction and novelty , of change and contradiction , of intricacy and incongruity , of emulation and faction , of strife and envy , of hatred and enmity , of contempt and confusion ; debased to meanness , and prostituted to vulgarity ; which can by no persons of any right understanding be thought to be the temper of any thing that is worthy to bear the name & inscription of the true god , or the christian and reformed religion . this is not the pulse of piety , nor can be the influence of gods holy , wise , and peaceable spirit . no christian can be so uncatechised , as not to know , that these wounds and scarres which are upon the face of religion , and made by christians of the same countrey and communion , are not the marks of christs sheep , nor the characters of his disciples ; who have been in all ages most eminent for all graces and vertues , for all things true , comely , orderly , just , generous , benigne , charitable : none exceeded or equalled them for mutuall love , while they were neer or far off ; insomuch that primitive assemblies of bishops , presbyters and people , were most lively resemblances of that angelick order , quire , and harmony which is in heaven , before the throne of god , and of the lamb. this union and subordination kept up the reverence of religion , and the dignity of the evangelicall ministry among christians , even then when persecution most raged against them : when the persons of holy bishops and presbyters were imprisoned , banished , mangled , and massacred by heathenish and jewish persecutors ; yet then was the authority of ministers looked upon as sacred and divine , not from the earth , but heaven ; not from kings and princes , not from parlaments and civil senates , not from protectors and major-generals , or new triers , much lesse from any principle or power which is now challenged by popular arrogancy and vulgar usurpation , but from christ jesus , and so from the blessed god , who sent his son , and he his apostles and other ministers , as his father sent him , for the same end and work , in those measures and proportions of his spirit which were necessary for the calling , converting , continuing and perfecting the church , as the body of christ . while these continued in an holy and uninterrupted succession of undoubted authority , as apostles , bishops , pastors and teachers , of one mind and mission , of one ordination and succession , they easily preserved the doctrine of christian religion uncorrupted , the mysteries unprophaned , the ministry unviolated , the reverence of religion unabased : but these once divided against each other in opinions and factions , their ranks and order broken , their succession interrupted , their commission counterfeited or varied , their office invaded , their authority doubted , denied and destroyed ; who knowes not what spring-tides , what whole seas of faction and fury , of negligence and irreverence , of atheisme and irreligion , must necessarily flow in upon the face of any church ; when the truest and compleatest ministers shall be questioned or scorned , the dubious , defective , or false ones magnified , by secular policy , or popular levity ; when lay-men shall either think there are no ministers invested with any due authority , or themselves as good as the best , set up after some novell and arbitrary modes of their own invention , which must not onely vye with the true , ancient and catholick ordination of years standing , but justle it quite out of the church ; like the bastard abimelech , who slew all the legitimate issue of gideon his father ? who can heare with trembling , or pray with devotion , or receive with reverence , or be reproved with patience , or be comforted with peace , or be terrified with judgement , or mortified to any lust , or moderated to any passion , or confined to new obedience , or won to true repentance , or moved in conscience , or raised in hope , when he applies to any or all these duties , out of faction , novelty , curiosity , levity , custome , affectation , or hypocrisie ; when he thinks the minister that officiates hath no more power than himself , or his groom and footman ; when he looks upon his minister as a poor man , confined to his teddar , staked to his petty living , dependant upon mens charity , exposed to plebeian contempt , at best but an almesman of the state , a publick pensioner , or an evangelicall trooper , whose commission is ( ad placitum hominum ) after the will of man , having no divine power or authority to his office and work , no legall right or title , as to certainty or perpetuity in any thing he enjoyes as his wages , further , than the arbitrary favours or frowns of men are dispensed to him ; a very trembling and precarious orator , whose pulpit is ( like the ara lugdunensis ) soon made his scene , his coffin and his sepulchre ; especially if either fervently praying , or faithfully preaching , or justly , yet wisely , reproving , he displease any captious and peevish auditor , who hath confidence enough to make him an offender for a word , and influence enough to sequester , to silence , yea to starve him and his family , if he use an honest and innocent parrhesy , or freedome of speaking , such as becomes the messenger of heaven , the minister of christ , and the ambassadour of god ? when the mouths of gods oxen are thus easily muzled , when his prophets are so cheaply despised , when his neerest servants are thus despitefully used ; no wonder if irreverence , atheisme and profanenesse in all sorts of people attend all religious exercises , as necessarily as shadows doe those grosse bodies which intervene between the sight and light : which is the first sad and bad consequence following and flowing from the inconstancie and unsetlednesse of religion . chap. v. besides the decayes of piety and charity in mens hearts , both as to the principles , power and practice becoming christians , which ( like a lethargick numbnesse and stupor ) is come upon the old stock of christians in england ; together with that unsetlednesse , irreverence , contempt , atheisme and profanenesse , which grows upon the younger sort of people , who have been bred amidst these our divisions , distractions and extravagancies of religion , to very much of irreligion ; the lusts and vanities of their minds being not any way so curbed and repressed by the incumbent majesty and authority of any such setled and uniform religion , as is necessary either to perswade men to be good , or to over-awe and restrain them from being so bad as they would be : besides these mischiefes , which i have already set forth to you my honoured countrymen ; there is a second sad and bad consequence , which , like a gangrene or spreading canker , daily frets the spirits , and as it were eats up the very substance and vitals of religion in this nation , by reason of those endlesse and vexatious disputes , which agitate the spirits and exasperate the minds of all sorts of christians : and of none so much as ministers , who are looked upon as those that expose and offer themselves to be the chief heads or champions of religion , in their severall parties ; who are to undertake the combates and challenges of all opposers : which truly were no very hard province , if either ministers were unanimous , and mutually assisted by concurrent judgement among themselves ; or if they were protected by the shield of this churches declared doctrine , and uniform profession of religion . which heretofore was justly esteemed as sacred , inviolable , and invulnerable : having its strength and materialls from the scripture ; its model , manner , and composure from the counsell , wisdome , experience and authority , not onely of this church of england , but of the primitive , ancient , catholick church in all ages and places ; against all which few men had heretofore the confidence , or indeed impudence , in any grand part , much lesse in the whole , to oppose their private fancies and suggestions . now , no petty people are so clownish or inconsiderable , but they dare to cavil , question or deny , almost every point owned as religion in the church of england . i shall not need to instance in the grand mysteries of the trinity , christs divinity , his satisfaction to divine justice ; in the resurrection of the body , or the souls immortality ; nor yet in the point of originall sin , or naturall depravedness and defects ; of the necessity of divine grace ; of christians imperfection in the best state of this life ; of the right use of the morall law , and the true bounds of evangelicall liberties . all which ( with many other grand concernments of religion ) are daily not onely ventilated and discussed , but contradicted and denyed by many modern arrians , socinians , pelagians , antinomians , novatians , and others , ( besides the constant controversies of papists ) so far , that nothing almost is left sound or setled among us ; nothing that any minister can preach or practice as religion , but somewhere or other it finds much snarling , quarrelling , and gain-saying . every crosse-grain'd piece of pride ; or peevishnesse , or ignorance , adventures to bark at what they list , yea to bite , tear and worry the reputation and integrity , together with the learning and ability of any , yea all the true ministers of england : who are become miserable , not onely by that great and unintermitted pains which they must take , if they will be faithfull to their own and other mens souls ; nor yet by that biting poverty or tenuity of their worldly condition , for the most part of them , which is so hardly to be relieved by those dribliting pittances which , with tedious attendings and shamefull importunings , they can get in . but beyond both these , ministers are in such a state of perpetuall inquietude , as is like that of very poore people , who are onely rich in vermine , and so troubled with them , that they are not permitted night or day to take their rest , or to enjoy that sweet sleep and quiet repose indulged to all creatures , by which they might sometime deceive their sore labour , and forget both their miseries and their sorrowes . for when all is done that belongs to a sober ministers ministeriall duty and charge ; after indefatigable paines , continuall studies , invincible patience , which , like ostridges , must digest the iron morsels and manners of this age ; when despairing and made incapable of any honorary rewards in church or state , answerable to his gravity and merit every way , he onely covets for some ingenuous rest and tranquillity under the shadow and protection of that church and state , which he hath a long time faithfully served ; yet then , even in his age , and at all times , he must be summoned with daily alarmes , and provoked to successive duels , by all sorts of factious and fanatick spirits , new or old , who list to be contentious t. though he be wearied , and almost tired with the long and constant fatigations of his ministery ; though he be almost naked and unarmed , as to the polemick or controversall part of divinity ; yet must he be compassed with briars and thornes ; frequently molested with the perverse disputes and endlesse janglings of those , who have no reverence to this church , nor the catholick churches constant opinion or practise , grounded upon scripture , and manifested by undeniable tradition . the ministers of england are the common butt , at which every fooles bolt is presently shot . if any be lesse apt for disputation , through unwontednesse , weaknesse , depressions , poverty , and infinite dis-spiritings , and so ( possibly ) lesse able on the sudden to defend that truth , and that church , for which he hath dared to be a suffering martyr and confessour , against the bitter arrowes and subtill sophistries of his many-mouthed adversaries , modern sectaries , ( who make what use they can of the philistines files and grindstones , the wonted cavils , sophistries , and fallacies of the papists and jesuits , against this church ; ) the seeming disadvantages of any one minister , when he is publickly surprized , and in the very church assaulted by such impudent antagonists , these are presently voted among the vulgar , as the totall rout , baffle and disparagement of the whole ministeriall order , yea and of the church of england : as if none of its fathers or sons , its bishops or presbyters , so cried up heretofore for their excellent learning & dex●●rous fortitude , were able to encounter these doughty champions , these men of gath ; whose glory ( now ) is rather to defie and over-awe the israel of god by force , than to fight lawfully , by the rules of right disputation , from scripture or reason . if the enemies of the church of england would lay aside their swords and pistols , their troopers and musketeers , their guns and canons , which have been so oft their seconds , and so alwaies a terror to the true clergy of england ; if they would keep to the lists and weapons of scripture and reason , of catholick example , and constant tradition , ( which armes are proper for religious contests ; ) i believe they would be easily so matched in every point , that they would have no cause long to boast of having the better of any learned and grave minister , who undertakes to assert the cause of the church of england , both in its doctrine and discipline . which is indeed assisted not onely by the spirit and suffrage of all estates in this church , as christian and reformed , as ancient and modern ; but also by the wisdome and consent , the judgement and practise of all the famous and flourishing primitive churches throughout the world : so that the justification and honour of the church of england depends not upon any one ministers weaknesse or ability , but upon that solidity , juncture , and conformity it hath , in all the main parts of it , with the catholick church of christ in all ages . he that fights against one , fighteth against all ; he must confute them all , before he can justly condemn the church of england , which hath for so many years laboured between the furnace and the anvill , under the restlesse files and hammers of its various adversaries , who have resolved sooner to die , than to suffer the church of england , or its orderly ministers , to live in peace . chap. vi. among other sects that , like swarms , are of late risen up against the church of england and its ancient ministery , none are more numerous , petulant , and importune , none more busie , bold , and bitter , than the haughty-spirited and hotter-headed anabaptists . ( for all of them have not ( at least shew not ) the like horns and hoofs : some are persons of more calm , grave , and charitable tempers . ) these novel disputers against , and despisers of all infant-baptisme ( whom no ancient church ever knew ; no late● reformed church but ever spewed out and abhorred ) these now desire to appear as goliah in their compleat armour , boldly braving the whole church of england : and this not onely as great scripturists , but great artists too ; yea they would seem great statists , pragmaticks , and politicians . they pretend to be curious inspectors ( beyond all men ) into all religious mysteries ; yea rigid and exact anatomizers of all both modern and ancient churches ; subtile insinuators into all interests , and grand modellers of all polities both civil and ecclesiasticall ; aiming ( no doubt ) in time to erect some saintly soverainty for their party in england , though their former ambitious attempts have every where miscarried , as in severall parts of germany , so of late in ireland . these anti-paedo-baptists , who are such hard-hearted fathers , such unkind and unchristian parents to their children , as to deny them those distinctions and indulgences of divine grace and favour , which god of old granted to the jewish infants , and which the catholick christian churches in all ages have thankfully accepted and faithfully applied to the children of professed believers , as a priviledge and donation renewed to them by christ , and confirmed by the apostles ; these birds , ( glorying like ostriches in their negligence toward their young ones ) are risen up to be not onely nimble disputants against children , but valiant combatants against men . for they find ( after the way of the world , ) more is got in one year by the terrour of armes , than in ten yeares by the shew of arguments . and although the pretended principle at first of that party was , to go with soft feet , as lions and cats do , ( hiding and preserving their clawes till there is use of them ) crying up peace , and crying down all warre and sword-work upon christs or the gospels score ; yet the latter sort of their disciples , ( being in hopes to become more regnant and triumphant , ) have interpreted the meaning of their grandsires to be , onely in prudence and caution , not in piety and conscience : that fighting was onely forbidden them , when they had cause to despair of getting the better , or just fear to be worsted ; but if providence gives them honest hopes , and advantages by the arm of flesh , and the sword of steel , to set up the kingdom of jesus christ and his spirit , they are ready , with s. peter , not onely to fight for christ , but to cut off malchus his eare , yea and his head too ; if they find any christian , prince or prelate , magistrate or minister , stand in their way , or if he seemeth to fight against that anti-infantall christ , which they say is so predominant in them , that he ought by their assistance to reform and rule all the christian world ; first beginning to destroy the baptismall rights of christians infants , and then to go on to invade the rights of their parents , both civil and ecclesiasticall . the ancient church , as in england , so every where , adored a saviour , who invited infants to him and blessed them : these men set up a christ , who will not endure the infants of his church and people to come neer him , or have any relation to him , as lambs of the flock to that great shepherd . thus , the papists on the one side agitate an endlesse controversie with this church of england and all reformed churches , touching the lords supper , first , in not restoring the cup to lay-men , agreeable to christs institution and intention , which was best declared by the practise of the apostles , and the catholick church after them for a thousand years ; next , in their stating precisely and explicitely , as matter of faith , under a grievous curse and anathema , the manner of christs presence in that sacrament ; which as we confesse to be very mysterious , adorable and ineffable , yet most reall , true and effectuall to a worthy receiver , according to the proper capacity of faith receiving its object ; so we conclude , that it is not in that grosse and contradictive manner , which they have lately invented , and imposed upon the churches credulity by way of transubstantiatings , & which is a strange nulling of the substance & nature of the signes , bread and wine , ( owned as such by the apostle after consecration ) and inducing the intire substance of christs body and blood , under every crum and drop of those accidents or shadows , which seem still to be bread and wine to the four senses . and this must be first done , even then when christ was yet at table with the disciples , and had not yet suffered : so that they corporally eat of christs body made of the bread , when he gave them the bread ; and was at once in their eyes , and between their teeth . which strange and unheard-of manner of super-omnipotent transmuting or transposing , or annihilating of substances , the papists owe more to the wit and subtilties of some schoolmen of later ages ( who scorned to seem ignorant of any thing , or to be posed in any christian mystery ) than either to the verdict of their senses , to the principles of true philosophy , to the grounds of sound reason , to the analogy or tenour of scriptures in parallel mysteries or sacraments , or last of all , to the testimony of the primitive fathers and ancient churches ( as hath been amply and unanswerably proved by many reformed divines at home and abroad . ) who , though they spake very high things of this blessed sacrament ( as to its holy use , end , and relation to the lord jesus ) yet they thought it enough for christians to believe , adore , and admire the invisible , mysticall and spirituall , yet reall , presence of christ in it ; ( for truly and fully present they ever believed him to be , though they confessed themselves ignorant how , and so were both humbly and modestly silent of the manner of his presence . ) in which bounds if the later church of rome could have contained it self , i believe much trouble and misery , much blood-shed and persecution had been saved in these western churches , which are now divided and destroyed upon no point more than this of the lords supper ; which was the greatest symbol of christians communion with christ and one another , till the papall arts and policies did so maim and mishape that blessed sacrament of the lords supper , as to make it a ground of everlasting contention . on the other side , the peevish and petulant anabaptists , who for many years past ( almost since the first day-spring of the reformation visited these western churches ) have by the pens and tongues , the writings and preachings of many learned and godly men , been brayed in the mortar of scripture-testimonies , ecclesiastick practise , catholick custome and tradition , yet wil not their folly depart from them . these , i say , have heretofore in transilvania , westphalia , and many parts of germany and the adjacent countreys , ( and of late in england , since it became africa septentrionalis , the northern africa , full of serpents and fruitfull in monsters ) with greater boldnesse and freedome than they ever enjoyed under any christian magistrate , or in any reformed church , sharply contested against the other great sacrament of baptisme , so far as it was in the church of england , and ever hath been in all ages and successions of christianity , imparted to the infants of christian parents , who own their own baptisme , and continue in the churches communion , professing to believe that covenant of god made to them and their children , as gods people , or christs disciples , for the remission of sins original and actual through the blood of christ . against which gracious sign of the evangelicall covenant , ( sealing the truth of the gospel , & conferring the grace of it ; also distinguishing , as by a visible mark of church-fellowship , the infants of christians or believers , from those of heathens and professed unbelievers , who are strangers to the flock of christ ) the anabaptists have ( ever since their rise in germany , which is about years ) been not so much fair and candid disputants , as bitter and reprochfull enemies , for the most part : not modestly doubting , or civilly denying it , as to their own private judgements , with a latitude of charity to such in all the christian world , who from the apostles dayes have , and do retain infant-baptisme ; but as if all the church had erred till their dayes , they imperiously deny it , they rudely despise it , they scurrilously disdain and mock at the baptisme of infants , as wholly void and null : therefore they repeat baptisme to their disciples ; whence they have their name . chap. vii . in this one vexatious controversie ( heretofore happily setled in the church of england , both by doctrine and practise , conform to all antiquity ) i presume as much hath been said and wrote on either side , as the wit of man can well invent , or the nature of the thing bear , and possibly more than can well agree with christian charity on either side , if the difference were onely as to a circumstance of time , and not about the very essence or substance of our baptisme : against which the spirit and design of the anabaptists doth so fiercely drive , that by absolutely nulling all infant-baptism in the church of christ , they might overthrow , not onely the honour , fidelity and credit of this church , but of all other , yea , and the whole frame ( even to the foundation ) of all christian ministrations , priviledges , comforts and communion , both in england and all christian churches through the world ; as if all we had done , said , or enjoyed , as christian ministers and people , had been irregular , confused , inauthoritative , invalid ; all things of religion having been begun and continued , exhibited and received , by such ministers and people , as had no visible right to any christian duties or priviledges in a church-communion , as having never been baptized after the way which christ instituted ; so that their claim to be christians or churches , is as false and insufficient as theirs is to an estate , of which they have no deed , seal , or seisin , but what are false or counterfeit . by which high and bold reproch of the anabaptists against this and all other churches from the beginning , it must follow , that ( contrary to christs promise ) the gates of hell have so long prevailed against the catholick church , in so great a concern as this sacrament must needs be : which being made void and null , as to any initiation , obsignation and confirmation of all evangelicall gifts , graces and priviledges , it will follow not onely that all the ministry and ministrations of the church have been illegitimate , invalid , irregular , being acted , dispensed and received by such as had no right , title , or authority to them , being persons unbaptized ; but also all the faith and repentance , all the confessions and absolutions , all the celebrations and consecrations of the lords supper , all the perceptions of grace and spirituall comfort , all sense of peace , joy , love of god , and christian charity , all the patience and hopes of all christians , as believers , confessors , martyrs , all must be either very defective of christs order and method , or meerly fancifull and superstitious , or grosly presumptuous , preposterous , and wholly impertinent , because wanting the first root of christian religion , the badge and band of christs disciples , right or lawfull , true and valid baptisme . so that , however god guided his church in all other things aright , yet in this it seems to have erred a catholick errour so far , that in stead of one baptisme ( which the apostle urgeth , as concurrent with other unities of christian accord , as one god , one faith , one body , one christ , one head , &c. all which the true church retained constantly ) there must have been no baptisme at all , for the greatest part of years ; in which time , as ( generally ) before , so universally after the church had peace , all christians brought their infants to baptisme . which abominable consequence , or conclusion , following the anabaptistick opinion and practise , seems to me so uncharitable , so immodest , so absurd , so cruel , so every-way unworthy of any good christian , who understands the fidelity , exactnesse and constancy of primitive and persecuted churches , in following the way once delivered to them by christ and his apostles ( from which they were so far from an easie receding , that they rather chose to die ; ) that this jealousie and scandall rather becomes turks , jews , heathens , hereticks , and infidels , or down-right atheists , than any good christians , so far to charge openly , or but secretly indeed to suspect the fidelity , honesty and integrity of the catholick church : nor do i see how any judicious , sober , and humble christian can with charity , comfort , and good conscience , entertain and promote so horrid a jealousie and censure of all the christian world ; as if having kept the two testaments intire ( which i suppose the anabaptists do not deny or doubt ) yet they had lost one of the two sacraments , and that which is the first foundation , main hinge and centre of all the churches polity , priviledges , community and unity in this world , both to christ , and to each other . it is not my purpose in this place or work ( which is rather to deplore the lapsed state of this church , than to dispute this or any other point , long ago setled in this and all true churches ) my aim is not to tire you ( my honoured countrey-men ) with drawing over the rough sand of this controversie at large ; which hath of late by sharp reciprocations made such deep wounds or incisions on this churches face and peace ( agreeable to the practise and spirit of the anabaptists , wherever they come and prevail . ) onely give me leave ( since this anabaptistick poyson is still pregnant in this nation ) in order to move your compassions to the church of england , and your love to the truth of god as it is in jesus , to shew you how unjustly she hath , and still doth suffer , yea , and is daily more threatned by this sort of men , who upon weak and shallow pretensions seek to overthrow so great , so ancient , so catholick , so primitive , so apostolick , so scriptural , so christian a practise and priviledge , as that is of baptizing the infants of christian professors . first , the anabaptists cannot with any forehead or face of reason ( and therefore the soberest of them do not ) deny , but that the infants of christians have both in respect of sinfull nature , and in regard of the offer of evangelick grace by christ , as much need and as much capacity of baptisme as the jewish children had of circumcision , so far as both those initial sacraments betoken the taking away of sin , the supply of righteousness , and other benefits attainable by sinners , young or old , through the covenant made in the blood of j. christ , between god and his church , both jewish and christian . only they put in these three popular barres against infants partaking of those benefits which they need , and are ( otherwayes ) capable of by christ ; but not ( as the anabaptists say ) in the way of baptisme , at that age , in which they have no right or capacity to be baptised ; because , first , they alledge , there is no precise or nominall command in the new testament to baptize any infants by name . secondly , baptisme is limited to such as are first taught and professe to believe ; which must ever exclude infants . thirdly , there is no one expresse and nominall instance of any one example , where christ or his apostles baptized any infant ; which if they could finde , they confesse they should then ( with us ) interpret all places in favour of infants , as contained under the expression of all nations and whole housholds , and you and your children , &c. since they confesse the tenour of the gospel , the extent or proportions of evangelicall mercies , the sufficiencie of christs merits , and the sinfull state of infants by nature , yea their damnable estate , unlesse they be washed and saved by the blood of christ : all these make much for infants enjoying the sign and seal , as well as the thing signified , grace and glory too ; if they had but one example , or could be convinced that ever any apostle did baptize any one infant . chap. viii . this in brief is the whole strength ( as i conceive ) of the anabaptists , whereto they so pertinaciously hold , meerly as to the literall silence of the name infant , in the point of baptisme : and at the same rate they may deny many other points of christian doctrine and practise , ( which yet i suppose they do not ) which not having the express and individual letter of the word for them ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) have ( yet ) ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the generall tenour , and inclusive command , namely , the reason of the scripture , and analogie of faith to justifie them ; besides the constant practise and judgement of the catholick church , whose fidelity is not to be questioned by any sober man , upon such slight and captious pretensions of the scriptures silence , in point of particular enumerations , when ( yet ) it is full , as to generall and comprehensive expressions : which are many and valid foundations , on which to build infant-baptisme : no more to be justly overthrown by the most subtill anabaptists in the world , than the saducees might deny and overthrow the resurrection against christ ; or the psychopannuchists , the souls immortality ; or the antidominicarians , the lords day ; or the antiscripturists , the received scriptures ; or the antitrinitarians , the trinity ; or the arians , the coessentiality of the son with the father , as god ; because none of these are ( as the arians urged ) in those very words , names and syllables , so set down , as possibly cavilling sophisters would require , or else they will not believe . the silence or not express naming of infants , is no more to be urged against them in this case , than the silence of christ as to the partakers of the lords supper , who gave it onely to the twelve disciples , with command to them to do it , &c. without speaking of any women or lay-men ; yet were not these hereby excluded from the communion , as to matter of fact , before it was so recorded in the acts as an history . the church of christ alwayes understood the latitudes of baptism ( expressions as well as graces ) to include infants of christians no less than the institution of the other sacrament did lay-men and women ; which were neither present at first institution , nor are nominated in any particular command of christ . as for the condition limiting persons baptizable , which is actual believing , this also the church of christ understood in a limited & temporary sense , as reaching only to those who were the first fruits or plants of the christian church ; who were first ( as abraham ) to be taught the nature of the covenant , duty and seal , before they could reasonably receive the sign , or communicate it rightly to their children : who come to their claim and priviledge , as of circumcision , so of baptisme , not by vertue of their personal knowledge and faith , which abraham and men grown , but not their children , first had , and so the first called and converted christians ( as parents ) ought to have ; but by that federal relation which they have , even in their ignorance and infancy , to believing parents , and by them to god , as his people , part of his flock and church . and this , not by a naturall or civil right ( which ( yet ) descends to and upon children , when they know nothing ) but by an evangelicall right , as to that covenant made by god in the blood of christ , with his church , both of old and of late , with jews and christians , inclusive of children , yea , even infants of eight dayes old ; as is evident in circumcision , which signified the same grace under another signe or ceremony , as the apostle declares it at large , rom. . leaving therefore the cavilling and pervicacious insistings of the anabaptists about the letters , names and syllables , which they must have , or they will not believe infant-baptism , more than thomas christs resurrection till he felt his wounds : although we grant what they alledge as to the nominal silence of the word infants , wrested by their perverse disputations ; yet nothing is abated as to the right and use of infant-baptisme , which is grounded upon so many grand reasonings and right deductions from scripture-sense ; which being explicite and clear in many places , ought to over-rule that silence of the name infants , and seeming ( but misunderstood ) limitation of taught and believing , which is all the force ( upon the point ) that ever the anabaptists could muster together against the churches catholick judgement and practise , conform to the whole tenour of gods mind and will , his love and mercy ; christs grace and merits dispensed to his church by some initiall sacrament , including infants as well as the adulti of riper years . that you may better see upon what little mole-hills the anabaptists stand so on tip-toes , as of late they have done in england , pretending to over-top the mountain of the lord , which hath been established in all lands , i mean , the judgement and practise of the catholick church ; i will briefly set down ( as in a matter largely handled by many others , both late & long since ) what are the grand deductions and scriptural reasonings , upon which the church of god hath ( as i conceive ) alwayes maintained the right , priviledge and comfort of infant-baptisme ; and this without any scruple or dispute for years : not but that the anabaptists objections , from the silence of the scripture as to the name infant , were then as obvious as now ; nor were there wanting heretical spirits ( of the jews and gnosticks ) who would have cavilled in this as other points , against the true and orthodox profession , if they had not been so palpably over-born and convinced by the pregnancy of the churches practise and judgement , agreeable to the apostolical tradition in this point , ( who without doubt had baptized many infants some years before there was any part of the new testament written , which the anabaptists so much urge ) that it had been an intolerable impudence to doubt or deny infant-baptism , or to oppose the after-letter of the n. testament against the constant and precedent practise of the apostles and their successors , whose actions were a clear and sufficient , yea the best interpretation in the world , of the letter of the scripture , in case of any thing that seemed lesse explicite , or any way dubious . nor do i doubt , but the church was ever in this so far commendable , as it was conformable to the apostles practise , and went upon the same grounds as they did , not once erring so catholick and great an errour , as to apply a sacrament to such as christ never intended , yea denied and forbad it ( as is pretended ; ) and onely therefore pertinacious in all ages after , yea , so stupid , as not to be sensible of so grand an errour or misapplication ( that it might not be thought to have erred : ) but rather the church continued constant and without scruple in the doctrine of the apostles , and practise of infant-baptism ( as s. a austin urges against pelagius ) because they were assured from the beginning it was the mind of christ , which the apostles best understood , and according to which they did constantly practise the baptizing of infants from the beginning , where once the faith was planted in the parents ; the branches or seed being presently b holy in gods claim or covenant , and by the childrens relation to them and to god , so soon as the parents were believers , and had by receiving the faith , and being baptized , been brought into the visible fold or flock of christ . the scriptural , religious and rationall grounds , which this and all true churches went upon in baptizing infants of believing parents , ( not apostated or excommunicated ) were these ; which i oppose to the petty and capricious cavils of the anabaptists , as a mighty wall or bulwark planted with great canon against so many pot-guns or bulrushes . chap. ix . . first , the church of god considered the nature of that evangelical and perpetual covenant , which was explicitely made with abraham and his seed , also confirmed to him and his children by another parallel ceremony or sacrament , namely , of circumcision : which sign or seale being ( as the anabaptists confesse ) long ago abrogated , rather by the consent & practise of the church , than any personal command of christ that can be alledged , who himself was both circumcised and baptized ; yet 't is certain that the covenant still continues to abraham and his seed , as eminently contained in christ , & by relation to him derived , not onely to the jews after the flesh , but to those that are jews inwardly , the israel of god , or spiritual seed of abrah : as he had his name augmented , and was to be the father of many nations , not by natural succession , but by fiduciary imitation of his faith , who is called and commended to christians as the father of the faithfull , whose priviledges evangelical descend to all those , who after abrahams example , do believe the evangelical promises of blessednesse by christ ; these being of the household of faith , & abrahams children , have right to abrahams covenant , & the priviledges of his spirituall seed ; which reached as to the naturall sons of abraham , and their infants , jews , so to these imitative sons and their infants , whom since no word of restraint or forbidding hath excluded from the relation , covenant , rights , priviledges & comforts evangelicall , once given to abraham , and to all the family of faith , there was no cause for the church-christian to exclude infants of believing parents from partaking that evangelicall new sign and visible seal , which is baptism , set to the ancient covenant : with which , either anabapt . must affirm no infants now have any thing to do , no right to it , or the benefits by it ; or they must think infants have this in so tacite , blind , & implicite a way , as they nor their parents have any visible sign , seal , and token of it now in the christian church , unless they will fall to circumcise their children again , who so obstinately deny baptism for that end to infants , whatever they think of it as to those of riper years . . however the anabaptistick flourishes & ratlings ( as to the crambe of their negations , that neither precept nor practise is found in scripture , mentioning infant-baptism ) make a great shew & noise with common people , of small capacities and short-sighted ; yet the anabapt . have no cause to flatter themselves , that they are wiser than all those divines of engl. & other churches , who can render valid , cogent & unanswerable , both historick instances and reasons , for the catholick practise of this & all churches in this point ; and these drawn from the twisted and concurrent sense of scripture , set forth in the words of christ , confirmed by his actions , best interpreted by the constant practise of the universal church , ( as in the second cent. orig. tells us the church alwayes used infant-bapt . ) which may not be thought to have erred from the apostles practise in this , any more than the apostles did from christs mind . . so that the anabaptists erre , partly by not understanding the scriptures , partly by wresting them . they wrest the letter of one or two places to an exclusive sense , contrary to the meaning of many other , which are inclusive of infants , upon very great reasons , and to avoid many absurd consequences , as to the state evangelicall . they urge against infants baptisme the scriptures not expresly naming them , in precept or practise . we might as well urge for them , the like silence of scripture no where by name excluding , forbidding , or excepting infants , where in common sense they are included ; as in all nations , whole families or housholds , where they are either actually baptized , or commanded to be baptized by the apostles without any reserve , limitation , or exclusion , as to infants . . the usual parallel also of circumcision and baptism ( which s. paul urgeth , and s. austin oft observes ) is of great force to those who consider , that this latter sacrament , or sign of gods covenant to his church-christian , succeeding to the former , as to its end , use and vertues , may not in reason be thought lesse extensive to infants in the church of god , than the former was ; nor may the antitype be straitned short of the type . in this all the jewes church ( even infants , as well as others ) were baptized to moses in the red sea and the cloud : so must all to christ in the baptisme of his blood now in the church , which was by that sea represented . . nor is it inconsiderable in this point , the custome of washing or baptizing among the jews , as a religious ceremony used in admitting proselytes of the gate , which were not circumcised ; these were ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) baptized with their whole houshold , servants and children , as the talmudists report . this usuall ceremony and custome of baptisme chosen by christ for an evangelical sacrament , or sign of admittance to his church , may justly be thought , in christs use and intention , to extend to the like latitude in its use or applying to infants among christians , as it did among the jewes ; especially where neither christ nor the apostles make any restraint or exception in the case of infants : . who under the gospel ( as s. austin proves against the pelagians ) are in as much want ( by nature ) of evangelical mercy , as they were under the law and jewish polity . nor is it to be imagined , without great absurdity , that christ lessened gods mercy or favour to them under the gospel , short of what was under the law ; seeing they are every way as capable of this new sign and seal , as they were of the former , and want this as much ; which origen urgeth as the ground of infant-baptisme . . neither the analogie of the scripture , nor the proportion of gods dispensations of grace to his church-christian , will allow us to think , that god under the gospel denies to believing parents or their children such latitudes of mercy and holy priviledges , in the visible means of grace and salvation , which were in another form afforded to the jews ; that god hath no regard , or makes no claim to children , as his , or any parts of his church , till they come to years of discretion ; that he would have the children of christians while infants , now , in no better state and capacity of his mercy by christ , than the children of meer heathens and infidels ; that either no infants are now to be saved , or not by the blood of christ , or by no visible sign and means , or by the spirit alone without water ; which christ joyns together , affirming that none can enter into the kingdome of heaven , either the kingdome of grace , or glory , the visible or invisible church , ( in the ordinary methods of gods dispensation of grace now under the gospel ) unlesse they be born again of water and the spirit . . if children are capable to be sanctified by the spirit , they are no lesse capable to be washed by baptismall water , which is consecrated by the word and spirit or power of christ in his church , to so holy an use and spirituall washing away of sin , as is attained by his blood , represented by baptismall water : for the sign is of less value than the thing signified , as the wax and parchment are far less than the land or estate consigned and conveyed by them . since then christ hath joyned these together in so full , express , and large a manner , extending to all , it must needs appear , not onely a petulancy , but arrogancy , in any christians to separate them ; and in order to gratifie a novell fancy or exotick opinion , to run counter to all these proportions of evangelicall truth and mercy , which evidently crosse all those mentioned absurdities , as inconsistent with evangelicall promises , favours and dispensations of grace , which are much ampliated and enlarged , but no way straitned or abated . . this general tenour and scope of the scriptures , so highly favouring christian infants , as a great part of those a many nations and families which are prophecied and promised shall come in to christ , is in my judgement sufficient to satisfie all those that list not to be contentious ; especially where the b words and actions of christ do further expresly intimate , yea largely declare his speciall favour & indulgence toward ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) little infants in his church ( as irenaeus justly urgeth in favour of them , who lived anno . ) christ having himself been an infant , and received then the seal of circumcision , as an infant , to denote his grace for them , and favour to them , suffering and shedding his blood in infancy for infants ; he afterward ( as three evangelists tell us ) invited infants to come , or be brought to him , testified a favour for them , blessed them , and declares them capable of the kingdome of heaven , as members of the church , both in grace and glory . for as infants have the spirit and principles of reason , even then when they cannot exercise or exert them ; so may they have ( as tertullian observes ) the * spirit and principles of grace and glory , of sanctification and salvation , even then when they are ( as under circumcision ) onely passive receivers , not active employers of the grace of god given them by christs merits . the magnetick vertue may be communicated to a needle , although it be not presently put into such an even posture or aequilibrium as will actually shew it ; so is the grace of god in infants . which mercy and indulgence of god to the infants of his church , is a gracious counterpoizing of that native misery and pravity , which ( as origen and austin observe ) they derive from the old adam ; to which they are not actively contributive , but passively receptive . in like manner , by the second adam ( christ jesus ) the antidote or remedy is early , and so preventive of their agency , that ( as s. * cyprian urgeth ) the means of life and salvation is dispensed to them ( also ) in baptisme , before they can know their calamity . chap. x. . all which weight and strength of reasoning drawn from scripture in many instances , and most conform to the love , grace , philanthropy , mercy and benignity of god , through christ , to his church under the gospel , are sufficient to out-weigh those two small and weak cavils , urged by the anabaptists ; either from the scriptures silence , not naming infants in the precept or history of baptisme ; or limiting , as they fancy ( for ever , which was but in the first planting of churches ) baptism only to such as are taught and actually believe : which is true ( as in abrahams case , and such as were men grown in his house ; he and they were first taught of god the meaning of that evangelicall mystery ; but the infants , who , in the second place , received it , could not be instructed , and yet were circumcised , that is , owned for gods , dedicated to him , distinguished by this visible sign from the children of aliens , and by this means of grace brought , no doubt , to glory ) so is it in baptisme , where the root of parents believing is once holy by baptismall relation and dedication to god , keeping communion with christ and his church , there the branches or children are also holy , and belong to the lord. . nor is this reasoning from scripture , as to the harmony and concurrent sense of it , either scepticall , or curious , or infirm ; but farre more pregnant and potent in religion , both as to faith and manners , than any urging of one or two particular places , contrary to this tenour and analogie of faith ; or those proportions of truth and mercy , which are so manifest in the scriptures , that the contrary opinion or practise , however seemingly drawn from some scripture , ( as tertull. cyprian , s. austin , observed in the quotations of hereticks ) yet carries great incongruities and absurdities , such as are inconsistent with the evangelical dispensations , many wayes in other scriptures declared , and easily to be observed by those that bring no prejudice or prepossessions with them . our blessed saviours wisdome hath taught us thus to understand the mind of god , by this collective or deductive sense of scriptures . thus he evinceth a grand article of christian faith , the resurrection of the dead , against the blind cavils of the sadduces ; first , by alledging such scriptures as named not , but implied the resurrection , yea rather the souls immortality ; then he doth by principles and consequences of right reason , draw forth the force of those places , shewing as the souls existence , so the possibility and certainty of the resurrection , also the state of those that are once risen and in glory . in like manner our saviour , by comparing scriptures , proves gods dispensations of labour , as to works of piety , charity and necessity , both to god , to man , and to beasts , even on the sabbath , where the letter of the command was expresse and fully negative , thou shalt doe no manner of work , &c. yet doth christ redargue those sabbaticall rigours which were by the pharisees both hypocritically and uncharitably urged from the letter of that command ; christ tells them they erred ( though they insisted on the letter of the command ) not knowing the scriptures , in their harmonious and concurrent sense , which is by sober and right reasonings to be fairly understood , rather than by harsh and dissonant exactings so urged , as to make one part of scripture clash with another , or one place enterfeare and jarre with the whole tenour and analogie of divine wisdome , truth , mercy and grace . which in this point of baptisme the anabaptists do ; if not to their own damnation , yet very much to the subversion of the faith of many , to the dividing , undermining and destroying of a famous and well-setled church , which hath suffered infinitely of late by some anabaptistick petulancy , pertinacy and peevishnesse . which in this point of baptisme is much upon the same lock as they are in the point of ministers maintenance under the gospel by tithes ; which is clear by the analogie , equity , and intent of the scriptures , comparing the old and new together , in which the mind and measure of the just and gracious god is evidently as liberall to the gospel-ministers as to the jewish , as s. paul urgeth , even so hath the lord ordained , &c. the force of which place i have unanswerably proved in a particular discourse upon tithes . yet what out-cries and clamours , what reproches and calumnies , what a tragick and judaick businesse hath the covetous scrupulosity and sacrilegious nicety of some men made against tithes , and ministers now receiving them , pretending scriptures against them , which are most fully for them ; still wresting in this , as other things , the scriptures silence , or letter , by the bias , and scrue , or rack of their own prejudices , or depraved lusts and passions , against the equity , force and reasonings of scripture , concurrent , and manifest from many places ? chap. xi . . but in case the scripture-meaning and letter were lesse clear in this point of infant-baptisme than indeed they are ; if severall places do seem to stand in such defiance and opposition against each other , that it were necessary to have an umpire to reconcile them so , as might moderate , limit and qualifie the seeming literall difference of some places , in order to bring them to a compliance with others , which are possibly lesse explicite in the letter , but more comprehensive of and conform to the generall tenour , sense and meaning of them , and that analogie of faith or evangelicall dispensations , which are the whole scope and design of the scriptures : in this case , to quiet the consciences of christians , and to compose the state of the church of christ , in a way most charitable , most comfortable , and no way inconform to the will of god in his word , i appeal to all sober minds , whether the constant practise & catholick custome of the church of christ in all ages and places , be not the best interpreter and reconciler of scripture ; when so universall and primitive , as this of infant-baptism is owned by all witnesses , that it must needs be derived from apostolick men , yea , and apostles themselves , who best knew the mind of christ , and ( without doubt ) most exactly in this , as all things , conformed to it . no anabaptist ever did , or can prove by any one ancient writer , that from the beginning it was not so ; that christian parents either ordinarily did not , or that any one doctor of the church held it unlawfull to baptize their infants : no not tertullian , the onely ancient which the anabaptists urge in favour of their novel fancy ; who yet doth acknowledge otherwhere the prerogative of christian infants wholly , yea , and the use and practise of the church in his dayes , to baptize infants with eagerness and hast ; even in that place , where rather with wit and fancy , than with argument , he speaks of the inconvenience and impertinency of committing heavenly riches to those that are not capable to manage earthly , and urgeth their innocency , not having any sin , and so needing no remission : which was true as to actuall , but not to originall sin ; for which cause , as origen , cyprian , and saint austin urge , baptisme is applied to infants . the same flourish might have been made against the covenant and grace of circumcision , yea , against christs blessing the little children , when brought to him ; yea , and it may as well be urged against giving the right or investiture of any estate temporall to infants , ( which is usuall and good in law ) because they cannot use or manage them at present . these are strains of wit , not weight of reason or religion , in tertullian , or any man ; nor may they sway with any christian in this or any case , contrary to the judgement and practise of the church , even then , and at all times . which a s. cyprian , in his large epistle to fidus , owns as his own and others uniform judgement , without any question , as to infant-baptisme , who certainly in this differed not from his beloved master tertullian ( as he called him ; ) yea , he would not so fully have allowed baptisme of infants , without any limitation to the eighth day ( which was the question put to him ) if he had thought tertullian seriously doubting in the main , of their being at all to be baptized . i am sure cyprian is as valid a testimony for it , as tertullian against it : who yet is not against it , unlesse , it may be , in some cases , where persecution may hinder parents care of their childrens education , and so there may be danger of childrens apostasie . the judgement of b cyprian ( with . bishops ) is followed and commended by s. c hier. and s. d austin , as a most setled and catholick practise ; owned by s. e chrysost . f athanas . g ambr. paulinus , h gregory nazian . s. i basil , k epiphanius ; so before them , by l origen and m irenaeus . of whose testimonies i shall not need here to make more particular mention or repetition , for they are in many books of late duly cited , which have wrote in english and in latin of this subject ; nor can any anabaptists teeth so gnaw that chain and series of successive infant-baptisme in the church of christ , as to break any one link of it , or instance in any one author or century , where it appears to have been otherwise in the judgement or practise of any one church or famous person . . which catholick custome of the church , so fully consonant to scripture and the evident mind of christ , set forth in all his evangelicall dispensations , both general to all men , and specially to infants in the church , no judicious , sober , humble , and charitable christian , can either doubt , with any shew of reason , or dispute against , with any shew of modesty . considering that as the custome of the churches of christ is stamped with the authority of a law , silencing all contradiction , and suppressing all novelty , by the apostle s. paul ; so christ himself bids us to heare the church : which if it hold good in lesser censures and determinations of private congregations , how much more is it our duty to be attentive to and observant of the churches directions , which are catholick ; whose authority is very great and sacred , as the pillar and ground of truth , holding it forth by doctrine and example , by scripture and practise ? nor do i doubt that christ and his apostles left many things , as to the outward polity , practise , and ministration of religion , lesse clear and expresse in the letter of the word ; that thereby the credit and authority of the catholick church might be more conspicuous and venerable with all peaceable and orderly christians , who may safely defer this honour to the catholick church , and to every particular church agreeing to it , as to acquiesce in a conformity to its judgement and practise , no way contrary to the word of god ; from which it cannot be presumed that the catholick church of christ from the beginning , or in any age , did vary , either through ignorance or wilfulnesse , however particular churches and teachers might . . the catholick testimony of the church of christ is more than a bare humane or historick witnesse : it is so sacred , so divine , so irrefragable , that it is more to be valued than an * angels from heaven ; and therfore ought in all reason and conscience to end such controversies lately raised in the church : and so it would have done long ago , if humane passions and interests had not swayed more with some men , than matter of conscience and religion ; or if the baptisme of infants were the onely thing that some anabaptists have an aking tooth at , or a mind to pull down . no , that cannot much hurt them ; nor doth any mischief or inconvenience follow that pious custome , either to parents or children , yea much good and comfort accrues to both : religion never thrived but with it ; no point of faith is prejudiced by it ; no evangelicall truth or mercy is diminished or over-stretched , but rather asserted and magnified to its due and divine extent . yet infant-baptisme must be still crucified between the policy of the anabaptists and their partiality : their partiality urgeth one or two limited places against many pregnant and large ones ; their policy , i fear , would attain something beyond , and more to the advantage of their popular spirits and designes , which have in many places been discovered , as far from equity and charity in civil regards , as they are in this of baptisme far from verity , modesty and antiquity ; scornfully slighting the testimony of the churches of christ in all ages , for which ( undoubtedly ) they had sufficient warrant from christ and his apostles , even before the letter of the new testament was written , or the canon setled . nor did they either need or expect a more explicite commission of baptizing of infants of believing parents , than that which was sufficiently expressed , as in the generall command , to make disciples in all nations , baptizing them ; so also by the particular words and actions of christ toward infants , not without check to his disciples ; also by his requiring all to be born again of water and the spirit , who pretend to be of the kingdome of heaven , that is , the visible church ; and lastly , by the former parallell-dispensations of gods mercy in the covenant of grace , by circumcision , to the members of his church , as children of faithfull abraham , both young and old , men and infants . . contrary to all which , for a few new men spitefully , peevishly , and everlastingly thus to contest , and , indeed , onely cavill , i conceive , is not onely a great irreverence and scorn put upon the church of christ , which we should respect , love and honour , as the mother of us all ; but it is an high affront to christ , to his word , truth , and promise to be ever with it , even to the end of the world , by his spirit leading it into all evangelicall truths , for precept and duty , as well as promise and comfort ; also keeping it from all catholick apostasies into any errour destructive to the foundation . if they that reject or despise any one of christs messengers , despise himselfe and his father ; how much more they that disbelieve , despise , and discredit so many of his messengers and ministers , who in all ages have by uniforme word and practise declared to us the mind of christ , as to this point of infant-baptism ? by which unhappy controversie , as by many other , the strange , but just judgements of god , have of late , in full vials of wrath , been poured upon this church of england , by the anabaptistick spirit chiefly ; after so much light and truth , peace and unity , grace and piety , poured forth upon us by gods former munificent mercy , sanctifying and sealing with his spirit and grace in due time that sacrament of baptisme , which thousands had received in their infancy , to their parents comfort , to the infants happinesse , dying and living , also to the great glory of god in this , as other churches in all ages . nor is there to this day , after so many bickerings and contests , so many publick heats and flames kindled upon this and other accounts , any way of wisdome and meeknesse publickly used , by which to quench these flames of wild-fire , which threaten not onely to scorch , but utterly to consume this reformed and truly catholick church , with all its true ministers and holy ministrations : in which the anabaptists are highly subservient to the papists grand projects and designs ; which is , to deface , disgrace , and quite overthrow all the frame of reformed religion , and the face of any either uniform or reformed church in england . chap. xii . for my part , i freely professe , that if the administration of baptisme in point of age and time , were in it self free and indifferent , so as men might be baptized when they will , and so baptize their children sooner or later , as they please , deferring it , as some of old did , even to their decrepit age and death-beds , because they would not sin after it ; if this were left to an indifferency , which i doe no way think it is , any more than all other duties of the lords supper , prayer , hearing the word preached , &c. are , which have no precise measure and limited time set , because they oblige alwayes , as opportunity is offered ; gods favours and indulgences import mans duty to accept and use them , as soon as the lord offers them to us and ours ; though baptisme be not , as s. cyprian tells fidus , confined to the eighth day after infants birth , nor yet to the eighth year , yet when it may be duly had in the way of gods providence , it may not be delayed to the death of the child ( unbaptized ) without a great detriment to the infant so dying , and crime to the parents or guardians so delaying , and by their sottish negligence depriving the child of that visible means of grace which god hath allowed in his church , both to parents and their children : which is the judgement of gregory nazianzen , one of the ablest divines that the church ever had . as a due debt unlimited to any day of payment , is every day due ; so the favours of god , and priviledges of his church , not precisely confined , but daily offered us , and not accepted , contract upon us a great sin , either of unbelief under the means , or affected negligence , undervaluing and ingratitude toward divine mercies : sins under which no christian of a truly tender conscience will dare to lie seven yeares , no nor seven dayes , meerly upon the delayes and scruples of his own or other mens both foolish and sluggish hearts . as that a soul among the jews was precisely cut off from the church of god , ( both parents and children ) who was not ( unlesse in gods connivence and speciall dispensation , as in the b fourty yeares pilgrimage in the wildernesse ) circumcised the eighth day ; so may those among christians justly seem to be cut off from the church of christ here and hereafter , which do presume to slight , neglect , and so not at all use baptisme to their children , according as god gives them in the uncertainties of life both opportunity and conveniency . gods leaving some things to our choice , discretion and ingenuity , must not be any remission , but an excitation to speedy duty , especially in setled churches , where daily , at least weekly , opportunities are offered ; which if denied by hot persecutions , the delay is more excusable , and ( it may be ) in some cases commendable , where parents have just cause to fear , lest their baptized children shall never attain by their paternall care such education as is correspondent to their baptisme : in which cases , i conceive , it was of old deferred ; not because it was thought either unlawfull or undesirable in it self , to baptize infants born in the church , but for feare of the mischiefs attending persecution , and sometimes the parents were cold and negligent in their duty . if , i say , the time of baptisme were left to our freedome , which it is not , as i have shewed ; yet still the black brand and grosse impudence of such a reproch , contempt , and errour , as the ruder and spitefuller sort of anabaptists cast upon this and all other christian churches , is most intolerable ; while they dare to re-baptize such who have been once duly baptized ( if it be indifferent when ) in their infancy : which re-baptizing of such as were once duly baptized in the church , was ever judged as much a monster , and most insolent in all christian churches , as it would have been to renew or repeat circumcision among the jews , which was not so much in expresse letter of scripture forbidden , as made indeed impossible in nature : nor is repeating of baptism so expresly forbidden in the word of god , where ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) one baptisme is mentioned , ( which place the hemerobaptists or daily dippers slighted ) as indeed it is , and alwayes was excluded by the interpretation , tradition and practise of the catholick church ; which no more allowed any to be twice baptized in religion , or twice ordained to the ministry , than twice born in nature : yea , this fancy , heresie , and novell insolency , was looked upon as the setting up of a new gospel , another jesus , and more gods than one , as the ancient councils and fathers alwayes determined , even in the case of s. cyprians candid errour . against whose judgement , for invalidating , and so repeating baptisme , where administred by hereticks and obstinate schismaticks , the councils both of africk , europe , and asia determined , upon the ground of scripture and primitive custome ; both as to the use of infant-baptisme , and the not repeating of that or any other true baptisme once received . both which being such catholick determinations of the church , it is , with me , not in the least degree disputable , whether i should chuse to conform to the churches universall testimony , constant practise , and primitive tradition , in this and other modern disputes ( as that of the government of churches in larger distributions by bishops above presbyters and deacons ; so the use of the lords day , instead of the judaick sabath , &c. ) which are conforme to the generall scope , tenour and direction of scripture ; or rather comply , both sillily and shamefully , with those modern captious novelties and perverse disputings of some private spirits of yesterday , who dare to cast so great jealousies , blame and dishonour upon the catholick churches of christ in all ages and places , as not onely to suspect , but to proclaime them , both socially and singly , to have been either grosly ignorant , or most basely unfaithfull , as to what the apostles had delivered to them for the mind and will of the lord , either by epistle , word , or example . no , i had far rather , with humility and charity , though in infirmity and ignorance , conform to the catholick church in errours and mistakes , ( not fundamentall or immorall , of which it never was guilty , nor will be ) rather , i say , than by proud and pernicious curiosity , or by scepticall and schismaticall novelty , either blemish the churches integrity , or break its unity . both which the anabaptists ever have done , and ever will doe ( since their first eggshell and spawning in germany ) by their endlesse and peevish litigations touching infant-baptisme ; which though to some it seem but a small and circumstantiall businesse , in point of time , yet the scorn , contempt , and abhorrency of the sacrament , as applied to infants , is an errour ( as i have shewed ) of so spreading a venome and dangerous consequences , that it tends to overthrow all that is or hath been of religious polity and power too , of essence and order , in this and all true churches , of which we have any record in scripture or other writers . chap. xiii . besides , this poysonous ( and now so swoln ) errour of the anabaptists in engl. against infant-baptism , is further sowred by other seditious principles & infamous practises attending that opinion , wherewith some of them have taught the world long ago in germany , as lately in england , to beware , lest in stead of water , they baptize both infants and elder people with blood and fire , as proclaiming all to be no christians , nor better than heathens , who will not come to their new dippings . their errour is not solitary , nor the sting of their schisme either soft or blunt , or unvenomous ; which doth not a little discover their opinion to be as far from the spirit of christ , as it is from the mind , meaning , and intent of christ in his word : nor are they now excusable ( as luther at first thought , but afterward recanted , when he saw the bad and bitter fruits of their new doctrine ; ) they cannot now with any colour plead simple or invincible ignorance ( which , now , is boyled up by the heat of their spirits to obstinacy , contumacy , and insolency against this and all churches both peace and practise ) for they doe still boldly persist in their tedious errour , after so many scripture-demonstrations , cleared and confirmed by the catholick testimony and practise of the church of christ . nor is their judgement or practise in other things accompanied with such meeknesse , modesty , charity , humility , and innocency , as might render this a veniall errour , or tolerable difference ; which may grow as a weed ( not very noxious or unsavoury ) among many sweet flowers of graces , vertues , and good works : like that of s. cyprian in point of rebaptizing such as hereticks had baptized ; which s. austin calls ( in that holy man and martyr ) a wart or mole in a fair and candid breast , to be covered with the vaile of christian charity . but the anabaptistick fury flies in the very face of this and all churches , pulling out the very eyes of christians , by which they obtained their ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) first illumination , as baptisme was anciently called by the fathers , and the apostolick author to the hebrews : it not onely sliely picks at , but violently strives to overthrow the first foundation of all christian faith , profession , polity , order , and church-communion . hence , besides its novelty and heterodoxie , it riseth naturally from so presumptuous an errour , to pertness , sharpness , tumultuariness , sedition , haughtiness , contempt of all christian men and magistrates too , who wil not either receive , or connive at , this and other their imperious errours . who is the● , minister or other , that differs from them , be he never so sober , grave , and holy , but he must be vilified , reproched , and openly railed at , by their libellous & scurrilous , either pens or tongues ? their greatest spite and malice lies ( as the jesuits ) most levelled and implacable against the best and ablest ministers , who retain both catholick ordination and baptisme ; whose successfull labours and excellent lives do most confute this and all other novell fancies ; while themselves are , by the blessing of god , justified to all the christian world ( not willingly blind ) to be ministers , not onely of the letter and water , but of the spirit , grace and power . such as desert catholick ordination and government by bishops , give greatest advantage to anabaptists ; for the pulling out of one corner-stone in a wall , makes way for others easily to follow . as all anabaptists are against bishops , so all the ancients who are for infant-baptism , as catholick , are for episcopall government , even s. jerome himself . not that i think all men , who , it may be , lesse approve infant-baptisme , than that of elder years , conceiving that practise to be more clear in the letter of the scripture , have the same calentures and cruell distempers ; many of them , i hope , may have sincerity to god-ward , and charity to those christians who in this differ from them . but i conceive the tumultuating , rude , violent , and uncharitable anabaptists ( with all their spawn of other sects ) have greatly sinned against the lord christ , and against his church , both in england and elsewhere , also against his servants the ministers of all ages and places , whom they have most injuriously slandered , and shamefully treated with great scorn , malice , and all manner of indignities that were within their reach and power ; whom i pray god to forgive , giving them that true repentance , which may redeem them from that gall of bitternesse , and bond of iniquity , in which they seem to lie : this is the worst i wish any of them . in order to which good desire , i thought it not amisse thus far to expresse my judgement , and as much as in me lies , to justifie ( after many others ) in the point of infant-baptisme , the doctrine and practise of my mother the church of england , and both its fathers and sons , who have suffered so undeservedly , and therefore complain so justly of , the mischiefs and miseries befaln and threatening them , from this dangerous party and faction ; who resolve never to be satisfied in their perverse disputes and endlesse janglings ; who with one puffe blow away all that concurrent strength , which in the behalf of infant-baptisme is truly and solidly mustered up , from the covenant of grace , from the tenour of scriptures , from the proportion of evangelicall priviledges , from the relation which christians in the church have to god by christ , from the catholick custome and practise of all churches old and new , from the joynt suffrages of all a councils , fathers , and church-historians . against all which cloud and army of witnesses , they bring onely two or three literall allegations , partially and incompleatly interpreted . they boast much , but falsely , of tertullian in this point , whom they forsake in many others ; who was a person , though excellently learned , and of high parts , yet immoderately passionate , easily transported , and in that very point , as i have shewed , is either different from himself in other places , or to be understood in a b meaning limited and occasionall ; either to the children of heathens , yet untaught and unprofessing christian religion , or the children of christians hurried up and down by persecutions , which in tertullians times were , if not constant , yet very frequent . after him they have found in six hundred years one c walafridus strabo , who seemed to scruple infant-baptism , as not of primitive use , but shews no grounds of his scruple : and at last ludovicus vives , in his d notes of late on s. austin de civitate dei , is produced as a witnesse against antiquity ; a papist in all things else , and in this point differing from his own e church and communion , if it were his opinion and judgement ; which i see no cause to believe , because he proveth nothing , he not thinking it unlawfull or vain , but ( perhaps ) not absolutely necessary to baptize all in infancy ; to which f nazianzen inclines , except in case of death . but all these are either single doctors and private opinions , or petty pygmies and mushromes , compared to those g many heroes , that lebanon of tall cedars , which were all advocates of infant-baptisme in all ages and churches from the apostles dayes . there is not any one of the ancients doth dogmatically deny it as lawfull , or so far doubt and dispute it , as to question the usual and approved practise of it from all times ; which s. austin so vehemently affirmes , that in his epistle to volusia , he sayes , the h custom of our mother the church in baptizing infants , as it is not to be neglected as superfluous , so nor would it have been either practised or believed , unlesse it had been so delivered by the apostles , as their undoubted sense and practise : which pelagius did not , yea , could not with any colour deny , as i s. austin observes , though it had much served his design about original sin , if he could in that point have baffled the credit , custome and authority of the catholick church : which k s. cyprian , who lived in the second century , so beyond all cavill or scruple , so industriously and fully sets down , that if there were no other testimonies of the ancients , that alone would satisfie any sober man , being written , not upon any heat of dispute , but calmly and clearly , as of a matter ever done , and never under dispute in the church to his dayes . but i have in this part done more than i designed , in order to advance not strifes and further contention , but christian peace and charity on all sides in this church and nation , as to those religious differences which are a great occasion of our miseries . chap. xiv . from the deformities , divisions , and degeneration of religion , also the falsifications , usurpations and devastations , which of later years have been made by the violent sort of anabaptists and other furious sectaries , against the unity and authority , the sanctity and majesty of the church of england , destroying its primitive order and apostolick government , its catholick succession , its holy ordination , its happy and most successfull ministry , to the great neglect and contempt of all holy ministrations and duties of religion ; i cannot but further intimate to your piety and prudence ( o my honoured countrey-men ) that which is most notorious , and no lesse dangerous , both in religious and civil respects ; namely , the great advantages , applauses and increases , which the roman , or papal party daily gain against the reformed religion , as it was once wisely , honourably , and happily established , professed and maintained here in england : which is now looked upon by the more subtill , superstitious , and malicious sort of papists , as deformed , divided , dissolved , desolated ; so conclamate for dead , that they fail not with scorn to boast , that in england we have now no church , no pastors , no bishops , no presbyters , no true ministry , no holy ministrations , no order , no unity , no authority , no reverence , as to things divine or ecclesiastick . insomuch that we must in this sad posture , not onely despair of ever getting ground against the romanists , by converting any of them from the errours of their way to the true reformed religion ; but we must daily expect to lose ground to the popish party and their proselytes : there being no banks or piles now sufficient to keep the sea of rome from over-flowing or undermining us , in order to advance their restlesse interests ; which have been , and still are , mightily promoted , not by the reverend bishops and the other episcopal clergie ( who are men of learning , piety , prudence , and martyr-like constancy ) as some men with more heat than wit , more spite than truth , have in their mechanick and vulgar oratory of late miserably and falsely declaimed ; but by those who have most done the popes work , while they have seemed most furiously to flie in the popes face , as popularly zealous against popery , and yet at the same time by a strange giddinesse , headinesse , and madnesse , they have risen up against that mother-church which bare them , and those fathers in it , who heretofore mightily defended them and theirs from the talons and gripes of that roman eagle : and this not with childish scufflings or light skirmishings , to which manner of fight the illiterate weaknesse and rudenesse of our new masters and champions hath reduced those controversies ; but with such a panoply or compleat armour of proof , such sharp weapons , such ponderous engines , such rare dexterity of well-managed powers , raised from all learning , both divine and humane , that the high places and defences of rome were not able to stand before them heretofore , when they were battered by our jewels , our lakes , our davenants , our whites , our halls , our mortons , our andrews , and the late invincible usher , who deserved to be primate , not onely of ireland , but of all the protestant forces in the world . all these were bishops , worthies of the first three , seconded in their ranks by able and orderly presbyters , as whitakers , perkins , reynolds , whites , crakanthorps , sutliffs , and innumerable others , while our regiments were orderly , our marchings comely , and our forces both united and encouraged . whereas , now , there is no doubt but the mercilesse mowing down and scattering of the clergie of england , like hay , with the withering and decay of government , regularity and order in this church , these have infinitely contributed to the papall harvest , and romish agitations ; the gleanings of whose emissaries will soon amount to more than the sheaves of any the most zealous and reformed ministers in england . by the papall interests and advantages , i doe not mean the roman clergies preaching or propagating those truths of christian doctrine & duties , which ( for the main ) they profess in common with us and all christian churches : if any of them be thus piously industrious , i neither quarrell at them , nor envy their successes , but rather i should rejoyce in them , with s. paul ; because however christ crucified is preached , by some whom common people will either more reverence , or sooner believe ( than they generally doe the decayed , despised , & divided ministers of engl. ) who seem to have ( many of them ) so small abilities , and carrying so little shew or pretence of any good authority for their work ministeriall ; nor can they be potent or esteemed abroad , who are so impotent and disesteemed at home . but i mean that papall monarchy , or ecclesiasticall tyranny , by which the church , or rather the court of rome , ( by such sinister arts and unjust policies , as were shamefully used and discovered in the tridentine conventicle ) seeks to usurp and continue an imperiall power over all churches and bishops , as if there had been but one apostle , or one apostolick church planted in the world ; also to corrupt & abuse that ancient purity , simplicity , and liberty of religion , which was preserved among primitive churches and their coordinate bishops : further , without fear of god or reverence of man , opposing some divine truths and undoubted institutions of christ , also imposing such erroneous doctrines and superstitious opinions upon all christians , to be believed , and accordingly practised , as become not the severity and sanctity of true religion ; adding to that holy foundation ( which was indeed first laid by the great apostles , and continued happily for many hundred years , by the successive bishops of rome ) those after - superstructures , not of ceremonies onely , which are tolerable ( many of them , like feathers , making but little weight in religion ) but of corrupt doctrines , and superstitious duties , as seem ( at best ) impertinent to true piety ; but some of them are erroneous , sacrilegious , pernicious . in some things they are boldly adding to , or detracting from the doctrine and institutions of our blessed lord jesus christ : in other things they impose , for sacred and necessary , such opinions and customes , which are but the rust and drosse , the disease and deformity of christian religion , contracted in the long ignorance , darknesse , and almost barbarity of times , which god winked at : but now they appear highly and justly scandalous , yea , intolerable to more judicious and lesse credulous christians , who are very sensible , not onely of that offence , which many papal injunctions and observations give to themselves , as christians , but also to the very heathens , to jewes , and to mahometans , who cannot reconcile in any reason or religion the idolatrous use of images and hoasts among papists , to which they must submit , if they will be in communion with them , or converted to be christians ; nor yet those tridentine terrours and anathema's of eternall damnation , which are thundered by them against all those who will not , against christs expresse word , own as truth , and submit to as necessary , those opinions and practises among papists , which seem either impious or impertinent , as to true faith and a good conscience . against all which burthens ( too heavy for any wise and generous christians to bear , when once duly informed of the weight & danger of them , and duly reformed from them ) as the great wisdom , piety , and order of the ch. of engl. in its sacred ministry and holy ministrations , was heretofore the greatest barre and bulwark in all the christian world : so the disadvantages of the reformed religion are now so palpable , and the danger of the people of this nation , as so obvious in their returning to that egypt and babylon again , which is not the church of rome , but its disease and oppression ; that i know not in ordinary providence any means can be used , or is left , to stop the daily prevalencies of popery , and the great apostasie of england to the romish superstition and subjection in after-times , unlesse god stir up such wisdome , zeal and care in those that have honest hearts joyned with publick power and influence , not so much to fleece and depress popish recusants by pecuniary exactions ( which is to set religion to sale , and to make merchandize of mens errours , rather than fairly to perswade and win them by the proper and perswasive engines of true religion ; ) but ( rather ) duly to restore and speedily assert the honor , order , succession , unity , authority and majesty of this reformed church and its catholick ministry : from which when the papists see our selves to be such profound revolters , with what face can we expect they should ever come in to our reformation , which they now behold with joyfull and disdainfull eyes , so mangled , so deformed , so massacred by our own hands ? how can we with justice , honour , or humanity , inflict severe penalties upon papists , as refusing to conform to our church and religion , when they protest , with so much truth , to our faces , they cannot see any church , any religion among us , as uniform , publick , authentick , constant ? what ( they say ) formerly had the goodliest figure and fairest presence of a christian church , and the best reformed of any , is now deformed , ruined , demolished ; nothing but scattered rafters and pieces of that ship-wreckt vessel now appear floating up and down in a restless and foming sea of faction , opposition and confusion , between bishops , ministers , and people : some are episcopal , others presbyterian , a third sort independent : all are disparate or opposite in discipline , some are heterodox in doctrine : the anabaptists rise against all , and the quakers soare above all . to which of all these , with many other sects , shall an honest-hearted papist apply himself , to be safe and setled in religion ? if to the poor and depressed remaines of bishops , and the episcopall clergie , who yet adhere to the church of england ; alas , they are weak and exhausted , contemned by many , pitied by some , but asserted by few or none , according to their true merit in former ages , or their present worth , courage , constancy and patience in this . if the romanists go to the presbyterian party , which like small shoots sprang out so thick in england , upon the cutting down of episcopacy , to which they all formerly submitted ; these , besides their levity , parity , and inconstancy , as to their former stations , opinions , and oaths , seem so unseasonably insolent , and magisterially domineering , before they had got a full and just dominion , that all sober men think them rather popular , plebeian , & impertinent in their heats , transports & passions , than so modest , wise , and grave , as becomes those who will undertake to wrest government out of the hands of their superiours and betters every way , and to impose a novelty of untried and undesired discipline upon such a great and stout nation as england is ; which disdaining the insolency of popes , and offended at the indiscretion of some bishops , will hardly ever bear the pertnesse of petty presbyters , who cannot want vanity , impudence and arrogancy , when they fancy themselves in a supremacy of power above people , parlaments and princes : for they affect no lesse , as christs due and theirs too . if the tossed romanists run to the spruce and self-conceited independents for shelter , because these fine new masters seem to have patents for christian liberty , and urge a magna charta from christ , to be accountable to none in matters of religion , but their own little congregation , church , or body , in which , as in an ecclesiastick corporation or free burrough of religion , they may hang and draw , exercise high and low justice upon mens souls as they list in their little conventicles ; yet here the poor papist finds so much of a rude and exotick novelty , such a grosse shew of schisme , such variety , such an inconsistency , such a plebeian petulancy , such pitiful and ridiculous affectations , and arrogating of church-power in some of the plebs , and such contempt of it in others , that he cannot think it is other than some pieces of josephs bloody coat , or some torn limbs of his body , compared to what splendour , order , strength , beauty , unity , decency , and majesty in doctrine and discipline , in faith and holy duties , was formerly to be observed , even to the envy & admiration of sober papists , in the church of england ; how much more in the ancient and catholick churches grand combinations , from which these petty fractions and crumblings of christians seem most abhorrent and dissonant ? this goodly cedar , then , of the church of england being thus broken and hewn down , and nothing like it , or comparable to it , planted in its room , but such shrubs and mushromes as grow of themselves out of the ranknesse of the earth ( vulgar humours and passions ) under whose shade any egyptian vermine , frogs , or unclean birds may hide themselves ; no wonder if the papists triumph in their sufferings and constancies , if they despise all our presbyterian , independent , anabaptistick , and fanatick novelties ; if they rejoyce in that vengeance which they conclude god hath made upon our schismes , errours , obstinacies , and persecutions against them , by our mutuall confusions . hence must daily and necessarily follow secret inclinations and accessions to the roman party , by all those who are not well grounded in the reformed religion , or not much prejudiced against the popish errours , or are indifferent for any religion which is most easie or pleasing . these at length will warp to the roman party , as the most specious of any : so that unlesse there be a speedy restauration of the honour of the church of england , i see not how it is possible to prevent that fatall relapse , either to romish superstition and slavery , or else to a dreadfull persecution , which will in time necessarily follow those dissipations and destructions of this reformed church , its ministry , government and religion ; which some men have already too much , & still do , beyond measure , so industriously promote , to the excessive joy and gratifying of the popish party and designes , which are not onely invasive upon the honour and freedome of this nation , but highly scandalous to our reformed profession , and dangerous to our consciences ; especially as we yet stand convinced of the errours , superstitions and sacriledges of the romish religion , since it lapsed from the primitive institutions of christ , the patterns of the apostles , the ancient communion of christian churches , and the fraternall coordination of bishops , who were alwayes united in orderly , happy , and harmonious aristocracies , rather than subordinate to any one monarchicall supremacy , as to ecclesiasticall power and jurisdiction : however they had such regulation and primacy of order , by patriarchs and metropolitans among bishops and the representers of severall churches , as became wise men , that were numerous when they met in great councils or church-assemblies . chap. xv. i cannot but ( here ) recommend it to the most serious consideration of all wise and worthy christians , who make conscience , and not policy , of religion , as christian and reformed . that , however the soberest sort of christians in engl. do in many , and possibly in most things necessary to salvation ( which are not very numerous ) agree both charitably and cheerfully with those of the roman church , as to our common faith in jesus christ , and hope of salvation by his merits , in the way of an holy life and good works ; yet , as it will never be hoped , that the papists shall return to a communion with us , while we are so divided among our selves , and daily excommunicating each other from church , and christ , and heaven ; so it will be very difficult and dangerous , both in point of conscience and prudence , of sin and safety , for you or your posterity , to return to a plenary and visible communion with the papal profession , or roman conventions : considering how we now stand convinced in our judgements , and so will many of your posterity ever be , untill all books of controversie , which no purgatory index can correct , are burnt or buried , by which you and they must needs be so well informed , as to be justly opposite and uncompliant to those errours , superstitions and sacriledges , which the roman party seeks to impose upon all those that will have visible communion with them ; which no consciencious christian can swallow down , when they appear to him not onely different from , but contradictive , in plain termes , to that word of god , which themselves , with us , do own to be the rule of faith and manners , the measure of all true religion : contrary to which , some of their tenets , injunctions and practises seem to us , either to rob god of his peculiar honour , and omniscience , which is to search hearts , to heare and answer the prayers of our souls as well as our lips ; or to rob christ of the glory of his onely merit , mediation , satisfaction , and intercession for us ; or lastly , to rob the church of christ of that pure and plenary perception of christs holy institutions and blessed sacraments , to which they adde and detract as they please , performing religious offices , most-what , in such a language as most people cannot understand , and so not be edified , either in their judgements or affections ; which ought , in all reason by holy duties , to be either more enlightened , or judiciously warmed and devoutly excited to the knowledge of god , to the love of christ , to an holy life and mutuall charity . to remove all which deformities , disorders and indignities , put upon religious mysteries by the church of rome , the church of england , with great prudence , piety and charity , did assert and restore to a scripturall rectitude , primitive simplicity , and sober decency , the state of this church and nation , by a just , necessary , and prudent reformation of those romish errours , superfluities and corruptions , which had with great fraud and fallacy prevailed upon this , as other parts of christendome here in the western world . which great and happy work of due reformation was begun , carried on , and compleated , not by any forraign or intestine swords , not by popular and tumultuary rudenesse ( as in many places ) which are the odious methods of the devil to blast , over-drive and pervert due and true reformation in churches or states ; but in gods peaceable , just , and holy way , by such publick , lawful and complete authority , both ecclesiasticall and civil , as this church and nation had originally in it self , without any authoritative or subordinate dependance upon any forraign state or church , prince or prelate : however it did in charity so comply for many years , and correspond with the pristine renown and eminency of the roman church , as might most preserve order and unity in the christian world ; till it felt , as well as saw , the roman yoke to be intolerable in honour and conscience . which independent and absolute state of this church and monarchy , as to the originall right and power of it in it self , hath been unanswerably asserted , as by others , so of late by those very reverend , learned and judicious persons , who have made it their businesse in particular tracts , to defend this church and christian state , from the just charge of any unjust schisme , in respect of the roman communion and jurisdiction , or usurpation rather ; resuming upon good grounds , both as to divine and humane lawes , that supreme power which is inherent and unalienable in this nation , both in prince , nobility , prelates and people , for the preserving of true religion and reforming it , as need shall require , in order to the honour , peace and happinesse , both of prince and people , church and state ; who never did , nor indeed ever could , alienate or give away from themselves and their posterity , those primitive & ancient rights or immunities of the nation , which if any had in the darkness & drowziness of times by great artifices and pretensions encroached upon , all reason and justice required , that when prince and people awaked out of their dreams and superstitious slumbers , they should reassume those honorary powers , and hereditary priviledges of church and state , which were cunningly lurched or filched from them , while they were dozed or asleep ; without which the welfare of this polity and intire nation , both in secular and religious regards , could not be preserved by honest magistrates , conscientious ministers , or wise and valiant princes . yet , as our wise , godly , and sober reformers ( first and last ) did , worthy of the honour and piety of this church and nation , vindicate the civil and religious rights of both , in all necessary points and interests of doctrine and government : so their charity was no less cautious and commendable than their courage , in this , that as they did duly reforme what they thought amisse , and establish what they judged in piety and prudence best ; so they did not by any heat and fury of popular transport , either unnecessarily or uncharitably affect to give any offence to the romanists , by such distances as needlesse and groundlesse innovations must needs occasion , either to that or any other christian church in the world ; with all whom they ever aimed , by their moderation , to preserve & merit a christian communion & correspondency ; not intending to schismatize or separate from them or their christian predecessors , as to any christian band and tie of christian verity or charity ; not as to any point of faith , morality or sanctity ; not as to any right order and catholick succession of the evangelicall ministry ; not as to that apostolick government , inspection and authority , which either was of old , or still is preserved in the roman church , or any other ; nor , last of all , did they intend to vary from them in those things of honest policy and decent ceremony , which were most commended by the prudence and piety of antiquity : onely they retained and rejected , as they thought most became this church in the use of its liberty , in matters ceremonial ; wherein the roman , as all churches , have like freedome left them , to be used with that modesty , conscience and charity , which becomes all christian churches , without giving or receiving any offence ; as st. ambrose long ago expressed his sense to s. austin . but the aim of our wise reformers ( who rather chose to be martyrs & confessors for the truth , than popular praters or compliers with state-policies and private interests ) was onely this , to purge away that drosse and dust which christs floor had contracted by slovenly labourers in his husbandry . they cast away the chaff , but retained the wheat well winnowed : they reformed those grosse superstitions in prayer , sacriledges in sacraments , superfluities in ceremonies , usurpations as to this churches liberty and authority , with all blind innovations of later date ( compared to true primitive antiquity ; ) all which were as evidently discernable by the reformed or restored light of learning and religion , which god then brought into the christian world , to be upon the face of the then roman church , as the leprosie of naaman was upon gehazi's forehead ; if neither they nor we may be judges , but the pregnant testimonies of holy scriptures evidently setting forth the institutions of christ , the doctrine and practises of the apostles , and the primitive constitutions of churches . all these further cleared to us ( if any thing be dark or dubious ) by the joynt and concurrent suffrages of the first councils , the ancient fathers , and all ecclesiastical historians ; which , together , ought to be valued far beyond the sense or example of the roman , or any one particular church , as the immovable bounds and unalterable measures of true religion , as to the substance and essentialls of it . nor doth any particular church ( though heretofore never so justly famous , as that of rome was ) merit the honourable name and title of christs church , or catholick , but rather of ( so far ) apostatick and antichristian , when the pastors and people of it do , not by insensible degrees & unawares slide into venial errours and small abuses ; but after so clear a light and conviction , as the last ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) regeneration of learning and religion hath afforded these parts of the world , they yet wilfully and obstinately persist to corrupt , no lesse than pervert , the doctrine and institutions of christ jesus , who is the great pastor of his church , and chief bishop of our souls , whose voice all parts of it ought readily to heare , and humbly to obey at all times , without regard to the antiquity or prevalency of any errours or abuses in former times ; to which no time or use can give authority or validity against the first appointments of christ , which are every way , as the ancientest , so the best , for truth , comfort and safety , to any church , and to every christians soul. chap. xvi . i shall not need ( here ) to enumerate at large , and in particular points , those many and great differences in religion , which make your and your posterities return to the roman compliance and communion impossible ; if you have judgements to understand , or consciences to act according to their dictates out of the word of god , understood in the sense of the catholick doctors and councils of the first years after christ . the work is already done by so many able writers in this church , that it is needlesse to repeat , and scarce possible to adde more weight to what hath been by them alledged , to justifie their protestation against , and reformation of the errours , abuses and corruptions of the church of rome . he that seriously considers the fraud , falsity and pertinacy of the romanists in that one grand point , the canon of the scripture , which is and must be ( when all is done that policy and art can invent ) the main pillar and standard of true religion , cannot but grow very jealous of their honesty in particular points of lesser concernments , when he shall see , beyond all reply or forehead , that they have in the council of trent , under the highest anathema's or curses of all that differ from them , assumed into the canon of scriptures divinely inspired , written and delivered to the church as the word of god , those apocryphal books , which however we ( with the ancient churches ) value according to their worth , truth , credit and use , yet we receive them not into the canon or rule of faith ; because we find for certain , that neither the greek nor latin churches of old , neither jews nor christians , councils nor fathers , for years , did ever so own or receive them . which truth , after many others , and beyond any other ( if i may say it without envy ) is exactly and fully cleared of late by a person , whose reputation formerly clouded by some popular jealousies ( as to his sincerity and constancy in the reformed religion of the church of england ) deserves to have its true lustre for love and honour with every true protestant at home , as he hath abroad , for that learned industry , courage and honesty , which he hath shewed in that particular , to assert the main hinge of religion , the canon of the scriptures , against the papists effrontery in that particular ; which hath engaged them in such a dilemma , as is hard to be avoyded by the greatest sophisters of the roman party . for if the canon of the scriptures be such , as they now obtrude , including the apocryphall books , then did their church erre for so many hundred years before it so owned them for properly canonicall ; as cardinall cajetan confesseth , who saith , that all fathers and councils in their expressions as to the larger canon of scriptures , must be reduced ad hieronymi limam , to s. jeroms file . if the canon be such , as we with the ancient churches , with josephus , s. jerom , ruffinus , the council of laodicea , gregory nazianzen , s. austin in his riper years , and others , did and do hold , as to the old testament ; then is the church of rome now in a very great and obstinate errour . so that one way or other the popes infallibility and his party is shrewdly endangered , unless they distinguish ( to salve their credit ) the books into protocanonicos & deuterocanonicos , books of divine authority and ecclesiasticall use , as sixtus sen. bibl. l. . and stapleton fid. doct . l. . c. . do . to tell you further , how undigestible to sober christians ( because preter-scripturall and anti-scripturall ) the roman practise and opinion is , of worshipping and praying to saints departed , and to angels ; of worshipping with divine worship the images , crosses , and reliques , which they so credulously and highly prize ; their so unprofitable using of a language in their divine and publick services , which to common people is not understood ; so far from religion and the apostles rule , that it is against all sense and reason , against the end of speech and devotion , which is to instruct or edifie the hearers ; their snares of celibacy , and such vowes as many have cause to repent full sore , either that they made them , or no better kept them . adde to these , their profitable and popular imaginations of purgatory , they applying not onely prayers , but masses and oblations , pardons and indulgences , yea other mens merits besides christs , to those that are dead as well as to the living : and this in so mercenary a way , as makes the most ingenuous papists not a little ashamed , to see piety so much a servant to policy , and religion a lacquay to superstition . adde to all these so oft decantated instances of papall errours and presumptions , which have so little scripture for them , one enormous errour both in practise and opinion , which hath so much scripture-evidence against it , as nothing can be desired more ; yet in this , when we would have healed babylon , she refused to be healed . this is their so great , rude and sacrilegious maiming of the lords supper , by their partial communicating of the bread only to the people , without the cup ; then their strange racking of christians faith against all sense and reason , nay beyond all scripture-phrase and proportion of sacramentall expressions , or mysterious predications , to believe they doe not receive so much as bread , but another substance under the accidents and shews of bread. what learned romanist can deny , but that both clergy and laity did , * for above a thousand years , receive the lords supper in both kinds , after the constant use of all primitive churches , the apostles practise , and christs institution ? nor is there any more doubt , but that the ancient churches received those holy mysteries with an high veneration indeed of that body and blood of christ , which was thereby signified , conveyed and sealed to them in the truth and merits of his passion ; but yet without any divine adoration of the bread and wine , or any imagination that they were transubstantiated from their own seeming essence and nature to the very body and blood of christ. which fancy of ( metemsomasis ) changing the body and substance of sacramental signes into the bodily substance of the thing signified and represented by them ( as the incomparable primate of ireland hath observed out of irenaeus ) began from the juglings of one marcus a greek impostor , or jugling presbyter , who using long prayers at the celebration of the eucharist , had some device to make the cup and wine appear of a purple , or red and bloody colour , that the people might think , at his invocation the grace from above did distill blood into the cup. after this the imagination spred from greeks to latins , by popular and credulous fancies , promoted much by one a paschasius radhertus , who in a legendary spirit tells us of flesh and blood , of a lamb and a little child , of appearing to those receivers that were doubtfull of christs corporall presence ; so he tells of limbs and little fingers found in the hands and mouths of communicants . from hence damascen among the greeks , and p. lumbard among the latins , carried on this credulity , or vain curiosity , using all their wits to make good this strange and impossible transmutation of disparate subjects and substances : in which having nothing from sense or reason , nature or philosophy , from scripture-analogy , or sacramentall and typicall predications , frequent in scripture ( as the lamb is called the passeover , so christ our passeover ; christ the rock , vine , door ; these drie bones are the house of israel ; the seven eares of corne are seven years , &c. the tree is thou , o king ) to prove the miracle , they flie to absolute omnipotency , whether god will or no , and shut out all reasoning from sense , philosophy , scripture . nor do they regard ancient fathers and councils : all which , though highly and justly magnifying the great mystery , yea , and the elements consecrated , as related to and united with the body of christ , as signs and seals of its reality , truth , use and merit to a sinner ; yet generally they held them to be substantially and physically bread and wine , but sacramentally , relatively , or representatively ( onely ) the body and blood of christ : as the council of constantinople anno consisting of bishops , did affirm , the bread to be the body of christ , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not in substance , but in resemblance , use and appointment . which doctrine , as catholick , was maintained to the emperour carolus calvus , by bertramus or patrannus , anno . which was also maintained in england by johannes scotus in king alfreds time , untill lanfranks days , anno . who condemned that book of scotus about the sacrament , agreeable to the opinion of bertram ; whose homily expressing his judgement at large against transubstantiation , was formerly read publickly in churches on easter day , in order to prepare men for the right understanding and due receiving the lords supper . nor did the doctrine of transubstantiation obtain in the church , untill the year . when pope innocent the third in the council of lateran published it for an oracle , that the body and blood of jesus christ are truly contained under the forms of bread and wine , the bread being transubstantiated into the body of christ , and the wine into the blood of christ , by the power of god. hence followed the invention of concomitancy , which presuming that the communicant received under the accidents and shew of bread , the whole body of christ , and so his blood , it was judged rather superfluous than necessary ( yea and lesse safe in some respects ) for the lay-people to receive the cup , or wine , and blood of christ apart , as he instituted , and the church of old , even the roman , constantly practised , as do the greeks at this day , according to what christ commanded , and in what sense he gave it , and called it reall bread and wine : for such he took , such he brake , such he blessed , such he gave to the disciples , when he said , that is , this bread , is my body , this cup is my blood ; such s. paul understood them to be , and so declares this the mind of christ , as he had received it immediately from christ , the bread which we break , is it not the communion of the body of christ ? for we are all partakers of that one bread. so , whosoever shall eat this bread and drink this cup unworthily . let a man examine himself before he eat of that bread . certainly either the apostles expressions must be affectedly very dark , and his meaning different from his words , or he was quite of another mind than the papists are at this day , who durst , in the all-daring council of trent , damn all those who follow christs example , use his words , and are of the apostles judgement , expressing their sense of the blessed sacrament in his words ; which we think much safer to follow , both in the use of sacramentall bread and wine , communicated to all receivers , and in the perswasion we have of our receiving true bread and wine , yet duly consecrated , and so sacramentally united to the reall body and blood of christ , which we faithfully behold , thankfully receive , and reverently adore in that blessed mysterie , according to the ancient faith , judgement , reverence and devotion of the church of christ , void of sacrilegious novelties , and incredible superstitious vanities . if we christians of the reformed church of england had no other wall of separation to keep us from the papall communion , than these two so palpable and gross opinions , with their consequences , so rigidly enjoyned upon all christians under pain of gods eternall curse , yet both so dissonant from and opposite to the example of christ and the words of the apostle ; these were sufficient to keep sober christians at an eternall distance from them , lest ( knowingly ) partaking of their sins , and abetting their wilfull and obstinate sacriledge , we also partake of their punishment , who in vain serve god after the commandments and traditions of men , contrary to the divine word and prescription . nor will the silly shifts and pitifull salvoes serve here , which are used by some romanists , whose learning , wit and sophistry are all set on work to take off the aspersion , odium and envy of these grosse and rude innovations . how childish & ridiculous is it to talk of the popes imaginary infallibility , or the roman churches usurped supreme authority , in cases expresly contrary to the institution of christ , and the apostles explication ; from whom the church of rome professe to derive their religion ! nor may they with any foreheads or modesty , becoming good christians , so rudely vary from them ; if they desire to have the name and merit of faithfull and good christians ; whose greatest liberty , duty and honour is , if they love christ , to keep his commandements , and neither for pride nor policy to warp from them , and after clear remonstrances to refuse to return in case of straying to a conformity with them : which obstinacy makes little for the pope's infallibility , or rome's supreme authority , never challenged by popes , or owned by any other bishops in the church for yeares after christ , nor by pope gregory the great , who , as an holy and humble bishop , abhorred the title and pride of that name , universal bishop , as appears in his works , and others of the ancients , of whom i gave a particular account in my hieraspistes , p. . yet these two are the main hinges on which the unhappy disputes of christendome do turn , and the chief anvils on which the animosities between protestants and papists are now hammered , as otherwhere , so here in england . the ruine of which famous church is the greatest prize which the romish party hath gotten since luther's dayes , who began , not without his passions and infirmities , that pious apostasie ; which being found just and holy , moved , as other churches , so this of england , not to forsake the communion of the church of rome , so far as it was or is a church of christ , but onely so far as it seemed to have been oppressed with a synagogue of satan , deformed with such sinfull deformities and sottish fedities , besides their court-tyrannies , as became no christians to endure , who were either not in the dark ( and so could see the need they had to get out of such a dungeon , full of mire and darknesse ) or were at their own dispose , as was the state of the nation and church of england , depending on none , nor subject to any , but god alone . these so oft recocted crambes of popish controversies , as i delight not to aggravate , so i am forced here to touch some of them , to shew you ( my honoured countrey-men ) as what cause the church of england had to reform her self , with what prudence she did it ; so how inconsistent it must be with good conscience , for us in engl. to revert to the popish communion , being of so different perswasions from them : which wretched apostasie ( being the grand design and agitation of roman counsels ) will in time draw this nation away from gods rectitudes to mans obliquities , if the roman furnace and bellows be so plied and advanced for them by these operators of severall sects and factions , whose end will be , whatever their aime is , quite to melt down the former fashion of the church of england , and its well-reformed state of religion , that it may by degrees run into the roman mould and form . chap. xvii . not that i repeat these differences , in order to encrease or continue uncharitable bitternesses among any good christians , whose hearts are honest , though their judgements may be erroneous : the blessed god ( who is both light and love ) knoweth that i have not any design to widen the sad breaches of christendom , or to hinder the charitable closings of them , so far as may stand with good conscience and catholick truth ; whose rule and ground ought to be the word of god rightly understood , which is its own best interpreter , and plain in those things of duty and perswasion , of faith and devotion , which are most necessary to salvation . i confesse i cannot but vehemently approve ( being now past juvenile heats and popular fervours in religion ) the pious and learned endeavours of those excellent men , who after melanchthon , cassander , saravia , wicelius , thuanus , grotius , casaubon , and others , have not onely seriously deplored the sad rents and wounds of christian churches , but sought to pour in wine and oyle of wholsome and unpassionate counsels ; not palliating apparent errours , yet not aggravating needlesse jealousies , nor inflaming mutuall angers , in order to gratifie either the sacrilegious policies of princes , or the pride of popes , or the factiousness of people . i have no antipathies in me , contracted by any education , custome , or acquaintance , against the learned , wise , and worthy romanists ( or any others ) either as men or christians : in both respects i love and esteem them , for their many excellent parts and works , which are worthy of commendation and imitation . to them and their pious predecessors , with whom we in england once were in full communion , we thankfully owe ( under god ) ( as did our fore-fathers ) the successive honour and happinesse of our being baptized , and admitted to the priviledges of christs flock and people : to them we owe that conservation , for the main , of true religion as christian ( although it were wrapped up in some either rotten rags or unhandsome clouts ( as christ in the manger ) for many years ; ) the substance of which our reformation in england no more changed , than the angel did the person of jehoshua the high priest , when he bid take away from him the filthy garments wherewith he was clothed , and to put on him change of fair and goodly garments . we owe to the romanists ( though ill husbands of religion in later ages ) that word and those sacraments , which they conserved and transmitted , like candles put into a dark lanterne ; by which , when we came to open the light side , we saw both our and their deviations from the good old way , which is gods right way : to which we rather chuse to return under the name of pious novelty and just reformation , than obstinately to continue with them in their pristine aberrations and inveterate deformities . though they were our fathers in nature and religion ; yet we think it not onely lawfull for us , but our duty , without any brand of disobedient children , to cure that leprosie or hereditary disease which we had contracted from them our lesse healthfull parents , especially when themselves have preserved for us and afforded to us that receipt of gods word , which teacheth and alloweth us the proper medicine and cure . the successfull use of which is not more comfortable to us than commendable in us , notwithstanding our progenitors obstinacy to continue in the same deformed maladies , after they have seen the happy experiments of its vertues and remedy upon us ; who never gloried in , or designed any new christian religion , but onely the just reformation and recovery of the old from those crazy distempers and dangerous diseases , which by ill times and ill orders it had contracted . i well know how little all religion signifies without charity ; that , next to grosse ignorance , immorality , unbelief , and impenitence , uncharitablenesse is the pest and poyson of the soul , which infects beyond the antidote of gifts , good works and miracles . i consider that many imperfections and failings are veniall with true charity , which covers a multitude of sins of infirmitie ; but no perfections are acceptable to god , or available to the enjoyer of them , if destitute of charity : that the measure of a christian is more by his heart than his head , by his humble and honest affections than his high and puffing speculations : that in the bosome of the church , as many perish by the rock of uncharitablenesse , as the flats of ignorance . therefore , however i see the papists are most-what so supercilious and high in the in-step , that they not onely deny us protestants of all sorts , even the most noble , sober and moderate ( which were in the church of england ) their charity , but they despise all our charity to them ; yet i cannot think it my duty to requite evil with evil , or uncharitablenesse in them with the like unchristian passion in my self , but rather to requite evil with good , to commend what is good in them , to own with thanks any good from them , to pray for them , to be ready to do all offices of christian love to them , to keep all inward christian communion with them , and to be cheerfully disposed to exercise all actual communion with them , in all such holy doctrines and duties of christian faith & worship , as agree to the word of god , and the mind of christ , which are the centre and circumference of all ecclesiasticall union : that as the guilt and fault of schisme and heresie is retorted on both sides ; so , i trust , it will onely be charged there , where wilfull errour and uncharitablenesse are found , but not on the integrity and candour of those who are onely driven and forced so farre from visible communion , because they doe withdraw from what they saw to be grosse errour , idolatry , or superstition , according to the rule of christs word , and triall of his institution , evidently cleared by the apostles and primitive churches . contrary to all which , unlesse we will ( even this whole church of england ) wholly comply with the popes interests and roman errours , they loudly excommunicate us , renouncing all communion with us , as with schismaticks and hereticks , fitter for fire and faggot than christian fellowship . this notwithstanding on the romanists part , yet i think it my part , and all true lovers of reformation and christian union , not to slacken or abate that charity and christian good will , which is due to all men , and especially those that professe to be christs disciples , of the houshold of faith , where the sick and lame and blind are parts of the polity , and members of the oeconomy or family ; to pray night and day impartially , that god would remove out of his church on all sides , whatever doth offend his pure eyes , and any good christian ; that he would give both protestants and papists grace , unpassionately to consider from whence the one are falne by humane policies , and to what the other transported by popular zelotries ; that whatever pride and peevishnesse is on either side , might be composed and laid aside , by such generall synods , free councils , and christian correspondencies , as might bring forth some happy accord and harmony among christian churches ; that those sad and superstitious principles of everlasting schisme might be removed , by which on one side they think , because in many things they were right , therefore in nothing they could erre ; on the other side , because in some things men have mistaken and erred , therefore they can be in nothing right : for to this height both papall and antipapall christians are come , that each thinks their greatest piety consists in perfect and implacable antipathies ; that their most commendable zeale for religion is that which is farthest from moderation , christian temper or charity ; that where they like not all , they must loathe all ; that nothing is ( afterward ) ( with good conscience ) to be used which hath once been abused ; that all things must be popularly cried up , either upon the account of their antiquity or novelty , without regard to that verity and charity which are the life and quintessence of true christianity . although i shall , by gods gracious assistance , keep that station and distance from popish errours , where my judgement and conscience , guided by gods word , hath set me ; yet to leave the romanists without excuse , as much as in me lies , i doe most earnestly desire , and should most industriously promote , such a christian and catholick accord , as were most for the honour of christ and the peace of christendome . i know the youthfull fervours of some are jealous of all such motions , and for fear of seeming luke-warme , they resolve to boyle over all bounds , till they quench both truth and charity among christians , and make way for atheisme , turcisme , confusion and barbarity . these hotter heads possibly dread what i calmly desire ; that such a grand catholick convention of able ecclesiasticks in these western churches might , by the consent of princes and chief magistrates , be so orderly convened with freedome , impartiality and due authority , as might enable them to consent in one canon or rule of faith and good manners ; that the clear and concurrent sense of scriptures might be owned by all , in which all things necessary are contained either literally , or by just deductions ; that what is dark or dubious should be left indifferently to christians use and judgements ; that all would agree in the same ancient fundamentall articles of faith , contained in primitive creeds , also in the same sacraments , or holy mysteries , to be devoutly celebrated , so in the same way of good works to be practised ; that we might all have the same catechise , the same publick liturgies , so composed , that all christians might with faith and charity say amen to them , and in their severall languages understand them ; that a commentary on scriptures , and sermons containing all christian necessary doctrine , might be agreed upon ; that neither curiosities nor controversies should be couched in publick prayers or preachings ; that all might enjoy the same catholick source and course of ecclesiastick ordination , ministry , and authority , so tempering government and discipline in the church , that none should justly think others too much exalted , nor themselves too much depressed ; that catholick customes , ancient ceremonies and traditions , truly such , being consonant to gods word , and practically interpreting the meaning of it , might be observed by all , leaving yet such freedome in other things to particular churches , as might be most convenient , yet still subordinate to , and to be regulated by , the judgement of such a general council , contrary to which none should affect extravagant liberty , to the ruine of christian charity . blessed lord ! what good christian could be injured by such a christian accord in the main concernments of religion , which cannot be impossible in the nature of the thing , because it was of old enjoyed , and many hundreds of years generally preserved among all christians and churches , of any name and repute in all the world ? nor did either the heat of persecution or prosperity ( as warm and soultry weather ) dispirit this charity of christians ; who might still be as capable subjects of so great a blessing from god on earth , if passion , prejudice , partiality and private interests on all hands were laid aside , without parting with any true and reall interest that concerns a wise or good man , either in conscience or honour , in civil or religious regards . chap. xviii . which blessed accord , so good and so pleasant to behold , how much more to enjoy , being not onely possible , but most desirable and commendable among all good christians , two great impediments or obstructions seem to me chiefly to hinder , as to man ( besides our ill deservings on all sides at gods hands : ) which , however i do not hope by my weak shoulders to remove , they being like the grave-stone on christs sepulchre , whose sad and massy weight requires some mighty angel from heaven to do it ; yet i cannot but here express my sense of them the more sensibly , by how much i see the miserable distractions of the poor church of england , and the advantages given by some mens late immoderations and madnesses , to alienate the very best and soberest of the roman party from all propensity or thoughts of any happy close , by reforming , and so reconciling the parts of divided and distracted christendome . which evil effect ( now more exasperated than ever ) i here instance in , as one of the saddest consequences following the divided , dissolved and deplored state of this church of engl. which was the grand mirrour or example of christianity and reformation , from which neither romanists nor others did so much withdraw by many degrees heretofore , as now they do . the first great hinderance is , that exteme pertinacy and height of those of the roman party , who so much magnifie themselves , their chief bishop , their church and communion , upon the specious names of antiquity , infallibility , and primacy , as if no church or christians in the world were to be considered , other then as novices , ignorants and underlings , in comparison of the roman name and majesty . their antiquity is not denied by sober men , but their great age is evidently attended with many decayes and infirmities , which are novelties ; from which even primitive churches were not wholly free , both as to humane frailty and divine reproofs , as we read in the epistles of the apostles , and of christ to the seven churches . nor doe i know any priviledge the roman church hath above others , unlesse they could make good their infallibility , either as to their chief bishop , or as to any council , in which he should preside . that their persons have erred in doctrine and moralities , that they have varied from , and clashed against each other in their publick decrees and councils , yea and from not onely pious antiquity , but the scripture-verity , is so evident in what my self have here lightly touched , and others amply demonstrated , that no ingenuous and honest romanist at this day can deny it . for the affected supremacy or primacy which they so glory in and challenge , not onely before , but above and over all churches , not as a matter of order and precedency ; but of power and authority ; as there is no law of god which requires this , or any church so farre to own that of rome , or to be subject to it ; so nor did the ancient ecclesiastical lawes and distinctions lay more to the roman inspection or jurisdiction , than the suburbicarian regions , which extended miles from the city . that the roman bishop was owned , as the first or chief patriarch , in order and precedency , in place or vote , was not a regard to the persons of the bishops , or their authority , as if it were more than other bishops by any divine or humane right , but a regard to the pristine majesty of the city , and the apostolick eminency of that church , in which the two great apostles , s. peter & s. paul , had not onely placed much of their pains , but ended their lives . lay aside the roman pomp and insolency , no sober man but will allow the bishop of rome his civil and ecclesiastical primacy , as king james and other protestant princes offered long ago : nor would any of the great reformers , luther , or calvin , or cranmer , have grudged this , if the bishop of rome would have submitted either to a general council , or to the word of christ . if the roman arrogancy will needs claim and usurp more than its due ( which was heretofore rather invaded and challenged by them , and connived or winked at by others , than ever given or granted to them by any power of lawfull donation or concession ; ) yet this cannot hold good by any former subtilty on their part , or simplicity on the part of this or any nation and church , to the prejudice of that fundamental liberty and honour , which are inseparable from the free people of this nation and church , as men and as christians , untill the roman power hath made them vassals again , as a conquered nation , and dependent church upon that scepter and mitre too : which thing as yet was never done since rome was christian , and , i hope , never will be . how much more worthy of the learning , prudence , antiquity , gravity , seeming piety and affected majesty of that roman church , were it , for them to glory in nothing so much as in the knowledge of jesus christ and him crucified ; in conforming all things of religion to his word and example , which hath the truest antiquity , onely infallibility and eminency upon it ; yea , and where they see , as by the light of the sun at noon-day , there hath been either aberration from , or addition to the rule and pattern of christ , through the ignorance , or errour , or policy of former ages and persons , there to return with such holy and handsome reformations to a conformity with christ and the ancient roman purity , as will make no lesse for the glory of the present church of rome , than it was some eclipse and diminution to their predecessors , to suffer so much tares to be scattered among christ's good wheat , which by apostolick hands was first sown and watered , to mighty increases for many hundreds of year ? the misery is , when knowing and learned men grow wilfull , and serve their own and other mens secular interests more than that of christ and mens souls , they chuse rather to over-load the foundation of religion , than to lighten it of needlesse superstructures . how little could it hurt them , honestly to restore the cup to the people , as was sometimes done to the bohemians , at the importunity of the nobility and clergy , and offered to queen elizabeth , as sir roger twisden proves , provided she would acknowledge the popes supremacy ; where ( as luther urged against eccius ) if the blood of christ , as is pretended by papists , be given lay-men by concomitancy with the bread or body , sure they are as capable of the cup in christs method , as in mans novelty and variation ? what could it lessen the romanists , if christians being on all sides taught the reall presence of christs body and blood , with the benefits of them in the sacrament truly offered , and reverently received by every worthy communicant , the modus of the presence were left undefined , uninforced upon any christians belief , after the primitive freedome ; which rather admired and adored that mystery , than disputed it , or determined precisely of it ? so in other things , as praying to angels and saints , worshipping before images , praying and offering for the dead , in order to mend their condition ; how would it no way abate christian verity , or comfort , or charity , to lay these superstructures of straw and stubble aside , when we all believe that we have by faith in christ accesse to the throne of grace ? besides , men would more take care to live and die holily , when they lesse expect other mens devotions to relieve them after death . these and many other humane and impertinent , because unprofitable , additionals to sacraments and holy duties , how easily might they be spared without any losse to religion , as with great advantages to christian and catholick communion ? nor should these just reformations prove any diminution to the estates or honours of the roman church-men , if i might have any vote or influence in so happy an agreement ; which last jealousies and feares in matter of honour and estate , are , i believe , the great wall of partition and terrour , that keeps off and scares the wary romanists from any thought of reformation , since they see the deformities , uncertainties , beggeries , ruines and vastations , which at last follow some mens reformations of religion , of churches and church-men , if they be suffered to run on as far as popular humours have a mind to gratifie their passions with the spoyls and scorns of religion and church-men . this indeed is , in my judgement , the second great bar , the unmovable obstruction and unexcusable scandall , which lies in the way of any reconciliation , faire accommodation , and christian communion among these western churches : which in all probability might , by gods blessing , have much advanced ere this time , not onely just reformations of what was really amisse , but happy unions , in stead of those rents and separations which are now every where predominant , if those of the roman party had seen those sober bounds , that christian moderation , and those uniform fixations among reformers , in their doctrine and manners , which did become so good a work as reformation is . nor were the most sober , learned , grave and impartiall of the romanists so much against such a discreet and setled reformation , as they saw flourished in england , beyond any church in all the world , in which due regard was had to primitive order , and catholick antiquity , to the just rewards and dignities of church-men , together with the sanctity & solemnity of true religion , until they discovered that immoderation , violence , unsatisfiedness , tumultuariness , giddiness and transport , which long ago , even here in engl. murmured and mutinied against the happinesse and honour of this flourishing church and state ; mens prejudices , passions , and private interests , tyrannizing over their reason , religion , charity , obedience , and consciences , still clamouring for further reformation , and threatening violence , if they might not every one set up their fancies in religion , under the name of through-reformation , and bring in intolerable licentiousnesse , under the colour of christian liberty ; talking so much of the pattern in the mount , till they have laid this church and its religion in the valley of death and shadow of darknesse ; so eager not to have an hoof left in egypt , that they have engaged themselves and this whole church into a red sea , and brought it to an howling wildernesse : nor is it easie to be seen , without multiplied miracles , how they will ever bring christian religion to any land of canaan , a state of rest or due reformation , either here in england , or other-where . which we must ever despair ( hereafter ) to see make any progresse among the romanists , either as to private mens perswasions , or whole churches reformations ; especially since the late terrours of some english super-reformers have given so loud an alarm to all wise princes and sober people , especially to all prudent church-men , assuring them that there is neither bottome nor bounds of some mens preposterous reformations : their spirits are the black abyssus of immodesty , injustice , disloyalty , cruelty , sacriledge , inhumanity , barbarity ; their teeming fancies are everlastingly spawning with new inventions ; their restlesse humours are alwayes like a sea ebbing and flowing , casting up mire and dirt ; their lunatick religion aims to abolish the use of all those things which have at any time been abused , though never so holy and good in their use and institution : they condemn every house , every church , as well materiall as rationall , to ruine and utter desolation , on whose walls they fancy there are , or ever have been , any spots of leprosie or superstition , though neither incurable , nor infectious , nor indeed any way dangerous to religion or mens salvation : yea , they have such malevolent , spitefull and envious principles in their spitefull and gainfull reformations , that they judge all things in religion to be unclean , out of which they may make any temporall gain or benefit ; that bells and steeples , cups and chalices , churches and chancels , glebes and tithes , all ecclesiastick honours and revenues , are popish , superstitious , antichristian , never sufficiently reformed , till utterly alienated , and confiscated to the publick exchecquer , or their private purses ; that neither church nor church-men are duly or throughly reformed , till they are made like a barren wildernesse , who were as the garden of god ; till , like naomi , they be empty and destitute of all worldly comforts and supports ; till they look like pharaoh's lean kine ; till ministers preach and pray themselves into absolute hunger and thirst , their souls fainting within them , and their eyes failing , while in vain they look to be satisfied with bread . these are the holy sparks , these the blessed flames of uncharitable and unquenchable zeale , which the romanists see burning in some mens reforming breasts , so long , till they become predatorious and adulterous , consumptionary and culinary , false and base fires , which are not to be maintained , but by such sacred fuel as pristine piety , charity and munificence bestowed on the church and church-men , for gods service and christs sake . thus covetous hands and sacrilegious hearts hold the nose of religion so long to the grindstone of their reformations , till they have utterly defaced the justice and charity , the order and beauty of christian religion : nothing is well reformed ( they think ) while there is any thing left , at which they can repine , either in the hospitable houses or at the charitable tables of church-men . certainly the romanists must needs be eternally resolved against such reformations , as follow the dictates of mens stomacks more than their consciences , and serve mens bellies more than the lord , whom they scruple not to rob and spoyl , while they pretend to purge his temple and reform his ministers , ever finding fault with the church , while any thing is left to church-men , or any booty yet to be extorted from the clergy ; never thinking them or their religion sufficiently circumcised , till they are quite excoriated , exsected , eunuchised , that is , made so poor and dispirited , so mean and embased , that they are wholly unfit and unable to do any thing that is generous , ample , or charitable , either in their studies , preaching , or living ; aspiring no higher than that vulgar softnesse and popular easinesse of some mens praying and preaching , which costs men of competent boldnesse and voluble tongues neither much study , charge nor pains , beyond a few hours loose meditating , and as much time in confident praying or preaching , as raw and confused notions can stretch into . when once the clergy ( or ministers of christs church ) are thus reduced to be as poor and mean in spirits , parts , and estates , as hackney horses , which have long journeys to go , and little provender given them to eat ; when ministers of the gospel , the preachers and professors of divinity , are ( one and all ) levelled to the condition of pesants in france , or boors in germany , when they are endowed with scotch stomacks and stipends , either at the mercy of the impropriating laird , or at the sad charity of godly and well-affected people to mammon ; when church-men appeare in england , as they have for the most part in other reformed churches ( and now in many places here ) thred-bare , indigent , necessitous , exposed to all shamefall and mechanick shifts : then , o then , these gracious sacrilegists and godly reformers can at once endure them and despise them , without finding any great fault with them , when they find nothing but beggery and ignorance attending them ; then their preachers shall be what they will , in title and name , apostles , evangelists , bishops , presbyters , moderators , pastors , shepherds , angels , gracious and precious men , men of god , &c. though they be never such silly sots , shamelesse sycophants , and slavish flatterers , either to prince or people ; provided they neither have nor crave any thing . it matters not how little learning , piety , or prudence they have , provided they have no courage in their hearts , and no money in their purses : they will not then dare to have many reproofs in their mouths against their good masters and dames , their lords and ladies , upon whose alms and trenchers they must feed , and upon whose frowns or favours they either thrive or starve . chap. xix . this , this hath been the project and plat-forme at which some mens reformation hath aimed , even here in england , the better to perswade papists to renounce their superstition , and embrace the reformed religion , which ( like a sharp razor or keen ax ) however it hath yet spared some underwood and copices of inferiour ministers , presbyters and independents most-what ( for the better shelter and covert of their designs ; ) yet they have felled to the ground all the fairest trees and choicest timber , whose bark , boughes and bodies afforded most advantage to the fellers : not that these trees were uselesse or fruitlesse , saplesse or decayed in this church ; but some reformers had evil eyes at their goodly bulk and breadth , their stately heights and tops . what wise and impartiall men at home or abroad , in present or after-ages , but must , and doe confesse , that the greatest faults of most of the dignified clergy in england were their fair houses and revenues , their manours and honours ? for they were never legally charged or convinced ( either as to their persons in particular , or their functions in generall , as archbishops or bishops , deans or prebends ) of any such misdemeanours as deserved , by any law of god or man , the forfeiture of all their lawfull enjoyments and ecclesiastick preferments ; which were as the just rewards of their personall worth and private learning , so the publick , nationall , and honorary encouragements of their calling and profession , to the dignifying of christian religion , and the magnifying of wise and moderate reformations ; such as became the honour , piety , gratitude , munificence and majesty of this english nation , towards its god and its clergy , being blest of god with abundance of all good things , and no lesse with excellent governours and able preachers , as well bishops as presbyters , who well deserved whatever the pristine noblenesse and bounty of this state had bestowed on men of learning and desert , as publick ministers of religion sent from god to his church : whose true and just reformation was no diminution to their just enjoyments , or deserved preferments ; that so it might be no discouragement , check or hinderance to others , from embracing such an innocent reformation of christian religion , as consisted with piety , equity , and charity , with the glory of god , the good of mens souls ; also with the dignity of church-men , and the honour of this nation . contrary to , and destructive of all which , many men , as in other places , so of late in this ch. of engl. ( which was the most complete pattern of excellent reformation , keeping a mean between doting antiquity and affected novelty , between papall superstition and popular immoderation ) have discovered such ill will and envious eyes , not onely against the clergy and church of england , ( which was heretofore honourably and handsomely reformed ) but against all national churches , and orderly ecclesiasticks in such churches ; that they do not think it enough ( as calvin , beza , and the augustan confessors at first did ) for bishops and church-men to forsake their convicted errours , and amend their scandalous manners , where they are really amisse ; but these severe super-reformers expect , yea , forcibly require , that all clergy-men should be so sordidly tame and plebeianly patient , as not onely with silence to permit , but with a scotizing zeal humbly to invite , to the utter ruine , as of their order and function , so of their honours and enjoyments , those lay-ravens , cormorants , and harpies , who can not onely devour and digest the libraries and houshold-stuffe , the livings and estates , the flesh and blood of bishops and other church-men , but like ostriches they can greedily devour and wonderfully digest the timber , lead , stones , iron and glasse of all materiall churches . there are many throats so wide , and gules so gluttonous in england , that they can swallow down goodly cathedrals , bishops large houses , whole colledges and chapters , with many large manours , as easily as gilded pills in syrup : thus reforming churches and church-men , by rifling them of all their publick patrimony and endowments , till churches and church-men are left , like the poor man in the gospel , naked and wounded , exposed to the transient , extemporary and arbitrary charities of such as shall passe by ; who , like the priest and pharisee , may be great professors , but little relievers of religion or religious men , who owe their wounds and necessities to such rude , unjust , and cruell reformers , who loudly command all romish churches and church-men to abhor such reformation , as their ruine and utter undoing . for these wild and vile methods of reforming will do as much good , in order to win upon the papists , or to stop the prevailing and spreading of popery , as the popes exactions are wont to do upon the jewes , in order to their conversion ; who ( as sir edwin sands tells us ) must forgoe all their estates when they turn christian , to shew the sincerity of their conversion ; that so his holiness may have the happiness of the confiscation , as they will have of their poor conversion : a threshold ( certainly ) so high , at the very church-porch or entrance to christianity , and so to any wise mans reformation , that few will ever desire to go over it , into any church or reformed profession of religion . therefore i judge it a most cruel principle and scandalous practise ( taken up by some sharp anabaptists and other hungry factionists here in england , fomented by some subtill jesuits , in order to make the reformed religion odious and ridiculous to all the world ) which seeks to treat all worthy bishops , true ministers and deserving church-men , after such a base & penurious rate , that tells the world they cannot be worthy preachers in their esteem , till they be not worth a groat ; never sufficiently reformed , till they be quite ruined ; never truly holy , till they are deadly hungry ; then onely throughly reformed and purged of all their drosse , when they may truly and sadly say with s. peter , silver and gold have we none , either for charity , hospitality , civility , or necessity . which apostolick poverty and primitive beggery hath been of late years , and still is , the state of many venerable bishops and other worthy clergy-men in england , and is threatned to all , in order to make good that canon of the apostle , which requires double honour to those that rule well , and labour in the word and doctrine . how much it hath been , will be , or is ever like to be , to the further advance of any true reformation here or elsewhere ; how worthy measure it is to be meted to reverend bishops and other grave ministers , that had not criminally offended any law of god or man ; how worthy it is of the honor and magnificence of this church and nation , i leave to god , to all good men , and specially to your selves ( o my nobler-minded countrey-men ) to consider of and judge ; who are witnesses with me , how many grave bishops , and other both great and good divines , have lived many moneths , nay many years , as they do to this day , meerly upon extraordinary providences , or small pittances , attending many times elias his merciful ravens , miraculously to feed their famished souls and distressed families . noble and potent encouragements ( no doubt ) to invite the romanists at home or abroad , or any other prudent persons that have either wit or sense , to embrace such a reformed profession of religion , which ( besides other novelties and scandals , not easily washed away or excused ) hath that brand of sacriledge upon its hands and forehead , spoiling its chief professors and preachers of that double honour ( maintenance and reverence ) which in persecuting times were zealously paid to the pastors and bishops of the church , who , after the new modes of some mens covetous and cruel reformings , must be stripped of all those honours and enjoyments which pristine piety and bounty consecrated to gods glory , his churches service , and the encouragement of his ministers : who , having difficulties enough in other respects to contend withall , ought in all reason and conscience to be redeemed from the intolerable pressures of poverty and contempt ; especially in an age which is wantonly wicked , and impiously petulant against all governours , especially those that are spiritual . chap. xx. nor is this sin of sacrilegious severity to be palliated , as some polititians and parasites endeavour , by pleading , . that the estates of bishops and cathedrals were in few mens hands ; . that the generality of the clergy was untouched and unconcerned in them ; . that what they had was too much for them ; . that religion had no advantage by them ; . that the publick needed those revenues for other uses ; . that some amends hath been made to the church , by many augmentations given to small livings and godly ministers . all these are fig-leaves , which cannot cover the shame of that sin , nor absolve the consciences of the doers and approvers . to each of them it may be replied , . though they were in the hands of few men , yet these had a just and personall right to those estates , no way forfeited by their misdemeanours ; no one honest man , to gratifie a multitude , may be injured or deprived of what is his own by all laws of god and man. . bishops , deans and prebends , though they were few men comparatively , yet influentially they were many , by the eminency of their places , their learning and their preferments ; which though few persons could actually enjoy , yet many were encouraged and excited by their example , to deserve such preferments by their worth , though they never attained them . . they were great decorations & advantages of honor & publick respect , given by the nation to the whole function of the ministry ; as the ornament of the head and eyes are the crown and glory to all parts of the body . . to say those preferments and revenues which some church-men enjoyed , were too much for them , is a speech more worthy of nabals , judasses , ananiasses , and julians , than of just , gratefull , and reformed christians : they must have very evil eyes against god , his church , and his ministers , who grudge those means as too much for twenty , nay an hundred of them , which some one lay-man can now possesse and engrosse ; whose worth , for piety , learning , charity , hospitality , or any usefull vertue , is not comparable to the meanest of those men whose estate he enjoyes , and whose bread he eats . . if there had been no other advantages to religion by those preferments , dignities , and revenues , but this , that so it became the honour , justice , and policy of our reformation , both for the avoyding of rapine or sacriledge , also for the encouragement of the prime pastors of the church , to conciliate respect both to them , and in them to all other ministers ; these had been reasons enough , beside the merits of the persons , and justice of their property , to have preserved their estates from such spoyl . . for the publick need of church-revenues , and church-mens estates ; as no honest man , so no wise and worthy state , ever needs any thing which he cannot with justice attain ; no mans or states necessities can justifie injuries against any one man , much lesse against many , and those church-men , yea deserving church-men . . besides , they that pretended the publick want of these ecclesiastick revenues , had farre greater of their own ; nor should the ewe-lamb have been taken away from the church , where the state had so many rich flocks : in publick necessities the priests lands should be last spent or invaded , after the method of joseph's piety ; nor should they be ever quite alienated , though their revenue were for a time borrowed . . god knowes there was in england no such necessity , but plenty , superfluity and luxury ; however lay-men should rather begge , than rob god or his church . . nor was ever either prince , or nation , or family the richer ( in a few yeares ) which fethered their nests by church-revenues . witnesse our henry the . who took away vast estates , both movable and immovable , from monasteries and other collegiate churches ( which seemed but the superfluities of religion , the wens and excrescencies of a church ) yet he spent more still , and left the crown much poorer than he found it : witnesse also his great engine the l. cromwell , who got an estate ne● to the value of l. per ann . yet a little before the kings death he lost his head ; and in the third generation the heir of his family exchanged the last remnant of all that estate in eng. for a little land in ireland , where he might live lesse noted and molested by law-suits . commonly sacriledge makes an evil bargain , even as to this world , but ever as to another . . lastly , as to the amends made by laying some impropriations , and by them making augmentations to some ministers livings ; these are but a few feathers in stead of the body of a fair fowl ; nor are they upon other termes than arbitrary donations , not fixed revenues . the mending of small and incompetent livings is a work worthy of the honour , riches , and piety of this nation ; but peter ought not to be robbed to pay paul : the waters of the sons of the prophets might have been healed without stopping up the wells and fountains of their fathers and their assistants , which were of old from many generations ; which hath given great scandall both to reformed and roman churches : few will ever desire such reformations , as extirpate bishops , and confiscate all church-revenues . chap. xxi . certainly covetous principles and sacrilegious practises are more pernicious to true religion , both as to the profession and power of it , than any superstition can be , that holds the foundation : for superstition is but as an itch , or scab , which may easily be healed , and religion restored to its health and beauty , as was done in england ; but sacriledge is a canker , which eats up the flesh , and frets the very sinews and bones of religion , defacing and destroying all the beauty and lovelinesse , all the strength and stability of religion , all its honour and majesty , as to outward polity and visible profession ; yea , and it infinitely abates all the inward power of it , as to the reverence , value , and love of it in mens hearts . superstition is but as misletoe , which ( in time ) may grow upon old fruit-trees , which are of a good kind , and it may easily be pruned off ; but sacriledge is like the very peeling or barking of a tree round about , which will infallibly starve the tree , and in a short time quite kill it . besides , sacriledge hath greater insinuations and temptations on mens minds than superstition , in as much as worldly lusts or earthly affections urge more upon men , than those that are of a pious and spiritual notion ; such as move to superstition by a kind of over-boyling or excesse of devotion , which makes men prodigall of their estates & lives too : but sacriledge is a mischief so levelled to those covetous , envious and despitefull humours which are naturally predominant in mens hearts , that every one is prone to be courted by it , to be tempted and inclined to it , out of hopes that some gain may accrue to them by the spoyls of the church and robbery of religion . hence many common people heretofore seeming to be godly and peaceable christians , when once the hope of gain appeared ( though never so filthy lucre ) have been suddenly and strangely zealous to drive the principal pastors of the flock , and chief shepherds of this church , out of their estates and honours , to utter poverty and contempt , under the colour and clamour of reformation ; which was ( as they pretended ) to be so mended and perfected , as might invite all the world , papists and others , to admire , imitate and embrace the beauty of such a bride , such a new jerusalem coming down from heaven , but in a storm and whirlwind of civil and ecclesiastick dissentions , between which it was to be stripped of its chiefest ornaments and encouragements , and must have henceforth either no bishops and orderly ministers , or these no ample estates or due respect ; no double honour , beyond what tenuity and contempt afford . which festring scratches have no more the true lineaments or marks of religious and liberall reformation , than baboons , apes and monkeys have of humane beauty , procerity and majesty . that maxime of the apostle is in no experience more verified than in those of the churches interests and true religion , that covetousnesse or love of money is the root of all evil : for it doth not onely famish the souls of such rapacious wretches of all true grace and comforts , rising either from the love of god , or the care of their own and their brothers spiritual and eternal good ; but it prompts them to all manner of injurious evils : it being impossible they should be truly holy in any kind , who are so unjust and unthankfull in the highest degree , despising their god ( whose property or peculiar church-revenues are ) also his chief ministers , who being by god and man appointed to feed the flock of christ , ought not themselves to be famished or debased ; no nor should they want ( much lesse be undeservedly deprived of ) those temporall encouragements in the work of the lord , or gods husbandry , which give both credit , authority and comfort to true religion , in times of peace , and in a land of plenty . of which blessings when once true religion is miserably spoyled , and so exposed in its ministry and order to all distresses and scorns , no man can wonder if popish superstition , and all factions of ungodly appetites , do mightily thrive and improve by the ruines of such reformed religion ; no wonder if atheisme and irreligion , if barrennesse and leannesse , if egyptian darknesse and death , prevail in a short time over such people and their poor plebeian pastors too , whose blood will be required of those sacrilegious reformers , who shall thus deform reformed religion , impoverish a famous church and flourishing clergy , embase a rich , a renowned , and an ancient christian nation , to the indignity and injury of the publick , as well as the danger of their own private souls ; to whom that sin of sacriledge is rarely forgiven , because they seldome have the grace truly to repent of it ; for repentance cannot be true ( as s. austin saith ) unlesse restitution be made , which few sacrilegists ever do , or dream of . hence ( as the learned sir henry spelman observes , by instances of his particular experience in many families ) further growes that moth , not onely of mens consciences , but of their estates , which devours them unsensibly ; a secret pest of families , which destroyes at length all their encrease : which that learned knight had observed within sixteen miles compasse of his own dwelling in norfolk , where so many estates , first raised out of abbey-lands , were now quite extinct , or almost undone ; but so many others in the same compasse , continued in flourishing or competent conditions , who were of far ancienter standing , and not enriched with any sacriledge ; for so he esteemed the dissolving of religious houses , destroying of churches , &c. of whose superstition and forfeiture true religion should have had the advantage ; as the censers were holy , in which strange fire was offer'd . yet might that former confiscation , which devoured so many churches , chappels , and religious and superstitious houses , seem modest and veniall , in respect of some mens later attempts and designes against all setled maintenance of ministers . a christian church might well subsist , as those in primitive times did , without monks and nuns , without monasteries and nunneries , without abbots and abbesses , without abbies and priories ; but not well , if at all , without pastors and governours , bishops and presbyters : these were primitive , apostolick , after christs own pattern , followed by all churches in the world , necessary to the well-being , yea to the complete being of a church , in any order , polity , and regular communion . nor is the honourable support of church-governours and ministers more comely than necessary , upon politick as well as ecclesiastick principles , either by occasionall donatives , and spontaneous oblations , as in times of primitive zeal and persecution , or else by setled dedications and fixed revenues , which were afterward in times of peace plentifully given to god and his church , for the support and honour of an able , hospitable and charitable ministry . as it had been high sacriledge to have taken away , by stealth or force , those portions which were given to ministers , when their presbyters were yet ( sportularii ) depending on the bag and basket of christians oblations , and the bishops dispensations ; so is it no less sin to take away those setled revenues , which were invested in god for the use of his servants , the governours , guides , and ministers of his church , both for their maintenance and honour . injuries are no less in taking away lands than goods from men that are the just owners of them ; nor doth the clergy in these evil times more stand in need of convenient sustenance than due respect and reverence , which is hardly had where poverty appeares . yet since the noon-day of reformation hath gloriously shined and continued in this western world , this ( meridianus daemon ) sin of sacriledge ( as rankest vermine breed in warmest weather , and horridest monsters are gendred in richest soiles ) hath grown most bold and violent , an epidemicall & unblushing sin , aspiring to so full and unrestrained a liberty , as hath not onely much afflicted other reformed churches long ago ( of which great complaint was made by luther in germany , and knox in scotland , before they died ) but the venome and infection is come into the rich and generous nation of england , to so pernicious a measure and degree , that it reacheth from the crown of the head to the sole of the foot . heretofore ( indeed ) sacriledge was not so much a plebeian as princely sin , the attempt not of pygmies but of giants , not of the populacy , but of popes , of kings , of great noblemen and gentlemen ; these onely durst adventure to put so rude affronts on god and his church , by alienating , defrauding , detaining , impropriating & confiscating what they could of holy things : against which adventurous sin many learned and worthy men , in all ages and countreys ( as in engl. ) as well lay-men as ecclesiasticks , have wrote by most unrepliable demonstrations from the law of nature and nations , from principles of reason and religion , from scripture canons and imperiall constitutions ; all which nothing but a covetous violence and blind fury can gainsay or resist . but now ( while the prince abhorred sacriledge no less than idolatry ) every petty , pragmatick , yea poor pesant , dares to adventure upon sacrilegious projects and practises : 't is sport to common people to plunder & pull down churches , to deprive ministers of their legal & evangelical maintenance , to strip this church of its ancient portion and honorable patrimony , which is the fewel and oyl to keep the holy fire of devotion on the altar of god , and the bright-shining flame of true doctrine in the lamps of the temple : 't is now the presumption and ambition of mechanick and vulgar spirits to rob god of his service , people of their able and honourable ministers , the flock of christ of its worthy shepherds , and the souls of people of those sacred portions and provisions , which are in order to an eternal life . the meanest peoples impudence dares ( now ) to dispute , detract , usurp , profane , confound , and challenge as their own , all things sacred , both the work and the reward , by a spirit so licentious and insolent , that it is thought ( by many of them ) a great offence , for any man to write or preach against this enormous and crying sin of sacriledge ; yea , many ministers , in other things of hot spirits and sharp tongues , yet in this are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) mealy-mouth'd , of soft and silken tongues , and therefore doe not , because they dare not , in the least sort , quetch against this odious sin of sacriledge . which the very light of nature abhorred as parricide , and heathens condemned as the murther of parents ; which the true god implies by his earnest expostulation and sharp redargution to the jews , * will a man rob god ? ( that is , any man that is not a beast ) but ye have robbed me , even this whole nation , by acting and assenting ; for the sin is not less crying or criminous , because a popular or nationall sin . the jews granted it parallel , yea superiour to idolatry , as the apostles appeal to a mans conscience inferres , thou that abhorrest idols , dost thou commit sacriledge ? idolaters own a god , or gods , under the names and figures of idols ; whom they honour and adorn with costly temples , great gifts and large revenues , even to a prodigality : but sacrilegists either own no god , or they mock their god , making a spoyl and sport , a play and a prey of their numen ; which is the highest indignity can be offered to the deity ; as rising from such vile and atheisticall principles , which worse presume thus to defraud and abuse their god , than not at all to own him or deny him . nor have the● been wanting such signall strokes of providence in all ages , avenging this sin even in the eyes of the heathens , that men could not but confesse , doubtless there is a god that judgeth the earth . and certainly , as among christians this sin of sacriledge is at this day a great scandall to all jews , mahometans and heathens ; so among protestants or the reformed christians , it is no less offence to papists , and an obstruction to their reformation : for as averroes chose rather to bequeath his soul to herd at last with philosophers , than with the papists , who profess to worship , and yet to eat their breaden god ; so many papists resolve rather to live and die in their liberall superstition , than conform to these penurious reformers , who make no scruple to worship , and yet to rob their god , to steal from him with their hands ( like holy cut-purses ) while they speak to him , and look him familiarly in the face as friends . that i may speak my mind freely , in this point , before i die ( out of love to my god and saviour , to his church , to my countrey , to the honour of true reformed religion , and the happinesse of posterity ) i confesse this sin of sacriledge seemes to me , as of the greatest magnitude , so of the saddest weight , and most malignant presage , against , not onely private persons and families , but against any church and nation that owns the true god , and his son jesus christ , in their worship , ministry , order and service . nothing portends greater maladies and plagues of religion , than when this comet blazeth in any christian church or state. commonly great ebbs of learning and religion , with great floods of ignorance and atheism do follow , when nothing is counted sacred and inviolable ; when all things are counted godly which are gainfull , and reforming which are ravening ; when ( upon any civil fewds and breaches , wherein church-men cannot but be one way or other involved ) lay-men presently think they have ( as the plunder of war ) a good title , not onely to the libraries and lands , the personal goods and estates of particular ministers , but even to the constant revenues and perpetual patrimony , wherewith the church is endowed in the name and right of god almighty , for the order , honour and support of his worship and service . nor do many covetous wretches make any scruple what they do in this kind , if they have an order under the hands of such as have power in their hands : as if any order or act of any poor mortals ( made but yesterday ) could either prejudice and annull , or out and dispossesse god or his church , or his lawfull ministers , of those just rights , titles , donations , possessions , and acquisitions , which either a ministers private and honest industry hath , by gods blessing and the favour of the laws , obtained , and no way forfeited , or which other mens piety and bounty hath humbly and thankfully long ago devoted to god , his church , his service , and his ministers , agreeable to the lawes of the land , and the will of god , who commands us to honour him with our substance , graciously accepts such gratefull oblations from us , and precisely forbids us so far to mock him , as not to pay our own vowes , much more to rob him of the fruits of other mens devotion and vowes , whose donors sealed and confirmed those their ( anatham●ta ) holy gifts and consecrations to god and his church , with dreadfull execrations and just imprecations of divine vengeance , on any that shall presume to alienate the gift from god , and violate the last will of those pious benefactors , who are dead many ages ago . truly i cannot see how either committees , or souldiers , or parliaments , or princes ( all of them but momentary poore worms , clothed in specious pompous titles ) can pretend any good title or authority to gods derogation and diminution , who is the lord paramount , the principal and proprietor in the churches estate , and in church-mens publick goods , which they have upon the account of his service , as his salary and reward ; for which his word is not onely a sufficient justification to givers and enjoyers , but it ought to be a sufficient caution from ever sharking and alienating those things which are not ( bona caduca & mobilia , but successiva & perpetua ) momentary and movable goods , but ought to be as lasting as true religion and the service of god among mankind . nor do i think this execrable sin of sacriledge more desperate and damnable in its chief authors , first actors and abettors ( dying impenitent , that is , without restitution ) than infectious , pestilent & damageable to posterity and after-ages , who after this example will , like locusts and caterpillers , in time , not onely devour all things that are holy , and leave nothing but beggery , contempt , plebeian and stipendiary dependency , for the alimony , honor and encouragement of gods constant ministers and holy ministrations ; but infinitely discourage all christian liberality , gratitude and munificence , from dedicating any thing of setled emolument to the service of god and use of his church , which will be in worse condition than the ordinary hospitals , or the halls and companies of london , who are capable of any endowments . which i more fear , because i find that the most popular , panick , and compliant preachers , who , in all those ruffling times wherein this sin marched most furiously and triumphantly , have had many opportunities to have given some check and stop to it by their preaching or writing before both the great and the many ; yet not one of all those grand masters ( otherwise boanergesses , sons of thunder enough ) have ever ( that i have heard or seen ) faln upon this execrable sin of sacriledge , by pen or tongue , to reprove it or represse it : nay some of my own coat have made no bones to be actors and applauders of it , to eat the flesh and gnaw the bones , which some lay-men ( as over-gorged ) have left , who probably would not have ventured thus on holy things , if they had not been animated by some pulpiteers to prey upon the church and clergy . yea , some preachers have been not onely perswaders to invade and alienate church-lands , but themselves have purchased them to their private estates and secular uses , to the perpetuall infamy of their names , and horrour of their souls and their children , that shall enjoy those sacred morsels . hence is it that the warmest and most over-boyling reformers of later dayes , never so much as summoned , arraigned , questioned , or censured this monster of sacriledge , this reforming extortion , before their new consistorian tribunals . the lean sin of sabbath-breaking ( even to a poor mans gathering a few sticks , or earning a penny to relieve his hungry belly , or walking abroad to refresh his spirits ) this is oft scared , catched and scratched ( together with swearing and drunkennesse , private , personall and petty sins in comparison ) in the renewed nets of state-acts and ordinances ; but the fat sin of sacriledge ever goes scot-free , as if it had the priviledge of parliament , not to be arrested : it was never yet called to the bar of lords or commons , never examined by civil justice , never presented or promoted by the reverend scot-english assembly , which were as the grand inquest , the promoters or apparitors so long to the long parliament . for even these rabbies sitting so long in moses his chair ( and helping to displace all bishops , with all dignified church-men , from their convocations and cathedrals , upon i know not what supposed misdemeanours ) yet in their large catalogue of scandalous sins , which they had long studied , and at last , with much gravity , presented to the honourable houses , in order to a presbyterian perfect reformation of all things amisse , as to conscience and religion in church and state , they had not either so good memories , or so good courages , or so good consciences , as to reckon among that black rabble , or to impeach , no not so much as to mention , or once to name , either the sin of sacriledge or of schism . good men ! sure they either over-saw these sins in the crowd ( though they are ( one of them at least ) higher by the shoulders than most they there enumerate ; ) or they saw that a dispensation of course was to be granted to these sins , which became so popular and epidemick , yea so specious and gallant , as being clothed with the spoiles of the church , and wearing the liberties of the people for their liveries . it is not a lesse true than pertinent observation , which a very prying and perspicacious eye hath made , as to those larger annotations on the english bible , printed . ( by persons of commendable learning and industry ( some of them ) if they had been of more impartiality : ) these annotators , in every place through the bible , where the word and spirit of god signally commands them to brand the sin of sacriledge with a black mark , as one of the devils hindmost herd , do so slily and slightly passe it over , as if they had neither seen nor smelt that foul beast ; as if there were no gall in their pens , no reproof in their mouths , no courage in their hearts against this sin : they scarce ever touch it , never state it , make no perstrictive or invective stroke against it : which he thought could not be their ignorance , or inadvertency , but the cowardise , cunning and parasitisme of the times ; in which they were content , for some presbyterian ends , to connive at sacriledge in those good lords and masters , whose charity they hoped ( yea i heard some of them professe they expected ) would turn all that stream which bishops , deans and chapters enjoyed , to drive the presbyterian mills , to keep up the honour of ruling and teaching elders . otherwise it had been impossible that any thing besides a studied silence and affected palpation in men of any light and sight , could have so gently slid over that place of achans sacriledge , josh . . . or that of belshazzars , dan. . . where they blame his drunkennesse , but not his sacrilegious profanenesse , which the emphasis of the text more points at than the other . nay , upon acts . they urge against ananias and saphira the sin of lying , covetousnesse and hypocrisie , but not that of their sacriledge , and defrauding god of what now was his , and not theirs , being put out of their power by pretended donation of the whole , which was the capitall crime , withdrawing and purloyning from god and the church , part of that estate which they had pretendedly devoted ( in solidum ) the whole to sacred uses , and so put it out of their own power to resume or detain it , as s. peter tells them : yea , on rom. . . these soft-fingred censors very gently touch that rough satyr of sacriledge , where it is expresly put in the balance with idolatry , and overweighs it , as the more enormous . so on levit. . . where the levites lands are forbidden to be sold ; and on gen. . . where joseph's piety and pharaoh's policy forbear to buy or sell the priests lands ; and on ezek. . . & . . where , in order to support the evangelicall service and ministry , care is taken to appoint an holy portion of land to be laid out for the priests as an holy oblation to the lord , which might never be sold . in all these places , which are as a bright cloud of witnesses against sacriledge , these wary annotators shut their eyes , as if they could not see the prodigie ; there is altum silentium in all their glossaries ; this agag was to be spared ; by a grave and prudent silence , they doe not so much as put in any caution against it , much lesse passe any crimination or condemnation upon it : but as if they were chaplains at once serving the lord , their bellies and the times , as partaking of the table of the lord , and the table of devils ; so do they rather coaks than crush this cockatrice ; seeming ( forsooth ) fearfull of appearing superstitious men , or but luke-warm reformers , if they damped some of their good masters zeale , by bitterly inveighing against , and justly damning this darling and damnable sin of sacriledge ; which puts on the form , not onely of godlinesse and reformation , but of thrift and good husbandry , to save the publick purse in the necessary expences of a civil warre ; which in some mens desires , as i believe it had never been begun , but onely in order to destroy the government of the church , and confiscate those revenues , so ( all things computed ) i no lesse believe that the state or secular purse hath had but a dear penniworth of those church-lands , at so vast a charge as hath attended the war , first commenced by presbytery against episcopacy . chap. xxii . which flames having soon consumed the lands , houses , and revenues of bishops and cathedrals ( whose honour was the publick honour of this nation , of this reformed church , and of every sober minister ) grew so masterlesse , that they threatned not onely the livings of parochiall ministers , but the very nurseries of learning , the schools of the prophets , the colledges and lands of both universities ; which seemed to be spared and reprieved a while by the loud outcries of those men who had there got into the warm nests of other birds , whom they had driven from thence ; but the wide jawes of some sacrilegious spirits did , and do still gape and grin upon these ecclesiastick and academick remaining morsels , grudging that they are not satisfied with them : nor will they faile to be devoured in a few yeares , if persons of soveraign power and nobler spirits doe not protect them , as hitherto they have done , from that ever-craving leech of sacriledge , which lives unsatiably crying give , give , in some lay-mens breasts ; nor may they be too confident of every parlament to be their friends or defenders . a notable alarm and instance of which danger the lord herbert gives in the reign of our henry the . who as an helduo or unsatiable gulph , having swallowed up , digested and egested as much treasure and lands as would have purchased a good kingdome , and maintained it in all equipage , both military and civil , becoming majesty , yet still indigent and necessitous , he was offered by the house of commons in a parlament toward his later end , all the lands and houses of the two famous universities , to be confiscated to his exchecquer , by a most mechanick prostitution of the learning , the honour , and the piety of the nation . but that dreadfull prince told them , not without a just scorn , that he had too much of a scholar in him to destroy two such universities as the world had not the like . and he had so much of a christian prince too , as not to destroy bishops and cathedrals , or to take away their houses and estates ; but he rather added to them , and erected four new bishopricks out of the lands of some collegiate and monastick churches . had he with the same moderation and justice then restored impropriations to the church , for the competent maintenance of ministers in all places , he had done a work so glorious and usefull to religion , as might have expiated all other his royall extravagancies . for my part , i am confident the just god will visit this sin of sacriledge upon any person , family or nation , that are guilty of it : nor will the controversie ever be taken up till either full vengeance , or due restitution and redemption be made , of what was gods portion , for the order , honour and maintenance of his service and this church , no more than israel could stand in battel , while achan and the accursed or devoted thing was among them . the safety , honour , peace , plenty , happinesse , and chiefly the piety and religion of any nation , professing the name and worship of the true god , all these will fatally decay , and be upon not onely great hazards , but diminutions and distresses , while professors of religion and reformation make god the father , and christ the godfather of any sacriledge , as if it were as acceptable a service to them , to take away from such a christian and reformed church such meanes as was fit to maintain ( and anciently devoted to ) the honour and encouragement of christs ministers and governours of his church , as it was to burn the chariots , and hough the horses of the sun in pieces . 't is true , all that is dedicated to false ( that is no ) gods , is an injury , and a sacrilegious robbing of the true god ; therefore those donations may lawfully , in some mens judgements , be taken away : but none ever allowed true men to be false to the true god , to rob and defraud him , who is the maker and giver of all . shall christians grudge to give that to christ , yea and rapine that from him which others have given to him , who is the repairer and restorer of all ? no , good angels can guard those men or that nation which they see guilty of robbing that good god they professe to worship . certainly sacriledge is the more notorious sin , and of deeper die , by how much it is committed among christians , and most where they professe to be most reformed , who should best know how much they owe to god , how they should value the gift of his son jesus christ to die for them , and the feet of his messengers , who preach those glad tidings to poor sinners . nor can i but observe , how god hath already visited with no small or light strokes of his vengeance , as the whole nation , so in particular , the sinfull and shamefull silence even of those ministers who were so cold , cunning and indifferent , as to the reproving of sacriledge and schism , provided they might ( in other designes ) gain their processe . they and their dictators too have , for the most part , both in england and scotland , reaped nothing but shame and infamy , reproch and contempt , which is the shadow ever following sacriledge , even among honest heathens and true christians , while they could liberally declaim and lift up their voices like trumpets , in an oratory not more loud and popular , than flat and insipid , against a few decent and innocent ceremonies , against a handsome and wholsome liturgy , against learned , godly and reverend bishops , farre their betters , against ancient and catholick episcopacy , which preserved the order and unity of the church ; but in the great concerns of gods glory , this churches honour , the clergies maintenance , the good of mens souls , and the credit of the christian and reformed religion ( which were all so invaded by a bold and resolute sacriledge , threatning all setled livings and maintenance of ministers and scholars ) there they peep and mutter , like obs and pythons , whispering as out of the earth and their bellies , not from their hearts , more dubiously than the oracles of apollo , and more obscurely than the sibyls leaves . thus artificiall are some men at the swallowing of camels and sticking at gnats . i doe not forespeak or imprecate a further evil day upon any , but rather i pray for personall , yea nationall repentance , amendment and pardon ; without which i am confident god will vindicate his great name , and the name of jesus christ , together with the honour and principles of both christian and true reformed religion , from so great a scandal as sacriledge is , against all those men , whatever they are , their parties and posterities , who not onely dare to commit it , but to connive at it , yea commend it , yea to boast of it , yea impute it to the impulses of gods spirit , to their zeal for religion , and to their aimes at a perfect or through reformation . after all which noise and rattle , god knowes , much is more deformed than ever in religion , both as to the polity and power of it , the outward order and inward efficacy ; nothing truly reformed by robbing the church , but onely the tenuity of some mens former fortunes . if the persons of any church-men in england had by their misdemeanour legally forfeited their use and enjoyments of such holy things , as they had in gods name , and as the churches servants ; yet certainly the whole church and nation had not lost their right in them ; posterity could not consent to be deprived of those advantages of learning and religion , and i am sure gods title to them can never fall under any forfeiture or escheat , whose speciall patrociny those demesnes were . in the goods and lands belonging to the ministry and church of christ , for the service of god , for the education and maintenance of his ministers , for the well-ordering and government of the church , and relief of the poor , who ever presumes to impropriate them by meer power , or purchase them to his private estate , had need have either a very good penniworth of them , for they will destroy more than they bring , or a better title than ananias had to what was once his own , or than god himself hath to them , when once devoted and given to him ; yea , they need more power to preserve such estates to their use and their posterities , than god hath to blesse or curse both them and theirs . i have read it as an observation made out of many authors , that the holy vessels of the temple , which were taken from jerusalem by titus vespasian , and tossed up and down to many countreys and cities , in europe , asia and africa , did ( as the ark among the philistins ) carry alwayes a storm and calamity with them , with such a sacred horrour , that no man durst melt them or divert them to secular uses or private benefit , untill they were at last brought out of africa from carthage ( as i remember ) to constantinople , and there dedicated by a christian emperour to the service and honour of christ , in the goodly church of sancta sophia , which constantine the great built and endowed with many goodly both vessels and revenues , as eusebius tells us , yea and commanded all goods taken from christian churches in former times to be restored . sacriledge , what fair face soever it carries , hath the taile and sting of a serpent ; nor can any man die with peace , or hope for the prosperity of his family after him , who knowingly is guilty of that sin. modest and honest christians will not ( no not in their extremities ) take from god and his church so much as a shooe-latchet to make them rich ; david would have been famished ( i believe ) rather than by force have taken the shew-bread , or priests portion from them , which was a work onely fit for doeg , who durst take away their lives . chap. xxiii . i know it will be pleaded by some ( that are more politick than pious , religionis trapezitae ) . that civil polities have the absolute supreme power over all things of civil rights and secular enjoyments , to dispose of them as seems most for the publick safety , profit and honour ; . that whatever is acted , passed and possessed by such authority , seems valid and unquestionable ; . that those lands and revenues which nourished bishops , deans and prebends , were superfluous , if not superstitious , as to the point of christian and reformed religion ; . that if there be any fault in any mens first invading and alienating things sacred , yet private possessors , either by gift or purchase of them , are afterward in no fault , as having the highest civil right to what they so enjoy ; . besides divers princes and states have disposed , as they pleased , of church-revenues . to all these pretensions every mans own reason and conscience will first and best give answer , if it be not partiall , and bribed by its own private gain : but to open the eyes of such as are willingly blind , i must tell them , in words of sobernesse and truth , with all due respect to whatever powers are ordained of god as supreme among men , . no man , as to his own private civil estate ( to which he hath a good right in law ) would think it just , without any fault done by him or proved against him , to be deprived of it , and turned out of all by any reason of state. how then can he think it just , as to any church-mens ecclesiastick estates , that they should be outed of their estates , to which they have both a civil and religious title , both gods right and mans donation ? no christians should offer that measure to christ and his ministers which they would not have offered unto themselves . . though civil polities m●y have the supreme power over particular mens estates , among men , yet 't is a power ( sub graviore regno ) subordinate to gods soveraignty , and ought to be subject to those rules of reason , justice and religion , which he hath given mankind , and especially christians : the greater any mens power is , the more strict the piety and equity of it should be ; for they are subject to erre and to sin no lesse than private men , and are no lesse punishable by divine vengeance , both singly and socially : whole nations may rob god , and be accursed of him . . civil polities in their due conjunctures are indeed justly counted supreme upon earth , being , as they ought to be , free and full ; when all estates , called , convened and concerned in publick counsels and transactions , have liberty to plead and vote , deny and grant , to hear and argue , to judge and determine , according to the conscience of all , and not according to the prevalency and bias of any one party , nor exclusive of any mens consent which ought to be had in such cases , either as to the right of enjoyment , or as to the joynt , legislative and supreme power , which onely can make a legall alienation of any civil rights . 't is evident that the most united and excellent parlaments in england for piety and peace , did abhor and avoid sacriledge as a sin against god , his church , and all good men . the kings of england were bound by oath to preserve the state and rights of the church ; nor were peers and people lesse bound in duty and gratitude to god and man , than if they had been sworn . . it doth not appear by any law of god or man , in reason or religion , that any humane or civil power hath any authority or jurisdiction to the prejudice of gods rights and interest , whose the estate and revenues of the church are in fee , as chief lord , being dedicated to his service , worship and glory , and are indeed in no mans property , however in church-mens use , as gods tenants . the acts of power and will may prevaile among men , and hold good in westminster-hall , in foro soli & humano ; but they cannot give a right in foro coeli & conscientiae , before gods tribunall , or in a mans own conscience , which regard not actuall and arbitrary power , but internall right and equity , which forbids any injury to be done to any man , and specially to those that are the ministers or servants of christ and his church , whose injuries redound to god himself . good christians must consider not quid factum valet among men , but quid fieri debuit , as to the exact righteousnesse which god requires . the dividing christs garment among the souldiers , and casting lots for his vesture was not sufficient to give them a good title to his clothes as their fees , when christ was so partially and unjustly condemned . . the practise of some princes or common-weals is no precedent or rule for christians to follow , no more than jeroboams reason of state to prevent the return of israel to davids house justified his calves . yea , though we read some tolerable or good kings of judah did make bold with the treasures of the lords house , to redeem themselves , and both church and state , from hostile invasions ( as the ancient clergy oft sold their rich vessels or chalices of the church , to redeem captive kings , as our richard the first , and other christians ) yet this is recorded by the spirit of god to their diminution , though it were but borrowing the gold of the doors , and superfluities of the temple , with a purpose ( no doubt ) to restore them in better times : but we never read that any prince or people of any note for piety , did ever take away the lands and houses of the priests and levites of old , nor those revenues , tithes and oblations , which were the honourable or necessary subsistence of evangelick ministers , the very livelihood of many worthy men and their families , the publick rewards of learned men and usefull vertues , also the honorary encouragements of all ministers , and advantages of christian reformed religion , especially in engl. where governours in some eminency wil be found as necessary for the order and well-being of the church , as ministers are for the praying and preaching part . . if the first alienators of holy things be , as principals , sinners and sacrilegious against god and his church , i fear it will be hard for those to excuse themselves of being accessary to the sin who ( knowingly ) accept or purchase them at the second or third hand ; however the title may by power be made good among men , yet sure there is no power valid , or title good against god , nor can unjustice stand before his exact justice ; if no wise or honest man will deal in dubious estates or crackt titles , as to civil bargenings and purchases , much lesse where god and the church , besides particular men and ministers too , make so pregnant claimes and clear titles by law , that nothing but absolute will and power of man can be brought to make good the contrary . nothing is more for the honour of a christian nation , than to have no men in it that would buy gods portion , and the churches patrimony . . he that had bought the wedge and garment of achan ignorantly , might have been excusable , as to any complication with , or comprobation of his theft and sacriledge ; yet , no doubt , he must have restored them , as anathemaes devoted to god , if he expected any peace or comfort : but whoso had knowingly bought or received them of achan , could not but be guilty of his sin , and under the same condemnation ; nor could israel ever recover its courage , strength and honour , till the camp was cleared of those both goods and persons , who stood before god under the brand , offense and high guilt of sacriledge . . every mans own experience or conscience will give him the fullest convictions , as to this sin : and i am of opinion , that no mans estate is so fat and thrifty , by what he hath at first , second , or third hand taken or detained from the church , but he feeles the sharp stings and gnawings of his own misgiving conscience , besides his famished and fearfull soul ; which justly dreads to look judgement or death in the face , when he knows how ill account he can give either of goods unjustly taken and detained from the right owners of them , or ( willingly ) bought at under rates from a second had . if personall and private injuries done against the estate and livelihood of any one poor man , will oppresse the greatest oppressor at the last day ; where will they appeare who are found oppressors of many men , and these religious men too , yea and ministers of god and his church , for the good of the souls of many thousands for many generations ? nor will it excuse some men , that they are ( upon occasion ) zealous to relieve poor ministers and other distressed protestants abroad , if they help to undoe and impoverish their own pastors at home . sacriledge is certainly a scandall not to be so easily wiped away from the face of any reformed church and religion , if it were either the principle , practise , or approbation of any , which it never was , is , or wil be : nor can so great a sin be so cheaply expiated by any men , with almes given to relieve some poor men in their distresses . but i have done with this viper , this dragon , this fiery flying serpent ; against whose poyson and fiercenesse i know no antidote sufficient , but a pure heart , innocent hands , and a good conscience : nor is any charm potent enough to resist its contagion among mean and mercenary spirits , when once it comes to be an indulged and exemplary mischief , fortified as with a law , yea consecrated as the brazen serpent , for an healing emblem , that is , a lay-meanes to reform churches , to regulate clergy-men , and to recommend christian religion , which must all be impoverished that they may be improved . no armes are strong enough to give check and repression to its insolency , but such thunder-bolts as jupiter is said to have used against typhoeus , or briareus , or enceladon ; such giants as designed to pillage the gods , and to sack heaven it self , whom the poets fancied to be cast into those tophets or burning mountains , such as are aetna , vesuvius , and others ; the fittest terrours of everlasting burnings to scare men from sacriledge , which is a mischief ( a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) beyond any that can befall true religion , or mankind , especially when it pretends most to befriend and regulate religion . such sacriledge ( as a clandestine persecution ) is worse than any open hostility : for this invited even enemies to embrace a profession adorned with such saintly patience and heroick constancy ; but the other alienates all , both , friends and strangers from such religion as ( is felo de se ) cuts its own throat , mocks and strips its saviour , thieves from its god , impoverisheth and debaseth his priests and ministers , gives nothing but scandals and offences to all men of any just principles and generous piety , not onely to divines and preachers , but to princes , noblemen , gentlemen , lawyers and souldiers , both protestant and papist , who have any value of their saviour , respect to their god , gratitude to their preachers , or love to true religion and true reformation . not but that i know many men , in a licentious and presumptuous age , which nothing but daily thunder-bolts can confute , like deaf adders , after all is said that can be against sacriledge , yet flatter themselves in the good purchases they make of church-lands . they reply with great confidence , that many grow rich , who dwell and trade in sacriledge-alley ; that church-lands afford as good crops and rents as any other ; that many prosper under this imaginary curse , which is rather in church-mens fretfull fancies than in gods displeasure , that if it be a sin in the first alienators , yet the after-purchasers are not concerned in the guilt , many of them thriving and leaving their substance to their children . my answer is , it is very true ( as king john scoffingly said ) that stagg may be fat which never heard masse . belshazzar might drink pleasant wine out of the vesssels of the temple : many pirates ( as the ancient moralists observed ) had fair winds after they had pillaged the temples of their gods : many enjoy the warm sun , who are out of gods blessing ; without which , not onely leanenesse enters into mens souls , amidst their greatest worldly enjoyments , but terrour also , sooner or later , seizeth on them . no mans estate can be justly esteemed prosperous which lies obnoxious to gods curse , as theirs expresly doth mal. . . even to an whole nation , who are robbers of god. without he continuall feast of a good conscience , fulnesse it self becomes famine . no man can with comfort build or dwell· there where the beams and stones out of the wall cry against him , as a sacrilegious invader or possessor . there must needs be gravell between those teeth which eat that bread which belongs to the nourishment of those who ought to feed the flock of christ . i am sure no sacriledge can at present enjoy a secure and serene title before god ; and for the future , it is in many instances to be verified ( vix gaudet tertius haeres ) such estates seldome descend , and if they do , are seldome enjoyed with blessing and comfort by the third heirs , whose teeth are set on edge by those sower grapes which their fathers have eaten . a serpent doth sometime or other bite the hand , head or heart of such who break down the hedge and fence of gods church and vineyard , which cannot be duly dressed , if gods husbandmen , the pastors and ministers , be weakened and impoverished : with whose spoiles as i resolve , by gods grace , never to be enriched , either by purchase or gift upon any terms ; so i wish the like resolution to all my friends : & ( as a father ) i do impose it by way of solemn charge upon my posterity ( lesse arbitrary than that injunction of drinking no wine , observed by the rechabites ) that they never buy or accept any thing which they find is by any pretence , power or presumption whatsoever , alienated from gods right , or the churches patrimony ; that is , such things as have , according to the evangelical tenour of gods will and word , been dedicated or given to gods glory and worship , either in piety or charity , either for the maintenance and support of christs ministers in particular , or for the general honor , polity , order and government of them and the whole church ; which is , in my judgement , as sacred and inviolable , both in equity and charity , honour and humanity , as what is once , and so irrevocably , if lawfully , given by way of almes to the poor ; for this concerns but the momentary , the other the eternall life of poor mortals . in earnest , no religion can be carried on with due reputation , which turns godlinesse into unjust gain , or makes secular advantages , by perverting of things devoted to divine uses , to spirituall and sacred ends : of which sin i fear too many in england have been and still are guilty , both as actors and abettors , under the name and pretence of i know not what reformation . but men of consciences rather legall than evangelicall , will be ready to object , ( in behalf of such proprietors as have given valuable prices , rather than good consideration , for such revenues as have been alienated in the heat and roughnesse of times from the church ) as amaziah king of judah did to the man of god , what shall i doe for the hundred talents which i have given ? &c. what shall purchasers do to have recompence , who have adventured their estates in such bargains upon publick justice , protection and faith ? must they be wholly losers of their bargaines , yea and must their money ( like magus's ) perish with them , as will follow , if they hold not what they have thus bought ? my answer is , first , many of them had such bargains , as they can be no great losers , if they should freely restore the peeled and remaining lands to the church ; as it might perhaps lessen their profit a little , so possibly it might much encrease their peace and comfort . but to make the way of restitution lesse clamorous , and most equitably conscientious , i humbly conceive , that as the publick purse , to save mens secular estates , had the benefit of those church-confiscations , and sales in most expensive thrift , which seemes to me lesse commendable , and lesse comfortable ; so the wisdome , justice , piety and honour of the publick shall do worthy of it self , to find some such way both to buy in impropriations , and to make such restitutions as may be least oppressive to any particular man : which is no very hard work , much lesse impossible , if mens hearts were as large , and their purses as free for the means of saving their souls , as for their civil safety , which every year costs as much as in one yeare for all would in great part effect this most honourable ▪ just and religious work , of restoring to god , his ministers and his church , those things which fall under so dubious a title at best , that few lawyers of learning and conscience can find salvoes sufficient to satisfie those grand objections , which reason , scripture , ecclesiasticall and imperiall laws , make against the dispossessing any church of those donations and enjoyments which are gods in chief . chap. xxiv . what sober , wise , and wary christian , not wholly carried down the stream of envy and an evil covetousnesse , can henceforth wonder to see those of the roman party obstinate in their errours , and hating to be reformed , while they see reformation thus marching , like jehu , furiously , looking in every quarter for the prey and spoiles of the church , as if it were carried on not by the meeknesse and bounty of primitive christians and pious princes ( such as constantine , theodosius , valentian , and others of former times ) but by achmats and selimusses , by saracens , tartars , turks and crabats , men like evening-wolves , devouring all they can rap and rend from the church , where ever they prevaile ; such spirits of burning , which ( like flaming fire ) leave all things like a parched heath and barren wildernesse behind them , which they found well planted and watered , beautifull and plentifull , like the garden of god , while the church enjoyed its nursing fathers and carefull preservers of its polity and support , its order and honour , its revenues and rights , both humane and divine . the ecclesiasticks of the roman party are not onely very numerous , but ( many of them ) persons of noble families , excellent breeding , great learning , generous spirits , and choice abilities , for affaires civil and sacred ; every way as well meriting and employing those advantages of estates and honours , which they lawfully enjoy , as any of those are like to doe , who would by force , or under specious pretensions , deprive them of those enjoyments ; who can think it strange , that such persons of eminency , with all their relations , friends , clientels and dependences , are very unwilling to come under the hands of such rifling reformers , such mad shavers of religion , who design not onely to cut off some part of the long locks and over-grown haire of church-men ( i mean the riot and luxuriancy of their manners , which are the reall deformity of any christian , much more of any clergy-man ) but they intend to treat them as hanun did davids messengers , or as the philistins did sampson , shave them so bare and close , make them so curtailed and cropt , that all their strength , beauty , esteem and honour shall depart from them , not onely in the sight of people of better quality , but even before the very abjects of the people ; who may afterward safely contemn and scorn them , as persons unable to doe them good or hurt . who sees not that some mens cruel severities and rude reformings , if they had their wills , are not to be satisfied with the wooll and fleece of church-men , but they study to flea off their very skins ? they gape like the pit , and enlarge their mouthes like hell , while any estate is yet left to the church ; not onely goodly mannors , and fair houses , which have properly belonged many hundred yeares to church-men and the church of christ , but glebes , tithes , yea , the material churches and chappels must all goe down the unsatiable gulphs , the sacrilegious gules of some lack-latine reformers ; nothing ample or setled must be left to any ministers , either bishops or presbyters , be they never so sound in doctrine , exemplary in their lives , of excellent abilities , and charitable spirits , as many were heretofore , and still are , in england . the greedy godlinesse of some reformers would have all preachers such spiritual persons as should , like chameleons , live onely upon the aire , their own and the popular breath , with little or no corporal sustenance , urging much that primitive poverty , which , armed with the conspicuity of miracles , and attended with primitive charity in christian people , was no diminution , but advantage to the bishops and ministers of the gospel ; for they then lived among believers of so generous liberality & grateful beneficence , that they were the cream and flower of christianity , esteeming their preachers dearer than their right eyes : but we alas are faln among unsatiable leeches & tenacious vultures ; in an age ingeniously wicked , to mock god , to rob the church , to deceive and damn their own with others souls , full of the dregs of hypocritical cruelty & covetous formality ; which loves the goods of the church of christ as much as those in former times did the good of it , when by their munificent bounty , christian princes , nobility and gentry , bestowed those many ample and honourable endowments on the church of christ , and his ministers in all countreys , where the state of christians was peaceable and plentifull ; ) which gifts now were the great baits of some sacrilegious reformers , who to be sure love the world , themselves , and their mammon very well : how they love god and christ , the church and the clergy , i list not to judge , but leave it to be known by their good works ; by the great things they have either done or suffered for religion ; by the cost and charges they have been at from their private purses , to make a gainfull reformation ; by that zeale they have to eat up the houses of god , to serve god in a way that may cost them nothing to be sure , and next , get them some good booty and advantage from the church , while any is to be had . i therefore appeale to all men of any equitable , honest or ingenuous senses , is it expectable , that persons of so much learning , reason , prudence and experience , as the roman clergy generally are , should ever think of approving , much lesse of embracing such a reformation , which ( besides other foul spots cast by some upon it , unsuitable to any thing of true religion ) evidently threatens the utter ruine of their honour and livelihood , yea of their very order and function ? will any sober papist wash in this jordan , in order to be clean , which he sees not onely so troubled and tumultuary , but so violent and excessive , that , like a rapid torrent , it overflowes all banks of modesty , moderation , equity and charity , carrying down all before it , and overwhelming at once both churches and church-men ? it hurries them away ( without ever hearing them plead for themselves ) into the gulph and precipice of poverty and basenesse , of dishonour and contempt , of disorder and confusion . what grave and well-advised romanists wil not be much upon the reserve , as to any thoughts of reformation , when they see that under that colour they are sure to be undone ? they must lose all those personall acquisitions and honorary enjoyments which they have obtained by the will of the dead , by the lawes of any christian nation , by the proportions of equity and gratitude , by the indulgence of god , & the merits of christ : yea , though they should be content to admit of all reall reformations in doctrine and manners , yet still they must , by a pious stupidity and asinine sanctity , consent to have themselves and their whole order deprived of all those necessary supports , comely ornaments , and just honours , which were most fitting for the christians god and saviour , for christian churches , and ministers of the glorious gospel : all these must be wasted , alienated and embezelled from god , his church , and his ministers , in order to gratifie either the exorbitant luxury of some riotous prince , or the more thrifty covetousnesse of some state and common-wealth , or the ever-craving and envious necessities of some private mean-spirited people , till they see deformity , beggery , contempt , confusion , and all irreligion , dancing , like satyrs and evil spirits , among the ruines of religion , and amidst the desolations , not of the pomp so much as of the very power and profession , of true christianity . which dreadfull effects must needs be much in the eye and abhorrence of every pious and prudent man , who sees by evident experience what some mens reformations doe mean , when they not onely grudge at all setled , just and honourable maintenance of ministers , which they would fain swallow up and divert another way ; but they are further as studious to demolish and devour , as ever their fore-fathers were to build , even those publick monuments of pristine devotion , gratitude and magnificence , which became christians , above all men , to their bountifull god and blessed saviour . even those goodly cathedrals and other materiall churches ( which never cost their defacers one penny to build or repaire them ) these must , if some men may have their wills ( and they have had it , god knowes , too much ) be so robbed of all their great endowments and ancient revenues , that nothing must be left so much as to repaire them , or keep them up for the honour of christ , and the use of christian people , for the service of god and the glory of the nation : no , they must be so pillaged and stripped , that they are exposed to the injuries of wind and weather , and at last left so bare and naked , without covering as well as repaire , that they must necessarily drop down with their own weight , daily mouldring away , and burying themselves in their own rubbish ; out of which some wretched sacrilegists aim to extract and scrape some profit to their private purses , by a most prodigious kind of prodigality and unthrifty thrift , which reduceth the cost of many thousands of pounds , and the publick monuments of piety and honour , to a pedling private gain , or a three-half-penny account , sacrificing so many sumptuous piles of many hundred yeares duration to the purses , kitchins and bellies of some pittifull and proling reformers : all which sacred and stately structures were once consecrated to gods glory , and dedicated to the publick celebration of holy duties and mysteries , in the name , and for the honour of our saviour jesus christ . can you ( o my noble and honoured countrey-men ) imagine , that sober ecclesiasticks , or others among the papists , are so blind , as not to see these sad events , and to foresee their own calamities in other countreys , if they should give way to some mens rude reformings ? if a sober and setled reformation ( such as was sometime so conspicuous and renowned in the church of england , ) if this did heretofore any way invite or incline many romanists to embrace it , as some did , with the safety of their civill profits and honours , as well as the advantages of gods truth and piety ; and if the unjesuited papists could have found in their hearts ( as many did ) to apply to that reformation of religion , which preserved , together with the sanctity , integrity and majesty of true religion , the honest interests of deserving church-men , as well as of other christians , from those popular rapines and sacrilegious exorbitances , to which the envy , basenesse , rusticity and covetousnesse of vulgar spirits are prone to be transported : yet certainly , now , they cannot but with shame , horrour and disdain , look upon , speak , or think of those boundlesse and bitter reformations , which some in later years have aimed at and endeavoured in england ; which will endure , . first , no liturgy , or uniformity of devotions in publick holy celebrations , by which to avoid those either defects or excesses , those partialities and prejudices , those improprieties and scandals , which necessarily attend holy duties , and the minds of people , while all prayers and solemn consecrations are left to the varieties , sufficiencies , or deficiencies , to the private and extemporary confidences of every man and minister that lists to officiate . . next , it will endure no ancient and authentick ordination of ministers , nor any degree of eminency , order , or government among the clergy , but all must be left to a presbyterian parity , or higglede pigglede of preachers , yea and people too ; in which young and old , gray and green , novices and veterane ministers must be levelled and jumbled together . notwithstanding god and nature , age and yeares , gifts and graces , prudence and gravity , piety and policy , have distinguished them , and made them fit to be superiour and subordinate in reason and religion , in piety and policy , as fathers and sons ; yet these must all be blended and confounded in i know not what new consistory chaos , which at every meeting creates its raw moderators and unexperienced presidents , turning by a continuall circumgyration and multiplied epicycles , its heads into tayles , and its tayles into heads ; its rulers into ruled , and it s ruled into rulers . . last of all , the new modes of some mens reformings will not endure that any church-men , as ministers , should have any thing certain or setled , as their own , whereon to feed , unlesse it be their nailes and fingers ends ; no nor any constant either mansions , where they should dwell , or churches , where they should meet with christian congregations , to worship and serve the god of heaven , in that order and beauty of holinesse which becomes his name , his people , and publick service in times of peace and plenty . chap. xxv . if such odious , scandalous and sacrilegious proportions of some mens reformations were any way disputable , or less discernable in every city , town , and corner almost of the land ( to which ( as cuckoes in april ) this evil bird of sacriledge is flown , every where crying with its harsh and unwelcome note , give , give , ) yet there is one instance of its malignity and deformity so great , so visible , that as it cannot be hid , so i cannot be silent of it , even in that imperiall chamber , that overgrown metropolis of this nation , the rich and renowned , the opulent and populous city of london ; where that vast and stately temple , which was once dedicated to the honour of the true god , and the service of our blessed saviour , distinguished by the name of the great apostle of the gentiles , s. paul , whose gospel sounded even to this island , this church ( i say ) hath engraven upon its ruines , and written on its dust , the dreadfull characters of what thousands will interpret either a sacrilegious covetousnesse , or a great contempt of religion , or a negligence and indifferency , as to any sense of publick honor & nationall renown , there being not the like spectacle to be seen in all the christian world. all which , both forraigners and domesticks , present age and posterity , will be prone to impute to the exceeding disgrace and reproch of that large & luxuriant city , which hath nothing in all that mighty forrest of buildings , comparable to that magnificent pile ; on whose unrepaired and ( in a few years ) irreparable ruines , the irreligion of some mens reformations , besides the dishonour of that city ( that i say not of the whole nation ) will be so written and recorded in the heaps of many generations , that no time will wholly remove the one , or obliterate the other . especially when it shall be remembred , how vast a charge was not many years since laid out , and how great a progresse was made , by the art , industry , piety , munificence , care , cost and honour of that city and the whole nation , toward the reparation of that stupendious masse : three parts of four were so admirably restored , even beyond their primitive beauty and strength , that they needed not to fear the teeth of time , nor the corrosions of that fuliginous aire for many hundreds of years ; such cost and art conspired to its restauration and preservation , that in all probability pauls might have lasted a monument of pristine piety and modern magnificence , the crown and honour of that city , as long as the world endured ; nor should have suffered any other fate than that which threatens , in not many centuries of years , to shake heaven and earth . but now ( alas ) all this great care and cost is ( for the most part ) quite lost and run to wast , for want of adding a little more , to have gloriously completed what was generously begun . what ingenuous soul ( not eaten up with an envious eye and a sacrilegious spirit ) did not find vehement regrets , honest pity , and sharp remorses in his heart , when he saw that goodly temple of god turned to a stable by a military either necessity or liberty ; when ( passing by ) he discerned all the scaffolds which supported those ponderous arches ( till the sides of the building were confirmed ) pulled down , not without the danger and dread of those which removed them , to burn or sell them ; when ( after this ) he beheld the lead which covered it flayed off by piece-meal , and turned to private advantages ; when last of all he was afraid to passe through the isles , or come near the arches of that great structure , for fear it should fall upon him and oppresse him with those horrid heaps , which every moment threatned to fall , their cement being dissolved by rain and weather ? to this tragick posture is that stately structure reduced , which was the noblest ornament of that great and renowned city , as it were the centre of its stability , magnificence , and honour : yea , it was justly reckoned among the chiefest visible instances of the christian glory and renown of this nation , while both natives and strangers beheld it not without a sacred horrour and unwonted admiration . i pray god the ruine of that church be not a presage of other ruines , which will be more unwelcome to many of that city , when their seiled houses shall become ruinous heaps . i know there are of later years , so many pedlars and enterlopers in religion , that they are in danger to spoile the grand trade of true reformation , which ought to be carried on by a publick joynt stock of christian counsel and charity : for their gainfull godlinesse aims not onely to make all ministers of the church so mean and miserable , that they shall have just cause to envy the poorest pesants and the meanest mechanicks ; but they further design to reduce all our material churches , or houses of god in the land , to such sordid deformities , that these shall have cause to envy , not onely the spruce and costly houses of these thrifty reformers , but their very barns and stables , which they will have more substantiall , and in better repair , yea more decent and cleanly , than our churches ; into which christians ( as gods harvest ) are frequently gathered together , to serve and worship their saviour , to praise , adore and admire the god of heaven . while there is no end of the cost and curiosity , the beauty and richness of their private dwellings , yet are these church-worms , these moths of reformation , ever murmurnig & repining at what charge is bestowed , even by other men , either long since , or late , upō our churches ; and with a most supercilious demurenesse and affected zelotry ( the better to colour over or conceal their sacrilegious spirits ) they are heard very oft to cry out , to what purpose is this wast , this excessive , yea , superstitious cost ? what need is there of such goodly stones , such stately pillars , such massive timber , such costly coverings with lead , when we may serve god at a cheaper rate , full as well , nay farre better , in a barn or stable , in a common hall or parlour ? alas , god dwels not in temples made with hands , nor is he pleased with such prodigall expences , in order to his worship : how much more acceptable were it to him , if this money were bestowed on the poor , those living temples of gods spirit ? these are the penurious principles which some whining reformers , use , to save their purses , yea , and to fill them , as occasion serves , with the spoiles both of churches and church-men too ; which some men , i believe , have already done , without giving ( that ever i heard ) any portion as almes to the poore : and for hire , some poor labouring men have been so conscientious christians , that they would not be employed or hired by them on any terms to pull down churches , lest they should do the work and receive the wages of iniquity . i cannot but answer these men according to their folly and presumption ; the rather , because they pretend religion and reformation of all things to a spirituall way of worshipping and serving god , which they understand may reach their hands , eyes , tongues , heads and hearts , but not their purses . that is their noli me tangere , the peculiar and reserve exempted from gods claim and title , not contained in any commission of religion , yea precisely excluded out of the new copies and schemes of reformation , drawn different from all ancient originalls of judaick or christian devotion , by men that are very wise in their owne eyes , and very wary to save their purses . i pray god they be as carefull to save their souls . that these new masters may not too much triumph in their own fancies , they may please to understand , that we other christians , who love to serve god in the beauty of holinesse and handsomnesse , who are ambitious to honour god and his worship with our substance , we are not so uncatechised , as not to know almost as well as these supercilious and parsimonious censors , that the divine immensity is so farre from dwelling in a comprehensive or inclosed manner , in houses made with hands , that the heaven of heavens cannot containe him ; he onely is his own heaven , a center and circumference fixed in and full of himself , alone comprehensive of his own incomprehensible excellencies : yet ( under favour of these seraphick teachers ) the high and holy one that inhabits eternity delights to dwell among the sons of men ; not onely in humble spirits , contrite hearts , and believing souls ( by the speciall and invisible residence of his grace and spirit ) but also in such visible manifestations as are specially circumscribed by times and places ; where it may not unproperly be said the lords name is placed , while there it is solemnly called upon , blessed and praised by the congregation of the lords people , who meet together to worship the lord in such places , as not onely fit their own conveniencies best , but carry some proportion to their affections , honour , reverence , devotion and relation toward their great god and glorified saviour , even before the sons of men , who by the light of nature require and expect that the divine majesty should be worshipped , not in places of profane and common use , but such as are specially separated from them , and dedicated or consecrated to holy services , agreeable to that relation they bear to the most holy god , as houses of prayer , and so houses of god , such as the blessed apostles and the lord jesus himself disdained not to frequent , among the jews , as the place of publick worship , consecrated to god. 't is true , our god needs not such houses , as to his omnipresence ; but he requires them so far , as they are evidences of our respects to him . nor are churches onely intended for the conveniences of christians to meet together , that they may sit warm and dry ; but they serve further to expresse ( when god gives us peace and plenty ) that high esteem and honour we bear to our god ; also the love we have to the place where his honour dwels ( as to visible service and outward communion : ) lastly , they serve to tell the world how large-hearted and liberall-handed true christians and well-reformed ones can be toward their god and saviour , not onely equall to , but beyond , if need be , to what heathenish devotion and romish superstition did pretend . if such costly and stately fabricks of churches were lesse needfull , in respect of the proportions of love and respect we ought to bear , and expresse to the glory and service of god ; if christians , at first , might well want them , when they could not in their poverty and persecution either have or enjoy them ; yet in a setled and flourishing state , as eusebius and others tell us , christians were ashamed and most impatient , not to shew forth by the cost and state of their churches , what was their zeal for god , and high honour to their crucified saviour . goodly churches and princely cathedrals every where grew up on the sudden in all the christian world , like tulips , or fair flowers in a garden , when the winter of persecution was gone , and when the spring-time of peace began to shine , as in the blessed time of the great constantine ; then began christian churches , oratories , or dominicals , to out-shine the temples of the heathen gods , the palaces of princes , the balneos and theatres of free cities : these great and lasting foundations were the trophies , or triumphant arches of christian religion , every where erected , and witnessing that it had , by the blood of the lamb , and the patience of primitive martyrs , happily conquered the malice of satan , the wisdome and power of the world. lastly , if we christians needed no such churches for christs honour and our own conveniency , yet jews , turks , heathens , do need them , as notable marks of our high and honourable regard to our god and crucified saviour ; yea they are indeed notable pregnant monuments to all spectators , of the antiquity of christian religion , and of the munificent devotion used by our forefathers . to me , i confesse , any countrey seems desolate , that hath not the fair land-marks of churches ; nor can it ever be either honour to our nation , or any advantage to the true reformed religion , as it will be a great scandall to all that are not christians , also a great advantage to the popish party and profession , for us in england , or elsewhere , now to soile and deform our reformation , by the rapine and ruine of those churches which our forefathers builded . i find that ( in point of thrift ) men of narrow hearts seem so much children in understanding , that they usually alledge scripture , as the devil did , partially and fallaciously , which ought to be applied according to its severall scopes and intents ; not so to magnifie gods transcendent and invisible majesty , as therefore to avile or debase his outward and visible ministry , or glory , which is specially present at such times , and in such places , where his worship and praise are celebrated . these sharking sophisters cannot but remember , that our blessed saviour chose for the first celebration of his supper ( which is the highest mystery and solemn solemnity of christian religion ) a large upper room ready furnished ; the fairest ( no doubt ) for space and ornament in that house : to shew us , that christians are not confined to caves and cottages , nor ought they to affect barnes and stables for their holy conventions , when gods indulgence gives them means and opportunities to enjoy other accommodations , more becoming that order and decency which god requires and expects of us in his service , unlesse himself hinder , and deny us those comely advantages . no men are branded with blacker and juster marks of vilenesse and unworthinesse , than those who either grudged at , or secretly defrauded , or forcibly took away what was once dedicated or given to the worship of god , the honour of christ , and the benefit of his church . thus christ , the disciples , and all christians , ever counted and called judas a thief , a traitor , and a devil : so ananias and sapphira , by their sacriledge , gave occasion to the first thunderbolts of church-censures , which strook them dead upon the place . who was ever more odious than diocletian and julian the apostate ( a man otherwayes of great learning , severe justice , and stoicall moralities , as ammianus gives us account of him , who followed him to his death ) yet is his name execrable for a witty persecutor and a perfidious sacrilegist , while he scoffed at those goodly vessels of gold and silver ; also at the fair basilica's or cathedrals , in which the galilean ( as he called our blessed saviour ) was served , when he had a mind to confiscate the churches goods and treasures , that he might the better pay his souldiers . chap. xxvi . certainly there are pious prodigalities and holy superfluities , not only lawfull and convenient , but most comely and commendable among christians , yea in some respects necessary : when gods indulgence gives them peace and plenty , then they ought to be ashamed to serve god niggardly ; to serve themselves with the best , and god with the refuse ; to afford him onely such expressions of their duty , honour and devotion , as cost them little or nothing : it is then a sin arguing a nabalitick and vile heart , to meditate nothing but vile and illiberall things for god ; to use in christian solemnities no other but vulgar conveniences and kitchin - accommodations , such as their extemporary and every-dayes thrift , allowes to their very beasts and servants ; no way proportionable to the bounty or god , or answerable to that majesty they professe to adore in their redeemer jesus christ , who not onely expects , as a free-will-offering , but requires , as a proportionable and acceptable service , that we honour him as becomes us , even before the sons of men ; that the glory of the gentiles may be brought to christ , and such munificence of gold , myrrhe , frankincense , and things equivalent , as may import to aliens that christians esteem their saviour as a great king , priest and prophet ; yea , as a god , deserving to be worshipped with the best we can present him withall : which ( as isidore hispal . observes after s. austin in his civ . dei , and others out of varro and other heathens ) were the methods they were taught , even by the light of nature , to exalt and magnifie the names and honour of their gods , by houses far more costly and stately than private edifices , judging it fit to pray in better rooms than they eat , and drank , and slept in . they added to their temples images of their gods more ample than humane and ordinary dimensions ; they adorned all with solemn ceremonies , and such accurate eloquence , as chose rather to set forth the praise and majesty of their gods in the grandeur and exactnesse of verse , than in the flatness , vulgarity and loosenesse of prose ; that by all means they might conciliate an high respect and veneration to their gods , not onely from the worshippers , but from the very spectators . it is a shame that jupiter , apollo , diana , venus , and aesculapius , gods that never lived , nor died for their worshippers , should boast of their temples , to the upbraiding of christians ; or that the jewes and mahometans should have cause to suspect us of a disesteem and slight of our god and saviour , who lived among us and died for us , by our neglect of the places where we christians meet to serve our god and saviour . while we ambitiously dwell in sciled houses , gods houses lie wast : poor mortall worms affect palaces for themselves , and crowd their god , the king immortall , into a cottage . the pouring of that costly oyntment on our saviours head , was not that which he either absolutely needed or required ; but he deserved it , and all that could be rendred to him , as tokens of love , honour and gratitude : and we see he was so far from finding fault with it , or complying with the thrifty and thievish basenesse of judas , that he accepted it kindly , he justified it publickly , and commended it highly , as worthy to be recorded whereever the gospel is preached ; that it might be an everlasting example of generous grace and liberall love , capable to give check in all ages to such dangerous christians and penurious spirits , as are prone , under pretences of piety or charity , or any reforming frugalities , to quarrel at or condemn parallel expressions of munificent honour and heroick gratitude to jesus christ : for the honour of whose name , i thought it my duty thus farre to vindicate , against sacrilegious vastators , the sanctity and sumptuousnesse of those places where the honour of our god and saviour eminently dwels , in the solemn and publick celebration of his name , praise , merit , and divine majesty ; who abasing himself to the shame of the crosse , and now ascended above every created name of power and honour in heaven and earth , ought not to be in any respect treated in such a vile fashion , as if we thought meanly of him , or with the samosatenians and arians , esteemed him no other than ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) a meer man , to be served in as mean or meaner way than we serve our selves ; which seems the sense of some wretches , who are glad to see churches lie like hog-sties , full of filth and confusion , and to be made even as jakes and dunghils ; ( which fate nebuchadnezzar threatned to those that spake any thing amisse against the true god. ) a sight and example which , i confesse , i take to be as little to the credit or encouragement of any reformation of religion , as it is no advantage to a beautifull face , which possibly is a little foul and besmeared , to scratch and tear its skin till the blood come , in stead of washing it clean . i could not forbear to insist on this subject ; in which , if i offend some penurious and sacrilegious spirits of the present age , i hope i shall please and promote the desires and designs of more generous posterity , in whose dayes it may be god will restore the captivity , repair the ruines , & wipe away the reproches unjustly by papists & others cast upon this church and the true reformation , which indeed never owned any such principles or practises as savoured of sacriledge , which is a taking away from our god , and the lord jesus christ , from his church , his ministers , such things as are dedicated to his worship and service , to the churches benefit , and his ministers maintenance , order and honour ; without which religion cannot flourish , nor indeed well subsist , especially among such christians , as under pretense of love and zeal for reformation as friends , daily pillage and spoil religion as its cruellest enemies . chap. xxvii . it was a speech in old times of better significancy than sound , luxus clericorum laus est laicorum , the splendour or pomp of the clergy was the praise and honour of the laity : not that church-men should at any time be riotous and luxurious in their greatest abundance ; but it is the commendation of christian people ( as indeed of all men ) so to entertain the ministers of their god , and dispensers of their religion ( specially in times of peace and a land of plenty ) as may set them and their profession furthest off from poverty , and its inseparable companion , vulgar contempt ; that church-men might have , not onely wherewith to keep up the outward decency & majesty of religion , but to maintain themselves and their families , at such a proportion as may extend to charity , liberality and hospitality . the habits and exercises of which vertues become no mens hearts , hands and houses , better than christian ministers and rulers of the church : nothing more confirming the doctrine they teach of gods munificence to mankind , than their living so , as to be ever giving ; religion is never so acceptable to common people , as when they not onely hear the word and see the ceremony , but taste the sweetnesse and substance of it in the reall fruits of its bounty . which pious policy and charitable craft in former dayes kept up the credit of religion , both while it was roman and when it was reformed , to as high a pitch in england , as in any nation under heaven ; while the clergy enjoyed those blessings of gods and mans donation , which enabled many an one of them to build and endow many such noble foundations of churches , colledges , hospitals , and almes-houses , that any one of them now goes beyond all that ever sacrilegious spirits did or designed , either for gods honour or mans benefit , if all their good works and thoughts were summed up and put together , ( though indeed those men are uncapable of doing any good work , as to charity , who are guilty of sacred robbery ; stoln sacrifices were not to be consecrated to god , no more than dead carkases . ) every history of england shews at large what good and great works bishops and other church-men in england did , not onely in their papal celebacy , but in their primitive and later conjugacy ; fruits indeed of pious and princely magnificence ; such as now neither the joint abilities of the indigent and peeled clergy , nor the gripple charity of whole counties can or will so much as keep up or repair ; no not so much as to the very fabrick of those fair churches , which were the honour of cities , counties , and the whole nation . whose vast revenues being taken away both from churches and church-men , no wonder if the sordid vastations of them and their deplorable decayes , as that of s. pauls in london , and of ely-minster in that isle , every where appear as shamefull , scandalous , and prodigious spectacles to all ingenuous persons , to papists both at home and abroad ; also to all forraigners , christian , mahometan , or heathen , who come into this island , who may easily see such sights , as rather proclaim saracenism , barbarism , and atheisme , than such a sense of christianisme as possessed our noble progenitors , who were ashamed to seem base and niggardly toward a bountifull god and saviour . every city in england , besides other towns , had such stately and durable monuments of pristine piety and charity in them , as were hardly to be destroyed by the malice of time , in many centuries , if the sacrilegious petulancy and malice of man had not so assaulted them in these last few years , that the care of learned and ingenuous men is now how to preserve their memories and goodly fabricks , in the pictures , and printed types or effigies of them ; whose beautifull structures are daily threated with everlasting and irreparable ruines . i am the more sensibly sorry and ashamed , to see these deplorable and execrable ruines , because i know they are great reproches to my countrey , as well as to the reformed religion professed in this church . the better sort of english people were ever esteemed as valiant , as generous , as munificent , as charitable , as hospitable , as pious , and as devout , as any civill people under heaven : i know not by what evil fate or genius we are now so changed , that many men do not onely repine and envy at all plenty and splendor , bestowed on churches and church-men , nor do they onely suffer , through lazinesse and neglect , those goodly temples to lapse and decay ; but they do with covetous hearts , and cruell hands , industriously seek to strip and pull them both down : which , i am perswaded , no christian under heaven , either greeks or latines , russians or abissines , georgians or armenians , reformed or roman , would ever either act or permit , if they had the honour to enjoy such stately houses of god among them ; they would infinitely disdain to appear so degenerous from the patterns of paternall piety . yea i should injure the very jewes , turks , persians , tartars , indians , and chineses , if i should believe they would suffer such stately edifices , being dedicated to the service and honour of their gods , to run to ruine ; if they were masters of them , doubtlesse they would both preserve and imploy them to such uses as they thought holy . yet these are the beames that afflict some mens eyes in england , these the camels they long to swallow down , under the pretended hunger and thirst of special reformations ; whose impudent appetites have dared of late years publickly to petition the demolishing of all church-edifices whatsoever , pretending they have been guilty of superstitious abuses : which ( if so ) is yet the fault of the persons , not the places , which are ( without doubt ) as capable to be consecrated by pious uses and holy duties , as desecrated by any past superstitious abuses : besides , no publick edifices of churches should , upon this account , ever be preserved in the changes incident to the various opinions and perswasions , the outward modes and fashions of religion ; every form seeming to such as differ from it to have in it something either impious , superfluous , or superstitious , by its antiquity or its novelty , by its omissions or admissions . if these sad and sordid spectacles , which have so foul an aspect of sacrilegious profanenesse in respect of our materiall churches ( which are the most visible tokens and publick badges of religious honour and reverence in any nation ) if these cannot but scandalize and scare any sober & ingenuous papist , from any thought or inclination to approve or adhere to any such immoderate & immodest reformations ; how much more will any honest-hearted romanist loath and abhorre the very name of such reformers , as he sees daily spitting upon , and casting dirt in the faces of their own fathers , the bishops and ministers of their christian and reformed religion , so much heretofore authorised & reverenced by the voice of the whole nation in its parlaments ? whom yet some men have not only sought to lop & crop to the very stub ( as to former endowments of estate and honour ) but they aim ( still in order to farther reformations ) to grub up the very roots of all religion and learning , of civility and sanctity : they would depopulate and desolate the very nurseries and schools of able scholars , excellent preachers , sage counsellours and prudent governours , both in church and state : all universities , colledges and free-schools , must be robbed of their lands and revenues ; there want not those who long to see them confiscated , and to make private purchases of them ; who would fain have leave to treat the colledges and scholars in them , as beares are wont to do the poore bees , when with their rude and mercilesse pawes they teare in pieces and overthrow their hives , that they may plunder them of their honey . which abomination of utter desolation had ere this befaln all scholars , as well lay-men as clergy-men , in england , if gods good providence had not set some bounds to the endlesse projects of sacrilegious reformers , by the moderation , learning , justice , generosity and prudence of those , whose great power , and greater minds , were ( onely ) capable to curb that plebeian petulancy and mechanick importunity , which not content to have taken away the liberall mangers and large provender of faire estates and honours from the clergy of england ( with which all were dignified , though but few enjoyed them ) have further sought to muzzle the mouths of the most laborious oxen , grudging the meanest and painfullest ministers ( who are generally so lean , that they are reduced to skin and bone ) the tenuity yet left them of hay , straw and stubble ; any thing of setled and secure maintenance , in their little , and many times litigious , livings . which cruelty , however at present it would infinitely gratifie and fatten the popish party , to see all ministers and scholars ( which are the light and life , the rationall part and intellect , the very soul and spirit of any nation ) in such a reformed church as england was , thus treated and abased ; yet they cannot but stomack and scorn all reformation , that hath such scratches of sacrilegious cruelties and rapacious practises , which are as the mothes of religion , the very mice and rats of reformation , the effects not of piety and purity , but of envy and fury , great rocks of offence to all sober men , to all good christians , to all ingenuous papists , setting them ( no doubt ) at everlasting distances and defiances from all reformations of religion , which have such brands of covetousnesse , contempt , sacriledge , injustice and confusion upon them . when these two precipicious rocks , and high cliffs of distance , can be closed , between which lyeth that deep gulph of mutuall antipathie , hatred and abhorrence , which keeps sober protestants and moderate papists from passing over or conversing , as christians , one with another ; when ( on the one side ) the romanists will not be ashamed , ingenuously to own , and consciensciously to reforme , such things as are evidently and grosly amisse , yea confessedly such , if scripture , antiquity , catholick and primitive testimony , yea and many of their own best authors may be judges , ( such as are ( for example ) the taking away the cup from christian people , the peremptory defining the manner of christs presence in the sacrament , and imposing an explicite belief of it contrary to all senses , common reason , and scripture analogy , the worshipping of any creature , or god under the form of it , as in bread , images , angels , saints , reliques , the fallacious pedling with indulgences and purgatory , the adding to the scripture-canon , the imposing new articles of faith , besides other intolerable practises of papall arrogancy and tyranny , carried on by jesuitick policies , principles and practises , against all rules of morality and piety , honor and humanity ; ) when these , and some of the like rank leaven , are recanted and removed from the roman party ; on the other side , when the protestants and all that pretend to any name of reformation shall be ashamed , under any cloak of piety or christian liberty , either to rob from god and his church , from his service , and speciall servants the ministers of the gospell , or not to restore to them what is theirs by all lawes , divine and humane , by right of testamentary donation , by religious consecration , by civill sanction and confirmation , by long use and peaceable fruition , no way forfeitable by man , or alienable from god , whose the fee , right and property is , as a gratitude and homage payed to the honour , worship and service of his great name ; when papists forbear their superstitious sacriledge , and protestants their covetous sacriledge ; when the first restore the truth , purity , and integrity of christian religion , which they have long detained in unrighteousnesse ; when the other restores that order , honour , and estate , which belongs to the support and government , the decency and majesty of christ , his church , and true religion : then , and not before , may we expect some happy close among these so divided western churches , whom first papall policy and pride , now plebian loosenesse and insolency , on all sides factious and schismaticall , covetous and cruell practises , have now no lesse divided than former different doctrines , opinions and ceremonies did , the reconciliation of which many learned and peaceable men have seriously studied , soberly proposed , and charitably endeavoured . the want , & almost despaire now ( without multiplied miracles ) of which most desirable atonement , & the sad consequences which must needs attend the continuance and increase of desperate defiances , implacable violences , and cruell immoderations on all sides , these , these ( i say ) are calamities more deplorable than any that a christians eyes can behold in all the world , since they are at once the sin , shame , and misery of christendom ; besides the scandall and scorn of all the world . it being a farre sadder sight , to see christians thus rob and spoile , thus worry and wound one another , than to see them persecuted by heathens and infidels , jewes and mahometans : as it is farre more horrid to see men fighting with one another , than beasts ; or brethren , than strangers . without any doubt , the mutuall animosities and barbarities exercised by christians on all sides , as they will in time open a doore for turkish power to prevaile against them , so ( meane while ) it makes christians turn turkes one against another . besides that these unchristian practises on all sides do leave not onely the looser sort of men and women to an atheisticall indifferency as to any religion ; but the more sober and just christians on every side ( protestants and papists ) are so scandalized and perplexed , that they do not wel know what course of religion to hold , nor how to steere between the grosse errors on the one side , and the base rapines on the other : it being an hard choice for a serious and honest christian , whether he should keep communion with superstitious and idolatrous papists , or with schismaticall and sacrilegious protestants ; the one refusing to be justly reformed , the other deforming even reformation it self . amidst which miserable distances and disadvantages of christian religion , this sad event and burden of the lord may be too easily foretold by one of the smallest prophets , that as atheisme , profanenesse and irreligion is like to get ground on all sides , through the deformities , immoderations , varieties , & inconsistencies of religion , so ( to be sure ) the papall party , repute & interest will daily prevaile every where , ( as of later yeares it hath ) against those of the protestant and reformed profession : since they see even the most famous , setled and flourishing church of england , ( which was the mirror of reformation , the noblest standard of religion , the ablest antagonist against romish pride and superstition in all the world , ) this , even this , sought now to be so reduced , so battered and divided , so peeled and spoiled , distressed , deformed , dissipated and despised ; and this even by those that pretend high to reformation , which must , they say , be attained and perfected by utter devesting , even this so famous a church , and its deserving clergy , of their former honour and estate , order and government , authority and dignity , revenues and reputation , uniformity and unity ; all which heretofore they enjoyed by the mercy of god , and good will of such princes and peers , parlaments and people , as were the best christians and best reformed , who justly abhorred those sacrilegious and sharking arts , which make either religion or reformation ▪ preachers or true professors , either avaritious , or beggerly and necessitous ; which their wisdome and piety knew would be the way to undermine and obstruct all true religion and progresse of reformation ; all experience teaching us , that mankind is naturally prone rather to follow liberall errours than niggardly truths : few men will adhere to hungry holinesse and famishing reformations , such as some men have designed and vehemently agitated of late years in england , little ( god knows ) to the credit or advance of any true reformation . it cannot then but be most evident to you ( o my noble countreymen ) and to all wise men , that as the sad condition of the church of england at once pleaseth and hardneth the romanists ( who are glad to see her thus wasted , though they abhor the means and methods of her misery ; ) so the reall interest of the true reformed religion in england seems now much weaker than ever it was , much more exposed to the objections and obloquies , the policies and practices of pragmatick jesuits and other spitefull papists , who with infinite industry , with all arts and alacrity ▪ daily undermine all the remaining parts , yea and the very foundation as well as the reputation of all reformed religion in the hearts of the people of england . doubtlesse , if popish priests , which are men of learning and sober lives , had liberty in publick to promote their party , they would draw most men and women after them , in the novelties , distractions , confusions and deformities of religions , yea and of reformations here in england , in despite of all the orderly and orthodox clergy yet left in england : so little would they consider any stop or impediment , that either presbytery or independency , scotl. or new-engl . can give them , who have all been made active and contributive to their own shame , and to the generall ruine of this church , and consequently to the reall advantages of popery , which professeth great uniformity and constancy in their religion . nor can the subtil factors for the papacy but expect and hope by degrees , in a few years , to bring in again into england , the justly feared and abhorred inundations of the sea of rome , in its superstitions and usurpations : against both which our wise and pious progenitors , both since and before the reformation , did in many parlaments make severall cautions , provisions , premunire's , and sanctions , to preserve the liberty , honour , and purity of the church of england . for they well knew , that the secular interests and ecclesiastick designes of the church and court of rome ever have been , and still are carried on with a mighty tide and strong current , not onely of papal authority and popular credulity , as of old , but of learning , eloquence , riches , honor , power , pomp , policy , yea & with great plausibilities of piety , sanctity , unity and charity , of later ages . all which popular and potent biasses will easily and unavoidably over-beaer , in time ( as to the generality of people ) all those feeble resistances or oppositions that can be made by such an equivocall generation and dubious succession of poor , despised and dispirited ministers , whatever they are , whether of episcopall , presbyterian , or independent characters ; who in great part naked and unarmed , unfed and unstudied , reduced to a sneaking and starveling habitude , both of body and mind , of honour and estate , will prove pitifull champions for the true reformed religion , when they shall neither have just ability nor justifiable authority , to assert the true and just measures of religion and true reformation . who is there that in after-ages will adventure his soul & his religion with those men & ministers , that can have neither learning nor livelihood capable to bear up with their spirits and parties , or the authority and honour of their calling ; especially when they are to encounter with such sons of anak , such zanzummims and goliahs , who will ever appear on the papall side , to defie all reformation that seems to reproch their deformities ? alas , will not the predicant ( or rather mendicant ) patrons of so divided religion and deformed parts of reformation , seem in their own eyes ( unlesse they be strangely swelled with the puffe and breath of popularity ) but as zanies and dwarfs , as grasse-hoppers before them , with their thred-bare coats , hungry bellies , and servile spirits ? how will these that never had means or leisure to advance their studies of divinity or practise of preaching beyond a modern synopsis and an english concordance , being raw and infants in dogmatick truths , perfect strangers to polemick , historick , and scholastick divinity , to councils , fathers , and languages , how will they be affrighted to read or hear of the great names of baronius , bellarmine , possevine , perron , petavius , sirmundus , and many other grandees of the roman side , great clerks , great church-men , and great statesmen too , who are able to carry with them troops of auxiliaries , legions of assistants , being as rich as learned , very wise and weighty to use and improve all the strength and advantages they have of estate and honour , studies and parts , for the advance of their side , in their errours and superstitions ? which of late years their followers have done with unhappy successe and great encrease of their faction against the reformed religion of the divided church of england ; whose scattered remains ( in a short time ) will be like a flock of silly and helpless sheep , that have neither safe folds , nor any skilfull and valiant shepherds to defend and rescue them . chap. xxviii . nor do these wilely romanists exercise their malice against this reformed church , onely with their own strength and dexterity , but they have other oblique policies and sinister practises , by which they set on work the hot heads and pragmatick hands of all other sects , who pretend the greatest antipathies to popery , and yet most promote its interests by their factions and fanatick practises ; by their heedlesse and headlesse , their boundlesse and endlesse agitations , which blast all true reformation , and bring in nothing but division and confusion . for among these there are a sort of people who affect supremacy in church and state too , a spirituall and temporall dominion , no less than doth the pope of rome : there are among them many petty popes , who would fain be the great and onely dictators of religion ; whose opinionative pride and projects are as yet of a lesser volume & blinder print , but they every day meditate & agitate new editions of their power , and larger additions to their parties and designes ; being as infallible in their own conceits , as imperious in their spirits , and as magisteriall in their censures , as the proudest popes of rome ; not doubting to condemn and excommunicate any private christians and ministers , yea whole christian churches , yea and the best reformed in the world ( such as england was ) if they be not just of their form and fashion , or if they will not patiently submit to their multiform and deformed reformations , by which they daily wire-draw true reformation to such a small thread , that losing its strength and integrity , it must needs snap in pieces and become uselesse : the strange fires of blind , popular , preposterous and sacrilegious zeal so overboyling true religion and sober reformation , till they are utterly confounded and quenched with such sordid and shamefull deformities , as must needs follow their divisions , distractions and despiciencies , as to all church-order , christian unity and ministeriall authority . thus many heady and giddy professors have been so eager to come out of babylon , that they are almost run out of their wits , and far beyond the bounds of good consciences ; so jealous of superstition , that they are panders for confusion ; so scared with the name of rome , that they are afraid of all right reason and sober religion ; so fearfull of being over-righteous by following vain traditions of men , that they fear not to be over-wicked , by overthrowing the good foundations of order , honour , peace and charity , which christ and his apostles have laid in his church : fierce enemies indeed against the idolatry of antichrist , but fast friends to belial and mammon , to schisme and sacriledge ; which having no fellowship with god and christ , must needs belong to the party of antichrist , which contains a circle of errours , while christ is the centre of truth : and we know that parts diametrally opposite to each other may ( yet ) make up the same circumference , and be at equal distance from the centre ; so may practises and opinions which seem most crosse against each other , yet , as herod and pilate , alike conspire against christ and true religion , like vicious extremes , which are contrary to each other , and yet uncorrespondent with that vertue from which they are divided . they are children in understanding who do not already discern and deplore ( what wise and godly men have long ago foreseen and foretold ) that by these two , papall policy and fanatick fury , the superstitions of the romanists , and the confusions of schismaticks , the happy state of the reformed church of england was alwayes in danger to be mocked , stripped , wounded and crucified : some men already fancy , that they see it weeping and bleeding , crying and dying , using in its sad expirings the last words of its saviour ; first , to her god , why hast thou forsaken me ? next , for her enemies and destroyers , father , forgive them , they know not what they do . while the papists on the one side rob god of his glory , giving religious worship to creatures : the sacrilegists on the other side rob god and the church , their mother , fathers , and brethren , of that double honour , maintenance and reverence , authority and competency , which is due to them , and was setled upon them , snatching away the childrens bread that they may give it to dogs , to greedy and grinning men , authors and fautors of all our rents and confusions ; who ( as the psalmist expresseth it ) run up and down through every county , city , street and village , grudging if they be not satisfied with the priests portion . thus while the papists too much pamper & overcharge religion with pomp and luxury , with superfluous ceremonies and superstitions ; while the fanaticks strive to underfeed and starve it to a despicable feeblenesse and deformity ; both of them are become dangerous enemies to the true reformed state of religion , in this or any church and nation , whose best temper and healthfullest constitution is made up of sincere truth , unfeigned charity , liberall piety , unaffected decency , a duly - ordained ministry with just authority , and uninterrupted succession , entertained with holy moderation and humble prosperity . all which were heretofore as remarkably to be seen in the church of england as in any nation under heaven : which now is in danger to be put upon great streights , to run between two seas and rocks , like the ship which carried s. paul ; uncertain whether it must be destroyed by papall , or popular insolencies ; whether it shall at once be driven and split upon the high rocks of popery , or tossed with the herricano's of vulgar tempests and variety , till it run upon the flats and shallows of sacriledge , and be swallowed up by fanatick quick-sands . 't is true , these insectiles , the later and lesser fry of novell sects and various factions in england , dayly multiplying and dividing in their opinions , religions and reformations , may possibly seem to some men like small pilchards or shotten herrings , compared to the great whales and mighty leviathans of rome ; neither so dreadfull , nor so dangerous to the reformed religion : but wise men may consider that what seems wanting in their masse and bulk , severally looked on , is made up in their number and activity : not onely sea - monsters may sink a ship , but small wormes , which grow to its sides and keel , will eat it through and destroy it . it is a great deal of mischief that mice and rats , ants and mites , will do in a little time to great bodies , if they be let alone . this i am sure , some of these petty - spirited , but very spitefull animals , which some men so much despise , have of late yeares so excessively spawned and swarmed by a licentious superfetation of religions and reformations here in england , that they are become like the numerous locusts , flies and caterpillars of egypt ; not onely very busie and importune , but biting and devouring what ever they can light upon ; yea many of them , like wasps and hornets , are most exasperated against those sober christians and ministers , who are less patient to have their estates , liberties , consciences and religion , at once destroyed by their gnawing or corroding reformations . the fruits and effects of which african mixtures and confusions , every wise man may easily foretell , being utterly inconsistent ▪ with not onely the sanctity , charity , unity , tranquillity , and majesty of religion , becoming this reformed church and christian state , but with the very civill peace , freedom and secular honour of this nation . nor can any sober person tell what any one or all of them , in their fractions and factions , would be at , either in respect of the flourishing of religion , or felicity of the civil state , beyond ( or any way comparable to ) what was formerly professed , practised and enjoyed in this church and nation , long before satan had leave thus to winnow the church , with saint peter , or to smite the state , as he did job , with these civill boyles and botches . i know there are some grave and godly men ( who are well-affected to the church of england , and zealous for true reformation in a settled and happy way ) who do not account these moderne and minute sects , these broken and divided factions , to be any way very dangerous , and so not considerable to the publick welfare of this nation , either in religious or civill respects ; because they think none of them to be of a firme and durable constitution , but rather as vermine , bred of putid water , in warme , unholesome , and to them most indulgent seasons , between pride and peevishnesse , ignorance and licentiousnesse , envy and covetousness , they cannot either continue long , or propagate any lasting succession , but as animalls of a crude , imperfect and equivocall generation , having spent that corrupt matter out of which they have both their production and nutrition , they will ( like magots ) dye of themselves : as did the gnosticks , montanists , manichees , novatians , or catharists , the aerians , euchites , circumcellions , donatists and others in ancient times , whose folly being made manifest to all sober christians , it prevailed no further . such creatures in time , like snailes , wasting their slimy and indigested substance by their own motions . the rage of hereticks and schismaticks being like that of mad doggs , which after they have a while fomed and snapped here and there , run themselves to death , and are tired by their own cruell agitations . nor will they find many to succeed them , especially when once the wisdome and piety of a christian nation so far recovers , as to cut off and curb that popular , licentious and lazy humour , or to obstruct those hopes of profit , pleasure and preferment , which are the favonii , the warme winds , that impregnate these creatures . how few would have deserted , and so defied , the church of england , ( as they have done ) if they had not had other temptations than those of conscience or religious perswasions ? 't is true , i do not look upon these many-headed and mis-shapen factions , which are so highly animated against the church of england , ( being most-what like monsters , either excessive in their seraphick whimsies , everlasting novelties , and affected fancies , or defective in that sound knowledge , that humble , orderly and peaceable charity , which becomes true christians ) i do not look upon them as any way apt , or able of themselves to build an orderly and durable structure , no more than the brick-layers of babel , when their tongues were divided : for i find they are commonly like rookes , which strive to make their own nests by rifling their neighbours . little solid or setled , in reason or religion , in church or state , is expectable from tempers and activities which are like that of pioneers and plunderers , chiefly for undermining and ruining prostrating and levelling , both churches and states , all magistrates and ministers that are either within their reach and stroke , or without their mark and cognizance upon their fore-heads . yet give me leave to suggest , yea and to urge upon your most serious considerations ( o my honoured and beloved country-men ) than the consequents necessarily attending the divided opinions and destructive agitations of those that may seem the most petty parties , and inconsiderable sects now in england , must needs be very dangerous , and may in time prove extreamly pernicious to the peace , piety , honour , and welfare of this nation ; not onely in respect of the reformed religion , whose authoritative ministry and maintenance they will ever seek to devour and utterly destroy , but even in respect of secular interests , and civill peace . for the first , ( the integrity and true interests of the reformed religion , ) who , that hath read what i have already , not more passionately then impartially written , can be so blind , as not to see , that the pride , petulancy and despite , the ignorance , licentiousnesse and covetousness of some of these men , hath been and still is such , that they have not onely sought to wast and deforme , to reproach and defame all that outward order , visible beauty , polity , support and unity , which became so famous a church and nation ; but they have further studied to weaken and destroy the most solid and essentiall parts of religion , by many grosse errours , damnable doctrines , bold blasphemies , high atheismes and rude immoralities ? all which do naturally boile up in the corrupt hearts and violent lusts of mankinde , when they have any fire of temptation , or encouragement . what is then so immodest , so impudent against the glory of god , against the honour of our lord jesus christ , against the written word of god , against the reputation of the catholick , or any well-reformed church , against the lawes of nature , civill societies and common justice , against the good of men and christians , their temporall and eternall welfare , which some of these abaddons , these apollyons will not adventure to broach and abet , to act , own and applaud , when they see their raveries are apt not onely to amuse the vulgar people , but to mend their own fortunes , which are the first and neerest designes they aime at , as the chief ends of the agents ? but the end or effect following their actions , ( though possibly not some of their intentions ) will be this , to prepare by these various windings , confused circulations and distorted wrestings of the reformed religion , the way for roman factors , papall interests and jesuitick designes , whose learned abilities , orderly industry , and indefatigable activity is such , that by that time the old stock of reverend , orderly and authoritative bishops and presbyters , ( the truest and most unquestionable ministers of the church of christ , ) are worn out in england , and the reformed religion is reduced with its titular and extenuated ministers to a meer medly , or popular chaos of confusions ; ( the most of sober people being either sick , or ashamed , or weary of their home-bred disorders , and unremedied diseases in religion ) by this time ( i say ) the romish agitators will not onely devoure all these petty parties , and feeble factions of reformers , with as much ease as the stork did the froggs ; but they will ( in time ) utterly destroy the remaines of the defamed doctrine and deformed religion , which your fore-fathers owned , and to the death professed , as most true and well reformed , with great honour , holinesse , and happiness ; which yet the ignorance and insolence , the illiterateness and rusticity , the barrennesse and barbarity of novel sects have already rendred poor and despicable , much to be pitied and deplored both at home and abroad . i must ever so far own my reason , as to professe that i look upon the defamers , dividers and destroyers of the church of england , whatever they are or seem ) to be no other than the perdues or forelorn hope of popery , which by lighter skirmishes open advantages to the popes maine battaglio ; the vancourriers , or harbingers , sent and excited ( in great part ) from the pragmatick policies of rome , whose grand interest since the reformation hath been , not more to advance the house of austria and preserve the papacy , than to regain the church of england to the romish slavery . in whose present calamities may easily be discerned a far greater reach and deeper spirit , than is usuall to be found in ordinary sectaries and schismaticks , who are commonly of low and mean parts , short-sighted and short-spirited , of very shallow wits and extemporary designes , rarely aiming at any thing that is of a publick concern , of a grand , notable and durable proportion ; but rather gratifying their sudden passions and occasionall fancies or correptions , which are pitifully poor and plebeian , seldome reaching higher than the pleasure of scratching their own or other mens itching ears with some novel fancies and opinions , or setting up themselves by a sorry ambition to be heads and leaders , the pastors and teachers of some credulous company , which makes it self into some new mode , and very superciliously calls it self the church ; not in charity and communion with , but in contempt and defiance of all other churches , parochiall , provinciall , nationall , or catholick , owning none of the primitive , grand and apostolicall combinations , or their successions , to be truly constituted churches . by such little arts some of them feed their bellies and cloth their backs better than heretofore , when they made no such cakes for their queens of heaven , nor shrines for their severall diana's , but were confined to their lesse gainfull trades ; some of them feed meerly upon popular breath , which , as the wind , will never last long in one point or corner ; lastly , some of them keep up their vulgar pride and sad ambitions by nothing else but by the fame of their antagonists , the glory they have to contest with , the church of england and her ablest ministers , who are ( in earnest ) so much superiour to these sorry rivals and ruiners of them , in all learning , religion , vertue , wisdome , honesty and modesty , as the stars in the firmament are beyond the glittering of rotten chips in the dark , or the shining of glow-wormes in a ditch . certainly these petty parties , who scarce know what they drive at , and are full of varieties in their fancies , forms and factions , these cannot produce so constant a current and so strong a tide , as is alwaies urging against the church of engl. and the honour of the reformed religion ; but they are driven on by a subtill and secret , yet potent impulse , as waves of the sea , not onely dashing and breaking upon each other , but ( all of them ) battering the honour and stability of the church of england , as the great rampart or bank which stands in the way of the sea of rome , mightily opposing and hindering heretofore both fanatick confusions , papal usurpations , and romish superstitions ; whose advantages now are evidently prepared and carried on by those , that under the name of reformation will most effectually at last overthrow it . for after these petty spirits , who have been and are the great dividers , despisers and destroyers of the reformed church of england , have a few years longer played their mad pranks in this sometime so flourishing and fruitfull vineyard of the lord , ( pulling up the hedge of ecclesiasticall canons , and civil sanctions , throwing down the wall of ancient discipline and catholick government , breaking in pieces the wine-press of holy ordination and ministeriall authority and succession , pulling up both root and branch of holy plants and regular planters ; ) what ( i beseech you ) can hinder these subtill foxes and wild boars of romish power and policy , to enter in , and not onely secretly , but openly ( as occasion shall serve ) to destroy all the remaining stock of the true protestants , and professors of the reformed religion ? who at first soberly protesting against popish errours and deformities , afterwards praying ( in-vain ) for a joynt and just reformation , did ( at last ) reform themselves , after the rule of gods word , interpreted by the catholick practise of purest antiquity . what ( without a miracle ) can hinder the papall prevalency in england , when once sound doctrine is shaken , corrupted , despised ; when scriptures are wrested by every private interpreter ; when the ancient creeds and symbols , the lords prayer and ten commandements all wholsome forms of sound doctrine and devotion , the articles and liturgy of such a church , together with the first famous councils , all are slighted , vilified , despised and abhorred by such english-men as pretend to be great reformers ; when neither pristine respect nor support , credit nor countenance , maintenance nor reverence shall be left either to the reformed religion or the ministry of it ? without which they will hardly be carried on beyond the fate of pharaohs chariots , when their wheeles were taken off , which is to be overwhelmed and drowned in the romish red sea ; which will certainly overflow all , when once england is become , not onely a dunghill and tophet of hereticall filth and schismaticall fire , but an aceldama , or field of blood , by mutuall animosities and civil dissentions , arising from the variations and confusions of religions . all which , as the roman eagle now foresees , and so followes the camp of sectaries ( as vultures and birds of prey are wont to doe armies ) so no man , not blinded with private passions and present interest , is so simple , as not to know that it will in time terribly seize upon the blind , dying , or dead carkase of this church and nation ; whose expiration will be very visible , when the purity , order and unity of religion , the respect , support and authority of the ministry is vanished and banished out of england , by the neglect of some , the malice , madnesse and ingratitude of others , your most unhappy countrey-men : then shall the israel of england return to the egypt of rome ; then shall the beauty of our sion be captive to the bondage of babylons either superstition or persecution ; from both which i beseech god to deliver us . as an omen of the future fate , how many persons of fair estates , others of good parts and hopefull learning , are already shrewdly warped and inclined to the church of rome , and either actually reconciled , or in a great readinesse to embrace that communion ( which excommunicates all greek and latine churches , eastern , western and african christians , which will not submit to its dominion and superstition ) chiefly moved hereto , because they know not what to make of or expect from the religion and reformation of the church of england ; which they see so many zealous to reproch and ruine , so few concerned to relieve , restore , or pity ? as for the return of you ( my noble countrey-men ) and your posterity to the roman subjection and superstition , i doubt not but many of you , most of you , all of you , that are persons of judicious and consciencious piety , doe heartily deprecate it , and would seriously avoid it to the best of your skill and power , as indeed you have great cause , both in prudence and conscience , in piety and policy : yet i believe none of you can flatter your selves , that the next century shall defend the reformed religion in england from romish pretensions , perswasions and prevalencies , as the last hath done , while the dignity , order and authority of the ministry , the government of excellent bishops , the majesty and unity of this reformed church and its religion , were all maintained by the unanimous vote , consent and power of all estates . nay , the dilemma and distressed choice of religion is now reduced to this , that many peaceable and well-minded christians , having been so long harrassed , bitten and worried with novell factions and pretended reformations , would rather chuse that their posterity ( if they may but have the excuse of ignorance in the main controversies , to plead for gods mercy in their joining to that communion which hath so strong a relish of egyptian leeks and onions , of idolatry and superstition , besides unchristian arrogancy and intolerable ambition ; that their posterity , i say ) should return to the roman party , which hath something among them setled , orderly and uniform , becoming religion , than to have them ever turning and tortured upon ixions wheel , catching in vain at fancifull reformations , as tantalus at the deceitfull waters , rolling with infinite paines and hazard the reformed religion , like sisyphus his stone , sometime asserting it by law and power , otherwhile exposing it to popular liberty and loosenesse ; than to have them tossed to and fro with every wind of doctrine , with the fedities , blasphemies , animosities , anarchies , dangers and confusions , attending fanatick fancies & quotidian reformations , which , like botches or boiles from surfeited and unwholsome bodies , do daily break out among those christians , who have no rule of religion but their own humours , and no bounds of their reformations but their own interests ; the first makes them ridiculous , the second pernicious to all sober christians . whereas the roman church , however tainted with rank errours and dangerous corruptions in doctrine and manners ( which forbid us under our present convictions to have in those things any visible sacred communion with them , though we have a great charity and pity for them ; charity in what they still retain good , pity in what they have erred from the rule and example of christ and his catholick church ; ) yet it cannot be denied , without a brutish blindnesse and injurious slander ( which onely serves to gratifie the grosse antipathies of the gaping vulgar ) that the church of rome , among its tares and cockle , its weeds and thornes , hath many wholsome herbs and holy plants growing ; much more of reason and religion , of good learning and sober industry , of order and polity , of morality and constancy , of christian candor and civility , of common honesty and humanity , becoming grave men and christians , by which to invite after-ages and your posterity to adhere to it and them , rather then to be everlastingly exposed to the profane bablings , endless janglings , miserable manglings , childing confusions , atheisticall indifferencies and sacrilegious furies of some later spirits , which are equally greedy and giddy , making both a play and a prey of religion , who have nothing in them comparable to the papall party , to deserve your or your posterities admiration or imitation , but rather their greatest caution and prevention : for you will finde what not i onely , but sad experience of others may tell you , that the sithes and pitch-forks of these petty sects and plebeian factions will be as sharp and heavy as the papists swords and faggots heretofore were , both to your religious and civil happinesse . chap. xxix . for however the feeblenesse and paucity of lesser sects and factions in religion in some places , their mutuall divisions and intestine quarrels in others ( being like the birds called ruffs , ever brusling and pecking against each other ) may make them seem at present not so dangerous or pernicious , in regard of civil troubles and seditions , as they have been to the ecclesiasticall uniformity , beauty and honour ; yet later as well as former experiences may not onely admonish , but assure you , that besides the roman advantages , which are greatest and last , the private passions and various interests even of these lesser factionists and sticklers , will not seldome nor a little hazard your civil peace , when once their severall parties and opinions can get numbers capable to set up their pretensions , under any specious name , either of anabaptistick repentance , or special calls and inspirations , or a fifth monarchy , or christs kingdome in this world , or any saints reigning upon earth for a thousand years more or lesse , according as they can get and hold power over mens bodies and souls , and be supreme to all intents and purposes , both civil and religious . i make no great doubt but these men will be found as rigid , cruell and implacable in their heights and soveraignties , as ever those bloody papists were , whose principle was to destroy all they count hereticks , and the others to destroy all they count not godly & saints , because ( forsooth ) not of their respective parties , either papists or schismaticks . england at severall times , beside other countreys , hath had terrible essayes what such spirits aim to doe ( and they will out-doe their own aimes ) when their rude hands should be able to keep pace with their giddy heads , malicious hearts and extravagant tongues . how have they sometime threatned to destroy , not onely church-men and ministers , but all gown-men and lawyers ; yea all others in any power or capacity above them , if incompliant with them ? you cannot be ignorant how the pulse of such people beates , when they have tasted of severall religions , and sipped of many reformations , which , like variety of wine , so strangely intoxicate common men and women , that of friends they grow most insolent enemies against those churches and christians which they first despise , then forsake , at length divide , and at last destroy , as farre as lies in their power . thus desperately disdainfull , unaffable and intractable , grew the donatists , novatians , arians , and others in st. austins time , superciliously refusing all offers of christian conference and charitable accommodation with him and other holy men of the catholick communion : yea some of them unprovoked ( as st austin tells us ) put catholick christians and ministers to exquisite tortures , casting unslaked lime with vinegar into their eyes to burn them out , that they might be as blind in their bodies , as their persecuters were in their soules ; railing most bitterly , as rossidius in the life of s. austin tels us , against that holy man and his fraternity of bishops and presbyters , because he did mightily discover , and render detestable their hypocriticall madness , for which these impudent wretches , and impious pretenders to religion , called him a carnall man , a formall professor , a rotten christian , an execrable person , not fit to live : thus ( for the comfort of many unjustly despised , and untruly reproched bishops and presbyters of the church of england , ) was he treated by these fanatick factionists , who was one of the most excellent lights for learned humility , charitable industry , and modest constancy , that ever god raised up to his church since the apostles dayes . i will not odiously repeat to you the well known , yet infamous , seditions and rustick tumults raised in germany by the anabaptistick and other spirits , to the destruction of above an hundred thousand poor people . other attempts were made by such zelots upon other provinces and cities , sufficient to tell the world what good stomachs some men have to devour all things civill and sacred , when once they can be masters of mis-rule . their despite is not onely against the learning , livelyhood and lives of bishops and true ministers of churches , either reformed or roman , that stand in their way ; but all is fuell that comes under their flaming fingers : they long to be sharers and masters of the estates , lands , places , profits , honours , powers , and wives of magistrates , noblemen , gentlemen , merchants , citizens , yeomen , and tradesmen , whose barnes , or shops , or houses are better furnished than these reformers yet are . whosoever they or their prophets & parasites , should decree , as john of leiden did , to be reprobates ( because not complying with their wild opinions and holy ravings , ) presently they were branded for ungodly ; next they were voted as enemies to jesus christ ; at last they were devoted to poverty , prisons , banishments and deaths , unlesse they chose a voluntary confiscation and banishment , to escape other mens inordinate fury . who can marvaile that these abominable desolaters , in their principles and practises , should not be very sparing of those supports which men have for their bodily lives and temporall welfare , where they see them to be such prodigall and pittilesse wasters of all those ministers and meanes , which might most contribute to make mens soules eternally happy in piety and charity ? of which the devil never makes greater havock , than when he obtrudes excessive , needlesse , and endlesse reformations , as his grand impostures , which , like violent torrents , not fill , but trouble and confound all those purer streames and fountains of religion , which had much more of christian purity and constancy in them , though not so much of the overflowing fury and muddy inundation . how can you ( o worthy gentlemen , or your posterity ) expect other effects in the sacred or civill concernments of this nation , when inordinate liberty naturally begets licentiousnesse in religion , licentiousnesse variety , variety animosity , animosity fury , and fury force ? the usuall climax or gradation of all popular and irregular motions in religion . in which common reason and naturall divinity ( much more christianity ) possessing men that there can be for the main but one true religion , as there is but one true god , and his holy will but one , every man is prone first to presume that he is in the right ; next , he growes so partiall to his own perswasions , as to imagine this above all others best , and onely pleasing to god ; then he concludes all other wayes of religion are as displeasing and offensive to god , as to himself . hence he kindles to a zeal in gods behalf , both to decry all other , and to cry up his own religion ; after this he hath potent impulses to propagate his own , and extirpate all others , as an acceptable service and sacrifice to god. this he first doth by words , disputing , writing , rayling , reviling : if these methods of converting and reforming the wicked world will not serve , he concludes them as his and gods opposers to be obstinate ; then he flies to the sword , first in vote , then in use , so soon as he and his party can get number and power sufficient to act with probable safety : such an opportunity he counts a call of god , an hand of providence , inviting and directing what to do , in order to set up their new way , against all others never so ancient , never so approved by good men , and prospered by gods grace and blessing : yea all old things must be done away , they must make all things new ; and their way must needs be the new jerusalem meant in the revelation . thus factions in religion , like crocodiles , from small eggs at length grow to great and formidable serpents , with wide jawes , and long tayles , threatning to devour all that will not submit and conforme to them ; warrs , blood-shed , and death , being the stings of those scorpions , whose faces at first seemed as the faces of men , faire-mannered , good-natured , and well-minded ? which was st. austins charitable censure of the euchites and circumcellions simplicity , so luthers of the anabaptists sincerity , till they saw them growing numerous like locusts , and appearing like horses prepared for battail , having haire and soft dresses like women , but teeth like lions ; violent exacters of their own liberty , but insolent oppressors of other mens . 't is evident in all ages and places , that as few men , when they grow many , are capable to use and enjoy with modesty and humility that christian liberty , which in their paucity and minority they craved of their superiours for themselves ; so few are willing to grant the same freedom to others , now their inferiours in number and power ; morosely denying what they once importunely desired : which partiality riseth out of such pregnant jealousies and reasons of state , as dictate to all men thus much , that publick differings in matters of religion are very dangerous to the civill peace of those that enjoy power , and are quiet under it ; which every party secretly envies , repines at , and seeks to obtain to it self , that it may have its triumph as well as others , and not alwaies be a punie or underling . we our selves have lived to see upon this account the tables so turned in england , that many who heretofore desired a favourable connivence at non-conformity to the church of england , are now most jealous and impatient to grant it to those who are still conforme to it in their judgements , and inoffensive in their practises . the like temper and carriage is expected by all from those they count recusants to them ; whom they therefore study to suppresse , either secretly undermining , or openly exitrpating them as rivals and enemies . not onely those greater birds , popery and prelacy , who are thought to affect rule in the church of christ ( of which they are most unworthy , if they deserve to be linked with blasphemy and other villanies ) but all those little birds , who first defiled their own nests , then made new ones , and laid their eggs in the branches of such christian liberty ( as is hardly granted by them to those that still adhere to the church of england , ) even these no sooner live and flutter , but they cluck and flock together , ayming to grow as numerous as they can : nor will any one of these faile to be dangerous in respect of the civll peace , when once they are confident of the power , as well as the superlative piety of their party , if the present policies of state did not poyse and balance one party with another , yea awe one by the other : none of them is of so small courage , and tame spirits , as not to ayme at the converting , reforming , ruling and subduing of all others . the least of these feeble people , like coneys in some islands of greece , would make a shift to extirpate all the inhabitants but themselves ; they no sooner grow up , increase , and multiply , but they are ready to fight , as the serpents teeth sowed by cadmus , ( which fable imported , as learned bochart tells us , nothing else but the phoenician colonies armed with brasse , and arriving in the greek islands , who presently sought by force to subdue all the pristine and native inhabitans ; the same phoenician and hebrew word signifying brasse and a serpent ) this principle being bred with all pretenders to mend religion , that there is no conscience to be made of any civill or ecclesiastick subjection , no use of christian patience and submission , longer than they want power to subdue all things under their feet , and to assert their due soveraignty . those parties , separations , sects and divisions , which have of later yeares unanimously set themselves against the former constitution of the church of england , ( which was once far above them ) are now grown not onely very pert and rigorous , but so various , and each of them so strangely vigorous , that they are not like the twinnes strugling in rebeca's womb , but like the brats which a countesse in flanders is reported to bring forth , equall in number to the dayes of the year : nor are they infants , striving without much strength , and with lesse malice , but they are grown adult , manly , gladiatorian , cyclopick ; the balancing of whose spirits is indeed a great piece of art and policy , and may hold while there is so great a master of power and prudence as can do it . but 't is certain every party affects prevalency , not content to truckle under any other , since they have equally emancipated themselves from the authority and subjection to , yea from the charity & communion with the church of england , whose authority and eminency was sometime as conspicuous as its order , merit and glory . such as now disdain her and seek to destroy her are veniall , if by a retaliation of divine vengeance , they ambitiously strive for mastery against each other ; each aiming to be like the master - pike in a pond , which ( they think ) may lawfully devour those that are of lesser size and growth . 't is certain that every faction in religion hath its feares of oppression , whetting them to mutuall emulations and ambitions , not knowing what party may , like the beasts in daniel , get the better over others , if not by arguments , yet by armes : nothing more frequent than those civill conflagrations or burnings of cities and countries , whose first fires are kindled from the coales of the altars , from religious fire-brands cast by christians in each others faces . we need not go farther to verifie this presumption , than to the late great instances so remarkable among our selves here in england , sufficiently proving that there can be no civill security , where there is such a religious variety , as serves to give both occasion and confidence to different parties , both to excite their private ambitions , and in time to exert them in waies of open hostility , whensoever opportunity is given by any negligence , offence , or distemper in government or governours ; upon the least bruise , the ill humours , as in foul bodies , will have such confluence to the disaffected part , as easily causes terrible inflammations , and many times such gangrenes of poysonous and indigestible humours , as nothing but the sword can cure . not onely germany and france heretofore have felt the sad effects of these religious factions , frequently embrued in the blood of their countries ; but scotland , ireland and england , have heretofore had many shaking fits of these religious feavers , though never any that cost each of them so much letting of blood as these last calentures , which have infinitely wasted the people and spirits of these three nations , taking their first popular heats ( or pretending so at least ) from the zeal each party had for its religion , not as christian , which all professe , but as discriminated by particular marks of lesser opinions and perswasions , which occasion more discords than all their agreement in other main matters can preserve of love and concord , as men , as countrey-men , or christians . how oft since the reformation in england began , and was perfected ( to so great a beauty , for justice , piety , order , charity , moderation and honour , as became the glory of god , the majesty of christian religion , and the wisdome of this nation ) have the struglings of religion threatned , and began civil broyles , not onely in eighth's dayes , both in the north and west ( when yet reformation was much unhewn and unpolished , people being unsatisfied because untaught , as to the just grounds of necessary alteration ) but afterward , in succeeding princes dayes , especially in queen elizabeth's long and happy reign , how infinitely did religious discontents boyle in some mens breasts ? insomuch that for want of vent in open flames of hostility ( which the publick power , policy and vigilancy of those times repressed ) they bred all sorts of foul impostumations , even to the study of assassinations , empoisonings and treasons ; some so black and barbarous , as are unparallel'd in former , and will be scarce credible in after-ages . nor did the discontented papists onely meditate first revenge , then soveraignty , by blowing all up at one blow that was sacred or civil in this nation ; but even that little cloud , which at first seemed but as an hands breadth , of difference in some outward forms , ceremonies and circumstances of religion , as christian and reformed , this in time grew so full of sulphurous or hot vapours , that it looked very black when it was not yet very big in england , either by schismes or separations , being much cooled and allayed , yea in great part dissipated and vanished , through the excellent temper of that government both in church and state , which that renowned queen and her wise councel preserved ; which suffered neither conformity to grow wanton and lazy , nor non-conformity to be presumptuous or desperate , nor yet too popular , by out-vying the other party either in piety or industry . episcopacy , as the ancient and onely catholick government of this and all other churches for . years , was then had in due veneration , allowed its double honour , both in church and state , in parlaments and synods ; it was treated with great gravity and respect by that incomparable princesse ; afterward it was asserted with greater indulgence and passion by king james , who began that proverb which his son saw verified , no bishop , no king : yet in the beginning of the late kings dayes , episcopacy and the state of the church was even pampered and cosetted by so excessive a favour and propensity , as made it seem his chief favourite , not onely for reasons of state , but of conscience . the episcopall throne and dignity seemed as immutable as the kings scepter and majesty ; so zealously devoted he was to assert it , so fearfull by any sacrilegious act to diminish it ; such a patron , such a champion for the state ecclesiastick , that upon the matter he was resolved to venture kingdomes , life and all upon this cause , and either to swimme or sink with the church of england against the tide of all faction . what could be desired of greater advantage and security , than such an immensity of favour from so potent a monarch , for the indemnity and stability of the episcopall interests and its friends in england ? which in the beginning of king charles his reign had what they could hope or desire ; his benignity exceeding the very hopes of church-men , his royall favour confirming all those immunities , honours , jurisdictions and revenues , as sacred and inviolable , which they enjoyed by the lawes , priviledges and customes of england ; to which the learning , gravity , and merit of many worthy bishops and other church-men in england bare so great and good a proportion , that few were so impudently envious , as not to think that many , yea most of them , well deserved what they soberly enjoyed ? the heat of the opposite factions , as non-conformists or separatists , was so much allayed , that it seemed quite extinguished : nor possibly could it have revived to so sudden and dreadfull flames , if the immoderations of some mens passionate counsels and precipitate activities had not transported them beyond those bounds which politick , and it may be pious , prudence did require ; which easily re-inkindled those old differences which had been so much suppressed , that they seemed quite buried in england , till they took fresh and unexpected fires from the cold climate , but hot spirits , of scotland ; which finding prepared and combustible matter there and here too , soon brake out to such flames as were not to be quenched but with the best blood in england , and the overthrow of the ancient government both of church and state , even then when both seemed to be in their greatest height and fixation . so dangerous , even beyond all imagination and expression , are the sparks of religious dissentions , if they be either by preposterous oppositions provoked , or by imprudent negligences permitted to ferment and spread in any church and state , or if they be not by at powerfull way of reall wisdome and true piety ( which is the best and surest policy ) so quenched and smothered , as may take away from all men of any worth , modesty and conscience , any just cause to endeavour or desire any such innovations as those did , who upon presbyterian principles first aimed at , not a totall change of doctrine , but onely an amendment of discipline and government in this church ; which as they seemed in a short time to have obtained beyond their first designs , so in no long time after they were as much frustrated , and soon defeated by other subsequent parties which sprang up upon the like grounds of religious differences . after episcopacy was thrust under hatches , what i pray could be more absolute and magisteriall , bigger in words , lookes , enterprises , in terrours of others , in boasts and confidences of it self , than the presbyterian party was after once that leven , by a scotch maceration and infusion , had diffused it self , and sowred many peoples simplicity here in england , against the episcopall constitution and administration of this church ? how did this high-flying icarus in a short time disdain any rivall , puffing at all its prelatick adversaries , setting its feet on all the bishops and the episcopall clergies neck , as the israelites did on the five kings of the amorites , before they were to be slain ? which thing was done at josuahs command , who was the supreme magistrate : but these forward spirits tarried not for any such command or consent to their dominion , from the prince of the people ; but their new soveraginty fought to spread it self like lightning in a moment to the latitude of these three kingdomes , impregnated and palliated with many popular petitions for reformation of religion , which was in effect no more than the setting up of a sole soveraign and absolute presbytery . a novelty in any other reformed church , whose necessity , rather than choice , drave them upon it : but in england it seemed a meer insolency ; yet how was it now to be seen flourishing with the scotch sword in one hand , and the covenant in the other ? how was it heightened by the name and reputation of parlament ? how was it to be christened and adopted to christ in england , by an assembly of divines , who were indeed rather the gossips and witnesses , than the fathers or begetters of this alien ; which was rather a scotch runt than of true english breed ? for most , if not all the new patrons and god-fathers of presbytery , both gentlemen and clergy-men , had formerly sworn to , or subscribed , or asserted , or at least cheerfully submitted to the ancient legall and episcopall government of the church of england . from which they were so suddenly , passionately warped , and partially inclined to presbytery , that although my self were by i know not what sleight of hand shuffled out of that assembly ( to which i was as fully chosen as any , and never gave any refusall to sit with them , further than my judgement was sufficiently declared in a sermon preached at the first sitting of the parlament , to be for the ancient and catholick episcopacy ; ) yet the zeal of some men to put presbytery into its throne and exercise was such , that i was twice sent to by some members of both houses , and summoned by the committee of the county where i live , to preach at the consecration and installing of this many headed bishop , the new presbytery : which work i twice ( and so ever humbly ) refused to do , as not having so studied its genealogy and descent , as to be assured of the legitimation , right and title of sole presbytery , to succeed , nay to remove its ancient father episcopacy , not as then quite dead , nor ( i think ) fully deposed . yet such was the double diligence then of many english divines ( men otherwise of usefull abilities ) that they did as officiously attend on the scotch commissioners to set up presbytery , and to destroy episcopacy , as the maid is wont in pictures to wait on judith w●th a bag for holofernes his head . besides this , presbytery had then fortified it self with a speciall piece of policy , in order to its prevalency and perpetuity ; which was , to engage the better sort of common people , or the masters of every parish , and so in effect the whole populacy , to that party , by indulging them ( as mr. calvin did in geneva ) a formall or titular share of consistorian or ecclesiasticall power , under the glorious name of ruling elders , on whom , as on lesse comely members , they were pleased to bestow more abundant honour , at least in words ; for few of them could really be fit for , or ever capable to use any actuall authority , beyond that of sides-men , constables , church-wardens , or overseers for the poor . yet must the divine authority even of these pillars to presbytery be set up , though it stands but on tip-toes , and as it were upon one leg , favoured but by one text of scripture , and not one example , either in scripture or all antiquity for a thousand yeares and more , as learned mr. chibald proved in that excellent work of his , which was very seasonably for the design , but not very honestly , embezled by some fast friends to presbytery , as i have other where complained . how loth were many men , as they still are , to understand , that the apostle st. paul in that single place could not , according to that spirit of wisdom which appeares in al his writings , there institute two distinct sorts of elders ? but he onely notes those different degrees of ability , industry and merit , which might be in some of the same kind and order ; some being as preachers and bishops , pastors and rulers fixed to particular charges and congregations ; others with greater zeal , paines and hazards following neerer the apostles steps , in watering what they had but newly planted among the first converted nations , yea and in further new planting the gospel among the gentiles , which was the great work of the principall pastors , elders or bishops in those times . the apostle too well understood the proportions of justice and remuneration , to give the same double honour ( that is , equall maintenance and reverence from the churches ) to those whose paines in them must be so vastly different , as well as their abilities ; the work of their supposed ruling , but not preaching elders , being no way comparable in reason or religion to the work and worth of those that duly preach and plant the gospell . the ruling part , as it was assigned them by these new dividers of church-government , was such , as required no great time or paines , nor great abilities ; which , if required , could not easily be had in most country-congregations , much lesse in primitive times among the poor and ( for most part ) plebeian christians : besides the office doth so much gratifie most lay-mens small ambitions to be in office , and so little hinders their other trades , that they cannot be thought to deserve any great reward , much lesse double , that is equall , honour to him that expends most of his time , spirits , and talents in preparing and employing himself for the preaching ministery , which will constantly exercise the best of his power and abilities . if these ruling elders must have equall honour , as to maintenance , with preachers , the church is undone ; for it cannot afford it : if preachers must have no more maintenance or respect than these lay-elders will deserve , preaching-elders or ministers are undone ; for they must either starve , or tack other callings to the ministry to patch up a livelyhood . what is further brought frō helps and governments , to help preaching elders to the government in common , and rustick or lay-elders to a share with them , seemes to me to have as little force to convince any sober mans judgement , or perswade their consciences to submit to the novelty of them , as that argument used by a good old woman had to confute them ; who being urged by a young presbyter , for the better countenancing of his autority , to submit her self to the examination and jurisdiction of these elders , which were news to her , she replyed , rather very resolutely than rationally , no , by no meanes , she would not be subject to them , because she had both heard and read that elders were apocryphall , and would have ravished susanna . but in earnest , these ruling elders were in prudence , not in conscience , in reason of state , not of religion , in policy , not piety , first added to the consistory at geneva , meerly to appease and please the unsetled people , who having tumultuarily driven out their bishop and prince , now upon the essayes or new modellings of church and state , would not be quiet , till calvin allowed them some that might seem tribunes of the people in courts ecclesiastick as well as civil . t is true , lay-elders have been continued and used there , and other where , after that plat-forme of so-disciplined churches ; but not therefore any way the more or better reformed . for these are rather as cyphers , adding some number , traine and company to the ministers , than signifying ought of themselves , further than prudence & policy may make use of them : but certainly no religious necessity commands them as a duty and of divine institution , there being an impossibility to find them in every parochial congregation , where there is seldome any one man of the laity , who is meet in any kind to be joyned with the minister , in any such authority , which claimes to be sacred and divine ; for which god ever provides fitting instruments , where he commands to have any use of them . god gave the word , and great was the company of preaching elders , bishops and presbyters in all ages : but of lay-elders and ruling onely , we read so little , so no use in any church or age , that we may conclude , god gave no such word for them . the wise god abhors unequall mixtures , such as the plowing with an ox and an asse : and such seems the joyning of preachers with these lay-elders in the discipline and government of the church ; the asse both disgracing and overtoyling the laborious and more ponderous ox , who hath more hindrance than help from so silly and sluggish an assistant . motly and unsociable conjunctions , in sowing mislane , or wearing linsy-wolsy garments , are also forbidden by the lord , as emblems of his abhoring all things that make any uncomely and unsociable confusion , which ought chiefly to be avoided in church-affaires , that order , solemnity ability , and prudence , might keep up the majesty of religion , the churches venerable discipline , and the ministeriall divine autority , even there where no civill magistrate would own it . yet if any presbyter be so wedded to these lay-elders , that he will never be reconciled to primitive episcopacy if he be wholly divorced from his dear elders , for my part he shall have my consent to enjoy them , upon a politick and prudent account , where he may conveniently have use of them . for i do not think the outward government of the church to be made of such stuffe or fashion which will not in any case either stretch or shrink , as those garments might do on the jewes bodies , when they ware them forty yeares in the wildernesse , provided all things be done decently and in order , with due regard to the maine end and the best examples . but if any contend for these elders upon a divine and strict account of religion , my answer is , with st. paul , we had no such custome in england , nor the other churches of christ in the world , for . yeares , who were fed and ruled by bishops and presbyters as the onely elders , pastors , and presidents in ecclesiasticall government . this is sure , presbytery was at first so confident of its sure standing in england , ( where it never yet had any footing since christianity was planted ) that it doubted not to make use of such a wooden leg or crutch as lay-elders are to support its new government and discipline ; which was hereby rendred very popular and specious to many ministers , and other men of vulgar spirits , who were more ambitious of any small pittance of church-government to passe through their fingers , than judicious to measure and design the true proportions of it or themselves , which certainly ought to be most remote from a democratick temper , church-government depending not upon many strong , rash and rude hands , but upon wise heads and holy hearts ; of which no great store is ordinarily to be found among common and country-people , upon which crab-stocks neverthelesse this graft of presbyterian government was to be every where grafted on the one side , not without mighty applause , and great expectation from the meaner-spirited people of england , in every parish some of which were to be found , not onely among the very mechanick and rustick plebs onely , but among some citizens , gentlemen , and noblemen too , who began to have very warme and devout ambitions to enjoy the title of a ruling elder , as a divine honour added to their other civill honours , gently submitting their and their posterities tamer necks to such a yoke , as neither they nor their fore-fathers ever knew ; by which one little minister with two or three of his elders , might be impowered to excommunicate a king and all his councell , as king james expresseth in his sense of their arrogancy . but while the common people of engl. were every where preparing themselves to admire , adore , or dread , yea to entertain and feed with double honour , which was required for its due , this new and strange beast of presbytery , which rose out of the sea of scotish broyles and english troubles ( being , as was thought , adorned with seven heads and ten horns , coming forth conquering and to conquer ; ) in the midst of so great glory , swelling confidences and superfluity of successes , behold , a little stone of independency , cut out by no hand of authority , riseth up against the great mountain of presbytery , as its emulator and rivall . this in a short time hath so cloven it in sunder , that it hath quite broken its hoped monopoly of church-government ; and independency having never had any patent from any christian king or people heretofore , pleads a patent ( as doth presbytery ) from christ jesus , which hath been , it seems , dormant and unexecuted these years . this some more grosse and credulous spirits do easily believe , though they never saw the commission . only as the more acute and nimble independents ( besides the more profound and solid episcopalians ) eagerly dispute against the usurped authority of presbytery , alledging that classicall , provinciall , and nationall presbyteries are to them much more apocryphall than deanes and chapters , bishops and arch-bishops ; so do both of them no lesse urge a pure novelty , besides the fractions and parcellings of government , against independency , tokens of weaknesse , imprudence and inconsistency in government . yet amidst all this stickling , the puny of independency ( which enjoyed at first the smiles and cajolings of presbytery , counting it an harmless and innocent novelty , because yet unarmed ) grew up by strange successes and unexpected favours of power , to such a stature , procerity and pertness , that it not onely now justles with presbytery , but it makes it in many places glad to comply , yea to curry favour with , and to truckle under independency ; which challengeth seniority before presbytery , with much more probability than presbytery can alledge any authority for its rejecting catholick episcopacy ; it being more evident , that particular congregations were first governed by one sole apostle , pastor , teacher , bishop , or presbyter , present among them , than that many presbyters ever governed the large and united combinations of christian congregations and churches , without some one apostle or eminent bishop , as chief president among them : to which all church-history consents , without any one exception in all the world . thus hath independency , as a little , but tite , pinnace , in a short time got the wind of , and given a broad-side to presbytery ; which soon grew a slug , when once the north-wind ceased to fill its sailes . besides this , independency confining all its authority to a little body and narrow compasse of one congregation , hath a stroke or knack in it of greater popularity than presbytery it self ; which having many heads and hands , soon grew terrible to great men as well as common people , threatning them not onely with one sword or scepter , but with the combined force of many presbyters and presbyteries , with appeales from one consistory to another , which looked like dew-rakes and harrowes , armed with so many teeth , that none great or small should escape them , but he must needs fall under the first , second , third or fourth consistorian power , either parochiall , or classicall , or provinciall , or nationall ; new names and great words , which common people would hardly learn in one yeare , nor understand in seven . furthermore , the magistratick genius and emperiall spirits of this nation ( intending intirely to govern it , both in civil and ecclesiasticall respects ) began in time to be better advised , and so to be aware how they or the nation fell under the discipline of any populacy or presbytery , whose rods , nay scorpions , castigated king james , during his pupillage or minority in scotland , so severely , that he could never forgive or forget their insolency to his dying day , as he bitterly complains in his basilicon doron ; every petty presbyter that had twenty marks a year salary to live upon , fancying himself a peer , not onely to the lords , but to the prince himself . this ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) many-headed hydra of government , king james did ( and so might all wise men ) see cause enough perfectly to abhorre both in church and state ; that it was not onely folly , but madnesse , to buy the experience of it in england at the charge of our own miseries , when we had our neighbours late examples so near us ; that they were enough to have scared any wise men from such an hare-brain'd and plebeian presbytery , as king james and others describe , specially the learned , reverend and impartiall arch-bishop of s. andrews , who modestly sets it forth in his late excellent history of the church of scotland , in its rise , progresse , activity and recesse : which was a government popularly at first extorted from bishops , peers and princes , by a company of minute ministers or petty preachers , whose extravancies the wisdome of king james after reduced to a well-regulated episcopacy ; under which scotland , as well as england , enjoyed , i believe , its best dayes . thus when presbytery had lopped episcopacy to the stumps in engl. yea and thought it had grubbed it up by the mattock and pickax of the covenant ; when it self from a small shrub had set it self up , began to take root , and to fill the land , against the will of the chief cedar in the forrest , fancying it was now full of sap , both of divine and humane right , as if it were in high favour both with god and man ; yet then it suddenly dwindled and looked so withered as if it had been planet-struck , or smitten with a sharp east-wind , when indeed it was nothing else but the spirit of independency and other novelties , which like palmer-worms or caterpillers secretly bred in every corner of the land ; and which have now also made their way even into scotland it self , sometime the great scene and throne of presbytery , now very tottering and much weakned , as to that part of affected soveraignty in church-affairs . nor is this young , tall , and seemingly so thrifty shoot of independency ( which is yet but slender , and more run up in height than spread in bulk ) this is not so firmly fixed , that it cannot be removed , having little root in scripture , or in the true reason of government and polity , nor more in any church-patterns or practise of antiquity ; being like jonah's gourd , the child of a night , of yesterday , in comparison of primitive and catholick episcopacy , yea and a younger brother to presbytery : which was but a modern shift used among some reformed churches , when they could not have as they desired , reforming and reformed bishops to rule them ; for else they had never ( god knows ) dreamed any thing of such a presbytery as should tend to the extirpation of apostolick episcopacy . nor is independency with all its easie rootings and windings in our loose and broken soyle of england , as yet far spread in the judgements of the most learned , grave and sober persons of england , looking upon it as incongruous in its novelty , feebleness , factiousness and popular temper , to the genius and interest of the english people , who are never to be long or well ruled by those whom they think their equals or inferiours . even independency it self ( which hath a pretty soft phrase , and easier cords to bind people together in small bodies ) will in time find its weaknesse in it self , and betray it to others ; whence will follow other variations from it , oppositions against it , and contempts of it . who knows what way fierce anabaptists , ambitious millenaries , seraphick familists , rude ranters , and silly quakers wil affect for their church-government , or any other new and yet namelesse faction which may hereafter be spawned , more agreeable to the vulgar humour , which loves greater latitudes , indifferencies , loosenesses and cheapnesses of religion , both in opinon and practise , than learned and modest independents will allow ? who sees not how much the uncivil confidence and childish clownery of quakers takes with the vulgar beyond any thing ? while to set off their enthusiasmes with a greater emphasis , they affect a rude and levelling conversation , with a familiarity of thouing their betters and superiours at every word , fancying great holinesse in their simple and superstitious yea and nay , which are not the sole and confined , but onely the shortest expressions of true and honest meanings ; disdaining to use any signs of duty , common courtesie , or respect , which by the laws of god and man are due to parents , equals or superiours , according to the gentle , courteous and humble behaviour of all christians in all countreys and ages : yet do these sort of new leaders pretend they come nearer to jesus christ and to god , because they have no respect of any persons but themselves : and no doubt , in order further to relieve their necessities and obscurities , these men would be content to have all things common , after the fashion of primitive charity , when the churches necessities had an empire of love ( not force ) over particular christians proprieties . these and the like discriminations of parties in religion , which are but lately grown out of the distempers of the church of england ( as wormes out of job's sores or dunghill ) have already not onely their founders and patrons ( which must be almost deified by their respective disciples ) but they have also their grand masters , abettors , propagators , followers and champions ; each challengeth to themselves the titles of christians , saints , godly people , the church , &c. not as good fellowes in a charitable community and catholick correspondency , but in a supercilious reserve , almost excluding all others , and unchurching them who are not just of their modes , who do not follow their colours , and are not ready to fight under their banners . to be sure they all bandy against the poor church of england , agreeing in this one antipathy , how disagreeing soever in other things ; they study to divide her unity , to break her solid intireness , to enervate her authority , to infatuate her wisdome , to weaken her strength , to spoile her patrimony , to destroy her very being , and to render her name odious ; with great coyness and disdainfull smiles looking upon any man or minister that shall but speak of the church of england , and counting him presently as their common enemy , if he profess a filial regard , duty , love , pity , adherence and subjection to it . mean while , each of these agitators for their severall parties and interests , fancy to themselves a great power resident in them , a divine liberty and authority derivable from them , to begin new churches , to beget their own fathers , to lead their shepherds , to teach their teachers , to ordain their pastors , to celebrate all holy mysteries , to consecrate sacramentall symbols : thus arrogating all that is divine or ecclesiastick to themselves , in their severall methods and capacities . sometimes the pastor begets a flock for himself , otherwhile a flock begets a pastor to themselves . it is no wonder that they are so greedy and vigilant to shark what they can from the church of england and its ministry , which they cry down as defective , as contemptible , as uselesse , as pernicious , as null ; crying up their novelties in opinion or practise beyond all that was ever used or known by the church of england or any other ancient church . thus animated by confidence of themselves , and instigated by contempt of others , specially of the church of england , they daily and zealously labour to make proselytes to their respective parties ; so to increase their numbers , then to enlarge their quarters : though their hands have hitherto been joyntly & chiefly against the church of engl. yet they are ready , as occasion shall serve , like ishmael , to be against one another , counting every one against them who is not for them . in fine , what doth any of them want , but strength and opportunity , to set up themselves and their parties , to lift up their standards , to display their ensigns , to inscribe on their flags of mutuall defiances the names of their severall factions , to advance their distinct , divided , and ( now ) discovered interests and designes , presented under some specious notion or name of reformation , of christs kingdome , or throne , or reign with them and by them , as soon as they can begin , and as long as they can continue that sacred empire ? which must , it seems , begin in england ; for no where else in the world mens heads are so busie , mens hearts so divided , their wits so frantick , their religion so fancifull , their pride so insolent , their wills so wilfull , their consciences so loose , their charity so partiall , their unity so broken , their liberty so licentious , their christianity so self-crucifying , their reformations so rude , so ridiculous , so ruinous , both to their common mother , and to each other . as for the church of england , there is not one of these fierce and flagrant novellers but they look upon her with such an eye as ungracious children use to do upon their aged , weak , bed-rid and impoverished mother , whom they think never like to get upon her legs again , much less to be able to assert her self , to recover her strength , authority , reputation and estate , from their unnaturall and rapacious invasions ; her they have devoted to utter destruction , without any remaining sparks of honour , love , or pity for her ; they conclude her as condemned to perpetuall desolations ; each of them resolves to make their advantages by her ruines , as some do by the decayes of our cathedrals : and this upon no other quarrell , that i could ever see , but because she was , as much elder , so much wiser and better than any , than all of them , as to all learning , wisdome , order , gravity , gifts , graces , charity , constancy , unity ; these new modes of religion and reformation consisting more in breaking than binding , in taking than giving , in pulling down than building any thing that might be a remarkable instance and monument , either of pious magnificence , or munificent piety . possibly they may , out of principles of policy and self-preservation , keep some fair quarter to each other , and pretend a correspondency , as brethren in discontent or iniquity , while they either are curbed by a potent and prudent hand , as to that civil predominancy and liberty they affect ; or while they have some jealousie of the england's recovery ( their sore and just enemy , in their esteem , when indeed it is their truest friend , and least their flatterer : ) but when they fancy her to be irreparable , and each of themselves in such potency as can bear no competitor , they will certainly justle each other for more elbow-room . their spirits are too big to be confined , when once blown up with confidence of numbers and successes ; neither their herds nor herdsmen can feed longer together : like cocks of the game , when they have sufficiently crowed over the church of england , they will fight with one another . their principles are , and so will their practices be , mahometan as well as christian , rather to be active than passive , to follow the crescent rather than bear the cross . they are for rule and empire , rather than for christian patience and subjection : those were superstitious , or necessitous , rather than religious principles and practices of primitive silliness , more than simplicity and innocency ( as they count them : ) the serpent in them will devour the dove , as soon as it growes great enough , that it may be no longer a creeping , but a flying fiery serpent . late experience too much gratifying , even to a glut and excesse , the various , licentious , factious and cruel novelties of some men , hath thus far manifested the folly , ingratitude , inordinatenesse , ambition and madnesse of their principles , practices and spirits , that i see some men can never be content with moderate blessings in church or state , nor satisfied with any thing , unlesse they may be their own carvers : they are so eager to catch at the shadows of novelty and whimsies of reformation , that they are blindly zealous to lose the substance of religion , and deform the best reformations in the world ; the issues of their counsels are the issues of death , and their paths tend either to romish darknesse or atheisticall indifferencies . from all which true observations of mens tempers and activities , presages of future sad events , i cannot but with grief of soul justifie ( what many mens immoderate zeal is loth to believe ) the wise observations of s. austin and many others , who were set beyond juvenile heats and popular fervours ; that novelties in any well-ordered church and religion ( though seemingly , yea and really , as to some degrees , for the better , yet ) usually perturb the church and state of religion more than they profit them . no private mens reformings end without their greater deformities ; if perhaps they adde to the purity and verity , they take as much away from the charity and unity of religion . that passion commonly darkens and sullies more than their pretensions of piety do polish or brighten religion . that preposterous reformers instead of snuffing the lamps of the temple , are prone to put them quite out : especially when the ignorance and insolence of lay-men undertake to set the ark of god upon their cart , to draw it with beasts , and drive it with their whips and whistlings , though they whistle to the tune of a psalm ; yet religion alwayes totters , is oft overthrown by them , being never safe but when it is , as the ark ought to have been , carried upon the shoulders of able priests and levites , such bishops and presbyters as ought to bear it up , and to whose care that sacred depositum is chiefly committed by christ and the apostles . nor hath the learned and godly clergy in england ever been so weak and unworthy , as to want either ability or will , sufficiency or authority , to do this service to god and his church ; however now they are so debased , discouraged , and almost beaten out of the sanctuary . reformations of religion ever prove either abortive or misshapen , when they are either begotten or brought forth by ministers factiousnesse or peoples fury : tumultuating and irregular wayes of reforming any church do but cut up and so kill the mother , in hope to save that bastard-child , which having neither due form nor legitimation deserves no long life . we see by too wofull experiences and infinite expences of blood , that churches , when in some things decayed , are easier mended in fancy than in effect , in the project than performance ; that this church-work requires not onely proper workmen and skilfull artists , but tender hands and cautious fingers ; that where the essentialls , vitals and fundamentalls of religion in any church , are good as to true doctrine , saving faith , holy institutions , and honest moralls , the prudentialls and ornamentalls cannot but be commendable , if they be tolerable ; that the peace and safety of a setled church ought not to be indangered for circumstances ; that it is a dangerous practice of empiricks , to give able and otherwise healthfull bodies uncorrected quick-silver , which shall kill them outright , in order to kill some little itch or tetter upon them , whose breaking forth to the circumference or outward habit of the body is a good effect of an ill cause , a sign of firmer health in the nobler and more retired parts . i must ever conclude , with s. austin and dionysius bishop of athens , it is better , for the churches peace and christian charity sake , to tolerate some inconveniences ( for some there will ever be , or at least to some men seem to be , in the best constituted churches ) than to admit of such hazardous wayes and means of reforming , as will endanger the ruine of religion and totall routing of a well-setled church ; that it is better in all respects to acquiesce in , or submit to publick determinations and tried appointments of true religion , than to be still tampering with untried experiments and essayes of novelty , to the wast of that order , peace and unity , which ought to be preferred before any such truths as are but probable , or so disputable , that good men on either side have , do , and may hold them in some opposition without danger of their salvation . it is but a delusion and device of the devil , which prompts men to wind up the strings of religion to so high a note of reformation , as breaks both the strings themselves , and the very ribs of that instrument which they pretend to set to such a pitch . an immoderation which hath ( as i have endeavoured to set forth by many sad instances in this third book of the church of englands sighs and teares ) so defaced , deformed , shaken , disunited , weakned and endangered the state and honour of religion , as christian and reformed , in this church and nation , that it threatens , like a fistula , gangrene , or cancer , a totall , though it may be a lingring , fatality both to church and state , unlesse by some wise hearts and worthy hands the lord of heaven vouchsafe to apply such cures as may stop the prevailings of such sad effects , and remove the causes which began or promoted them so far , as to give occasion to this famous church and her children thus sadly to bemone themselves . book iv. setting forth the sighs and prayers of the church of england in order to its healing and recovery . chap. i. having set before you ( honored and beloved countrymen ) in the three former bookes , first , the well-formed and sometime flourishing constitution of the church of england , ( lib. . ) secondly , its present decayes or destitutions ; both in the causes ( lib. . ) and consequences ( lib. . ) relating to ministers and people , in sacred and civill regards , to the great diminution , detriment and danger of the reformed religion , in this church and nation : it is now time to apply my thoughts and yours in this fourth book to the restitution , or recovery of that which is the honour and happinesse of this as all nations ; which ( undoubtedly ) consists in the purity , unity , stability , sanctity , solemnity , autority , and efficacy of true religion . hitherto i have powred wine into the wounds of this church , not so much suppling as searching them , by an honest severity : the bruises and putrified sores , which are all over the body of our reformed religion , were not capable of oyles and balsames , of softer and sweeter applications , till the putid and painfull ulcerations were first opened , the cores of them discovered , and the pus or sanies of them let out ; which to conceal and smother by gentle , but unsincere salves , by civil ▪ but cruel plaisters ( rather palliating our miseries , than healing our maladies ) were a method of so great basenesse and unworthinesse in me , as might for ever justly deprive me of the honour of faithfulnesse to god , to this church , to true religion , to my country , to my own and to your soules . i know the freedom of my pen hitherto , like the sharpnesse of a lancet or probe , may be prone to offend on all sides : few men are so humble as not to find fault with those that tell them of their faults : those are commonly least patient of phisitians or chirurgeons hands , who need them most , crying out of other mens severities , which are occasioned , yea necessitated , by their own debauchnesse and distempers . yet since my aymes are in this writing upon , or rather ripping up the bilious inflammations of religion , not to spare my own disorders , or theirs with whom i may seem most to symbolize in my opinion and practice , i hope no good man , great or small , will be causelesly offended with the just incisions , or scarrifyings i have made ; which as the gangrenous necessity of our maladies ( otherwise desperate and incurable ) have compelled me to , so the pious , peaceable and charitable intentions of my soul , inorder to a common and publick good , will then best excuse them , when my readers shall perceive with how liberall an hand and free an heart , i do in this fourth book impart the best of my thoughts , my humblest suggestions , faithfullest counsels , and tenderest cares , in order to their happinesse , no lesse then my own , who am infinitely solicitous , and passionately concerned what becomes of the ark of god , of the true reformed christian religion in england , jealous lest the philistines take it , and with it the glory of our israel . i know it may be retorted upon me , that nothing is easier than to complain of others , nothing harder than to mend ones self ; that censors of epidemick disorders make themselves publick enemies , and subject to ostracisme on all sides ; that both prince and people , magistrates and subjects , are prone to interpret such representations for reproches of them , as if they were defective in their counsels and cares of religion ; also as arrogancies in any private man , to seem either more sensible of , or more solicitous for , or more consultive in order to those great and publick concernments , which no wise men can faile to discern , no good man forbear to remedy , as far as is in his power ; that it is not so much an heroick , as an inordinate charity , or indiscreet zeal , for any man to discompose his own tranquillity , by importuning others to be better than they like to be , or to do better than the distemper of times will give them leave ; that neither magistrates nor ministers are to be blamed or traduced as defective in their duties , because they are not presently masters of peoples petulancies , nor can suddenly command that great ship to steere about , and obey the rudder of reason and religion , which hath lately been carryed violently away , as by the sway of its own ponderous bulk , so by the fiercenesse of mighty and contrary winds , also by the fatality of those secret , but irresistible tides of providence , when divine justice and vengeance hath struck in with humane passions and transgressions , at once to use them and to punish them . i am so far from reproching any that are in power , and those least who are in greatest place , that ( in earnest ) i pity them for what they cannot act , as effectually , as i charitably presume they soberly design and desire in respect of that christian unity and harmony of religion , which every wise and good man must needs be unfeignedly ambitious to enjoy and promote . the obstructions of which arise , not from depraved and dangerous state-policies , ( as some suspect ) purposely fomenting divisions in religion , ( which no prudent governour but sees cause to feare , and will study to avoid ) but from those head-strong furies and animosities , which accompany the vulgar , when once ( like stone-horses got loose from their stalls , traice , and bridles ) they find themselves at such a liberty , as is beyond the switch or spur , the curb or whip of their riders and governours ; whose riotous and boysterous courses are hardly to be stopped , till they have either tired , or intangled , or hurt , or confounded and overthrown themselves and others ; till which time , it is not safe for their keepers to come too neer their wanton heels , or forcibly to reduce them , like wild asses and unicorns , to their wonted stations and cribs . nor is ( perhaps ) the dilatory cautiousnesse of wise men herein to be blamed so much as commended , while they temporize for some time with the populacy , till experience of their own folly , disorders , dangers and miseries , hath taught them how much safer they are under other mens orderly restraints and government , than their own licentious choice and freedoms , as in civil , so in religious concernments . i believe the mutuall feuds , jealousies , and animosities in england among the divided factions in religion , have hitherto been so eagerly bent to advance themselves , and to depresse their rivalls , that it hath been a work of great prudence , no lesse than policy , so far to balance them , till time had discovered to them their common deformities and dangers , by their disagreements and defeats ; besides the generall decay and mutuall debasing of what each highly pretends to advance , the reformed religion . nor doe i doubt , but those powers and counsels , under which providence hath at present subjected our civil and ecclesiastick interests , will so far with favour interpret my endeavours , and accept of them , as they must needs appear to all sober men , onely studious to serve the publick good , and not to advance any private interest or particular party in religion . nor shall i be taxed ( i hope ) for self-conceited and too presumptuous , as if i supposed all men to be blind or dim-sighted besides my selfe , while i offer them this collyrium , or eye-salve : no , i know my own obscurity , tenuity , and infirmity . nor doe i here offer my own private sense so much , as the generall votes , prayers , hopes and expectations of all moderate and impartial men , so far as i have been able to observe the pulse of their hearts , and desires of their soules : yea many such as have heretofore highly engaged for or against any faction , during the transports of their first fits and paroxysmes , even these , being grown ( now ) much cooler and better composed in their spirits , doe seem to breathe after nothing so earnestly , as some such happy composure of our religious distractions , as may most advance the generall interests of the christian and reformed religion against the common enemies of both ; and therein so secure their respective and particular priviledges , or innocent immunities in point of conscience , as may least tempt them to fear the being opressed by others ; or , by way of revenge , to seek the oppressing of any others that would lead a godly and peaceable life . what good christian , that lists not to be atheistically profane , what honest protestant , that cannot comply with the roman errors and insolencies , doth not deplore the scratches , the wounds , the blood-sheds , the deformities , the decayes , the deaths , which the reformed religion hath lately suffered here in england ? who is so brain-sick or barbarous , as not to see that our common safety is in our religious unity ? that our civill honour and happinesse cannot be secure , untill established upon the pillars of christian purity and harmony ? to this mark i presse thus hard ; at this design i earnestly drive ; this is the prize i ayme at , during the remaine of my short race in this world : as i know i do not run alone , so i hope i shall not run in vain , but being assisted with gods gracious spirit , which is full of meeknesse and wisdome , i trust i shall enjoy the concurrent suffrages , good wills and prayers of all those that wish the prosperity of true religion and these british nations . to poure in the balm of gilead with the more order into the wounds of this church and its reformed religion , i shall first set forth the confessed difficulty of the work , i mean the closing and healing of religious breaches in any church or nation , where once differences are exasperated ; and not onely mens opinions and passions , but their civill interests and secular designs seem engaged . secondly , i shall shew the necessity of some happy composure ; . in respect of religion , as christian and reformed , . as to the civill peace , . as to the honour , . as to the gratitude of the nation . thirdly , i shall manifest the possibility or feisablenesse of the work ; both as to the nature of it , and the inclinations of all sober men to it . fourthly , i shall endeavour to propound what i conceive the proper methods and means of effecting it , to be used , . by ministers , . by magistrates , . by all sorts of people , that have any principles of piety and honesty toward god and man. chap. ii. for the first ; i know it is a work of great difficulty , and so of most ingenuous , as well as pious , industry , to buoy up religion , when once , like a great ship , it is sunk in the seas of vulgar errors , or bilged in the owse and mud of factious confusions , or plunged into licentiousnesse , irreverence and irreligion ; by which not onely the baser and more brutish lusts of men are sought to be indulged to all sensuall luxuries , but the more spirituall wickednesses which usurp upon the highest places of mens souls , ( such as are envy , revenge , ambition , covetousnesse , vain-glory , emulations , and hypocrisies ) these study to be gratified in the severall designs and interests which mens corrupt and base hearts doe fancie most agreeable to their contents . in nothing are men , and women too , more opiniatre , more morose , more touchy and obstinate , more proud and peremptory , more fierce and contradictive , more gladiatory and offensive , than to be stopped or opposed , curbed or restrained , questioned or disswaded in those opinions or practices which they have stamped with the marks and impressions of their religion . this , as the colours , ensigne and standard of their lives and honours , of their credits and comforts , must be preserved with the greatest vehemency , hazard and impatience . every one fancies , that , as they need , so they use the speciall power of gods spirit in all their pious pertinacies , which will not endure to have what they call their religion evicted or wrested from them , by the pleasure or power of any man living . the difficulty here of winning people from the error of their wayes , of redeeming and overcoming them with a gentle conquest , when once their lusts , errors and ignorances have bound them as captives with the chains of their opinions , is so great , that , as it must not discourage , but rather whet the edge of pious and charitable industry in magistrates and ministers , so it will exercise all their honest policies , their christian prudence , and charitable patience ; having herein to contend not onely with the pragmatick follies of people , and a kind of variable wantonnesse or madnesse , but also their rudenesses and reproches , their ingratitudes and contempts , their menacings and assassinations , who oft meditate even the death of those , as greatest tyrants and persecutors , that will not let them live at what rate and riot of religion they list . the primitive fathers and christian emperours ( whose learning and power most asserted the orthodox and true religion ) had never more cause to muster up and imploy all the forces of their tongues and pens , of their counsels and policies , of their senators and souldiers , than in those cases where they endeavoured to stop the contagions , or recover from the apostasies of religion , such as were deservedly branded for hereticks and schismaticks . how tender severities , how mild angers , how soft rigours , how gentle zeal , how meek wisdome ; how charitable chastisings , were they forced to use , ( i mean , the fathers of the church ) in their polemicks and apologies , in behalf of true religion , against epidemick or popular errors ! and no lesse solicitous were the godly emperours , to dispense their enforced , yet mercifull , cruelties , so as might most preserve the honestly erroneous , and onely destroy , refute and suppresse their extravagant , desperate and damnable errors . here the torrent of tertullian's rougher eloquence , the sweeter fluencie of st. cyprian's zealous candour , the invincible sinews of athanasius his style and resolution , the liquid gold of st. chrysostom's tongue and pen , the gentle dews and plentifull showrs of st. austins holy and humble soul , the strong tides , vehement storms of st. jerom's mighty genius , which prostrates all it cannot carry with it ; here the gregories and basils , irenaeus , hilary , optatus , and all other worthies of old , ( who were champions for the truth , and contended earnestly for the faith once delivered , and the unity of the true church of christ , against all opposers and factious seducers ) used all religious force , and pious engins , that were proper to apply to the restitution of religion , and reparation of the church , when it was either scattered and persecuted by infidels , or defamed and divided by schismaticks , or poisoned and corrupted by hereticks . nor were they more industrious to use the power of arguments in their own sermons and disputations , than cautious how they stirred up the spirits of princes to apply the power of armes in the matters of religion , further then for its necessary defence from the pragmatick petulancies and reall insolencies of manichees , arrians , circumcellians , donatists , and others , whose hands they thought might by such methods be justly curbed and resisted ; although their hearts were not to be so softned , nor their errors so confuted . indeed the reparations of religion , and the restauration of any lapsed or decayed church , is a work not to be done by sudden pulls , meerly by ropes and cables : unseasonable applications of violent and coercive means are prone to harden mens hearts , to exasperate their spirits , and to make them both more refractory and pertinacious in their religious errors , extravagancies and affectations . the work is much more easie and proper to be effected by such discreet and sober counterpoisings of reason and religion , of grace and virtue , of wisdome and charity , in worthy magistrates and ministers , as may in time , by insensible degrees , as it were out-weigh those sad and heavy depressions which are brought in and maintained by peoples sinister passions , petulancies , prejudices , or superstitions , to the splitting of any church , and sinking of religion ; these must be counterpoised by that gravity , sanctity , majesty , solemnity , due authority , just incouragement , and honest advantages , which pious princes and godly magistrates cheerfully and liberally afford to the orderly preachers and sober professors of true religion ; forbidding in the first place any men to make a prey or spoyl of the church in any kind , or to advance any secular emoluments by their schismatick and sacrilegious extravagancies . few men ever separate from , or fight against the church , or true religion , but as soldiers of fortune , in hope to plunder them . nor is it the honour so much , as the profit of the victory , that vulgar spirits aime at , when they contend against the bishops and pastors , the honour , order & stability of any church and its ministers . besides this first difficulty , in restoring any shattered church and religion , which proceeds from the ruder passions and impatiencies of the licentious vulgar , wise men have further to contend with those tempers in common people , which are most humane , soft , and commendable in them ; that is , their pitties and compassions , which make them prone to sympathize with any persons or opinions , never so bad and base , when once they see them violently oppressed , and , as they suppose , persecuted for that which they professe as their religion , which they are ready to judge lesse confutable by scripture and right reason , when they see it set upon by swords and pistols , by fire and faggot , by prisons and confiscations . people are ready to oppose all force with pitty , to adopt any opinion that they see rather punished than convinced ; whom they cannot help with their hands , they relieve with their hearts , their prayers and tears ; which , by softning mens minds , make an easie way for any error or heresie to insinuate into their consciences , though recommended by nothing but the patience or pertinacy of the sufferers for it . hence some wise and calmer states-men as well as church-men , blamed the severity of burning used in q. eliz. dayes against some anabaptists ; and once in king james his reign , against an impudent arian , ( for which mr. calvin and the geneva consistory had given him an example in servetus : ) in whose ashes ( as king james said ) while men rake to find a martyrly patience , they oft find an hereticall pravity , and such damnable , yet desperate errors , as he after thought were better smothered by prisons or banishment , than exposed to light by those horrid fires which burn men alive , or subject them to such remarkable sufferings , as stigmatize their errors on the hearts of many their pittifull spectators . how have we found even the dry trees of pillories in the last kings dayes , so fruitfull in popular compassions , that the supposed petulant and intemperate spirits of some men , who suffered on them , made thousands adhere to them ; who otherwayes would , in calmer proceedings , have utterly abhorred their folly and faction , their popularity and arrogancy ? hence many wretched men , that despaire by other means to be remarkable or infamously famous , affect to be sufferers ; ambitious by their seeming martyrdoms to gain reputation to their rotten , erroneous , and seditious opinions . down-right force is indeed very effectuall to doe not onely great executions upon the outward man , but to make strong confutations , and seeming conversions , upon mens opinions and perswasions in respect of civill right and justice : for vulgar minds are loth to look beyond outward events , and willingly resolve their consciences into providences ; prone to conclude , that all is just and righteous , that is potent and prosperous . they easily fancy with themselves , and flatter others , that those have the better cause , who have the better end of the staffe . true religion ( indeed ) exactly regards the word of god , and the intrinsick measures , even in civil affairs , of truth and justice . but easier superstition dotes on the superficies or idol of successe , counting all is well , when the event is not ill ; willingly suffering themselves to be carryed down that stream , where prevalent power carries dominion with it , and commands subjection to it , ( which prudent complyance with the outward man seems not onely veniall and tolerable in common people , but commendable even in all sober men , as to civill and secular affairs , while nothing interferes with those inward moralls , nor contradicts those necessary articles of christian faith , which are indispensible at all times , and on all occasions to be believed , asserted and obeyed . but in matters of religion , common people are not generally so tame , nor so soon cowed or over-awed by meer force and club-law : by which methods the duke d' alva lost his master the king of spain those fair provinces of the low-countries . for besides their naturall restivenesse , stubbornnesse and doggednesse , they are mightily heightned in these tempers and humours by the imagination of zeal , and resolutions of necessary perseverance in any way that they have chosen for their religion , though it be never so extravagant , yea ridiculous ; especially if bare force be applyed to remove them , then they are as ponderous as the congealed mountains , or northern heaps of ice , which no engines can remove ; but the warmer sun will secretly thaw , and easily melt them , so that they shall of themselves dissolve and fall asunder . it is obvious to all men to hold and grasp that fastest , which any seeks to wrest or extort from them ; and all spectators of such contests , are ready to judge , that that side either wants , or distrusts its rationall and perswasive power ( which is most proper to be applyed to the minds and consciences of men , in matters of religion ) when they see much use is made of persecutive and compelling power ; which is rather brutish than humane : such as balaams passion used towards his asse ; but it was not used by the angel toward balaam , who being the more perverse and refractory beast of the two , yet the angel by gods commission onely reasons , argues , and perswades with him , while he with fury smites his asse once and again . not onely piety and christian charity , but common reason and humanity teach all good-natur'd people to frown upon force , and look sadly upon sufferers , upon any religious account , unlesse ( as hacket and his complices ) where mens blasphemous opinions and riotous actions , like mad-mens , are such , that they break all those bounds which morality , modesty , civil justice , publique peace , the honour of established religion , and the reverence of the dive in majesty , do prescribe to all men , no lesse than to all christians . state - breaches , or civill fractures , like flesh-wounds , will in time be healed by a kind of weapon-salve : i mean , that soveraign power of the sword , which prevails , wil in time either depresse or extirpate contrary factions ; either so over-awing them by fears , or winning them by rewards , that they will with patience and prudence rather embrace a safe and quiet subjection , than adventure upon dangerous and improbable commotions . but the violent strokes made against mens religion , reach even their very hearts ; n defence of which all their spirits gather together , resolving ( if they have any courage or sincerity ) rather to die , than deny or desert what they at present count their religion . the casting of good store of water , or bloud , upon civill conflagrations , will , at last , quench them ; and prevalent power will make a shift to build it self new mansions or palaces , out of those ruinous materials which were much burnt and wasted , but not quite consumed , by those fires . but religious burnings , like the flames of jealousie , are contumacious , rising like wild-fire most violently against all means that are used suddenly and forcibly to smother and extinguish them . many of all sorts of religions have chosen rather to be burnt themselves , than to have their opinions quenched , and their religion suppressed ; especially if they can have the glory to be champions for a side , or patrons of a party , and have many spectators or sectators to be their applauders . putid humors and noxious ulcers once broken out , and far spread in any nation , ( as now in england ) upon the account of religion , ( like saint anthonies fire , or sharp erisipylas ) are safest healed by lenitive purgations , rather than cold applications outwardly . factions in religion , like fistula's or running sores in foule bodies , are in least pain and danger , when they have some vent allowed them , by which the venemous humours may leisurely spend themselves ; and those pestilent opinions which carry with them pernicious practices , so drain away , as most keeps them from recoyling upon the head , heart , or other noble parts . all sudden skinning over , or closing of the orifices , by which those sharp humours are obstructed , but not purged , is very dangerous and diffusive of the mischief , making the source of the malignity to flow higher , if it be not drawn away by such gentle dieticks , or healing applications , as strengthning the sound parts , assisting the weak and purging the disaffected , enables them by little and little to cast out what ever was unsound in them , and noxious to them . nothing makes the nestitutions of true , but decayed and divided religion , more difficult in any nation , than those mutuall corruptions and passions , those animosities and transports which disaffect both the people as patients , and many times the magistrates and ministers as physitians . and nothing renders that work more facile and feisable , than that calmnesse , moderation and temper , which ought alwayes to be in physitians , whatever violent fits and distempers appear in the patients . governours in church and state must ever expect such distempers in peoples minds , especially when they are touched upon the tender place of their religion , with which mens consciences seem so vehemently to sympathize , that reformers had need carefully to furnish themselves with such meeknesse of wisdome , as is the best antidote for their own security , and against the others malady . then there will be hopes of healing in religion , not when toleration or indulgence is granted to all opinions and professions , which list to christen themselves ; but when such a publick way of solid and sincere religion , both as to doctrine and practice , is seriously debated , duly prepared , publiquely agreed upon , and solemnly established , as carryes with it most of cleare scripture-precept , and saintly pattern , in faith and manners , in vertues and graces , in duties and devotions , in order and authority , in honesty and charity , with the greatest uprightnesse and impartiality towards god and man. however epidemick contagions may for a time be permitted something of necessary connivence , that they may more freely breathe out themselves ; yet this great remedy and soveraign medicine in due time ought to be applyed , which consists in the owning and establishing of such a religion as hath in it whatever is holy , necessary , usefull , comely , and commendable in any of the pretending parties . this once approved , and fixed by grave counsell , and publique advice of all estates , as the standard of the publique profession and practice of religion ; being also asserted and propagated by preachers of most indisputable authority , of pregnantest abilities , and of most exemplary lives , orderly and unanimously agreeing among themselves , hereby meriting and enjoying the double honour of publique respect and maintenance ; these gentle , rationall , and wholsome methods of religion , will certainly in a few years , by gods blessing , either drein , or drive out , by secret and gentle workings , all those pestilent distempers in religion , which vulgar minds , by a corrupted liberty , as by a licentious and foule diet , have contracted , to the great disorder and deformity of any church or nation professing christianity . for in a short time , such as are truly consciencious , by the fear of god , and love of true religion , will cease to be either pertinacious , or contentious , or factious , or inconstant , when they are convinced of so excellent a way , as they cannot but conclude to be safe ; since it is holy and true , sober and setled , comely and charitable . others that are meer politicians in religion , either formall pharisees , or false hypocrites , or fawning parasites , ready to change and comply with any party and perswasion , in order to secular advantages , even these will soon give over their factious agitations , their pragmatick sticklings , and popular sidings and shiftings in religion , when once they find which way the wind or stream of publique favour and civill interest doe drive . the mils of factions in religion will soon give over their motions , when once they perceive no grist of profit , or stream of preferment , or breath of vulgar applause is brought in to them . there is no wonder to be made at those late sad and mad extravagancies , which of later yeares have prevailed against the reformed religion once setled in england ; while the majesty and honour of this church and state , the sanctity of our lawes , civil and ecclesiastick , the solemnity of gods publick worship and service ▪ the authority and maintenance of his ministers , have all been ( through our civil broyles and tumults ) unhappily exposed to infinite arrogancies , spoiles , contempts , and insolencies , even of common people ; while they saw so many prisons and bonds , so many sequestrations and silencings , so many deaths and dangers , attend not onely the bishops , but the presbyters , the chief preachers and prime professors on all sides of that reformed religion which was established in england . no wonder , if while the populacy see great preachers and professors cast so much dirt , and spit in each others faces ; while they suspect that all piety , honesty and christian charity , are made to truckle under state - policies , and bend to worldly interests ; no wonder if the vulgar desperately leap into the sea of confusion and faction , out of that ship which they saw not onely so leaky and crazy , that it was almost sunk , but so set on fire , that they despaired to quench it : no wonder if they venture upon either inventing what new wayes of religion they list to fancy , or despising all wonted publick formes and professions ; since they think themselves not onely incouraged , but in a sort exemplarily commanded , and almost compelled to cast off with scorn that reformed profession of christian religion , which had so great a name of wisdome , law , honour and holinesse , glory and happinesse , as that had which was established in the church of england , ( never to be mended , as to the main and substantials of religion , in doctrine , worship , discipline , devotion and government ; however in some circumstantials , something might possibly be altered , or added , by the sober counsels of wife and peaceable men , who had both ability and autority for such a work . ) whose great difficulty now is chiefly heightned by that popular froth and vanity , those animosities , and arrogancies , those infinite variations and confusions , with which vulgar fury and passions have deformed , the face divided the body , yea almost devoured every joynt and limb of chiristan and reformed religion in england . 't is true , these will in time very much waste , sink and vanish of themselves , while one faction justles , crowds and confounds another ; the new ones ( as the night-mares ) insulting and overlaying the elder : but this is onely as the changing of a captives chaines , this will but bring in religious rabbles or successions of confusions , but no sound recovery , or just redemption and restitution of true religion , and any due reformation , untill people see the publick marks of divinity autoritatively set upon religion , when it is set forth & setled with such truth and holinesse , such order and honour , such bounty and beauty , such unity and tranquillity , such favour and benignity , as becomes the majesty of that profession which imports mans highest relation and union to their god and saviour . if after such a wise restauration and publick establishment of religion , there should still appear some such licentious and disorderly spirits , who , like old wild birds , are impatient of any restraint , and will rather pine away and dye with sullennesse , than exchange their fancied freedome for the best cage and food in the world ; yet it is far more pious and charitable to set just bounds of restraint and check to their affected liberty , than to suffer them to injure the publick welfare , or hinder the happy settlement of religion , by their heady and endlesse extravagancies ; from whence arise the greatest difficulties and obstructions which lye in the way of wise men : which yet are not so insuperable as to occasion any sober mans despaire , or to damp his prayers , or to discourage his worthy endeavours ; in all which honest industry will whet it self to a greater edge and brightnesse upon the rocks of difficulty , which are but the whet-stones of true christian piety and charity , when god shall please to give such just power , and faire opportunities , as may best answer the necessities and importunities of those publick cases wherein divided and decayed religion is so highly concerned , that nothing is lesse to be dallied , delayed , or dispensed withall . chap. iii. and such indeed to me seemeth the case of religion , as christian and reformed in england ; whose necessary restitution and speedy reestablishment to unity and uniformity may be justly pressed upon all persons of worth and wisdome in this nation , not onely by softer notions and plausible insinuations , but by the most cogent demonstrations , and potent perswasions , that can be applyed to the minds of men and christians , as to ( . ) conscience , ( . ) prudence , ( . ) honor , ( . ) and gratitude . first as to the conscience of our duty to god and man , in piety and charity , what , i beseech you , can be more urgently incumbent upon all good mens consciences , than the publick advantages of gods glory , and the eternall good of mens soules ? both which are highly concerned in the vindication and fixation of true religion , as christian , and as reformed . for the glory of the great god , and the honor of our blessed redeemer ( which ought to be the chiefest designs of every good christians highest zeal and best endeavours , ) 't is most evident , that nothing tends more to their dishonour and disparagement in the eye of all the world , both at home and abroad , that when aliens and infidells , jewes & mahometans , atheists and epicures , scepticks , & polititians , debauched , profane and ignorant livers , shall see that religion ( by which this nation professeth a singular regard to the divine majesty and honor ) to be shamefully divided , supinely neglected , and sordidly despised , and by vulgar insolency prostituted , as to that publick solemnity , majesty , authority , ministry , order , peace , uniformity , and stability , which befit that high and holy relation wherewith true religion invests men , as obliging them to the supreme good , the blessed holy , and onely eternall god our saviour , to know , own , fear , love , reverence , imitate , obey and enjoy him in the greatest exactnesse of duty , and sanctity of devotion : and this not onely privately and retiredly , but publickly and socially ; where the exemplary solemnity , harmony and beauty of holinesse , not onely conciliate an honor to true religion , but they are the highest instances men can publickly give , as of their pious regards to god , so of their charitable tendernesse towards all men as their neighbours ; who being naturally most averse from that religion which is the best and holiest , should have the fewest discouragements , damps , or scandals , either wilfully cast , or negligently left in their way , lest they either avert to down-right irreligion and atheisme , or divert to those broader and easier paths of superstition ; which ( as among the generality of papists , so among all sects that affect a popular and loose way of religion ) indulge many things to mens lusts and passions , even while they most recommend and set off themselves with such ostentations of novelty , liberty , facility , and formall sanctity , as may be most taking to their vulgar followers , and plausible to the humors of most people , who are prone to measure religion rather by their senses and fancies , their ease and appetites , their worldly benefits and interests , than by their understandings , judgements and consciences . i have formerly shewed at large in all the instances of true religion , both for the substance and form of it , the graces and duties , that the generality of people , if left to themselves , are so lost , that they are loth to be sought and found to any true piety or happiness ; as being in love with their being wantonly wicked & miserable : they will ever choose disorder , yea death , while they forsake all orderly and holy waies , as to any true , serious and powerfull religion , unlesse wise magistrates and worthy ministers be better to them than they ever will be , or designe , or wish , to themselves . if they may eate and drink , plow and sow , buy and sell , build and marry , dispute and wrangle , trifle with god , and baffle with their own consciences , very little or no religion , as strict and true , will serve their turnes ; liking that best which leaves them most to themselves , where they have least restraints , though never so holy , just and comely ; but may enjoy such pastimes and indulgences in their profession as most gratifie their humors and fancies , their wantonnesse and petulancy , their covetousnesse and barbarity , their vanity or villany . certainly , if the goodnesse of god had not first by primitive bishops and preachers , after by wise magistrates and valiant princes , first reduced , then preserved , humane societies to some setled formes of civility and order , piety and polity , beyond their own licencious extravagancies , this , as all nations , had to this day continued in their native savagenesse , without reverence of man , or feare of god. nor would the severall inventions and varieties of peoples lunatick religions , ( which possibly they would every new moon pick and choose of themselves ) these , i say , would have been so farre from advancing the common peace and welfare of mankind , that no fewell would make their fury burn more vehemently to mutuall destructions , than what naturally riseth from the trash and drosse , the straw and stubble of those opinions and perswasions which people are prone to adopt to be their religion and devotion ; with as little verity and charity , as they have nothing but variety and vanity . so that endlesse differences and deadly defiances in our religion , among us as men and christians , cannot but tend , as to the dishonour of our god and saviour , so to the infinite detriment and damage , as of our selves and our neighbours at present , so of posterity to after-ages ; who will with astonishment and horror read the histories of our times , so desperately ingaged to reforme religion , that they well-nigh ruined it ; so pertinacious to retaine their christian and reformed profession , that they almost made a shift to lose both ; as hunters do that game which they onely scare from them while they eagerly , but indiscreetly , pursue it . secondly , besides conscience to the glory of god , the honor of our saviour , and the good of soules , all civill prudence and true policy not onely invites , but necessitates sober and worthy men to study and endeavour the restitution and establishment of true religion , in this or any nation , to its true proportions and just fixation , as christian and reformed . now although nothing can in true oratory be ( among christians ) added , after the weighty considerations of gods glory , christs honor , the hazard of our own and others souls to eternall darknesse , ignorance , confusion and misery , ( all motives being as the dust of the balance compared to these ; ) yet , because i must levell the force of my perswasions , as arrowes , to the proportions of most mens principles and designes in point of temporall interests , as well as draw them home to the head and height of spirituall and eternall concernments , give me leave to represent and inculcate that consideration , as to religions necessary setling , which of all other makes the quickest and deepest impression on mens minds , the neglect of which will certainly forfeit all that reputation of wise men , great statists , and good polititians , even after the worlds calculation of wisdome , which magistrates and gentlemen are ambitious to obtain , and leave to the honor of their names and memories . it is this ; there is no hindge upon which the civil peace and secular welfare of you and your posterity doth so much depend and move as this of true religion , which is at no hand to be left to a plebean liberty and vulgar latitude , but to be confined and setled upon its own weight and basis to its verity , certainty , sanctity , solemnity , true ministery and due authority . in vaine shall you hope to enjoy the peace of men in worldly affaires , if you want the peace of god , if you have nothing but wars and jarrs , distances and defiances , as to religion , both with god , your ministers , your selves , and with one another . which sacred fires will infallibly kindle horrid conflagrations , not onely from those hot disputes and attritions which concerne the principall articles and more solid parts of religion , which are held necessary to salvation , but even from the lightest and smallest materialls , which seem but as the chips and parings , the bark and leaves of religion ; even these , like tinder and touch-wood , are prone to strike and entertaine such sparks in small and vulgar minds as will set all on a light fire at last . which is most evident in our late holy warrs , where few men of any modesty or honesty did at first stickle so much about the weighty points of religion , in doctrine or manners , tending to true faith or practicall holinesse , ( objects too deep and weighty for the weak and shallow braines of most novellers and vastators ; ) few , i say , or none of any worth did or do contend about true grace or reall virtue , who shall be most holy , penitent , humble , faithfull , pure , patient , just , charitable , meek , devout , sincere , inoffensive to god and man : no , the lord knowes , a little touch , or dash and colour of these serves the turne with most men , that are most eager for any side and party of religion in their rude disputes and uncharitable janglings . the greatest strifes , the sharpest emulations , and most unfeigned feudes of religion arise from principles of envy , revenge , and ambition in mens spirits ; when once they are divided upon any spark or pretext of religion , their ambitious zeal , like fire , presently ascends and lifts them upward : the grand interest of their godlinesse is ( like the sons of zebedee ) who shall be chief , what person , what party , shall prevaile and rule over others , who shall sit on the right hand of christ , judging the rest , not as brethren , but as subjects and vassals . for all pregnant factions in religion are not onely solicitous to preserve themselves in some honest liberty and modest tranquillity ; ( as a candle whose confined flame keeps within its own socket and compasse : ) but they presently meditate the extinguishing of all others . they aime indeed at conquest and soveraignty , every ones fingers itch at the scepter of jesus christ , that is , at such power and authority , as may governe the soules and bodies too , the consciences and carkases of other men both in church and state ; that they may ( in christs name ) have dominion over the opinions and judgements , the minds and spirits of all men , subduing them , if not at first by disputation and arguments , yet at length by fightings and armes , by silencings and imprisonings , by plunderings and undoings . for which purpose each party , the better to justifie its insolency and cruelty against all others , holds forth some ensigne and flag , as of difference , so of defiance ; either as to some lesser matter of opinion and doctrine , or ( rather than faile ) of some meer outward form and discipline , yea of some sorry ceremonie and custome no way essentiall to true religion : yet from hence the eager , but weaker , zelots on all sides , ( episcopall , presbyterian and independent ) have and do foment those miserable flames , which have not onely scorched , but almost consumed this church of england . for , these petty contests readily fall under vulgar capacities , as more obvious and sensible ; these fit the humors of the minue people and petty preachers too , who are ( naturally ) as proud and imperious , as masterly and surly , as the greatest clerks or scholars , whose learned abilities may better excuse their pertinacies , ambitions , and other insolencies . who is so blind as not to see that from the first differences which were spawned at frankfort , and hatched at geneva , about non-conformity and church - discipline , the presbyterian and popular spirit hath alwaies grumbled and mutined at that eminency and government which episcopacy ( for the maine ) hath enjoyed from the beginning , not of reformation onely , but of christian religion ? from whence some other mens spirits , ( too high perhaps and prelaticall ) out of jealousie , have , on the other side , sought to engrosse and exercise more of a sole , arbitrary and absolute power , not onely above , but apart from , all presbyters and people , than was ever challenged or used in the primitive constitution , in the first and best practises of episcopacy , which seems to have had more of aristocracy , by the joynt counsell and assistance of select and grave presbyters , than of absolute monarchy , or soveraigne and sole authority , further than an eminency of office , order , place , and presidencie , might keep an united and regular power in their more ample and combined churches , which consisted of many christian congregations and presbyters . but as the duke of york first professed with oath , that he aimed at no more than his duchy , yet afterward aspired & gained the kingdom of england , by the name of king edward the fourth ; so some presbyters at first pretended onely to claime a coordinate exercise of counsell and assistance with bishops , in some things , consisting with a modest and orderly subordination to them as chief fathers of their ecclesiasticall tribes and families ; yea i knew some chief rabbies of them have professed that they cryed down and covenanted onely against the tyrannick government of prelates , and the over-grown train of their officialls , shewing some reason to regulate episcopacy by reducing it to the modesty of primitive patternes : yet this motion was no sooner begun among us , but ( we see ) it increased to such a violence , as kindled the ambition of some people and presbyters so hot against all bishops , that the best of them ( and many of them were incomparable men , excellent christians , and most admirable bishops ) were counted refractory , popish , and antichristian , with all their abetters , because they would not tamely contribute to their own utter destruction , and presently consent to the reproch of this and all ancient churches , where bishops i think were as well known , and as long used , as the sacraments or the scriptures . yea at last the contention grew so sharp , that it not onely whetted many tongues and pens , but it came to swords , ending ( if it be ended ) in much blood , presbyters challenging to have not only a meet share and concurrent influence ( as was ancient in ignatius , and st. cyprians , and st. austins times , and which might be very fitting and usefull in church-government ) but they will have all or none , and this upon christs title : bishops ( as usurpers for . years ) must have no faire quarter , nay none at all ; but persons and power must be wholly exautorated , extirpated , impoverished , contemned , abased , undone . though they had done nothing but what either the lawes commanded , or the prince ( in whom by law was the chief ecclesiasticall as well as civill power ) indulged , yea and required them to do , yet no medium , no moderation can be expected between caesar and pompey , sylla and marius , antonius and augustus , when mens spirits are heightned by jealousies and emulations to seek each others destruction . after all this , the peremptory reign of presbytery , ( which cost this church and nation so deare ) was not long-liv'd , nor could be well established , though at first it looked so big , and grasped on the sudden even at three kingdomes ; for before it was warme in its nest , or well seated in its throne , we see independency got hold on one end of its scepter , or quarter-staffe rather , threatning , in the right of christ jesus , and in the behalf of all christian common people , to wrest it quite out of the hands of presbytery , either by legerdemaine , or maine force , unlesse it might go at least halfe with it in the spoiles of episcopacy , and that share of church-government which they pleaded was due not onely to a few preaching parsons and ruling elders , but to the whole congregation , as being holy , the lords people , the body of christ in particular . this check made presbytery much more tame and tractable than it was wont to be , when it first whetted its tushes so sharply , and brisled so fiercely against all episcopacy , root and branch , hoofes and hornes ; no regulation , no remission , no moderation , no merit of so many godly , learned , moderate , yea martyrly bishops , heretofore , and even then in england would serve the turn . after all this trouble , the more grave and sober sort even of those presbyterian and independent ministers are brought ( as we see ) into no small straits , and reduced to this great dilemma of policy , whether they should choose to put their heads again under the bishops hands , or under the common peoples feet ; whether it be more for the honor of their ministry to be subordinate to grave and worthy bishops , as learned moderators , presidentiall fathers , and elder brothers , or to be thus everlastingly haunted with evill and unclean spirits , to be thus hampered with the giddy and ungratefull vulgar , who are very petulant and saucy companions , very soure and insolent masters . nor is this triumvirate of episcopall , presbyterian and independent antagonists and rivals , the boundary of mens religious ambition and contentions in england ; there are other names and titles , and daily will be more and more new sects and factions , which will have their godly agonies and pretentions , no lesse than those three have had . yea , the least and most unsuspected , the feeblest and silliest of them , will serve either to kindle new , or to continue successive fires of jealousies , troubles , seditions , and wars in this nation . take them all together , and leave them equally to their severall principles , and contrary operations , they will be like the complication of many diseases in one body , as the quartanes , dropsies , scurvys , hectick feavers and consumptions of this state and church : not onely shaking oft , and daily dispiriting , but ( in time ) quite destroying the beauty , health , strength , peace , safety , and honor of this nation , whatever it be , common-wealth or kingdom , aristocracy , democracy , or monarchy . for while mens spirits are sharpned by daily contentions in religion , to anger , emulations , and ambitions who shall be greatest in popular esteem , in prevalency of parties , in number of sectators , in novelties of opinions , and in presumptuous practises , they not onely sowr to secret animosities , but break out to open enmities , from the least differences . for the true life and power of religion , ( which consists in a knowing , humble and charitable zeal for gods glory and each others good , this ) is taken off and extremely dulled ( as the edge of sharp knives by cutting of cork , ) while mens head and hearts are wholly busied in whitling and hewing those small points and softer parts of religion , which consider ( at first it may be ) onely the ritualls , externals and polities of it ; yet in time these continuall droppings undermine and overthrow the very fundamentals , which consist in the unity of the faith , the sanctity of manners , and the sincerity of christians charity to each other , which held better in unity , health , beauty , and strength amidst heathenish persecutions , than they ever did , or can do , amidst christians contentions , needlesse and endlesse janglings of preachers and professors among themselves . for these rising most-what not from the holy and humble warmth , but the wantonnesse and luxuriancy of mens spirits , ( especially after long peace and setling upon their lees ) do naturally break out to such boyles and tumors of factions , as swell every opinionist and his party to the hope of having a turne , or share at least , in rule and empire ; wherein the present prevalent party is ever jealous and impatient of having any equall or rivall either to affront or disturb them ; and the depressed parties still conceive they are injured , and oft complaine of being persecuted : nay they are filled with whisperings and murmurings , with envies and animosities , ( though they be let alone and connived at by way of toleration ) when they see the publick rewards of valour , learning , industry , parts , and ( as they think ) of piety it self , onely or chiefly bestowed on those that adhere to , and symbolize with the prevailing party , which is the onely rising side ; all others despairing to rise , till the great resurrection , unlesse by power or policy they can undermine or overthrow the predominant faction . in these nests of religious differences and zealous emulations are the eggs of all civill discontents , popular seditions , and pernicious rebellions , commonly layed and hatched , to the infinite hazard , and many times utter ruine , of civill states ; which are never so safe , as when all parts of them , like the parts of a globe or sphere , fairly correspond with each other by the unity and intirenesse of the same religion ; whose content or orbe is the holy scripture , whose centre is gods glory , and whose circumference is christian love , unanimity or charity , without any of which religion is but a rhapsody of mens opinions , passions , and ambition . from these holy confinements when once christians come to divide as to their religion , they soon fall to defie , to destroy , yea to damne one another : every party hath such high paroxysmes of zealous hopes and presumptions for their way , that they presently ascend gods throne , and christs tribunall , severely judging all men but themselves : which judiciall and uncharitable arrogancies have ( as we see ) at this day , not onely in england , but in all the christian world , so filled and inflamed mens minds with cruell counter-curses and angry anathema's against each other , that if gods last doome should echo after the clamours and censures of christians passions , we must all be damned , every mothers child of us , notwithstanding that we all professe to believe and serve the same god and saviour . if not every particular person of each party , who may have more moderation and charity , yet to be sure the froth and scumme , the populacy and vulgarity of them , ( which are alwaies boyled highest ) these mutually condemne each other , not to a purgatory or a limbo onely , but to a very hell of infernall and eternall torments . thus many protestants utterly damne all papists , as if god had no people in that babylon of popery ; the honesty , humility and simplicity of whose faith , works and hearts may bring them out of the contagion of romes plagues , policies , and superstitions . papists on the other side universally damne all protestants , ( though they hold all the ancient creeds and articles of faith , though they practise all christian necessary duties , and keep to the primitive order of the catholick church ) onely because they will not tye the keyes of faith , conscience , scripture , religion , and church-government , to the popes girdle , or absolutely submit to him in a blind obedience against reason , scripture and history , as to the surly jaylour , rather than the safe keeper , of christian and true religon . in like manner the violent lutherans call the calvinists devils , and the passionate calvinists defie the lutherans as luke-warme protestants , and smelling too rank of rome . look to the eager and acute arminians , the socinians , the moderne pelagians , the anabaptists , catabaptists , familists , the seekers , ranters , and quakers : as the independent , presbyterian , and episcopall hands , so these are generally full , either of firebrands from hell , or thunderbolts from heaven ; which are eagerly cast by the more violent spirits in each others faces , as hereticks or schismaticks , as antichrists and hypocrites , as deceived and deceiving . nor will the zealots and bigots on any side make any great scruple ( if they have power ) to destroy those whom they account no better than desperate and damnable even in their religion . amidst and against all which factious discriminations of religion , every nation and polity , which either is , or would seem to be wise , must seek to preserve its safety , by establishing some uniformity and unity in its publick profession : for no nation is farre from misery , that is pestred with variety of religions , and is fixed at no certainty . the sad example of this church and state of england , ( besides our neighbours ) is an instance as unanswerable as palpable ; for the church of england stood neuter as to all the sides and factions of christendom , yet held so far communion with greek and latine , reformed and romane , lutheran and calvinian churches , as it saw they held communion with the scriptures , and with the ancient catholick symbols , or councils , which were the best boundaries of christian religion . it had , if not more , yet as much solidity and sincerity , piety and proficiency , gifts and graces , charity and moderation , order and good polity , as any , yea all of them ; farre lesse of partiality ; popularity , novelty , oppression , superstition and confusion , than almost any one of them ; while the favour of god and man shined upon her , strangely blest with peace , plenty , honor and prosperity , while it kept its ecclesiastick order and uniformity in religion , which was the chief soder or cement of civill tranquillity . this palladium once stolne away by the jesuitick subtilties , and other factious policies , how have the temples and towers of our troy , the churches and palaces of our jerusalem , the oratories and houses both of god and man falne to the ground ! not with their own age , infirmity , or weight , but battered and subverted chiefly by those engines which factious fury and devout ambition puts into all mens hands upon the score of their religion : a fate which still threatens all the remaines of religion and peace that have yet escaped , if god be not so mercifull to this land , as to shew us some balsam that may heale the divisions and wounds of our church and religion , which will easily fester and inflame the body politick of any nation ; for civil peace cannot be firm where publick piety is not sound and setled ; nor can any kingdom or common-weale be established , in which true religion is either baffled or abased by being divided and distracted . but suppose that you ( o my noble countrymen ) and your posterity should enjoy a moments miserable prosperity , and a pitifull kind of peace , meerly upon the account of a meer mahometan power , and gladiatorian prevalency of one side , possibly over-awing all other parties and pretensions of religion , or so counterpoising them by secular policies to some consistency , as doth rather distort and depresse , than advance or encourage the progresse of that true piety and christian charity , which are the surest marks of christianity and of gods favour to any people ; yet , i presume , you are so piously prudent , as to consider first , that such worldly tranquillity and prosperity are scarce worth owning or enjoying apart from that sweet harmony and fruition which goes with true religion , and flowes from it , when it keeps the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , when its sacred oyntment is diffused from the head christ jesus , not onely to the chief members of his body , but even to the skirts of his clothing , the use and capacity of the meanest believer , in an holy unity and happy uniformity , not onely of true doctrine , but of comely order and charitable communion . this mortall life , with its highest naturall ornaments and civil accomplishments , is no blessing , separated from the meanes of a better life , or from the enjoying of them in such a way of unity , order , decency and charity , as not onely becomes a christians conversation best , but most advanceth his comfort : our miserable moment is no further valuable , than it may be serviceable to a blessed eternity . true religion , and the sweet enjoyments of it , sets humane societies and soules above the form and fate of beasts , much more than common reason and civility can do , which the heathens and infidels in all ages have enjoyed for a time . secondly , next , you cannot but conclude , that whatever civill peace you and your posterity may enjoy ▪ not setled upon religious grounds , it cannot be either very secure or sincere , and so not long lasting : for it must needs be either very tyrannous , if any one factions power and ambition gets uppermost , and seeks to force all others to obey or comply against their judgements and consciences ; or it must be very querulous and quarrelsome , if all enjoying an equall toleration , yet each side nourisheth such distances , defiances and jealousies against others , as puts them alwaies upon their guard and fence , breathing them ( as it were ) with daily contests & private skirmishes , thus preparing them for blood and war at last . when they have sufficiently preached , and prayed , and scribled against each other , when they have disputed , and discommuned , and unchurched , and unchristened one another then ( if they are numerous ) they are ripe and ready to rifle and plunder , to kill and destroy , to despise and devour one another , as mutually damning each other . all histories of the church do loudly proclaime to us , that neither church nor state , kingdom nor empire , monarchy nor common-wealth can be long-liv'd or flourishing , where true religion , once generally professed and venerated among them , growes to be divided and despised , abased and impoverished , even by christians themselves . the sad experiments of which eusebius tells us , when he sets forth the meritorious causes and originals of all those dreadfull vastations which befell christian churches under diocletians persecutions : also of those barbarous inundations which followed in st. austins dayes , who died while the city in which he was was besieged . the chief rise and occasions of those hostile incursions sprang from the factions , inquietudes and contentions ▪ so rise among christians , neither bishops , nor presbyters , nor people agreeing as they should , but oft breaking forth to tumults , riots and seditions , by the popular furies of manichees , novatians , donatists , arians , circumcellians and pelagians ; or by the discontents and ambitions of presbyters , or by the pride and oppressions of some bishops , to the infinite dishonour of christianity , and to the inviting of contempt and insolence from the common enemies of it . for who can think those christians worthy of any peace , honor , or respect from strangers , who so little love or value their brethren , yea their mother and fathers , as not onely to despise them , but to destroy them ? the african , asiatick and european , the eastern and western , the greek and latine churches ( if we had not the late testimonies of our own and our neighbours calamities ) sufficiently tell us , that no comet presageth greater calamities , or more publick mischiefs to any nation , than these dissensions in religion , which setting mens hearts most on fire , are hardly quenched , but with their blood , tending and oft ending in the ruines both of churches and states . these , these gave opportunity to that raging sea of mahometan pride and perfidy , which easily swallowed up so many famous christian churches in asia , africa and egypt , and at last the whole grecian empire , when the banks of christian unity , as well as piety , were broken down by christians themselves ; who in vaine boast of piety , miracles and martyrdome , unlesse they keep true charity among themselves . as no men deserve more noble and durable monuments to be made , not of marble-stones , but of thankfull hearts , than they whose wisdome successefully endeavours to compose unhappy differences , as to religion , in any church or nation ; so no men are more and more justly to be blamed than they , who sitting long at the helme of government in church and state , and being sufficiently furnished with power to prevent or speedily remedy such distempers , yet have either occasioned and exasperated them by needlesse and unseasonable rigors , or else connived at and too much indulged them by carelesse remissions and negligences ; from whence some small vipers or faction ( which in my memory were so charmed , that they seemed quite dead in this church ) have so revived , that they have grown to such vigor and activity , as with their teeth and clawes forcibly to make way for their own unhappy birth , by the corrosions or eating through at last of those very bowels of the church of england , in which they were tacitely , and ( indeed ) either by too much confidence , indulgence , or indiscretion most unhappily bred and fostered . no christian state or church can be too vigilant or unsecure in this point , the suppressing and preventing of all religious fewds and disturbances , whose first conception commonly springs from , either some odde stroke in the heads , or some putid humors in mens hearts , wherein long peace and plenty makes men either wantonly refractory against other mens forms and opinions , or pertinaciously zealous for their own inventions , many times not more superciliously than unseasonably ; every one being so loth to sweep away the cobwebs they or others have made , either late or long since , that they rather choose to set on fire and burne down the whole house , in which they all had their safe abode and first breeding . certainly such petty serpents in religion , which afterward swell big with their uncharitable poisons , should by wise governours in church and state , be charitably and timely prevented , and , if possible , stifled in their birth ; which had been ( i think ) no hard matter in england , if such discreet and seasonable applications of piety and power had been used , as all charity allowed , and all honest policy commanded , before ever those popular and many-headed hydras came to such a prodigious birth , as scared both fathers and mothers , yea and those very mid-wives who most officiously waited to assist those strange and monstrous productions , which were scarce ever seen or heard of heretofore in england . what prudent and heroick spirits there are yet left , whose power , managed with christian justice and wisdome , with piety and charity , may haply quell these licentious vastators of christian and reformed religion , also of the peace , honor , and happinesse of this nation , i must leave to the all-wise and almighty god , of whose mercy we may not despaire , while we have leave and hearts to pray to him . nor can i yet give over the church of england , as quite forsaken of god and good men , or onely to be pittied and deplored by the best of my countrimen , since no wise or worthy man , who hath observed the sad and bad effects of religious factions and dissensions among us , but must needs be now not onely out of love with them , but in as great feare and abhorrence of them , as he hath any favour and good will to the peace and prosperity either of his country or this church , to the promoting of which as conscience binds him , so all prudence and policy invites him . chap. iv. thirdly , to these i may further adde that great spur of generous industry , which we call sense of honor , or an impatience that worthy persons have to come short in any thing of that which doth best become them , or is by god and good men expected from them . i know how touchy even small minds and petty-spirited men are in point of reputation there where no true honor lies : but meer shadowes and imaginary punctilio's deceive them under the notions of honor , after that vulgar rate and esteem which gives many gentlemen quicker resentments of any affronts , neglects , indignities , or injuries done to themselves , than of blasphemy to their god and saviour ; more sensible for the honor of their mistresses of pleasure than for their mother or fathers ; i mean not so much naturall and politicall , as spirituall and ecclesiasticall , the church and the pastors of it , such by whose care they have been bred and born to christ , baptised in the name of the blessed trinity , brought up in the true christian faith , nourished , confirmed and sealed by the body , the blood , and spirit of christ , directed in the waies of holinesse and eternall happinesse . certainly the command binds all christians to honour these parents as much as any . no sense of honor should be more quick and sensible , than that which reflects upon our highest concernments , in which not onely our private , but our publick , not onely our temporall , but our eternall welfare is wrapped up , and so confined , that if in this we faile or miscarry , all is lost that a great and gracious soul can consider . if you were a nation pinched with poverty , over-awed with slavery , despicable for your weaknesse , base for your cowardise , brutish for your ignorance , dull with stupidity , dejected by tenuity , or barbarous through want of learning and civility ; if you were now to begin the principles of christianity , and knew not what belonged to true religion , ( which is the highest honor and happinesse of any nation ; ) if that were the present state of the nobility , gentry , and commonalty of england , that they were now beginning to be civilized and catechized , i should think my labour lost , my oratory vaine , and my importunity improper , thus to conjure you by the highest sense of honor , to study the settlement of true religion , before you were acquainted with the sense of civility , religion , or honor : or if i thought you had not so much pregnant light of religion , as might make you sensible of the truest and highest points of honor , or not so much apprehension of honor , as might make you most zealously tender in the behalfe of true religion ; i would not be so impertinent as to think to move you beyond your inward principles . but when i consider you as a people pampered with plenty , exalted with liberty , renowned for strength , dreaded for valour , enlightned with knowledge in all kinds , accurately vigorous , actively industrious , as the chief of the nations , as the princesse of all islands , heightned to all magnificence , polished with all good literature and civility , old disciples of jesus christ , many hundred yeares agoe converted to christianity , and never wholly either perverted by hereticks , or subverted by the many barbarous invasions and warlike confusions which you have endured ; when i contemplate the grandeur , the power , the wisdome , the majesty , the publick piety ( heretofore ) of this nation , the antiquity of this church , and the prosperity of its reformed condition heretofore ; i cannot but with all humble and faithfull respects tell you , that it is not worthy the name and honor of the english nation , so famous for learning and religion , for scholars and souldiers , for magistrates and ministers , for christian princes and christian people , ( scarce to be parallel'd in all the world ) it is not for the honor of such a nation , to halt between , not two , but twenty opinions ; to variate thus between the true god and the many new baalims , between christ and the many belials , who will endure no publick yoak of religion or church-government , but what themselves fancy and frame , though never so different from that which this and the catholick church in all ages , not onely used and submitted to , but highly rejoyced in , as the onely order that jesus christ and his apostles had setled in all parts of his church . it is a shamefull posture for wise and sober men , for ancient and renowned christians , to be thus inconsistent , as divided between a doting upon former superstitions , ( which some impute to us ) and indulging moderne innovations ( which others reproch us for . ) 't is ridiculous to be alwaies dancing the rounds of religion , and giddily moving in the mazes of endlesse innovations , which are but private , and for the most part childish inventions , the effects either of proud and imperious , or of peevish , popular and plebeian spirits , who aime not at the publick peace , piety and honor of the nation , so much as at the gratifying their own little fancies , humors , opinions and interests ; whose novelties ( never so specious and plausible at first , yet ) soon appeare pernicious to the publick , so farre from mending and reforming the state of religion , that they threaten to marre all , if the goodnesse of god and the moderation of wise men do not prevent . private formes and inventions , never duly examined or solemnly allowed by the publick representatives of any church in nationall synods or councills , nor from thence recommended to , and approved by , the representatives of the civill states in full and free parliaments , but surreptitiously broched at first , afterward magisterially obtruded , by some pragmatick preachers , upon any church or christian people , these prove no other in the end , than like the ashes scattered over egypt , productive of sores and boyles swelling to great paine and insolency . especially in such a church and nation as this , which was of the highest forme both for christianity and reformation ; where god had ( to our admiration , and his eternall praise ) blessed the former setled state of religion , and the churches excellent constitution , under those reverend and renowned bishops , assisted by learned , orderly , and worthy presbyters , whose pious and profitable endeavours had long agoe advanced this churches honor and happinesse to as high a pitch in point of doctrine and devotion , and all spirituall experiences , as any church ever attained ; and further had improved its welfare in point of discipline , if they had not been ever curbed and hindered by the jealousies and impatiences of some princes or people , who would by no meanes endure the ancient , just , and holy severities of christian discipline should be exercised by the clergy against their haughty and licentious manners , no not when the ecclesiastick state of england was in its highest elevation and lustre for learning , honor , order , estate and unity : how much lesse are they now to be exercised by poore pusillanimous and petty preachers , with their pittifull lay-elders ? yet amidst all the obstructions ( either in doctrine or discipline ) which either the pride and policies of men , or the subtilties of devils have hitherto put , amidst the peevishnesse of schismaticks , and the spite of romanists , amidst all the damps and dispiritings that this church of england and the worthy clergy thereof have long found and felt from all sides that were factious and had evill eyes , or evill wills against them ; yet even then did the lord of his church so highly exalt them and this nation in the eyes of all the world , to such degrees of piety , learning , peace , plenty , honor , love , and all prosperity that could blesse any christian church or nation , that in good earnest there was no need any of these new patches should be put as deformities to that old garment , which was so goodly and gracefull for true christian religion and due reformation , that no novelty from private heads or hands could mend it ; especially when obtruded as a rent , or forcibly pinned upon it as rags and hangby's of religion , by every petty master , whose fingers itch to be medling and innovating in church affaires , without any publick and impartiall counsell and authority . such preposterous endeavours , no way worthy of the honor of this nation , nor contributive to its happinesse , god hath already soon all sides blasted , that they have been not onely unprosperous , but many waies pernicious , dishonourable , & ridiculous , divine vengeance at once discovering their follies and confuting their confidences , which instead of further setling or better reforming religion , ( as was on all sides vapored and pretended ) have , as much as in them lyes , reduced a famous and flourishing , a well-reformed and united church , almost to ruinous heaps and sordid confusions , to the great shame and dishonour of this nation ; both reproching your pious progenitors , and you their posterity , as if for this last hundred yeares , none of them or you had served god as they and you should have done , with holy and acceptable service , because neither they nor you did permit every man or minister to choose what religion he would broach , what opinions he liked , or to use what discipline he pleased , or beget what churches and pastors he fancied best : and this after every free-man had either in person or by his proxy consented to that religious establishment , which bound all men either actively to obey , or passively to submit with silence and patience , because it was of his own appointing , being the result of all estates in this nation , who without doubt were much more able to consider and conclude what was best for the publick piety , peace and honour of this church and state , than any private man could do , whose self-overvaluing and overweening is generally the first step of their own and other mens undoing ; yea many times from these practises , which at first are not much regarded , much mischief accrews to the publick , as the plague is thought to begin first in private alleys and by-lanes , or from some one man or woman that hath a foul body or a very stinking breath , which easily poysons the ambient ayre in which they walk , especially when disposed to putrefaction , and so diffusive of the infection to others . the stop and cure of which epidemick pestilence , ( which beginning from some mens ill lungs or lives hath now seised upon religion it self and this whole nation ) by your applying seasonable antidotes and safe defensatives , is a work most worthy of the wisdome and honor of this nation , which can be in no point more concerned or conspicuous , than in this of true religion , so setled and maintained as best becomes both the majesty of religion , and the renowne of the nation . fourthly , to which great and good work , you stand obliged not onely in duty to god , in love to your saviour , in charity to posterity , and in just respects to your selves , ( all which are great ingredients in true honor ) but further , give me leave to tell you , something of gratitude and just retribution lyes upon you , as to the ancient clergy or ministry of this nation , who have faithfully served god and his church , you and your forefathers , for many yeares , in all ecclesiasticall duties and religious offices . if you and your forefathers ( most honored gentlemen , and beloved countrymen ) did well and worthily in a grave and orderly way of publick consent , and by due authority , purge this church and redeeme this nation , in its doctrine and duties , its ministry and worship , its discipline and government , its just liberties and immunities , from the drosse and druggery of romish errors and superstitions , of papall tyrannies and usurpations , reserving or restoring that purity , decency , authority , order & uniformity of christian religion , which became the wisdome and honor of this church and nation , by the exactest conformity with the catholick church , in its purest and primitive constitution ; if you have effected and enjoyed this happinesse , by gods blessing chiefly upon the pious counsells , devout prayers , potent preachings , and learned writings , as of the first reformed and reforming bishops , and presbyters subordinate to them , so of their worthy successors in the same orders , offices and functions , who have ( many thousands of them ) confirmed their doctrine , sealed their labours , asserted and authorised their ministry , by their holy lives and comfortable deaths , yea some of them with their patient sufferings and martyrdomes ; if the clergy of this reformed church in their severall stations and degrees , have by the divine assistance ever since preserved this holy depositum of the true christian religion , duly reformed , according to the primitive gravity and scripturall verity , for above one hundred years , to your and your forefathers inestimable honor and happinesse ; and this , as with great learning and all sorts of holy abilities , so with no lesse industry and fidelity , ( though not wholly without humane frailties and personall infirmities , which god in mercy will pardon , and man in charity ought to passe by , where there was so much integrity and proficiency , so much of commendable worth and constant excellency , as to the maine ; ) if you cannot deny the many signall testimonies which god hath given of his being well-pleased with this churches reformation , with the ministry , worship and publick profession of religion in this nation ; not so much by that long peace , plenty and prosperity , which you and your pious predecessors have ( to a wonder ) enjoyed at home , besides the great honor and renowne abroad ; nor yet by those nationall and signall deliverances from deep designes and imminent dangers , which threatned the utter subversion of church and state ; ( these preservations and lengthnings of our tranquillity being then surest signes of gods favour , and approbation of our waies , when they are honestly obtained , thankfully received , and modestly enjoyed ) but ( beyond these conjecturall fruits of common providence ) we have those speciall tokens and testimonies wherein the lord hath , as i conceive , evidenced most clearly his good pleasure and liking to this church of england , its religion , reformation , and ministry , namely by those eminent gifts , and undeniable graces of his spirit , which in great and various measures he hath plentifully poured forth upon the godly bishops , and other good ministers of this church who were subject to them , to the edification of his faithfull people among you in all spirituall blessings , even to the admiration of our neighbours , the joy of our friends , and regret of our enemies : if the excellently learned and godly bishops ( whose names and memories are blessed ) assisted by other able , orderly , and painefull ministers of this church , ( who being duly sent and ordained by them , were humbly obedient to them as to spirituall fathers , ) if they have carefully and happily steered for many yeares the sometimes faire and rich ship of the church of england , ( in which so many thousand precious soules have been imbarked for heaven and eternity , ) between these two dangerous gulphs ( the scylla and charybdis ) of papall superstitions and uncharitable separations , steering it by the compasse of gods word , with such christian prudence , order and decency as is therein commanded or allowed ; in which happy conduct they and their successors were still very able , willing , and worthy to have proceeded , if the wrath of god ( highly offended for the wantonness , wickednesse and unthankfulnesse of the generality of people under so great meanes and mercies , ) had not justly suffered so rude stormes , of both religious factions and civil dissensions , to arise , which having torne the tackling , rent the sailes , loosened the junctures , unhinged the rudder , broke the maine mast , cast the chiefest pilots and skilfullest marriners over-board , quite defaced the lesser card or compasse of ecclesiasticall canons and civill lawes , have ( at last ) driven her within the reach and danger of both these dreadfull extremes which she most declined , leaving this poor weather beaten church , after infinite tossings , like a founder'd ship , in a troubled sea of confusion , attending one of these two sad fates , either a schismaticall dissolution , or a papall absorption ; either to be utterly shattered in pieces by endlesse factions , or to be swallowed up at last in the greater gulph of romane power and policy , which cannot but have alwaies a very vigilant and intentive eye what becomes of the church of england : if the ministry of the church of england , ( whilest it was yet flourishing and entire , as a city united in it self , as an orderly family or holy corporation , consisting of fathers and brethren , of bishops and presbyters , might justly challenge before god and all good men , this merit and acknowledgement from you and your fore-fathers , that for learning and eloquence , both in preaching and writing , for acutenesse and dexterity in disputing , for solidity and plainnesse in teaching , for prudent and pathetick fervency in praying , for just terror in moving hard hearts to softnesse , and feared consciences to repentance , for judicious tendernesse in comforting the afflicted , and healing the wounded spirit , lastly , for exemplary living in all holy and good waies ; in all which particulars becoming a christian church , neither you nor they have had any cause to envy the most christian and best reformed churches in the world , as to that honour and happinesse , which consists in the excellent abilities , honest industry , due authority , regular order of ministers , also in the decency , usefulnesse and power of holy ministrations ; all which blessings experience sufficiently tells you , were formerly enjoyed by many gracious and judicious christians , farre beyond what hath been , or ever can be hoped under these moderne divisions , deformities , distractions and dissolutions , which do ( indeed ) threaten in time utter desolation to this church and the true reformed religion , if gods mercy and wise mens care do not prevent : if nothing but ignorance or malice , blindnesse , or uncharitablenesse , barrennesse or bitternesse of spirit in any men , can deny this great truth , this honest , humble , just and modest boasting , to which the injuries , indignities , and ingratitudes of these last and worst times have compelled sober ministers , as they did st. paul , who ought to have been better valued and commended by them : if you ( o noblemen , gentlemen , and yeomen of england ) are so knowing , that you cannot be ignorant of this truth , and so ingenuous , that you cannot but acknowledge it in behalfe of the church of england and its worthy clergy , while you and they enjoyed piety , peace and prosperity ; if beyond all cavill or contradiction , this right ought to be done to gods glory , this churches honour , the ancient clergies merit , and your own with your fore-fathers renowne , ( that after-ages may not suspect them for hereticks or schismaticks , nor you for separates or apostates , as forsaking that good way , in which they were reformed and established in the purity , power and polity of true religion : ) if all these suppositions be true ( as i know you think they are ) how ( i beseech you , ) can it be in the sight of your most just god and mercifull saviour , ( who so abundantly blest this church and his servants the ministers of it , in teaching , comforting , and guiding you and your pious predecessors soules to heaven ) to change and cast off such a ministry and such ministers ? yea , how can it be in the censure of pious and impartiall men , other than a most degenerous negligence , a mechanick meannesse , a most unholy unthankfulness for you , or any christians , to passe by with silence and senselesnesse , with carelesnesse and indifferency , all those sad spectacles of church-divisions and distractions , of church-mens diminutions , debasements and discouragements , lately befaln them ( by a divine fatality and justice ) partly through the imprudence of some clergy-men , severely revenged by the malice or mistake of some lay-men , whose heavy and immoderate pressures have faln chiefly upon those ecclesiasticks who were christs principall vicegerents , messengers , ministers and embassadors , his faithfull stewards , his diligent overseers , his vigilant watchmen , his wife dispensers of heavenly mysteries to your soules . from whom so many apostasies have been commenced and carried on , by infinite calumnies , indignities and injuries against them and their orderly authority and function , as if you and your children had lately found more grace and virtue , better ministeriall sufficiencies and proficiencies , in some tradesmen & troopers , in mechanick ignorance & illiterate impudence , in the glib tongues , the giddy heads , & empty hearts of such fellowes as are scarce fit to be your servants in the meanest civill offices ; as if these were now fit to be your pastors and teachers , your spirituall inspectors , and rulers of your soules , beyond any of those reverend bishops , and learned doctors , and other grave divines , who heretofore ( through the grace of god ) dispensed to you , by their incomparable gifts and reall abilities , those inestimable treasures of all sound knowledge and saving wisdome , of grace and truth , which were carried on with comely order , and bound up with christian unity . doubtlesse , the forgetting of those josephs , who have been so wise storer●s and so liberall distributers of the food of eternall life to our hungry soules , who have brought forth , as good scribes instructed for the kingdom of heaven , out of the good treasuries of their hearts , things both new & old , ( the learning of the ancient fathers , councills and historians , set off with later experiments and improvements of all spirituall operations and gracious comforts , ) the forgetting , i say , of these ministers cannot be worthy of that pious gratitude which becomes noble-minded christian . how meane , uncomely , and much below you , must it needs appeare to all wise and sober christians in the present age and all posterity , if you suffer their holy orders to be despised , their spirituall offices to be neglected , their divine authority to be usurped , their primitive orders and constant succession to be interrupted , their persons to be abused and shamefully treated , their support , as to double honour , to be so abuted , that their maintetenance shall be very small , sharking and uncertaine ; also their respect and esteem none at all , especially among the common people , whose civil and religious regards are much measured either by the bag and bushell , or by the examples of their betters , their landlords and governours ? the wilfull dividing , debasing , discrediting , disordering , and discarding of the ancient clergy , as to their ordination , government , ministry , authority , and succession in england , ( which was most christian , catholick and reformed , ) must needs be , as the sin and shame , so the great injury and misery of you and your posterity , being the ready way to bring in , first , a scrupulous unsatisfiednesse and unsetlednesse , as to our former religion , as if either not true or not reformed ; secondly , next it raiseth a jealousie and suspicion of any religion , under the name of reformation , as if it would not long hold , and had no bottom or bounds ; thirdly , after this followes a lukewarmenesse , coldnesse , and indifferency as to all religion whatsoever , as reformed and as christian ; fourthly , then will there creep in by secret steps a generall apostasie at least from our pristine wise reformation , and happy constitution of religion , to the roman errors , superstitions and usurpations , which wait for such a time and temper in england , whereby to make their advance upon peoples mindes , wildred and confounded , when they shall see the shamefull retreates , recoilings and variations made in england by the reformed religion upon it self ; whose disorders , disgraces and deformities necessarily following the contempt of their ministers , or the change and rupture of their ministeriall descent and succession , will make most , if not all men , in time to recede from it , and rather adhere to its grand roman rival , & its implacable enemie , popery , whose policies will bring you and your posterity , by the contempt and want of true bishops , to have no pastors or ministers of any uniforme validity , of catholick , complete , and most undoubted authority . if any man may be a preacher that listeth to pirk up into a pulpit , certainly in a few yeares you shall have no preachers worth your hearing , no ministers of any reputation and authority , either among the idiots and vulgar , or among the more ingenious and wiser sort of people , who are not naturally either very solicitous or industrious in the concernments of religion , or the choise of their ministers . if neither god nor good men have any further pleasure in their servants , the ancient clergy of england , if they really are as uselesse and worthlesse as they have been made vile and reproched by some mens tongues and pens , if they have deserved to be thus tossed in an eternall tempest of factious divisions , vulgar depressions , and endlesse confusions , beyond any other order or rank of men ; if this be their evill fate and merit , after all their studies and paines , after all their praying , preaching , writing and living , to the honor of this nation , and the great advantages of the reformed religion ; if to have equalled at least , if not exceeded the clergy of any church in any age since the apostles departure , be the unpardonable fault of the reformed bishops and their clergy in england ; if their very sufferings , as the vipers seizing on st. pauls hand , make them appear to barbarous and vulgar minds as sinners , therefore despicable , because they are so much despised , and so thought fit to be destroyed ; if this lingring and shamefull death of being thus crucified , is that by which the clergy of england must glorifie god , if this bitter cup must not passe from them ; truly it will be a mercifull severity to hold them no longer in ambiguous calamities ; but rather wholly to expose them to the last outrages of fanatick , popular , and schismatick fury , the lions that hunger and roare to have these daniels wholly cast into their dens and jawes ; that so your eyes may no longer see your poor , despised , distressed , and miserable clergy , many of whom ( both bishops and presbyters ) are forced ( as you know ) to embrace the dunghil , being destitute of order , honour and estate , some of them having neither food convenient , nor any abiding place , nor any fitting employment ; that so that episcopall clergy ( now rendred so odious ) who ( under god ) formerly redeemed you and your fore-fathers out of the bondage and darknesse of egyptian superstition , may by an egyptian magick and fate , be drowned in the red-sea of vulgar contempt , popular confusion and inordinate oppressions ; that thus the new jannes and jambres may not onely resist , but wholly prevaile by their inchantments against your moses and aarons . but if your consciences ( o worthy gentlemen , who are the beauty , strength , and honour of this nation , ) do on the other side tell you ( not with faint and dubious whispers , but by loud and manifest experiences , proclaiming to all the world ) that the ancient clergy of england have ( generally ) deserved better of you , by their learning , preaching , praying , writing and living ; what ( i beseech you ) can be more worthy of the wisdome , justice , piety , honour and gratitude of this nation , than to assert with their publick love and favour , the dignity of their worthy divines , the honour of their clergy , the sanctity of their religion and reformation , against that plebeian petulancy and insolency which hath so pressed upon them , and daily depresseth all their authority ? not onely by reason of some lay-mens folly and insolency , but even by their variations and inconstancy who presumed to be preachers , and challenge upon what score they please a share or lot in the evangelicall ministry . truly it is high time to redeeme the sacred orders , the divine authority , the catholick succession , the ancient and authentick dignity of the evangelicall ministry in the church of england , from the obloquies , contempts and oppressions of ignorant and unreasonable men , who are great enemies to the piety and prosperity of this nation , and but back friends to the reformed religion , being at so deadly a fewd against the ancient clergy and catholick ministry of this church ; whose totall extirpation , both root and branch , bishops and presbyters , they have so resolutely designed and restlessely endeavoured , that they long for nothing more than the natural death of all the reverend bishops , and all episcopall ministers , who yet survive , being civilly dead and buried in obscurity . o how infinite jealous are all novellers lest the english world should ( at last ) see the dangerous mistake of exchanging gold for copper , learned , grave , orderly , duly-ordained , and authoritative bishops and presbyters , ( of a primitive stamp , and catholick edition ) for a scattered and tattered company of new-coyned pastors and teachers , who have either not the metal , or to be sure not the mint and character of such a ministry as was ever current in england , ( and in all the christian world ? ) whose care was not to broach every day new fountaines ( as sampson did with his asses jaw-bone ) of ministeriall office and authority , when ever factious presbyters or fanatick people thirsted after the novelties of parity or popularity ; but they ever kept to that cisterne , those conduits or pipes which were first laid by the apostles , and derived from christs grand commission , as the source and fountain of holy orders , which was deduced by orderly bishops and presbyters to all parts and places where any christians owned themselves to live in any church-order , fellowship and communion : which was never known in the christian world for . yeares to be any where separated from the episcopall over-sight , regulation , presidency and jurisdiction ; if all scripturall and ecclesiasticall records do not deceive us , which never shew us any church , of greater or lesser dimensions , without some greater or lesser apostles , as bishops , presiding and ruling over presbyters , deacons and people ; which neither aerius nor st. jerome himself of old , nor the disguised wallo messalinus , or blondel of later dayes , did ever so much as endeavour to disprove by any one credible instance , of any church in any age . upon so deep and large a foundation did the clergy , ministry and church of england formerly stand , till the scotch pioneers and other engineers undertook with their pickaxes to undermine and overthrow the catholick antiquity of episcopall authority ; which work some novelizing presbyters beginning to transgresse , gave occasion to puny independents to go beyond them . neither of which parties have yet , ( nor are ever like , for ought i see ) so to mend the state of christian or reformed religion in england , beyond what it enjoyed in former dayes , as to make any learned or wise man so much in love with their various novelties , that they should abhorre that uniforme antiquity , to which the episcopall clergy of england did conforme . the enjoyment of whose renowned worth , learned labours , and everlasting monuments of true piety , this nation hath so little cause to be ashamed of or repent , that there is no jewell in the diademe of english glory , which it ever had or will in any age have so much cause to boast of and glory in , as the excellency of its clergy or ministry , both bishops and presbyters , for the last century ; whose private failings and personall infirmities ( the crambe oft alledged to an impudent hoarsenesse by some detractors , whose uncharitable synecdoches impute the faults of every part to the whole ) will never be sufficient to justifie this nations generall unthankfullnesse to the memory and merit of its former ministry and ministers , taken in the completion of their harmony and orders , as made up of bishops , presbyters and deacons , that threefold cord of ecclesiasticall polity and unity , which is not easily , and ought not rashly , much lesse rudely & ingratefully , be broken by any nation pro●essing christian and reformed religion ; but rather it should be carefully twisted and wisely recomposed , where either prelatick extravagancie , or presbyterian arrogancy , or popular petulancy , have ravelled , unloosned , or dissolved the intirenesse of its meet subordination and its ancient constitution . chap. v. to which temper and method of ecclesiasticall unity , order and authority , as piety , policy , honour and gratitude do invite the wisdome of this nation , ( which i have hitherto in many instances demonstrated ; ) so my next endeavour is to encourage all sober and good christians to desire and advance , in all worthy waies , that happy restitution and primitive settlement in our religion , by setting before you and them the possibility of effecting so great , so good , so necessary a work ; while many difficulties do not yet run us upon that rock of utter despaire which shipwrecks all industry , but they are easily counterpoised by that not onely possibility , but hopefull probability , which seems to appeare in the inclinations of the wisest and best men of all religious interests and parties in this nation , who have learned wisdome either by their own or other mens follies . for this good the wise god hath brought out of the evill of our follies and miseries , that the sad consequences ( possibly not intended by many , but ) pursuing our late deviations and transports on all sides in this church , ( where the projects and practises of particular men rather served their private passions and presumptions , than the divine institutions , christs glory , or the churches generall good , ) these have already so fully confuted their authors and abettors confidences , by the sin , shame , weaknesse and fatuity of them , that they need no blacker marks or deeper brands of dislike , than those which they have with their own hand set upon their fore-heads ; having brought the things of religion to so great a deformity as it is this day , by their praeter , subter or super-conformities , either beyond the use , intent , or indulgence of the lawes , or beyond the constitutions and customes and interests of this church . thus while either restive and sullen , or busie and pragmatick spirits will needs be breaking that hedge which their wise fore-fathers made , serpents have bitten them : while they would take burning coales from the altar without tongs , ( which the seraphin used as the ordinary meanes ) they have shrewdly burned their own fingers , in so much that many , if not most of them , i believe , would be glad they were every way fairly healed , to as great a soundnesse of order , honour and unity , as they formerly enjoyed ; of which they were as weary as unworthy , whose indiscreet forsaking that medium and measure of their happinesse , which was wisely established by publick counsell and authority , hath been of late so many waies unblest and unsuccesseful , that their very going out of the right way which was the way of peace , truth , and order , hath somewhat prepared their feet for an happy returne . every one that is so blest as to see their unlucky extravagancies , hath learned to esteem the good old way better than heretofore they did ; when private presumption tempted them to preferre their own novell fancies before the publick establishments of such a famous church and renowned nation as england was . i make no question but many men are grown wise by their own woes ; others at a cheaper rate have bought wisdome by observing the fruits of their neighbours folly , rashnesse and weaknes . some have deeply suffered for their former hydropick fullnesse , restivenesse and lazinesse in religion , contracted by long peace , great plenty , and high preferments ; which it is farre more honour to use piously and profitably , moderately and wisely , than to enjoy pompously , superciliously , luxuriously and idly : others are brought almost to utter consumptions of religion by their own calentures , and those hectick fevers which have so long afflicted themselves and ( as contagious or spotted sicknesses ) infected others . some of all sides and sorts have suffered . i am sure all are threatned , because each party hath by their passionate transports rather studied to advance their private opinions , parties and interests , than the common and publick good of this church and nation ; mutuall sufferings ( which have taken from all sides the confidence of their innocency ) have so wrought upon all men of serious piety and honest purposes , as by this fiery triall to purge them from their drosse of common infirmities , and to refine them for some further service to this church and state. nor do i doubt , but as other wise and good men , so particularly ministers of parts and piety , could they once amicably and authoritatively meet , confer and correspond together , would sincerely and cheerfully ( by gods blessing ) agree upon some expedient to recover the truth , order , honour , peace , uniformity and authority of the reformed religion and its ministry in this church and nation ; that neither they , nor you , nor your posterity may be ever thus possessed , distorted , torne and tormented with evill spirits , which sometimes cast us into the waters of cold and atheisticall irreligions , otherwhile into the fires of intemperate zealotry and contentions . for so hath the church of england passed through all the poetick racks and tortures , which ( if not remedied ) will be the portion of your posterity , one while rolling sysiphus his restlesse stone of endlesse reformation , whose recoilings and relapsings sink the true reformed religion to lower deformities than ever it was in : after this they must be put upon ixions wheel , tossed up and down with continuall circulations and giddinesse of religion , as every mans whimsicall braines list to turne it round ; whereas religious orderly motions ought to have , as their due bounds and circumference of truth , so their fixed centre of christian unity and publick communion , both which would in no long time ( by gods blessing ) be regained in england , if some mens private policies and sinister projects did not ( as wedges ) still hinder the closing and agreement of honest and impartiall men , in such waies as would restore religion to its just honor , authority and consistence ; from the enjoying of which , after all the specious pretences made on all sides , we are still as far remote , as tantalus was from eating those fruits or drinking those waters , which onely deluded , but never satisfied his famished soul . yet many good grapes and some faire clusters are still left upon this battered vine of the church of england , in which i hope may be a blessing , which neither the little foxes of peevish schismaticks have much bitten , nor the greater bores of romish seducers have wholly subverted . many well-meaning people , and not a few preachers too , who formerly had their midsummer-fits , and shorter lunacies , as to their religion , are now so sober in their senses , and well recovered to their right wits , that having once tried that vanity and vexation , that froth and futility of spirit , which attends all factious inquietudes , and exotick innovations obtruded upon a well - setled church , they are resolved ever hereafter to avoid and abhorre them ; as being no better than specious poysons , delicate delusions , spirituall debaucheries and religious lucuries , which growing from plethorick tempers in mens soules , ( especially where they are high fed with duties ) do easily tempt them that are lesse cautious and moderate both to wandrings and wantonnesse in religion , first to simple fornications , and at last to grosse and foule adulteries ; to which men ( otherwise of commendable strictnesse and purposes ) are easily betrayed , if ( as dinah ) they give way to the temptations of novelty , curiosity , popularity , and ambitious vanity in religion , there , where it hath been well and worthily setled by publique counsell and joynt consent ; yea and hath been happily enjoyed for many ages , with almost miraculous , i am sure very marvellous prosperities , so as it was , beyond all dispute , here in the church of england . the inconsiderate ruflings and disorderings of whose religious constitution , many men ( of all sorts ) are now ready to recant and expiate , if by any honest endeavours they may recover the order , unity , beauty , authority and stability of religion in this nation . to whose ecclesiastick communion i perceive many ( heretofore more warme than wise , more credulous than considerate ) are now cordially returned , as to their judgements and consciences ; to which , no doubt , their conversation would willingly conforme , if once they could see any ensigne of religious uniformity authoritatively set up in england . many ministers would willingly recant and return from their violent and vulgar transports , if they could but have a protection for their foreheads , or a skreen to hide that shame and discountenance , which they feare hangs over them for their levity , from the common-peoples censures and scorns . not a few ministers ( sometimes orderly and regular enough ) would fain get free from those popular lime-twigs , which have too long held them , if they did not feare to lose some of their feathers , either as to their reputation or maintenance ; who flying from that good sense which was heretofore set in the church of england for their defence , would needs light on that bare hedge for their refuge and perch , which proves to most of them no better than the beggars bush , fuller of gins and snares than of berries or food . o how glad would hundreds of popular preachers and preaching people be , to be commanded by superiours to make ( not verball , but ) reall retractations of their errors , seductions , surprises , schismes , and apostasies ? that so their variablenesse in religion might seem to arise not from their private innate levities , but from either fatall or soveraigne necessities ; which are alwaies good salvo's , and go for current excuses among common people , either to plead for their extravagancies , or to justifie their changes , especially when they are reduced to the better . many ministers of presbyterian and independent practises rather than perswasions or principles , now ( together with their followers ) who formerly were highly a-gog , ( even when they were yet in their downe , pin-feathered , and scarce fledge ) in those fine speculations and rare projects which they had fancied for erecting new models of church-work , after the formes of consistories and elderships , classes and congregations of corporal spiritualties , & spirituall corporations , which were to be reared out of the ruinous , nay out of the most intire parts of the reformed church of england , which was by them to be wholly ruined , though it were by the lawes of god and man , by constitutions ecclesiasticall and civill , both wisely formed and happily fixed in the primitive and catholick form of order and dependency ; yet even these men and ministers of destruction , not edification , with their late chappels of little-ease , would i am confident be now very glad to be handsomely sheltered under the protection of some such episcopall seat , faire cathedrall or mother-church , with which england formerly abounded , to the great honour of the nation , no lesse than of the clergy and ministry of all degrees : the slips and shrubs of churches , ( which some have lately planted ) thrive so ill , that they wish them fairly removed and reingrafted into that ancient stock , that goodly and venerable tree of episcopacy , which was so flourishing and so fruitfull to all orders of christians in england , and in all ancient churches , ever since the first plantation of religion in this island , or the other world . o how would all sober ministers and others rejoyce to come under that shade and superintendency which might not sadly over-drop , but gently protect every minister and member of the church , in their severall branches and boughs ? who sees not by experience that verified which st. jerom told them long agoe , that a regular episcopacy is the best , if not the onely defensative , both in the catholick and particular churches , from the scorching heates of factions and schismes , to keep men from those shiftings and tossings in religion , from those uncharitable rendings and separations , which are so uncomely and inconvenient , yea so noxious to the churches of christ , and therefore to be conscienciously avoided by all good christians ? besides , this constitution containing in its bosome the true interests of presbyters and people , as well as of bishops , redeemes the clergy , beyond any other form of church-order and government , from that which is very intolerable to men of learned piety and ingenuous spirits ; that is , the sordid dependence upon , yea and slavish subjection ( even in religious concernments ) unto those lay-dictators , and plebeian humors , who are generally very crosse-grained and spitefully peevish to men of more learning than themselves . vulgar minds are alwaies contemptuous to their teachers , and rugged to their monitors , but most unsufferably insolent , when they find either magistrates or ministers dependants upon their benevolence ; never triumphing more unfeignedly than when they see those deformed spectacles which this last age hath oft shewen them , namely , those grave and worthy ministers , who taught them in the name of christ on the lords-day , the very next day pale and trembling , to appeare before them in some country committee , compounded of lay-men , yea and of some trades-men , who are generally not guilty of much learning in any kind , and least in divinity : yet these are the men that must catechise , examine , censure and condemn ministers in the sight of their people , both in points of doctrine and in practises ministeriall , for which some one minister is able to say more in one houre , than most of those assessors or silly spectators can understand in ten , or ever have read in all their lives . what ingenuous christian blusheth not to see ministers of excellent learning and lives so disparaged , so degraded , so discouraged , by the incompetency of those who must be their judges , when many of them cannot so much as understand the state of the question or matter in dispute ? what christian is there of so popular , plebeian , triviall , and mechanick a spirit , as not to desire to see proper and meet judges set to examine and determine matters of religion , for doctrines , manners , and discipline ? in all which there are many cases so obscure and intricate , that they require men of very good learning , of composed minds , of sober judgements , and unbiassed consciences , to debate and determine them , being very dubious and disputable in truth and holinesse , in faith and morality ; which when some silly saints and devout bunglers will undertake to manage and modelize beyond their line and measure , after their rash , rude and slovenly fashion , it is not to be expressed how much detriment both religion and its sacred ministry suffer through the ignorance and passion , the rusticity and confidence , the petulancy and impertinency of such ridiculous arbitrators and incompetent judges , who are so farre from being fit for any such authority and judicature , that they are not onely not equals , but in most points very much inferiours to those whose doctrine and manners , whose callings and consciences they presume not so much to search as to insult over , with as much unfitnesse and unreasonablenesse , as if divines should arrogate to themselves the judicature of common-law , or of persons and cases martiall ; so that both pleaders and judges , souldiers and commanders should fall under ministers decision in all debates incident to their functions and affaires . every man not ambitiously vain and fulsomely foolish , doth now wish in his soul to see that grave , solemne , idoneous and equable dispensation of religion , both in its mysteries and ministry , its doctrine and controversies , its scandals and indignities , as may best become the honour and majesty of christianity , most avoiding those improprieties and absurdities , which have been sufficiently manifested in our late confusions ; which have chiefly risen from want of that wise settlement in religious administrations which would lay out every part and parcell of them , so as is proper for them both as to persons , places and proportions , after the order and method anciently ▪ used both in gods tabernacle and his temple . indeed nothing can be managed orderly and happily in church or state , in civill or ecclesiastick affaires , unlesse they passe through such wise hearts and pure hands , as can both well understand them , and discreetly discharge them ; so as may conciliate in all mens mindes an inward reverence to their persons that do dispence them . which respect ariseth not from parchment commissions or popular approbations , but from personall and reall sufficiencies ; which appearing to all sober men both in reason and religion , give them the greatest satisfaction , and thereby as it were charme the common people not more by feare , than love and shame , to preserve that peace , and to observe those orders which they see wisely setled , and authoritatively used in any church or christian common-wealth . chap. vi. the happinesse and honour of which religious harmony and authoritative order , as every christian is ashamed not to seem at least to desire , and all honest men ( no doubt ) do really intend as their chiefe end and designe , so the greatest differences now perpetuating our religious distractions in england , seem to arise from the severall meanes propounded , and methods prosecuted by men , possibly of honest meanings , but of differing minds ; who ( each presuming their own waies to be best for the reforming , reconciling and establishing of religion , ) grow so divided in the use of their meanes , as still to hinder the attaining of the end : just like physitians , who honestly and heartily aime at the cure of their patient ; but every one of them so urgeth the taking of his particular receipt , that either they give him no physick at all , or so various and contrary prescriptions , as first confound , and at last kill him , more by the mutuall repugnancy of their medicines , than by the malignity of the disease . such is the state and fate of the church of england , as to my observation ; having , i hope , many honest and upright hearts in it , but possibly not so many wise heads and wary hands , which in all publick healings do well to be joyned together , these as fittest to effect what the other designe . god forbid i should be so vaine as to imagine there is any thing in my tenuity fit to be offered to that piety and prudence , which i know is in many of my countrymen ; so great a presumption of wisdome were my greatest folly : i onely crave the leave and pardon of all wise men , so farre as i adventure to expresse their sense ( as i suppose ) to the publick ; which every man will not do , although he heartily ownes it , and every one is not apt to do , although he vehemently approves it . many men , yea all men naturally , have the same principles of mathematicks in them , but not the same leisure and genius to study and dilate them , as did archimedes , euclide , ptolemy and alphonsus . some that have capacity and leisure enough , yet may want calmenesse and composure of mind , being partly agitated by their passions , partly biassed by their worldly affaires and private interests ; and not onely prepossessed by their sides and parties , but wholly ingrossed and addicted to them . my leisure being great , my private & partial interests being none , my temper neutrall and indifferent , addicted to no side or party , that either shoots wide , or short , or beyond the church of england , ( the onely mark or butt which is and ever hath been the measure of my best aimes and actings , my words and writings ) possibly i may obtaine so much favour of you ( my wise and worthy countrymen ) as you , will at least bear with my folly so farre , as i shall represent to you , and others your inferiours , what is my sense , and , i presume , yours too , in order to reconcile our differences , and compose our distractions in matters of religion . the methods of our healing and recovery must have regard to the originalls and progresse of our maladies and distempers , which i impute to ministers divisions , peoples distractions , and magistrates perhaps not indifferences so much as diversions ( hitherto ) by reason of many secular incumberances , so pressing upon them , that they have not yet had time and leisure since they had power , so to intend the settling of religion in england and church affaires , as the matter it self deserves , as god commands , and as all sober men in the nation both desire and expect . my first addresse must be to men of my own profession , who own themselves as ministers of the gospel : for these are so generally charged to be the fountaines , fautors and fomenters of our english troubles both in church and state , that few men pitty them , but rather justifie the miseries befaln them on all sides , as the grand occasioners of their own and other mens calamities ; which , they say , had not their first fire or flame from civill ambitions or discontents , so much as from those which appeared in church-concernments . indeed all ages of jewish and christian succession have shewed us , that from prophets and priests , from bishops and presbyters , from mal-admissions and mal-administrations of holy offices and functions , evill hath gone out into the whole church and state. no sooner hath god by the preaching and sufferings of worthy bishops and other ministers planted and setled , purged and reformed his church in any nation , but the devil crowds some of his chaplaines into christs chappel : such were arrius , eutyches , paulus s●osatenus , apolinaris , novatus , donatus , and many others , church-men by their profession , but pests to their churches by their presumption . thus did those drones or wasps rather of religion follow and infest the first lutheran essayes of reformation in germany : when he had ( as sleidan tells us ) notably triumphed over eccius and other sophisters of the popish bran and monkish bellies , then had he to contend with those peevish and hot heads , which brake out into fanatick fancies and anabaptistick furies ; such as carolostadius , murecer , storkius and others were , whose names and effigies are alike terrible . nor have there been wanting in england since our true reformation , ( the most perfect and best in the world , because the least popular , most orderly , graduall and authoritative ) such strange spirits , so curious and captious , so quarrelling and reproching , so perpetually tampering and botching with this church , and its reformed religion , that no sooner had this church any setled plantation and quiet , but it had ( on every side ) many petty pruners , perturbers & supplanters , who from the first to this day cannot be made to believe , that this whole nation in all estates , both civill and ecclesiastick , ever had either so much piety , purity , or policy as themselves : halfe a dozen fierce non-conformists , who had kindled their matches at francfort or geneva , were alwaies confident of themselves , and cryed up by their disciples , to be greater lights for burning and refining of religion , than all the kings and queenes , all the lords and commons , all the bishops and convocations , all the martyrs and confessors ; whose cruell fires , ayming to consume the very vitals of the true reformed religion , were no sooner quenched , but these forraign infected ministers began other fires of lesser fagots , which at first did pretend onely to singe the over-long haires of the reformed religion in england , but now at last we see they have roasted it round , and turned this church , like saint lawrence , from side to side , over the gridirons and burning coales of various factions , which have each their anti-ministers , their cata-presbyters or counter-preachers , bandying one against the other , and setting all people together by the eares as well as themselves . the first and most effectuall meanes to recover the setled state of the reformed religion in england to a peace and uniformity , following the methods of our miseries , must begin with us of the clergy or ministry , what names or titles , what principles or patternes soever we pretend to follow : t is true , many , if not most of us , were loth to see and hard to be convinced of our pristine errors and indiscretions , our immoderations and transports , our popish and popular compliances , our jesuitick evasions and pretentions , our politick salvoes and distinctions , our pompous and empty formalities , by which we made either the power of godlinesse odious , or factions popular , innovations pious , and factions plausible , untill god overtook us all with his just , though sharp , chastisements . some church-men ●hought their hill so strong it could never be removed ; whereas no policy availes , without true and exact piety , to bear up the honor of church-men , when once people see without spectacles . other ministers fancied that if the high places of arch-bishops and bishops , of deanes and chapters were taken away , presently their vallies would ascend , ( as the earth is said to have done under st. davids feet as he was preaching in wales ) that their molehills would swell to be all mountaines of god , of equall height , on which their jerusalems should be built after new church-models either of a presbyterian or independent fashion , whose small and , as to the publick peace and benefit , ineffectuall , p●oductions have hitherto so little justified their inventions or discretions , that their mutuall divisions and severall diminutions , besides the generall abatement and abasement both of religion , reformation and ministry , do make the whole face of this church appeare rather like babel than jerusalem ; which was a city at unity in it self , not made up with patches and botches , by fits and jobs , with deformed angles , crooked walls and swelling windowes , ( like some narrow lanes in london , whose sides seem built in spite to defie and darken one another ) but designed and wrought by such a juncture of wise counsell from grand architects as had well fore-cast and fore seen their work , as those did by divine revelation , who were to build the ark , tabernacle , and temple for god , as moses , david , salomon , zerubbabel , and ezekiel ; who had leisurely and exact visions , sober and orderly revelations , after due and mathematicall proportions or plat-formes given them , and were not hurried on by sudden raptures , extemporary snatches , and passionate surprises , which are the convulsions of religion ; no fit tempers or motions to build or repaire the church of christ , which even in primitive defections , ( as we read in the epistles correptory or consolatory to the seven asian churches or others , ) were taught by the spirit of christ and the apostles , not to seek out new formes , fashions and inventions , to make divisions , schismes and separations , either in or from the respective churches , or from their angels or bishops , the presidents or presbyters . but in their reformations they were to keep their former church-communion , in the grand and apostolick combinations , which were constituted and proportioned by the guidance and wisdome of christs spirit : both pastors and people were to remember from whence they were faln , to have due regard to their severall rulers and overseers in the lord ; to returne to their first love of truth and peace ; to restore what was decayed , to preserve what remained and was ready to dye ; to hold fast what was wholesome , sound , and good , while they tryed and pared off what was evill and superfluous ; to contend earnestly for the faith once delivered to them ; to keep to that forme of doctrine , with those catholick traditions and customes which they had received : they were not to invent new waies of churches or pastors any more than new doctrines or new gospels . i am for primitive sanctities and severities in all sorts or degrees of ministers , no lesse than for primitive subordination and communion : ambitious i am for restoring the piety and purity , as well as the polity and unity of pristine times . and although i find many ministers so ill natured , so peevish and crosse-grained , that they can sooner vomit up the meate they have digested , than recall or recant any error or extravagancy they have adopted and fomented ; yet i hope better things of the major part of my fathers and brethren , who are men of more calme and ingenuous tempers , furthest from juvenile fervors , from private designes and popular dependences . nor do i doubt , but all ministers that are worthy men , will easily recede , not from their religion and consciences , but from their various superstitions and presumptions , from their immoderate values and idolatrous adorations of some petite opinions , and novel imaginations , which they have of late years taken up , if once they could happily meet and parley together , not in arbitrary junctos and associations ; but being thereto called and incouraged by the command and counsel , the gravity and authority of those their superiours , who are most able to advance the good of this church , and the restitution of the reformed religion . if you ( o worthy gentlemen ) should find us ecclesiasticks more restive , pertinacious or obstinate than becomes us , either to retain our needlesse indulgences , or superfluous severities and rigors of opinions and practises ; it will be your honor and candor to supple us , and by your exemplary perswasions gently to compell us to be such as best becomes us and your selves . you cannot give us , the ministers of england , a more signall and ample testimony of your love and regard to us , than by your exacting from us in our severall places , not onely all morall severities and sanctities of life ( which are indispensible to our calling and duty ) but all those reall ministerial strictnesses in all points of holy ministrations , to which our greatest enemies do so much pretend themselves , and complaine of us as most defective in them , either as to care , or diligence , or love towards our people . but ( i beseech you ) let these sacred exactions , as to our lives and doctrines , as to our ordination and ministration , be first , scripturall , as to the maine ground , rule and end of them ; next , rationall , as to order , decency and gravity of them ; lastly let them be primitive and catholick , not novel and fanatick , but as much as may be conforme to the patterne of all ancient churches , who had their formations and fixations from the apostles , long before any of these moderne disputes and factions arose , or passion had seized any ministers judgements as to their particular sides and interests . but let us not ( for gods sake ) be urged ( as some designe ) utterly to forsake the church of england , to renounce our own former both practises and perswasions , our standings and understandings too , as ministers ( which were so much grounded upon scripturall directions , apostolick exemplifications , catholick imitations , and nationall constitutions ; ) onely to conforme to some private mens modern fancies , or to preferre , as to church-ordination , ministration and government , the novelties of amsterdam or geneva , before the antiquities of antioch and jerusalem . nor yet may you leave us so far to our selves , as to suffer every one of us to invent and do whatever seems good in his own eyes . alas , many of us are weak in our learning , religion , and reason ; strong onely in our passions , prejudices , and presumptions ; easie and soft in our judgements , heady and obstinate in our opinions , prone to be biased with private interests , and abused with popular pretentions . while we meane well , yet we are ready to do very ill , having much in us either cold and doting , or young and raw , or over-hot and uncomposed ; never worse governed than when we are left every man to governe our selves , or our private flocks , after our own various fancies and affectations , which are most-what very partiall , plebeian , imprudent , impolitick : not many of us understanding the proportions of true church-government any more than we do the designes and dimensions of the most noble and magnificent buildings , which were never erected and perfected by the occasionall concurrence of every spontaneous workman , that listed to joyne his head and hand , to carry on what figure and form he thought best ; but they are the effects of mature counsell and grand advise from wise master-builders , who first agree in the whole model or idea , before they put the parts in execution . the truth is , no sorts of men are lesse tractable ( generally ) than we that professe to be ministers . if we have little learning , we are envious , peevish , and jealous against those that have more ; if we have much , we easily grow proud , high-conceited , dictatorian . some of us are very rusticall , morose and refractory ; others of us very imperious , supercilious and magisteriall ; few of us of so wise , calme and safe tempers , as to be left to our selves in things of publick office and order , lest we grow heady and extravagant : nor are we of so humble and meek spirits , as to be willingly led by others . if left free , we grow insolent , popular and factious ; if under any government or restraint , we grow touchy , refractory and petulant ; not easily kept within our own or others bounds , untill by pregnant reason and prevalent power , meeting together in wise and resolute magistrates , we are at once convinced and commanded , perswaded and over-awed to keep those honest bounds of order and subjection , which do not onely best become us , but ought to be least arbitrary , because most necessary both for our own and the publick good : most of us will be good subjects even to church-government as well as state , when we see we must be so ; and few of us will be either quiet or content , when we find that we may be what we or the vulgar will , by loose tolerations and indiscreet indulgences , which betray ministers no lesse than other men to many dangerous extravagancies . to cure ( therefore ) the distempers of religion , and to restore some health , beauty , order and unity to this sick , deformed , disordered and divided church of england , the first applications , as i humbly conceive , must by wisdome and power be made to those that professe to be ministers of the gospel , who must have , as broken , or started and dislocated bones ( whose flesh and muscles are highly swoln and enflamed ) not onely wholesome diet and physick given them , but such splinters and ligatures as may be at once gentle , yet strong ; not bound so hard as may occasion paine or mortifying , nor yet so loose as may suffer any constant dislocation or new flying out . to such ruptures and inordinacies , the many notions and raptures that scholars and preachers get by reading and conversing ( besides the pregnancy of their wits , and ambition of their own spirits ) are prone to tempt them : no preacher is so meane , but he would faine appeare some body ; if he despaire of his own merits , as to publick notice and preferment , then he applies to popular arts and lesser engines . discontent and ambition are observed , both in old times and of later , to have been the great perturbers of the churches peace ; which some have written even of mr. cartwright himself , a man of excellent learning , yet unsatisfied when he had not the good fortune to be so much favoured and preferred by queen elizabeth , as others were who bare a part with him in publick acts at cambridge before that popular , yet politick , princesse ; who had no greater art in her government than this , to give not onely shrewd guesses at mens tempers and geniusses , but exactly to calculate the proportions of their spirits and parts , and accordingly either to refuse them , or imploy them in church or state. nor could she easily have kept this church of england from flying in pieces in her dayes , when many notable ministers wits did work , like new beere or bottled ale , to blow up the government of the church , unlesse she had , besides the canons agreed in synods , and the good lawes passed in parliament , applyed such wise , able and resolute governours to the helme of the church , as were parker , grindall , whitgift , sands , matthewes and others ; whom the stormes ( yet safety ) of the church in those times shewed to be excellent pilots , and excellent prelates , no lesse than excellent preachers : whose names and autority had then been made as odious and unpopular , as now all bishops and episcopall clergy have been , if ( under god ) the resolute power and ponderous authority of the princesse had not preserved them , besides the gravity , piety , and prudence of their own carriage ; which abundantly stopped the mouthes of their clamorous enemies then , and further justified them to all posterity , to have been , as the true sons of wisdome , so deservedly the venerable bishops and fathers of this then famous and flourishing church . i well know that ministers in england , above all sorts of men , do stand bound in conscience and prudence to use all faire meanes for the speedy setling and happy restitution of the state of religion in this church ; because however many of them professe to be great patrons of piety , and sticklers for reformations , either old or new , yet most , if not all our church-deformities and miseries , have been and still are imputed chiefly to their immoderations , passions , or indiscretions , when too much left to themselves : some driving so furiously to conformity , that they went beyond it ; not onely over-shooting themselves , but the good lawes , canons , and customes of this church , hereby putting the common people into high jealousies of superstition , by their too great heats , and surfeits of ceremonious innovations and affected formalities : other ministers were so jealous and impatient of what they fancied , rather than felt , to be burthens in religion , that they not onely cast off some superfluous loades of new ceremonies , but the very comely garment , girdle and government of this church ; yea some of them at last flung off all their clothes , and tare off ( as hercules in his fiery shirt ) much of their own skins , by a frantick kind of excesse , severely revenging even other mens reall or imputed faults upon themselves and upon the whole church , committing greater injuries than ever they did or indeed could suffer , while they possessed their soules in patience and peace ; whereas now they have left themselves and this whole church , ( as the tortoise did , that was weary of its shell , and put it off ) almost nothing for safety , comelinesse , or honour , but are nakedly exposed to all those dangers and deformities which attend any church , religion and ministry , which being once ungirt as to order , unity and government , will soon be unblest as to all holy improvements either in piety , verity , or charity . hence , hence it is , that such a crowd of importune and insolent mischiefes have ( as the sodomites upon the angels and lot at his doore , ) not onely rudely pressed , but notoriously prevailed too farre upon all ministers and the state of the reformed religion : chiefly the jealousies , feuds , factions , animosities , immoderations , indiscretions , divisions and dissociations among ministers ; who can never expect to see common people return from their madnesse and giddinesse to sober senses , untill they see their preachers to recover their wits , and their pastors to become patternes , as of piety and zeal , so of humility and order of charity and unity , of gravity and constancy , of meeknesse and wisdome ; and not to be like mad dogs , so daily snarling and snapping at one another , so biting and infecting their own and others flocks with their poysonous foam and teeth , that ( at last ) they disorder the whole frame of the church , and endanger the civil peace of the nation : whence some men have been ready to think it were a part of wisdome and state-policy , to put in execution the counsel and resolution which once queen elizabeth took up in some time of her reigne , even to forbid all preaching and praying , as to ministers own inventions and composures , because she found most ministers passions so inseparable from their pulpits , if they were left to themselves . the want of christian harmony and correspondency in publick and lawfull conventions , with unanimity and fitting subordination among ministers in england , for these last twenty yeares ( good god! ) what havock and confusion , what waste and desolation , what scorn and contempt hath it brought upon the whole ministry , the church and the state of reformed religion ; not more in the order and peace , than in the power and purity of them ! while severall ministers in their partiall conventicles and mutinous meetings go severall waies , seek onely to draw disciples after themselves , not to lead them nearer to god , and christ , and this church , but to their own private opinions , parties and interests , according as they can possesse people to comply with their new ministeriall authority , new church-waies , and new spirituall projects , which being so horribly divided , the good onely way of christianity is almost destroyed ; for none that are novell can be so authentick and authoritative , but they are by some suspected , by others denyed , and by most despised . hence mutuall loathings between people and people , pastors and pastors ; hence that nauseous abhorrence in many of all sermons and religious service ; hence that atrophy or indifferency of most people to the blessed sacraments ; hence that rudenesse and irreverence shewed by many in all religious duties ; hence that looseness in moralities , that rottennesse in opinions , that coldnesse in devotions , that boldnesse in blasphemies , that impudence in heresies , that fondnesse after novelties , that boasting in schismatick rendings ; hence so many new and strange secular policies are grown up , as thistles in the good field of this church , instead of primitive simplicities ; hence so many gay and cunning hypocrisies spring up ( like cockle and poppy among wheat ) instead of sober honesty and christian charity , which were heretofore so abounding in england . a pious and prudent closing , a sincere and thorough healing of those wounds which ministers have given themselves , this church and the reformed religion , by their easinesse , credulity , inconstancy , popularity , and impatience to bear any thing , and also by their too much confidence in secular counsels and armes of flesh , ( while they served diverse lusts and passions of men and times more than the lord ; ) this would advance the reall interest of all parties , so farre as they are christs , and bring the whole frame of religion to such an happy consistency as becomes the honour of such a nation , and such a reformed church as england sometime was . in which paternal presidency , fraternal assistance , and filial submission , might all meet together , to satifie all calme and sober spirits , that are either of episcopall , presbyterian , or independent perswasions ; which are ( i think ) the most considerable parties ( yet ) in england , both as to their numbers , abilities , and worth . i know it is very hard for weak and wilfull men to reclaime themselves or others from those transports , which they have not chosen , but ventured upon ; it is the work of wise men to recant their own errors , and to recall people from those scatterings and extravagancies to which they have been once throughly scared and cunningly driven . i have much admired , while i have read the prudent arts and pious guiles which king james ( a master of great learning , wit , and eloquence ) used , whereby to calme the hot spirits of ministers in scotland , so as to reduce them to that excellent church-frame and government , of which many popular , factious and covetous spirits were not more weary than unworthy ; by the overthrow of which , i believe , the jealous presbyters in scotland , & that church and state , have got so little , that they may well put their gaines in their eyes , and yet see both their folly and their misery , rather weeping for their destroying , than justly triumphing in their extirpation of so excellent a constitution of a church , as indeed they enjoyed with as much happinesse ( had they known it ) as they obtained it with much difficulty . great bodies ( we see ) cannot move regularly or handsomely , unlesse they have such respective heads and presidents , as may be principles of order and union , of proportionate motions and usefull operations . the want of which ( with the dissolving of all ecclesiasticall subordinations into popular parities , and reducing nationall convocations or synods into partiall assemblies and associations ) all sorts of sober ministers have found by wofull experience to be so pernicious both to their private and the publick interests of religion , that i believe most of them are now very solicitous how to heale themselves , lest they further appeare physitians of no value to the people , who can never think themselves either well taught or governed by such ministers as know not how to governe themselves , and yet are impatient to be governed by any other but themselves ; who being either meane , or weak , or wilfull men , taken singly , will not be much abler or stronger , or more valued , in any arbitrary , precarious or partiall waies of self-combinations or associatings . chap. vii . i am neither wholly ignorant of , nor averse from , those later projects and essayes of associations , which some ministers have presented to the world , and ( as i heare ) practised among themselves in some countries , with what good successe or publick advantage i do not yet understand : however this plot of associating doth proclaime to all the world , that the generality of ministers are very sensible of that shame , solitude , feeblenesse , contempt , dissipation and diminution , to which their late divisions have exposed them , even among those people whom they most gratified with eating that forbidden fruit , which by a surfeit of liberty hath brought so great sicknesse and mortality upon the life of religion , as christian and reformed ; also upon the honour of the clergy , and the happinesse of the people of england . i see the sense of their own and the peoples nakednesse , ( as to ecclesiasticall union and government ) hath made ministers seek for some covering for themselves , though it be but of fig-leaves , in comparison of that goodly garment which god had formerly clothed them withall , after the manner of all ancient churches , who were governed , adorned and defended by episcopall eminency , presidency , and authority , strengthned with presbyterian counsells , and further helped by the service and care of deacons , or overseers for the poor , to complete the well-governing of the church with charity , wisdome , and orderly authority : so that neither the wise , strong , great , or rich , might be extravagant and unruly ; nor the simpler , weaker , lesser , and poorer sort of christians be neglected and contemned . a method of church-government , certainly , not more ancient and catholick , than complete in all the requisite proportions of government , which had in it not onely all principles of reason , polity and prudence , but was further commended and confirmed by the ancient patternes of gods own appointment among the jewes , by christs doctrine and example , together with his apostles practise and appointment , evident in their writings , and in the imitation of all churches from the beginning . the want and waste of which primitive and catholick government as i do unfeignedly deplore in the church of engl. so i am glad to see any of my brethren so sensible of it , as to make what handsome shift they can for a while to unite and defend themselves , til the mercy of god and the wisdome of governours shall restore such ancient order , unity and authority to us , as may be most happy for us on all hands . and although i think these associatings to be as incomplete as they seem partiall , yet they are so far considerable and commendable , as they seem to invite and draw ministers to some ecclesiastick union and fraternall society ; which may be in time much for their own honour , safety and happiness , as well as the peoples peace ; especially if such closures arise not from a continued confederacy of factious spirits against true episcopacy , but rather as preparations for it , so farre as times may bear , or bring on the due restitution of it , not to its pristine pomp and splendor , ( which is not expectable ) but to its primitive order , power , and spirituall authority in the church ; which without doubt is the conservative , the crown , the consummation , the centre of all churches government . short of which what ever popular and plausible prefacings these projects of associating may make , to endeare some ministers by the parity of their oligarchies in presbytery , or to draw in common people by their specious democracies in independency , yet ( i confesse ) i expect no great or durable good from either of their partialities . first , because they are but private mens projects , not the results of the publick counsell and united wisdome of this church and nation . secondly , they are in their constitution defective , as to the true proportions of good government and polity , which must have ability , order , intirenesse and authority ; which are not to be found in the parity or plebs either of ministers or people . thirdly , they are as new , so precarious and arbitrary , therefore unauthoritative and unauthentick , easily baffled and despised by any that list to be recusant and refractory . fourthly , as they are divided no lesse than oligarchie and democracy , so they may be dangerous to the authors , abetters and executors of them , when ever those that a●e or shall be in civill power , list to bring them to the triall of a pr●munire ; which statute binds up the hands of all pragmatick presbyters and people , from acting of their own heads in church-affaires without law. this i am sure , the policies of states-men are easily jealous of church-men , nor can the clergy discreetly act any thing by way of publick influence in things ecclesiasticall , for which they have not the publick counsel and consent . possibly these associations , if friendly and ingenuous , may be some seeming shelter to some poor ministers from the urgent stormes of popular contempt and insolency , like the undergirding of that crazy and weather-beaten ship , in which st. paul was imbarqued and ready to perish , untill the tossed vessell of this church may be brought into a more commodious haven and fully repaired . but if the aime of associatings be no more than a cunning complicating of presbyterian and independent principles and interests together , that they may rule in their duumviracy , exclusive of all primitive presidency , and slighting all pleas for episcopacy , which hath the onely catholick and classicall precedents for authentick ordination and full authority in the church , all will be no more than daubing with untempered morter , by which they may foule their own fingers and other mens faces ; but they will never erect any stately and durable structure , capable to supply the roome of that primitive , apostolick and catholick government , in comparison of which these precarious and poor associatings of ministers are but a setting up a stanty hedge , instead of a good quick-set or a brick-wall , for the sense of christs vineyard . presbytery hath been already so baffled in england , and indepency hath so little place or credit , both are such exotick novelties , and so incompetent for church-government , that neither single nor sociall , ravelled nor twisted , they will ever have any considerable power , nor be able to give any protection to either ministers or people , much lesse will they promote the reformed state of religion , or the peace of the nation . the community of ministers and people , though never so much associated in such levelling factions , will still appeare , both to their enemies and friends , but as so many silly sheep , who , fearing to be further worried by wolves and dogs , do flock together indeed with great eagernesse and crowding , but they are not thereby much the safer , if they have neither fixed folds , nor able , valiant and watchfull shepheards to oversee and defend them , with such eminent power and lawfull authority as becomes the masters of such assemblies , and the chief fathers of those families which make up the most complete churches of christ . as it is hard to draw a true circle unlesse the centre be fixed , or to build a firm arch without the binding and centre-stone be added to the rest ; so i firmely believe , that neither the interests of people by independency , nor of presbyters by presbytery , will ever be advantaged to any honourable , happy , or durable condition by these associations , if they arrogantly and factiously usurp the rights and power of primitive episcopacy , which hath been alwaies as usefull as venerable in the church of christ , either used , or approved , or desired by all learned and sober men , and asserted by infinite , pregnant and unanswerable testimonies , both ancient and late . nor will , i hope , the antiquity , sanctity and majesty of primitive and catholick episcopacy ever want such princes & peers , such presbyters and people , as both in true polity , and in good conscience , will so approve it , as to preferre it no lesse before all modern models , than the first temple was preferrable before the second , or either of them before the tabernacle . if these associations do onely intend , as some of them pretend , to take in all interests , with reservation of latitudes and freedomes , both of different principles and practises , to all sorts of ministers , will they not prove at last dissociatings , and amount to no higher edifying of this church , than the laying of brick and sand without lime , which will never make a durable and strong building ? for they will soon divide and dissolve who are held together by no other bond than their own will and pleasure . possibly thus farre they may be of use , as means somewhat to discover more the rubbish and ruines of our late distractions , which have made ministers so much strangers , that they are enemies to each other ; yea , possibly they may , by drawing them to some amicable conventions and christian conferences , occasion better understanding between many of them , and so by gods blessing in time produce some such counsels as may be worthy of them and the publick . but if their aime be slily to get into some hands such popular advantages ( by their soft insinuations of seeming equanimity and moderation , ) as shall further displace and disparage the former catholick government of this and all ancient churches , they will be but as new patches put to an old garment ; which will make the rent and deformity the greater . certainly , the state of the reformed religion in england will never be happy till it is setled , nor setled till it be uniform , nor uniform , till the office and authority of ministers be valid and venerable , nor will this ever be , untill the sanctity and samenesse of ordination , together with the use of ecclesiasticall power and holy ministrations , be rendred so august , so sacred and complete , as may be most conforme to scripture and to pure antiquity ; for while ministers are of diverse makes and moulds , they will be of diverse minds , nor can they produce other than multiforme christians , of different fashions and deformed factions in religion ; which do as necessarily bring forth infinite mischiefs in any church or christian state , as the itch breeds scratching , and scratching fetches blood . as the blessed apostles , so their holy successors kept to one way of religious order and power ; which preserved the unity of faith and love among christian bishops , presbyters and people . i confess , i do sometimes in my sad and retired solitudes hope , that our common calamities may , by gods softning and calming grace upon mens spirits , make both all godly ministers and all good people so wise , as humbly , sincerely and charitably to search into the cleare steps of primitive prudence , apostolicall order , and ecclesiacall authority , which had due and tender regard to all sorts of christians , so as to keep up a meet subordination with a christian communion ; to which end i was willing to hope this shew of association might conduce . but when i find in some of them nothing that looks civilly upon episcopacy , many things cast reprochfully and scornfully upon the excellent bishops of england and all the episcopall clergy , who were not inferiour in any regard to the best associators ; when i find that some of them have the confidence to exclude all that have of late yeares been ordained by any bishop with presbyters , though such an one as the late most venerable bishop of norwich , dr. hall , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) when i see that some rigid presbyterians , and popular independents , affect with great magistery to duopolize all church-power , to grasp into their hands and bosomes ( as the sides of a drag-net meeting together ) all ministeriall authority ; not onely not owning the best surviving bishops with any respect , nor yet in any faire way applying to any of them , after all their undeserved indignities , but spitefully and professedly abdicating all communion with them , under the name of bishops , reducing them ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to the levell and parallel of presbyters , ( which the . orthodox fathers , in the fourth generall famous councell of chalcedon , ( which all ministers of england approved and ( i think ) subscribed to ) call ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) an absurd and unreasonable practise , yea ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a great sacriledge ; and zonaras upon that canon makes it a ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) fighting as giants against god , as a dethroning of christ , the bishops eminent authority and presidency in the church being a lively representation of christs sitting in the midst of the throne , who did ( undoubtedly ) delegate his visible authority of governing the church to the chief apostles , above the . and all other teachers ; after which manner and proportion these chief apostles , who were the first and great bishops after christ , did both commit and derive their authority to the following bishops their successors , who were a lesser sort or second edition of apostles : when i see what an idol some ministers and people make of their scotch-covenant , by which great engine , or military ram , they still think themselves bound to batter episcopacy , as if their covenanting against it as it then stood in england , were an obligation to persecute all episcopacy for ever ; when in earnest , the least variation of its former constitution both satisfies and absolves from that bond , which some men still superstitiously venerate , as if it were an image faln from heaven , a matter of divine precept and institution , and not rather of humane machination and politick invention ; ( which we are sure it was , ) as if it were the solemn result of the pious or of the peaceable and publick sense of this nation , and not rather the issue of troubled braines and broken times : indeed many forget that the covenant smells more of fire , smoke of sulphur and gun-powder , than of the spouses myrrh and perfumes , of christian love and charity : again , when i consider how passion and pride betrayes many men to rashnesse , rashnesse to folly , folly to obstinacy , obstinacy to presumption , presumption to animosities , and these to unchristian fewds , everlasting despite and bitternesse , which must still be vented as cholerick humors once in a month against the most innocent and primitive episcopacy , yea against the most deserving and yet most suffering bishops , of this church , and of all the world , old and new : when i see the personall errata's and exorbitances or infirmities of some few bishops , by most uncharitable synecdoches , ( which put a part for the whole ) are in a pittifull fallacious way of vulgar oratory urged against all episcopacy and bishops in any orderly eminency or presidentiall authority in the church , contrary to the faith and honour of all antiquity , and the former happy experiences of this reformed church : when i find how wary and shy some ministers are ( in their zeal and forwardnesse for their petty associations ) to seem to own even their own judgements and reall inclinations toward any such condescentions , and close with episcopacy as may reflect upon their former transports ; how loth they are really and freely to offer such proposals as are equable and ingenuous , pure and peaceable , to the episcopall party , who aim at no more than such a paternall presidency and order , as may best preserve the undoubted power of ordination and ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , as it was primitively setled in and transmitted by the hands of the first bishops , who immediately succeeded the apostles : when i see ( as i plainly do ) this partiality , restivenesse , and cowardise in some ministers of good parts , then do i almost sink in despaire ever to see or enjoy ( while i live in england ) any thing in the order , government , and discipline of this church , that may look like the primitive pattern ; which was indeed a catholicon , approved in all churches , used in all ages , and submitted to by all sorts of good christians ; the onely proper antidote ( i think ) against the poysons of our times ; farre beyond any of these kind of new confections , which tampering and partiall empiricks may make or boast of , and prescribe to those that list to be their tame and credulous customers ; who will find that all these new balsames of covenanting and associating against episcopacy , are not onely not soveraignly or solidly healing , but full of noxious , festering , and pernicious qualities , scalding one place while they seem to skin over another . so that if i should onely look to the arme of flesh , or at some ministers inconstant , ingratefull , violent , partiall and intractable spirits , there is little hopes that either they or their sectators will return to any happy close and generall accord , without a miracle : and indeed it would be as strange to see some ministers return with meeknesse , and submit to their lawfull and worthy bishops , as their fathers , or chief heads and rulers of their ecclesiasticall fraternities and families , under any the most innocent qualification and temper of episcopacy , as it was to see saint dennis his corps or trunk take up his head and carry it . miles after it was cut off , as the french legends report of that martyr ; so prepossessed and prejudiced some ministers and their disciples are against the order and honour of their own calling and function , no lesse than against the happiness of this church , both ministers and people , against the peace also and prosperity of the reformed religion of this nation ; all which are so concerned in a right episcopacy , ( wherein the reall interests of christian people , sober presbyters , and worthy bishops should be all preserved ) that in earnest i cannot see how they can , without such an orderly communion and venerable authority , ever be happy , because not united either in principles or practises , in opinion or affection . i believe no good christian is so blind as not to see , that faith cannot in this world be separated from charity , that churches divisions are their confusion ; as leaky and unhooped vessels let out much , if not all the good liquor in them . chap. viii . therefore , leaving these my hotter-spirited brethren to take breath , after their earnest pursuits against episcopacy , and their zealous agitations for either presbyterian or independent interests by the new juncto's of their associations ; expecting in time to find them in a much cooler temper , as already i do all sober and moderate ministers , who unfeignedly approve , and heartily pray for episcopacy in its primitive proportions ; i shall in the next place apply my self to you of the magistracy , nobility and gentry of this nation , if possibly your spirits , less engaged , and so less imbittered in church-contentions , may incline to the meditations and embrace the motions of ecclesiasticall peace and accord in this church and nation . saint paul saw in a vision a man of macedonia coming to him and calling for help . it is not a vision in the night , or a dreame of distresse , but the noon-day or meridian of this churches miseries , which presents to you many thousands of poor people daily overgrown with ignorance , lukewarmness , licenciousnesse , unsetlednesse , superstition , faction , atheisme , and all manner of irreligion ; also many hundreds of poor ministers , ( for none is to be esteemed rich , or renowned , where all are either envyed or condemned by one side or other ) of all perswasions , episcopall , presbyterian , and independent , many of them endued with excellent parts , most of them with competent and usefull abilities , all these , and in them the whole church and nation , call to you , come and help us ; help to redeem us from that vulgar insolency , reproch and contempt into which we are faln ( both our persons and profession ) by our mutuall divisions , our childish contentions , our uncharitable factions , our unseasonable ambitions , our unreasonable revenges , by our immoderate , popular and implacable passions ; help us , as constantine the great did those bishops and other church-men who were met at the famous councill of nice , to burn and bury all those complaints , quarrels , libels , jealousies , disaffections , reproches , dissentions , and mutuall disparagings , under which the ministers and ministry of england now lie and labour ; manasseh being against ephraim , and ephraim against manasseh , and judah against both ; episcopall ministers against presbyterians , and these against episcopall , and independents against both , and some against them all . help to restore us to a condition beyond slaves and villaines , reduce us to the state of ingenuous freedom , such as the law affords all honest and industrious men : reform and reunite us , if it be possible , but not with swords and staves , with pistols and prisons , not by the arbitrary discipline of souldiers , and absolute tribunals of committee-men , not by plundering , sequestring , silencing , and ejecting us out of all upon meer politick jealousies , or onely veniall infirmities ; ( when for the main we carry our selves in all things righteously , soberly , and peaceably . ) do not expose us to men of new lights , to men of erratick judgements and fanatick fancies ; who lay as much religion upon their new disciplines and church-modellings , as upon all the doctrine , piety , and charity of christianity . leave us not to the novel and illegall power and partiality of such men , who will try us with passion , and judge us with prejudice , destroy us with pleasure , & undoe us without appeal or remedy ; who greedily receive accusations against us as ministers , without letting us see or hear our accusers ; which are not alwaies two or three , according to gods command both in the law and gospel , but many times ( testis singularis ) onely one , sometime none , besides some mens jealousies , disaffections , and surmises against us , who seldome give us two admonitions ( after the apostles order ) but at first dash they quite blot us out of their book of life , utterly routing us and our families , disabling us ever after to plead our innocencies , or exercise our abilities , or supply our necessities , in any convenient way of living . help to redeem , if not our persons , which are made by vulgar scorn , as the filth and off-scouring of all estates in this nation , yet at least our function and profession , which was ever esteemed holy ; redeem it from those invasions , intrusions and usurpations , which are made upon it by illiterate , mechanick , sordid and simple people , who can have no true or tolerable authority to be ministers of holy things , when they have no competent abilities , and who being on no hand duly consecrated , set apart , sanctified or ordained for such holy ministrations , cannot but profane , abuse and abase them , by their abominable arrogancies and sacrilegious usurpations , which are the greatest abuses of you and the whole nation . help to restore the dignity and authority of the evangelical ministry to its pristine honour and reverence , to that sanctity and majesty which becomes the deputation and vicegerency , the command and commission of your blessed god & saviour . let not that lie despicable and trampled under the feet of vile men , which is a means ( and the onely ordinary ) to instruct , to convert , to sanctifie , to confirme , to comfort , to save your and your childrens soules . let not that office and function be made triviall , despicable , and execrable among men , which is holy , high and honourable in gods esteem , as his embassage , venerable before the good angels in heaven , and terrible to the very devils in hell. let not the preaching of the word be slighted , mocked , and laughed at , by the unautoritative insolency and unsufficiency of unordained and impudent praters , who will never make powerfull preachers . let not the solemnity of publick prayers and sacraments be made ridiculous , vaine and void , by the simplicity and barrennesse , the non-sense and flatnesse , the slovenly rudenesse and confusion of those undertakers to officiate , whom no man ( in christs name ) hath duly authorised or sent according to any primitive pattern , or catholick custome in this and other churches . when the authority of ministers is doubted , denyed , divided , despised on all sides , it is impossible there should be any unity or charity among either ministers themselves , or those to whom they thus brokenly minister holy things ; nor can there be any reverent and sacred esteem of those things , which they so administer , with so much variety , dubiousness , and inconformity . civill respect to ministers of the gospel will follow , where there is a religious regard to their ministry , as sacred and divine , indeed as christs , for so it is , or it is none upon any religious account : therefore i forbear to urge you with any importunities , in order to restore the pristine honors and dignities , the many priviledges and great plenty , which the clergy enjoyed in england . i know those are unseasonable motions in an iron age , amidst so many sacrilegious spirits as envy even those pittances that yet remaine of oyle in the cruses or meale in the barrels of poor ministers , who are ( generally ) in a low , depressed , squeesed and almost exhausted condition : not onely publick exactions , but private sharkings of people , in many , if not most places , have reduced heretofore convenient livings to pittifull tenuities . ministers affect indeed to wear longer haire than they were wont ; but their condition is now so much shorne and shaved , since the scots rasor was first applyed , that most of them are very bare and quite bald , to the great joy of papists & the viler sort of licentious people , who want but one vote more to perfect their desired reformation ; that is , to take away all tithes and glebes , rather giving them to moloch or beelzebub , than to christ , his church and his ministery , to whom these are paid by many men so grudgingly , sharkingly and superciliously , that few scholars of any generous minds and parts will apply themselves now to be ministers ; and many grave men , heretofore devoted to that calling , are content to be silent , rather than to preach to ungratefull and gain-saying people ; yea some ministers think it better to starve with honor , than to be fed with scorn , preferring any calling before that , which must first work , then beg or contest for its wages . but as the poverty and tenuity of ministers , the popular contempt of their persons and calling , the neglect and irreverence of holy ministrations , the intrusions and usurpations of petulant people upon their function ; as all these could not have grown upon them , had they not been scattered and divided among themselves ( for by these cracks and leakes those bitter waters have prevailed thus far to sink and depresse them : ) so the reducing of ministers to some unity in their judgments , to uniformity in their ministrations , to an identity or samenesse for their ministeriall power and ordination , also to a decent subordination and government among themselves , these methods would be most effectuall , beyond any thing i can think of , to remedy all those great inconveniences and mischiefes under which they now labour and grone . from ministers mutuall separations , affrontings , reprochings , oppressings , and despisings of one another , common people have learned the language and carriage of clownery and contempt : for how can people see any thing worthy their civill , much lesse consciencious respect and love toward any ministers , when they see , hear , and read , how they depreciate and scorn , envy and maligne , shun and abominate one another on all sides , each invalidating or disparaging the others authority to officiate , and almost annulling all they do in holy duties as ministers ? be they never so able and fit as to their gifts , knowledge , utterance , holy lives and good report in all things ; yet still they are thought by some side or other either to enjoy more than they merit , or to arrogate more than is their due , or wholly to usurp that which is no way their due . certainly , it is not a more pious and christian , than heroick and prudent work , to reconcile the discrepancies and feuds that are grown among ministers of severall formes and names , as to their ordination , or admission to their ministry . and , since there are on all sides men of very good abilities , commendable lives , and usefull parts in this publick service , as ministers of the church , it is infinite pitty that christians should be by any prejudices deprived of the common benefit to be had by them ; or by factious and frivolous discriminations , if their ministeriall authority be frustrated of those many blessings which all good christians might happily enjoy , both publickly and privately , by a firm union and uniformity among all true ministers , both in the origination of their power , also in the manner of the derivation and dispensation of it : which harmony as ( without doubt ) it would highly contribute to the honor of the reformed religion , so it would much obstruct the advantages which popery gets by the scandall of ministers discriminations and divisions in this point . for what sober-minded man will not rather adhere to what seems uniform , though an error , than to what seems divided , though a truth ? men will rather turne seekers , quakers , and enthusiasts , than weary themselves in dancing after every ministers pipe , and the new tunes they set to both their ministry and holy ministration . for my part , i should rather choose to live in a solitude as a private christian , or retire to any corner of the land as a minister , than to correspond with such societies of preachers as are either evidently schismaticall in their principles , or onely formally and partially associating in their politick practises , which do but declare their spirits to be at as great distance from their duties , both to their betters and their equalls , as ever they were . i prefer a cottage in a smooth and peaceable wildernesse , before such palaces as are built among briars and thornes . i am sorry and ashamed to see those ministers who are able and worthy to use the trowell for edification , should be so eagerly imployed at the swords , for mutuall destruction : since they generally agree to preach and live christ crucified , since they do for the maine correspond in doctrinalls of faith and morality , yea in holy mysteries and ministrations ; what a misery is it they should not all endure the same imposition of hands , or the same holy and catholick ordination ? yea what pitty is it , they should not all dare to say publickly and ministerially the same creed , the lords prayer and the ten commandements ; to all which i suppose they all are ready privately to say amen ? how sad a prospect is it , to see those men who professe such zeal for church government and good discipline , to be so little governed or correspondent in any wise communion and discreet subordination among themselves ? and all this while every plausible preacher is ambitious rather to ordain and governe others after his own fancy , than to be ordained and governed as a minister after the apostolicall pattern , and that one ancient forme which was universally owned and uniformly used in christs church , both for the ordination and subordination of ministers . chap. ix . in order therefore to invite all able , orthodox and honest ministers to some christian correspondency and fraternall accord , it will not be amisse for me to present both to your equanimous wisdome , ( o worthy gentlemen ) and to your piety , what i humbly conceive the best medium to be used in so great and good a work , which must be tenderly and impartially carried on by a serious discovery and discerning , first , what is really good , usefull , and commendable in any party , that this may be allowed and preserved , agreed to and embraced by all ; secondly , what either is or seems defective or superfluous , evill or inconvenient , scandalous or dangerous on any side , that this may be either pared off and removed , since it may be well spared , or else in reason and religion , in piety and charity , so qualified and moderated , as may comply with what is truely good and usefull for the publick on all sides . first then to begin with episcopacy , not as it enjoyes or loseth the benefits of secular favour in estate , honour , or jurisdiction , ( which are not essentiall to it , any more than cloths are to the man ) but as it appeares in its apostolick primacy of order , in its catholick centre of unity , in its chief power for ordination and ecclesiasticall jurisdiction ; which it ever enjoyed among good christians , though it were never so poore and abased by civill powers , as it was in primitive times of persecution for . yeares . the reall good of true episcopacy ( which undoubtedly hath the clearest , best and most ancient title to ordination & church-government , according to the custome and prescription of all ages for . years ) is decency , order , unity , authority , stability , paternall presidency , grave government , with subordination of younger to the elder , and inferiours to superiours , agreeable to the rules of right reason , and the measures of the best polities , military , civill and religious . here are the aptest remedies and conservatives against schismes , the fittest mediums for catholick councils , for correspondencies , conventions and communion of churches , not in popular rabbles and heady multitudes , but in their chief presidents and representatives . in this is best kept up , as an uniformity of particular churches , so a catholick conformity to the church universall , when primitive , purest and most persecuted , which without any peradventure did follow the apostolick prescription and pattern in all things of so universall use and reception . upon the head of episcopacy , as upon the hill of hermon , hath the dew of heaven , the blessings of god , as in temporall enjoyments , so in all spirituall gifts and graces , most plentifully faln , and from that to all the lower valleys and inferiour parts of the church . to this it is that all the most learned , moderate and wise men in all the christian world , of what ever party or side they are in other things , whether latine or greek , lutheran or calvinian , protestant or papist , all agree in this , that episcopacy is the ancientest and aptest , the wisest and noblest , the onely apostolick and catholick , consequently the best and compleatest of governments in the church ; containing in its right constitution and use all the pretended excellencies of all other governments , and something more than any of them , as the crown and perfection of all . the evills , defects and dangers incident to episcopacy , ( and rising not from the function or imployment , but from the persons of bishops , ) are pride , ambition , secular height and idle pomp , a supercilious despiciency , and lordly tyrannizing over other ministers , and the flocks of christ under their inspection ; arrogating a power to do all things imperiously , arbitrarily and alone , without any due regard either to that charitable satisfaction which was anciently given to christian people , or to that fraternall counsell and concurrence , which might and ought in reason to be had from learned and grave presbyters , or such consistoryes of choise ministers , who possibly may for wisdome , piety and ability , be equall to the bishop , however they are inferiour in order and authority . as the complete good of presidentiall and paternall episcopacy deserves above all other formes to be esteemed , desired and used in the church ; so it may easily and happily be enjoyed , if the personall faults and failings of bishops be prevented and avoided , which is no hard matter where bishops are chosen ( as anciently they were ) by the suffrages of the presbyters or ministers of the diocese either personally present , or , to avoid noise and tumult incident to many , by their proxyes and representees chosen and sent from their severall distributions . the bishop thus chosen is easily kept within bounds of moderation , if he do nothing of publick concerne validly and conclusively without the presence , counsell and concurrence of his appointed presbyters ; being further responsible for any misgovernment , to such conventions of the clergy as are meet to be his judges , and are by the laws appointed so to be . certainly these limits , supports and ornaments of episcopacy , would easily restore it to and keep it in the compasse of its primitive beauty , honor , and usefulnesse to the church . the good of presbytery ( especially in conjunction with episcopacy ) is grave and impartiall counsell , serious discussion and well-advised deliberation , arising from many learned and godly men , which is as the joynt and concurrent assistance of all the clergy ; whose publick suffrages may carry all things ecclesiastick as with lesse partiality , so with more authority , most satisfactorily to ministers and people too , yea and with lesse odium or envy upon any one man as bishop or president , in cases that seem lesse popular , or in censures that are more heavy . beyond all this some men cry up presbytery in its aristocratick influence , as the great choak-peare of antichrist ; as the best receipt in the world to make the pope burst in pieces , like the pitch and haire which daniel mixed to split bel and dagon : this , this they say is the strongest sense against all tyranny , usurpation and ambition in church-men , the great conservative not of an absolute parity , but of those ancient priviledges which are due to all ministers ; also of those liberties and indulgences which are the peoples darling , while they see all church-matters managed not by private and partiall monopolies , but by publick and generall complacencies of all sober and good men , at least the major part of them . the evils of presbytery in a parity or equality are , emulation , faction , division among ministers ; the younger sort naturally mutinying against the elder , and the graver sort thinking themselves more wise & worthy than the younger . hence grudgs and coldnesses , cavils and contradictions , sidings and divisions ; hence adherings to severall heads and patrons of factions , in different opinions or practises . then follow popular adherencies , and such declamatory endeavours as may most draw people to severall masters : all which are sufficiently evidently the experiences of franckfort of old , of roterdam in later years , also of new and old england ; besides the intolerable petulancies and troubles by masterly presbyters in scotland for many yeares in king james his minority , and king charles his too . all these have loudly proclaimed that malapertnesse , rudenesse , insolency , effrontery , factions , confusions , are the genuine fruites of an un-sub - presbytery , as indeed of all government which is made up with parity or equality , which is rather a lump or masse of flesh , like monstrous and abortive births , than any comely polity or symmetry befitting an organized body , which must have some prime part for the honor , order and regulation of the whole , which must needs be loose , diffused and confused , if it be not cemented , centred and fixed ( yea ruled and awed ) with some eminent part and principall power , which having virtue from the whole , gives also life , vigor , firmation and majesty , as to the whole body , so to the government and polity , what ever it be , civill or ecclesiastick ; being as the hoopes or curbes of vessels , which keep all the pipe-staves together . the want of which authoritative order , decorum and majesty in government , is prone to give such temptations to young and hot-headed ministers , ( besides giddy and surly people , moving them to ambitious novelties , to popular and preposterous practises ) that men of parts cannot easily resist them . besides , the generality of people , either of meaner or better quality ( especially in england ) will never have such reverence to petty presbyters in a levelled parity , as they will have when they see ministers united , guided , honored and animated by a person of that gravity , age , worth and eminency , that not onely the best ministers own him as a father , but the best gentlemen , yea noblemen , will reverence him as a man of excellent learning , piety and wisdome ; whose censure or sentence no man of modesty or conscience can despise , when they are managed with so much reason and religion , with such order and honor , with such gravity and integrity , as become such bishops and such presbyters , happily united in a comely subordination . the good that independency pretends to hold forth to the people of god , or christs little flock , in its severall parts and lesser parcels , is a more neer union and endeared love of each other , a closer care and watching over each others souls , more frequent and familiar intercourses between pastor and people , exercising of their own , exciting and discovering of their brethrens gifts and sisters graces , neerer communion with each other , after the fashion of bodies , though small , yet so complete and confined to themselves , that they are neither subject nor responsible to any but their own chosen members , officers and pastor ; whose tribunitian , not imperatorian , power is immediately founded ( as they say ) in the very plebs or herd of people , as derived immediately from christ , and so completely endued with all church-power or spirituall authority , that they are to try , elect , ordain , censure , rebuke , depose , excommunicate and give over to satan any part of their body . they further professe an art or receipt they have above all others to keep all ordinances of christ most entire and pure from all humane mixtures and inventions , most set off and adorned with that simplicity , sincerity , fervency , charity and sanctity which becomes the gospel ; all which are most eminently manifested in the precincts of their little bodies , their independent or congregationall churches , farre beyond what ever either episcopacy or presbytery , severally or socially , could attain unto . these are the gloryings of independency . the evils laid to the charge of independency are , first , novelty and inconformity to all pious antiquity . a way untaught , untryed , unthought of by any christians that owned themselves as parts of the church catholick , and related to its grand community or sacred society . it meanly and miserably confines the majesty of ecclesiasticall power , and shrinks its authority ; it drawes the churches polity and communion to so very narrow and small a compasse , that independency seemes to act rather by distorted and convulsive motions , than by that equable harmony of parts which attends all orderly bodies in their concurrent motions . farther , it exposeth particular churches or congregations , together with the honor and safety of religion and all christian states , to petty parties and fractions , to popular , nay plebeian humors : it abaseth the honor of the evangelicall ministry , weakning the power , and diminishing the dignity of all christian societies , mincing and destroying those ancient grand and goodly combinations , which were apostolicall and primitive , in the respective churches of jerusalem , antioch , the . churches of asia , and many others , cutting them into small chips and shreds . it placeth the sole and absolute power of the keyes , for doctrine and discipline , there where no wise man , much lesse the wise redeemer of his church , would place them , even among the vulgar , where are seldome found any fit subjects capable to understand , much lesse to manage and use them . that such are the common sort and major part of all people , no wise man is ignorant : though they may be plainly and simply good , yet seldome are they so prudent , so knowing , so composed , or of such credit and reputation , as is fit for any government either in church or state to be committed to them , as the grand masters and absolute dictators ; which they seem to be in the independent modell , which either hath so many heads that it hath no feet , or so many feet that it hath no head . furthermore , independency seems like the flats and shallowes of ponds and rivers , the proper beds for all faction and schisme to spawne upon ; the seminary that breeds , and noursery that feeds all the vermine of religion ; while every silly soul , that can but get two or three to conspire with his folly , and flatter his new fancy , may without feare or wit make a minister , begin a party , and beget a church , built and distinguished by some new character of opinion or practise , as its badg or sign-post . besides this , independency is indicted by many sober men as a felon or plagiary , a sacrilegious robber of other churches , one that steales away children from their spirituall fathers , sheep from their flocks and shepherds , seducing servants from their masters , and children from their parents , true religion , worship and devotion , yea from all christian communion with them ; entising them first to straggle , then to separate , then to starve rather than returne to the good pasture and fold whence they have once wandered . lastly , as it affects an equall and yet enormous power in every part of the whole body ; so it exerciseth this authority with such confusion and passion , with so much childishnesse and petulancy , that there is little or nothing of due subordination , feare , reverence and submission , as to any divine authority , as of conscience of or for christs sake ; but every one takes offence when he listeth , growes froward and insolent , divides , and so destroyes ( as much as in him lyes , and at as easie a rate as one doth crush a worme ) those petty bodies and puny churches , which are indeed but infants , embryo's and pygmies , compared to that stature and strength , that procerity and puissance , which of old was preserved , and ever ought to be in the church of christ , when it hath its peace and growth ; not shred into poor patches and pittifull parcels , but united , maintained and managed in conspicuous combinations , in ample and august proportions ; in which may well be contained many thousands of christian people , some hundreds of worthy presbyters and deacons , under some one or more venerable bishops , in so holy , so happy , and so handsome a subordination or dependency as was of old , that whatever was done by the authority of those that ruled , or the humility of those that obeyed , all was done with charity and unanimity , while excellent bishops knew how to keep the true temper of christian government , and both presbyters and people concurred with them in filial obedience and fraternall love . chap. x. thus we see every party or side , however it justifie or magnifie it selfe , yet it falls under either the blame or jealousie of its rivals , as defective or excessive ; yet not so much in the fundamentals of religion , or main points , either for doctrine , worship , duty , or manners , as chiefly in matters of ordination , discipline , and government : nor is the difference here so broad , that any side denies them as necessary both in the parts and whole , in greater and lesser proportions , for the church of christ ; but the reall dispute is , who shall mannage and execute them , in whom the chief power and authority shall reside , whether eminently in bishops , or solely in presbyters , or supremely in the people , as the alpha and omega , the first recipient and the last result of church-power . all sides ( except fanaticks , seekers , and enthusiasts ) seem to agree , as in the canon of the scripture , so in the soundnesse of the faith , in the sanctity of divine mysteries , in the celebration of them by such as are some way ordained and authorised for that holy service ; also in the participation of them by such onely as are in the judgement of charity worthy or meet to be partakers of them . all agree in the main christian graces , virtues , and morals required in a good christians practise ; yet still each party is suspected and reproched by others : the brisk independent boasts of the liberty , simplicity , and purity of his way , yet is blamed for novelty , subtilty , vulgarity & anarchy ; the rigid presbyterian glories in his aristocratick parity and levelling community , which makes every petty presbyter a pope and a prince , though he disdain to be a priest , yet is taxed for petulancy , popularity , arrogancy and novelty , casting off that catholick and ancient order , which god and nature , reason and religion , all civill and military policy , both require and observe among all societies . episcopacy justly challengeth the advantages , right and honor of apostolick and primitive antiquity , of universality and unity , beyond any pretenders ; yet is this condemned by some for undue incrochments and oppressions upon both ministers and peoples ingenuous liberty , and christian priviledge , by a kind of secular height and arbitrary soveraignty , to which many bishops in after-ages have been betrayed , as by their own pride and ambition , so by the indulgence of times , the munificence of christian princes , and sometimes by the flatteries of people . take away the popular principle of the first , which prostrates government to the vulgar ; take away the levelling ambition of the second , which degrades government to a very preposterous and unproportionate parity ; take away the monopoly of the third , which seems to ingrosse to one man more than is meet for the whole : each of them will be sufficiently purged ( as i conceive ) of what is most dangerous or noxious in them , for which they are most jealous of , and divided from each other . restore to people their liberty in some such way of choosing , or at least approving their ministers , and assenting to church-censures , as may become them in reason and conscience ; restore to presbyters their priviledges in such publick counsel and concurrence with their bishops as may become them ; lastly , restore to bishops that primitive precedency and catholick presidency , which they ever had among and above presbyters , both for that chief authority or eminency which they ever had in ordaining of presbyters and deacons , also in exercising such ecclesiasticall discipline and censures , that nothing be done without them : i see no cause why any sober ministers and wise men should be unsatisfied , nor why they should longer stand at such distances and defiances ; as if the liberties of christian people , the privileges of christian presbyters , and the dignity of christian bishops were wholly inconsistent ; whereas they are easily reconciled , and , as a threefold cord , may be so handsomely twisted together , that none should have cause to complaine or be jealous , all should have cause to joy in and enjoy each other : bishops should deserve their eminency with the assistance , counsel and respect of their presbyters ; bishops and presbyters might enjoy the love , reverence and submission of christian people ; both people and presbyters might be blessed with the orderly direction and fatherly protection of the bishops ; all should have the blessings of that sweet subordination , harmony and unity which best becomes the church of jesus christ , both in the governors and governed , in ministers and people ; wherein we see the most antiepiscopall presbyters and refractory people cannot but be so sensible , by their own sufferings , of the want of some principle of order , some band of unity , and some ground of due authority among them , that they are forced to make use of some moderator , chaire-man or prolocutor , as a kind of temporary pilot , and arbitrary bishop ; there being no regular moving of popular bodies in church or state without such an head or president ( as the rudder of a ship , ) whose order as it is usefull , so then most when it is fixed and confirmed with a valid power and venerable authority , which are the maine wheeles of all government . as for the sacramentall scrutinies and other holy severities to be used in any part of christian discipline , with charity and discretion ; however the presbyterian and independent preachers have very much sought in this point to captate popular applause , and exalt themselves above measure , as if they exacted farre greater rigors of preparatory sufficiency and sanctity , than the episcopall clergy ever did or do either require or practise ; yet is this but either a vapour , or a fallacy , or a calumny , in respect of the constant judgement and generall practise of the best of those that were and are of the episcopall judgement , and hold communion with the church of england . for these do ( according to the pious and prudent appointment of the church of england , ) not onely professe , but strictly injoyne , and seriously exact of others , as they practise themselves ; first , competency of sound knowledge in the fundamentals of religion , as to faith and obedience to god and man ; which may be saving , though it be but plaine , and no lesse sanctifying and sincere , though it have lesse of that subtilty , curiosity and sublimity , which some preachers pretend to , and exact of their seraphick disciples , who must seem to fly before they can well go : secondly , the episcopall clergy require pure hearts , good consciences , faith unfeigned , charity without dissimulation , an holy and orderly profession , and in summe , an unblamable life becoming the gospel . in cases of grosse ignorance and reall scandall , they abhorre and avoid , as much as any , to admit men ( profana facilitate ) with a profane easinesse , as st. cyprian speakes , to the profaning of the lords body and blood. they do not knowingly and willingly cast pearles before swine , or holy things to dogs , as the same father speaks . no , the learned and godly episcopall ministers are and ever have been as zealously intent as any , to preach the gospel plainly , powerfully , to all ; to catechise and instruct diligently the younger sort ; to examine carefully the first candidates and expectants , before they are entred into the list or catalogue of communicants , or admitted to the lords supper , being self-examiners as to their faith , repentance , charity , sincerity ; they exhort , admonish , comfort , reprove , yea suspend and refuse some , according to that power which their place and duty requires of them . not that they love or affect to be either arbitrary , sole or supreme in their censures and suspensions or excommunications , well knowing both their own passionate frailties , and other mens touchy impatiencies ; and therefore they desire and are glad to be guided and governed by others , as under authority , both to be asserted by , and responsible in all things to them as their lawfull superiours , to whom appeales properly may and ought in reason to be made either by themselves , or any of the people , in cases of ecclesiastick injuries by excesses or defects . as for speciall grace and effectuall inward conversion , which some men now so much urge as the onely mark of their members and disciples , the episcopall ministers do as earnestly pray for it , and zealously labour to effect it ( as workers together with god ) in peoples hearts , as any the most specious presbyterians or independents . they are heartily glad to find any signes or shewes of grace , much more any reall fruits and effects of gods spirit in christians lives and deeds , as the most pregnant tokens of true grace , and the best grounds of the judgement of charity : but they do not pretend to any spirit or gift of infallibly discerning grace in other mens hearts ; nor do they affect either to make or to glory in impossible scrutinies into mens consciences ; nor do they pharisaically and pragmatically exercise magisteriall censures , either alone or with others , in any consistory , conventicle or congregation of elders , or priests or people , as to those inscrutable points of true grace , or of the spirit of god in mens hearts , which is the secret of the lord , conceiving that the visible polity and outward communion of the church of christ do not depend upon any such characters or discriminations of grace , ( which are inward and invisible , known to none but gods and a mans own spirit ) but upon such a confession with the mouth , and profession in the outward conversation , as are both discernable by mans judgement of charity , and approvable both in reason and religion , as sufficient grounds for church-communion , according to the example of christ toward judas , and of the apostles toward simon magus , both which were admitted to visible church-fellowship , to the lords supper and to baptisme , not for the true grace they had , but for the outward confession and profession they made to believe in jesus christ and to embrace the gospel . whereas the inward grace is as easily pretended by specious hypocrites , as it is believed by credulous christians , when they list to comply with and flatter one another in the way of soft and formall expressions , or of false and affected language ; which may easily have god and christ , grace and spirit on mens tongues , when these are far from their hearts . da populo phaleras , lay aside the late fine words and flourishes used by some presbyterians and independents , who would seem more precise and devout than all other preachers ; come to solid truths , to holy lives , to good works , to self-denying and mortifications of potent lusts , as the best discoveries of gracious hearts ; god forbid any of them should in these grand and costly realities , ( whatever cheap formalities or phrases others affect ) go beyond the practise and experience of worthy episcopall divines , and other christians of their adherency and communion , who hardly believe that these very professors of such new modes of religion , these exactors of new rigid experiments , as to inward grace , as if it were to be tried by mans day or tribunall , do ( in earnest ) find themselves much improved in any spirituall gifts , graces or comforts , since they peremptorily forsooke the communion of the church of england . in opposition to which they have had either no sacraments for these twice . yeares , or onely after such a new way of partiall discriminations , as lookes very like uncharitable schisme , censorious and imperious faction . divines of the episcopall perswasion do indeed modesty and humbly content themselves with the scripture discoveries and primitive characters of saintship , with what then first intitled christians to a christain visible communion or church-fellowship as saints in profession . they count it no shame to be sometimes charitably deceived as to true grace in others , but a great sin and shame to be uncharitably censorious , flatteringly confident of some , and needlesly severe to others . they see that the pretenders to be so great criticks in this new way of trying either ministers or church-members , are ( many times ) grosly and childishly abused by some mens crafty insinuations and pretensions ; otherwhile they are unchristianly rigid , and incredulously severe against other mens sober professions and unblamable lives . they well know that mans eye can look no further than the outward appearance , the polished case of mens confessions & conversations , god onely looks into the cabinet of mens hearts and consciences . they judge it a great pride and popular arrogancy in such pittifull men , ( who were and are but very obscure masters in israel , ) to set up this new court or inquisition of ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) heart-discoverie , which is a very high-commission indeed , yea a very high presumption , when poor men have no such power , authority or commission given them from god , no precept or pattern in scripture ; where we know that the master of the harvest ( the blessed god ) tolerates , as to mans discipline , those to grow in the same field of his visible church in this world , who differ as much in point of true grace , as wheat and tares do in their nature and worth . so that as the curiosity and confidence of episcopall divines is far lesse than that of those other preachers , so their candor , modesty and charity is much more becoming wise , grave and sober ministers ; whose care must be humbly to do that work which god hath required of them , and to leave his own operations , discoveries and judgements to his all-seeing eye and almighty power , as st. cyprian expresseth the sense and practise of christian bishops and presbyters in his time , as to church-scrutiny and examination . the strictnesse of worthy episcopall divines is such in things that are rationall , grave , wise , and truly religious , that no man exceeds their desires , designes , endeavours and principles , in soundnesse and diligence of preaching , in the warmth and discretion of praying , in the sanctity and solemnity of celebrating christian mysteries , in the serious dispensation of ministeriall power , and the usefull execution of church-censures or discipline , even to fasting , prayers , teares , penitentiall mortifications in themselves , and due restitutions to others in cases of injury , so for reconciliation and some speciall works of bounty and charity , which may testifie a self-revenge , and most satisfaction to others . they are ambitious to excell in nothing more than in well-doing , and patient suffering , in all the waies and offices of piety , humility , obedience , peace and charity ; yea such is their moderation , concession , and recession from their wonted practise and indulged priviledges or power by mans law , that they not onely approve , but desire the joynt counsell and concurrence of grave and worthy presbyters in all things of ecclesiastick ministry and publick concernment ; yea they allow christian people their sober liberty , as of presence and conscience , so of objection and approbation , in all proceedings where they are interessed ; that they may either fairely testifie their full satisfaction , or else produce the grounds of their dissatisfaction , in all things that concern their advantages in religion . all which the glorious primate of armagh testifies in his late printed treatise of reconciling episcopall and synodicall power in the church-government . if the earnest pleaders for presbytery , and the sticklers for independency , which are the professed extirpators of episcopacy , had the same equanimity and calmnesse in them as the moderate episcopall men have , i do not see what could hinder them from giving the right hand of fellowship to each other : certainly it cannot be the reall concernments of christs glory , and the good of christian soules , but particular factions , oblique biasses , and some partiall popular respects , which continue such mis-understandings , distances and animosities between the episcopall divines , the presbyterian preachers , and the independent teachers ; who thus severed from each other lose all the great advantages and blessings which they and the whole church might enjoy , if they could wisely , humbly and meekly close in one subordination and harmonious order , as did all christian bishops , presbyters , deacons and people in primitive times ; of which st. ignatius , irenaeus , tertullian , st. cyprian , st. ambrose , st. austin , st. jerom , with many other writers , give us a thousand clear instances and happy experiences . the inordinate heates of the chief patrons and ring-leaders , as to any of these new waies and parties , would soon allay and coole , if their petty policies , secular interests , self-seekings and popular complacencies were wholly laid aside ; if these wedges were once pulled out of mens hearts , their hands would soon close together : momentary advantages would soon give way and vanish , if all ministers were possessed with that great and good spirit , which directs all believers to things that are eternall , chiefly looking at gods glory , christs honor , the churches peace , and the salvation of all mens souls . petty spirits , opinions and projects are the pests of the church and of christian religion ; these betray it to the enemies of it , such as seek to abase it , to divide it , and to destroy it . chap. xi . and here , because i suspect and see that the designe of the new associating parties seems chiefly to unite presbyterian and independent principles and interests together , that presbyters and people ( as teaching and ruling elders ) might fully possesse themselves of all church-power , ( though to their own confusion and this churches desolation ) excluding all ministers of episcopall principles ; pleas and perswasions , further than they list humbly to submit to truckle under and comply with those ministers who resolve to ordain , to censure and suspend , to excommunicate and anathematize , to dictate and regulate all things in religion , without owning any authority in , or making any ingenuous offer or addresse to , the venerable bishops yet surviving in engl. or to those divines who are still conform to the church of england ; but all the claimes and interests of episcopacy must be either smothered , or slubbered over , or shuffled into the meteor of a moderator , and the phantasme of a prolocutor ; as if there never had been , nor yet were , any thing considerable either in the persons of these bishops and ministers , or in those many strong pleas and cleare allegations of scripture-pattern , and divine prescription of apostolick practise and imjunction , of catholick imitation and perswasion , in all the consent of ancient councils , fathers and historians , yea in the judgment of all the best christians , presbyters , and people of old , nay nor in the confessions , votes and desires of the most learned & pious reformers both at home and abroad , that either enjoy episcopacy , or feel their want of it , and heartily wish for it ; but all must be slighted as childish or popish , as obsolete or ridiculous , which is brought and believed by so many excellent persons , in behalf of episcopall eminency and authority : yea , as if all the losses , sorrowes and sufferings of so many pious , learned , reverend and most excellent bishops in england , ( together with the miseryes of many orderly and worthy clergy men that were subject to them and the laws ) were so just , that they were never to be pittied , nor any way relieved ; as if all the insolencies of many presbyters , and the petulancies of many people , were highly to be commended , as great helps and furtherances to a new reformation of religion ; as if there were nothing of uncharitableness , oppression , revenge , sacriledg and exorbitancy , so much as to be thought on or repented by any one of them , no lesse than complained of by their episcopal brethren , ( who are become their enemies because they have told them the truth , and charge them with inconstancy , immoderation , popularity , schisme , faction , sedition and the like ; ) so stiffe and unrelenting are some antiepiscopall men to this day , who after all these representations of truth wipe their mouthes , and harden their hearts , as if there were no error , evill or transport in their hands or hearts , alwaies aggravating by a vile and vulgar oratory the rigors and tyrannies of some bishops , as if all were to be blamed , none to be commended ; and highly magnifying the zeal themselves have for a through reformation , that is , that they might freely and fully gratifie their own and peoples ambitions , by setting episcopacy and all bishops quite beside the saddle , on purpose to make way for themselves , who are for the most part as fit to governe churches alone as apes are to build houses . i crave leave in order to promote a faire and firme accommodation , ( with all ingenuous freedom and candor ) to make some more particular application of my desire and designs , to those ministers of the presbyterian and independent waies , who have opposed their faces , sharpned their tongues or pens , and hardened their hearts most against all episcopacy , even in the most innocent , usefull , regular and moderate constitution of it . i meane that primitive order and paternall residency which was universally acknowledged to be eminently in one president , as bishop or chief pastor over many presbyters in his diocese , after the pattern of the . apostles , who were by christs appointment above the . and so their declared successors , as timothy , titus , archippus , & those others who are called the angels of the . asian churches , with many others to whom they derived , not onely their example and practical constitution , but their authority and power ecclesiastical as is evident by the canons and rules set forth , not onely in ancient councils , but in the epistles to timothy and titus , for the setling and managing of church-order , discipline and government , in such a way as clearly gives not to any consistory , or company of presbyters and people , but to one man a paramount authority , as bishop or superiour , both in ordination and jurisdiction above others as his inferiours , and so subordinate to his spirituall power so far as to reprove , examine , censure , reject , &c. all which being to me immoveable and immutable foundations for the establishing of episcopall presidency ( as the onely succession of that ordinary apostolick power and authority which is necessary to be alwaies in the church of christ ) they do make me dayly by these considerations more restive and lesse compliant to any new waies or associatings than perhaps otherwise i should be , both by the sociablenesse of my temper , and my earnest desire for another way of happy union among ministers of worth and moderation . this uncorrespondency , to which i am upon those grounds compelled , is with the greater regret to me , because i know the learning , the industry , the zeal , the piety , the ingenuity , the potency of some of those ( my dissenting brethren ) in their preaching , writing , praying and living . i am charitably perswaded of many of their sincerity , in aiming at gods glory , and at the purity of holy ministrations . i do not see wherein many of them differ from the best episcopall divines , ancient or modern , as to any main matter of religion in doctrine or duty . nor can i find any reason yet alledged by any of them , sufficient to justifie that pertinacious distance and defiance which ( of later yeares onely ) they have taken up against episcopacy , meerly upon the account of jealousie and impatiency to choose and admit a learned , grave and worthy bishop , as a fixed father or constant governour and grave moderator , authoritatively to preside among them in their severall grand distributions or dioceses , after that order and eminency which were most comely for them , and most unquestionable , as to the fixing and completing of church-order and government , to all sober christians satisfaction . i will not tax or suspect the soberest of my presbyterian or independent brethren of such pride and arrogancy , as can endure no superiour or chief among them ; i rather conceive it was a sympathethick impulse at first from those scotish motions and pretentions , which swerved them not onely from the former good constitution of the church of england , to which they heretofore very orderly and happily submitted , but also from their conformity to the catholick church in that point , to which i believe their judgement heretofore , ahd inclination now , may incline and lead them , as apparently best for their publick and private interests . some are prone to suspect , that the best of them did not heretofore submit so humbly and heartily to their lawfull superiours and governours in the church , as in duty and conscience , by the lawes of god and man they ought to have done others challenge them for want as of piety and honesty , so of christian charity , yea and of common humanity or compas●ion ; for their forwardnesse and fiercenesse to undoe all bishops and all dignified clergy-men ▪ at least for their ready consent to their utter ruine , holding the garments of those that stoned them to death ; never so much as praying heartily for them while they were in power , nor yet pittying them in their miscarriages or calamities , no nor so far interceding for or listning to any just moderation , which was oft proposed and offered , as might have been not more happy for the bishops , than for themselves as presbyters , yea for this whole church and all christian people in england . i am willing to hope that many ministers mutations began with good affections , and were carried on at first with principles of sincerity and zeal , though not with that knowledge , meekness and wisdome which was requisite . but to many of them that are now the most haughty , stiffe and obstina●e against all accommodating with episcopacy , i cannot but still appeale , whether they do not in their consiences find that either at first or afterward , some secular advantages and private hopes did not a little warp and sway their inclinations to novelties ; whether they felt not the secret , but dissembled strokes of discontent , anger , envy , revenge , popularity , ambition , feigned jealousies , inordinate affectations of liberty , exciting and animating them to the utter extirpation of episcopacy ; whether they did not by a self-conceit generally imagin themselves , not onely jointly but severally , as fit and able to govern the church in the whole or in parcels , as any , yea all the bishops in england ; whether any of them do believe the case of episcopacy to have ever been fully heard , freely discussed , and impartially stated , by the peaceable wisdom and piety of this nation ; whether many of these ministers , ( as politicians and statesmen ) did not rather comply with the streame and vogue of times running fiercely against episcopacy , than with their own clear convictions in reason , law , scripture , antiquity , conscience ; whether they kept that equanimity and moderation in all things of this nature , which became wise and good men of an evangelicall spirit and temper , or were not biassed , yea transported by something that was popular and sinister ; whether they do not think that the violence and precipitancy of some of their examples , was beyond all solid arguments to drive many well-meaning ministers and people to such heady and hot petitionings against episcopacy , and to such pittilesse antipathies against all the most excellent bishops , which were then , and still are england . last of all , i appeal to all sober ministers , whether they do not think that episcopacy , as now it is stripped and devested of all secular greatnesse , and reduced to primitive poverty , might be as safely restored , as any of their crude and new associations in their severall stations and formations , with their mutable moderators and temporary presidents , either in greater or lesser circles , which are but the thin parings , small shreds , and weaker shivers of episcopacy : whether they do not in their consciences think that some righteous and just compensation ought to be done to good bishops , and to the case of true episcopacy , which have suffered so hard measure a long time now in england ; that so we might not in this nation ( beyond any place in the christian world ) cast eternall and indeleble reproches ▪ not onely upon this church , since its first plantation , but upon the catholick church of christ in all ages and places , as if wilfully ( for ignorantly they could not ) they had from the beginning swerved from the apostles prescript and example , in the order and government , discipline and authority which was to be in the church of christ . i will not suspect any honest-hearted or worthy minister of having been so base and sacrilegious in his spirit , as therefore to cry down episcopacy root and branch , new and old , good and bad , out of secret hopes of filthy lucre and secular glory , expecting some benefit by plundring the personall estates of bishops , or by sequestring the revenues of their churches , or gaging to buy at last some good peniworths of them . these temptations were so black and base , so sordid and plutonian , that they may not be suspected of any ministers or other men , but those whose notorious actions have put them beyond all suspicion . presuming therefore in charity , that those precipitant alterations in church-government , which have produced so sad consequences and calamities in this church , were from principles of honesty and purposes of integrity in the best ministers on all sides at first ; and finding now that the itch of former novelties is past , and the pleasure of ministers scratching one another is now very little , because of the rawnesse and sorenesse of all their common conditions , besides the distractions and confusions of ordinary people ; and foreseeing that this painfull posture is not onely very grievous to all honest protestants , but dangerous to this church and nation , if they be not speedily healed ; give me further leave to ask of the greatest zelots and sticklers against all episcopacy , and the admirers of either presbytery or independency , whether ( after they reflect upon the rough meanes used , and the sad events which have followed the design of extirpating episcopacy , and introducing any other waies ) they do still believe , was pretended , that either the god of order , or the saviour of his church , who is the bishop of our soules , and the exemplary institutor of episcopall eminency in his chief apostles , for power and authority over all parts of his church , ( who accordingly transmitted their ordinary power and superintendency to others , as bishops , or successive or minor apostles in all churches , ) whether ( i say ) they do in earnest believe that god , or christ , or the apostles , ever were or are such enemies to all episcopall order and presidentiall eminency as hath been vulgarly clamored and passionately pretended ; so that now after . yeares prescription and succession of episcopacy in all churches , god is not to be pleased unlesse episcopacy be extirpated , and presbytery or independency , as waies of parity and popularity , be brought in . can they sufficiently wonder at the patience of god and our saviour christ , that for . yeares bare with episcopacy , yea continued it in the peaceable possession of church-government , as to the primacy and priority of it , both in order and authority , without any notable check from any martyr or holy man. t is strange that aarons rod should never bud before , nor presbytery challenge its divine right in all that time , nor christ ever enjoy the freedome of his kingdom and scepter , till these last and worst times . do they in earnest think that no scripture , no word of god , old or new , no precepts and paternes of the apostles , no primitive practise , no true testimonies of fathers , councils and credible historians do any way favour a right episcopacy , further than they were misunderstood , warped and wrested by all antiquity from the mind of god , the will of christ , and the way of the apostles , onely to gratifie the ambition of some few bishops and clergy-men , who made way for popes and antichrists ? t is strange all should conspire thus to eject christ from his kingdom and government , or to abuse the whole christian world , from holy polycarp , polycrates and ignatius his daies , all primitive bishops , yea from st. johns dayes , and yet none detect or decry the fraud , none persevere in the first way , if it were , as is now pretended , independent or presbyterian in the many shepherds or many sheep , without any prime pastors and governours among them as bishops . yea further i demand , whether their divisions , at least into such a dichotomy as they now are in , be not a just jealousie to sober men , that both of these novelties may be in the wrong , since both of them cannot be in the right ; whether regular episcopacy may not yet be as the virtue or medium between these vicious extremes which are made up either of parity & popularity , or of tyrannick and papall episcopacy ; whether they now find that either of thse new waies have any thihg so much to plead out of scripture for themselves , as episcopacy hath , or the thousandth part so much out of any good antiquity ; whether they be not pure novelties of later invention and unprosperous use , hardly yet formed , and never well setled in this or any other famous or reformed church that enjoyed its just freedom , without the oppression of either sacrilegious princes , or heady and mutinous people . can any learned and sober minister , either presbyterian or independent , now flatter himselfe , that there is no light or shadow , no shew of reason or religion , of scripture or antiquity for episcopacy ? can they any longer wonder ( without ignorance or impudence ) that learned and moderate episcopall divines are so firme to their first principles and perswasions , which are not easily answered , or with any reason overthrown by any ancient example ? at least episcopall men are very excusable in adhering to their ancient and primitive way , till they find these novell opposites to episcopacy , and rivals to each other , so well reconciled by a firme associating together as may wholly supply the office , power and place of episcopacy ; which yet they have not done as to the order , polity , peace and unity of the church , or to the satisfaction of the most learned and godly men at home and abroad . where , i beseech you ( o my good and gracious brethren of presbyterian and independent principles , ) where do you think were the eyes , the learning , the wits , the hearts , the honesty , the conscience of all holy men in all churches before your time ? can you prefer the factious fancies of one aerius , or acolythus , or ischyras of old , before all the famous bishops , presbyters and councils ? can you honestly plead st. jerom for your presbytery , till you reconcile him with himself , who is plaine and punctuall for episcopall eminency , and onely pleads ( at most ) for the joynt counsel and assistance of presbyters ( in which rank himself was ? ) which i and all sober men do earnestly desire , as best and safest for the church , yea and for bishops too . shall one david blondel , or walo messalinus ( that is , salmasius ) men indeed of excellent learning , yet obliged ( as pet. moulin confesseth of himself in his epistolary dispute with the most learned bishop andrewes ) to plead what might be for the enforced stations , and necessitated conditions of those presbyterian churches with which they were then in actuall fellowship and church-communion , shall ( i say ) these two men , which are the greatest props for presbytery ( who yet are allowers of episcopacy , though not as absolutely necessary , yet as best for the polity and government of the church , where they may be had ) be put into the balance against all the ancient and modern assertors of episcopacy ? or shall the votes of the late assembly be a just counterpoise against all the chief reformed divines at home and abroad , as calvin , peter martyr , bucer , zanchy , chemnitius , gerard and many others , who are all well known to be for episcopacy and bishops , if they will be fathers and fautors of the true christian and reformed religion , as bishops in engl. were ? did not deodate from geneva & * salmasius from leiden , write hortatory ( though concealed ) letters to the chief sticklers ( of late ) for presbytery in england , advising them to acquiesce in and blesse god for such a regulated episcopacy as had obtained and might best be retained in england ? have not others ( abroad ) much deplored their want of such episcopacy and such bishops as england happily enjoyed since the reformation and ever before ? can the late scotized assembly modestly pretend to better light , clearer spectacles , more discerning eyes or more honest hearts for religion and due reformation , for christs honor and this churches happinesse , than all the ancient councils or the modern convocations , and nationall synods of engl. ? or can it now at last seem either an unreasonable expectation in episcopall ministers , or an unconscientious condescention in those of the presbyterian and independent parties , to turne their extemporary presidents or momentary moderators into fixed and deserving bishops ? can it be an hard matter for them to conforme to uniforme antiquity , who have so long gratified various novelty ? what great matter were it for them so far to satisfie the consciences of episcopall men , yea and the interests of all sober ministers , as not to suffer any further innovation , or longer abscission , or total interruption , or final abruption to befal the catholick order and authority of episcopacy in this church ? the restoring of which would no way injure their own true interests , as presbyters or patrons for the people , who might both have and enjoy all those ingenuous liberties and priviledges which they justly claim , short of an absolute , sole and soveraigne power in church-government , which is never to be trusted either in common peoples or common presbyters hands . i ask these acephalists , who will indure no head but that on their own shoulders , whether the city of london is worse governed , because it hath a lord maior among and above the aldermen and common councel ; whether the colledges in the universities , or the companies and fraternities in cities , are lesse happily ordered , because they have presidents or masters and wardens in them and over them ; whether they think it were better for an army to have no colonels or commanders in chief , but all military counsels and transactions should be managed in war and peace by a meer democratick or popular way , as every souldier fancied his own valour and ability . i doubt not but in all these parts and proportions of good government , sober men stand convinced that they are then best , when counsel and order make up the majesty and completenesse of authority , by subordination of all and the suffrages of many joyned to the eminency of one worthy person in their severall precincts , stations and jurisdictions . nor can i think that chief governors can be hereticall , irrationall , irreligious or antichristian onely in the point of church-goverment , as if this polity and fraternity beyond any other were exclusive or incapable of that order and eminency which is the crown and completion of government , which is used in all other societies , and ever was so in the churches of christ . in order therefore to draw the designed plat-forme of ecclesiasticall communion from the novelty , partiality and popular policies of associations , to its just proportions and due dimensions , my last quaere or proposall to my brethren the ministers is , whether all things considered in cool thoughts and consciencious tempers , it were not worthy of all learned , godly and sober ministers , first to unite themselves in their judgements , counsells and desires , with all singlenesse of hearts and mutual brotherly kindness ; and then humbly to crave leave of the civill powers to permit them , to cast themselves into such prudent and orderly combinations for church-government as might best suite , as with the peace and prosperity of this church , so with the primitive and catholick way of christs church ; thereby satisfying all honest desires and pious interests of all considerable parties : that neither bishops should be wholly ejected as superfluous , nor yet presbyters despised as meer ciphers , nor christian people any way oppressed as slaves or beasts ; who having each of them their severall honest interests and just uses , wil better attaine their desires in an happy conjuncture than in any separations , which first weaken them apart , then destroy them all . nor may this model of church-union and government be thought a meer idea or utopian fancy ; experience of all times , and the best times for religion as christian and reformed , that ever england or any nation enjoyed , assures us , that it is not onely feisable , but every way most commendable , as most agreeable to every honest interest , and indeed every way completest , for the glory of god , the honor of christ , the good of this church , and the communion with all other either christian or reformed . for by this meanes the scandall and shame of late schismes would be removed , the ancient ecclesiacall succession continued ; the grand power of ordination will be neither various nor defective , neither innovated not altered ; the ministeriall office and authority will be most authentick and undoubted ; the minds of all learned and sober men will be satisfied , their heads , hearts , tongues and hands united , christian charity and brotherly communion best restored ; the reverence and majesty of religion , also the honor and dignity of the ministry as christian and reformed , would be mightily recovered ; the peace and unity of this famous and well-reformed church would be established , and the tranquillity of the nation highly setled and confirmed upon the best foundation of peace that can be among mankind . in all which things we have and do on all sides so far extremely suffer , as we differ by such unreasonable distances and uncharitable defiances , first among ministers , which are presently followed with all disorder , lukewarmenesse , irreligion , profaneness ▪ arrogancy , atheism , affectation and faction among the people in england , chiefly , as i conceive , upon this account , the needlesse variating , shifting and changing of that primitive plat-forme , that apostolick and catholick order and succession of ecclesiasticall authority and ministeriall power in this church , which hath ever been owned with religious reverence and conscience in engl. ever since it was christian , preserved as sacred by the most pious princes , honored as divine by the most religious and reformed parlaments , prospered by the speciall benignity and grace of god , peaceably enjoyed by all devout , judicious and humble christians , to the unspeakable comfort of their souls living and dying , when they knew who were their bishops , pastors and spirituall fathers , owning them with all due respect and love as in christs stead , submitting to them for conscience sake , as to the lord , and receiving from them good instructions , just reproofes , holy comforts , and heavenly mysteries , not as from man , but god ; after the rule of the scriptures , and the example of the best christians in all ages , who looked upon episcopacy or the government of the church as fixed , completed and exercised chiefly by bishops assisted with worthy presbyters , not onely as a book of a larger volume , greater print and fairer binding than presbytery or independency ( that is , the sole power of presbyters or people by themselves ) but they looked upon the episcopall eminency as having more in it of apostolick power and ecclesiasticall authority , both in point of ordination and jurisdiction , than is either in presbyters or people by themselves : bishops and presbyters being as the eyes and hands , which are not more members of the body than the leggs and feet , yet they are the more noble parts , and have more of publick use and virtue as to inspection , direction and operation , for the common good of all parts in the body . no wonder then if the honor of all religion be much abated , if the renown of this reformed church be thus abased ; no wonder that presbytery it self is so baffled , and independency despised ; no wonder that all the office , power and authority of ministers , together with their persons , be reduced to such a low ebb , and almost quite exhausted , when bishops , the grand cisternes and chief conduites of all ecclesiasticall orders and ministeriall authority ( as derived from christ and his apostles ) are not onely bruised and crackt , but utterly broken , cut off and cast away ; whom ( yet ) no presbyter or independent of any learning or forehead can deny actually to have been in all ages used and esteemed as the constant successors and immediate substitutes of the apostles , first invested with that power by the apostles themselves , after their decease chosen by the presbyters , and after consecrated by other bishops , to be as the prime receptacles , conservators and conveyers of all ecclesiasticall power and ministeriall authority : not onely as teachers of divine truths , preachers of the gospell , and dispensers of holy mysteries in common with presbyters ; but as chief fathers , pastors and rulers of those larger flocks which constituted those famous ancient churches , which were not limited to the bounds of one family , or one congregation , or one little parish ( in which one preacher or presbyter may in ordinary duties suffice , ) but they extended to such ample combinations , as contained large cities and their territories , in which were many thousands of christians , many congregations , and many presbyters , who all made but one church or polity ecclesiasticall under one chief pastor or bishop , residing with the presbyters at first in the chief city : afterward these were fixed to particular parishes or villages by the care of the bishops . without whose authority and consent nothing of consequence was done by any in the publick managing of religion , without the just brand and censure of schismaticall arrogancy : it being ever judged , that bishops had derived to them an higher degree of apostolick power and church - jurisdiction , than ever was or could be in any one or many presbyters or people without them , who could not regularly nor never did ( unblamably ) ordaine , of themselves or by their own sole authority , any ministers , or exercise the censures of the church in a plenary and absolute jurisdiction , without deriving their power from their respective bishops ; without whom and against whom few ever acted in any age of the church ; and never any good christian refused subjection to and communion with their lawfull and orthodox bishops ; no nor did ever any hereticks or schismaticks proceed to such extravagancy as to reject and disclaime all episcopall order , till of later yeares : whose example hath little in it to make it compared with , much lesse preferred before , catholick customes and primitive patternes of all ancient churches , what ever glosses the wit of men , or their craft , or their successes , or their godly and necessary pretences , may put upon their variations and schismes . chap. xii . it is not now my design either to spin out , or to wind and summe up that long and tedious thread of dispute ▪ which hath been so much snarled and entangled of late yeares in england by popular pens , or cleared and unfolded by more able , learned , and impartiall writers . who is not weary now and ashamed of those thread-bare allegations drawn from the samenesse or promiscuous use of names ; which we know vary with time , and must yield to use and custome ? as if apostle , evangelist , bishop , presbyter , pastor , preacher , teacher and ruler , ( they may adde deacon , and servant , and minister ) were all one in the equivalency of their power , order and authority in the church . for any one , nay all these names are in the latitude of their sense given to some one man or officer in the church , yet in the more strict , precise and emphatick sense , they denote different gifts , orders , authorities , dispensations and functions ( as well as degrees ) in the church of christ ; which did never confound deacons with presbyters , nor presbyters with bishops , nor all with the apostles ; because the chief apostles ( who contained in their ample authority and commission all ecclesiasticall powers eminently under christ ) are sometimes called presbyters , compresbyters , and also deacons or ministers of jesus christ , and servants of the church , deriving all these powers in their severall degrees and orders to bishops , presbyters and deacons after them . to the first ( as to a lesser sort of apostles , but chief rulers or overseers in the church ) they gave the eminent and peculiar power of ordaining presbyters , and exercising spirituall jurisdiction over them , as is evident in the power that timothy and titus had given them by commission from the great apostle st. paul , who certainly in this was conforme to all other apostles in their severall bishopricks or distributions . to the second , as presbyters , ( or a lesser kind of bishops and apostles over private and particular congregations ) they gave power to preach the gospel , administer sacraments , and assist their chief pastor or bishop in governing the church according as they were required and appointed to their severall duties and charges . but no where in scripture ( that i see ) do we find either the sole or chief power of ordaining ministers , or of exercising any ecclesiasticall jurisdiction over them by correption , or rejection , given to any one or more presbyters , as such , unlesse men list for ever to play the children , and cavill with the identity or samenesse of the names used of old ; which calls apostles presbyters , as a word of honor , and presbyters bishops , as overseers , and all of them deacons , as servants to christ and the church , and all may be called apostles too in some sense , as sent by christ on his work . which crambe is so fulsome a ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) cavilling about words , to confound all good sense and order , that all sober men are now weary of it , when they clearly see that all ages and actions of the catholick church have sufficiently declared , beyond any fallacy of identity as to names and titles , the reall and actuall differences of persons and duties , or offices , to which words may ( at first ) be indifferently applied without implying any such confusion of places and powers in the church , any more than when the name of ruler is applyed , to supreame and subordinate magistrates , or when the name of officer is given to corporalls , lieutenants , captaines , colonells and generalls , or that of alderman to such as are so by age , or office , or estate ; just as if one should obstinately maintain that the petty constables of every parish , the high constables of every hundred , and the lord high constable of england or france , were the same things , as to office , power and honor , because the same name of constable is applyed to all of them . it may with as much reason be urged , that every master of arts in a colledg , and the master of the colledg are the same in office , place and power ; or that every one who is called father by nature , age , affinity , adoption , merit , or relation , either domestick , civil or ecclesiasticall , presently may challenge the same authority over us , and the same duty or obedience from us , as our naturall parents have and do expect , because all are called fathers . so we shall have many gods and lords , to justifie the polytheisme of the heathens , because there are many that are in scripture called gods and lords , as the apostle tells us . these sophisticall equivocations from names and words , have been indeed the bushes or thickets , the borrowes and refuges a long time of those men who aimed to bring in all factions , innovations and confusions into this and other churches , onely under such empty colours and fallacious pretentions , out of all which they have been lately so stripped & ferreted by many learned & unanswerable assertors of episcopacy in its just presidency and authority , that they are now naked and ridiculous to all sober spectators , who see that all the judgement and practice of antiquity , besides the scriptures analogy , is so clear and distinct against all their petty cavillings and popular levellings , that the reall differences of the powers , orders , degrees and offices in the church , ( as begun by christ , exercised by the apostles , also continued in that method and series through all ages , ) are not lesse evident than their peevishnesse and pertinacy are , who list to urge the first indifferency or latitude of words , against the after and evident distinctions of things declared and confirmed by the constant judgement and practice of all churches ; which is ( in my judgement ) the best and surest interpreter and distinguisher of what ever seems wrapped up , or any way obscured and confused in scripture-expressions ; otherwaies we must with the papists own as many sacraments and mysteries as these words are applyed to in scripture , either in the greek or latine . presbyters might well enough be then called bishops in a generall and lower sense , when there were so many apostles as chief bishops above them : which name of apostle the modesty of after - bishops refusing , they contented themselves with the peculiar title of bishops , and confined that of presbyter to that second order or degree of clergy-men , as that of deacon to the third , which yet in their latitude are applyed to bishops and apostles themselves . i know there have been many things speciously urged for presbytery , and odiously against episcopacy ; all which have been so abundantly answered , that it is time they were forgotten , and all enmity buried with them . my aime in this pacificatory addresse to all worthy ministers , is not to revive the cavils and disputes , but to reconcile all interests , to compose all differences , and to satisfie all demands . onely , because i know there is no closing or glewing of pieces together with firmnesse , where there is not first made an evennesse and smoothness on all sides , for their apt meeting ; i shall here further endeavour fairly to take away some remaining roughnesse , swelling and protuberancy , which possibly may be still in some sober mens minds , as great hinderances of the desired closure and composure of all sides . i know it is further urged by some , that every presbyter singly , and much more socially , ( that is , in a joynt body and associate fraternity ) may be rationally thought to have the full power and divine authority of a bishop , to all ends , offices and purposes , since it is well known in all antiquity ( as st jerome tells us , ) and it is confessed by all episcopall men , that presbyters as such primitively chose their respective bishops , as at antioch , jerusalem , alexandria , ( from s. marks time ) & in other places so that bishops may seem primarily to receive all their authority and eminency from presbyters , who certainly can conferre no more upon any of bishop , than is radically , seminally and eminently in themselves ; as a superiour magistrate that nominates an inferiour or a corporation that chooseth a major or chief officer , or as fellowes of a colledge who choose a master or president over them , or as an army ( which is st. jeromes instance ) who choose their imperator or generall . from this ancient and well-known priviledge of presbyters to choose their respective bishops , many conclude their joynt power at least to be equall to any bishops , yea superiour to them , as causall and efficient , insomuch that they may , if they please , exercise it apart from , and wholly without any bishop , by choosing none to be over them or among them , but serving their occasionall meetings with a temporary moderator rather than a constant superintendent . to this it is easily answered , that however presbyters of old did , and of right ( as i conceive ) ought , by the leave and permission of christian princes , to choose and appove the persons of their bishops , as being the fittest men in the church to judge of a bishops sufficiencies for that place and charge , yet it no way followes that any bishop hath his spirituall or ecclesiasticall power from them , as the originall of it , any more than of his temporall barony and revenues , to which he is admitted by the presbyters election of him ; but only he is by their election and comprobation duly admitted , and regularly enabled to exercise that power , whose roote ( as that of presbyters ) rise and foundation is from a far higher principle and greater authority : just as the fellowes of a colledge choose the master , president or warden , at least they admit and accept of him to the possession , enjoyment and use of that power , which is not in them joyntly or singly without their master ; nor yet is it derived from them to the master , but he hath it from the first founders will , and the statutes or customes of the colledg . in like manner , the chief magistrate of any city or corporation , though he be chosen by the commons or fraternities in it to his chief place and office , yet his power and jurisdiction is not from them , but from that charter or grant which gave the first constitution to that power and polity . so in an army , officers may choose their generall to a power above them , which he enjoyes and exerciseth beyond what any one or all of them hath right unto , or any capacity to use ; yet doth that power accrew to him from those principles of right , reason , order , polity and authority , which is derived and vested in him by the suffrage or consent of many , who have right and reason thus to advise for their common order and safety , by preferring one above themselves ; by whose suffrages and consents , as by the suns beames united in the centre of a burning-glasse , a greater heat and luster of authority is raised , than is in any one or many beames scattered and divided . by vertue of which principles of reason , order and polity , as these other civil instances , which act by their severall charters and statutes , are neither left at liberty to choose or not choose any to be their chief magistrate or governour ; nor yet may they in right reason or law exercise that paramount power without him , but they are bound in conscience and duty , as well as by custome and charter , to choose such a chieftane , and so to invest him in that power paramount above them ; yet do they not give the power to that elect person , but the person to that power which was setled before them . so in the church of christ , presbyters of old did freely choose ( indeed ) their bishops , at least they consented afterward to accept of him whom the prince , or possibly the people in some cases , nominated as a worthy and deserving person ; yet neither people , nor prince , nor presbyter did conferre upon any bishop that power episcopall or that eminent ecclesiasticall authority , which he had properly in himself to use and exert it after he was thus chosen , consecrated and installed . no , he had it from that grand charter and catholick custome which was in the church of christ ; by which the first apostolick canons or scripture-statutes and institutions not only founded , but derived this authority as received from christ , and by the spirit of christ conveyed it to their successors the bishops , in the name and power of christ , for the orderly governing of his church in all places ; which hath been , and ( i think ) ought where god hinders not , to be continued in the churches of christ by the like successive choise or approbation of presbyters in the want and vacancy of their bishops . nor do i doubt but ministers are sinfully wanting to that duty which they ow to christ and his church , when they cease to do , as much as in them lies , what they ought in this point to do , & might do if themselves did not hinder , their choosing and having their lawful bishops , as well as people their presbyters , according to the primitive rule and catholick pattern , which hath the force of a law : it being no lesse necessary for the church to be orderly governed and thus united , than to be taught and communicated to in holy things . nay , those two or three bishops which , after the great nicene councill , were required to joyne in the more solemn consecration and investiture of every bishop , did not impart of their own power , but solemnly declared and blessed as good and worthy the choise and investiture of him that was first duly elected by the presbyters , and then further confirmed by their publication and benediction , which benediction was never , that i read , done by any presbyters , as being now inferiours to him whom their consent and suffrages had chosen to that episcopall degree and eminency above them , who as presbyters might choose their bishops , but yet not depose him ; this work requiring their appeal to the higher power of a council or synod of many bishops , who were in that joynt capacity above any one bishop , and so onely capable to be his judges , upon the complaint of presbyters or people against him . as presbyters have their office and authority by bishops ordination as conduits , but not from them as fountaines of it , ( there being but one spring of it , which is jesus christ ) so bishops have their power by presbyters election , as instruments or mediums , but not from their donation , as the source and originals of their power and authority , which is christs . thirdly , some presbyters and independents do with great brow and confidence urge , that bishops are wholly superfluous , because presbyters and any ordinary preachers , two or three or more of them , are very able and willing every where to beget their like , every petty presbytery is become a seminary or spawner to ordain ministers and conferre all degrees of holy orders ; for which they think themselves no lesse fitted than for preaching and administring sacraments , which ( they say ) are employments requiring greater abilities , and no lesse authority : yea many country-presbyters have made themselves and one another of late chorepiscopi or country - bishops , ordaining ministers when , where and how they list , without any bishop among them . and this ( they say ) with very good success and acceptance to country-people , who besides the pleasure they take in any daring novelty and insolency in religion , protest to find no lesse judgement , discretion and gravity , than was heretofore pretended to be in bishops for that service : nor is it to be doubted ( say they ) but the ordination , authority and commission of such presbyters is as valid as that done by bishops , since these godly ministers do so try and examine such as come to be ordained , that they commonly pose the best schollars and soberest men that come to them : further they pray and preach as well as most bishops did , yea they very gravely exhort and charge the ordained brother with as great weight and severity , both for gifts and graces ministeriall , as ever the bishops did , though it may be not with so much pomp and formality . hence they deny the necessity and use of bishops , yea they deny any flaw or defect to be in their new presbyterian and popular ordinations for want of any other bishops but themselves , who are as pert in their novelty as ever any prelates were in their antiquity . that these heteroclite or equivocall ordinations have of late been acted in england with much self applause and popular parade by meer presbyters , i well understand ; but quo jure , by what right from god or man , by what authority civill or ecclesiasticall , i could never yet see ; yea , i am sure no law of god or men heretofore ever was thought to give any such power to meer presbyters without , yea against their lawfull bishops : insomuch that many learned and sober men have much blamed , at least suspected , these presbyterian transactions for schismaticall presumptions , these ordinations for disorderly usurpations , at least in such a church as england was , where there were ( and still are ) venerable bishops of the orthodox faith , reformed profession and ancient constitution , willing and able to do their duty in the point of ordination . which in all ( ordinary ) cases appeares to have ever been their peculiar right , specially derived to them as bishops from the apostles , through all successions of times and churches , without any interruption ; except when some factious and insolent presbyters ventured to be extravagant and usurpant , whom all the learned fathers , venerable councils and good christians in the church every where condemned as most injurious , because usurping that authority which no apostle , no councill , no bishop ever gave to any that were meer presbyters in their ordination and commission , no more than the lawes or canons of this church and state. nor is there ( as far as i can perceive ) any one place in scripture , that by any precept or example invests either one or more simple presbyters with the power of trying and examining , of laying on of hands , of giving holy orders , as from themselves alone , of committing or transmitting what they had received to other faithfull men that should be able to teach . all which were given to timothy and titus as chief bishops . the pope of rome ( indeed ) animated by those flatterers which would make him the sole bishop by divine right , and all other bishops as surrogates to him , dependants upon him , and derived from him ( as if there had not been or , but onely one ●●sion ●lick chaire , or prime seat of episcopacy ) hath some ●eath given power of ordination to such as were but presbyters , as ●nd read of some abbots and priors ; but it was alwaies to the great scandall of the best bishops and presbyters of the church , as contrary to all ancient orders , canons and customes of the church , unlesse he first made them as chorepiscopi or suffragane bishops . but in earnest , it is hard to judge whether popes or presbyters be most enemies to catholick bishops . as for the pious pomp and the specious apparences , the formall dressings and verball adornings , which they say are used by presbyters in their late ordinations in england , though i never saw any of them , yet i have heard and read so much of them , as gives me to judge far less to be in them of authority , true , complete and valid , than ought to be . for besides the persons not impowered or commissionated to that office , there is , as i heare , no transmitting , and so no receiving , of the holy spirit , as to that ministeriall order and power , which is thereby derived to ministers as from christ , whatever there may be of godly solemnity and plausible formalities , which are ( usually ) more studied and affected to please the people , there where men are most conscious to the defect of authentick , reall and righteous power . but all these saintly shewes ( to wise men ) signifie nothing , no nor the personal abilities either of the ordainers or ordained ; who cannot by their personall power , knowledg , virtues , graces or private gifts , make any officer in state or in armies , in war or in peace , much lesse in the church and ministry of jesus christ . alas , no private capacity in any man can make the least petty constable , or bailiffe , or corporall , or serjeant , without they first have a publick and lawfull commission from the fountains of authority , to give them an authority far beyond any private arrogancy and presumed sufficiency of their own . possibly , extraordinary cases may in time be their own excuses in such churches where bishops may be all dead or banished ; or where such as are orthodox cannot be had , and they that are will not ordain any presbyters , without imposing upon them such things as are erroneous and unlawfull : but nothing can be pleaded that i yet see , no nor doth the candor and charity of bishop usher know how to excuse such presbyters from being schismaticks & factious , presumptuous and disorderly , who first cast off and forsake such bishops as are of the same faith and reformed profession , worthy and willing , able and ready , every way authorized by church and state to do their duty . the contempt and rejecting of such bishops is ( i fear ) a great sin before god , i am sure a great grievance to such churches as first suffer those distractions . and no doubt it is , as a great , so a needlesse scandall to most churches and the best christians in all the world ; nor can it be other then a foule reproach and scorn cast on all pious antiquity , nor will it prove other than a lasting misery to any church and nation that wilfully continues that guilt and defect upon themselves and their posterity , especially when god ●s them sufficient meanes to remedy that mischief , to supply th●●fects , and to compose those differences , which are ever follow●●he wa● , much more the needlesse expulsion of primitive episcopacy . for whose power and authority while either presbyters or people are scrambling , they do but make religion a may-game , & bring ( as we see ) both themselves and their ministry into contempt : for no presbyters or people can while the world stands ever stamp such an honor and authority ecclesiasticall upon themselves , as was in all ages and by all churches consent ( besides the scripture-character and apostolick signature ) set upon primitive and catholick episcopacy , which ever united , centred and confirmed power in one man ; not over all , which the pope affects , but over their dioceses or provinces . a th . objection much flourished by some popular preachers against bishops and all episcopacy in any authority and eminency above presbyters , is , that episcopacy is the root of popery ; that prelates were the parents of antichrist ; that every bishop hath a pope in his belly ; and that the pope is no other than an overgrown bishop ; that to rout all popery , and raze the foundations of romes pride , all prelacy or episcopacy must be stubbed up . my answer to this is , that this objection sounds as little of truth as it savours much of malice , especially in any presbyters of any learning and ingenuity , who well know the abasing of bishops is the design , and hath been the magnifying of the popes of rome beyond their line and measure of old ; that if episcopacy could have held its primitive and ancient parity , according to the apostolick seates and paternes , that one chaire of rome had not so far exalted it self in this western church above all those that are therefore called gods , because the power of christ and the word of god came to them as much as to rome , and is to be derived by them to their successions . t is certain that bishops did not at first ( as nimrod ) set up themselves by any private ambition : they were either constituted by the apostles yet living , as irenaeus , eusebius , tertullian and others tell us ; or when the apostles were dead , the presbyters of every chief city and territory or diocese did ( as s. jerom tells us ) choose some apostolick and eminent person from among themselves to be their bishop ; not compelled hereto by any civill powers , nor by any popular force or faction , but meerly moved so to do by the precept and pattern , the constant custome and imitation of the apostles , which were so full of pregnant reason , necessary order , and holy policy , that nothing could be better . if any then be to be blamed for giving occasion to the papal ambition , and what some count the great antichrist who is , ( as isid . hispal . defines , by so much the more antichrist , by how much more he professeth christ , yet lives or teacheth contrary to the rule and example of christ ) it must be either the apostles themselves , who first designed bishops as their successors , or the succeeding presbyters of every church , who to avoid schisme and confusion , first chose successive bishops in every church after the death of the apostles ; not onely in obedience to their commands , and conformity to their pattern , but in order to preserve necessary polity , primitive unity , and apostolick authority in the church of christ . and yet now ( behold ) by a strange vertigo or change of counsels , presbyters must in all hast pull down all bishops , the better to avoid antichrist , who lies as much in confusion as error , in schisme as in heresie ; none of which will ever advance reformation or setling of true religion . so that it is an intolerable insolency and rudenesse of some men , to say or suspect that every bishop , whom the apostles themselves , or the presbyters after them , first constituted , were but spawnes and embryo's of antichrist , when many , yea most , if not all the first and best bishops for . yeares were not onely excellent preachers and wise governours after the way of the apostles , but such resolute martyrs and confessors , as few of the more delicate presbyters and softer-fingred independents of our age would willingly carry the least stick of their fagots , or touch the least coale of their fires , or bear the least stroke and burden of their torments . as then the papall tyranny , so the presbyterian parity , and independent anarchy , may and will give ( i fear ) greater advantages to antichrists , than ever episcopall order and eminency either did or can do while wisely setled and managed . fifthly , another great bugbeare or terriculament which scares some from looking back with the least cast of favour on episcopacy , is the terror they pretend to have had of some bishops sharpnesses and severities , of which say they many godly men feel the smart to this day . my answer is , i do not go about to justifie or excuse any unreasonable , unseasonable , indiscreet or uncharitable actions of any bishops , who are justly to be blamed , so far as they exceeded their commission and power , by the lawes of man or christ , and the church , given to them not for destruction , but edification . though some bishops might shew themselves to be but men , yea and some of them to be harsh and rash enough in their passions , yet these failings and infirmities they neither had nor discovered as they were bishops ; no more than tyrants do tyrannize as they are magistrates , or judges are corrupt as they are judges , or presbyters are partiall , popular and imprudent as they are preachers . it must still be granted that not onely some , but very many , yea most bishops in england since the reformation were as angels of god in their light and love , in their excellent learning and worthy living every way ; which sufficiently proves that piety and episcopacy may as well meet in one man , as piety and presbytery , or sanctity and independency . if any of these good bishops seemed sometime too severe to some that were rudely refractory against the lawes then in force in this church and state , possibly those very persons that most complaine of them will be found not short of the sharpest of them : if any of these complainers have suffered by any bishops rigors , i am sure they have had their full and excessive revenge upon them . but to avoid the feared exorbitancy of episcopacy for the future , it will be sufficient effectually to restore that ( commune consilium presbyterorum , ) common counsel and concernment of worthy presbyters to their pristine use and assistance , without which bishops should do nothing publick and authoritative ( according to the canon of the councel of cartharge , and agreeable to the judgement , as of st. jerom , so of st. cyprian , ignatius , and all the ancients ) this ( as i formerly touched ) is the best preservative of bishops authority , of presbyters priviledges , of peoples liberty and the churches safety . as i believe episcopacy by this time sees it did it self as much wrong as any men could design , in doing many things of publick concern without the presence , counsel and concurrence of their gravest and most discreet presbyters ; and as i think that modest and sober presbyters shall do not onely themselves a right , but the best bishops too , in their christian advise and assistance , to bear ( partem solicitudinis ) part of the care , trouble , odium and envy , which is prone to offend all good bishops , as all good governours in church and state : so i conclude that violent presbyters have done themselves , the bishops , the people and this whole church , as much injury and indignity as they well can , by rudely rejecting and obstinately refusing ( as much as in them lies ) to readmit the order and honor of episcopall presidency , which indeed was the common honor of the whole clergy . episcopacy we know preferred many ministers of the gospel to be as lords and peers in england ; whereas presbytery & independency have purely levelled and abased all clergy-men to a plebeian condition , if not to be slaves and vassals , yet to be very vile and servile , even in the esteem of the vulgar . certainly it was in prudence to be desired by all wise presbyters and other ministers , rather to bear much under the burden of the episcopal yoak ( which was to them more ( honos than onus ) a dignity than any depression ; ) than thus by a precipitant impatiency to run themselvs & their whole order or function into a plebeian slavery , while they affected an inordinate liberty . it is better for birds to be fed in their cage or restraint , than by wandring from them to be starved . the best bishops were wisely severe , and most venerable when least remisse ; the most rigid of them were not more imperious or intolerable than some presbyters have been to all bishops . the last , but greatest , terror to some men is , that if any thing like a true primitive bishop should revive and authoritatively act again in england , especially fortified and assisted with such a strength of wise and grave presbyters , orderly combined with their bishops , there might be great danger of the clergies recovering the lands and revenues which once belonged to bishops and other church-men in england . thus the jealous hearts and mis-giving consciences of many men do beat within them , who have bought bishop● 〈◊〉 other church-lands ; which do make them as vigilant over the bishops sepulchers , as the jewes and souldiers were over christs , lest the second error of losing bishops lands should be worse than the first of taking them away , not onely from very worthy bishops then in lawfull and unforfeited possession , but from the whole clergy , yea from the service of the whole church , and of christ , and of god , who had a sacred interest in them . by what right they were alienated , and are now possessed , let them see who first did seize upon them , and upon that title have either sold or bought them . for my part , i can look upon episcopacy in its primitive poverty and present barenesse , with as much respect and reverence as in its greatest pomp and superfluity . i value it and desire it not for state , but conscience , not for secular ambition , but spirituall satisfaction . let them keep the lands that have justly got them , or paid a valuable consideration for them , provided they will but help to restore primitive and catholick episcopacy , without which ecclesiasticall authority , yea and ministeriall power , seemes to me and to many wiser men , if not wholly dead , and void or null , yet very defective , dubious and infirme ; as one that is lame and maimed , yet is still a man , having an esse or being as a true man , but yet esse defectivum , a being short of that fulness , firmness and perfection which might be , were he so complete as he ought to be according to the pattern of god and nature . the herculean work of resuming church-lands , and restoring either revenues or civill honors to episcopacy , is not to be expected without a miracle , such as shall shake heaven and earth , despising all humane opposition , and making the unjust keepers to be like dead men ; for no thunderbolts of divine vengeance are more penetrant and irresistible , than those which fall upon the head of sacriledge , as both humane and divine histories tell us . true , i think it were an act worthy of this nations pristine piety and renowned munificence , to add something comely for hospitality and charity , besides civill respect , to bishops , if they will have any . nor were it ( as i conceive ) a work lesse becoming the honor and devotion of england , to repurchase and restore those ancient church-lands or patrimony to the church , than it was to take them away , and sell them to lay-hands . but in this i am not so solicitous : the honor of all bishops , and so of presbyters , will be , diligently and wisely to do the work of god , which ( its probable ) will never want the respect , love and liberality of all good christians , as was seen in primitive times , where bishops were never poore , if christian people were in plenty , peace and unity . as mephibosheth said to david , so do i to all my countrymen and brethren , let ziba take all , as to bishops lands , so as those bishops may returne in peace which are after the lords mind and the scripture-rule , the apostles pattern , the primitive judgement and catholick practise in the church of christ . the lesse there may be of riches and secular honors added to episcopacy , the more it must provoke both bishops and presbyters to holy industry and eminent virtues , which are the best foundations of true honor . chap. xiii . my chief ambition is not to procure civill honors or estates to bishops , but so to reconcile all sober ministers and others to true episcopacy , as may promote that christian union between all ministers ( that are worthy of that name and office , ) and all sober christian people in england , which may most remedy and avoid those miserable factions and sad divisions which we see are the pests of true religion , the moths of all reformation , the advantages of superstition , and nurses of profaneness ; against which st. paul in his epistles , and st. clemens in his to the corinthians , so much inveighs , as carnall and not spirituall methods of religion . i should heartily rejoyce to see before i die the dry land to appeare , this deluge of factious confusion not onely to abate but to be quite spent , by which christian religion and true reformation hath lost ( together with episcopacy ) in one score of yeares very much of that publick majesty and authority , that power and improvement , that love and honor , that sanctity and solemnity , that charity and unity , which they formerly had and held in england for above a hundred yeares , highly to the glory of god , to the happinesse of this church , and to the honor as well as peace of the nation . it is great pitty that any man who bears the name of a minister of christ should appeare to the world other then an able , wise , humble , holy , peaceable and orderly person ; that we may not cease to be sociable and reasonable creatures so soon as we undertake to be preachers , as if we presently turn'd tragedians when we grew theologians , divines in profession but devils in our dissentions ; that none of us may be so far bereaved of our wits , as to fancy that we ministers or clergy-men , beyond all men , may not enjoy nor endure that comely and holy subordination which is lawfull and most necessary in all other societies and fraternities of men , and no less among those that are presbyters or preachers , where ( we see ) god and nature , age and gifts , learning and prudence , distinguish even these men so far , as makes some one or few very fit to govern , and the other , though many more , onely fit to be governed . there is much folly , rashness , juvenility , indiscretion , presumption and vulgarity to be seen even among the community of ministers as well as other common people ; who can never be safe or happy , unless they be setled in some comely government , ecclesiasticall as well as civill , yea and governed by some men that are much wiser than themselves . certainly religion cannot prosper or be glorious in the eyes of the world , as christian or reformed , if it be not uniforme as to the main , both in its source and course , its origination and dispensation : for every notable difference ( especially in the same church and state ) seemes to the severall parties and divided sides as a great deformity in their adversaries . religion will never be uniforme , if the ministers or dispensers of it be not wisely united , not onely in their doctrine , but in the derivation and reception as well as dispensation of that holy authority by which they officiate : for otherwise one minister is prone to magnifie himself against all others of any other make & mold , to disparage all that is done by others as sacred , to draw disciples from one side to another , perswading people , according to the feuds which were between the samaritan jewes and priests of that temple against those of jerusalem , that what is done in holy duties by such as are not of his stamp & form is unauthoritative , presumptuous , invalid , meer nullities , and profanations of holy mysteries , without spirit , life , power or efficacy ; an histrionick pageantry of preaching , praying , baptising , consecrating , celebrating , censuring , binding , absolving , terrifying , comforting , as in the name of christ ; when indeed there is either no power or authority , but a new one , that must needs be a false one , either usurped , or obtruded , or pretended , by those that have nothing to shew for their commission , order and derivation of such spirituall power , either from the scripture , or the constant practise , or the catholick custome of the church of christ . thus everlasting feuds , distances and defiances will follow among people and pastors , where an harmony is not in this maine point of ordination , or ministeriall authority ; which certainly were no hard matter to effect , if ministers would so far agree ( by an episcopall subordination in an uniformity of ordination , and all other ecclesiastical ministrations ) as no ministers or peoples just claime and interest should be either neglected , excluded or oppressed . . first , the rights of people should be so far satisfied , that no man should be ordained a minister , but in the most publick and solemn convention of the diocese , after publick notice given of his name , and demand what any could say against his being ordained : in like manner , no minister should be obtruded upon any people by patron or bishop , without hearing what they had to object against him , and rationall satisfaction given to them ; which was required in st. cyprians time . . next , the rights of presbyters should be so far satisfied , that none should be ordained a presbyter , untill he had passed the orderly triall as of the bishop , so of any minister that list to examine his sufficiency , or his manners and life ; after which done presbyters should not onely be present at the solemnity of preaching and praying , but such as could conveniently of the eldest and gravest ministers , might lay their hands with the bishops , or presidents , upon the ordained , both in their own and others behalfe , as a testimony of a joynt consent on all sides to his ordination . . last of all , the rights and claime of episcopacy or bishops would easily be satisfied , and very compliant with the other of presbyters and people , if no ordination might passe without either the presence of the bishop as president , or of such a presbyter as in the bishops necessary absence should be his suffragane or vicegerent , nominated by him , and allowed by that presbytery over whom the bishop presideth . this method and moderation would ( as i humbly conceive ) both complete and settle , in all sober mens judgements , the ordination of ministers , and ( giving satisfaction to all just demands or ingenuous pretensions ) it would powerfully and happily unite both bishops , presbyters and people ; as answering all the claimes and expectations considerable of episcopall , presbyterian and independent parties , as to the maine point of unanimous and uniform ministry . among whom a like correspondency would easily ▪ ( if wisely and meekly ) be carried on in all other ecclesiasticall affaires of publick concernment , for doctrine , worship , discipline , censures , appeales , admission , abstention , excommunication , absolution , synodal conventions and the like . it is not imaginable how great an harmony , honor and happiness would hence arise , to the infinite content and comfort of all good christians , to the great advantage of the reformed religion , to the peace of this church , to the happiness of the nation , to the glory of god , and to the unspeakable quiet of many thousands of poor soules ; who are now agitated with infinite scruples , feares , anger 's , jealousies and despites in religion , according as they are ingaged and exasperated in their first entrance or beginnings : all these would peaceably and comfortably apply , by gods help and ministers harmony , to the improvement of their soules in faith and repentance , in truth and love ; to lead holy and orderly lives ; to hear with diligence and reverence ; to receive with frequency and charity ; to pray with understanding and fervency ; to do all things with meekness and wisdome ; lastly , to die with earnest desire and blessed hope of further enjoying that christian and sweet communion with god , with christ jesus , and his holy servants , saints and angels , in an other life , of which he hath had so blessed experience and pleasing a fore-taste even in this world , where the onely heaven a good christian can have consists in the happy communion he hath with god and good christians , without which all society is but solitude or worse , an harmony no better than what may be found in hell , which is a conspiracy in sin , and conjunction in misery . this holy communion is so much the more divine and joyfull even in this world , by how much it enlargeth it self to greater numbers and extentions ; true christian love being loth to be confined to a narrower compasse than the christian and catholick faith is , but coveting ( as light and heate ) most ample dilatations and catholick diffusions , seeking ( if possible ) and as much as in it lies , to live peaceably with all men , and chearfully with all that are of christs family , or the houshold of faith , who love the lord jesus in sincerity . by these and such like peacefull methods of prudence and love , of moderation and mutuall condescension among ministers , ( without further disputing or urging any of their former principles upon which they seemed to differ , much lesse casting any further reproaches upon each other , ) i do not see but , by the blessing of god upon them , they might all meet in an happy union and accord in church-government , according to those principles of right reason and religion , of piety and polity , of scripture-canons and catholick customes , in which all sober ministers must necessarily agree , as the best rules of christian prudence , the surest methods of holy order , and the firmest bonds of christian communion . to which maine ends as all good christians should chiefly bend all their counsels , prayers and endeavours ; so , i do not conceive they are so strictly confined and limited by any precise rules or formes of any externe polity and order , but they may , as occasion requires , for the peace of the church and edification of christians in love , use such a liberty in their mutuall condescendings and compliances , as shall no way offend the blessed god of truth , order and peace , nor violate any of their own consciences , while they bear such a tender regard to other mens , as they desire may be extended to themselves . the contentions and confusions in religion must needs be endlesse , if they be left to the naturall passions of most men ▪ then they may find happy conclusions , when those that are rulers and teachers of others , and so not onely more learned , but more prudent , unpassionate and composed ( as magistrates and ministers ought to be , beyond any men ) when ( i say ) these men do apply the utmost of their piety , power , parts , zeal and discretion , by fit meanes to compose all controversies among themselves , which will then soon decay and dye among the common people . the spirits and reputation of ministers are commonly the chiefe sparks and bellowes , that first kindle , and after increase to publick flames , the fires of dissentions and disaffections , both among themselves and the people : once extinguish or moderate these enormous heates among ministers , there will be no such conflagrations of religion among ordinary people , which have of late been more like the black and confused eructations of mount aetna , than the sweet and holy fires of mount sion , or the flames and perfumes of gods altar and temple . which that i might be some meanes to restore to this church and nation , i have thus made my amicable , humble and christian addresse , as to all good men , so chiefly to all my brethren and fathers of the ministry in england ; who are persons of any competent abilities and considerable worth , as to the duty and dignity of that great and holy , that dreadfull , angelick , divine employment . i confesse i cannot but passionately deplore , as other mens , so my own solitude for these many yeares , by reason of that uncorrespondency as to any fraternall meeting with any of them in any publick way ; being hereby deprived of that great comfort , improvement , joy and benefit , which might be had by those excellent abilities and graces which are in many of them . it is great pitty , good and able ministers should be longer severed , whose brotherly union and frequent convenings in orderly and publick meetings , would not onely set a greater edge and brightness on their studies and parts , which alone and confined onely to country-auditors and associates grow rusty , flat and dull ; but they would highly advance the progresse of the reformed religion , both in profession and power , giving hereby a mighty check as to the encrease of profaneness & atheism , so of popery and superstition ; mightily conducing also to the generall peace of the nation , by allaying those unchristian feuds and uncivill heates which every where so much at present affect , infect and disaffect the minds both of ministers and people . but these meetings of ministers must be authoritative , not arbitrary , not precarious , but subpenall : otherwise the restiveness , laziness , wantonness and factiousness of some will mar all ; either forbearing all meetings , or perturbing them , if they be not kept in some awe as well as order by their betters and superiours . if i knew any motives more prevalent , any words more pathetick , any charmes of love more effectuall , any grounds of piety or polity more pregnant ; if writing , preaching , praying , beseeching , if any words , any teares , any sighs might work upon ministers of all sides , to bring them to this blessed accord , to publick , friendly and fraternall meetings , to grave , orderly and comely conventions ( which would be of great use as well as honor to them ) i should in nothing be more prodigall of my time , spirits and paines : then would ministers be able to redeeme their persons , their office , their orders , their sacred authority , their religion , from vulgar contempt , from mechanick arrogancy , from those base prostitutions and levellings , to which those ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , terrae filii ) sons of the earth , vile and m●ane men , have of late yeares debased , as the holy ministry , so all heavenly mysteries : then would that rust and rusticity , that plebeian spirit and ungenerous temper which possesseth many ministers out of feare and flattery , be removed ; then would that scurfe and mosse , that barrenness and canker which is now upon christian and reformed religion , be taken away , and that floridness with fruitfulnesse , that beauty with holinesse be restored , which tertullian so excellently sets forth among primitive and persecuted christians in their assemblies , in which were highly conspicuous a reverentiall fear of god , a modest and mutuall regard to each other , a most intentive diligence to duties , a most solicitous care of themselves and others , a most prepared and deliberate communicating in holy things , carried on by the most deserving eminency of some , and the most religious subordination or consciencious subjection of others ; all parts of the church and clergy were happily united , and god was all in all , his glory the centre , his love the circle or band of all their aimes and actions , their hearts and thoughts . the venerable piety and almost divine majesty of such conventions ( wherein bishops , ministers and people were of one heart and one mind in the lord ) advanced the reverence of their censures , monitions , reproofes , abstentions and excommunications to so great a regard and just dread , that no good christian great or small disdained the authority of the bishop , or slighted the judgement of the clergy , which judged and declared the mind of the whole church , because according to the mind of the lord christ , and of god himself . then was it that lapsed and scandalous sinners were soonest brought to be penitents , in so humble , yet comfortable a manner , that as st. jerom saith of fabiola , and st. ambrose of others , they furrowed their faces with sorrowes , and plowed their cheeks with teares ; they paved the churches with their prostrate bodies , which were so penitently pallid and deplorable , that they seemed only living corpses and breathing carkases . so few christians did then entertain their sins with smiles , or laugh at those teachers that reproved them , or schismatically separate from those orthodox bishops , with the clergy , that justly censured them , as obnoxious to gods judgements , and unworthy of christian communion till they amended : no man or woman ever lived or died in peace of conscience , whose soul was justly wounded with these arrowes , the censures of the church ; they either drank up their sensuall and proud spirits , and brought them to repentance , or they sank them into a desperate state , both of obstinate sin and eternall horror . such holy and happy assemblies of ministers , consisting of authoritative bishops and orderly presbyters , were farre more to their honor and comfort , more befitting their breeding and learning , their labours and industry , their parts and worth , their sacred function and dignity , than to be pittifully scared and over-awed by country-committees , and a new sort of tryars , where grave ministers are oft catechised , chastised and contemned by such men as are ( some of them at least ) of very moderate , that i say not meane , abilities ( except their estates be instead of all reason and religion , all learning , worth and wisdome , ) very incompetent judges ( god knowes ) of the doctrine and manners of ministers , unlesse in matters of civill misdemeanors , for which there are higher courts and abler judges appointed , to heare and determine matters according to law , with more honor and lesse partiality than ministers can expect from such men as are very sorry magistrates and worse ministers . this is a certaine maxime , the cheapnesse and despicablenesse of ministers ariseth chiefly from their mutuall divisions and dissociations . their union and harmony will be their honor , safety and happinesse . i pray god shew us all , and guide us in the waies of his and our own peace . and ( in earnest ) it is high time for us as ministers of christ , and as sober men , to give over our popular projects and pragmatick activities , our secular policies and state agitations , by which we have all gained far lesse than if we had onely intended the crosse of christ , and imitated the patience as of our great master , so of the best of our predecessors ; not to concerne our selves so much in crownes and soveraignties , in kingdomes and commonweales , in parlaments and armies , in killing and slaying our brethren upon christs score ▪ as in saving our own and others souls . what was of old falsely and odiously objected , hath of late been too much verified in many of us , you take too much upon you , o you sons of levi , both in sacred and civill affaires . let us learne to rule our own passions , to obey actively in all lawfull and honest things our superiours , and passively in others : leave it to god to rule this , as all states and kingdomes , by what hands , heads and hearts he pleaseth . let us in all times do all things , rather in a ministeriall then military fashion , honestly , humbly , meekly , charitably , unanimously , and the god of peace will be with us in this private and publick posture ; we shall better beare the frownes or favours either of princes or people , who will never be our friends , if we be our own enemies . chap. xiv . having done my duty to those that are of my own profession , as ministers ( how ever they differ at present in the derivation of their orders and exercise of their ministeriall authority ) my next addresse must be to those persons whose influence , sociall or solitary , personall or parlamentary , either is , or may be , most effectuall by their counsels or commands , by their proposals or power , to recover the purity , order , unity and stability of religion in this nation . it is not fit for me to presume to suggest to persons so much above me in prudence and experience , as well as power and reputation , any thing that lookes like counsel or advise . i know superiours are prone to take those suggestions for affronts from inferiours , as if they thought themselves wiser than those that rule them . but yet our humble petitions have acceptance with god● himself , not as suggestions to his wisdome , but submissions to his will , and supplications of his goodnesse . no christian empire was ever so imperious as to disdaine the prayers of any that craved their favour and assistance in just and faire waies . and since i find few ministers of any party will begin or joyne with me in such a request to those that are our superiours , better i presume to supplicate alone , than that no man of any calling should importune the soveraignty , nobility and gentry of this nation , in a businesse of so great and publick concern , before the mischief spread too farre , and the cure be desperate ; which will then be , when there shall be few sound minds , honest hearts , and whole parts left in the land , all or most being infected with ignorance , irreligion , atheisme , profanenesse , popery , or indifferency ; the inevitable effects that will follow the divisions , distractions and debasings of the clergy , both among themselves and the common people . to you therefore , that are the highest and greatest , the honorablest and richest , the wisest and strongest , the most noble and generous , the most knowing and ingenuous persons , do i with all humble importunity recommend this reall cause of god and of christ our saviour , the cause of the christian and reformed religion , the cause of this church and nation , the cause of your own and your posterities welfare . is it not high time , after so many tossings and tragedies , in which this church and its ministers have had so great a share , at last to speak comfortably to sion , to tell her that her warfare is accomplished , to take off the filthy garments wherewith her ministers of all sorts have been clothed , to cover their shame , to bury their mutuall reproaches , to restore the honor and authority of their calling , to encourage and improve in waies of publick conspicuity and harmony those excellent abilities which are in many of them ; which divided and at distance from each other , are either quite lost , or perverted to maintaine popular parties and factions against each other ? many ministers have been and are silenced , being thereby driven to extreme poverty ; most are dispersed and despised , not onely by vulgar insolencies , but by mutuall animosities , jealousies , distances and defiances . few of us have that christian courage and constancy , by which the primitive bishops and presbyters , as an united clergy , were still preserved entire among themselves , when most persecuted by enemies : we are so divided , that we are justly dejected and easily destroyed . many of us have by our follies forfeited the honor of our function ; some of us by our secular policies and compliances have prostituted the sanctity of it to the fedities and insolencies of lay-men . we have digged those pits into which we are faln , and filled those dungeons with mire in which we now stick . it is a memoriall of everlasting honor to ebedmelech the ethiopian , that he helped with great tendernesse and humanity to draw the prophet jeremy out of the dungeon , where he was ready to perish . england hath now for many yeares had many prophets in dungeons of disgrace and darknesse , yea all are sunk into the dirt and mire of obloquy and contempt on one side or other . i beseech you , be not tediously or anxiously inquisitive , how we came there ; but apply of your goodnesse and noblenesse fit meanes to draw us out . let not the christian and reformed ministry of this church , which was the most renowned in all the world ( without any doubt , offence or envy i speak it ) let not this be ( like elisha ) the scorne of fooles , the mocking-stock of children , the may-game of papists , the laughter of atheists , the object of fanatick petulancy and vulgar insolency , the wonder and gaze of all forrainers , the grief and astonishment of all sober men at home and abroad , who for some yeares have beheld the factious and divided , the disputed and despised state of ministers , the poor and pittiful shifts they have made to keep their heads above the waters , not to be quite overwhelmed with poverty , anarchy and contempt , while alone and solitary they signifie not much , and joyntly or socially they are now nothing at all ; having no publick harmony or fraternall correspondency , no concurrent counsel , no synodicall convention or ecclesiasticall authority , being never summoned by authority to meet or consult together , never so farre countenanced as to have any thing of publick concernment , to advise or execute in order to the generall good of religion : their names , their persons , their calling , their ordination , their preaching , their praying , their consecrating and dispensing of holy mysteries , their censures and reproofes , or whatever discipline any of them affect or dare to exercise , according to their own fancy and private authority , all they do with the greatest gravity , solemnity and sanctity , is vilified , slighted , abhorred , and as it were spit and spewed upon by some bold foreheads and foule mouthes , on one side or other , without any other remedy or redresse , than what their private discretion or their patience , either willingly or perforce , supplies them . these , these ( o noble gentlemen and worthy christians ) are now your divine teachers , these are your ghostly fathers , these the best and brightest of your clergy at present ; generally esteemed and treated as the filth and off-scouring of all things by vulgar minds : yea many of your modern intruders into the ministry are no better than the very scum and refuse of all trades and occupations : if necessity pincheth them , or pride provoketh them , or shame banisheth them from their first stations and mechanick imployments , presently they dare to preach , when they can do nothing well . the most illiterate and plebeian spirits , who are fitter to serve swine than the soules of christians , ( ad haras magis quàm anas apti ) men that want all things befitting preachers of the gospel , except onely lungs and tongues , such as are quite broken and despairing as to any other way of living , these aspire to be your preachers : how enabled , how examined , how ordained , by what authority they are sent i know not ; but i am sure they run amaine , striving by all popular acts to out-run , yea and over-run , the ancient , grave and sober sort of ministers in england , whom they look upon as their sore enemies , eagerly persecuting them till they run themselves out of breath . then being tired in one place , they ramble to some other , till use and confidence hath so completed them in boldnesse , that they dare own themselves in all companies , ( but such as are grave , good and learned ) to be ministers of the gospel , after any new mode and fashion that they list to take up . nothing can be a work of more christian piety , prudence and compassion to this nation , than to redeeme the ministry of it from that pittifull posture and sad condition whereto it is at present condemned by that divided , despised , and on all sides either doubted or denyed , authority , which preachers challenge to themselves . all are represented by some or other to the people as falsarii , cheates , impostors , seducers . certainly it were worthy of the wisdome and honor of this nation , to remove ( as all others , so ) in the first place this great grievance , scandall and stumbling-block out of the way of all christians ; to take away this reproach of our reformed religion , whose god , and saviour , and spirit , being but one , its faith , gospel and sacraments the same , its ministeriall power and authority can be but one in the true authority and authentick commission , both as to its originall and derivation . there is no speedier way nor easier to sow up the rents of christs garment , to clense and close the wounds of his body in this church , than to poure the wine of healing and the oyle of union upon the ministers of the gospel , by perswading , yea commanding and conjuring them to be of one heart and one mind in the lord. nothing is more worthy that wisdome and power , that piety and honor ▪ ( to which you , as gentlemen , and christians , and reformed , do pretend ) than to advance by your counsel , industry and authority , so christian a work as the setling of religious order and unity , an harmonious government and uniforme authority among the ministers of the gospell . i know all the gates of hell will be against the designe , and oppose it with what ever power and policy can be found among the devills : but the work ( like that of building the second temple ) is gods. honest endeavours will be their own rewards ; how much more the desired effect , if attained ? which is so good and great , that no minds truly great and good but earnestly desire to see that day , when they may behold the uniforme face of a nationall church among us , such a reformation as is without any remarkable defect or deformity , specially so black and fundamentall as these are , the divisions , distractions , confusions among the clergy , the vilifying and nullifying of all ministeriall order and ecclesiasticall authority ; that such an honor and respect may be restored to your ministers , as may exempt them and all religious ministrations from profanenesse , scurrility , contempt ; that your ministers may be such men of learning and worth , of wisdome and meeknesse , of fraternall love and kindnesse , that they may both deserve and rightly use the just favour , supports and respects given them ; the benefit of all which will most redound to your honor and the happinesse of your posterity , when they shall behold such religion , such reformation and such ministers , as they shall see cause to reverence , love and value in conscience . religion is nothing if it be not esteemed as sacred ; sacred it cannot be if it be once ridiculous ; and ridiculous it will be , if once it appeare either to have or make many strange and antick faces before the people , who have all this in-bred principle in them , that as true religion can be but one , so it ought to be uniform , and its teachers unanimous , both in their divinity and their authority : for variety in ministers breeds incertainty , inconstancy in holy duties , inconstancy breeds indifferency , indifferency breeds levity , levity futility , futility folly , folly presumption , presumption atheisme and licenciousness among people , who from many religions grow to any , and from any religion to none at all ; common people having neither capacity , ability or leisure to disintangle religion , when it is offered them all snarled with the factions , disputes and janglings of their ministers . they cannot wind up any great bottom of piety , who all their lives are untying the knots and undoing the snarles of the scaine of religion , which ought by the wisdome of christian magistrates be presented to them in the most easie , comely , orderly , authoritative and well-composed forme that can be , and all little enough . if the christian and reformed religion , which hath been so famous and flourishing in england , be left to the coldnesse and indifferency of some , the loosenesse and rudenesse of others , also to the inordinate fervors and contentions of a third sort , ( which are the predatorious flames and gangrenes daily mortifying the native heate and moisture of religion , which consist in truth and love ; ) if all things of solemne mysteries , sacred order and divine ministry , be still left to dissolve , first into plebeian ignorance and insolency , next into open profanenesse and atheisme , and at last to shift for shame into popish superstition and roman communion ; must not the fate of your , either miscreant or miserable , posterity necessarily be such , that their teeth will be so set on edge by the sowre grapes you have eaten and left for them , that they will not endure sound doctrine , much lesse wholesome discipline ? thus untaught and ungoverned , unbred and unfed in religion , can you expect other from them than all debaucheries , immoralities , and such atheisticall indifferences and impudencies as the heart of man easily runs into , if left to it self , as the horse and mule , without bit or bridle of religion and conscience to restraine them ? may they not have cause , in their sad reflections upon the beauty , order , honor and happinesse of religion in england , which they may read of in former daies , ( besides the many afflictions and civill dissentions which have and will inevitably follow divided religion , to an irreligion in any nation ) may they not in their doubting , dying and despairing retreates , have cause to count you , yea and to curse you , as their carelesse and cruell parents ? who are never quiet or content , till you settle your honors , estates and civill affaires in some safe posture , as you imagine ; but are wholly negligent as to any religious establishment , which many men feare , oppose and abhorre , lest in cleare waters their faces should appeare the fouler ; varieties and uncertainties of religion being most fomented by those whose piety is wholly resolved into policy , who never tasted how gracious the lord is in the waies , meanes and fruites of true religion . but for you ( o my noble countrimen ) that have seen and rejoyced in that glorious light of reformed religion which shined so long and illustriously in the church of england , how can you with any conscience or comfort leave the world , and leave your posterity with your country exposed to such variety , uncertainties , distractions , deformities and confusions , as to the reformed religion and its ministry ? which makes them look like the temple of god in jerusalem , after nebucadnezzar and nebuzaradan had visited it with fire and sword , so defacing and deforming it , that it was the pitty of all good men , and the scorn of the wicked . as augustus caesar was wont in his most impotent passion of grief and vexation to teare his haire , and cry out ( ridde , vare , legiones ) o varus , restore the legions of brave and veterane souldiers , which thou hast so unadvisedly or unworthily lost , ( when they were slaine by the germane surprises ) so may you heare the soberest christians and truest-hearted english-men in their grief and shame cry out , reddite nobis religionem reformatam , uniformem , christianam , primaevam , catholicam ; reddite ecclesiae anglicana priscam pietatem , pacem , ordinem , pulchritudinem , patrimonium , regimen , majestatem debitam , & decus antiquum : reddite nobis patres , fratres , filios spiritales ; episcopos atate , virtute , authoritate venerandos ; presbyteros literatura , industria , humilitate , unitate , ordine conspicuos ; plebem probe instructam , modestam , sobriam , mutua charitate amulam , non effr●nem , infrunitam , laceram , non erroribus lascivam , non novitatibus foedam , non scabie rigentem , non nimia petulantia deformem , non irreligiose religiosam , &c. this was the voice of the church of england , while it dared to speake latine , which being now scandalous and reprochfull to many , as the language of the beast , not understood by them , she is forced to expresse her prayer in english for mens better understanding . restore , restore i beseech you to me , to your selves , to your country , to your posterity , the purity , the peace , the sanctity , the solemnity , the sobriety , the order , the honor , the unity , the solidity , the stability , the power , the efficacy , the fruites and works of true christian and reformed religion ; restore to us the happinesse of living , not onely united in one civill polity as men , but in one ecclesiasticall correspondency , combination and communion as christians . it is more for our honor and peace to be members of one church , than of one commonwealth ; to have the same religion and devotion , than the same lawes and statutes . restore to us those prime veines and catholick conduits of ecclesiasticall order , of church-power and spirituall authority ( under christ ) those paternall pastors , those primitive bishops , those successive apostles : that so we may have such presbyters as have the catholick character of due ordination , and the most undoubted derivation of ministeriall authority upon them , being at once able and willing , duly proved and empowered by christs deputed ministers and the whole church , to consecrate and dispense holy mysteries to us ; not in the new names of presbyters , or people , or parlaments , or princes onely , but in the name of christ and his church , according to the commission he first gave to the apostles , and they transmitted to their successors in a constant , undoubted , and uninterrupted succession to this day . redeeme this ancient church and renowned nation from those lice and flies , those locusts and frogs , whose importune malice and wantonnesse seeks to deface and devour whatever yet remaines of the reformed religion in england . redeeme all sober christians , whose little life affords them no leisure to play with religion ; redeeme them from the rents and schismes , the raggs and tatters , the breaks and divisions , the fragments and fractions , the chaines and fetters , the childish and ridiculous janglings , the scandalous and pernicious liberties , with which pragmatick spirits seek to poyson and to imprison their judgements and consciences . nothing is , at least ought to be , more pressive and urging upon your honors and consciences ( who are persons sensible of these two great regards to god and man ) than these concernments of true religion ; whose influence reacheth to the eternall interest of your own and your posterities soules . nor is their lapsed estate to be helped by faire words and soft pretentions , by demure silences and ●ary reserves , by state-stratagems and politick artifices , by vaporing of reformations , and conniving at popular insolencies , as if they were tendernesses and liberties due to conscience . no , the recovery of religion is to be effected by potent convictions and impartiall suppressions of all enormous opinions and actions , by serious trying of errors , and establishing of sound doctrine , by just restraining all inordinate liberties , by incouraging an able and uniform ministry , by discountenancing all fanatick novelties , by composing al uncharitable divisions , and by punishing all pragmatick arrogancies , which evidently vary from , or run counter against , that truth , order , ministry , authority and holy discipline of religion , which scripture and all catholick conformity to it have commended to all christians as christs will and appointment ; which being accordingly setled in this church and state , ought not to be contradicted or rudely contemned by any new lights , by pretended inspirations , or the novel inventions of any man or men whatsoever , seem they never so holy , so devout , so well-affected , so sincere , so saintly . this and other true churches of christ did know very well what belonged to the unity , sanctity , charity and constancy of religion , as christian and reformed , long before the new fry of any factionists or enthusiasts were known in the english or christian world . then will the honor of the reformed religion recover , take root , flourish and fructifie again in england , when it is by due authority and just severity cleared of all that rust and canker , that mossy and barren accretion which of later yeares it hath contracted , chiefly for want of those ecclesiasticall councils , sacred synods and religious conventions , which ( being called and incouraged by civill authority ) will best do this great work of god and the church ; freely and impartially , solidly and sincerely , learnedly and honestly discussing all things of difference , disorder or deformity in religion . these , these would ( by gods blessing , and your encouragement ) remove in a short time all that putid matter , from which the scandals , offences and factions do chiefly arise , and by which they are nourished in the licentious hearts and lives of some men , who dare do any thing that they safely may against religion . these , as the ablest and meetest judges of religion , would soon discerne between the vile and the precious , and separate the wheat and the chaffe in christs floore , wisely using the flaile and fan of his word and spirit . chap. xv. therefore is our religion so miserably lapsed and decayed , through the ignorance , negligence and impudence of men , because it hath not for these many yeares been under such hands as are most proper either for its care and preservation , or its cure and recovery . courts of princes and councels of state , the spirit of armies and the genius of parliaments , are not ( alone ) apt agents or instruments for this work , though they may be happy promoters , and authoritative designers and contrivers of it . saint ambrose and others of the ancients observe , that it never went well with the sound part of the church , when the disputes of religion ( as between the arrians and the orthodox ) were brought into princes courts , and determined by their counsellors and courtiers . it was not more piety and modesty than prudence and generosity in constantine the great , when he had conquered licinius with other enemies , and entirely obtained the roman empire , when he had power absolute and soveraign enough to have made what edicts he listed for religion , yet that he then called the bishops of the church throughout the roman world , and other venerable teachers attending them , to discusse the differences in religion , to compose the breaches , to allay the jealousies , to reforme the disorders , to search and establish the true faith , to confirme the ancient government , to adde vigor to the just discipline of the church , and due authority to its true pastors or bishops . all which were happily done by the wisdome , piety and moderation of the famous nicene council , in which constantine himself was oft present as to his person and counsell , though he never voted or determined any thing of religion among the fathers of that glorious assembly , lest he should seem to over-balance or over-awe the truth by his authority , or to eclipse the church by the state. this , this was that primitive and catholick way of ecclesiasticall councills and synods , used first by the apostles , and after by all their successors , the martyrly bishops and pastorly confessors of the church , which endured the fiery trialls of heathenish and hereticall persecutions , who had ecclesiasticall councills and synods of church-men for their reliefe and remedy , before they had the favour of christian princes for their refuge or defence . to this proper method for reforming of any church and restoring religion , all princes that were true patrons and protectors of the true church have applied their powers and counsels for the repairing of decayes , rectifying disorders , condemning heresies , vindicating fundamentall truths , composing differences , and restoring peace in the church of christ ; calling together such synods and conventions of the clergy as did beare most proportion to those inconveniences or mischiefes which they sought to remedy , either in greater or lesser circuits , according as the poyson and infection of heresie or schisme had spread it self . the welfare of religion and healing of the church of christ was never ( heretofore ) left to every private christians fancy , or to particular presbyters , nor yet to single bishops , to act according as their opinions , passions and interests might sway them ; nor was it ever betrayed into the hands of onely secular men , either civill magistrates , or gentlemen , or tradesmen , who are as fit ( generally ) for church-work , as clergy-men are to marshall armies , or to manage battels . the building of gods tabernacle and his temple required men of extraordinary gifts and excellent spirits , proper and proportionate to those works : as the leviticall priests of old did judge , not onely of plagues and leprosies , but of all controversies about the law and religion , to whose determination all men were to submit under paine of death . and as aaron standing between the living and the dead stopped the spreading of a plague and mortality among the people ; even so hath the lord ordained the evangelicall ministers to be as shepherds , feeders , defenders and rulers in his church ; also as physitians and fathers of the flock of god , whose lips ought to preserve knowledge so as to discerne both the contagion and the cure , applying ( as their duty is ) such ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) sound doctrine and discipline , as are both wholesome food and healing physick . certainly all other lay-undertakers and tamperers with reformation and religion , are but as empiricks and mountebanks , having neither that ability nor that authority which is requisite in religious undertakings : but after much paines and charge they alwaies leave reformation and religion , church and clergy , more unsearched and unsound , unbound and ulcerous , than they found them : god never following those with the blessing of the end , who disdaine to use those orderly meanes which his holy wisdome hath directed them to ; who lay the ark of god upon the cart , and think to draw it by the beasts of the people , when it should be orderly and solemnly born by the shoulders and hands of those that are consecrated to that holy service as the priests of the lord : which method is not onely more for the honor and solemnity of christian religion , than for the glory of the blessed god , that his name might be sanctified even before the world , in the managing of true religion , not flightly or slovenly , not with unwashen hands and preposterous confusions , but with that holy respect and humble reverence which is due to the majesty of that god and saviour whom christians professe to worship . t is ridiculous for princes and states-men to have the best musitians for their pleasure , the most learned and experienced physitians for their bodily health , the most able and renowned lawyers for their secular counsels , the gallantest souldiers for their military officers , the best mathematicians for their engineers , and the best mariners for their pilots , that so these things might succeed to their worldly honor and happinesse ; and ( yet ) in matters of religion to content themselves either with no idoneous physitians and fit medicines , or with such quacking applications and applicators as are no way apt for the work , having neither skill nor dexterity to handle so tender , yet so dangerous , sores and wounds as those of religion many times are , not onely affecting the heads of men , but coming neerest the very hearts of them : yea and i may say these church-distempers affect the very heart of christ himself , both god and man. we find secular magistrates and judges many times ( with herod and pilate ) ready to set christ at nought and condemne him ; souldiers we know have mocked him , buffeted him , crucified him , and parted his garments among them : but they were his choise apostles , with other ordained ministers , that professed and preached him . these , these first planted , fenced and watered christian religion ; these preserved , propagated and pruned the church of christ to this day , as the husbandmen or labourers of christs own sending into his vineyard , as workers together with god in the great work of saving soules : with these apostles and ministers he promised to be ( meaning them and their true successors ) to the end of the world ; as he hath been to this day , never failing to assist godly bishops and other faithfull presbyters of his church , to do his work , as in private so in publick , when they did orderly meet as his servants , in his name , to his glory and his churches good , suffering themselves to be impartially guided by his word and spirit , without serving the factious interests and sinister policies either of prince or people . then , then was it that councils and synods appeared to all sober-minded and humble-hearted christians as the starre did to the wise men at jerusalem , guiding them to christ with exceeding great joy , in orderly waies of truth and peace becoming christian ministers and people ; which was the blessed effect of the first church - council we read of , where james bishop of jerusalem with the apostles of the lord ( as chief ) and other elders or presbyters , being met in the presence of christian people , did so consult , discusse and resolve the dissensions then risen in the churches , as to send their determinations with this style and title , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us : whose canons were read and received not onely with reverence and conscience , but with joy and consolation . so welcome and usefull to all good christians are those meanes which are fitly and wisely applied , after gods method and the apostles pattern , to the reliefe and recovery of the church . the care of summoning and convocating such ecclesiasticall parlaments when need requires , is worthy the piety and majesty of christian princes and soveraigne magistrates , in whom that authority resides , as nursing fathers of the church : but certainly the management and transaction of religious affaires in them by way of devotion , disputation and determination , is the proper work of church-men , that are godly , learned , wise and honest , both of bishops as fixed and chief rulers of the church , and of grave presbyters as the representees of the other clergy , chosen , deputed , intrusted and empowered by them , fully and freely to deliberate and determine in those great concernments , as gods word and their own consciences shall direct them , without any to over-awe them or to dictate to them . i am not ignorant of the jealousies and prejudices that many ( even wise and good christians ) have of such assemblies , synods , convocations or councils , as are made up onely of ecclesiasticks or clergy-men : whos 's oft unhappy successes gregory nazianzen ( that great divine , and good bishop ) complaines of in his dayes , when the arrian faction , by the partiality of emperours infected with their poyson , strongly vyed in their conventions against the orthodox decisions , the ancient faith and catholick customes of the church , setting up ever and anon in their juncto's and conventicles ( as st. hilary expresseth it ) diurnall creeds and menstruous faiths , being many times but ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) theevish synods , furtive conventicles , suborned and slavish assemblies , either transported by humane passions , or biassed by partiall affections , or levened with popular factions , or over-awed by secular powers and sacrilegious policies , which made such conventions , as the hills of the robbers , predatorious oppressors of true religion , pillagers and spoilers of the church of christ , of which too many sad instances have been in ancient and later daies both at home and abroad . especially when such assemblies meet not summoned by lawfull authority , not chosen with ecclesiastick freedome , not sitting with completeness of members , not voting or disputing with rationall , ingenuous and christian liberties : but all things must be carried not after the nicene but tridentine fashion , as if the holy ghost were sent to the assessors in a carriers cloke-bag , or a souldiers knapsack ; the most learned and sober men must be mute , and not dare freely to speak their minds , without being posted and exposed to popular hatred , even to the outraging and hazard of their persons , unlesse they speak to that key and tune to which the organe of faction is set . these methods of church - councils and assemblies , i confesse , are so mechanick , so tyrannick , so satanick , that nothing is more mischievous to the church of christ and true religion , whose condition instead of being thus mended , is alwaies marred and betrayed to further errors , factions and confusions . i pray god deliver his church from such conventions , where either lay-men shall over-number and over-awe the clergy , or clergy-men shall vassalate their consciences to gratifie any potent party and novell faction , to the prejudice of that truth , faith , order , ministry and government which were once delivered to the churches of christ . not onely england , but all christendome hath cause to curse the day when such snares and stratagems of satan began to be laid in synods and assemblies , from thence to take effect on the whole , or any part of the christian church ; as eminently in the second council of nice , the last of trent , and that at westminster : the first setting up images in christian churches , to the scandall of religion ; the other a thousand new imaginations never owned before as of christian faith ; the last , which is the first of any that cryed down episcopacy or prelacy . but the abuses incident to good things , through the distempers of men and evill hearts , must not exterminate or deprive us of the right use of them ; for then we should not onely forsake our wits and reason , but our meat and drink , our clothes and sleep , yea and the light of the sun , and breathing in the aire , yea our very sacraments and scriptures , our frequent sermons , and extemporary as well as set prayers , yea & our presbyters as well as our bishops ; for in all these hony-combes or hives , do hornets , wasps and drones very oft shrowd themselves ; by these , as st. austin observes , all errors , heresies and schismes seek to support and shelter themselves . but where such ecclesiasticall synods and councils as were the first so famous generall ones , of nice , ephesus , chalcedon and constantinople ( besides many other provinciall and nationall synods , in asia , africa and europe , also here in our britany , of which the most learned sir h. spelman hath given us a liberall account , as sirmondus of those in france ▪ ) where , i say , they were lawfully called by the chief magistrate , or freely convened by the bishops consents , and impartially managed , with the feare of god and love of his truth , so as becomes men of learning , gravity and good conscience , in so grand concernments as import the peace of the church , the satisfaction and salvation of mens soules : in these cases it cannot be denyed , nor sufficiently expressed , with how happy successes god hath alwaies blessed those meetings ; their pious results and peaceable determinations being the votes of that publick spirit of christ , to which the private spirits of all true prophets and preachers , no lesse than of christian people , will , as they ought , be subject : truth and peace have for many yeares after flourished in those churches that have been most blest with the frequency of such synods . as frequency of parlaments , when they are as they ought to be , ( the highest , fullest and freest counsel of the nation ) is the best preservative of our civill peace , and of the vigor of our lawes ; so would frequent nationall synods ( rightly constituted and managed ) be , as i formerly demonstrated , the best conservators of the purity , peace and proficiency of our religion as christian and reformed . when convocations of ministers should meet and sit , not onely for forme and fashion , to be the umbra's of parlaments , to put on their gownes , to tell the clock , and to give their monies , but to look seriously and effectually into the state of religion , that it suffered no detriment by any practise or pretention , by profanenesse or superstition , by any defects or excesses , under the colours of affected novelty , or antiquated antiquity ; if the hand that held the scale and standard of religion , were here fixed by authority , that nationall synods should be the conservators of religion , it is not imaginable how much all worthy ministers would study to improve their studies and imploy their parts to increase their gifts and graces , that they might be meet helps in so grand and publick services for god and his church : such as now are like bitten and over-dopped shrubs , would then grow to the procerity of tall trees and goodly cedars . what is there so great , so glorious , so usefull , so advantageous for religion and the good of the church , that might not here by many acute eyes , diligent hands , able heads and honest hearts be effected ? . how might all new opinions , which the luxuriancy of mens imaginations are prone to conceive and bring forth , ( it may be with no evill minds , as honest women oft do monstrous births ) be here timely and duly examined , and either smothered or allowed to live , being either fully confuted or seriously confirmed ? . how might the purity , solidity and profundity of true doctrine here be contained and maintained , as the waters for the temple were in the brasen sea ? . how might the first catechisticall principles or foundations , with the second and third storyes of religion , be here methodically digested and prepared for the use of all sorts of people , younger and elder ? . how noble an appeale and impartiall a sanctuary would both doctrine and discipline here have ; which none could in reason or modesty either wave or refuse ? . how might the devotionall parts of religion be here admirably composed , and so disposed as might supply both the infinite defects which have followed the late indirect directory , and the apparent wants which are found of a fitting publick liturgy ? the disuse of which hath not onely exposed the solemnity of publick prayers and sacramentall consecrations to each private ministers spirit and abilities ; but to his defects , disorders , excesses , errors , indispositions and extravagancies : yea they have brought a very great neglect of publick and private duties among all people , through the ignorance and indevotion which is grown among us . further , they have occasioned infinite partialities , whisperings , tumults , strifes , disdaines and divisions among all sorts both of ministers and people ; who have not onely the word of god , but the water and the blood , both the sacraments of christ , in great respect for mens persons , parts and gifts . one minister will have sacraments , another will have none : one is cryed up , another cryed down , as consecrating and officiating better or worse than another : one is very long , flat and tedious ; another too short , obscure and concise : one affects such strange words and odde phrases in his consecration and distribution , as either amaze or scandalize the receivers , which i have known : some ministers do all by their own either constant or occasionall formes ; others covet to imitate the patternes and expressions of leading and popular preachers . i humbly conceive much good might be done , even in this particular , if all ministers were tyed to use some one grave , devout , complete and emphatick form , such as should be established with all due regard to the former liturgie , and yet permitted with that , to use what further prayers and praises they thought convenient , or their fervent hearts moved them to , for their own and their peoples occasions ; of the discreet performing of which , they should have other judges besides themselves , who should not suffer them to be tedious , extravagant or impertinent . . by such synods moving in a constant orb or fixed sphere , how easily might a noble commentary upon the whole scripture be composed and commended to the use of this church , for the clearing of the scripture-sense and meaning , and for confirming the readers of them in the true faith ; which many not understanding with the eunuch , wrest to their own destructions for want of an interpreter ? for neither geneva notes , nor diodates touches , nor the late endeavours of some of the assembly , do in my judgement come up to that light and lustre which would be required , and might be attained , in so admirable and usefull a work , whereto much good materialls are already prepared by the excellent labours of english divines upon most parts of the scripture . to this commentary might be added such directions for readers more at leisure , as might commend to them those excellent english or other authors , who had wrote well on any one book , or chapter , or verse , with reference to the most remarkable treatises or sermons , which have been set forth in the church of england , which beyond any church , ancient or moderne , had a fulnesse of such spirituall gifts or prophesying powred forth upon it ; which are now generally shrunk and withered , much abated and quite buried , chiefly for want of such publick imployment , improvement and incouragement , as ministers are capable of and aptest for . . by the concurrent influence of such publick counsels , all difficulties in doctrine , discipline and church-government might easily be maturely debated , gravely resolved , exactly stated , and wisely composed . . more compendious , cleare , easie and constant waies of instilling religion to common peoples grosser minds might be prescribed , than those are of loose , rambling , arbitrary and diffused preaching , where after twenty yeares preaching ( yea and with great applause many times as well as good paines , ) yet poor people are most-what very ignorant or raw as to the very first and maine principles of religion ; which i humbly conceive might be drawn up into so many short discourses and cleare summaries , as might every lords-day take up one quarter of an hour , or little more , before and after noon , in the ministers distinct reading some one of them to the people in such a constant order , as once in every half year might finish the whole series of them : which might be printed for the use of such as can reade , and for others that cannot reade , this frequent inculcating and constant repeating of those main points , so set forth , could not but much improve the sound understanding of plainer people in the doctrines , mysteries , graces and promises , precepts and duties of true religion ; which now they learne either not at all in some necessary points , or so rawly , raggedly , loosely and confusedly , that it comes far short of that judicious and methodicall solidity which they might attaine , if they were clearly , uniformly and constantly taught , so as they could best beare and heare , understand and remember . nor would this be any hinderance to preaching , praying or catechizing , but a great furtherance to them all ; & what ever people had beside from the meanest - gifted minister , they might be sure to have every lords-day one or two heads of good divinity well set forth to them , yea and one or two chapters of the bible well explained to them , till the whole were gone through . which would be a great meanes to prevent the odd , idle and addle senses , by which silly or pragmatick-spirited people pervert and corrupt the scripture , not onely by their private and weak , but by their ridiculous , erroneous and blasphemous interpretations : the variety and loosenesse , besides the easinesse and flatnesse of most mens preaching , doth rather confound than build common people in religion ; all which by constant synods might be amended . if the church of england were so barren of godly , able , learned and honest ministers , that a good and safe choice of fit members cannot be made every time such venerable synods and usefull assemblies should meet ; if we of the clergy are all so degenerated as to become ( of late yeares ) either dunces and unlearned , or erroneous and corrupt in our judgements , or licencious and immorall in our manners , or partiall and imprudent in our designes , or base and cowardly in all our dealings , that we are not to be trusted in the mysteries or managery of our own calling and function ; truly t is pitty we should be owned any longer as ministers of christ in this or any church , being so unfit for our own sphere and duty . nor can i understand how it should be that mechanick artificers , merchants , tradesmen and souldiers should still be thought fittest to be advised with in their severall waies and mysteries of life ; onely the clergy should be thought so defective in all abilities and honesty , as not to be trusted with any advise or counsell in publick matters of religion , no more than with any place in any civil counsell or transactions . parlament-men they may not be ; while the most puny-gentry , petty lawyers , and triviall physitians , while merchants and milleners , gold-smiths and copper-smiths , while drugsters , apothecaries , haberdashers of small wares , and leather-sellers , and while every handy-crafts-man and prentice aspire to be not onely committee but even parlament-men , yea and it may be counsellors of state. onely clergy-men must be wholly excluded , ( as monks condemned to their beades and bellies ) while those lay-masters challenge not onely all civill counsels and honorable employments to themselves , but they further seek to engrosse even those great concernments of religion ; not allowing any ministers , of what ever size their learning , wisdome and worth be , to move in their own mystery or joynt and publick interests , further than as they are impounded to their parish-pulpits , and tedered to their texts or desks . every sorry and silly mechanick dares to arrogate as great , ( nay far greater ) empire-influences and latitudes in the publick management of religion , than the best divines in england may ever hope to attaine , or adventure to use , in any sphere private or publick , unless there be a more indulgent and equall regard had to the worth and calling of ministers than of late yeares hath been had . o happy england , whose laity ▪ and communalty of late hath so excelled thy clergy ! or rather o miserable england , who either hast such church men as are not fit to be advised with or not trusted in religion ; or which art so unworthily jealous and neglective of them , as not to trust or use them in those great and sacred concernments for which they were educated , and in which they were heretofore not onely thought , but known , to be as able as any clergy in all the world , till they were thus divided and shattered , thus disabled and disparaged , most of them rather by popular discouragings , prejudices and oppressions , than by any reall defects in themselves either of piety , learning or honesty ! i cannot sufficiently pitty and deplore thy sad and miserable fate ( o my country ) which either abasing or abusing , at least not using thy worthiest clergy for such publick ends , deprivest thy self of the most soveraigne , nay onely ordinary meanes under heaven whereby to recover thy self to the former beauty , honor , lustre , stability and integrity of true religion which thou didst enjoy ▪ everlasting divisions , deformities and confusions wil be thy portion , without a miracle , if thou trustest to those egyptian reeds , the novel pretensions and usurpations of ignorant and arrogant lay-men , of inspired and aspiring levellers , which will pierce into thy hand and heart while thou leanest on them . nothing can restore or preserve the health and soundnesse of religion but those waies which are tryed , authoritative and authentick , which have gods image , christs power , the spirits wisdome , the apostles prescription , and the catholick churches character upon them ; which may first perswade mens judgements , and then oblige their consciences to obey for the lords sake . all methods used in religion that are perverse , popular , novell , arrogant or invasive , contrary to the sacred and venerable methods of gods direction and the churches catholick custome , are like sluces and banks ill-bottomed , soon blown up , having neither depth nor weight , foundation nor superstruction to make them good . nor shall i ever think the lawes of parlaments more binding to obey in civill things , than such canons of church-councils are obligatory as to submission in religious matters ; where nothing is decreed contrary to gods express will in his word , nor beyond those generall latitudes and commissions of charity , order , peace , decency and holinesse , which god hath indulged to his church . certainly the wolves , foxes and boares , hereticks , schismaticks and heathen persecutors , had long ago scattered the severall flocks of christ into corners , and dissolved the face of any visible church on earth , if after the severall sad dispersions and vastations of them , the chief pastors and bishops of the church , ( succeeding to the ordinary power of apostles ) had not either in oecumenick councills , or in their particular diocess & provinces , taken care with their brethren to call together and settle in holy communion of faith and manners the remaines of their dispersed presbyters and disordered people . to which good work of calling councils and synods , for the rectifying and restoring of religion , all good christian emperours , besides the bishops , did cheerfully contribute both their favour and treasure , as the most noble way in the world to employ them . shall the counsels and powers , the tributes and revenues of christian magistrates and people , be onely laid out in making war at home and abroad , onely to recover or keep up their civill peace , or to build their own houses ? and is nothing to be laid out to maintain the faith of christ , to keep the fort of sion , and to build the towers and temple of jerusalem , to restore and preserve the purity and peace , the sanctity and solemnity , the order and authority of christian , yea reformed religion ? must that be left ( like pauls ) to impaire or repaire it self as well as it can ? or onely be committed to the care of such men as are commonly better at pulling down than building up churches , who neither know how to begin nor how to end any church-work , having neither heads nor hands , materialls nor skill , line nor rule fit for such businesse ? and when they have done all they can in bungling and new waies , neither the clergy or ministers under their power , nor the laity or people under their command , will much more regard , as to conscience , what is so done by only lay-mens magisterial decrees and imperial appointments , than they now do consider the covenant and holy league , or the directory and engagement , new models for religion , cut out not so much by nationall synods and councils as by swords and pistols , and accordingly both esteemed and used by all men that are of sound and judicious minds , not corrupted with partiality , credulity , popularity and novelty . for how can those bind the conscience of the nation in the most indifferent things of religion , who never had the choice , counsell or consent of all estates in the nation , either to advise , or determine , or enjoyne any such things , which require ( to make them valid and conscientiously obligatory ) the soveraignes call , the clergies counsell , and the parlaments sanction ? chap. xvi . i well know how hard a work it is for the best and wisest of men to stop the leakes of religion , to repaire a broken church , or to buoy up a sunk and lapsed clergy , when once they are either overwhelmed with the corrupt doctrines and licentious manners of preachers and professors , or split with intestine schismes and divisions , or debased with vulgar usurpations and presumptions , or oppressed with the secular policies and sacrilegious injuries of violent and unreasonable men ; who are alwaies afraid lest the renewed light and restored vigor of true religion , with the due authority of its ministry in the church , should give any stop or check to their extravagant lusts and enormous actions . to which purpose such pragmaticks will be sure either utterly to hinder all good meanes that may effectually recover the true interests of religion and its ministry , or else they labour impertinently to apply such onely as they know will render them more uncurable , and set them next doore to an impossibility . which will be the state of the church of england , if the recovery of religion , as to its visible beauty , order , unity and polity , be either managed by lay-mens counsels and activities onely , excluding all ministers from all publick , equall and impartiall consultations ; or if , on the other side , church-affaires be wholly left to the various heads , divided hands and partiall designes of such as are now called preachers , and pretend to be ministers ; among whom ( commonly ) the weakest heads have the most pragmatick hands , and men of least abilities are greatest sticklers , though it be but more to puzzle , confound and destroy themselves and others . on the other side , such clergy-men as have most of solid learning , sober piety , sacred authority , and real sufficiencies for such a work , will be either afraid or ashamed to act or assist in it , if they have not some publick commission with equall and impartiall incouragement from those in power . for certaine , meer mechanick and illiterate preachers , ( such as some people now most affect ) will never be able , if willing , to do any good in so great and good a work , no more than wasps are like to make honey : ignorance and disorder , faction and confusion being for their interest , as muddy places are best for eeles . other ministers , though never so willing and able , yet , as tooles that are blunt and have no edge set on them , can never carry on such a work handsomely , unlesse their late rust and dis-spiriting , their poverty and depression be taken off ; unlesse their mutuall contempts , distances and jealousies be fairly removed ; unlesse they be restored to such charity , comfort and courage , as becomes learned and godly ministers . such a constitution , as was heretofore most eminently to be seen in the ecclesiasticall synods and convocations of the english clergy , while they enjoyed , by the favours of munificent princes and the assistance of unanimous parlaments , those many noble priviledges both of honor and estate , together with their undoubted ecclesiasticall authority , which were by ancient and moderne lawes setled upon them ; which kept up the learning and religion , the credit and comfort of the clergy of this nation , to so great an height both of love and reputation , that neither the petulancy of people nor the arrogancy of any parasitick preachers either dared or were able thus to divide and wound them and the church , through the pretences of such liberties and reformations as knew no bounds of modesty or common honesty , so far were they from any true grounds of piety or christianity . nor will the divided and depressed state of religion in this church ever recover its pristine vigor , its due authority , its holy influence or its honorable esteem , unlesse you ( o my noble and honored countrymen , who are persons of most publick eminence and influence ) be pleased to make it one of the chiefest objects of your counsells , prayers and endeavours , to revive the drooping spirits , to raise the dejected estate , and to re-compose the shattered posture of the clergy or ministry of england ; in whose ruine the reformed religion will be ruined , and in whose recovery true christian religion will be recovered to its just harmony , stability , and honor : for it is impossible that religion as christian and reformed should enjoy either unity , reverence or authority , while the chief pastors , preachers and professors of it are in so dubious , debased and divided a condition . since then the religious happinesse of this church and nation chiefly depends and moves upon this one hindge , give me leave with all humble and earnest advise to commend to your christian consideration , first , the preservation of the very being or essence of a true and authoritative ministry , upon which depends the visible polity and orderly being of any true church , also the powerfull dispensation and comfortable reception of all holy mysteries ; secondly , the ( bene esse ) well-being or flourishing estate of such a true ministry , by which it may be kept in such order , honor and unity , as may redeem it both from vulgar arrogancies , contempts and confusions , also from mutuall factions and divisions ; by which meanes ( of later yeares ) the very face of a church , as to any nationall harmony , fraternity , subordination and communion in england , is either quite lost , or so hidden , deformed and disguised , that not onely the sacred dignity and authority , but the very name and office of a true minister , is become odious , infamous and ridiculous among many people , who either will have no ministers at all , or onely such as themselves list to create in their severall conventicles , which are , in respect of the true church and clergy of england , no more to be esteemed than the concubines of jealousie and harlots of adultery are to be compared to lawfull wives , that are matrons of unspotted honor . . the essentials of a true christian ministry consist , first , in the person or subject fitly qualified for that callings ; secondly , in the commission or power by which the proper forme and authority ministeriall is duly applyed to any person so qualified . . the person , subject matter or recipient of holy orders , ought to be such persons as are furnished with those ministeriall gifts and abilities , both internall and externall , for knowledge and utterance , for unblamable life and good report , as may make them not onely competent for that holy work in generall , but likewise fit for that particular place whereto god by man doth call them . of these reall and discernable competencies , ( besides those sincere and gracious propensities in charity to be hoped and presumed to glorifie god in that service , not out of ambition , covetousness , popularity , or meer necessity , but out of an humble zeal and an holy choice ) a judicious , serious , strict , solemn , publick and authoritative triall and approbation ought to be made , as was appointed in the church of england , by such ecclesiasticall persons as are in all reason most able , and so most meet to be appointed by law for the examining and judging of ministers , both as to their personall sufficiencies , and the publick testimonies of their life and manners . in this point i know some men are jealous that some bishops in former times were too private , remisse and superficiall , approving and ordaining ministers onely upon the chaplaines triall and testimony , which after proved but sorry clerks ; for which easinesse they had ( many times ) to plead the meannesse of those livings to which such ministers were presented , as could not bear an exacter triall . poor people must have such preachers or none in such starving entertainments as were in many places , which , like heathy grounds , neither can breed nor feed any thing that is grand or goodly . were the maintenance of ministers every where made competent , nothing shouid be more severely looked to by the ordainers of ministers than the competent abilities and worth of those to whom they transmit and impart that sacred power , charge and ministration . for , not onely the consciences of the ordained , but of the ordainers , stand here highly responsible to god and the church , that god may be glorified , that the church both in generall and particular may be satisfied , that both other ministers may cheerfully joyne with them in the work of the lord , and that their peculiar charge may receive them with that due respect , love and submission , which becomes those that minister to them the holy things of god in the stead of jesus christ , as his stewards , lieutenants and embassadors . no men will conscienciously , no nor civilly , regard any minister ( when once the plebeian heat of faction is allayed ) of whose sufficiency , and authority too , they have no just confidence , because no publick triall , credible testimony , or authoritative mission : how much lesse , when men shall have pregnant evidences of a ministers weaknesse , ignorance , folly , schisme and scandall many waies ? t is true , in the highest and exactest sense ( as the apostle sayes ) none are sufficient for those things ; but yet in a lower and qualified sense , none ought to be ordained who are not in some sort sufficient for them . because none are by way of divine equivalency worthy , we must not therefore admit such as are in humane & morall , or intellectuall proportions utterly unworthy ; since the lord of his church is pleased in all ages to give such gifts and blessings to mens tenuity , as may in some sense fit those earthen vessels to be workers together with god , by the help of the excellency of his divine power , whose operations in this kind are not miraculous , as without any fit meanes , but morall , and proportionate to the aptitude of such meanes as god hath appointed and required in his church for humane ability and industry . when the materiall qualifications of one that is a candidate or expectant of the ministry are thus examined by the ordainers , & discovered to all those who are concerned , the next care for the essentials of a minister consists in applying that true character , stamp and authority , wherein the essential form and soule as it were of a minister of the gospel doth consist ; which ( as i have in another work largely declared ) doth not arise from any thing that is common in nature or grace , from any morall , civill or religious respects , for then all men , and women too , that have naturall or acquired abilities , religious or gracious endowments , might presently either challenge to themselves the place , power , office and authority of a minister of christ and his church , or communicate it to others as they please ; which would be the originall of all presumption and confusion in the church of christ , as much as parallel practises would be in civill states , if every man should put himself into what place and imployment publick he listeth , either magistratick or military , without any commission or expresse authority derived to him from the fountaine of civill or magistratick power . no , the true , valid and authentick authority of an evangelicall minister of any rank and degree , as deacon , presbyter or bishop in the church , consists in that divine mission and ecclesiasticall commission , which is duly derived and orderly conferred to meet persons , by those who are the lawfull and catholick conduits of that power , to whom it bath been in all ages and places committed , and who are in a capacity to transmit or communicate and impart it to others by way of holy ordination , such as jesus christ received from his father , such as he derived to his apostles , such as they committed to their deputed successors , the bishops and pastors of the church in all ages and places ; of which we have two expresse witnesses and great exemplifications in the commissions given by saint paul to timothy and titus , both as to ordination and jurisdiction ; such as hath been preserved in the church through all times and places as a sacred depositum of spirituall power , enabling bishops and presbyters to act as ministers of christ , in the name of the father , son and holy spirit , in those holy offices and mysteries which are instituted by them for the calling , collecting , constituting and governing of the church in a regular society and visible polity ; which least of all affects or admits any novelty or variety in its holy orders or authority . which great trust , power and commission for duly ordaining and sending forth ministers into the church of christ , no man not wilfully blind but must confesse that it hath been in all times , parts and states of the church of christ executed , if not onely , yet chiefly , by the ecclesiasticall presidents or bishops , in every grand distribution of the churches polity : so as it was never regularly , warrantably or completely done by any christian people , or by any presbyters or preachers , without the presence , consent or permission of their respective bishops , in the severall limits or partitions . nor was this great , sacred and solemn work of ordination ever either usurped by bishops , as arrogant and imperious , or executed by them as a thing arbitrary and precarious ; but it was alwaies owned , esteemed and used by all true christians , both ministers and people , as an authority sacred and divine , fixed and exercised by way of spirituall jurisdiction and power ecclesiasticall , specially inherent , and eminently resident in bishops as such , that is , so invested with the peculiar power of conferring holy orders to others , even from the hands and times of the blessed apostles , who had undoubtedly this power placed in them , and as undoubtedly ordered such a transmission of it , as to timothy and titus , so to all those holy bishops that were their primitive successors ; who did , as they ought , still continue that holy succession to all ages , by laying on such episcopall hands as were the unquestionable conservators and chief distributers of that ministeriall power , ever esteemed sacred , apostolick , catholick , and divine , being from one fountain or source jesus christ , and uniformly carried on by one orderly course , without any perverting or interrupting from any good christians , either presbyters or people . nor were they ever judged other than factious , schismaticall , irregular , impudent and injurious , who either usurped to themselves a power of ordination , or despised and neglected it in their lawfull and orthodox bishops , upon any pretence of parity or popularity ; as learned saravia proves unanswerably against mr. beza , when to make good the new presbyterian consistory at geneva , he sought in this point to weaken the ancient , catholick and constant prerogative of episcopall ordination ; which never appeares either in scripture to have been committed , or in any church-history to have been used by any presbyters or people , apart from , much lesse in despite and affront of , the respective bishops which were over them . this great power of ordination , which the author to the hebrewes signifies by the solemn ceremonie or laying on of hands is esteemed by that apostolick writer as a maine principle or chief pillar of christian religion , in respect of ecclesiastick order , polity , peace , authority and comfort ; necessary for all christians , both as ministers and as people , in sociall and single capacities . for there is ordinarily no true and orthodox believing without powerful and authoritative preaching ; and there can be no such preaching without a just mission or sending from those in whom that sacred commission hath ever been deposited , exemplified and preserved ; which were the bishops of the church beyond all dispute , who did not ordaine presbyters in private and clandestine fashions , but in a most publick and solemn manner , after fasting , preaching and praying , so as might best satisfie the presbyters assistant and the people present at that grand transaction : both of them being highly concerned , the first what ministers or fellow - labourers were joyned with them in the work of the lord , the other what pastors and teachers were set over them as from the lord , and not meerly from man , in any natural , morall , or civill capacity ; whence the authority of the christian ministry cannot be , since it is not of man or from man , but from that lord and god , who is the great teacher and saviour of his church , who onely could give power as gifts meet for the pastors , bishops , and teachers of it . these serious , weighty and undoubted perswasions , touching one uniforme , holy , and divine ordination , being fixed in the consciences of all wise and sober christians ; it will follow without all peradventure , that true religion , as christian and reformed , will never be able to recover in this or any christian nation its pristine lustre and primitive majesty , its ancient life and vigor , its due credit and comfort , much lesse its just power and authority over mens hearts and consciences , untill this point of ordination , or solemn investiture of fit men into ministeriall office and power , be effectually vindicated and happily redeemed from those moderne intrusions , usurpations , variations and dissentions , which are now so rife among preachers themselves , whence flow those licentious and insolent humors so predominant in common people , who by dividing , the other by usurping , both by innovating in this point of ordination , have brought those infinite distractions , contempts and indifferences upon religion and its ministry , as christian and reformed , which are at this day to be seen in england beyond any nation that i know under heaven . it is most certain , that the major part of mankind , yea and of formall christians too , do not much care for the power of any religion , nor for the authority of any ministry , no nor for any serious profession or form of religion , further than these may suite with their fancies , lusts and interests . if custome or education have dipped them in some tincture of religion during their minority , if the cords of counsell and example have bound them up to some form of godlinesse in their tender yeares and tamer tempers ; yet , as they grow elder , they are prone to grow bolder to sin , and to affect such refractory liberties , as may not onely dispute and quarrell some parts , but despise and trample under feet all the frame of religion that is not indulgent to their humors , or compliant to their inordinate desires and designes . especially when once they find publick disorders , distractions and disgraces cast upon that very religion in which they were instituted ; when they see contumelies and affronts cast upon that whole church in which they were baptized , and all manner of contemptuous insolencies offered to those chief church-men , by whom they had received the derivations and dispensations of all holy orders , truths and mysteries . when men see new religions , new churches , new ministers and new modes of ordination set up , to the reproch and defiance of all that went before , who , i beseech you , of most ordinary christians ( who are yet agitated by their youthfull lusts and unbridled passions ) will be so constant as to hold fast that profession which formerly they had taken up ? who will continue to venerate that church and clergy whose heads they see crowned with thornes , and their faces besmeared with blood and dirt , whose comelinesse is deformed with the spittings , buffetings and scornes of those that seek to expose them to open shame , and to fasten them to the crosse of death and infamy ? alas , they will not at all regard in a short time any orders of the church , or any ordination of ministers , or any sacred ordinances and mysteries dispensed by them ; since no pleas , never so pregnant and unanswerable , for the antiquity , uniformity and constancy of that way and method which was used in all ages and places of the church of christ , since no gracious and glorious successes attending such ordaining bishops and such ordained presbyters , since nothing prevailes against vulgar prejudices and extravagancies , provoked by that impatient itch they alwaies have after novelties . many we see will have no ordination , no ministers , no sacraments , rather than bishops should have any hand in ordaining . the honor of that ordination which was in all ancient churches must be cruelly sacrificed with all ancient and catholick episcopacy , rather then some mens passions for a parity , or popularity , or an anarchy in the church be not gratified . all bishops as such , and all presbyters , and all christians , and all churches , and all holy duties performed by them in that station and communion , must be cryed down , yea thrown down , as the adulteratings and prostitutions of the churches liberty , and of the purity of christs ordinances . the hands of bishops and presbyters too , though joyned and imposed in ordination , must be declared as impure , vile and invalid ; yea a flat , novel and impertinent distinction must be found out to vacate the bishops eminency , and yet to assert the presbyters parity and sole power , as resting in any three , two , or one of them , though never so petty , poor and pittifull men in all respects ▪ naturall and civill , sacred and morall . yet these ( forsooth ) some fancy as presbyters may still ordain , because a bishop ( say they ) did so , meerly as a presbyter of the same degree and order , not as having any eminency of office , degree , authority or jurisdiction above the meanest minister ; which st. jerom and all antiquity acknowledged as a branch of apostolicall dignity and eminency peculiar to a bishop above any one or more presbyters . which reproches against the persons , power and practise of bishops in england , as usurpers and monopolizers in this point of ordination ( which they ever challenged and exercised as their peculiar honor , office and dignity in this as all churches ) if they could by any reason or scripture , by law of god or man , by any judgement or practise of any one church , or of any one godly and renowned christian in any age or history of the church , be verified , so as to make their power of ordination to be but a subtile or forcible usurpation in bishops , it would have been not onely an act of high justice to have abrogated all the pretensions of bishops to that or any power in the church ; but it will be a work of admiration , yea of astonishment , to the worlds end in all after-ages and successions of christian religion , ( which will hardly last another yeares ) to consider the long and strong delusion which possessed the christian world in this point of ordination , as onely regular and complete by bishops , where their presence and power might be enjoyed . nor will it be more matter of everlasting wonder to ponder , not onely gods long permission of such a strong delusion , but his prospering it so much and so long as a principall meanes to preserve and propagate the ministry , order , government , peace and power of true religion , and the true churches of christ , which were never without bishops , as spirituall fathers begetting ( as epiphanius speakes ) both presbyters and people to the church . nor will it be the work of an ordinary wit , whether presbyterian or independent , to salve all those aspersions and diminutions of either ignorance and blindness , or fatuity and credulity , or weaknesse and impotency , which must necessarily fall from this account not onely upon the wisest and best church-men , but upon the most christian and wise princes , the most zealous and reformed parlaments of england , who in the grand reformation of this church , and ever since for neer an . yeares , have after grave counsell and mature debate , approved and appointed , countenanced by a law , and incouraged by their actuall submission , the ordination of ministers chiefly by the authority of bishops , never without them . and this they did certainly not out of policy but piety , not in prudence onely but in conscience , convinced not only of the lawfulnesse of bishops , but of the necessity of them ( where providence doth not absolutely hinder or deny them , as it never did in england , or elsewhere ) by the example of the apostles , by the ancient , constant and uniform practise of this and all churches , by the suffrages of all learned and godly men of any account in all ages . to all which were added as great preponderatings in behalfe of episcopacy , the many and most incomparable bishops that have been in all successions of the church ; the many martyrs , confessors , excellent preachers , writers and governours of that order ; lastly the unspeakable blessings which by their ordination , consultation and jurisdiction have been derived to the church of christ . if all estates in the reformed church of england have been hitherto deceived , as to this point of episcopall ordination by bishops ; sure they are the more excusable , because they have erred with all the christian world . nor could they be justly blamed , if when they reformed superfluous superstition , they yet abhorred in this point so great and dangerous an innovation , which must needs shake and overthrow the faith of many , if the peculiar office and power of bishops to ordaine ministers and governe the church were either onely usurped , or wholly invalid , as some of late have pretended , not with more clamor than falsity . but if all these jealousies and reproches cast upon bishops and their authoritative ordination ( as a peculiar office and exercise of power eminently residing in them ) be most false , and by some mens calumnies heightned to such impudent lies , that no eructations of hell or belchings of beelzebub had ever more blackness of darknesse in them , or more affrontive to the glory god and the honor of the catholick church , whence , i beseech you ( o my noble and worthy countrymen ) is that dulness , stupor and indifferency come upon us in england , so far , as not onely connives at the arrogancy of some presbyters , who without scripture-precept or catholick-patterne challenge this ordaining and governing power as onely and wholly due to themselves , discarding all episcopall eminency and authority above them ; but the very beasts of the people are so far flattered , as to be suffered with their foule feet daily to trouble and confound that cleare fountain , and constant streame of ministeriall authority and ecclesiasticall succession by way of episcopall ordination ? which was ever of so solemn and conspicuous use in all churches , of so venerable a succession , of so ancient and uninterrupted a derivation , from the very apostles dayes and hands , that it never failed to keep its course ( as some rivers do through salt waters ) amidst all the confusions which either heathenish , hereticall , or schismaticall persecutions raised in the church . yea , no hereticks , no schismaticks , ( except aerius and his few complices , who , discontent for not obtaining a bishoprick which ●e sought , and turning arrian , was the first , the onely and the fit●●st engine to oppose episcopacy , as epiphanius observes ) were ever so wild , so fanatick , so desperate , as to cast off all episcopall succession & authority over them , both in ordination and jurisdiction ; yea they knew no meanes to keep their confederacies and factions better together , than that which they saw had alwaies been serviceable to preserve the true churches communion . though the manicheans , arrians , macedonians , nestorians , pelagians and others , together with the novatians , donatists , withdrew from , or were justly excluded by the bishops of the sound and orthodox profession ; yet still these heterodox opiniasters had not onely deacons and presbyters , but bishops of their own : some of which bishops afterward returning to the catholick communion , were not degraded from their episcopall power , but onely suspended from the exercise of it in another bishops jurisdiction or diocese without his leave ; which being granted to some of them , gave occasion to those chorepiscopi , which were bishops without particular title and locall jurisdiction , but yet enjoying and using this power of ordination in some country-townes and villages , by the permission of the bishop or metropolitane of the diocese or province , residing in the chief city : which indulgence was after ( as the church-histories tell us ) taken away from the chorepiscopi , when it was found to occasion great inconveniences , by admitting two bishops in one precinct or diocese . certainly , what is so pregnantly catholick and usefull , that not onely all good men , but even such as were evill could not but approve and use it , it were not onely folly , but frenzy , to cast quite away : ( if it were the full vote and free act of the nation . ) what apology could be sufficient to excuse this nation , either among churches abroad , or to posterity at home , when they should see that by a rash , partiall and popular precipitancy we have been hurried , against all reason , honor and religion , to forsake or to stop up the ancient fountaines of living waters , which have alwaies flowed from episcopall ordination , ( supplying this , as all churches , in all places and offices with orderly presbyters and usefull deacons ) onely to try what those pits will afford which novellers have digged to themselves , and which they eagerly obtrude upon this church , notwithstanding they are already found by sad experience to hold no such cleare and pure waters , either for doctrine or discipline , for authority or unity , for order or peace , as those were which the apostles digged , and the catholick church ever used and esteemed for sacred ? in this great point then of right ordination , and true ministeriall authority ( of which the learned mr. mason professeth , next his salvation , he desires to be assured ) it is ( as i humbly conceive ) not onely piously , but prudently necessary for our reformed church , religion and ministry to be effectually vindicated , and by all possible meanes fairly united . if there were ever any other way of ordination used or allowed in the church of christ , let the authors , histories and instances be produced , either as to their grounds or their practise . if there were never any other either used , or approved , or thought of , besides that which was in the church of england , managed by bishops , as necessary and chief agents in it ; truly it is but justice , reason , conscience and honor to own this truth , to follow this catholick precedent , to returne to an holy conformity with pious antiquity , which neither invented nor induced bishops or episcopall ordination and jurisdiction as an affected novelty , or a studied variety , but they followed ( doubtlesse ) herein what was received from the very first bishops , who succeeded to the apostles , as authorized and placed by them . so that as the succession of bishops was lineally reducible to the apostles , ( which irenaeus , tertullian , cyprian , eusebius , nicephorus , and others evidently prove , not onely by their publick registers , but by their private memories , when the names of bishops were fresh in christians minds , and not very numerous , as in the second and third centuries ) no lesse may be affirmed of ordination by bishops , it had its precept and pattern from the apostles , expresly committed and enjoyned to some persons as chief bishops , never trusted to meer presbyters alone , much less to people in common , so far as any record of the church , sacred or ecclesiastick , doth informe us ; whose constant silence in this case is a better testimony against all innovation of ecclesiasticall ordination , than all the sorites , the rhapsodies , heapes and scamblings of i know not what broken scraps and wrested allegations out of any scriptures or fathers can be : by which i see some men have sought , with much dust , sweat and blood , to bring in their new , uncertaine , unaccustomed and unauthentick formes of ordination , exclusive of any president or bishop , who ever was as the principall verb in a sentence , which cannot be wanting , without making the sense of all other words very lame , defective , incoherent and insignificant . these grand perswasions joyned to the sad experiences made in englands late variations , do thus far command me to be more intent and earnest that in this point of valid , complete , undoubted and most authoritative ordination we might be made uniform ; that all ministers , like currant money , might have the same image and superscription upon them . it is most certaine that the christian and reformed religion will never be able to shine either clearly , or constantly , or comfortably upon the consciences of christians , either as ministers or people , while it is in this great point of ordination so darkned , clouded and eclipsed , that it lookes like the sun wrapped in sackcloth , or the moon turned into blood . what ministry , what ministers , what ordination , what ordained , what ordainers , what ordinances of christ will ( in time ) be much esteemed in england by the nobility , gentry or yeomanry , when they shall see various waies of ordination daily invented and obtruded , pittifull novelties induced , uniform antiquity discarded , primitive episcopacy exautorated , a subordinate presbytery scorned , a popular parity and petulancy indulged every where to make what extemporary priests and preachers they list of the dregs and meanest of the people , as little ( god knowes ) to their own soules benefit as to the churches peace , or to the honor of this nation , though they do it with as much facility as children make little babies of clouts , or statues of clay , as nazianzen alludes ? for what i pray you will these new propagators , with all their progeny of new-ordained , new-fashioned , new-coyned and new-commissioned preachers , signifie to the more sober sort of mankind , or indeed to the very plebs and vulgar , especially among people so curious , so querulous , so proud , so pragmatick , so petulant , so insolent , as are in england ? will sober christians ever much care for any ministers unlesse they be commended to them as meet to be such , not onely by the highest wisdome and civill orderings of this nation , but also as set over them in the lords name , and christs authority , by an holy and solemn ordination ? such , of which they have the least and indeed no cause to have any doubting or slighting thoughts ; which is the case onely of episcopall ordination . english christians of any estate , worth , weight , or wisdome , will never be contented to be taught and reproved , to have their children baptized at the font , or themselves communicated at the lords table , by such ministers as shall have onely the petty tickets of an humane act or state - ordinance . no , they will , and justly ought to require the grand charter of divine authority , conferred in the way of catholick and true ordination : that so ministers may be able to justifie their function and actions , not onely in law , but in conscience ; not as emissaries from men , but as embassadors from god , commissionated by christ and his deputies , imployed in his work , and armed with his power . there goes much more to make a minister of jesus christ , than to make a constable in an hundred or a parish , or to make a captaine in a troop , or a justice on a bench ; who yet cannot expect to be owned as such , unlesse they can evidence their commission and authority to be rightly derived from the soveraigne originall of civill power : no more may ministers , unlesse they can shew the right source and course of their sacred authority . while ministers preach and practise , baptize and consecrate with divided tongues , distracted hands and distorted heads , as to this point of their ordination , they are likely to produce no better successes , either to this church or nation , than those morter-men did , whose work deserved the nick-name of babel or confusion . the essentiall forme and difference , the whole life and operation , the proper virtue and efficacy of a christian ministry and minister , depending ( as i have shewed ) upon the truth , sanctity and validity of that authority with which he is invested , and by that enabled to do the work and office of a minister ; without which no man hath any more to do , than his meanest groom or foot-man , with the acts properly ministeriall , military or magisteriall , whatever abilities or call he fancie himself to have . so that if once your wisdome and piety ( o worthy gentlemen ) could find a way to put the clergy or ministry of this church ( as formerly we were ) into an uniform way of sacred , complete and undoubted authority as to their ordination , then ( and not before ) will they appeare like the angels of god ascending and descending in their orderly courses ; then will they be enabled and esteemed powerfully to pray to god for you , powerfully to preach from god to you , powerfully to consecrate and exhibit holy mysteries to you : then will they be like the lamps of the temple , or the shafts of the golden candlestick , ( which were all of the same make and fashion , and supplied with holy oyle from the same source ) shining with a lustre more than humane in your severall congregations : how much more will they appeare like angelick and celestiall quires in their ecclestastick convocations and synodall conventions ? whereas now ministers are in all places , cities and countries wretchedly divided , monstrously deformed , and miserably disabled , mutually accusing and clamoring against each other , alwaies barking , or biting , or howling , either tormenting or tormented , as the devils in hell. one superciliously abhorrs what another devoutly adores . one vilifies what another venerates . one minister with his party pulls down what another builds up . one execrates what another consecrates . one nullifies what another magnifies . one formally officiates who is counted no minister , and really is none ; another is thought to be but halfe a minister , or a kind of mungrell ; a third is reputed for more than an ordinary minister , as having his commission by inspiration or conspiration . one is thought superfluous , yea superstitious , in his ordination , because he had a bishop with presbyters to ordaine him ; another is judged defective and dwarfish for want of a bishop ; a third hath neither bishop nor true presbyters to ordaine him , but either begets a body to himself as an head , or is chosen by a popular body to be their head . this makes both preachers and people at such distances and defiances in religion , that one counts that sacriledge which another boasts of as sacred . one is called a mocker of god , an usurper in holy offices , and a contemner of the churches primitive and catholick custome ; another is derided as a doting antiquary , a superstitious priest , or proud prelate , who can relish no bread but what is old and moldy , nor any drink but what is out of a gibeonitish bottle . thus are all holy mysteries and duties , which any ministers performe , made either very disputable or despicable to the people , while all their authority on all sides , as dispensers of them , is so much questioned , doubted , divided and denyed in the great point of their mission and ordination ; which is most essentiall to a minister , and most fundamentall to any churches peace and polity , requiring ( next the maine articles of faith ) to be setled in the clearest and most unquestionable way , with most uniform authority , most conforme to all pious antiquity ; whose ancient and catholick patterne as to episcopall ( that is apostolicall ) ordination , is no more with prudence to be changed either into presbyterian or independent new formes , than the church hath cause to exchange davids ▪ psalmes for any such godly balads or moderne hymns , as we see some ministers , with more piety ( i hope ) than good poetry , have sometime commended to the harsh and unharmonious voyces of ill-tuned and ill-stringed congregations . adde to all these , not onely the inconveniencies , but mischiefes , which are not more uncomfortable than pernicious to the interest of the true and reformed religion . for from the divisions of ministers , as to their rise and descent or ordination , follow not onely strangeness , but strifes and emulations , evil eyes and secret feudes against one another , each being either jealous of , or contemptuous toward another . but furthermore , from this difference in their ordination , they are tempted to affect , to broach and to preach different doctrines . for those peeled rods which alwaies lye before their eyes , as to their orders or characters , their ministeriall admissions and stations , do occasion their conceiving and bringing forth a ring - straked and spotted kind of religion , even as to doctrine ; that by the discriminations of their opinions either in faith or manners , they may more testifie their distances from , and animosities against each other as ministers . men of very good parts , yea and of piety many times ( as saint jerome and ruffinus ) from lesser disputes and differences , are transported to wide and sharp defiances ; not onely as to their persons , but as to their perswasions . hence we see ministers of different descents commonly affect to be known by some different points & doctrines . presbyterians and independents are thought generally to follow mr. calvin in all points , as sworne to his dictates or determinations ; who was a man , though of excellent parts , yet not of divine and infallible perfections , but mixed with humane infirmities , passions and imperfections . episcopall divines are suspected most-what to have at least a tang and relish of lutheran , arminian , & pelagian opinions ; some are said to run out to a ranknesse of socinianisme : though the most and best of them i know do confine themselves to the doctrine of their mother the church of england , which was neither inconstant , curious nor superfluous , but cleare , necessary and constant , owning no dictator but christ , and no canon of faith but the scriptures ; doing and determining all things of religion with great gravity , counsell , moderation , charity and circumspection , besides a just & soveraigne authority , which swayes much with the episcopall clergy . as the church of england did not despise luthers , melanchthons , or calvins judgement , so it justly preferred its own before theirs , or any one mans , being alwaies guided by the concurrent wisdome and piety of many learned and godly clergy-men , both bishops and presbyters , no way inferiour to those or any forraigne divines , and in some things far their superiours , not onely as to the eminent places they held in this church , but as to the great discretion and temper of their spirits ; which made many of them fitter for the glorious crown of martyrdome which they enjoyed , than either of those two hotter-spirited , yet renowned men , who died in their beds , who had not onely to contend with the papall errors and superstitions , which then extreamely pestered them and all christendome , but with their own passions and transports , yea and with those many popular extravagancies which they rather occasioned , i hope , than designed among the vulgar , who presently fancyed that they had the precepts and patternes of those great men , luther and calvin , to animate them to popular , seditious , rude , injurious and rebellious methods of reformation ; in which the very plebs or populacy imagined themselves better able to judge of religion , than any of their governours in church or state , and because they had more hands , therefore they must needs have better hearts and heads to do that work , when and how they listed . which mad methods as the church of england never used in its practise , so it perfectly abhorred in its doctrine , to which few ministers do heartily , ingenuously and fully conforme , who have forsaken its discipline and ordination ; from which who so flies furthest , commonly wanders and wilders most in enthusiastick , familistick and anabaptistick opinions . in order to this designe of restoring an uniforme and authoritative ordination , o how ingenuous , how religious , how prudent , how just , how charitable , how noble a work would it be on all sides , for wise and worthy men , to have some regard to those few clusters of episcopacy which are yet remaining in england , as a seed in which may be a blessing ; if the learned and venerable bishops yet living among us were fairely treated and invited to such a concurrence and common union in this point of ordination as might transmit both it and their authority , without any flaw or scruple of schisme , interruption , or fraction , as most valid , complete and authentick , to posterity , according to the catholick and primitive patterne ! o how great a security and satisfaction would this conjuncture and derivation & completion of holy orders by bishops with presbyters give to many learned mens scruples , and to many good christians consciences , without any injury or offence ( that i know ) to such of any party as are truly pious and peaceable , who ( no doubt ) would be glad to see that no disorder or discord might be in holy orders , from which ( as from a good & well-tempered spring in a watch , ) all the regular motions of the wheeles , and the true indications of the hand are derived , directed and depending ! there can be nothing but clashings , enterferings and confusions in any church , or society of christians , where there are crosse-grained , contradictive , or counterfeited ministers , as to their ordination . here must be laid the principall and corner binding-stone of our happy constitution and communion as a christian church , or ecclesiasticall polity . the affecting of novelty and variety in this ( as to the maine of the ministeriall order , power and authority , ) had been the way to have made at first a very crasie and weak reformation in england , and is now the way to deforme , yea to destroy all again , giving infinite advantages to the projects and policies of rome , also to the licentious distempers of mens own hearts and manners : which considerations have made me the more large and importune , as in a point of no lesse consequence and importance as to the visible constitution and managery of any church , than the unity and uniformity of civill power or magistratick authority is necessary for any commonwealth or kingdom , where divided magistracy doth certainly tend to distraction , and so to destruction , as our own late miseries do abundantly convince us , as to our civill peace and secular interest : and truly no lesse will a divided ministry infallibly tend to the distraction first , and then the destruction of this church and the reformed religion : a new ministry portends either no ministry , or no true one . and where most reverend episcopacy , ( which hath so many glorious marks of primitive antiquity , rare piety , signall prosperity , undisputable universality , apostolick order , scripturall authority and divine benediction upon it ; where this ) comes after . years of christianity , and one hundred yeares of an happy reformation , to be questioned , baffled , exautorated , there is no great likelihood that the novices and punyes , presbytery , or independency , or anabaptisme , or enthusiasme , should take any great root in the love and esteem of any christians , who if learned , wise and upright , must needs have greater confidence of and reverence for an episcopall ministry , than for any new-modes , which never yet had , at their best , any thing either very desirable or very commendable in them , as to wise and grave mens affections and judgements . and take them in their passions , pragmaticalnesse , popularities , partialities , novelties , varieties , inconstancies , confusions , and injuriousness and insolencies , by which they have either begun or increased their parties , waies and designes in many places , many times against the will and authority of lawfull magistrates and soveraigne princes , no lesse than against the dignity & authority of the bishops and fathers of the church ; look upon the best of them ( i say ) under these marks , which are almost inseparable from them , ( especially in the height of their lusts and hopes , which are as their rutting time , which secular ambitions and popular acclamations raise them to ) i believe , as they will never obtaine the consciencious respect of the wisest and best men , so , nor will they in conclusion constantly enjoy the vulgar flatteries and applaudings of weak or wicked men ; who having not cast any anchor of fixation to their judgements and affections , either in clear reason or sound religion , in equity or charity , in faith or love , in holy antiquity or primitive conformity , but preferring factious and fancifull novelties before catholick and uniforme antiquity , they must needs be everlastingly fluctuating in their endlesse inventions , ambitions , inconstancies and vertiginous reformations of ministry and religion , which are commonly biassed by some private advantages , over-swaying them to invent or embrace some gainfull novelty , contrary to that due veneration and humble submission which all sober christians owe to primitive simplicity , and that catholick authority which is indelebly stamped upon the universall churches custome , consent and practise , agreeable to the scripture-canon or rule , which it ever was . all which are in no one thing more evident than in this of the originall constitution , derivation and transmission of the ministeriall order , office and authority , by the way of episcopall eminency ; where bishops with their presbyters did ever rightly ordaine evangelicall ministers , but presbyters without any bishops above them never did , by any allowed example or usuall practise in any church , from the apostles daies , till the last century . chap. xvii . the essentials or being of true ministers thus restored and preserved both in their ability and autority , the first to be searched by due examination , the second conferred by lawfull and catholick ordination ; the next thing which craves your counsell , care and charity ( most worthy christians ) is the ( bene esse ) well-being of your clergy , both for their maintenance and their respect , for their single support and their sociall consorting . for poor and alone , or rich , yet scattered , like disjoyned figures and cyphers , they will signifie not much as to publick reputation or gubernative influence : but together their competency and communion will make up that double honor , which the apostle by the spirit of god requireth as due to such evangelicall bishops and ministers as rule well , labouring in the word and doctrine , according to the place and proportion wherein god and the church have set them . the personall maintenance of ministers , by which they may comfortably subsist , diligently attend , and cheerfully dispense the things of god to their severall charges , i put in the first place , not as the more noble in respect of the common good and joynt honor of the clergy , but as naturall and most necessary : for as ministers will have no great spirit or ability for private employment , so much lesse joy or confidence in any publick church-government , if they have not such convenient support as may countenance and embolden them to appear in publick . without doubt , nothing is more unbecoming the honor and grandeur , the plenty and piety of any christian nation , than to keep their clergy poor , indigent and dejected : so beyond measure is it vile for any christian people to rob their able ministers of that honorable maintenance which once they have been lawfully possessed of , and long enjoyed , as devout donations given to gods church and his more immediate servants , the ministers of the gospel , by pristine piety , for the publick good of mens soules : but above all things to be abominated , is that atheisticall hypocrisy , whose fraud pretends to reforme religion , ( as herod promised to worship the babe christ , when he intended to kill him , ) by reducing the dispensers of it to sordid poverty and sharking necessity ; by compelling preachers to use mechanick trades and extemporary preachings ; yea , and after all this , by laying the weight even of church-government upon such weak and low shoulders , either of such poor bishops or pygmy-presbyters , who must ( forsooth ) live upon popular contributions and arbitrary almes , after the primitive and apostolick pattern ( as some men urge ) even of st. paul , and of other prime preachers at first , who they say preached gratis , having no set salary , and exacting nothing as due from the people . which primitive and apostolick patterne is not more impertinently and injuriously , than falsely and impudently , urged by illiberall men in sacrilegious times : for they may easily find that the justice and power of demanding hire or wages as due for their work , was urged and owned by st. paul , as due by the law of god under the gospel as well as before it ; though sometime remitted in tendernesse to the temper of mens hearts and estates in those hard , yet charitable , times , when there was so much of gratitude and charity in zealous christians , that there needed nothing as of compulsion and necessity ; and in which very cheap , though extraordinary , gifts did most-what enable the apostles and others , beyond what ministers may now expect under the rate of much time , charge , study and paines . alas , those primitive preachers needed not to be very solicitous for their support or salary among true christians ; when t is evident that christian people had generally such largenesse of hearts , as offered not onely the tithe but the totall of their estates , goods , and lands too , to the support of their preachers and their poor . however it is not to be doubted , but that as the apostles , so all bishops and ministers of the gospel may with as much equity as modesty demand , receive and enjoy whatever was then or afterward , either occasionally or constantly , conferred upon them by any christian people or princes : the distribution of which was in primitive times chiefly intrusted to the care of the bishops , who appointed both rewards to presbyters , and relief to the poor . so that it must needs be barbarously covetous and judasly sacrilegious , for any christian people violently and unjustly to take away from their learned and deserving clergy , either such other lands and revenues , or those very tithes which people have once put out of their power , by giving them to god by an act of solemn and publick consent , testified in their nationall lawes , every way agreeable to the will and word of god , to the light and law of nature , to the patriarchicall tradition and practise before the law of moses , to gods own proportion and appointment among the jewes , to the apostolical comprobation and the parallel ordaining of the lord under the gospel , or to the right and merits of jesus christ , ( beyond the type of melchisedech , ) whose evangelicall priesthood being to continue in the church , surely deserves no lesse honor and maintenance than the aaronicall and leviticall , and much more sure than any priestly office among the heathens . yet who hath not either heard or read in all histories , that the very heathens , out of an instinct of gratitude and religion , did every where offer the tenth of their fruites , corn , spices , gumms , minerals , metals , and spoiles in war , to the temples and priests of those gods ( as ceres , apollo or the sun , to diana or the moon , to mars , jupiter , bacchus , &c. ) by whose divine influence and bounty they believed themselves to enjoy those good things ? and can any true christian people have so base and penurious hearts , as to fancy that they then honor christ most , when they part with least of their substance to his service ? that of all priesthoods which have ever been in the world ( among civill or barbarous nations ) christs shall appeare the most beggerly and necessitous ? can any true believer thus requite the lord that bought them , and gave himself a ransome for them ? will they compell the blessed jesus , who while he was on earth became poore to make them rich , now he is risen and ascended to glory in heaven , to suffer poverty , hunger , thirst , nakednesse , shame and contempt in his ministers , to whom christ professeth , who so giveth ought in his name , as to his servant and minister , giveth to himself ? and no doubt , who so taketh any thing from them , taketh from christ , and is a robber of his saviour . so that nothing is or can be more impudent and abhorred in the sight of our god , our saviour , and all good christians , than for a nation that is fat and full , ample and opulent in all plenty , forraigne and domestick , to debase and impoverish their bishops , pastors and ministers ; to force them to live on popular pittances and vile dependances ; to make them as mercenary and arbitrary hirelings ; to expose them to all those sordid flatteries which attend sharking necessities . how must this abase that sacred honor and divine authority , which is and ought to be highly regarded and reverenced in true bishops and ministers ? which of them thus haltred and tamely led by the vulgar , shall dare to speak the word of god with all comely boldnesse and christian freedome ? how can such poor and petty preachers have the confidence and courage , without being ridiculous , to reprove the faults of any men , great or small ? experience hath taught us , how miserably even poor ministers must crouch and comply for morsels of bread , not onely to good lords and ladies , but to very sorry masters and dames in country as well as city ; who all affect this glory , to be thought ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) patrones and benefactors to their preachers as to their servants , not of right and duty , but of almes and charity : so supercilious are these gratitudes of almost all sorts of christians , when they count them not debts but gifts ; not a legall or a religious tribute to god and their saviour , but a contribution to their poor minister , the streame of whose tongue must set the mill of his teeth on work ; he shall feed little to his own pleasure in this , if in the other he please not his gracious and inconstant contributors . this station and posture of ministers , as to popular dependance and arbitrary almes , is the most intolerable turpitude and vilest dehonestation that can befall any ingenuous man in the world , and most of all incongruous to those who pretend to any publick place of government or imployment , with conspicuity , and under any notion of authority , either civil or ecclesiastick . do but make , for triall sake ( o my noble countrymen ) your criminall judges , your civill magistrates , your country-justices , your committee-men , your military officers , your bayliffs , majors , and chief burgers in the meanest corporation ; make these of pittifull , poor , hungry , thred-bare wretches , let them be alwaies shifting and sharking , digging or thatching , spinning or weaving , scraping and begging for their subsistence , and living upon precarious salaries , such as people list to give them , for which they shall have no more legal right or claim than mountebanks and juglers have for those rewards ▪ from their gentle spectators and benevolous auditors ; would any thing ( i beseech you ) be more putid , abject , vile and despicable in the eyes of the people of england or any country●●an such mushroome magistrates , such go-by-ground governours , no●tanding they may possibly have the formalities of a broad seal , a ●te staffe , a paper or parchment commission ? will they not in time be as noysome to a country , and noxious to justice , as the dead frogs were in egypt ? to avoid which deformed and ridiculous spectacles in civill-government , doth not the wisdome of this as of every nation , either find those men invested with honorable estates , whom it chooseth to or placeth in magistratick place and power ? or else , if their merits be beyond their estates , are they not presently endowed with such salaries and pensions , either out of the princes exchequer and publick treasury , or out of the emoluments and perquisites of their places , as may bear out their authority with some form of majesty and respect ? at least , they may redeem both their place and persons from that popular scorn , scurrility and insolency , which is never more malapert , than when it finds want and poverty , like vermine , pinching the backs , and oppressing the bellies of those men who undertake to rule or restraine , to curb or controll common people . which is no very welcome office to the vulgar ; among whom true religion finds so much to oppose , so little to please or correspond , as to the humors , lusts , fancies and passions of men , that its ministers must naturally and necessarily be subject and exposed to all manner of opposition , despite and despiciency ; unlesse those so obvious and innate mischiefs be , as in all piety and policy they ought to be , avoided , not onely by the conspicuity of ministers , approved learning , good abilities , prudent demeanour and due authority , conferred in their regular and uniform ordination , but further , by that comely entertainment and competent maintenance , of which common people have a more lively sense and reall tast ( as the dunghill-cock had of the barly-corn ) than of all their other internall jewels and ornaments intellectuall : which will not signifie much ( as is evident in many hundred instances of worthy ministers , both bishops and presbyters , in these times ) if people find them cloathed in thred-bare coates , and almost starved by the straightnesse and tenuity of their worldly condition ; which aspect makes even parents themselves , who are our naturall princes and gods , very prone to be despised by their children . nor can it but ill become any ordinary minister that is worthy of that name and office , but worst of all will it suite with those who affect to be , or indeed are , or ought to be chief governours and bishops in the church ; whose publick entertainment ought to be such as might extend beyond their private and domestick necessities , to something of publick hospitality , charity and magnificence : which were the proportions heretofore allowed by the noble and generous temper of the english nation to its clergy , both bishops and presbyters , the better to bear up their dignity and authority among the people . the words of a poor man , though wise , are forgotten or unregarded , as solomon observes : boldnesse and freedome of speech in poor men seems impudence ; an authoritative carriage in 〈…〉 counted arrogancy ; their very zeal seems either impatient o●●●●●olent . all nations ever abhorred a beggerly priesthood , as a blasphemous disparaging of the honor of their god. nor is indeed ( in my judgement ) any thing at this day more worthy of the wisdome , piety and honor of this nation , after all its long war and vast expences military , than to begin to think of doing their duty to god , by finding out , and effectually using some fit meanes to put on christs cloaths again , to make every church-living in england and wales so competent as may maintaine one , and in some great populous places two competent ministers , that both preaching , catechizing and visiting , with other offices , may be more fully performed . alas , what can twenty , or thirty , or fifty pound , or less than an hundred pound a year do , to supply the studies and families of any able and ingenuous minister ? to keep up his spirits from rusticity and sordidnesse ? to preserve his person and calling from contempt ? to make him in some measure charitable and hospitable , cheerfull and considerable ? much we know was once pretended for the setling and enlarging the maintenance even of the inferiour clergy , even then wh●n much was intended to be taken away from the chiefest of the clergy , both of lands , houses and honors . this last i am sure hath been sorely executed ; the former is yet for the most part to begin : nay most livings in england are abated twenty , yea thirty , in the hundred since those specious proposals , just as the burthens of the israelites were sorer after the newes of their deliverance . o when will that blessed day come , in which the just pitty and generous piety of this nation will by some most prudent and equable waies make either a just restitution or some moderate compensation to church-men ; not onely to maintaine something of publick order , polity , honor and government among them , but so as may support private and painfull ministers in their little parishes , where unlesse they be able to live in some decent sort in their own houses and tables , they can never serve well at the temple and altar ? they ought at least to be redeemed from biting and debasing poverty , though they be not tempted to grow rich ; a blessing now denyed to most ministers beyond any that are publick agents or officers , yea and the meanest farmers mechanick artisans . much envy , spleen and bitternesse have by some popular and envious orators been heretofore vented against pluralities of benefices , when two or three would scarce make one competent living : a like censorious sharpness hath been used by some against bishops ordaining , and admitting to poor and pittifull livings some poor and pittifull ministers . alas , better ministers cannot in reason be expected without better maintenance : mend this , and then in gods name mend the other ; good workmen will not be had , nor can they live upon small wages . this deep and old core of this nations sin and shame , its sore and suffering in religion , ought first to be pulled out and cured ▪ then will strength , health and beauty follow in all parts . it is poverty , tenuity and despaire that commonly tempts ministers , that are conscious to their neglected and unrewarded abilities , to be either factious and popular , or debauched and discontent . this church had fared much better if some ministers bellies had been fuller . some were ready to flatter any factious spirit that kept but a good table , and would feed them without an affront : others having an envy at some of their brethrens and fathers preferments were ready to turne all to confusion ; just as josephs brethren resolved to make him away , because of his gay coate and his dreames of honor . men are then most willing to be quiet when they are at their ease . there was scarce one minister that had any dignity or church-preferment , yea or a good living in england , that was either forward or fomenting of our late troubles upon a religious account . men that have most wool on their backs will be most wary of the briars , and most obedient to lawes , both civill and ecclesiasticall . as to the relief of church-livings , much might in a few yeares be done , if the work were once well begun by publick advise and consent ; partly by buying in of impropriations , which are usually little improvements to any gentlemens estates , and i believe no great cordiall to their consciences , especially while they see the necessities to which poor vicars and stipendiary incumbents are driven , besides the sorry provision that is made for poor peoples soules in those livings , where there is scarce bran enough left to make aloafe of bread for the priest , or a cake for the prophet . some advantage might be further made by uniting two or three little livings that are contiguous or neerly adjacent ; it being no sacriledge for two sixpences or three groates to give a good shilling to the temple . much help also might be by abolishing all injurious and defrauding customes , which ought not to prejudice gods right , or the churches dues . nor would it be a small comfort to ministers moderate livings , if their rights and dues by law or custome were once so valued and stated by an equable rate in every parish , that there might be a power in some officer , as in other parish-rates , to levy them as they were setled and due , without any further vexatious and chargeable suites at law. for if the labourer be worthy of his hire , it is but just he should have it , without spending one half of it and much time to get the other ; yea in most cases the charge of a suite at law comes to more than that is worth which is detained . i know some petty lawyers and progging atturnies will not favour this motion , thinking it will take grist from their mills ; but such of them as are pious , just , and generous christians , will as readily vote for and advance such an act for setling ministers rights , as they did that for treble dammages . last of all , it would be an act of great ease and favour , if ministers might be ex●mpted in part from publick taxes and town charges , or at least be rated as for goods , and not for lands . certainly these and such like as just as pious projects were not hard to be executed , as well as invented , if men had as quick a sense of their soules interests as of those which concern their estates : greater matters by far have been done of late yeares , with far greater expense and far lesse benefit to the nation . the value of one yeares tax laid in for a stock or foundation , together with the additions of private bounty ( which i am confident would be cheerfully cast into this treasury or exchequer of the church ) would in a few yeares do this great work ; i meane purchase in impropriations , which the learned and pious bishop bedel calls badges of babylons captivity , and plain church-robberies , in his sermon on rev. . . lately set out by dr barnard . this redemption should begin there where is most need . we know that small stock , which was intrusted in the late kings daies to some feoffees for this use , had so attractive a spirit and diffusive an influence in england , that i believe by this time the work had been much advanced , if not well-nigh finished , in all probability , if it had been begun , carried on and nourished by as much publick favour as it deserved in the design , if it was without any leven of faction , sincerely to gods glory , to this churches good , and the nations both honor and happinesse ; which will never so much thrive by the vast charges of any domestick or forraigne war , as it would by one such noble benevolence and contribution , which would very much set the reformed religion on floate again , which every where ( now ) toucheth ground , by reason of the low estate either of many ministers , who have small and killing livings with great charges , or of the poor people , who must needs have leane and starving preaching : yea some people have no ministers at all , others as good or worse then none ; men whose sordid lives confute all that little they do or can preach , which god knowes is very little , and little worth , full of froth and vapour , if they aime to make up their abilities with popularity , or very flat and dead , while they are at best very small , and run very low in their preaching , praying and living . and all this misery for want of such ingenuous meanes as should invite , entertaine , encourage and oblige a minister to be able , carefull and painfull among them ; which is now more necessary than heretofore , because the fashion we see is to have all duties exposed to and performed by ministers private abilities and personall sufficiencies , which are not to be obtained , nor maintained , nor encreased at cheap rates . but this great and good work , so much to the honor , stability and advantage of the reformed religion , as it would be infinitely to the regret of the romane party , who are glad with exceeding great joy to see the reformed , learned and renowned clergy of england thus foyled and cast down to the ground , licking the dust of mens feet , and trampled under foot ; so it is a mercy which satan hath hitherto envyed and hindred to this church and nation by gods permission , who hath hitherto thought fit to deny such a blessing both to ministers and people , from whom he hath suffered the policies and passions of men , in order to save their purses , of late to take away almost all that ancient ecclesiasticall patrimony or dowry of estate and honor , which was long agoe given to maintain the dignity and authority of this churches ministry and government in the persons of its ecclesiasticall governours , bishops and others of the dignified clergy ; who , i think , might very well deserve as good salaries as any major generalls , colonels and captaines , being no lesse both usefull and necessary for the eutaxy or good ordering of the spirituall militia in the church , than those are for the secular militia in the state , if they were as duly impowered , payed and encouraged as the others are . nor do i doubt but if ever this nation be so happy as to know its greatest defects and miseries in this point , and heartily to resolve the speedy applying of meet remedies to them , it will be so wise and worthy , so just and generous , as to find out waies not onely to provide a setled competency for all competent preachers , but also to annex some comely and honorary reward to the eminency of those who shall be fit to be used and owned as chief presidents , moderators and governours , that is , bishops in the church ; without which all religious polity will be as a body without sinewes : for rulers without some remarques of estate and respect upon them , will be like veines without blood or spirits . i have heard there are yet some such fragments remaining of the bishops and cathedrall lands unsold , which might serve in this case to good use . theodoret tells us that constantine the great gave provision of corne out of the imperiall granaries to christian bishops , the better to sustaine their dignity ; which allowance julian the apostate took away from them , but following christian emperours restored to them . that great and witty engine of antichristian policy ( julian ) well knew that neither the polity , order and government of the church , nor yet christian religion it self in peacefull and plentifull times , can thrive , increase or prevaile among the generality of mankind , if it be not either loved or reverenced ; neither of which it can be , if it be not publickly valued ; valued it cannot appeare to them , when they see the chief dispensers of it despised ; despised of necessity they must be , if either their spirituall and sacred authority be doubted and denyed , or their civill condition be either necessitous or no way conspicuous : which posture will soon give great advantages to any contrary party and faction , never so deformed with error and superstition , against all pretentions that may be brought of such reformation as shall end in the beggerie and desolations , in the disorders and distresses of its chief preachers and professors . under which burdens of poverty and disgrace reformed religion and its able ministry wil soon decay and moulder away to nothing , while poverty and contempt shall be on this side , but plenty with honor shall attend the deformities of its enemies . i know there have been of late some petty projects offered by men of wary and thrifty piety , to levell greater livings , and to make such augmentations to one minister as shall gripe and grieve another ; so robbing peter to enrich paul : but ( alas ) so grand and heroick a work is not to be done any way except by publick munificence , either of restitution and donation , or redemption & purchase ; which may redeem the long captive livings from papal appropriations , regal confiscations and lay● impropriations , which have a long time detained them from those religious uses and ends for which they were at first by god designed , and by man devoted , which was the comfortable subsistence of preaching ministers , that they might help both to save the soules and to relieve the bodily necessities of poor christians ; who will never learne or value true religion very much , when they see the preacher one of the poorest men in the parish , jealous that when he dyeth , the parish must be charged with his poor wife and children . alas , ministers are sad pastors of soules when they want food for their own bodies ; they are pittifull rulers of christs flock , who are in worse case than ordinary poor shepherds , who have their scrip as well their crook , and something in their bag to relieve , as well as in their hand to discipline their sheep , and defend themselves . but i leave this ( to many men unwelcome ) consideration of ministers maintenance , either as governing or governed , to the wisdome of those who have largest hearts , purest consciences , and liberallest hands : none but such will lay to heart so great a concerne as this is for gods glory , christs honor , and the good of souls . for other wretches , i know how their penurious , covetous and sacrilegious pulse doth beat ; they are in nothing more envious and jealous : t is equally harsh and odious to them to heare of any thing to be given or restored to the church , being much more sensible of any damage and injury done to their private purses and estates , than of such publick detriments and depressions as cloud the glory of their god and saviour , eclipse the honor of this church and state , vilifie and , upon the point , nullifie the dignity of the ministry , and prostitute the soules of poor people for which christ hath died to ignorance and atheisme , to licenciousnesse and hypocrisie ; it being more with many men to save a penny than to save a soul , more willing to spare a sound tooth out of their heads , than one pound or shilling to advance religion : they are for a cheap heaven or none ; so willing they are to perish with their money , rather than live by lightning the ship a little . chap. xviii . after the foundations of a true christian ministry are thus laid both for its being , which consists in reall abilities discovered , and in valid authority conferred after the most venerable , catholick and authentick custome of the church , which being conforme to the word of god , ought in such cases to be as a law sacred and inviolable ; after i have further set forth the wel-being of the clergy , and in that of the whole church , by sustaining able ministers , in their severall degrees and stations , with such ingenuous maintenance as may become not onely the honor of the work and workmen , but the glory of the christians god , the love and value of their saviour , and the beauty or majesty of the church , in which they are employed in so sacred , solemn , publick and constant services , which ought in all reason and religion to be kept up by all good christians to some outward conspicuity and decency , as far as gods indulgence affords men peace and plenty ; the next thing i humbly commend to the noblenesse , wisdome and piety of my country , for the further strengthning and preservation of the being and wel-being of this church and its christian reformed religion , both in ministers and people , able preachers and honest professors , is so to combine , cement and unite all worthy ministers and other christians in an uniforme and holy harmony of due subordination , holy discipline and decent government , as may best keep them ( by gods blessing ) from such fractures and factions , such schismes and swellings , such dashings and dividings against and from each other , as have of latter years not onely battered themselves and each other to great diminutions , weaknings and deformities , but they have crushed this whole church , and crumbled its former intirenesse and amplenesse to so many broken bits and pieces , through the impotent ambition of those ministers or people , who being least apt or able , are most greedy to govern of themselves , and loth to be governed by others : which refracto●inesse hath not onely defaced the beauty , and broken the unity of this church , but further threatens to shake the civill peace , stability and consistence of this nation , whose honor and happinesse is not onely now at the stake , but much abated , and in hazard to be quite lost , if that publick wisdome and courage be not applied which is necessary to recover the blessing of the reformed religion , and the unity of this church , to such a posture of setledness , order and unity , as shall not need to feare either fanatick confusion or romish usurpations , which are the great plots and designes laid against this church and nation of england . i easily foresee , that nothing will be a more hard , knotty and flinty work , than the recomposing of this church to any ecclesiasticall uniformity , charitable harmony and orderly government , if either the late sharp passions , private interests , or mutuall prejudices of any one of the parties so divided from each other in england be made the partiall and scanty measures of church-order and polity : for the animosities and antipathies among them are such , that they will on all sides disdaine to be forcibly cast into any one of the pretended models which are on foot . the onely probable and feisable way to reduce all sober ministers and honest people to a consciencious and charitable communion is , for the wisdome and piety of this nation to do as constantine the great did , when he burnt all the querulous demands and uncharitable petitions of the ecclesiasticks against one another , so reconciling them all , while he utterly silenced all their quarrels , and buried their complaints . in like manner the best and speediest method of our union will be , to lay aside all the earnest pleas and violent pretentions of all sides , either episcopal , presbyterian or independent , which have occasioned or increased our late differences ; and onely to examine calmely , seriously and impartially , what was the idea of church-order and government for the first three or four hundred yeares , that is , twelve hundred yeares at least before these late contests and debates were raised , or indeed thought on in this or any church . certainly the primitive , catholick and apostolick posture of the churches polity , order and government , must needs be the true pattern in the mount , as mr. calvin confesseth : in which times there was lesse leisure for ambitious or factious variations , the church being either persecuted most-what for . yeares , or miraculously refreshed , at its freedome in the fourth century through gods indulgence , and the munificence of constantine the great and other christian emperours , who , as princely nursing fathers , studied the peace , unity and prosperity of the church , as much as that of the empire . in both which conditions , both calme and storme , it is most remarkable , that as no one author , father , historian , synod , or councill did any way doubt , dispute or divide about church-government , before the great council of nice ; so when that great and oecumenick councill did come together to take a survey as of the churches unity in sound doctrine and manners , so of its discipline and government , that it might gather together and recompose what ever the tempestuous times of persecution had shaken or shattered ; yet this grand , most venerable and holy assembly did neither begin any new hierarchy or government of the church , nor did they in the least sort tax former times of any innovation , alteration or desertion from the primitive , apostolick and universall pattern , which was still fresh in mens memories : but they began their session and sanctions with that solemn approbation & confirmation of the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) former ancient customes or orders of the church-catholick , as holy and authentick , which all men knew had prevailed from the beginning . nor was there then any doubt or debate in the generall as to the point of episcopall presidency or jurisdiction ; however , as to their respective dioceses and particular distributions some disputes had risen : but as to the succession of chief bishops from the very apostles daies and seates , they had most evidently continued in all churches without any interruption , or variation of the forme or power , however the persons had been oft changed by mortality . certainly it is most easie for all learned , honest and unbiassed men to see what the uniform and catholick form then was of all churches orderly combinations . i dare appeale to independents and presbyterians as well as episcopall men , to declare bona fide what they find it was in the first and best times , after churches were once fully formed and setled in their severall partitions . no man not more bold than bayard , or more blind than a beetle , but must see and confesse , that according to the first platform which we read of in the acts and epistles of the apostles , the order , polity and government of the church was completed , setled and continued , first in deacons , who had the lowest degree of church-office , order and ministry , consisting in reading the scriptures , in making collections for the poor , in distributing of charity , in visiting the sick , in providing things necessary , safe , convenient and decent for christian ministers and people , when they met to serve the lord in one place ; which place or house from hence was called dominicum , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a church , or house of the lord. next these in order , degree and office were presbyters , that is , ordained preachers , to whom was committed , by the apostles first , and after by bishops their successors , the charge and office of catechizing the younger , of preaching to the elder , of baptizing believers and their children , of consecrating the holy elements of the lords supper , and of admitting worthy communicants to receive them : besides , the grave and venerable presbyters had , as brethren , the priviledge of electing their bishops also of counsell , confessions and assistance with their respective bishop's in publick concernment and grand transactions of the church . above both these , in eminency of place , degree and power as to gubernative authority , were those prime bishops or overseers of the church , first called by the name of apostles , as immediately set by christ in that episcopacy ; next were those that were personally appointed by the apostles to supply their absence , or to succeed them in that ordinary presidency and constant jurisdiction which was necessary for the churches peace , union and good government : of which we have two pregnant instances in timothy and titus , who to be sure had episcopall power given them , not as evangelists or preachers , but as ordainers and rulers of many presbyters . after these bishops of a lesser size constantly succeeded , being first chosen by the presbyters of each grand church or diocese to that power and office , and then consecrated to it or confirmed in it by neighbour-bishops , who solemnly imparted to them , and invested them in that eminency of ordaining and ruling power which is properly episcopall , not onely for the dispensing of holy mysteries , for the preaching of the word , and absolving penitents , as presbyters ( who were a minor sort of bishops ) but for confirming those who had in infancy been baptized , for solemn excommunication and absolution , for examining and ordaining presbyters and deacons , for transmitting that episcopall and ministeriall power in a constant and holy succession , according as they had received it ; so for judging of and inflicting publick censures and reproofes , likewise for all synodal conventions and representations of the churches ; lastly for the authoritative enacting and executing of all ecclesiasticall decrees and church-disciplines : all which things bishops did as a major sort of presbyters , though a minor sort of apostles , if we may believe the judgment , practise and testimony of all antiquity in the purest times , which are diligently collected , evidently set down , and unanswerably urged by many late writers , who have brought forth such a cloud of witnesses as to this point of ecclesiasticall order and government by deacons , presbyters and bishops ( a threefold cord , not to be broken , ) that men may as well deny the evangelicall history , as the original , institution and succession of the evangelicall ministry , and the orderly constant government of the church by the service of deacons , the assistance of presbyters , and the superintendency of the apostles , whom no sober man denies to have been , while they lived , the eminent rulers , authoritative overseers , and chief governours and bishops of all the churches where they were fixed , or which they had under their particular care and charge . nor may it with any more shadow of reason or truth be denied , that bishops in a distinct place and eminent power were a successive and secondary sort of apostles , inferiour to them in their immediate call , in their extraordinary gifts , and the latitude of their power ; but equall to them in that ordinary , constant and regular jurisdiction , which was and is ever necessary for the churches good order and government . if all sorts and sides would look beyond their own later prejudices and presumptions to this holy patterne , this so cleare , constant and catholick prescription , they would be ashamed of such grosse ignorance or impudence , such peevishnesse or partiality , as should beyond all forehead or modesty affect any novelty or variety from an ecclesiastick custome and an apostolick precedent , so undeniably primitive , so famous , so glorious , so prosperous , so never altered or innovated ( as to the maine ) that all true believers , all humble deacons , all orderly presbyters , all confessors , all martyrs , all synods , all councils , submitted and subscribed to the same form and kind of government in its severall stations and degrees , according as the wisdome of the church saw cause to use its prudence , power and liberty ( as calvin , zanchy , and bucer tell us ) in having not onely bishops , but metropolitanes or arch-bishops , primates and patriarchs ( ad conservandam disciplinam , as * calvin ownes , ) for the better order , unity and correspondency of the church in all its parts , which were never quarrelled at , till pride begat oppression , and envy schisme in the church ; till foolish and factious spirits chose to walk contrary to the true principles and proportions of all right reason and religion , of all prudence and polity , which are to be observed in all societies , sacred or civil , which the divine wisdome ( as (a) st. jerom observes ) had exemplified in the ancient church of the jewes , and directed us to ( as (b) salmasius confesseth ) in all successions of churches , by the spirit of wisdom which christ gave to his apostles , and all their immediate successors the bishops , who were conform to them , and impowered by them to be a kind of tutelary angels , of presidentiall intelligences , in the larger circles and higher orbes of the church , where ( as in ephesus , and the other grand metropolitane churches , which are denominated by the spirit of christ and the pen of the apostle from the chief cities in those provinces ) there were no doubt many christian people , presbyters and deacons , yet all these subject ( as (c) beza glossing on st. jerom confesseth ) to that one ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) provost or president , as their bishop in that precinct or oeconomy , which either the apostles had constituted , or the church had digested it self into as it increased . contrary to which meridian patterne and most manifest exemplar of church-government , if ( as learned (d) zanchy acknowledgeth ) any one instance in any age or place of any father , councill , or historian could be found , of any one church in its grand polity , or larger communion , i confesse i should then make some scruple whether episcopall government , however it might seem the best , were the onely one to be used in all times and places ; whether church-government were not a matter of ecclesiastick prudence , rather than of apostolick prescription , or divine appointment . to which opinion st jerom , that he might qualifie and moderate the incrochings of some bishops upon presbyters , or gratifie perhaps his own passion and discontent , sometimes seems to have inclined , contrary to his cooler and more constant judgement , set forth at other times in many passages of his potent and vehement writings , as well as in his practise . which allay as to the divine institution and absolute necessity of episcopall government as established by the apostles , seemes also to have swayed with mr. calvin and his followers , when they found themselves put upon such a necessity as they thought might justifie their altering of it for a time , though not their rejecting or reprobating of it for ever , which he never did ▪ however his reputation , interest and engagement carried him off from the more pompous and usuall way of episcopacy , as it was abused in the church of rome ; but he well knew , ever judged and confessed that primitive episcopacy , which consists in a presidentiall eminency of power and jurisdiction in one minister over many , appears to have been laid out by the wisdome and spirit of christ in the apostolicall patterne and prescription , as is evident in the epistles to timothy and titus , not as a matter of arbitrary freedome , which might be lightly changed , as people , or ministers , or magistrates listed , for their conveniences , but as an holy method and wise proportion of government , best in it self , fittest for the churches order , peace and communion , sacred by the characters of gods direction , christs designation , constitution of his church in the apostles , execution and derivation of it , also in the churches catholick imitation : upon all which grounds it hath ever been esteemed by all godly and learned christians , not onely venerable , but ( as to the main modell and fabrick of it ) inviolable ; so that they who first factiously , presumptuously and rashly change it , must needs highly sin against god , his church , and their own soules , however others that are forced to follow such changes may be excusable . the superstructures of episcopacy , as to civill honor and estate , may indeed be variable , by publick consent , with times and manners of men ; but the foundations i believe are not to be removed , which are laid upon the naturall , civill and religious grounds of diversity , disparity and excellency of one man above many ; proportionable to which polity , order and authority are best setled and managed , and not upon the loose or slippery bottomes of parity or popularity , neither of which have either those principles , proportions or perfections of government , which the spirit and wisdome of god hath laid out by the apostles practise , in primitive episcopacy , and transmitted by a constant succession for the churches good , which cannot be preserved or advanced , where there wants comely gravity , due authority , and a diviner beame of majesty in government and governors than can be found in any way of levelling and abasing them , which are the high-waies ( as all wise men ever observed ) to all faction , sedition and confusion both in churches and states : of which truth no age hath seen and suffered greater or sadder experiments than ours , since some pragmatick or ambitious spirits have made miserable essayes to alter and abolish the ancient authority and order of episcopacy , onely to bring in their various novelties ; which are so far from the true grandeur and solid majesty of government , that they are already found to be pittifull and petty projects rather than pious or profound inventions , confuting themselves as much as confounding others . could we then on all sides in england be so ingenuous and candid , as to lay aside all moderne designes , disputes and differences , which have made mens eyes so squinted , bleared or blood-shotten in the point of church-government ; could we remove the fancy of secular pride , pomp and ambition in one sort of ministers , the vulgar passions , prejudices and envies of a second sort , also the pragmatick and plebeian humors of a third sort , with the private designes and worldly interests of all ; cleare all our hearts of these prepossessions and distempers ; no doubt the face of holy order and wise government in the church will easily appeare , to the satisfaction of all wise and good men , who are either worthy to govern , or willing to be governed in a true christian and charitable way . for certainly church-government or ecclesiasticall polity , ( about which we have had of late in england so great contests , even to much bitternesse and blood ) is no scholasticall subtilty , no intricate nicety , no speculative sublimity , no metaphysicall profundity , which require either accurate criticks , or long-winded divers , or logicall disputers , or scepticall sophisters , to find out the primitive form , the true proportions , or ancient patterne of it . it is plaine ( as beza and bucer observe ) in right reason , pregnant in the proportions of all order , naturall , civill , military , religious . it is palpable in scripture-patternes , as mr. * calvin confesseth : it is most apparent in the practise of all churches . it must be weaknesse or wilfullnesse , passion or peevishnesse , that hinders any man from seeing the true idea of it . it is made up of wisdome and power , not onely humane , but divine ; of due authority cemented with true charity : a modest and moderate superiority with meek subordination , faithfull counsell with equanimous commands , meeting together , these make up the holy oeconomy or polity of church-government . in which , first many humble christians of one congregation do submit to one duly - ordained minister , as set over them in the lord , so far as concernes their private duties and relations : secondly , many grave and discreet presbyters , with their people , submit to one venerable bishop , as a father or chief pastor , chosen to be over them in things that concerne more publick relations and common duties , in which their joynt counsell , assistance or obedience is required . the bishops office and work is , not only ministeriall , in common with their brethren the other ministers , but juridicall or judiciall , declaring and exercising the necessary power and eminent acts of ecclestasticall discipline and authority with them , among them and over them : not in the way of secular dominion , gotten and kept by civill force or factious ambition , which our blessed lord forbids to those that are chiefest or greatest of his disciples and flock ; but in a way of paternall authority , which chides with love , chastens with pitty , being tenderly severe , and most compassionately cruell , when it is compelled to exert the sharpest authority , doing all things according to the word , example and spirit of christ jesus , in meeknesse of wisdome , not to the destruction , but edification of the church in truth and faith , in charity and unity . to these presbyters , bishops and christian people , are deacons subordinate and servient in all things necessary for decency , conveniency , charity , and carrying on of the churches autority , both in private congregations and more ample conventions ; part of whole office we see time and custome had devolved upon our church-wardens and overseers for the poor . these ends and meanes , this order and proportion , this constitution and execution of church●government by episcopacy , as far as it is conform to catholick antiquity , and setled by the consent of any christian church and nation by its synods and parlaments , i do in no sort conceive to be arbitrary , precarious or mutable as to the maine ; ( however it may be reduced and reformed in its deviations ) ( except in cases of invincible necessity , which may dispense with sabbaths , sacraments , and all publick externall duties of polity , yea of piety ) so far am i from judging it any part of prudent piety or true reformation , for men rudely to baffle and despise , wholly to abrogate and extirpate it ; because i cannot but look upon it as scriptuall and apostolick , sacred , and binding christians consciences to due approbation , obedience and subjection to it for the lords sake , who undoubtedly intended the right constitution and constant regulation of his church , with order and honor , no lesse than that of states and common-weales , for whose peaceable polity the gospel hath set so many bounds and bonds of subjection . sure neither church nor state can be honestly or handsomely governed in any way of parity or popularity , where every one thinks himself fit to command , and so disdains to obey ; according to those innate passions which are in all men , and oft in good men , and in good ministers too , who being many , are as prone to run into many distempers and dangerous exorbitances , if they be left to themselves . as mariners are without a pilot , or sheep without a shepherd , or souldiers without a commander , or people without a prince ; even so are christians without ordained ministers , and ministers without authoritative bishops , exposed to all manner of schisms , disorders , factions and insolencies ; which must necessarily follow , where the clergy is either not at all governed by any grave and worthy ecclesiasticall persons , or by such ministers as have none but a popular and precarious authority , or where ministers are onely curbed and crushed by the imperiousnesse and impertinency of meer lay-men , yea and of such as are not fit to be judges or rulers in the least civill affaires , much lesse over learned men , whose place , office and concerns are properly religious as they stand related to god and his church . nor can the clergy be in much better case , when they are by a democratick or levelling spirit cast into such spontaneous associations and confederacies as give to no minister that orderly and eminent power , respect and due authority , which is fitting for the government of the churches ; nor yet teach common people that modesty and submission , which are necessary for such as desire to be well and worthily governed . when all is said and tried that can be in point of church-government , i doubt not but it will be found true , as beza expresseth it ( in the happy state of england , ) that episcopacy is ( singularis dei beneficientia ) gods singular bounty and blessing to this and any church , which he prayes it might alwaies enjoy , where it may be rightly enjoyed and religiously used ; which the augustane confession and all reformed churches with their most eminent professors did desire to submit unto , as a most speciall meanes to preserve the honor , unity and authority of the church and its discipline , which , as a great river , growes weak and shallow , when it is drawn into many small channels and rivulets . how suitable and almost necessary a right and primitive episcopacy is for the temper of england , i shall afterward more fully expresse : at present it may suffice to shew how easie the restauration of it would be , if all sides would sincerely look to the primitive pattern of church-government . first , if the diocese committed to the presidential inspection of one worthy bishop were of so moderate an extent , as might fall under one mans care and visitation , and be most convenient both for the private addresses and dispatches , & also for the generall meetings of the clergy in some principall place of it ; it would much remedy the great grievance of long journies , tedious expectation , and many tims frustraneous attendance at westminister , to which all ministers are now compelled to their great charge and trouble , many times for a small living , and sometime for a meer repulse . such counties as norfolk , suffolk , essex , kent , middlesex with london , may seem proportionable to make each of them one episcopal distribution : greater counties may be divided , and lesser united . secondly , if the generality of the clergy or the whole ministry of each diocese might choose some few prime men of their company to be the constant electors , chief counsellors , correspondents and assistants with the bishop ; to avoid multitudinous , tedious and confused managings of elections , ordinations and other publick affaires . thirdly , if in case of episcopall vacancy , the generality of the clergy meeting together , might present the names of three or four or more prime men , out of which number the electors should choose one , whose election should stand if approved by the prince or chief magistrate ; if not , they should choose some other of the nominated . fourthly , the person thus chosen and approved on all sides should be solemnly and publickly consecrated by other bishops , in the presence of the ministers and people of the diocese . by these meanes as there will be no crowd or enterfering among the clergy , so there will be great satisfaction to prince and people , without any clashing between the civill and spirituall power , which must be avoided , considering that not onely the exercise of all church-power must depend on the leave of the prince in his dominions ; but also the honorary setled maintenance of the bishops , as of all the clergy , is but eleemosynary in the originall , from the pious concession and munificence of the prince or state , who as they will not in conscience or honor deny competent allowances to all worthy ministers of the gospel , so no doubt they will not grudge to adde such honorary supports to every bishop or president , as may decently maintaine that authority , charity and hospitality , which becomes his place , worth and merit : for certainly no men can do more good , or deserve better of their nation and country , than excellent bishops may do , as by their doctrine and example , so by their wise and holy way of governing the church with such honor and authority as became them ; which could not but be an excellent meanes to advance the majesty , purity , power and profession of christian and reformed religion , as otherwhere , so chiefly in england , whose happinesse and honor ( in this point ) might , as i humbly conceive , be easily recovered by some such expediency in church-government , whose excellent temper should answer all the honest desires and reall interests of all godly people , of modest presbyters , of wise bishops , and of just princes ; whose wisdom and authority might easily , by the advise of all estates , both civill and ecclesiastick , so restore unity , tranquillity and authority to the church of england , that no worthy christians of any perswasion , episcopall , presbyterian or independent , should have any cause to complain of either neglect or oppression , which cannot befall any party in respect of their just pretensions and equable desires , if regard be had to the primitive pattern of episcopacy , which included the priviledges and satisfactions of all degrees , both of ministers and people . the complaints of oppression arise from the later innovations or invasions made by one party against the reall or pretended rights and immunities of the other ; which my designe is on all hands to unite and mutually preserve by a regular , prudent , complete , moderate , and yet authoritative , way of church-government , which is no where to be found but in a well-constituted episcopacy . in a designe wholly for reconciliation and atonement between moderate and pious men of all sides , i know the way is not partially to over-value , or passionately to undervalue any thing that is alledged by sober men on any side conducing to the common good : therefore i do not , i cannot in prudence or conscience so prefer the eminency of episcopacy , as to neglect or oppresse the just rights of worthy presbyters , or the ingenuous satisfactions of christian people ; neither of which are to be despised or rejected , but cherished and preserved , no lesse than the authority of bishops , which at the highest must be as of one that serveth the lord christ and the church , not insulteth against either ; the grave and elder sort of ministers ought to be treated by the bishop as brethren , the younger sort as sons . the reall interests of all are , in my judgement , best preserved , when they are least scattered or divided , but bound up in the same peaceable polity or holy harmony ; which i call the primitive and complete episcopacy , ever esteemed by the catholick church for its excellent wisdom , order and usefulness , to have been ( at least ) of apostolicall edition ( both preceptive and exemplary ) in its primitive impression : the errata's which , by long decurrence of time , through many mens hands have befaln it , are easily corrected and amended by men of apostolick spirits and primitive tempers . for my part , i heartily desire , humby endeavour and unfeinedly advise for such a blessed accommodation as may satisfie the just designes and honest interests of all good men ; i am infinitely grieved to see them threaten one another with eternall distances , and this church with everlasting differences and distractions : of which i am the more jealous and sensible , by what i observe either of rigor or reservednesse in some men of episcopall , presbyterian and independent principles , who had rather lose the whole game of the reformed religion and this churches recovery , than abate one ace of their high fancies and demands . where episcopall divines do remit much of modern advantages , and condescend to the most innocent models of primitive episcopacy , yet still they find many presbyterians and independents so died in graine as to their particular parties , principles and adherencies , that they will not yet endure any thing that hath the least colour or tincture , name or title of episcopacy . some viler sort of men study nothing more than to render the venerable names of bishops and episcopacy odious , and the more there is pleaded for their innocency or excellency , ( as pilate did for jesus , when he found no fault in him , ) the more they clamor with the jewes , crucifie , crucifie . and all this , lest ( forsooth ) some godly ministers of the new stamps and models should lose any thing of that popular glosse and lustre , whereby they fancy themselves to shine and glister like money new-minted among some people in their private spheares : hence some of them grow so cruelly cunning , that neither in charity nor policy they will endure any closure or treaty with episcopacy under any notion , notwithstanding that they pretend to twist their associations with the three-fold cords of all moderate men , differing still in some principles , yet concurring in one grand end for the publick peace , as they tell us ; when yet nothing can intreate them to wish , to speak or think well of episcopacy in any state or constitution . some fervent or fierce men profess such a jealousy of antichrist in episcopasy , that they cast away all that is of christ in it : they fear an apostacy if they should returne to the apostolick polity , which is episcopacy . there are that urge it best for the piety , peace and honor of this nation to have no united church , no ecclesiasticall unity which should be nationall , no uniforme or setled religion , but to let every one invent , adhere to , and advance that party and opinion which they like best ; so immoveable are they by any experiences of our mischiefes , or any remonstrances of piety , prudence and charity , for a publick composure in religion . from the restive temper of these men i can expect nothing more than that equanimity which will bear at least with episcopacy in such as can bear with presbytery or independency in them . if they find it so blessed a liberty to serve the lord as they list in those new church-waies , whereof they so much boast and glory , why should they envy , or how can they in conscience grudge to allow the godly and honest episcopall clergy and other christians , ( who are in no virtue , grace or gift inferior to them ) to partake of and use the like freedom , as is either granted to , or used and presumed by presbytery and independency ? why should they so spitefully obstruct and hinder that concession to episcopacy , which is indulged or challenged to all sorts of novelties and varieties ? possibly god in time would decide which is the best way , if episcopacy , as eliah , might bring its offering to the altar , as well as others do . it may be in a few yeares providence would shew which way pleaseth him most , by his enclining the hearts of good christians to embrace and follow what hath most of gods order and wisdome , of christs institution , of apostolick imitation , of catholick tradition or custome , and of the churches union ; all which meet ( onely ) in primitive episcopacy . but this way as it may be dilatory and tedious , so it may be dangerous and pernicious as to the welfare of both church and state ; for there can be no division in religion without emulation , no emulation without opposition , no opposition without ambition , no ambition without animosity , no animosity without offence , no offence without anger and studies of revenge , whence arise publick seditions : therefore i rather chuse a speedy and safe accommodation , than any dilatory and dangerous toleration , which will but increase disputes and distances , animosities and asperities among good men . and because i find it is not any thing really burdensome , noxious or offensive in primitive episcopacy , which makes many so shy and jealous of it ; but onely the ignorance , errors and prejudices of some men , who have sought to make it ( of later yeares especially ) obnoxious to all manner of popular jealousies , calumnies and reproches ; which have endeavoured so to hide all the pristine beauty and true excellency of it , that many look upon prelacy , that is , episcopacy , as if it were in the same form with popery , and think ( most sillily ) that they may no more in conscience comply with any regular episcopacy , than with the popes irregular primacy , in that arrogant and imperious sense which he now challengeth , beyond the modesty and humility of his primitive predecessors , who were then greatest bishops , when least in their ambitions : it will be therefore , as i suppose , not an act of partiality as to any one side , but of justice and charity to all sorts of christians , for me a little further to sweeten the name , and cleare the cause of primitive episcopacy , such as i have stated it , and as all antiquity ever esteemed it to be , the chiefest support of religious safety , honor and order ; the center , crown and consummation of the churches peace , authority , unity and prosperity . it is pitty so primitive , so apostolick , so venerable an order , so universally used in this as all churches heretofore , should any further lye under the dirt and disguises of vulgar prejudices , popular reproches , or any mens personall faults and infirmities , especially when all wise men know that the usuall distasts which have vitiated most mens palates do arise rather from their own or other mens cholerick and revengefull distempers , and the diffusions of their redundant galls , than from any reall defect or demerit of true episcopacy , or from any just blame imputable to worthy men either of that place and office , or of that perswasion and communion in the church of england . chap. xix . there are severall grand pleas in behalf of primitive and catholick episcopacy , which i here crave leave to produce and urge in a way different from other mens pens , before all learned , godly and consciencious christians , ministers and others ; not onely in order to relieve oppressed episcopacy , but also to reduce them to an happy reconciliation , and this church to the state of a setled and uniform reformation or religion , which will hardly ever be obtained in england by the violent and partiall exclusion of the ancient rights , pristine power and evident priviledges of episcopacy , unlesse the antiepiscopall parties can take care to burn or smother all monuments of true antiquity , or to banish all excellent books , ancient and modern , which have asserted it , or at least forbid their new seminaries and all scholars the reading of them . if they cannot rid the world of these bookes , then they must make some sharp index expurgatorius , which shall blot out the words of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , episcopus , antistes , praepositus , summus sacerdos , pastor , pater , with those of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●aternitas , eminentia , dignitas , sanctitas , authoritas , and other like expressions , setting forth the eminent dignity and ancient authority of episcopacy in all churches ; which expressions are so frequent and conspicuous in all ecclesiastick writers , greek and latin , that the starres in the firmament are not more numerous or more illustrious in a clear night , or the sun-beames shining at bright noon . the native , primitive , apostolick , catholick and divine splendor of episcopacy cannot be eclipsed , without darkning the faces of all churches and all christians . nor in effect will it ever be done , unlesse its implacable enemies can take care by their cunning activity , that none shall be students , or preachers , or professors of christianity , or of true divinity in england , but such as will be content first to be blinded and hoodwinckt as to all knowledge of antiquity ; next , that their disciples shall take the measures of their religion , ordination , church-order , ecclesiasticall jurisdiction and christian communion , not from jerusalem , or antioch , or ephesus , or old rome , or any other famous , catholick , primitive churches , ( which were all under episcopall inspection , and in its communion ) but from geneva , francfort , amsterdam , arnheim , or edenbrough ; and this since they have pretended ( of later yeares ) to be wiser than their teachers and first founders in christianity , grown more eagle-ey'd in church-affaires than all antiquity , and all churches in the world : whose constant consent and catholick testimony in the point of episcopacy , as an apostolick institution , custome and succession , is ( i conceive ) as much to be credited for the certainty and fidelity of it , as it is for the scripture-canon received , preserved and delivered to us , or for the two sacraments to be used , or for the lords day to be observed , or for presbytery it self , or for any ordained ministry distinct and authoritative : for none of these , as to the historick and catholick attestation of them , is more ancient or more evident than episcopacy . sure , if the ancient church were faithfull in all other things of universal use and reception , it is not to be suspected as to this great depositum of ecclesiastick order for gubernative power , authority and jurisdiction , in what hands it was setled and deposited for the churches future peace and constant good government to all posterity ; it being equally impertinent to affirm , first , that church-government and governours were needlesse for the church , or that it was not ordered by the apostles , ( that is , by the spirit and wisdome of christ , ) or that it is arbitrary and mutable every year , as men have a mind to novelty and sedition , or lastly , that those holy men who immediately succeeded the apostles did vary from their rule and prescription , changing presbytery or independency into a presidentiall or episcopall primacy ; which is a thing incredible , considering the purity , exactness , and holy pertinacy of primitive churches , as to what was of apostolicall tradition , as tertullian rarely expresseth it in his book of prescription against heresies . so that my first pregnant consideration , perswading you ( o worthy gentlemen , with my brethren of the ministry , and all my religious countrymen ) to look upon right episcopacy with a more propitious and favourable eye , is taken from the great credit and just veneration which is due to antiquity , there where we find a primitive practise and catholick consent ; and this not onely no way contrary to or diverse from , but most consonant and every way agreeable to the mind of christ and the wisdome of god , which the church hath delivered to us in the holy scriptures . it is not to be doubted but the streame of christianity ran clearest , the neerer it was to the apostolick fountaines , as in purity of doctrine , and simplicity of devotion , so in the discipline , order and government of the church , as to that power and authority which is meet in all offices and ministrations . who can deny that the primitive churches and pastors best understood the appointments of christ and his apostles in this point of government , as in all things else , when they had such an anointing of the spirit and truth to teach them how to constitute and govern all churches , as needed not any presbyterian or independent tutors to teach them new modes ? who are , as irenaeus speaks of some innovators in his time , much younger than those bishops who were the successors of the apostles ; who as they could not possibly be ignorant of the apostolick appointment , so , nor probably could they be so impertinent , as presently to alter it even in the first century , while some apostles or apostolick men were yet living , and not onely preaching as presbyters , but so ruling as presidents or bishops among them and above them , that they were far enough from the incubus of popularity , or the polypus of parity , among ministers : both which methods must have left the enlarged and numerous churches of christ either acephalists , confused without any head , or polycephalists , burdened with many heads , and divided into infinite fragments , far enough from any such influence and autority , god knows , as was capable to preserve such large combinations of churches as then and after were combined , in any regular order , subordination and communion , wherein primitive churches ( as in all other things ) most excelled ; being furthest from any such distractions , defectivenesse or deformities , as are monstrous in christianity , because most contrary to those constant proportions of modesty , humility , order , wisdom , peace , unity and polity , which god hath set before all sober men , and specially wise christians , both in reason and religion , in the systeme of all bodies natural or social , in all communities civil and military , oeconomick or politick , yea in all magistracies or eminencies , which are either paternal , fraternal , or despotical . in the ordering of all which there ever is and must be some parent or elder brother , or master , or chieftane , or superiour , or commander , who in a kind of episcopacy over-see and over-rule those that are under their several charges , and within the several combinations : which order strictly established by god in his ancient church of the jews , can never be made to appear either as paradox or heterodox from the wisdom and will of god in the several families , fraternities or polities of his christian church ; nor may it be thought that in this christ suffered his church to erre a catholick error , which in all things else he ever preserved ( according to his promise ) from all general defection . can it then seem other then juvenility , peevishness , partiality , pride , petulancy , love of novelty , and factious inclination , or some other impotent passion , ( which may , as diseases , be sometime too popular , prevalent and epidemick among christians ) so grosly to blemish , suspect , despise and discredit ( as some do ) the veracity and fidelity of the church of christ , in the point of catholick episcopacy , as most ancient and venerable ? which is indeed , and ever was , both used and esteemed as he onely crown and completion of all well - governed churches , as in latter , so in primitive times ; before whose gray head and reverent age it well becomes such novices as we are to rise up and pay a due respect . since ( then ) presidential or paternal episcopacy is ( beyond all cavil or dispute ) the elder brother by far to presbytery or independency ; since it had possession , as in all other , so in these british churches ( of which tertullian , who lived in the second century after christ , makes mention ) from the first constitution of them in their just proportions ( which st. jerom calls adultas ecclesias , adult or full-grown churches , which had attained their due stature and dimensions ; ) since the quiet possession and long prescription of fifteen or sixteen hundred yeares , is a valid title in justice , and invincible prejudice against all novell pretenders , and violent disseisors of episcopacy ; it were but modest and ingenuous , reasonable and religious , equall and charitable , for all ministers and others of any learning , worth and honesty ( as many i hope are of all sides ) to make some handsome , if not retractations , yet retrogradations and returnes toward this apostolick and catholick , ancient and primitive episcopacy . o how well would it become presbyterians and independents , that have a due sense of things comely , honest , praise-worthy and honorable , in stead of making up their new associations , which is but a marriage or medly of presbytery and independency , to offer , or receive some faire offers and fraternall proposalls , in order to an happy accommodation with those learned and worthy men , who are still firme to the episcopall interests and just authority , as ancient , primitive and catholick ; which are not to be slighted by any men of learning and worth , however the cause may be more afflicted , and the men lesse favoured at present ? it ill becomes any grave , godly and ingenuous men , still to take those poor advantages against episcopacy which arise from popular ignorance , vulgar prejudices or covetous jealousies ; much lesse from the plebeian petulancies used against all bishops , and the undeserved depressions faln on many episcopall divines , over whom disdainfully to triumph , and with a kind of scorne to crow and insult , is both base and barbarous : nor is it much more ingenuous , to pass them by with a supercilious silence and neglect ; which i see some new masters affect to do , counting them all as unsavoury salt , not fit to be gathered from those dung-hills on which they have been cast , ( god knows , not for want of savour in themselves , but of favour from others . ) a third sort there are of associaters , who that they might seem more civil and candid to episcopacy , and to episcopal ministers , of whose worth they are convinced as much as of their sustained injuries , have sometime ( yet not without the strictures of some brow and glorying ) invited them to joyne with them , that is , to subscribe and submit to their new associations . for in these ( as the designe and opera is laid ) those men whose judgement and conscience hath most confined and confirmed them to episcopacy , must either as cyphers signifie nothing , and when they convene , but sit still and say nothing , ( being onely tame spectators of other mens rare activities , who would fain christen their presbytery and independency with some drops and sprincklings of episcopacy , and so have some episcopall divines as gossips to their new births ; ) or else they must first as good as openly renounce episcopacy , and desert their former both opinion , ordination and station in the church as christians and as ministers ; next , they must admit the rare and new invention of a particular church-covenant , as they call it , or an incorporating engagement , by word or subscription , contrary to what they formerly had explicitely passed to this church and its government in their ordination and subscription , yea and beyond that baptismall covenant , which every christian professor ownes as the badg or bond of his admission into communion with christ and his church , both catholick and congregationall , generall and particular . this ( it seemes ) must now not at all be owned , or slighted , nulled and forgotten by the superfetation of a new form of christian confederation more solemn , sacred and obliging ( as they fancy ) to christian duties , than that was , which was solemnly made in the presence of the congregation , ratified in the blood of jesus christ , and testified in the name of the father , son and holy ghost : yea and after this the poor episcopall divines , if they will gently comply , and for feare associate , must quietly permit either the community of the people , or the parity of the presbyters ( in their severall lesser bodies and congregations , or in their greater classes and conventions ) to challenge to themselves the plenary , sole , absolute , perfect and unappealable power of not onely ordination , which of old they never had , as st. jerom confesseth , but of all ecclesiasticall jurisdiction and discipline , and this under the conduct and auspicious management of onely some diurnall dictator , some temporary prolocutor , or extemporary moderator , who is ( forsooth ) to have the image of a superficiall bishop , and the shadow of a short-liv'd superintendent ; a thing meerly occasional and unauthoritative as to any office or power inherent in him , or of right to be challenged or exercised by him , enjoying onely an horary , arbitrary and humane presidency , for fashion and civility sake , without any ecclesiasticall , eminent or constant authority residing in him as derived from christ , the apostles or their successors , or any churches custome , designation and consent in former times . such as was ever committed to , owned in , and used by the bishops of the church , as regularly succeeding to the apostles in that ordinary eminency of power , which was necessary to keep both presbyters and all christian people and churches good order , peace and unity ; which blessings they never more enjoyed , or more happily , than under a right episcopacy . whose cause , however of later yeares it hath been run down and trampled in a hurry under foot by some men in england , scotland and ireland ; yet hath it suffered no reall diminution as to the true honor of its apostolick authority , its primitive antiquity , its catholick succession , its high descent , and its holy originall : which was never denyed or much disputed by any men of any considerable learning and piety , till these later dog-dayes , in which not onely some single stars of nebulous and dubious light , but whole constellations of them , like sirius or the canicular juncto ( erected under the new name and figuration of smectymnuus , to calculate the nativity of a new reformation ) became lords of the ascendent ; being filled , contrary to their former conformity and declared submission , with a very unbenigne , that i say not malignant , influence , not only against episcopacy , but in effect against the whole visible constitution of this church , in which ( as goods in a sunk ship ) all things are much wasted and abased by the ruine of episcopacy . their destructive fires ( kindled from the colder parts of this island ) first flamed into strange logomachies , thredbare cavillings , and triviall strifes about words and names ; as if after sixteen hundred years , all the christians and ministers of england , its princes and parliaments , its synods and councels , yea all the christian world elsewhere , were to be catechized by a few petty presbyters ( in comparison ) and their scot-english assembly , what the names of bishop and presbyter , of pastor and teacher , of elder and ruler , of helps and governments , of apostle and evangelist , of ecclesiastical stars and angels did mean : which not onely all writers , but all times and practises of all churches had sufficiently interpreted , and cleared from the first promiscuous use of some general names ( which called the chief apostles prophets , evangelists , bishops , presbyters , elders , ministers and deacons too ; in whose offices , authorities and duties , there were real and great differences ) to more proper and peculiar distinctions , according to the several ranks , degrees , orders , offices and powers then established in the church . after the squibbs and crackers of paper had been lighted , and cast in the face of venerable episcopacy , at last ( as the manner is ) things came to dreadful chiromachies , such scufflings and fightings with hands and arms of flesh against that government , ( which is as the ancient of dayes ) that they looked more like that gigantomachy , the giants assaulting heaven and the gods , than that good fight of faith , which ought to contend earnestly onely for that which was once uniformly delivered to all true saints , and received by all true churches of christ , in doctrine , order and government : among whom all lesser disputations and differences circumstantial ( rising among good christians ) were wont to be fairly debated and determined in lawful assemblies , in ecclesiastical synods , and national or general councils ; from which christian and orthodox bishops were never either terrified or excluded , but principally called and admitted as the chief fathers of those holy oeconomies or christian polities : nor was episcopacy ever condemned by any of those councils , synods or assemblies in any age of the church ; much less was it ejected and extirpated as uselesse , unlawful and abominable , no not by any synods and confessions of any protestant and reformed churches of note ; notwithstanding they could not conveniently enioy the blessing of it , ( for so they accounted it ) either by reason of the petulancy of people , or the impatience of civil magistrates , or the sacrilegious humours and designes of all against the clergy . after all these prepossessions and just presumptions thus challenged to the cause and state of episcopacy , in point of its venerable and undeniable antiquity , i cannot but offer to its still scrupulous or implacable adversaries these following quaeres . . how sad ( i beseech you ) and wretched , how confounded and astonished must the awakened consciences of those men be , who have been the chief authors and fautors of our late troubles , variations and miseries , chiefly upon the account of their antiepiscopal antipathies , if after all these combustions , perturbations and plunderings of religion , which have rather pleased mens private passions and opinions , than any way profited the publick welfare of this church or state ; if ( i say ) these great sticklers against episcopacy should be either grosly mistaken , or malitiously perverted from the right path , that good old way , of which former ages can better inform us , then those that are but of yesterday , and can know nothing but by their light ? . what if it should be as true , as it is most probable ( because generally so believed in all ages , parts and places of the church ) that the cause of primitive episcopacy is indeed the cause of god , of christ , and of the whole church ; the cause of all the apostles , of all primitive bishops their immediate successors , yea the cause of all true presbyters and all true christians ; a cause in which the glory of god , the wisdome of christ , the honor of the apostles , the fidelity of their successors , the credit of the church catholick , the comfort and authority of all true ministers , the surest test and character of due ordination , the peace and unity of all good christians , are bound up and mainly concerned ? . what if these new masters , these sharp censors and imperious dictators , ( whom perhaps not piety so much as policy , not religion but reason of state , not reforming severities , but needlesse jealousies and imaginary necessities , have put upon such violent sticklings against episcopacy , and reprobating all worthy bishops ) what if they have been deceived themselves and deceivers of others in that point ? which is much more veniall to think and say of the very best of them , than to passe any such censure or suspicion of error or ignorance upon all churches , even in their purest and primitive antiquity , when one spark of martyrly zeal , which was as holy fire from gods altar , had more divine light and heat in it , than all the blazes and flashes of moderne zelotry . . i do in all christian candor demand of the severest presbyterian and sharpest independent , whether , when they ask of the generations of old , and enquire of all ages from the beginning of christian churches , whether ever they find any christians or congregations at any time either christening or churching themselves , either by their own vote , choise and authority , or by separating from their ordained presbyters and bishops , which were sound in the faith , and regular in their administrations , who had duly taught , baptized , confirmed and ruled them in the lord. when did any presbyters or ministers ever pretend to ordaine themselves or one another without some apostle or bishop ? when , where , and by whom was the first schisme , rupture or chasme of ecclesiasticall parity , as to mission and commission , begun ? when and where was the first intrusion or encroachment upon the pretended authority of presbytery made by episcopacy ? did not all presbyters owe & ever own their legitimate birth & breeding to their respective bishops ? whose authority was ever as much above meer presbyters in degree and office , as it was before them in the order of nature and causality , no lesse than in time and antiquity . . if ( then ) all the novel presumptions , pretentions and objections of either presbytery or independency against primitive , catholick , and apostolick episcopacy , should in earnest be nothing but passionate , false and frivolous mistakes , arising from ignorance and error , carried on by envy and arrogancy in many men ; o what needlesse troubles , what heedlesse angers , what inordinate furies , what dreadfull disorders must they all this while have been guilty of ? what causelesse contentions , innovations , confusions , vastations , have they brought into the churches of christ ? what cruell and uncharitable contentions have they raised , as elsewhere , so in this famous and flourishing church of england ? without any just cause , god knowes , and beyond the merits of episcopacy , even in its greatest defects , declinations and deformities ; to which as all holy institutions may in time be subject , so they ought to be humbly , wisely and moderately reformed by the prayers , teares , counsels , honest and orderly endeavours of all sober christians , of all sorts and sizes , in their places and stations , with due regard to the first pattern and originall . but certainly , as the whole order and office of presbytery , ( which may have had its personall depravations also ) so the ancient and venerable authority of episcopacy , as to its primitive institution and catholick succession , ought not on any hand to be utterly ruined , rased and extirpated root and branch , by any tumultuary rashnesse or popular precipitancy ; which can never become any church of christ , or any wise and godly christians : nor can such methods of sharp and soure reformations ever end in the peace or comfort of good men ; who , ( if they find themselves guilty of excesses , so dangerous and destructive to the true church , true religion and true reformation ) have nothing lesse to do than to persevere in their extravagancies , or pertinaciously to assert their former transports : yea they have nothing more to do speedily and conscienciously , than humbly to recant , seriously to repent , and effectually to amend , as much as lies in their power , the affronts and assaults , the breaches and wasts they have made of the churches peace and unity , power and authority , by returning to that duty which they owe to god , and that obedience they owe to their spirituall governours , and that reverence which they owe to uniform antiquity ; which so fully commends the presidentiall authority of apostolicall and primitive episcopacy . their first errors may be weaknesse , but their obstinacy must needs be wickednesse ; who still sin when they are convinced , silenced and afflicted . . what if after all this dust and noyse , which hath so blinded and deafned the eyes and eares of many presbyters and people , that they cannot and will not see the truth and testimony of antiquity , ( which is no lesse cleare for the presidentiall authority and eminency of episcopacy , than for the subordination , counsel and assistance of presbytery ) what if it should be the mind of god , the order and institution of jesus christ , the designation and direction of his blessed spirit , evidently signified and setled in and by the blessed apostles , in all primitive churches , and so continued to this day , according to the measures of divine wisdome and order , ( though not without mixtures of humane infirmities and disorders , incident to all holy institutions ? ) . what if after all these seditious and schismaticall distempers in ministers and people , the lord should say to these refractory and irreconcilable spirits against episcopacy , as he did to the jewes when they revolted from samuels government , they have not rejected you ( o my faithfull servants the bishops , whom i have constituted and used in all ages as vigilant over-seers , and wise rulers of my flock , ) but they have rejected me ? who in this point of episcopacy , have so sufficiently declared my will and pleasure to all the world , that no church was ever ignorant of it , or varied from it , being manifested from heaven , first , in the evident instances of divine wisdome , among the jewish church and priests ; yea as it is an orderly and gubernative method in all societies , where right reason , and so true religion , necessarily command and commend superiority and subjection : secondly , in the paterne and rules of ecclesiasticall polity , set down by my son jesus christ , and followed by his apostles , who setled all churches in such an orderly subordination : thirdly , in the constant custome and catholick testimony of all succeeding churches , whose joynt suffrages and uniform practises in cases of any darkness , dispute or difficulty ( where scripture-precepts may seem lesse clear and explicite ) ought by all sober christians to be esteemed as the safest measures of conscience , and surest rule of religious observance , especially as to things of outward polity , order and government ; nor may any novel inventions or pretentions never so specious be put into the balance against the authority of the catholick church , which is the pillar and ground of truth , the great directory of ecclesiasticall prudence and practise . . what if the great god of order , peace and truth , ( as well as so many learned and godly men , so many famous and flourishing churches in all ages ) should by beating or scaring men from their popular prejudices , pitiful subterfuges , and sinister designes , thus mightily plead the cause of true episcopacy , against all those who have spoken and done so many perverse things against that excellent government ? what if he should by some powerful means rebuke their confidences , as he did job's ? justly demanding of these destroyers , where is that wisdom , that modesty , that gentleness , that charity , that moderation , that humility , that gravity and christian caution which became godly men to their betters , to such a church and to such worthy bishops as were the governours of it under god and the king ? could you be ignorant of the learning , graces , virtues , merits and worth which were in bishops , suitable to their lawful autority ? did you not know , and with some repining see , how justly they were preferred before presbyters and people , as every way fittest to be over and above them ? are these immoderations and injuries the wayes of true religion and reformation ? can there be true piety without charity , yea without equity or pitty ? if evil men are not to be injured , much less good men , good ministers , and least of all good bishops , which were not wanting among you . may not thus the lightnings of gods rebukes be clearly seen , and the terrors of his thunders be justly heard , and the blastings of his displeasure be felt , by all the unjust , tumultuary , malicious and implacable enemies of venerable episcopacy ? methinks i hear the divine majesty thus uttering his glorious voice against them : o foolish people ! o unthankful nation ! o degenerous christians or deformed church , not worthy to be beloved of god , or happily governed by wise men ! do you thus requite the lord , and thus despise all the ancient churches of christ , by forsaking , yea rejecting your own mercies and happiness ? is it a small thing that you have broken through all laws , and the arm of mans civil authority , but will you also contend against the power of god , and the wisdom of christ ? whose out-stretched arm in the way of episcopacy hath been in all ages a defence and refuge to his church . should you , beyond the boldnesse of balaam , dare to curse what god hath not cursed , or to defie what god hath not defied , but signally owned with his blessing in all ages and churches ? in seeing do you not see , and in reading do you not understand , the constant methods of gods guiding and governing both this and all other christian churches ? how hath a novel zeal , but not according to knowledge , blinded your minds ? who called the first apostles to be chief bishops over all churches ? who supplied the apostasie of judas by the election of matthias to his episcopacy ? upon whom did the power of the holy ghost first come ? who placed bishops immediately after them in all completed churches through the world ? what planted , preserved , united and reformed them , but that apostolical , that is , the episcopal autority , assisted by such presbyters , whom they ordained to part of the office , labour , honour and ministry ? who were the chief champions of the gospel , but the venerable bishops in all ages ? who were the most resolute confessors ? holy bishops : who the most glorious martyrs ? excellent bishops : who were the most learned and valiant asserters of the orthodox faith , primitive purity , sanctity , order and harmony , becoming christian churches , but admirable bishops ? who were counted the prime starres in the hand of christ ? who were called by way of eminency angels by him , but the chief presidents and bishops of the seven churches ? to whom was divine power first given and after derived , not onely to teach and feed , but to ordain presbyters and deacons , also to rebuke , rule and govern both presbyters , deacons and people , ( as st. paul enjoynes ) but to holy bishops , in the persons and patterns of timothy and titus , archippus and others , whose authority as such , no man ought to despise ? who were they that wounded and destroyed the great behemoth and leviathans of prodigious errors and spreading heresies in the four first centuries , but incomparable bishops , such as were irenaeus , athanasius , epiphanius , augustine , ambrose , hilary , prosper , both the cyrils , the basils , the gregories and others ? who quenched the wild-fires of schisme and faction among christian people and ministers , but excellent bishops , such as clemens , ignatius , cyprian , both the dionysiu's , austin , optatus , fulgentius and others ? by whose sweat and blood , next after the apostles , were the plantations and necessary reformations of churches watered and weeded , but by the vigilancy and industry of worthy bishops , both in their single capacity and in their joynt synods or councills ? wherein bishops , as the representatives or chief fathers of all churches as the families of christ , might orderly meet , duly deliberate , and autoritatively determine , what seemed good to the spirit of god and to them , for the churches purity and peace , according to the scriptures precept and catholick practise . who were those renowned pastors and preachers of old that mitigated the spirits of great princes , that converted many nations , that baptized mighty kings and emperours , that advanced the gospel beyond their empires , and set up the crosse of christ above their crownes , not in soveraignty or civill power , but in the divine empire of verity , sanctity and charity ? who moderated the spirits and passions of persecutors ? who convinced them of their errors , resolved their scruples ? who condemned their sins ? who terrified their consciences ? and who either raised or restored them ( through repentance ) to the peace of christ and his church , but heroick , wise and invincible bishops ? who have been the chief luminaries in all churches , in all ages the chariots and horsemen of israel , the prime pillars of piety and peace , of hospitality and honour , of order and good government , but wise and renowned bishops ? who furnished all churches with fervent prayers , devout liturgies , convenient catechises , learned homilies , practical sermons , accurate commentaries and excellent epistles ; with sound decisions of controversies and cases arising in the church or any private conscience ? who made up with charitable composures all uncomfortable breaches and unkind differences among christians , but pious and prudent bishops ? whose autority was ever esteemed as sacred , being experienced in all ages to be sanative and soveraign to religion and the church , where they had freedom and encouragements to act as became the chief pastors , counsellors and governours of the church in all ecclesiastick concernments . sure if god would have them utterly destroyed , he would not so long have accepted such sacrifices from the hands of bishops , both ancient and modern ; nor thus mightily have pleaded the cause of episcopacy in all ages , and in this , both as to gods wisdom in , and his blessing upon , that way of church-government and governours . but possibly our later bishops ( especially in england , whose cause is here chiefly pleaded ) were such degenerous persons , as deserved not to bear the name , or knew not how to use the office of a bishop . doubtless ( their enemies being judges ) no place , no age , no one nation or church in the world since the apostles , ever exceeded the bishops of england for piety and learning , for useful and exemplary vertues , of which i shall afterward give more exact account ; no church ever more happy , flourishing or prosperous , then the reformed church of england was under such worthy bishops , as some men so despitefully used . could bishops in this and all churches be so blessed of god , and yet episcopacy deserve to be so abhorred of men ? were the evangelical labours of godly bishops so plentifully watered with the dew of heaven , and yet doth their function deserve to be rooted out of the earth ? if episcopacy in its secular riches and honours must needs be destroyed , in order to confiscate the churches lands ; yet at least primitive , though poor , episcopacy might have been preserved : whose ancient eminency would have been both authoritative and conspicuous among good christians , through the clouds of such undeserved poverty . though some men might presume to deprive bishops of their deserved and lawful estates , yet sure they were too bold to rob the church of all excellent and deserving bishops , such as england ever afforded , both before and since the reformation ; which the romish and jesuitick policies never hoped more effectually to deforme and destroy , than by helping to carry on the routing of episcopacy . certainly the excellent bishops of england were the greatest eye-sore of the pope and his conclave ; nor did they care to fight by their secret and open engines against small or great presbyters , so much as against these prelates , who had so long stood in their way . they knew , when these chief shepherds were smitten , the sheep would soon be scattered : nor were papists ever more gratified than when episcopacy was extirpated out of england . what if the god , the lord of his church , the father of our lord jesus christ , who hath laid the government of it on the shoulders of christ jesus , and he derived the external administration or dispensation of it to the apostles , and they to succeeding bishops , as spiritual pastors and venerable fathers of his church ; what if he should thus plead the cause of episcopacy , in the eminency of its apostolical order and primitive authority , against all those that have spoken , acted and written so many peevish , spiteful , popular , partial and perverse things against it ? what if he should lay to their consciences what is visible to their and all mens eyes , the sad divisions , miserable confusions , and horrid vastations of this church and the reformed religion , which have followed the destroying of harmlesse , honourable , ancient , venerable , useful and necessary episcopacy ? would they not be infinitely ashamed , and mightily confounded for the new modes which they have taken up , for the oakes which they have chosen to over-shadow themselves , yea for the briars and brambles which they fancy as fittest to rule themselves and the church of christ in this land , either by way of parity or popularity , which are not fit methods to rule their own families withall ? will a few arbitrary precarious presbyters , and unautoritative preachers , or their new associations serve their turn ? or will a few petty congregations or schismatizing conventicles , here and there , scattered and scrambled together in cities and countries , be able to countervail the damage , or to recompence the unspeakable defects and detriments , which this church and nation , which all estates and degrees of christian people have sustained , by the totall loss and overthrow of primitive episcopacy , which was as it were smothered to death in a crowd and huddle , never legally examined or fairly condemned by the free and full suffrages of all estates , so as its antiquity , worth and honour did deserve . what learned , prudent and conscientious ministers , or other christians , can be fully satisfied with those new-fashioned ordinations and ministrations of holy things , which neither they nor their fore-fathers , nor any ancient churches ever knew , and wherein that divine authority which they challenge , is so justly doubted or disputed , as by no catholick hand or regular course committed to them ? if that ministeriall power , which is challenged and exercised upon such new accounts of humane policies and later inventions , if it should really be none at all , or as weak and defective as it is dubious , for ordination as it is for jurisdiction ; ( which is very much feared and suspected by very wise and good men ; especially where not want and necessity deny , but wantonnesse and wilfulnesse seek to deprive christians of their true bishop : ) o how vain , how invalid , how arrogant , how insignificant must those ministers and all their holy ministrations appear to many christians , who have of later years set themselves up , by a presbyterian commission or popular election , not onely without , but against their lawful superiours ; who were every way so able , so worthy , and so lawfully authorized for that office and eminency , not onely as they were ordained presbyters , but as they were further consecrated bishops , that is , placed by christ , and appointed by the church in an higher degree , capacity , use and exercise of ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction , then ever was in any presbyters ? of which eminency episcopal as that famous council of nice took such care to have it continued , after the cient mode and patern of publick election and solemn consecration , or the churches benediction ; so all this formality must have been very superstitious and ridiculous , if it added nothing of authority and power peculiar to them as bishops , but onely what they formerly had received in common as presbyters . doubtless reordination , as rebaptization , to the same office and degree in the church , was ever condemned in the church of christ as impious , because superfluous , a meer mockery of religion , a taking the name of god in vaine ; forbidden by the african canons and many councils , never practised by any but such as st. basil the great reports one eustathius of sebastia to have been , whom he calls an infamous heretick , a notorious deserter of the churches catholick communion . if st. chrysostome in the fourth century had judged it enough to complete him in his episcopall power and authority , to have been once ordained a presbyter , as he was in antioch , where he so lived twelve yeares , sure he would not have troubled himself to have been after ordained or consecrated a bishop by theophilus bishop of alexandria and others of that order , when he was chosen to be bishop of constantinople . nor would st. austin , ( a person no lesse pious and learned , who had been ordained presbyter by valerius bishop of hippo ) been ordained anew by megalius patriarch of numidia , when he was chosen to be bishop of hippo. in like sort was one alexander a presbyter ordained by st. chrysostome to be bishop of bassinopolis , according to the uniforme method of antiquity , which judged that the presbyters chusing , the peoples approving , and the next bishops consecrating or blessing of the elect bishop , made up that complete power and eminent authority , in which he that was formerly but a presbyter , was now invested as a bishop or president of any church : which made epiphanius brand aerius for a mad man , and subverted by the devill ( upon his discontent for being repulsed from a bishoprick , of which he was ambitious ) because he made episcopacy and presbytery ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of equall dignity , efficacy and authority ; yet is epiphanius often and highly commended by st. jerom ( who was but a presbyter and lived in his diocese sometime ) as a person ( sanctae & venerabilis memoriae ) of holy and happy memory . this then appearing so pregnantly to have been the judgement and practise of all antiquity , which preferred episcopall dignity and authority above simple presbytery , i do not see how learned , modest and ingenuous men can lightly esteem or actually oppose so ancient and catholick an order in the church ; so usefull , so necessary for any churches well-being , which is unseparable from its good government . lay aside ( then ) passions , prejudices , partiality , love of novelty , and childish pertinacy ; i cannot but hope sober men will cheerfully returne in their judgements , desires and endeavours , to correspond with primitive and paternall episcopacy , acknowledging the ancient rights of it as well as the use of it to be catholick and apostolick , so delivered to us in all ages and successions , not onely by bishops , but by presbyters and deacons too ; such as clemens of alexandria , tertullian , origen and others were : from all which wholly to vary and recede , cannot be other than shaking , and in great part subverting , the very foundations of unity , charity and stability in the catholick church , as to its visible order , communion and government ; wherein all good christians should not so much study the temporary satisfaction of particular parties and interests , as the constant and common good of the whole polity and society , wherein all honest mens private concernments are best preserved by such a publick authority as is most venerable and least disputable . what some have alledged to weaken and baffle the catholick antiquity of episcopacy , as to its primitive and apostolick plantation , by bastardizing all the epistles of ignatius , as wholly supposititious , and so interpolated at best with the oft-repeated crambes of bishops , presbyters and deacons , to a kind of nauseous affectation , savouring ( they say ) more of later subtilty than primitive simplicity : all this hath no weight in it , considering the high esteem was had of ignatius in the churches of the second and third centuries , besides what the learned usserius and vossius do own in their late examens , not onely for his martyrly constancy , but for his so holy and generous epistles , so full of devout flames and sacred fervors of love to christ , of charity to his church , and zeal for martyrdome , that it were a thousand pitties this lukewarm age should want the warmth of ignatius his spirit glowing in his epistles , such as were often owned and cited by the first ecclesiastick writers , st. jerom , eusebius and others , as genuine . nor doth it seem so probable that any in those or after-times , which had no dispute either for or against episcopacy , should studiously adde those frequent testimonies for it which are seen in the most unsuspected parts of ignatius ; but rather , that holy man was directed by gods good spirit in his martyrly zeal and extasies of love to christ and the church , to reinforce and reiterate , as he doth , the validity of his testimony for order and unity in the church , as foreseeing the quarrels which might be about episcopacy , and that the communion of the church would be much dissolved , when the reverence and submission to episcopall order and eminency should be so remitted , disputed or denied , that either presbyters or people should run to parity and popularity , the certaine high-waies to anarchy . truly ignatius is not more frequent for the honor and eminency of episcopacy , than for a venerable presbytery in its due place and rank ; which might make him seem lesse fulsome to some presbyters , if they were not their own enemies , out of excessive transports against all bishops . vedelius of geneva , who had as good a nose and quick a sent as most men , would not have so studied ignatius his epistles , and sifted them as he doth , if he thought them all drosse or refuse : yea he is so evicted by them , that he cannot forbear to subscribe to many of them in many places , yea and to such an episcopacy as that holy martyr joynes with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a venerable presbytery ; which he hardly doubts , much lesse denies , to have been in that first century after christ when ignatius wrote those epistles , being bishop of antioch after e●odias , constituted there by saint peter , when he left that church to go to others . nor is there any more force in the fancies that some men draw from st. clemens contemporary with st. paul , who in his epistles ownes no bishops as distinct among or above presbyters in the church of corinth , to whom he wrote that divine letter , upon occasion of schisme or sedition risen among the presbyters of that church . sure the enemies of episcopacy are hardly driven to find testimonies in antiquity against it , when they are forced to wrest them out of such writers , who were undoubtedly themselves bishops , as clemens was in the church of rome , in whose person he writes that epistle to the corinthians , as eusebius , st. jerom , and all antiquity before them do witness . it is true , st. clemens then wrote , when the name of bishop and presbyter were not so distinct as afterward ; episcopal eminency being either in the apostolicall persons and power yet surviving , or conveyed under the names of bishops and presbyters to lesser apostles and apostolick successors , whom st. clemens calls the first fruits of the apostles , placed by them ( as he saith ) to be bishops , presbyters and deacons in all churches , to serve and oversee or rule the church according to christian order and ecclesiasticall comelinesse , as the state of the churches required . which * he represents by those three orders among the jewes , which god had appointed , namely the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the chief priests , the priests and levites : which orders , as † he sayes god confirmed by the miracle of aarons rod , against the factious and seditious spirits among the jewes ; so the apostles , foreseeing the contention that would arise about the name of episcopacy , did place those worthy persons to be their successors , whom others in like order might follow , to execute ( as he expresseth ) the proper ministrations and offices which are to be performed in the church , not confusedly , but by such persons and in such times and places as the lord had appointed . so that either the corinthian presbyters were then as so many particular bishops attended onely with their deacons in their severall charges ( which might be many and large enough in that ample city and territory , after the apostle st. pauls death ; ) or they were still under some surviving apostles generall care and inspection , as st. john , who yet lived in domitians time , when clemens wrote this epistle to those corinthian presbyters , who possibly for want of some chief bishop or president chosen and placed among them , thus fell into emulations and factions : which afterward were remedied by episcopall eminency in that church , as st. jerom tels us . this is certaine , as no primitive church had more early factions and more carnall divisions , or more needed episcopall presidency , that is , apostolicall authority , to represse the turbulent and contentious humors among both people and presbyters ; so none had more eminent bishops , among whom one was that famous dionysius , whom eusebius and all antiquity so commend for a bishop of most primitive and apostolick temper , full of majesty and humility , of authority and charity . to conclude , i find no disadvantage brought against primitive episcopacy ( but much for it ) by either of these most ancient writers , to which all others after them do so unanimously and clearly agree for asserting the venerable authority and catholick antiquity of bishops above presbyters , that for any man of parts to listen to the partiall , novel and pittifull allegations , which some presbyters have made against episcopacy and all presidentiall bishops , contrary to those ancient authors , ( who were most of them , yea almost all of them , of that episcopall order in the church ) is certainly as senselesse a superstition , and as vaine a divination , as that was for which hannibal reproched prusias king of bithynia , when being advised by hannibal to fight with the pergamenians , he refused , because the entrailes of the calfe then sacrificed seemed not propitious : sure ( sir ) sayes he to the king , you cannot be well advised in your warres , who rather regard the entrailes of a young calf , than the counsels of an old souldier and veterane commander . nor is it lesse impertinent for any sober christian to credit the pittifull rhapsodies or scraps forced out of the scriptures or fathers , and corraded by a few neotericks , to wrest them against episcopacy , and themselves too who were actually bishops , rather than to believe that uniform concurrence , which makes wholly for it out of all antiquity , as in perswasion , so in practise , so far , that not one person or author , father or historian , synod or councill of any name or note , worth or eminency , can be excepted : no not st. jerom himself , whose judgement and practise is cleare in many places for episcopall eminency and authority ; however as a presbyter he challenged an interest , as in the election , so in the counsell and assistance of presbyters to be joyned with bishops , which is as prudent as ancient , and not denyed by any sober man who adheres to primitive episcopacy . for which st. jerom himself gives so pregnant and ancient a testimony , as none clearer can be desired , in the person of st. mark the evangelist , who first planted and setled a christian church at alexandria , where he died and was buried . after whom ( by his advise and direction no doubt ) the presbyters of alexandria chose anianus as their bishop ( a man endeared to god and man , of admirable piety and charity ) who ( in celsiori gradu collocatus ) placed and owned in a higher degree than any presbyters , did govern that church twenty two yeares as bishop ; whose succession continued , as st. jerom saith , to his daies , in dionysius and heraclas bishops of alexandria . one such testimony for a ruling and unepiscopall , that is , an unruly presbytery or independency , ( without any bishop ) would be worth considering ; but is not to be found in all antiquity . chap. xx. my second argument or plea , by which to reconcile sober men to apostolick , primitive and catholick episcopacy , is from that evangelicall temper and true christian spirit which is in it , and was ever both owned and used by it , as to the peaceable principles and obedientiall practises of all worthy bishops and all mininisters of that subordination , in all ages and places , toward civill powers and magistrates ; who both in first planting and after in reforming of any church ( wherein they had a chief influence , ) never applyed any popular , rude and violent meanes , to set up their opinions or parties any church-way or power , any order , discipline or authority : nothing pragmatick , mutinous or seditious was prayed , preached or practised by them ; contenting themselves with sober sermons and devout prayers , with doing well cheerfully , and suffering evill patiently . they never used any sinister policy or power , no fraud or force , nor any methods or engines to introduce episcopacy , other than such as were necessary to bring in christianity in the true faith and holy mysteries of it , which have ever been embarqued with , steered by , and either persecuted , or prospered , together with episcopacy ; whose diligence and devotion , peaceablenesse and patience , both in their dioceses and in their synods or councils , assisted by presbyters of the same adherence and communion , hath planted , preserved , propagated and best restored true religion to all nations , by such demonstrations of meeknesse and wisdome , as were loyall , just , pure , peaceable , gentle and easie to be intreated . they never did any thing menacingly and boysterously against their superiours , with threatnings or tumults , with sedition or hostility , with faction or partiality : they did not presently let fly bitter arrowes at the faces , hands , heads and hearts of all that refused their offers and motions ; but onely shook off the dust of their feet , and quietly departed , if need were , as christ commanded his apostles and disciples . this was and is the temper of primitive and true episcopacy , as to civill peace and subjection . it is an observation not so strange as too true , that all spirits which are antiepiscopall are in some respects antimagistraticall , and most-what antimonarchicall : enemies to bishops are easily enemies to all magistrates that are not of their own straine and way . the first and great instance of which truth was and is in the papacy , since the bishops of rome forsook the first humble , holy and martyrly principles of their predecessors , and challenged in christs name a soveraignty , monarchy and tyranny above all bishops ; not content with a primacy of order , civility and precedency , which was anciently allowed as to other metropolitanes , primates and patriarks , so principally to the bishops of rome : not for the honor of their first founders , st. peter and st. paul , nor for the renowne and orthodoxy of the romane churches faith , ( for these might be and were as remarkable in other cities , as jerusalem , where christ in person had been , so in antioch , &c. ) but it was consented and yielded to for the secular honor and glory of that mighty city , which was as it were the confluence , summary and center of all worldly greatnesse , as the queen of all nations , whence all lawes and soveraignty flowed to the civilized world , and terror to the other parts that were barbarous or enemies . the imperiall power and majesty of that city induced all others to prefer it ; and so the bishops of all other cities made no scruple to yield the precedency of honor and order to the bishops of rome , which was as lawfull as it was orderly . but when the papall arrogancy lifted up it self above its brethren , by a luciferian height , through the subtilty and importunity of pope boniface , as platina in his life tels us , he afterward sought to exalt himself above all that is called god ; the papall ambition very cunningly invading not onely the rights of kings and civill powers , but of the ecclesiastick rulers also : for the roman policy saw that unlesse it got above all bishops , it could not easily get above all christian princes and magistrates , which supported the honor and freedome of each other . then monastick and jesuitick flattery following pride , the bishops of rome must be not onely the chief bishop , but the father , the fountaine , the lord , the prince of all bishops and all episcopacy , indeed the onely bishop of divine and apostolick authority : all other bishops must be as his off-sets , his suffragans , or his chaplaines ; nothing without him , and able to do nothing as bishops , but by a power derived from the pope ; forgetting the primitive equality of all bishops , as to their episcopall rights , power and office , which followed the parity of the apostles as to their apostleship , which all antiquity with st. cyprian , st. jerom , gregory the great and others owned as ( unicus in solidum episcopatus ) but one tree or source of ecclesiasticall authority , first rooted in christ , afterward derived to the chief apostles , and from each of them to their successors in all the christian world . this once laid aside , and buried in the darknesse and insolency of warlike and superstitious times , the degenerated bishops of rome by degrees gained their processe and designe , which was to have no civill or ecclesistick power in the world , but such as might derive from and depend upon them ; all princes and prelates must be his vassalls , or they must have no principality , no episcopacy . this axe was the first , and a very heavy sharp one , that was laid to the root of episcopacy by the papall arrogancy ; after whose copy all those may be suspected to write , who first blot out episcopacy , that they may blot and out-bolt , set up and pull down magistracy , upon such principles and pretentions of religion as they list to set up and fancy , for the advancing of christs cause , the gospel , religion and reformation : words never more used by any than the popes of rome , since they used the style of holinesse and servant of servants , but intended highnesse , and exercised soveraignty over all , according to that mystery of iniquity , which was by some of them carried on , and is not to this day laid aside , though more tenderly and warily managed , being on all hands either despised or disliked by all christian princes , that are not forced by dependance or fear to be parasites to the pope . i know in this point other novel antiepiscopal parties on all hands , have sought with all artifices to captate magistratick favour , as well as plebeian applauses , representing themselves so submissive and complyant to princes and parlaments , to all states and civill polities , that they fancy to favour their side , as if they onely studied to bear the crosse of christ , and not to weare any crown of soveraignty . but how modest some of them have been in seeking to set up jesus christ and themselves , not onely without , but against the expresse will and consent of the lawfull princes and chief magistrates , no lesse than against the lawes in force , yea and against the far major part of the community of all sorts , i leave it to others , yea to themselves , to judge , who have any just , ingenuous or blushing principle in them . i am sure the anabaptists at munster first pretended to abhor all wars and weapons of blood , while their party was small , weake and frozen ; but afterward they could find hands as well as feet . as for presbytery and independency , truly they have given not only terrible alarmes and assaults to both monarchy and episcopacy , which were both of them their lawfull superiours ; but they have ( even now ) sharpe rigours and ambitious rivalries against each other , which of them shall have most power and most hands , as well as most favour or indulgence . neither of them are looked upon as making any great scruple to bring in the prevalency of their parties by force of armes , when once they presume of numbers sufficient : neither of them seem to make any great conscience to set up their new scepters by absolute power , where petition and agitation will not serve their turne ; because both of them pretend to have jesus christ sure on their side , who is indeed king of kings and lord of lords ; yet i do not find that he hath any where made them his lieutenants to rule for him , upon the score and title of any church-power ; notwithstanding that they intitle their designes with his cause , and inscribe their banners with his name , as pontius pilate did that crosse whereon he crucified jesus christ. many of them ( i find ) do hold all men , all christians , all ministers , all magistrates , all princes , kings and emperours , enemies to jesus christ , that are not declaredly for them , and will not be subject to their discipline or government . many grave and learned men heretofore and of later times have set them forth , not onely in their occasional zelotries and transports , but in their meditated principles and declared designes , to be such strikers and sticklers , that they seem to be born with hornes and hoofes , at least with teeth and swords in their mouths ; preaching , as in gods and christs name , that if christian princes will not , peers and inferiour magistrates may , if these will not , the common people may and ought to reforme any church or religion , after such a form as their leaders list to fancy and prescribe . nor is this to be done with gloves and mittens , with petitions and prayers , but with gantlets and speares , with clubs and swords , if need be , and if they can get power into their hands ; which ( they say ) is to be counted gods power , or a providentiall dispensation to his people , thus to carry on his glory , his word and his cause , as to religion , though against his expresse word , against all rules of justice , against all lawes and bounds of civill order and obedience , yea against common honesty , even to the violating of just oathes , and superinducing of perjurious superfetations , yea even to excommunication and deprivation of the chief magistrate or prince of their place and power , in case they be refractory . thus do many men tell us they have found the disciplinarian pulse of presbytery at least , if not of independency , to beat almost ever since they were born : so that they have , and ever will give no small terror , jealousie and trouble to all soveraigne and magistratick powers , where ever they can by popular arts get footing ; both of them bearing themselves high upon the confidence of christs scepter , call and kingdome , which ( they say ) admits no stop , delay or obstruction , whenever providence opens a door , not to the gospel which is already professed , but to such a form and way as they like to have it in as to discipline , government and church-order : and this if not to be had by princes favour and consent , yet by the suffrages and assistance of common people , where they may be had ; who in such cases are not to regard their obedience to any worldly princes or powers , who stand in opposition to , or competition with jesus christ , or any thing that some godly men shall fancy to be an ordinance of his , though never heretofore owned or used as such in his church . what is there so fond , so fanatick , so foolish , so mad , which such presumptuous fury will not bring into church or state that is not of their mind ? that these have been the principles , and in many places the endeavours or practises of many ( for i dare not impute them to all ) is not to be doubted , being evident by their writings , and the histories of those who have truly told the world what their sense , agencies and aimes are . nor is there any great cause to expect that other petty parties or novel sects , ( which are generally the spawne of presbytery ) should deny themselves that gospel-power and liberty , ( as they call it ) since every one sees it hath been affected and acted , though with no very great or glorious success , by their grand-fire presbytery ; which , both in scotl. and in england , besides other places , hath not been sparing to proclaime to all the world what zeal they have for their and christs cause , for his ( that is , their ) discipline , even to the consuming of their foes , their friends and themselves ( as penry , udal , hacket and others did in queen elizabeths daies ) of which mr. cambden and others give us sufficient account ; as sleidan and others do of the like agitations in germany , by such as were first schismaticks from the church , and then rebels to their lawfull magistrates . but the true episcopall principles are wholly evangelical : they neither preach nor practise other than what they have learned from christ and his apostles in the scripture : they know no voyce of providence ever calling them to act contrary to those rules of civil obedience and good conscience , which are signall , expresse and emphatick in gods word , to be subject to every ordinance or law of man for the lords sake ; to obey kings as supreme , and all under them for conscience sake : if in any thing they cannot freely and cheerfully act , there they must and will patiently suffer what penalties or pressures are laid upon them . thus did all bishops and all presbyters of old both pray and preach , obey and suffer ( as tertullian tells us at large in his apology : ) whose example and doctrine all good christians followed in their constant subjection and submission to civill , though persecuting , powers , even then when christians wanted not power and numbers to have invited them to have asserted themselves against both persecuting people and princes . yet still godly bishops , with all presbyters and people subordinate to them in religious respects , followed exactly the precepts of the two great apostles st. peter and st. paul , yea and of their great master and saviour jesus christ ; rather suffering by many persecutions , than breaking out to any one act or thought of sedition or rebellion . no injuries ever made good bishops forget their duty and loyalty to soveraigne powers : though they might have had legions to have sided with them , yet , as christ , they chose the crosse as the best refuge of christian subjects . thus all holy bishops both held and did in primitive times . yea , and since the later spring of reformation in england , i am confident there is not one instance of any one bishop or episcopall divine that either wrote or instigated any christian subjects to act , upon any religious pretentions , contrary to the rules of civil subjection to that prince or state under which they lived ; no not to bring in or restore episcopacy it self , which hath far more pleas for it from catholick antiquity and universall prescription , from actuall possession in all times and places , from the pattern of christ and the practise of the apostles , from the imitation and uninterrupted succession of after-ages , besides the proportions of gods wisdome and mans prudence in all setled polities and good government , together with its own ancient , catholick and nationall rights , which aggravate its injuries , and exasperate mens spirits : yet these are not enough to animate or heighten episcopacy so far as to make or restore its way into any nation , church , state or kingdom , by armed power or tumultuary violence , against the will of the chief magistrate , or the lawes in force : it humbly attends gods time and the soveraignes pleasure , for its reception or restitution . so false and foul are the odious aspersions of fellonies , treasons , seditions and rebellions , which the loosenesse and choler of a presbyterian gentlemans pen ( then more passionate and popular then now it seems ) hath cast upon all the bishops of england as such , in that rude , immodest and uncharitable pamphlet , which he then set forth by a preposterous zeal , when having surfeited of an immoderate revenge against one bishop , he aymed so to disguise venerable episcopacy , and to degrade all the most excellent bishops of engl. with their clergy , as to expose them all to be the more cruelly baited and worried ( even to death ) by the enraged beasts of the people ; even then when they were to be diverted from considering the actuall combustions which then were raised by and for his presbytery . such declamatory and partiall papers were certainly very unbecoming a man of learning , religion or ingenuity , especially toward such bishops in his own country , which were men most-what his equals in all things , and in many things much his betters and superiours , being peeres of the kingdome , and chief fathers of that church with which he held communion , vested in their authority by our laws , as well as conforme to all ecclesiastick ancient constitutions ; being persons famous ( most of them ) for their worth , every way answerable to the piety and learning of their best predecessors , who were great preachers , wise governours , learned writers , and valiant martyrs , as well as venerable bishops . i confesse this one instance makes me see with horror , what a dreadfull tyrant and temptation passion and faction , revenge & ambition , popularity and discontent are , when once they transport men of parts beyond the true bounds of reason and religion , of charity , patience and civility ; which is as apparent in that virulent charging of all bishops for seditious & traytors , as if one should condemn all lawyers for corrupt and covetous , for bribery and oppression , as if all were trissilians , empsons and dudleys ; which were a reproch most unjust and false , there having been ( and still are ) many of them men of great justice and integrity . i well know , it is not to be denyed and dissembled what he liberally reports to have been done by some bishops , even in england , in the more pompous and superstitious times , that were , like stormy nights , blind and boysterous ; when many of them , no lesse than other men of all sorts , yeomen , lawyers , gentlemen , judges and noblemen , were violently engaged in those different interests , either secular or ecclesiasticall , which set up two supremes , ( as two suns in one firmament ) either in the church against the state ( whereto the papall pride and ambition then laid claime , seven hundred yeares after christ , by an usurpation and pretention upon christs score too , at least st. peters , not known to the primitive popes , or other pious bishops , either of rome or any other city ) or else the distractions arose in the same civil state , by the severall claimes and titles which princes made to the crown and soveraignty , occasioning civill warres either in england or elsewhere . but here the sidings and actings of some bishops , which we read of in our own and forreigne chronicles , were not as they were bishops , upon any apostolicall rule or example , nor by any ecclesiasticall canons , much lesse upon any reall or pretended interests of jesus christ ; but they acted either meerly as persons of civill place and politick power , or as men of common prudence and justice , or of common passions and infirmities : sometime as they stood affected in the justice of the cause which they were commanded to assist ; sometime for their own necessary preservation as wel as their soveraignes ; sometime as they stood related by blood and adherencies to great and potent families , which were commonly the first movers in those civill broyles and dissentions , which many times were begun and carried on contrary to the desires of sober bishops , no lesse than the will of the lawfull prince , in order to gratifie private mens ambitions , yet under specious pretentions , of either asserting the lawes or liberties of the people , more than the advancing the papall power , and some church-immunities ; that it was no wonder , especially in the twilight and dimnesse of those times , to see some bishops out of their way as well as other gowned men , who had naturally those civill and carnall principles of self-preservation , ( common to even judges and lawyers , nobility and gentry , ) as to go along sometime with a potent streame , and to symbolize with the strongest sword , not the justest side . but in dubious cases , as to the right of rule , bishops , as all good christians , medled not with factions ; being neither nigriani nor albiniani , as tertullian speaks . more veniall and excusable may those verball reluctancies , reserves and refractures ( rather than any thing of open force and hostile rebellions ) seem , which some bishops are reported sometime to have been guilty of here in engl. when they superstitiously asserted their disobedience and inconformities to their princes , upon the point of conscience , and those religious perswasions which were then very plausible , and generally admitted both in england and all christendome , as to the priviledges of the popes of rome , or of the churches interests and immunities distinct or exempt from the authority of the civil state : which very challenges arose not from the seditions , treasons and rebellions of bishops and church-men , as such , but partly from the cunning encrochments of the popes of rome , and partly from the former indulgences of princes , more superstitious and easie ; also from the favourable lawes or customes of the nation to the clergy , as men most usefull and venerable in their ecclesiastick authority ; which was esteemed sacred and divine , as indeed it is in the right constitution and execution of it . but no christian or reformed bishop ( as such ) did ever approve the stubborne and indeed insolent spirit of thomas becket , archbishop of canterbury , who was slaine as he was officiating in the church , by a paroxysme more blameable in the king , than that was in the archbishop , which made him so stiffe and refractory as to his and the churches supposed priviledges and immunities . what true christian and reformed bishop doth not pitty the distempers of lanfranc and anselm ( both predecessors to becket in the same see of canterbury ) who so highly contended with their soveraignes in behalf of the popes power as to investitures ( contrary indeed to the just prerogatives and ancient customes of this kingdome and crown in those cases ( as hath been sufficiently proved by sir roger twisden and others ) that they lost much of the lustre of their otherwise reall worth and usefull virtues , in the point of learning , piety , charity , devotion and integrity ; which were eminent , as then times went , in those two archbishops , of which eadmerus gives a very honest and full account ? yet did not these bishops or their brethren proceed further than spirituall armes and ecclesiasticall censures , rather receding than revolting , much lesse actually rebelling : they never , that i find , did raise any armies against their soveraignes upon those church-quarrels , nor did they ever engage ministers and people by oathes , leagues or covenants , to a forcible asserting of any episcopall power or ecclesiasticall priviledges or pretentions , contrary to the declared will of their soveraignes . no ; look upon episcopacy in the whole series of bishops that were of the true primitive temper , stamp and succession : as they followed the chief apostles in their ordinary ecclesiasticall power and jurisdiction , so they walked in the same steps and spirit of humility , meeknesse , wisdome , patience , obedience and loyalty , as the reforming and reformed bishops of elder and later ages have alwaies done ; coming into all nations , cities , countries , kingdomes , empires and common-wealths , at their first accesse and entrance , as christ did unto jerusalem , meekly riding upon an asse , with resolutions rather to be crucified there , than to give any crosse or offence to civil powers further than they humbly testified soberly & preached the truth of god to them and their subjects ; not with any factious , seditious or rebellious spirits , they never preached any such principles , nor encouraged any such practises : they neither at first , nor af●●●ward ( when the word of god mightily grew and multiplied ) did make their way by any hostile invasions ; they never called horsemen and footmen , troopes and regiments of armed souldiers to assist them in the work of the lord , or to set up jesus christ against princes or people who did not believe them , or not willingly receive them . yea , so meek , moderate , just , wise and charitable was the zeal of primitive bishops and church-men , that they did not by force turne the idols of the heathens out of their temples , till soveraigne and imperiall authority either commanded or permitted them so to do : nor did they drive out the flamens and arch-flamens here in england , ( which were idolatrous priests ) till princes , converted by bishops and other preachers of the gospel , did forsake and abolish those lying vanities . so far were bishops from obtruding their opinion or party , meerly as to gubernative order and power , upon any city , nation or kingdom , contrary to the will of the chief magistrate : nor did they ever turne any lawfull prince out of doores , to make way for themselves and their episcopall authority or party . which method ( as i touched ) appeares to have been used even by the first presbyterians in the world , even at geneva , as some report , where popular fury violently expelled not onely the bishop , but the lawfull prince of that city , who had of right not onely the spirituall jurisdiction , but also the civil dominion of that place and territory , as bodin and mr. calvin confesse . after this copy , in many places , turbulent spirits did endeavour ( arte vel marte ) by power or policy , by hook or by crook , to bring in that new way into cities and countries ; and no where i find more remarkably than in scotland , during the minority of king james , and the raigne of his mother . how little regard was had to the lawes or religion then established , to the will or authority of the supreme magistrate : how insolent , petulant , imperious , audacious were some presbyterian spirits there against princes as well as bishops , is no newes to those that have read the histories of that church ; among which none exceeds that of dr. spotswood arch-bishop of st. andrewes , set forth by the care of dr. duppa , the learned and reverend bishop of salisbury , a person of such piety , patience and prudence under his undeserved sufferings , that not onely his friends , but his and all bishops enemies admire the christian gravity and heroick greatnesse of his mind , as well as others of his order . how far the like spirit plotted , threatned , acted and attempted in england in queen eliz. time , so afterward in k. james his raigne , and now at last in k. charles his compleat tragedies , ( ful sore against his will and conscience , no lesse than against the lawes not then by any power repealed ) both mr. hooker , bishop bilson , bishop bancroft , archbishop whitgift , mr. cambden , and many more of old , together with our own late sad experience , sufficiently informe us . they of old began with scandalous petitions , scurrilous libels , bold admonitions , rude menacings , cunning contrivances ; which were followed at last with fire and sword , with blood and ruine , with sad division and great devastation to church and state , to prince and people . which events are no wonder , when any new thing pretending to religion and reformation may be carryed on by principles and practices of violence and force ; and these , not because lawfull , but because they are said to be necessary for gods interest , yea as instances of the highest zeal and most conscientious courage : as if there never were , nor could ever be , any truth or faith , any piety or sanctity , any christ or christianity , any grace or gospel , in the church or any christians hearts , unlesse anabaptisme , or presbyterisme , or independentisme , had , not gently contested , but rudely justled episcopacy out of the church of england as well as scotland , though full sore against the will of the chief magistrate . certainly military or mutinous methods of religion and reformation were never preached or practised , meditated or endeavoured by any worthy prelates , presbyters , or people of that perswasion . for they doe not think that secular arms are fit engines to set up jesus christ or his kingdome in this world , which is not of this world , nor after the methods of worldly power and force : yea they hold that soveraigne princes , as christians , ought not by brutish force to compel , but by reason and due instruction to perswade their subjects at first to the true religion ; much lesse are weapons in the hands of subjects meet instruments to convince or convert princes forcibly to yield to any popular presumptions and meer innovations in religion , especially when contrary not onely to the catholick customes of all churches , but to the present constitution of that church of which the prince is a chief part ; yea against that personall oath by which a prince hath sworn to preserve the setled and just rights and priviledges both of that church and those church-men which are in his dominion . what is more horrid than to have reformation or religion ( never so good and true ) thus crammed down the consciences of kings or states whether they will or no ? which is the way to make all secular powers jealous of all christianity and reformation ; to set their faces and their forces against them , as seditious , injurious , mutinous and rebellious against the publick peace , the civil rights , honors and authorities of all governours in kingdoms and states . the episcopall and evangelicall methods have been quite other , ( as i have said ) by preaching and praying , by patient sufferings and frequent martyrdomes , by attending gods leisure and their princes pleasures . thus they obtained the protection and favour of the lawes : other projects or policies , other arts or armes , were never known to the true gospel of jesus christ , or its unseparable attendant episcopacy . thus did evangelicall bishops and their clergy conquer , by a meek , gentle and unbloody conquest , the vast roman world , and that part of it which was here in britany : no people were so barbarous , no princes so tyrannous , whom they did not soften and sweeten by that evangelicall way and spirit , which is called an anointing , because it is a sacred balme or oyle , which breaks not heads , but hearts , wounds not the bodies , but the spirits of princes and others with an healing stroke , with a soft and mercifull wound . thus did the crosse of christ and the crosiers of bishops ever go together into all places ; not pulling down , but exalting , not shaking , but setling the crownes of kings and princes . though they were heathens , unbelievers and persecutors , as all at first were , yet did holy bishops and their clergy so far submit to their civil power , as to pray and preach not onely faith in christ , but fidelity to kings , teaching not onely religion , but allegeance ; yea they made the allegeance of christian subjects and souldiers even to heathen emperours ( as tertullian saith ) a great part and note of true religion , which perfectly abhors all rebellion against god or man , as the sin of witchcraft ; it being as an apostasie from , and an abnegation of , the true god and true religion , when upon any godly and specious pretentions of piety or reformation , as by so many charmes and enchantments of the devil , turning himself into an angel of light , christian preachers or professors do begin and carry on factious , tumultuous and rebellious motions against the civil powers , lawes and polities of any prince or state. it is upon the point a denying of the faith , and setting up a new gospel , a judaick or mahometan , not a christian messiah , whose true servants and souldiers were alwaies armed with weapons that were spirituall , not carnal , ministerial , not military or martial ; which in church-men rather stab and wound all true religion and reformation to the heart , by infinite scandals , injuries and deformities , than any way advance it , either to a greater power , or approbation and acceptance among men of any sober reason or morall sense of things . no violence and injustice can be proper to usher in true christian religion and reformation : these methods have made them so stunted and ricketly , that they are come to a stop-game ; so that in these last and worst ages of the world , there hath been little or no progresse made to the true propagating of the gospel among any heathen nations , or of any reformation among the decayed christians , because religion is every where , even among many christians and reformers , too much managed ( as the spaniards did among the west-indies ) with force and fraud , with covetousnesse and cruelty , with faction and ambition , with regard to worldly interests of men more than to the true precepts and holy concernments of christ and his church . who is there that will entertaine christianity , or any reformation , when it comes in , like turcisme and barbarisme , with fire and brimstone , with swords and canons ? pretending to convert and save soules , but to be sure it will first pervert the lawes , ravine mens estates , and destroy at last mens lives , if they do not submit , even against their consciences as well as the lawes , to strange innovations . truly these are engines onely fit to be used by such spirits as are antichristian , who know not of what spirit christ and his apostles , with their successors the primitive bishops and presbyters , were . nor did the popes of rome ever more staine the honor of that apostolick see , and the glorious name of catholick episcopacy , than when they forgot to follow their pious predecessors , ( holy and humble bishops of that famous church for . yeares , who were martyrs , or confessors , or true professors of the gospel ) and betook themselves to such arts of secular policy and power , of sedition and ambition , as made some after-bishops of rome seem rather monsters of men , as their own writers confesse , than ministers of jesus christ ; imitators of sylla , marius and caesar , more than of st. peter , or st. paul , or st. clemens , when they sought by hildebrandine arts to exalt themselves above all that is called god in civil magistracy , which justly claimes under god , and from him , ( as did the kings of judah ) that supreme visible power , which within their respective dominions doth orderly and duly manage all ministrations ecclesiasticall as well as civil , for the publick peace and welfare . certainly , since christianity it self , in its grand articles ministry and mysteries , must not thus be brought in by head and shoulders , by force and affronts upon any prince or state whatsoever ; much lesse may any reformation never so desirable and just . as for some little defects or veniall deformities , they ought not in any sort to be so urged as should carrie religion beyond good manners , or reformation to rudenesse . not persecuting , but persecuted bishops and presbyters , are the ablest preachers and aptest propagators of the gospel , such as while they lift up their voyce like a trumpet , ( not to give the alarmes of war , but to tell judah of their sins , and israel of their transgressions ) do also lift up holy hands and pure hearts to god in prayer for all men , but chiefly for kings and all in authority . in the greatest depressions of christianity and episcopacy , ( for they ever went together , as truth and order , ministry and authority , both of them being necessary for the being or well-being of any church ) never any godly bishop or orderly presbyter , ( who were still the foremost and stoutest champions for religion , ) did make any seditious appeales , scurrilous libels , or declamatory invectives against the powers that were , by whatever meanes they either obtained , or held , or exercised their soveraignty : they never thought it their duty , as christians or ministers , to stir up the spirits of any men , great or small , many or few , to any unlawfull commotions : ( and so they esteemed all to be , which had not the consent and commission of those in civil dominion , who were supreme , and the present powers ordained of god. ) when any of those holy bishops and presbyters were necessitated , not out of revenge or anger , but out of charity and pitty to their persecutors , to bring forth their strong reasons , by way of learned , grave and unanswerable apologies for their religion , ( as many of them did , hoping thereby to buoy up the cause of christianity , not onely from unjust persecutions , but from false prejudices , ) they did write them ( indeed ) with an heroick kind of freedom , yet with all due respect , dedicating their writings by way of humble supplications , or cleare yet comely remonstrances , to the emperours or senates , to the princes and supreme magistrates themselves : so did justine martyr his first apology to the senate of rome , his second to the emperour antoninus pius ; so tertullian his to the emperour severus and his son ; so quadratus bishop of athens to adrian the emperour ; and in like manner did others . but never any primitive bishop or presbyter did use any satanick stratagems , or such seditious practises as were to advance religion by any thing that tended to , or intended popular tumults and rebellion ; no impudent libellings and scurrilous pamphletings , to make either the persons of princes odious , or their government infamous . episcopacy never used any such conjurations as would either bring down fire from heaven , or stir up earth-quakes ; neither exciting the optimacy and nobility , nor the populacy and communalty against any , either supreme or subordinate powers : they never made the waters above the firmament and those under it so to meet , by breaking up the great deeps of subjection , or by opening the fountains of plebeian liberties , as to bring in terrible inundations upon kingdomes or common-wealths . no , they alwaies by the word and spirit of christ ( which were their onely swords , and these two , as christ said to st. peter , were enough for that work ) set bounds to the proud waves of that raging sea , the tumultuating people , and rather repaired the banks and breaches that others rashnesse ( as the circumcellions and euchites ) somtime made , than either assisted or countenanced those horrid deluges of sedition . they never wrested the revelation , or any other places of scripture so , as to animate the earth , that is , the common and meanest people , to help the woman , that is , whatever some list to call their church and religion , in its agonies ; that by their unlawfull motions they might bring forth something that faction lists to call reformation ; a word that is never out of the mouths of john of leiden and his complices , though far from their hearts . godly bishops and presbyters never either taught or thought those practises to be any helping of the lord against the mighty . no , they ever judged and preached after st. pauls , st. peters , and our blessed saviours doctrine and example , that such inordinate motions upon pretexts of religion , are cursed and damnable resistings of those powers which god hath ordained by the civil lawes and customes of any church or state. the lord and true religion are onely to be helped by laudable and lawfull actions , the measures of which are not to be sought in every mans private breast and fancy , but in the publick counsels and constitutions of every kingdome , state and polity . nor was this more true piety and charity , than prudence and policy , in the bishops and other ministers of the church , to whom , as to gowned and bookish men , and not as to armed souldiers , doth all the christian world owe ( under god ) the planting , propagating and preserving , yea and the due reforming of true christian religion . for the armes of flesh , or any carnal weapons , going along with the gospel , which is a spirituall warfare , as so many pioneers with pick-axes and spades , to demolish and overthrow civil powers , must needs have alarmed and armed all states and princes , all honest and just , all wise and morall men against it , when they looked upon christianity as coming not to preach and save , but to plunder and spoile : for all wise magistrates know that there was no trusting to the moderation and justice , no nor to the mercy of any men who came with force against them . though they professe ( as andronicus did , and absalom before him ) never so much to mend and reform things ; yet they will at last rob , kill and destroy : and as the sons of jacob dealt with the sichemites , they at first onely pretend to circumcise men , yet at last they will not onely geld , but kill them . armed religion , like eagles and hawkes , is alwaies terrible . which considerations do justly harden all mens hearts ( that have any thing to lose or to keep in this world ) against all forcible and riotous entries of any religion or reformation whatsoever , which seldome failes to be sacrilegious as well as rebellious . hence the present feares , jealousies and abhorrencies , which many princes and states , as well as bishops and church-men , that are of the romish communion , have taken up against any reformation of religion by such popular methods and principles , which they see are seldome begun , and never ended , without infinite trouble , confusion and ruine of all things , both sacred and civil ; every wise man rightly judging , that when god is pleased to bring in the beauty and blessing of true religion or due reformation to any church or nation , he will ( as he did in england most eminently ) so stir up the spirits of soveraigne powers , ( the method he anciently used in purging and reforming the temple and church of the jewes , by hezekiah , josiah , and others , ) that the work shall go on , as without noyse , like the building of the temple , so with order and honor , to the glory of god , the safety of princes , the honor of the clergy , and the peace of the people , as well as the purity of the church and true religion . till this may be done , a thousand civil burthens and oppressions , yea persecutions , are easier than any sinful presumptions ; yea , true religion will be beautifull when it is black with persecution , if then it be comely with patience . scorching reformations so burn the face of religion , that they leave not onely sad scarres , but shamefull stigmas or brands upon it , which look very like rebellion and barbarity , engaging men and christians into mutuall hatred , blood-shedding , deaths and destruction . let men pretend never so much to be saints , godly , yea and inspired too , yet , as the purest water and the wholsomest flesh , when once they come to feel the heat of factions , and begin to boyle up to civil perturbations , they will soon discover a very black fome and foule scum to rise in their hearts and actions , which ( as hazael ) they hardly thought could have been in them , carrying them to injustice , immoderation , uncharitablenesse , presumption , rebellion , sacriledge and cruelty , and all unwarrantable actions , before they are aware of the folly , falsity or foulenesse of their own , as indeed all mens hearts ; at whose bottom lies all manner of filth and villany , which is then easily and constantly discovered , when they are passionately and inordinately stirred . nor is it at all to be considered how pure men appeare , as to that which is upward or outward in their religious protestations and professions , when once they come to that romantick and errant spirit , which thinks it as much gallantry to fight for their religion , as some do for their mistresses beauties , which exceeds quarrelling and killing each other by civil and heroick murthers , for no other offence but the glory of their opinion , and the preferring of their fancy . what did ever seem more holy than the euchites and circumcellions of old ? what more precise and godly than john of leiden and his crew ? what more inspired than our hacket and coppinger ? what less covetous and impartiall than massaniello ? all of them were not very warme , but very scalding reformers , yet came to nought . adde to all these , what was or is more titularly holy than some later popes of rome ? who ever seemed more solicitous to advance religion ? yet by their usurping both st. peters swords , by interpreting arise peter , kill and eate , in a sanguinary sense , by making the bishop of rome the greater light to rule the day , and emperours or kings in their dominions to be as the moon and lesser lights ; by challenging a power unchristian and inordinate , to depose lawfull princes , to absolve subjects from ●●eir oathes , to expose their lives to their subjects or any other mens swords , to dispose of their thrones and kingdomes as they please , in order to the romish churches or courts interests ; they have made all the world now very wary of them . even those princes that are of the papall communion are grown very reserved and vigilant as to their civil power , now their eyes are so opened , that many moderate men have highly suspected ( as padre paulo , the author of the history of the councel of trent , and others , ) this papall arrogancy to be one of the shrewdest markes of the papall antichristianism ; a bishop thus enormously exalting himself by fraud and force , by blood and violence , in the church or temple of god , above all that is called god in civil magistracy , directly contrary both to christs pattern , and the two great apostles precepts , as well as practises : who though they laid ( with the other eleven apostles ) the foundations of an episcopal hierarchy , by the parity or aristocracy , as of the chief apostles , so of bishops , yet they never either exercised , or enjoyed , or dreamed of a monarchy , in which one apostle or bishop should have dominion over all others , and over the whole church . episcopacy , as it is primitive and apostolicall , exactly and conscientiously preserves to all princes and soveraigne magistrates whatsoever , their civil peace and safety of their persons , their lawes and powers , with their just prerogatives , as well as it doth the evangelicall and ingenuous liberties of all christian subjects , which are alwaies and onely to do well , either in active or passive obedience . but , as the papll claimes and flatteries of former ages did with full mouth and open forehead invade , yea and by force insult over , the just powers of soveraigne princes , ( however of late they have been more cunning , modest and tender ; ) so other spirits ( which from pygmies have fancied themselves to be swoln to giants ) are charged of old by many grave , learned and honest men , as very much treading in the popes steps , that is , either upon the toes , or heeles , or hands , or necks , or heads of kings and soveraigne magistrates . the experience of which gave ( it seemes ) to king james such dreadfull apprehensions of that way , that he equally feared presbytery and popery , when they thundered with excommunication and great guns too ; which had so filled scotland many yeares with great inquietudes , in his mothers reigne , and in his minority , that he thought them no better than godly rebellions in order to promote private and partiall , factious and deformed reformations . nor was queen elizabeth without her feares on this side , when she not onely heard the tragedies of scotland , but saw and felt the menacings and agitations in england , even upon this account : which the event hath taught us and all the world were no childish terriculaments , nor brutish thunderbolts . so that both high presbytery and low independency are by many wise men judged inconsistent with a just and complete monarchy , no lesse than with a right episcopacy , standing in the same posture of enmity against these , as they pretend to do against the papacy or popery . it will be very well if reformed presbytery can wipe off those staines and suspicious as easily and truly as primitive episcopacy did avoid them , and our late reformed and reforming bishops in england , who alwaies joyned together , fear god and honor the king , without any ifs or and 's , without any reserves or salvo's ; save onely those which betray men to serve sin and satan , rather than to suffer with and for a good conscience in the service of god. and however some christian bishops , as st. ambrose , st. chrysostome , st. athanasius , st. gregory nazianzen , st. basil and others , did sometime in weighty and exemplary cases vindicate the honor of christian religion , and the authority of ecclesiasticall discipline , before and against some christian princes , whose errors or passions had either swerved them from , or transported them beyond that orthodoxy , charity , justice and moderation , which became christians ; as in the revenge taken by theodosius upon the citizens of thessalonica , and in other passages of state which tended to the publick scandall of religion , then countenanced by the lawes and professed by the princes : yet still those great and good bishops both preached and practised all civill respect and loyall subjection to them as their soveraignes ; they never divided what god had joyned together ; they followed christs oracle , to give to caesar the things that are caesars , and to god the things that are gods ; the first were set out by the imperiall constitutions , the second by the cleare canons of gods word , interpreted not by every private mans new imagination , but by the catholick judgement and practise of the chief fathers of the church . all orthodox bishops , presbyters and people ever held it to be a vile , unchristian , antichristian , diabolick petulancy , to speak evil of dignities , either civil or ecclesiastick , to curse the gods or rulers of church and common-weale , to use railing accusations against their superiours . the rough garb of satyrs was never thought comely for the pens , pulpits or hands of church-men : it was a solecisme in christian religion , to have ministers tongues sharp swords , their mouths open sepulchers , their sermons sarcasmes , their prayers pasquils , their invocations of god invectives against their governours ; whose authority was still sacred , though their exorbitancies might be blameable . what good bishops and presbyters eares would not have tingled then to have heard those filthy and dirty ditties which were tuned in england to the pipe of martin mar-prelate , and penry's supplication to the devil , to which some men danced , who were then thought zealous for presbytery , making sport at such lewd and infamous scurrilities against their governours in church and state , as were fitter to have fetched teares from their eyes , when they saw not onely worthy and reformed bishops , but the whole reformed church of england and the majesty of the prince so torne and bespattered by those borborites , those uncleane spirits ? the grave and modest sort of bishops , presbyters and people , who otherwaies much desired a just and orderly reformation of religion , yea and valued the notable parts and zealous industry of luther , yet they extremely blushed at and disliked that outragious reply which his over-boyling heat made against our king henry the eighth , when he wrote for the defence of that which he thought true religion ; whose error ( in luthers judgment ) did in no sort deserve so rude , so scornfull , so scurrilous and uncomely a reply : in which sober men pittied luthers native passion and rusticity , which were more like an unbred and unbridled monk , than a meek disciple of christ , or a zealous preacher of his gospel , or an exact follower of st. paul , who publickly checked himself for the reproch and disdainfull speech he used ignorantly against the high priest ananias , who probably had attained that dignity ( as then the fashion was among the jewes ) by very sinister meanes ; yea and had upon the place done st. paul a palpable injury , commanding him to be smitten on the mouth , when he should have heard his defence . t is true , luther afterward used some soft recantations to the king , but in vain ; it being looked upon as his policy , more than his piety or humility ; hoping thereby to advance his party , to which he saw the king in some points was now driven , more than enclined , by the breach he had made with the pope . but it is hard to wash the hands of any person or party cleane , whose insolency hath once cast ▪ dirt in the face of soveraigne princes or chief magistrates , who are the brightest visible image and glory of god among mankind , being the lords annointed , as david called saul , now forsaken of god for his forsaking god first . although the actions or opinions of our superiours in some things be lesse commendable ( as were those of constantius and other arrian emperours ) yet are they not to be reviled in any case by those that will not deserve the name and fate of shimei , whom abisha's loyall zeal cals a dead dog , for his barking against his lord the king now in his eclipse and distresse ; whose cursing insolency that valiant commander would presently have revenged with the lesse of his head : and however davids humility and clemency did pardon him at present , yet afterward vengeance pursued him , while he foolishly following his fugitive servants beyond his bounds and teddar , forfeited his word and life to king solomons just and wise severity ; the royall pardon not availing to protect so petulant and insolent a disloyalty , which god would have punished , though it were by man pardoned . yea some grave men have thought that those two learned and eloquent bishops , st. chrysostom and st. gregory of nazianzum , the one in his resolute , but rough , carriage to the empresse eudoxia , the other in his sharp steleticks against julian the emperour , did ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as men suffer their native passions to carry them somewhat beyond tha discretion and temper which became grave and godly bishops , while they did too much proscind and prostitute ( as it were ) the imperial purple , vilifying that majesty which ought to be sacred to christian subjects , although the persons wearing them may be tyrants , persecutors and apostates ; as the censers were to be holy in which incense had been once offered , though with strange fire . bishops miters and crosiers ought in no case to clash with the crowns and scepters of soveraign princes , however their discreet zeal may seasonably represent to them , and in gods name reprove , their misdemeanors as christians : much less may any presbyters pert upon them , who are of a far lesser size , and never had any ensignes of honor and autority as chief governours of any church . be bishops or presbyters never so zealous and gracious , yet they are not beyond the ancient and best bishops of rome , and of other chief cities , who ( with gregory the great ) owned the emperours as their soveraign lords . so did st. ambrose respect both theodosius and valentinian ; so did the venerable council of the nicene bishops reverence the emperour constantine the great : neither their number , being three hundred and eighteen , nor their publick representation of the catholick church , did encourage them to do or meditate any thing beyond prayers and petitions , recommending all their counsels to god , the emperour , and all the church . no preachers or christians warmth needs go beyond the pitch of christ and his apostles , who are so absolutely for obedience , respect and civil feare to princes , whether heathen or christian , that no supreme power whatever need to fear the overthrow or shaking of their empire , soveraignty and dominion , by admitting true christian religion and true christian bishops : nor need they feare it as any sin , persecution or injustice in them , to curb , represse and punish by all meanes the inordinate , pragmatick and seditious zeal , as of bishops , so of any presbyters or people , who shall pretend to bring in any religion or reformation against their will and permission : it being the work and mark of true religion and undefiled , to establish the thrones of princes , to preserve the publick peace , to teach subjection , not onely of purses and persons , but of soules and consciences , so far as princes do not require them to disobey god ; and in these cases they need not rack their wits to find out rebellious remedies or disloyall evasions ; the onely lawfull and laudable refuge is neer at hand , namely christian patience , which sets men furthest off from railing or resisting , both which are but the scorchings and soote of black and over-burning zeal , which makes a kind of charcoale of religion . what wise , sober and humble christian ( then ) can sufficiently love , honour and admire the modesty , humility and loyalty of true episcopacy , ever expressed by the carriage of the best christian and reformed bishops towards all princes ? and who can sufficiently abhor the petulancy and insolency of those novellers and reformers , who shall dare to lift up either the presbyterian virgula , or the independent ferula , or the anabaptistick flail , not onely to threaten , but to chastise soveraign princes , that list not to admit their wayes into their dominions , before they can approve them in their consciences and judgements ; following the disciplining methods and penance used by some monks of canterbury against our king henry the second ? surely christianity and the clergy are never so healthy and comely , as when their complexion is rather pallid with the fastings and prayers , the studies and pains of humble bishops and presbyters , than purpled or sanguine with blood and fury . the over-hot breathings of ministers , like the chaud of charcoale , stifle and suffocate the vital spirits of true religion . godly bishops and presbyters ever abhorred , as hell and damnation , to teach princes their religion , their canons , catechises and directories , as gideon did the men of succoth , with briars and thornes , or to discipline soveraigne majesty with swords and pistols , in order to perswade them to submit to the gospel-scepter and discipline . no , they never did attempt so to do , either in the primitive and persecuting times , when magistrates were most froward and injurious , or in those times which were afterward more propitious and prosperous , when the clergy fed highest , and was most indulged by the munificence of christian emperours and empresses , devout kings and queens ; who as good nurses never repined at the fulness of their own breasts , or the hearty sucking of their dear nurslings , joyning the prince to the prelate , and adding lordly honors with estates to christian bishops : never fearing hereby to make them too wanton or insolent , while they saw them keep to the sober principles of christianity , conformable to that apostolick and primitive episcopacy , which was alwaies pure and peaceable , faithfull to god , humble and loyall to man , so ruling the church of christ , as not to be masters of mis-rule in any nation , state or kingdom . yea , in the amplest enjoyments of that pious munificence , and those generous liberalities which christian princes , noblemen , gentlemen and inferiour persons devoutly afforded to bishops and the rest of the clergy , ( as tokens of their gratitude to god , their honor to their saviour , their love to their spirituall fathers , and their value of their own and other mens soules , ) however some few clergy-men among many might ( possibly ) surfeit sometime , and , as jesurun , grow petulant , sensuall and sottish , through fulness of bread , idlenesse and luxury ; yet still the generall face of the best bishops and clergy was comely and venerable : there wanted not in all ages such bishops and presbyters , both in england and all churches , for gravity , learning , sanctity , charity , fidelity and loyalty , as kept up the office , name and honor of the clergy and of episcopacy , to an high degree of honor and veneration both with princes and people that were good christians . no men were more usefull or more imployed for the good ordering both of church and common-weale than bishops were : none were better counsellors to princes , and greater benefactors to their fellow-subjects ; none further from faction , sedition , popularity , sacriledge and rebellion ; none did greater service or better offices for their king , their church , and their country . how loyal , resolute and religious a remonstrance did the bishop of carlile make in parliament , against the deposing of king richard the second , when the whole stream ran against him ? was not morton ( first bishop of ely , and after of canterbury ) the first designer and a principal effecter of the union of the white and red roses , the two great houses of york and lancaster , to the blessed extinguishing of those long flames of civil war , which drank up the blood and consumed the flesh of this nation , whose greatest miseries rise from its own bowels ? was not richard fox , bishop of durham , the chief counsellour , promoter and actor of that other union between the two crowns of england and scotland , by treating and concluding a match with our king henry the sevenths daughter , and james the fourth king of scotland ? a foundation certainly of very great honour and happiness to both nations , if wise and religious superstructures had been built upon it . now by a strange revolution of divine justice , that holy thistle which lately vied for an equality with , if not a superiority above , the roses , is become not so much united in a parity , as subdued to an inferiority . nor were the english bishops less loyal to true religion as christian , yea and to the true reformation of it , then to their king and country . how notably did that renowned lincolniensis ( grostest bishop of lincoln ) assert the freedom of his conscience against the popes unworthy commands ? how many other bishops , in the contests between the popes and our princes about investitures , asserted the rights of their soveraigns ? after the roman darkness and tyranny vanished , and the light of an orderly and loyal reformation appeared , how many godly bishops then did abide the fiery tryal of martyrdom ? how many of them and their clergy were banished and imprisoned as confessors ? how many of them , as jewel , abbot , andrews , davenant , white , morton , and others , have wrote with incomparable study and unanswerable strength against the papal usurpations , errors and superstitions ? and none beyond the last archbishop of canterbury , for clearness and exactness of the controversies stated . with how great a resolution and loyal freedom did george abbot , his immediate predecessor , write a notable letter to king james against all toleration of popery , when the spanish match was hot in treaty ? at which time with what thunder and lightning did dr. senhowes , afterward b. of carlile , preach the two famous sermons against the great diana of rome as well as of ephesus , to such a degree of eloquent zeal and becoming courage , that he pleased even those whom he offended ? in the very last convocation in england , anno . ( which gave occasion to so great flames in this church , meeting with times and minds which had both wood and fire ready , and onely wanted a sacrifice ) even this so decryed synod ( which had in it as learned , honest and venerable church-men , bishops and others , as ever were in england ) had among other things concluded a full and firme defiance against popery for ever , as well as an establishment for episcopacy , which they then found tottering and shaken , but had not the happiness to use the right means of establishing it ; which was not by building it a story higher , but by taking it rather a story lower , at least abating its pinnacles , turrets and battlements ; what it wanted in ornament and height , it might have enjoyed in strength and setledness . yet their design and endeavour was very prudent , foreseeing , as was easie , that the overthrow of episcopacy in the reformed church of england , would be the greatest gratification to rome that could be at present expected by the papists . and certainly the romish party were never more pleased then with those convulsion-fits , which so tortured first , and afterward destroyed , not onely that convocation , but all the former stability , honour , peace , plenty , order and government of this church and its clergy ; which alwayes feared and foretold no less danger from scylla then charybdis . i might adde further the humble , yet resolute , remonstrance made by the bishops of ireland to the governours and councel of that kingdom , in the lord of straffords time , fully and freely declaring the inconsistency of any open and avowed toleration of popery with the honour of god , with the power and purity of the reformed religion , and with the peace of the kingdoms . thus when the bishops of england were capital or dominical letters both in the church and state , their piety , loyalty , courage , zeal and constancy made ( i think ) as fair and as goodly ashew as any of their enemies have done ; they were legible afar off , at home and abroad , and will be so to present and after-ages : many an one of them signified more , as to exemplary piety and useful vertues , then one hundred of petty presbyters or puny preachers either then did , or now do , or ever will be able to do ; who were indeed never so considerable or commendable , so useful to the church , or serviceable to the state , as when they kept to an humble subordination and wise communion with their bishops , whose honour and peace was the presbyters honour , as the honour of the head is the honour of every member of that body . doubtless their temporal happiness was bound up together ; neither could bishops be happy without the assistance of venerable presbyters , nor presbyters without the governance of reverend bishops ; neither should be without other in the lords church . i might here further adde to the consideration of the obedientiall and peaceable principles and practises of true episcopacy , its charitable , hospitable and generous disposition , which are best expressed in times of peace and a state of plenty . as bishops had a firm loyalty to their princes , and obedience for conscience sake to their superiours , not examining their morall vertues , but their civil rights , which are the onely measures of duty ; in like manner bishops had generally great charity to their equals , and benignity to ther inferiours : which is a great fruit of a subjects loyalty to his prince , and love to his country , relieving many poor people in their pressures , and thereby keeping them from those discontents which usually attend the distresses of mens conditions ; the afflictions of princes oft rising from the dust , the meaner sort of people , when necessities animate them to animosities , and such insolencies as turne dust into lice , as moses did to the plaguing of pharaoh and all egypt . none but evil eyes , and worse hearts , could with unthankfullnesse and uncharitablenesse grudge the excellent bishops of england those honors and revenues which they highly deserved , while they worthily employed them rather for others good than their own private enjoyments , in any way of luxury , or gallantry , or debauchery ; the frequent gulfs of many other mens great estates and honors , when they are enjoyed and abused by very small and sensuall minds . generally bishops neglected their own private interests and gaine to advance the publick . how few of them , in many yeares of peace and plenty , raised any considerable fortunes to their particular families or posterities ? i am sure not comparable to what judges and lawyers in all ages , yea and military men have done in a few yeares , whose thrifty swords have gathered better estates in one seven yeare , than any bishops or other church-mens liberall words and works ever did or aimed at in twenty yeares , though their yearly revenues were as good , or better , i think , than most commanders pay , and i conceive as much deserved by them , in order to the publick good and service , which they might do and really did in all ages , both as to church and state , to superiours , equals and inferiours . for bishops , beyond all men in their times , were guilty of building repairing and endowing many churches , which other men pull down and rob , buy and sell , squander and embezell . bishops , besides their temporary , daily and occasionall bounty , founded and erected many costly works of durable and monumentall charity , in colledges , libraries , free-schooles , hospitals , almes-houses , and the like : many noble endowments they began , many they encreased , many they perfected , to gods glory , the nations honor , the incouragement of learning and religion , as well as the relief of many poor people . they took as much pleasure in their works of charity , as others can do in their sacriledge or robbery ; taking away those things from the church , and all religious uses , to which neither they nor any of their progenitors ever gave one farthing : for they are commonly persons of the meanest blood and ignoblest descents , as well as minds and manners , who are most repiners at the churches patrimony , which all persons of generous piety both feare and abhor to do , knowing that those penurious practises and sacrilegious principles which some men follow , are as much antievangelicall as they are antiepiscopall , against christ and his gospel , as much as against the clergy and true christian charity : it being impossible than christian or reformed religion should ever flourish , except by miracle ( as aarons dry rod did , when it was nourished by no earth or dew ) when the ministers of it are such diminutives , kept alwaies in a mendicant minority , and in a plebeian parity , as well as poverty ; when pastors of the church are so pittifully penurious and inconspicuous , that they are alwaies driven like vermine to be creeping and biting , crying and whining , craving and coveting , crouching and complaining , rather than giving or distributing any thing with charity and cheerfulnesse to men , or consecrating any free-will offering to god , the church , and their country . o how perfect a blessing , how complete a reformation , how triumphant a church , how glorious a ministry , how pretious predicants must there needs be then in england , when the visible order , sociall beauty , politick harmony and ancient government of religion being first deprived of all honors and amplenesses , ministers are reduced to meannesse and tenuity , either wholly scattered into fragments of independency , or molded up in the masse and chaos of presbytery ; where every ministers principle and practise must necessarily tend either to rule in common , or else to rend from the community ; where there shall be no further motive to any loyalty , subjection and peaceablenesse , than what either the terror and necessity of others power , or the tenuity and paucity of their own party and sides , imposeth upon such ministers and their various sectators , who thus levelled , or ravelled , or hudled up without any due subordination to ecclesiasticall governours of any eminency or authority , must needs sow all seeds of faction , sedition , civil troubles and disloyalty toward civil magistrates , whatever title or majesty they affect to be clothed withall ! they cannot avoid to be alwaies exposed to and exercised with their peoples mutuall emulations , contrarieties , contradictions and contempts , which are raised and exercised upon the score of different teachers and religious disputes ; for the determining of which there are no men of venerable worth and conspicuity appointed , such as bishops and synods of old were in all ages . men cannot long have a consciencious regard to civil governours , when either they have not or they will not endure any ecclesiasticall . they that see nothing deserving honor , love and submission to a worthy , learned , grave and godly bishop , will hardly see much in any justice , judge or prince ; especially when duty , obedience and fidelity shall be measured by mens parties and opinions in religion , by their civil and secular interests : which is alwaies expectable from any people that affect irregular liberties and formidable freedomes in any church or state. as princes that ever have been episcopal do hardly suite with the novelties and intrusions of either presbytery or independency ; so t is certain , presbyterian preachers will as hardly comply with an episcopall or an independent prince as with a bishop , and the like may be imagined of independents ; when neither of them enduring any order or subjection as to religious polity , beyond their own fancy , must needs be lesse pliable to that obedience which is legal and civil , especially when it is exacted by those princes that are not of their perswasion and way . nor can there be indeed any aptitude in such mens spirits or tempers to any stability of loyalty , when their very conjunctions are like the first confused concretion of all things , rather an heap of contraries or novelties daily emerging , than a composure of any noble , orderly and constant harmony in religion : which is never to be expected where there must ever be either a combination of folly and faction , of juvenility and simplicity onely ; ( none being admitted to some confederacies that do not first renounce much of their learning and reading , if they have any , or of their credit and esteem as to all ancient churches ) or else , like lumps of yce , they must be compacted and governed as it hits , by gravity and levity , by age and youth , by weaknesse and ability , by steadiness and giddiness , by rashnesse and wariness , by passion and judgement , by prudence and confidence , by modesty and impudence , hemp and silk , course and fine , linnen and woollen , being twisted and jumbled together ; these at the best must make up the associating and fluctuating methods of any levelled ministry : or else they must be like sand and stones without lime , rather cast into severall little heaps , than built up in a joynt and grand fabrick , by just rules , orders and proportions truly edifying ; when there shall be nothing of authority among ministers proportionate to the different ages , capacities , gifts , or offices and merits of any of them , ( which make up the true harmony of government and internall majesty of all authority , ) but all things of religious and church-order must be left in such a popular and plebeian posture , as shall most incourage whatever is most turbulent , factious , seditious and rebellious in any mens spirits , who will be prone either to affect more rule than is their due , or else be impatient that any should govern them in church or state further than they list , or think is agreeable to those principles and perswasions of religion or reformation which they strongly fancy to themselves , and aime as strongly to set up and impose on others when they shall be able , not by the approbation and permission of the chief magistrate onely , where it may be fairly had , but in case he be so blind , wilfull , obstinate and unconvertible , ( as some have been for episcopacy against presbytery ) they will find a call from god , and some speciall impulsives to obtrude their opinions and designes , without , yea against the expresse will of the soveraigne governour ; whose obstinacy against any such supposed waies of god , and pretended discipline of jesus christ , is thought by many a sufficient absolution and dispensation from their civil loyalty , oathes and subjection . thus looking for god in fires and earth-quakes of civil combustions , they lose him , who is best to be found in the evangelicall and still voyce , to which the priests and prophets of the jewish , also the apostles , with their successors the godly bishops , of the christian churches , have alwaies listned , and generally obeyed ; judging nothing more diametrally distant from and opposite to true religion than rebellion ( that is , the usurping of that power which is by right and law anothers ) upon any religious pretence whatsoever . certainly the jewel of loyalty neither was , nor ever will be , safer kept than in the cabinet of primitive episcopacy ; as aarons r●d and the tables of the law were best preserved in the ark of the testimony , and in the most holy place , which were laid up with the pot of manna ; emblems most lively setting forth the happy state of any christian church and nation , while it maintaines the lawes of god and man , while it subjects all men to the rod or scepter of just government both in church and state , supporting , as the princes , so the chief pastors , bishops and guides of the church with an honorable plenty , and all other ministers both in church and state with competent and ingenuous alimony . as christian kings and queenes have ever been , according to gods promise , the most indulgent , liberall and tender nurses of the church of christ in all countries , every where retaining and reverencing episcopacy as most agreeable with their soveraignty and monarchy ; so have all true christian bishops , in all ages and places , ever been the most learned assertors of , and the humble submitters to , soveraigne and monarchical authority of princes , and no lesse to that of aristocracy in common-weales or republiques , such as florence was , and venice still is ; who never yet saw any reason of state to move them to change the ancient and honorable government of catholick episcopacy for any other , which hath , as more of parity , popularity and poverty , so lesse of honest policy , firm peace and religious loyalty . certainly a christian prince or state that designes stability to their power and peace , will need these two swords , of soveraignty and episcopacy to keep himself , his people , and his church safe . a wise governour cannot but see and say of episcopacy , compared to all other formes , as david said of goliahs sword , there is none like that , in respect of its principles , operations and influences , as to religious loyalty and publick tranquillity . the loyalty and civil subjection of all novellers seemes to be with so many salvo's and reserves of godlinesse and grace , of religion , christs discipline or true church-waies , of princes not being tyrants or persecutors in their subjects sense , that there is little certainty , much lubricity , and as many dangers as evasions . but the loyalty of episcopacy is positive and plenary , resolute and absolute , according to those cleare evangelical precepts and patternes , either to act or suffer with good conscience , owning no pensations as from god or man , pope , or presbyter , or people , which some antiepiscopall preachers and professors seem to have found out , as the gnosticks of old did , being loth to be carbonated or crucified christians if they can help it ; pleading that right followes might , especially in cases and engagements of religion ; excusing the primitive martyrs softness and easinesse to suffer , as bellarmine and others do the popes pristine submission to the emperours , by reason of their minority , being then in their bibs and hanging-sleeves . chap. xxi . my third plea to recommend primitive and catholick episcopacy to my wise and honoured countrymen , is taken from the consideration of the genius or temper of the english nation ; in which the spirits of people are ( generally ) so heady and giddy , so high and stout , that they cannot long bear any way of government , or any governours which seem levelling , popular plebeian and prostrate : however they may for a fit of novelty or discontent be pleased with such pageants , yet these are not the mansion-houses that english people will dwell in . they are too stiff-necked and stubborn a people ever to reverence or submit to such magistrates in state , or such discipliners in church , as are but their peers and equals at best , and many times their inferiours , as in estate and learning , so in all those things , divine , civil and humane , which are proper to conciliate respect , and command submission upon the account of some eminency of merit or worth , set off with some conspicuity of riches , honour or power . the late presbyterian design and defeat in england , as to inducing their checker-work of lay-elders to be joynt-rulers and partners with preachers in ecclesiastical autority , placing ( as they must needs ) even silly mechanicks in many places in a parallel jurisdiction with the ablest scholars and ministers , as to church-government and discipline , yea and above them in their numbers and suffrages ; the speedy baffling ( i say ) and discountenancing of this pitiful project , with all its long train , baggage and ammunition , by a general dislike , difuse and neglect of it , sufficiently shews , that either common people in england have more modesty yet left in them than to think themselves fit judges and rulers in the state or church with their magistrates and ministers ; or else that they utterly disdain to be catechized and controlled by such as are their plain country-neighbours and trivial comrades , of the same forme for rusticity and simplicity , and many times as much below them in prudence as in estate , in civility as in solid piety , to which a factious and pragmatick ambition in any man adds very little . the speedy confutation of this incongruous polity and stratagem , which , to please the people , sought to besiege my selfe and all ministers , both in city and country , with four or five or more lay-elders , made up of farmers , shop-keepers , clothiers and handicrafts-men , to be our assessors and assistants , as censors and supervisors of all the parish , and our selves too not only with us , but in some things above us ministers both in number and popular influence ; this hath really wrought such an abhorrence and disdain in most people of all such lay-ruling-elders , and such a despiciency of all such disciplining-plots as are neither prudent nor pertinent for the english temper , that even those ministers who were at first most zealous to set up , in stead of the fair temples and cathedrals , those small synagogues and low consistories of lay-partners in church-government , even these ministers find they have lost much of that pristine respect and influence they had among their own and all other people : so that upon the point neither great nor small will now be ( further than they list ) governed by such methods of imprudent men , who have reproched their own mother-church , diminished themselves and their order , blasted their ministerial ordination , soiled that fountain whence they sprang , disgraced those venerable bishops who were lawfully and worthily their fathers and rulers , despised ( as much as in them lyes ) the very catholick and honourable name of episcopacy , abolished its ancient honour and autority , which were ever established and preserved till now by the custom and canons of this as of all churches , also by the ancient lawes of this nation ; thus splitting even their dear presbytery in pieces , ( which was best embarqued with episcopacy ) while they ran this on ground , upon the rocks & quick-sands , the oppositions of power and the despiciencies of people , between which all church-government and publick respect is now removed from both bishops and presbyters . alas , how pitiful a part of any government have any of these ministers now to act and please themselves with , who affected to play a new game at chesse in this church , onely with pawns and rooks , without kings or bishops ? whose unseparable fate , at least as to the genius of england , king james very wisely foresaw would stand and fall together , ( if he had as wisely prevented the danger and damage of both : ) it being very hard for any soveraign prince to govern such an head-strong people , unless he have power over their minds as well as their bodies . this a prince cannot have but by preachers , who , as the weekly musterers , orators and commanders of the populacy , do exercise by the scepter of their tongues a secret and swasive , yet potent , empire over most peoples soules . these preachers he knew were not easily kept either in good order , or in just honor ( being men of quick fancies , of daring and active confidences , great valuers of themselves , and ambitious to be many masters , yea popular and petty monarchs , in the thrones of their pulpits and territories of their parishes ) unlesse there were some men over them , who are fittest to be above them ( as being too hard for them ) in their own sphere and mystery , best able to judge of ministers learning , opinions , preaching , praying and living ; men for yeares of gravity and prudence , rewarded with estates and honors . and such were bishops , without whom christian monarchs are like those kings who had their thumbs and great toes cut off ; it being not possible for a prince immediately to correspond with every petty presbyter , nor is it comely to contest with them , nor can he be quiet from their pragmatick janglings , unlesse they be curbed by some such learned , authoritative and venerable superiours as are properest for them ; who were the fittest mediums between the king and his other clergy , both to perswade princes to favour the church , and to perswade church-men to preach and practise loyalty toward their princes , which tends to the honor of both magistracy and ministry . so that it was no other then an obvious conjecture to foretel , no bishop , no king ; since the same scriptures and principles of both reason and religion , piety and policy , lead men to obey both as rulers over them in the lord , or to reject both , by affecting popular parities and communities , as in church so in state. which abatement of kingly or soveraign power in one person , as to its civil magistratick and monarchical eminency , hath by late experience been found so inconsistent with the genius of this english nation , that the representatives of the people have not onely importunely petitioned the restitution of monarchical , yea kingly , government , but they have actually setled the main authority in one person , under an other name and title ; justly fearing , lest the dividing and diminishing of soveraignty , majesty and authority , as to the chief governour , should in time make a dissolution of the civil government , by frequent emulations and ambitions , incident to any such nation as england is , which hath so many great and rival spirits in it , prone to contemn or contest with any thing that looks like their equal . nor do i doubt but time will further shew us , ( if it hath not done it already sufficiently ) that no less inconveniences and mischiefs , both as to church and state , may follow the debasing and destroying of ecclesiastical power and authority in england , dividing and mincing it : so diverting the ample and fair , the ancient and potent stream of episcopacy , ( which flowed from the throne of christ , and of christian kings ) into the new rivulets , small channels , and weak currents either of presbytery or independency . the scepter of government in church or state , like the staff or rod of moses , when it is cast out of his hand on the earth or populacy , turns to a serpent , democracy being a very terrible daemogorgon : untill it be resumed into moses his hand , ( as king in iesurun ) it doth not return to its former beauty , strength and use , which that did , after it had justly devoured the rods and serpents of the magicians ; as in time monarchical government will do all other kinds or essayes in engl. which are but the effects of popular passions and encroachments , carried on more by some preachers inchantments then by lay-mens ambitions . strabo and others tell us , that the people of cappadocia , when the romanes had conquered their kings , and offered them their liberty as a province or free state under them ; they refused the favour , affirming the temper of their country was such , that the people in it could not live if they were not governed by a king : so pertinacious were they , as indeed most people in the world have been , and are at this day , to retaine the sacred tradition of kingly or monarchicall government , which being parentall and patriarchall , is most naturall and divine , derived to us by nature , and confirmed by good experience ever since noah and adam , who had their just soveraignty as fathers and kings over all mankind derived to them from god the great father and eternall king over all , from whom monarchy and so episcopacy derive their majesty and authority ; primogeniture carrying with it , as princely , so priestly power ; which made the same name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( gen. . . exod. . . ) to signifie both prince and priest : the want of either of which , and the swerving from either of them , commonly occasioneth infinite distractions in any nation and church ; especially if they have been in all times wonted to be governed by them . to avoid which miseries among mankind , the wisdom of god hath guided , as most nations to monarchy , so this and all primitive churches to the royall priesthood of episcopacy , from the very cradle or beginning of christianity : at which time s. jerom to euagrius confesseth , it was ( toto orbe decretum ) a catholick decree and order through all the christian world , which could be no other then apostolical at least . and however other reformed churches may make a shift to live , and some of them thrive , without the formal name and title of bishops , ( though most of them have the efficacy of the power , and the reality of the authority in their superintendents ) yet i am confident , till english spirits are wholly cow'd and depressed with war , and such exhaustings as utterly dis-spirit and embase the nobility , gentry and communalty , nothing will be more inconsistent with them than what savours of parity and popularity in church-government . they will rather affect to have every one what they list , which in effect will be no government properly ecclesiastick , further then they may be commanded and possibly over-aw'd by the civil sword , to submit to any such triers , ordainers , committee-men and censors , yea tithing-men and constables , as it is pleased to impose on them , while it exerciseth both a civil and ecclesiasticall episcopacy over church and state , as supposing it self safest when it hath both swords in its hands , that by so eminent power it may both preserve majesty and exercise authority , which are inseparable . it is extreme vanity and folly to imagine that even the lesser flies , the rabble and vulgarity of the people in england , ( naturally course , and now grown both baser and ruder then ever , being insolent as to the presumptions of their liberties , both religious and civil ) that these ( i say ) should easily be held by those fine new cobwebs of church-government , which some men have lately spun out of their own bowels and braines ( for they are not of the ancient web or loome . ) how much lesse can any wise man expect that the greater sort of people in the nation , such as are either purse-proud ( yet arrant churles and clowns ) will be either catched or held by those imaginary toyles ? what then shall we think either presbytery or independency will do with the higher-spirited gentry , and ( heretofore ) magnanimous nobility of england ? will not these lords and ladies think it ridiculously strange to find themselves cited and summoned , tried and examined , reproved and censured , excommunicated , yea and reprobated by a few petty-presbyters , whom they look upon commonly as poor scholars , pragmatick and pedantick enough for the most part , if they have any power , and be under none as to church-discipline ? or will these gentlemen submissly venerate the authority of good-men lay-elders , or a cold vestry of a few honest gaffers with their elect pastor , who is as a poor soul set to informe and move that poor body of parochial or congregated christians , who are ready to say with the pharisee to all that are not of their corporation and opinion , stand by , we are holier than thou ? good god! what stamps of eminency , in reason or religion , in piety or policy , in civility or charity , will any persons of noble birth , good breeding and pregnant parts , see in these consistorian or congregationall conventions , to keep up their own authority , and to keep down other mens spirits from despising them ? among whom there neither is nor can be ( generally ) any such conspicuity or sufficiency for any parts and abilities , of mind and body , of estate and quality , as may redeem them from the very contempt and laughter even of boyes ; to which many times their pittifull clothes , ( which give either a great glosse or damp with vulgar eyes , as they are either rich or mean on the backs of men in authority ) besides their simple carriage , their senselesse speeches , and very silly lookes , are prone to expose them . nor have they many times , as to the lay-part of them , any thing without or within them to redeem them from this low and loose esteem , in all mens both judgements and consciences who are not very silly , superstitious or servile . yet of this course bran and barrel ( for the most part ) are those men and ministers who have been most eager to exclude venerable episcopacy , and to challenge to themselves , either as ministers or laicks , the whole height , depth , length and breadth of ecclesiasticall government in england ; not onely for ordaining ministers , but for censuring , silencing , deposing , excommunicating , and wholly anathematizing or abdicating from christ and his church , all sorts and sizes of men , whatever majesty , soveraignty and authority they have upon them . for these new masters professe , ( like god ) to be no respecters of persons : all must fall under their lash and stroke who are either in the parochiall or congregationall communion and jurisdiction . possibly such small monitors or triobolary discipliners , ( who are justly of least esteem in a nation and church ) might for a time , and in a humour , suite the spirits of some little colonies or conventicles in arnheim or amsterdam , in new england or in old and cold scotland , where common people have much of the easiness or tamenesse of peasants : but certainly they are no way suitable to the haughtiness and grandeur of england . these manacles are so far from shackling the chief of our tribes , and heads of our families , that they are not capable to hamper the feet ; so far from making good pillories , that they will not serve for good stocks and whipping-posts , for the due repressing and punishing even of vulgar petulancy and insolency ; which we see prevailes every where inspite both of presbytery and independency , for want of an honorable and venerable episcopacy , justly constituted and honorably countenanced in the church . the temper of the english nation is not like that of scotland , ( which with so brotherly and unwelcome a zeal would needs obtrude upon us presbytery whether we would or no. ) there every petty lairde of a village in his high house , hath either a bit and bridle in the mouths , or a cane over the crags , of all the poor cotagers , and of the poor clerick his minister too ; who are in a kind of villanage ( as underlings ) to his seigniorie , servilely depending on him , the one for his great salary of an hundred scotch punds or marks a yeare , ( where every mark is thirteen pence half-penny , and every pund is two shillings english ) the other for their cotages , copy-holds , farmes and tenures . so that the common people there being generally over - dropped and under-fed , low-pursed and low-spirited , might easily be ruled , as to any religious government and church-concernments , by such a discipline as their gudd lairdes and sr. john pleased to put upon them ; the ambition of preacher and people being no higher than to eate and drinke , and to beget children in their own likenesse to poverty and servility , as the peasants in france and boores in germany do . but the ruggednesse and fiercenesse of the people of england , even of the very commons and clowns , ( who are higher fed , and bred to less slavery then in other countries ) is such , that , like our english horses , cocks , mastives and bores , they are no where to be matched for the curstness and animosity of their spirit and mettle . how have we seen even mean men bristle against , not onely their grave ministers , but their great benefactors and masters ? tenants have risen against their landlords , and peasants against the noblest peers : so presbyters have contested with their bishops , and subjects with their soveraignes . such tragical rufflings and disdains of their betters are no news in engl. and shall we think that trades-men , peasants and yeomen ( not to mention gentlemen and noblemen , or such as shall govern as supreme ) will , all or any of them , now be so tame , as to be curbed , checked , ruled and managed by those minime - ministers and members of congregations , or those petty presbyters in their parishes or associations , whom they have no visible cause or motive in the world to look upon or esteem as their equals or betters , no way likely to be their benefactors , and so not worthy to be their rulers in the least kind ? this submission cannot be expected , unless englishmen are ( now ) to be subdued by fine words , and made obedient by the formal and supercilious looks of some men , who affect in their churches and parishes to govern all , and are not fit ( alone ) to govern any , unless they had been more able and willing to govern themselves , and to have kept within that compasse of ecclesiastical order and subjection to their bishops and betters , which the example of all churches , and all worthy presbyters , and true christians in all ages , commended to them , besides the particular laws and constitutions of this church and state. these considerations of the unproportionableness of any other church-government than a right episcopacy to the temper of england , moved the supercilious , yet very learned , salmasius , in his advice to the prince elector then in england , and to some other of the long parlament , and of the scotized assembly , ( who desired his judgement upon the then hot and perboyling , yea passionate and over-boyling debates touching episcopacy ) to tell them , that as the episcopal government , rightly constituted and executed , is very agreeable to the word of god , and most conform to all antiquity ; so it was of all other most suitable to the english spirit and constitution : the want of which he already foresaw was , and would ever be , the cause of much disorder and distraction , of infinite factions , heresies , schismes and confusions . thus the great dictator of learning ( as he esteemed himself ) was pleased in this passage and other-where , graciously to express his judgement and pleasure , according to the humour he was in , or to the interest which he was pleased to adopt . sometimes he is walo messalinus , and ashamed to own his name against episcopacy : he was in that disguise to gratifie the pretentions of presbytery , and the adherence or dependence which he had to the french and dutch churches : otherwhile he puts off the vizard , and with open face owns the eminency , authority , antiquity and universality of episcopacy ; yea the incomparable utility of it , when joyned with a grave and orderly presbytery , besides a particular aptitude in it to the english genius . for he well saw that all government , and church-government as much as any , is a beame of divine majesty , and requires not onely something of a diviner sufficiency as to inward abilities and endowments , but also of a diviner conspicuity and lustre for authority , civil eminency and ornament . we read that god , besides his choice of aaron and his sons to be complete persons , to make them chief priests according to his command and commission , gave also strict order for their garments , to have them made with such comelinesse , cost and curiosity , as should be for glory and beauty , even before the eyes of the people over whom they were placed . and we further read that god forbad to his people the jewes all birds that did creep and yet fly , they were uncleane and abominable to be eaten . an emblem that nothing is lesse comely in gods church , than to see those men ambitiously affect to fly high in governing others , whose condition is low and creeping on the ground . indeed no government can be carried on in church or state , ( especially in engl. ) but either by the absolute terror of the sword , and secular power commanding , or by such legal injunctions and religious perswasions as bind good men in conscience to submit , first , to god , and for his sake to those whom he , as lord of all , is pleased to set over us . then is government in church or state most complete and constant , when it hath first that rational empire and religious prevalency over mens hearts , which ariseth from the perswasion that people have of the worth , abilities , right and authority which governours have ( by their laws ) as from god in the state , so from christ in the church . which perswasion as it brought all christian people , presbyters and bishops , to be so wholy subject to their civil magistrates and soveraigns ; so it made all christian presbyters and professors to be filially submiss to their bishops , as to fathers given them by christ : even then when bishops were rich in graces and gifts of the spirit , but low as to worldly greatness , and under much persecution ; yet then did the majesty of episcopal authority prevail , ( on which the lively characters and pregnant memorials of the apostolical pattern , designation and succession , were still fresh and most remarkable ) then did it draw all true believers and good christians to venerate their bishops or chief pastors for conscience sake ; by so much the more , by how much presbyters and people had more of the power of godlinesse in them : whereas now it is made a new mark of godliness and saintship with many , to cast off , to hate , abhor , despise and destroy all bishops and all eminent episcopacy . sure either primitive purity or modern dreggs must be very much out of the right way : and which of them erres , i leave to all sober men to judge . as for other christians of looser consciences and conversation , which were prone in all ages to be as weeds in the garden of the church , ( especially in times of peace , plenty and prosperity ) the piety and wisdom of christian princes and other godly people ever took care to keep them in the more awe and reverence toward their bishops and ecclesiastical governours , by investing these in such outward and visible enjoyments for estate and honour , which might adde some outward respect and authority to them , ( and that no small one ) before those that had most need to be so restrained , overawed and dazled . hence the piety and policy of constantine the great not onely gave liberal supports to the bishops of the church , but gave them places and honors equal to the patricii , the senators in order and degree , which were the roman chief nobility . it is not onely an imprudent , but an impious presumption , and a tempting of god to needless miracles , for any people to invest those men in any government , as in state so in church , who are ( as st. paul saith ) little esteemed , because deserving little ; who have neither personal abilities for the office , nor any clear and undoubted commission to authorize them in it from god or man , from christ and his church : which , i conceive , can hardly , if ever , be found in any wayes of church-government , which are suspected for novelty , or tainted with parity and popularity , contemners of catholick custom , primitive antiquity , and apostolical succession in an holy uniformity . from all which depravations as venerable episcopacy is sufficiently known to be farthest removed of any , so it cannot but seem to all impartial christians to be , as every way best in it self , so fittest for the native temper of england ; where mens spirits are more accurate and acute , more inquisitive and searching into the rights , foundations and grounds of all authority over them , then in other countries , where meannesse and easinesse , servility and credulity of common people , makes them venerate for their gods any calf or idol which their superiours please to set up in the church , to serve or secure the civil interests . but in england , where people have much light and dare to use it , such policies and projects would ( now ) be not onely preposterous , but vaine and ridiculous . there is no putting ( among us ) eagles wings or feathers upon the bodies of jack-dawes , rookes or crowes , which rather incumber them , than inable them for any orderly motion ; much lesse do they make them imperiall birds , fit to rule or over-aw the other winged inhabitants of the world , which will be ready to scorne and despise them . and what indeed ( for instance ) hath more abased the condition , and abated the common honor of ministers in england , of later yeares , than some of their unseasonable and unreasonable affectations to govern in common , as beyond their due proportion for age , gifts , parts , ornaments , so before they had complete commission to empower them , either from god or any man in soveraign power ? even such presbyters as most affected , like icarus , to fly above their fathers , my self and the english world have seen to have so melted their own artificiall wings , that they have miserably faln into a sea , a black and a red sea of confusion , contempt and contention , both among their own people and all the nation . out of which abysse they will never be able to wade or swim , in my judgement , unlesse they can ( with such unity , humility and charity , ( as st. austin adviseth some donatists ) revoke their exotick errors , retract their schismes and transports , returning from their pertinacious novelties to the true proportions of ancient church-government ; which i think are in no degree to be found either in presbytery , independency , or any way apart from episcopacy : both which new : waies have so grievously blasted and singed themselves by the exorbitancy of those terrible flames which they kindled utterly to consume episcopacy , that there is little likelihood either of these novelties should ever appeare to be entertained with any publick beauty , honor , esteem or approbation in england , where nothing is lesse tolerable than governours that are contemptible , for want of ability , authority and dignity , as to estate and honor. amidst all which immoderate and mercilesse fires ( destinated to consume all the pristine beauty and honor of catholick episcopacy , both root and branch , in one day ) yet ( to shew not more the wonder of gods mercy , than the true temper of the english people ) behold not onely primitive episcopacy , but primitive bishops ( that is , persons of learning , piety and vertue , becoming that sacred office & dignity ) have retained all this while , and will do while they live , ( yea and when they are dead ) so much of reall honor and true respect due to their worth , that no assemblies , no armies , no votes , no ordinances , no terrors , no calumnies of inordinate presbyters , no insolencies of licentious people , nothing can ever deprive them of , or degrade them from , an high respect and esteem in the hearts and desires , in the loves and compassions of all unbiassed , learned , sober and wise men throughout the nation ; who are not yet grown so dull and degenerous , as not to preferre the primitive , catholick and venerable authority of episcopacy , as to order and ordination , so to government and jurisdiction , as much before the novel inventions and ostentations of any presbyterian and independent models , as one would value the english roses before the scotch thistles ; freely to handle or feed upon which , is no such precious christian liberty as any wise men , ministers or others , have either cause to envy in others , or to congratulate in themselves ; since their former subjection to episcopacy was far more to their safety , order , plenty and honor , than what they now enjoy in their petty signiories . the lowest parts of that mountaine of god , episcopacy , on which the church of christ for many ages stood and flourished , were higher than the top of these new mole-hils ; the skirts of bishops clothing were more venerable than the very crownes of these ministers heads , the unanointed corners of whose haire and beards are now so deformedly shorne or shaven by a sharp and popular rasor . the renowne and value of episcopacy is much risen since english-men have seen added to the other excellencies of our english bishops , the miracle and magnanimity of their christian patience , who after their hard and long studies , attended with many meritorious and usefull vertues , after they had lawfully obtained and many yeares peaceably enjoyed such honors and estates as adorned episcopacy in england , after they had no way , and by no law , forfeited these , or misused them ; yet , in the decline of their lifes , in the colder and darker winter of their age , these grave and gallant men can beare with christian patience and heroick composednesse of mind the losse of all , and that from their own country-men , professors of the same christian , yea and reformed , religion : and this without any respect had either to their present and future support , or their pristine dignity . a fate so sad and tragicall , as is scarce to be parallell'd in any age or history : yet have none of them been heard to charge god foolishly . they say and write either nothing , or onely the words of sobernesse , truth and charity : they still possesse their soules in silence and patience , when dispossessed of all things : whereever they live , their lustre shines through their greatest obscurity and tenuity , as the bright sun through small crevises , far beyond the most sparkling presbyters , or glittering independents ; whose new popular projects for church-government , compared to primitive and old episcopacy , are like comets or blazing starres compared to the sun and moon . the gravity , the constancy , the contentednesse , the meekness , the humility of these venerable , yet afflicted , bishops , ( now reduced ( god knowes ) to a great paucity as well as tenuity ) yet still keeps up their price , and commands from all wise and worthy men a veneration both of their persons , and of that comely authority which they heretofore enjoyed , and worthily exercised , in this church . who almost of any considerable people in england , that are not either ignorant , fanatick or sacrilegious , but either openly or secretly wish the happy restauration of venerable episcopacy to this church and nation ? who , that hath sense of honor , justice or ingenuity , doth not deplore , and is not discountenanced to consider , the crowds and loades of indignities cast upon such excellent persons as for the most part the bishops of england were ; even then when they were to be sacrificed , by i know not what strange fire , as a peace-offering to the discontented presbyters of scotland , and their ambitious symbolizers in england ? i know some of those lords and commons who in the huddle helped to destroy bishops and their order , now not onely pitty the undeserved sufferings of such brave men , but repent of their own compliance ; and so do many ministers . the usefulness , worth and necessity of excellent bishops and of true episcopacy were never so well understood in england , as since the sad effects have shewed us and all the world the want of them , if in any nation , sure in this , where some of the very enemies of all episcopacy heretofore , and the eager extirpators of it , do now expresse ( which they have done to me ) ( as the other tribes did to that of benjamin , when they had almost quite destroyed it ) something of mercy and pitty , of moderation and retractation . alas , saving a few ministers , most-what lecturers , and some scrupulous people here and there , which had been a little bitten by some bishops , either for their inconformity or extravagancy , and saving a few other men that had a mind to bishops lands and houses , ( both which were not the hundredth part of the people of this nation ) saving these , i say , ( who had and have most implacable picques and feuds and jealousies against all episcopacy , ) the rest , which are the most and best of the nation , i perswade my self , have been and are so just and ingenuous , as not to take up vulgar & causeless , and yet eternall hatreds , against such worthy men as our bishops most-what were , and so venerable a function as they were invested with . yea at this day ( as much as i perceive ) the names of episcopacy and of every worthy bishop are like spices bruised , and like sweet oyntment , ( whose box is broken ) more fragrant and diffused : just as an agreeable perfume would be after one hath been much afflicted with assafetida . the very stench which hath risen every where from the heaps and dunghils of factious confusions in religion , both as to mens minds and manners , since the routing of episcopacy and bishops , these have rendred that primitive order and catholick presidency more savoury and acceptable then heretofore it was to some men , when their weaker brains were cloyed with the constancy of so great a blessing ; as some are brought to fainting spirits by long smelling of the sweetest smells . episcopacy , like the body of holy polycarp bishop of smyrna , and ( placed there by st. john ) when it was burned , hath filled the english and all the world with a sweet odour . it is like the bodies that have been well embalmed many hundred years past , never capable to putrifie , but will ever remain uncorrupt , as a sacred kind of mummy , for a memorial to all generations . though the lands and lordships , the flesh and skin which adorned episcopacy by humane bounty , be either devoured by worms , or so wasted and dissipated ( as the ashes of some martyrs were , by which their persecutors hoped to defeat them of a blessed resurrection ; ) yet still the divine donations and endowments , the spirit and soul of pastoral power is remaining to episcopacy : and its honor will be both immortal and glorious , when all its enemies shall be ingloriously either forgotten or remembred . the apostolick antiquity , the catholick dignity of episcopacy is not abated , nor ever can be : the divine wisdom , beauty , order , authority , usefulness and blessing by it , in it and upon it , do still survive , and ever will , in all histories , in all times , in all churches , and in none more justly than in this of england ; where the experience of all sober christians hath brought them to that sense which venerable beda expresseth was had in his dayes , ( that is , eight hundred years agoe ) of episcopacy and good bishops , that any province or church destitute of its bishops , was so far destitute of the divine protection and benediction . as this age hath brought forth such as dare to despise , decry and destroy what all former ages have happily used and highly magnified ; so after-ages , in the revolution of not many years , may admire , adore and restore with great devotion the primitive honor of episcopacy , which some men have sought to lay in the dust , and bury in oblivion . whose resurrection is not to be despaired of , even to its ancient glory , when sober christians of all sorts shall seriously consider , and compare with former times in england , the present state of this church and the reformed religion in it , full of divisions , distractions , disaffections , of animosities , envyes and jealousies , of offences , murmurings and complainings , running to ignorance , negligence , irreligion , and at best to romish superstition ; where ministers are multi-form , people mutually scandalized and scattered , christians not so much united by any bond of uniform religion or worship , as over-awed from doing those insolencies and affronts to which their parties and passions eagerly tempt them . nothing of ecclesiastical order , discipline and authority , further then a sword or a gun , or a private fancy afford ; nothing of the clergies authoritative convention , correspondency , or communion as brethren ; no joynt counsel , no blessed harmony , no comely subordination among them ; all proclaim a chaos and confusion . compare ( i say ) all these deformed distempers into which we are fallen since we abdicated or lost venerable episcopacy , with that piety , plenty , harmony , unity , order , decency , proficiency , respect , honour and authority , which were heretofore so eminent and illustrious in the church and church-men of england , while it enjoyed the blessing of episcopacy ; in whose preservation and honour the honour of true religion , the majesty of any christian church , the dignity of the ordained ministry , the validity of sacred mysteries , the completeness of ecclesiastical power , the authority of all holy ministrations , and the measure of all just reformations in religion , ( besides the civil peace ) were heretofore thought to be very much bound up , as in all churches and nations that are christian , so in none more than in these of england , if we consider the native greatness and generosity of some mens spirits , the roughness and stubbornness of others , all of them disdaining to be either abused by the simplicity , or curbed by the arrogance , of any men as their church-governours , of whose religious ability and ecclesiastick authority they are in no sort satisfied . it is not good to tempt either the sea or the populacy , by keeping too low banks , which are easily over-run , and occasion much ruine to all sorts . i may further adde , to convince my brethren the ministers , and all my worthy countrymen , how agreeable and honourable episcopacy , in its due place , posture & authority , was to the genius of engl. by putting them in mind of that vast disproportion , for love , respect , countenance , maintenance , encouragement and honor , which now are paid , as generally to the function of the ministry , so particularly to the person of any minister , of whatever quality or preferment , title or party he be , comparing things to what the deserving clergy generally enjoyed heretofore , while , under god and their kings , their worthy bishops protected them according to law in well-doing . heretofore ( even in my memory ) a grave , learned and godly bishop was as the centre of his diocese , the tutelary angel of his clergy , the good genius of every able and faithful minister under him : he was the grand oracle of the honest gentry , the honoured father and ghostly counseller of the true-hearted nobility ; he was the admiration and veneration of the most plain-hearted and peaceful common-people . notwithstanding all the scurrilous obloquies and affronts which sometimes either weak or wicked , foolish or factious men sought to cast upon all bishops and all the clergy under them , yet still the kindness of parlaments , the favour of princes , the worth of good ministers , the discretion of wise bishops , and above all the goodness of a gracious god , kept the clergy of england in such a condition as was rather to be envied than pittied . no minister of any worth was then so cheap & despicable , so obvious to injuries , and obnoxious to all indignities , as now he is , no not by an hundred degrees . every grave and good minister in his place then moved as wheels in an engine , by that concurrent strength which then was in the whole fabrick & juncture of the church : the beams of episcopal honor shined on the meanest clergy-man , whose own fatuity or factiousnesse , weaknesse or wickednesse did not obscure him . the secular interests and worldly enjoyments of the whole clergy were then much more considerable , both for profit and honor ; their livings much better and more secure to them ( as their free-holds , ) if they kept within the bounds which our laws had set ; their preferments more ample and more easie to be had ; their reliefs , in case of any loss , burthen or charge , more easie ; their reputation more conspicuous , when they had something of authority and commission besides their desks and p●lpits , when some of them were not only in ecclesiastick commissions , but assessors on benches of civil judicature ; for which as they might well have leisure enough , without neglecting their spiritual employment , so i believe they might be as able to serve their country and their neighbours in that way , as a great many justices of latter edition , especially so far as to preserve the honor of the church and true religion from suffering any detriment in any county . it is evident that in all times since england was christian , no courts of justice were ever had without some divines at them and in them ; our fore-fathers alwayes judging it to be of no less concernment to preserve religion in authority , and church-men in conspicuity , than to preserve their estates , civil peace and lifes . beyond this , how great a lustre ( i beseech you ) was added by the piety and generosity of the english-nation to all the clergy , when some of the bishops were taken into the privy counsell of the princes , when all the bishops had the places and priviledges of peers in parlament , having temporall baronies ; yea when the whole clergy in their representees had place and power in convocation , both to consult of all things ecclesiasticall , and to give of their own spirituall estates a free-will-offering to the publick treasury ? these and such like marks of publick conspicuity looked indeed like the beams of honor upon the clergy , making their faces to shine before the common people . this posture of the clergy was manly , generous , heroick , becoming the honor and piety of the nation , worthy of the munificence of christian princes , of the devotion of christian parlaments , of the learning and merit of so excellent a clergy and christian ministry as england enjoyed ; which ( of all professions ) in any nation should be least eclipsed , and most illustrated with the tokens of publick respect , because no men have to encounter with so many devils of disdain and spirits of opposition in private breasts , as good ministers have , if they will be friends to mens soules , and foes to their sins . now ( poor wretches ) wherein are any of us , as ministers of the gospel , considerable , for any publick remarques of respect and honor either to our persons or callings ? are we not even ashamed of our selves and one another , when we see the nakednesse to which the justice of god , by our own sin and folly , hath exposed us and our profession ? not onely all bishops , under whose wings presbyters were wont to be best sheltred , but even presbyters , yea presbytery it self , and all sorts of preachers or ministers whatsoever , are miserably disputed and despised by those many - fac'd parties in religion which have been gendred of late in england , while people have looked upon that ring-streaked , py-bald and party-coloured ministry which hath been set before them , vastly different from that candor , beauty and uniformity , which heretofore was both in shepherds and their severall flocks , agreeable to that primitive pattern , which never had a christian congregation without an appointed minister , nor a minister without due ordination , nor ordination without a bishop , nor a bishop without great honor and respect among all good christians : the bishops of the church being , as st. jerom expounds that of the psalmist , those children of the church which are prophesied to be made princes in all lands under the gospel , and in the government of jesus christ . all these united together in an holy and happy correspondency kept up christian religion , its doctrine , ministry and discipline , to some height and eminency ; which is now faln here in england to a very poor and pittifull , a plebeian and precarious , yea in many to a parasiticall posture , not daring to discommend what they dislike , nor to owne what they desire , nor to desire what they approve , nor to complaine of what they feel pressing and pinching them : yea some are such cossets and tantanies , that they congratulate their oppressors , and flatter their destroyers , calling that a state of precious liberty , which is indeed no better than a tamer slavery ; boasting in their shame , and triumphing in the ruines and disparagings , as of their profession , so of the true christian and reformed religion , which cannot but be darkned when the clergy is eclipsed , as now it is in england , where not any one minister , great or small , can keep himself in any tolerable esteem with all parties , no nor avoid the contempts and reproches cast from some hand or other on him : let his worth be what it will , for learning and integrity , for piety and paines , yet he wants not those friends to reformation that seek to depresse him , and would heartily joy in his utter ruine . some poor ministers may ( possibly ) now shrowd themselves here and there under some particular shelter of some civil and less supercilious patrone , or some more sober and good-natured people : but , to speak the truth , none of them have any proper sanctuary , or any meet refuge among themselves , where they may equally expect protection for their rights , persons and profession , as ministers of the church , or as men in holy orders . how many with scorne disallow and disavow any such church or orders as the best ministers pretend ? nor do they that are first antiepiscopal , and then antiministerial , think that there is any thing of right due to any of them besides poverty and contempt . yet to such ports ( many times ) most ministers put in , when tossed to and fro in the tempest of popular contests , forced thus to run themselves a - ground sometimes , to avoid utter shipwrack : many have given over their livings , to enjoy their liberties , and to preserve a capacity either to get another , or by occasionall preaching to get their bread . ecclesiasticall courts we have none , nor any considerable or competent judges of our own cloth and calling . to convocations or synods ▪ we are never called , which i conceive might be as usefull and necessary for the religious interests of the nation , as parlaments are for the secular and civil ; out of which the clergy are wholly excluded , bishops being ejected out of the house of peers , where they sate so many hundreds of yeares , yea , ever since there was such a great councel in the nation , and long before there was any house of commons . neither presbyterian nor independent ministers are admittable , ( however they have either renounced their clericall order , or metamorphosed themselves both in apparel and in principles to a laick forme . ) other men , though they ordinarily preach , yet may be chosen as members of the house of commons , and sit there ; onely professed preachers , though not in orders , may not . so that in neither house the clergy or ministry ( now ) have any other proxyes , deputies , representees or patrons , than such as the meanest mechanicks or trades-men have , no nor so much ; for these may have of their own art and calling there , to assert their rights , which ministers have not , as any spirituall corporation or fraternity , not so much as the meanest burgesse towne or civil corporation . nothing is left the clergy but a lay-committee for religion ; which may in time be as great an injury and a grievance to the true religion , as any they sit to inquire of ; while all the concernments of the church , all matters ecclesiastick , all the doctrine and manners of the clergy , all that concernes the preservation or reformation of religion , all disputes and determination of controversies , yea and of cases of conscience , all setling and asserting of true doctrine , all confutation of dangerous errors , all antidotes against the poysons and infections of religion , all direction for the decency of gods publick worship , for administration of holy mysteries , for ordination of ministers , for execution of church-order and discipline , all the liberties and livelihoods of ministers , must be wholly left either to the learning , religion and discretion of some plaine country gentlemen , who ( god knowes ) are most-what but very superficially studied in these cases , being better skill'd in hawks and hounds , in their oves and boves , than in the deep studies or points of divinity ; nay t is well with many of them if they have not forgot their first catechize and principles of religion : or else the clergies concernments must fall under the judgement of lawyers , who finding no worldly profit to come by their pleadings for religion , do not much mind them , or enable themselves for them : or they must be exposed to the piety of physitians , which was never thought very intense , nor much in the rode of their practise : or the cases of ministers must fall under the tender-heartednesse of souldiers , who are more skilled in swords than bookes , in military than ecclesiasticall discipline ; men of blood , as david himself , are not fit to build temples or churches , as god tels him : or at last the affaires of ministers must be referred either to the formall gravity of some solemn citizens , whose shops and counting-houses have been their most constant and profitable studies ; or to the pragmatick activity of some confident mechanicks , who whetting each other by their disputes and janglings , are every where ambitious to be as thornes in the flesh and goades in the sides of poor ministers , left they should be lifted up above measure . to the mercy of some of which sharp censors had the ministers of england been ( sometime ) left , they had not left one minister in his living , nor one church - living in england for a minister . but god then hampered them in their strange vagaries , preserving still some remains of this church and its clergy from being wholly left like sodom and gomorrah . and indeed , who almost is there of any profession never so sober , that ingenuously now or at any time sympathizeth with either scholars or ministers ? who is there that by a native ( as st. paul saith ) and genuine affection careth for their affaires ? all seek their own profit , honor , pleasure . any of them may invade the place and office of a minister , if they list . few are scrupulous to pinch or deprive ministers of their profits : none expects any great good from them , but rather unwelcome reproofes and censures , according as every minister is either severe , or supercilious and cholerick , setting up his small tribunall , and exercising his discipline as he fancies best , scaring silly men and women sometime with the thunder-bolts of his excommunications , examinations and suspensions ; that generally all people are jealous of ministers peartnesse and ambition , which aime to rule them with a rod of iron , when they have but the scepter of a reed in their hand . hence is it that most gentlemen , noblemen , yeomen and artizans , not onely do not much care for ministers that are weighty and steady , but they generally look asquint on them , and are afraid of them , as their tetricall reprovers and moroser monitors . in all respects all men are now tempted to despise them , as made every way inferiour to all sorts of men , of small gaines and uncertaine estates , of no publik power , honor or influence ; not worthy to be adopted to any friendship , nor to be feared for any distance and enmity ; persons most safely to be injured of any men , having nothing to revenge or right themselves with but their sad lookes and sharp tongues a generation of men rather filled as with wind , and swoln with their own airy speculations , than any way considerable for solid sufficiency and usefull worth : yea , by very many and most illiterate persons , all ministers are esteemed no other than their leeches , hangby's and dependants , whom grudgingly they entertaine rather out of formality than conscience , out of policy more than piety . persons of some literature and ingenuous breeding have ( many times ) secret emulations and rivalries against their ministers , judging themselves not onely the better men in all other respects , but the better scholars too , as it oft falls out now ; so that they think it time lost to heare their ministers preach , because they find them do it with little study or dexterity , and with lesse authority . the meanest , poorest and plainest sort of people expect neither much good nor hurt by any minister , whom they see every where reduced to such a tenuity and minority , that there is no spark of majesty , or beam of magistracy among them , since the ancient and honourable chairs of the bishops of england have been turned into joint-stools , and their jurisdictions or courts , both ecclesiastical and civil , resolved into lay-committees . this blessing hath the clergy of england gained , since ministers affected to ride on scotch saddles and galloway-naggs ; which was once made an article of accusation against bishop farrar , in queen elizabeths third year , as a diminishing of his episcopal dignity . thus desolate , dejected and despised is the condition of the clergy now in england , both in storms and in calms , ever since they have been beaten from , and denyed anchorage in , the fair haven of episcopacy , which ever was and ever will be the safest and best harbour , both for religion , this church and its clergy . for no men will regard those ministers who help to make themselves undervalued : who will care to provide for or protect them , that cast off so fair a portion of estate , and noble a proportion of honour , as the laws of this land had given them under the episcopal covering ? whither now shall poor ministers fly , unless they fly from their despised and distressed calling to some more easie , quiet and beneficial mechanick profession ; unless they renounce their former orders , and take up a new standing , either upon their own tip-toes , or some mole-hill which the ants of the people have cast up ? neither of which stations is either firm or comely . the vulgar favour is too flat , dull and shallow , for any man of learning , worth and wisdom to lanch into ; he will presently be a-ground : for popular respect riseth to no higher a pitch than they see men have some publick influence of favour , estate or power . go to the palaces of such as are princes , and think themselves great persons , their courts and families are commonly full of deep and rough , rapid and dangerous motions : the courtesie of country-justices and true committee-men is very various , much as the wind and tide are either with or against the poor clergy . where are there then any proper advocates and judges , or any competent censors and supports of the clergy , becoming men of learning and worth , beyond the ordinary rate of most men ? whom have they of their cloth and calling that is in any eminency of place , power or honour , who might by their favour defend a poor minister as with a shield , so as worthy bishops did ? without whom the ministry in england may ( i think ) despair of ever recovering themselves to any great value or regard , while they are looked upon ( even one and all ) under a meer plebeian notion and proletary proportion ; permitted indeed to marry , and beget children , but to servility , poverty and beggery . few persons of any worth or estate will now either make their sons ministers , or match their daughters to them , or contract any alliance or friendship with them : since no clergy-men can be great , they will not be much valued for being good . thus hath the fall of episcopacy , like a great and goodly oake , crushed all the under-wood of the clergy ; which was safe while those defensatives stood in our druina : nor have those escaped the brush and crush who were most industrious to fell it . on all hands the honour of the clergy is never like to revive in this nation , till something like primitive and authoritative episcopacy be either replanted or restored ; the spirit of the nation being such , that it cannot be governed but by those that have some publick eminency and real lustre upon them , either as to military power , or civil honour , or religious presidency , set off with the ampleness of some estate , and the authority of some fitting jurisdiction . as augustus said to the egyptians when they desired him to visit their god apis , i worship gods , not oxen ; so do the most people of engl. in their hearts reply to all presbyterian & independent ministers , who seek to winne them to worship their ways , we were wonted to venerate grave and honourable bishops , not every petty presbyter or preacher , as our chief church-governours , according to the custom and manner of all good christians in all ancient churches , and in this of england , ever since joseph of arimathaea or simon zelotes converted us , ever since k. lucius was baptized , and the british church had the honour of primogeniture to any national church in the world ; ever since either palladius in scotland , or patricius in ireland , or the latter austin in england , by the mission and commission of the devout gregory the great , either restored or planted christian religion and bishops in england ; the shortest of which terms or epoches is now above a thousand years : in all which time england hath been famous for nothing so much as for the great regard this nation had ( til of late years ) both to christian religion and to the clergy , which never til now were made to live without the crowns and coronets of their worthy bishops in every diocess , which were the coverings of power and honour upon the heads of all the clergy ; to whom the access of a poor minister was short and easie , his hearing speedy , his tryal legal and rational , his dispatch without delayes , his dismission fatherly , and his submission filial and comely : insomuch that peaceable and good ministers were never more blest , than when they had the sight of their worthy bishop or diocesan , who did not onely as a good shepherd oversee and rule them , but tooke care to feed and defend them , with order , plenty , peace and publick honour ; blessings of so great price in our mortal pilgrimage , that they had need be very pretious liberties indeed that are to be purchased by parting with them , or exchanging them for the dry martyrdoms of poverty , contempt and daily confusion . chap. xxii . in the last place , i do with the more courage and confidence recommend the cause of venerable episcopacy to my honored countrymen , because no nation or church under heaven ever had more ample and constant experiences of that excellent worth which hath been in their bishops , or of that excellent use which hath ever been made of a regular episcopacy , both in respect of true piety and orderly policy . i know it will at first dash with full mouth be here replyed , how many bishops have been superstitious , sottish , luxurious , tyrannous persecutors , and what not ? especially before the reformation , till their wings were so clipped that they could not be so bad as they would ; yet some of them were bad enough . my answer is , i do not undertake to justifie every thing that every bishop hath done in any age , late or long since : though i am charitably modest to palliate the shame or uncomliness of my fathers , yet i am no mercenary orator or veneall advocate to plead for their enormities , which are in no men lesse tolerable or expiable . there were ( no doubt ) among bishops , as well as other men of all sorts , some weak , some wicked ; as ezekiels figs , some very good , some very bad : yet take them in the generall view and aspect , even in the darkest times , i am sure they were in england ever esteemed and employed both in church and state , as primores regni , men of the greatest abilities and best repute for learning , wisdome , counsel , piety , charity and hospitality in all the nation ; nor were many of them in those times inferiour by birth and breeding to the greatest noblemen in the land. i do not censoriously rifle mens personall or private actions , but i consider their publick influence and aspect : it sufficeth to my designe , if i demonstrate by induction of many particulars , that episcopacy is no enemy to piety , no way prejudiciall to church or state , yea a maine pillar to support the welfare of both . many bishops may have been bad , yet is episcopacy good ; as many priests of old were , like elies sons , vile men , yet was the priesthood honorable and sacred : many judges and justices may be base and corrupt , yet is judicature good ; many magistrates unworthy , yet is magistracy an excellent and necessary ordinance of god. he that should sift all the presbyters or ministers of any sort that have been , or now are , even the greatest zealots against bishops and episcopacy , i believe he would find among them drosse enough ; yet must not the office of presbytery , or the function of the ministry , be cast off or abhorred . he that shall examine by right reason , religion , conscience and honor , what some princes , yea some parlaments , have been , and done , as to the persons of men , will find they have been neither gods , nor angels , nor saints , nor saviours alwaies , but poor sinfull men , of common passions and infirmities ; yet , is the honor and use of soveraigne power in princes , and supreme counsel in full and free parlaments , of admirable concern to the publick good . so is it in point of episcopacy ; notwithstanding that many bishops were but men , yet some , yea many , nay i hope the most of them ( especially since the reformation ) were as mortall angels , faithfull pastors and venerable fathers . there are upon account reckoned up by bishop godwin and others . bishops in england and wales , for above . yeares ; of which time some histories remaine , though bishops were long before ; but of these there are some records both before and since the reformation . who will wonder that in so great an harvest , in so large a field , there be found some light , some empty , some blasted eares ? this is certaine , that till these last tempestuous times , bishops in england had given so ample and constant experiments of their prudence , piety , worth and usefulness in all ages and states , for ecclesiasticall and civil affaires , that they did abundantly conciliate and conserve those great measures of love , respect , honour and estate , both publick and private , which their persons and function by law enjoyed : insomuch that as there were no where to be found better bishops , so no where had they better entertainment , before and since the reformation , while they enjoyed the favour of princes and the love of parlaments ; who never heretofore listned to the plebeian envy or petulancy of those who sometime petitioned and prated against bishops and episcopacy , as diotrephes did against st. john. the wisdome , gravity , piety and honor of this nation never thought it worthy of them to overthrow so venerable , so usefull , so ancient , so catholick , so honorable an order , meerly to gratifie the peevishnesse , or passion , or revenge , or discontent , or ambition , or envy of inferiour people or inferiour presbyters ; who were at their best every way , when kept in compasse by wise bishops . no men heretofore , never so much fly-blown with faction , could so far prevaile by their insinuations and agitations , as to have any vote passed in england against episcopacy : all men of learning , gravity and prudence , for these thousand yeares and more , in england , ( as in all christian states ) owned and highly reverenced , as episcopacy in generall , so good bishops , as the chief conduits that had conveyed to them , their fore-father and their children , all christian ministry and ministrations , all christian mysteries and comforts , yea christianity and christ himself . which spirituall , divine , eternall and inestimable blessings , this , as other nations and churches , ever owed , as chiefly to gods mercy , so instrumentally to the hands of bishops , by whose ministry they were taught , by whose authority they had many other ministers duly ordained and sent into the harvest , when it was great , and required many labourers . these in their order assisted , as presbyters , their respective bishops in teaching and governing the church ; but without or against their bishops they never acted , upon any account of parochiall or congregationall pretentions of ministers equality , or peoples immunity and liberty . alas , what ground was there for either of these pretenders in england , when there were no parishes divided ( as now they are ) till the yeare of christ . when honorius an archbishop of canterbury began that way , for the more easie and orderly carrying on of religion among the country-people , who had now generally received the christian faith and baptisme ? till then the pagani or country-people either repaired to their bishops and his clergy in the cities and chief townes where they resided , or they occasionally attended their bishops in their visitations of them , or such presbyters as were sent out by the bishops to officiate among them . there was then no fancy , nor many hundred yeares after , of any petty churches , either of associated presbyters or independent people , without , yea against , the episcopall ordination , inspection and jurisdiction : still bishops and episcopacy were preserved and honored in england . and this not onely by private persons of all ranks and qualities who were considerable for their honesty or devotion , but by our most admired princes , our noblest peers , our wisest parlaments , who did ever keep up the use and honor of episcopacy in england : nor did they ever disdaine to have bishops their assessors and assistants in parlaments , esteeming it a rustick and plebeian temper , to admit men to publick counsel and honors for their valour and estates , and not for their learning and religion ; by which all worthy bishops did as much ennoble themselves in all wise mens esteem ( if they wanted that of blood and descent , which many of them had ) as those who most swelled in the conceit of their great ancestors , who left them great noble estates , but many times ignoble minds , little wits , and lesse honesty or vertue : which hath been the fate of some who have most puffed against episcopacy , and despised those bishops who were in all morall , rationall , religious and reall excellencies not their equalls , but far their betters . what prince was ever more sage in her counsel , or more solemn in her government , more advised in her favours and frownes , than our augusta , queen elizabeth ? what soveraigne ever more reconciled empire and liberty , or held the balances of justice more impartially and more prosperously between all interests and degrees of men , both in church and state , between clergy and laity , nobility and communalty , for neer half an hundred yeares ? in all which time she had no greater blemish , than her yielding sometime too much to the sacrilegious importunities of begging courtiers , who terribly fleeced , and sometimes flayed , the estates of some bishopricks in england and wales ; not so much out of her malice or covetousness , as out of her mistaken munificence . for never any prince did more really , religiously and constantly honor her bishops as fathers in god : one of whom she had for her god-father , namely archbishop cranmer ; another ( i think it was archbishop whitgift ) she called her black husband ; most-what preferring such men to be bishops as were worthiest of her favour , fittest for gods , the churches , and her majesties service . did this wise princesse ever listen to the insinuations , pretentions , petitions and charmes of those men in her daies , who so much importuned and molested the publick peace and patience by their despite against episcopacy , and their scurrility against bishops ? some of them ( possibly ) might be well-meaning men ; but i take the best of them to have been popular and superstitious in this point , others very pragmatick and juvenile : none of them were any great polititians , while they would either have no church-government with any eminency , or wholly reduce it to such a parity as they designed for their ambitions , which would have made themselves and all the clergy ( as at this day ) more divided and despicable , than ever they could have been under bishops , though bishops had had no more power than an high-constable , or a country-justice . besides this , the simplicity of those zealous men in those daies who most maligned episcopacy , and disparaged the church of england , ( having been terribly scared by some popish bishops in queen maries daies , whose sad pictures still frighted them in the book of martyrs , ) did then by their needless divisions , distractions , oppositions and separations , greatly advance the papall interests , as learned mr. cambden wisely observes , writing of the contests between archbishop whitgift and mr. cartwright with his associates ; whose unhappy successors could ( we see ) never carry on their designes now at last , but with the infinite troubles & miseries of this church and state ; by which they have advanced their presbytery in england so little , so not at all , that never any men got so little , or lost so much , by so dear a bargaine , which cost not onely much money , but much blood , many lives , many soules and many sins . after this renowned queen had left episcopacy not onely standing , but fixed and flourishing in england , to the content and happiness of the most and best of her subjects , in court and country , in parlaments and out of them , king james succeeded as supreme governour in church and state. what christian king was ever crowned with more learning , and a larger heart in all knowledge , divine and humane , ecclesiastical and civil ? this prince had been nursed with the milk of presbytery , he had been long dipped and dyed in presbytery ; if any , sure this king might have seen , at least fancied , the beauty that presbytery added either to the reformed religion , or the imperial purple : his education by buchanan , and his castigations by mr. knox and others , might in all probability have much devoted him to presbytery , and prejudiced him against episcopacy ; of which i believe he seldomer heard one good word , than he did faction , treason and rebellion , from those warmer presbyters , who , as his swadling-clouts , so straitly wrapped him up in his minority , that he could hardly fetch his breath with freedom , yea , and in his majority too , when they made themselves as his chains and fetters , to bind princes , as all men , to their good behaviour . yet notwithstanding these presbyterian prepossessions for so many years , did not this great monarch heartily rejoyce , when he came to a church handsomly and honourably governed by learned , grave , orderly and venerable bishops ? ( the onely catholick government of all churches , of which he had read so much , and so much good in the ecclesiastical histories , and nothing of any other ) was it not an infinite content to him , to see himself freed from the vexatious thistles and provoking thornes of some presbyterians in scotland , ( for others were grave and modest men ) that he might enjoy the fair and sweet roses of sharon , such bishops as had ever been the chiefest flowers in the garden of christs church ? was he ever satisfied , untill he had reduced the kirk of scotland from some presbyterian extravagancies , to such episcopal order and constancy as was indeed very excellent , and neerest to the primitive pattern of paternall presidency , fraternal assistance and filial submission ? ( but few people are ever so happy as to know and value their own happiness . ) when this great work was done , of restoring episcopacy to so ancient a church as scotland was , and confirming it in england , contrary to the vain hopes , childish presumptions , and self - flatteries of some popular men , who could never with reason expect that so learned and wise a prince as k. james would exchange the ark of god for dagon , episcopacy for presbytery ; did he not as seriously triumph in the blessed alteration of his ecclesiastical station , as he did to remove his habitation from , and extend his dominion beyond , that hyperborean horrour of scotland , to this southern sweetnesse and amaenity of england ? these things thus well setled as to the order and honour of the church of christ in his dominions , although this king were a prince of most profuse , and indeed prodigious , munificence , ( thinking no epithet became a king lesse ( as tully sayes of deiotarus ) than that of homo frugi , thrifty or illiberall ) yet did he never incline to devour the churches patrimony , to keep the episcopall seates vacant , that he might enjoy the revenues . he once refused the offer of cathedral lands , which some had projected as very feisable , because ( as a grave bishop then suggested to him ) god was twice every day publickly and solemnly worshipped in every cathedrall , and his majesty there publickly prayed for in his greatest necessities : whatever hunger seised his royall appetite in the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) sharpest famine of his exchequer , yet he never , waking or sleeping , thought of confiscating church-lands , or making bishops to be superstitious , or superfluous in the church , because his condition was necessitious . no , whatever failings as a man that prince had , yet , as a king and a christian , he had this justice and generosity , to preserve the honor of bishops , and the rights of the clergy . indeed , as he was the greatest scholar of a king in all the world , so he was as great a patron of good scholars as the world had . nor will those that have most quarrelled the memory and reigne of king james , easily mend the condition of church or state ; which he left in peace , plenty and safety . nor was it so much policy or reason of state , as strength of true reason , and the prevalencies of true religion , which so counterbiassed that kings judgement against presbytery , as a partial popular novelty , or confirmed him in episcopacy , as an apostolick and catholick antiquity ; between which he thought there was no more compare as to church-government , than there is between the majesty of goodly lions and the subtilty of little foxes . after this great pattern of king james , ( whose learned arguments were more prevalent than his arms in religion ) followed his unfortunate son , the last king , who amidst all his reproches and improsperities cannot be denyed this honour , than he seemed not inferiour to any king that ever lived in his regard to the churches ancient order , estate and honour : although few princes ever sustained greater difficulties and necessities as to his estate , yet never any had greater antipathies against what he thought sacriledge , nor a less longing to tast of the priests portion ; which he esteemed sacred , because it was gods , dedicated to him , and so vested in him both by law and conscience , by true divinity and just humanity , that he judged no power on earth could , without manifest sin and robbery , alienate it from god and his church . this made him so zealous not onely to preserve bishops , upon his fathers principles , but their rights and estates also , because he thought them to be gods and his churches ; to maintaine whose right he remembred himself to have sworne in the first place at his coronation , and so was no lesse bound to them than to the rest of the people , as to their civil properties , lawes and priviledges . certainly , however some have denyed this king the title of pater patriae , yet he seemes to have deserved that of filius ecclesiae , both alumnus and patronus , of which he appeared more ambitious than of any earthly glory , or kingdom , or life . for whence , i beseech you before god , angels and men , do you think arose that his princely and christian pertinacy , even to the death , in the point of episcopacy and church-lands ? henry the fourth of france could change the whole scene of his religion from the reformed to the roman , meerly upon reasons of state , dispensing with conscience to preserve his kingdom and his short-liv'd greatnesse ; yet is he cryed up for henry le grand : how much greater is that king to be esteemed , whose consciencious constancy ( which some counted obstinacy ) lessened him to nothing , when to the very last he maintained those sharp agonies , contests and disputes he had as to the interests of the church and episcopacy , which he counted his greatest concerns as to religion , justice and honor ? how did he encounter mr. henderson , mr. marshall , and others , upon this point chiefly ? how indeed did he confound them by scripturall grounds , by ecclesiasticall precedents , by catholick consent , by the sacred , venerable and unanswerable custome of all churches till his daies ? what answers , what offers of moderation and conciliation did he make as to this point of church-government , to the admiration , yea astonishment of his antagonists ? although as to military successes and civil concessions , he yeilded much to an over - powering power ; yet as to this rock of ecclesiasticall affaires , like the ark upon mountaines of ararat , where he rested there he fixed , there he continued rooted , unmoveable , invincible , chusing rather to be dashed in pieces than to renounce his principles , or to move contrary to those conscientious perswasions , for which he thought he had such cleare and valid grounds , such ancient prescriptions , such constant presumptions , that he thought nothing in religion could be safe or certaine , if in this point of church-government the catholick church were not to be believed or imitated in episcopacy . good god! whence should it be that a prince so knowing , so sensible of his dangers , when he saw the presbyterian proposalls , power and interests so pressing upon him , ( for independency , that little stone , was not then cut out of the mountains ) whence had so great a restivenesse and obstinacy seised upon so great a prince , in a posture of so great storms and danger ? which would in all likelihood at first have been appeased , if he would have cast this jonas , episcopacy , over-board , and swallowed the church-lands into the sea of the exchequer . he that could , as to civil and regall concernments , much deny himself , why should he chuse , upon the churches account , to suffer so long a war , so many wounds , so tedious prisons , so sad tragedies living and dying ? for however differences at last were inflamed upon other accounts in the procedure of the war ( which necessarily multiplies offences on the conquered party ) yet certainly the maine propose and motion , first of the scots , and then of the english presbyterians , was this , destroy the temples of episcopacy , and set up the synagogues of presbytery . which any politick prince would speedily have done , at least when he saw so terrible a tempest in present pressing upon him , yea and prevailing against him . what prince was ever so in love with any bishops or any church-men , as to love them better then himself ? which in reason he could not , and in religion he ought not to do , nor would certainly have done so far as he did , if he had not had such perswasions deeply rooted in his conscience , of a justice , gratitude and duty he owed to god , to his saviour , and to the church , more than to the persons of a few clergy-men ; which he solemnly avowed , as in gods presence , to mr. marshall of finchfield in essex , after a long conference at newcastle , as i take it , had with him touching episcopacy , ( as mr. marshall himself soon after told me ) assuring him , and conjuring him to assure others , of his majesties uprightnesse and resolvednesse in this point of episcopacy , as to matter of conscience , and not of state or policy : else , in point of secular advantages , his own peace and preservation , the publick tranquillity , the increase of his revenue by the confiscation of bishops and cathedral-lands , would have amounted to much more benefit than ever he or his could expect from a few bishops , deans and prebends . thus riveted was the kings conscience to episcopacy , unable , upon any terms , till convinced not by arms but arguments , to consent to the utter extirpation of it ; although he offered & condescended to many moderations , which were from him as much in vain , ( for nothing but root and branch would serve ) as all the extirpators allegations to his majesty against episcopacy , to prove it not to have been the primitive , catholick and apostolick government of the church , were in vain : for indeed nothing was produced new ; all were trivial and thred-bare arguments , which had been answered ten times by learned men in this church , and had for ever silenced all sober and modest men , if they had had so great regard to the churches catholick and constant testimony , or to the scripture-rule and apostolick pattern , as indeed they should have had . besides this insuperable difficulty , fortifying episcopacy in his conscience , his majesty no doubt had prejudices enough against presbytery , as to its novelty , its first violent intrusion , his fathers vexation , it s now armed obtrusion upon himself , a soveraign prince and chief governour of church as well as state : to these were added all the former troubles and tragedies in scotland , by the scufflings of presbytery against episcopacy ; besides , he saw the destroyers of episcopacy already divided among themselves , neither presbytery nor independency could agree whose the child should be ; yea , he lived to see presbytery , when it had been set up in the house of god , faln , like dagon , with its hands and head broken off , before the captive ark of episcopacy . mean while his majesty , and all the world at home and abroad , saw the miserable distractions , confusions , luxations and licentiousnesse which brake in daily upon this church for want of that vigor and authority of episcopacy , which had been the great defense , under god , the king and the laws , against those foul and filthy inundations . a state of church-religion and reformation which his majesty saw was at present , and was ever likely to be , far distant from that which was enjoyed in england under his princely predecessors , and in some part of his own reign , when england was filled and overflowed with good christians , good scholars , good presbyters and good bishops ; of which order england ever afforded , and specially since the reformation , so many learned and commendable , yea some rare and admirable instances : insomuch that this church had cause to envie none in the world , ancient or modern , as for other things , so for this , the blessing of excellent bishops , as well as orderly presbyters and sincere christians . indeed no nation for many ages ( if we may feel the temper of any people by the pulse of their parlaments ) either had more cause , or seemed to have more disposition to value , and actually did venerate , its excellent bishops , than england did : yea , i have known those noblemen , gentlemen , ministers and other people , who were , as to some ceremonies , less satisfied or more scrupulous than the church and state was , yet these men how have they commended , how courted , how almost adored such bishops as they thought godly and grave , good preachers and good livers , as well as good governours ? but as to the general sense and vote of the nation , which was audible and legible in its laws and constitutions for above a thousand years , it ever did it self this honour , and its clergy this justice , that no where in any christian or reformed church bishops were more ample , more remarkable , more reverenced , more honoured , even to the highest honour of peerage ; yea the archbishop of canterbury had place next the royal blood , never diminished or degraded by any prince , or by any parlament in any age. nor is it the least of the riddles of providence , how bishops and episcopacy , having so resolute a prince , and so great a king to be their patron and protector , should now in england fall under so great diminution , dejection , yea utter destruction ; considering that there never had been worthier bishops in any time of the church , than have been in england this last century ; nor in any part of that century were there more excellent bishops , than were to be found among them at that very time when all their palaces , with episcopacy , were pull'd down about their ears , and the best of them buried in the dust and rubbidge : by which some men hope that the names , merits and memories of all bishops , and the ancient honour of episcopacy , shall be for ever smothered in obscurity or obloquie , in scorn or oblivion ; whose resurrection , reputation and eternity , as to their deserved honour ▪ and to the publick honour of this church and nation ever since it was christian , and ceased to be either barbarous or unbelieving , i do here endeavour ; which if i cannot recover to life , ●et i have brought these pounds of spice and sweet odours for the enterrement , and leave a fair inscription or epitaph upon the grave-stone or monument of episcopacy , if it must be ever buried in england : an office of piety in a son to his fathers , being my self a person every way as free from suspicion of flattery or partiality , as can well be found , never either injured or obliged by any bishop , as to any publick advantages , further than my ordination as a minister ; which i count a great and holy obligation , because by no other hands , i conceive , i could have lawfully received holy orders in the church of england . free therefore from all biassings either for against the episcopal order , which hath now no sinister temptations attending it , i do affirm that episcopacy could never have fallen into its terrible fits and convulsions , into such excessive and mortal agonies in a worse time , as to the undeserved ruine of so many worthy men ; nor yet in a better time , as to the eminent worth of those bishops , and other church-men of their subordination , who might well have born up the cause and honour , as well as the weight of the contest and ruine of episcopacy . a wise man would wonder how in a full , free and fair hearing , before competent , complete and impartial judges , it was possible for episcopacy ( which was founded and supported by so strong foundations and supports ; to which all churches , all people , all presbyters , all princes , all right reason , all due order , all politick honour , all scriptural patterns and divine precedents gave concurrent ayds , besides the laws and ancient customs of this church and state ) how it should suffer such a rout and reprobation , ( instead of due reformation where ought was amiss , ) when it was able to bring forth such armies at that time in england of learned , grave , godly , venerable and incomparable clergy-men , bishops and others of their perswasion , which like so many heroes and atlasses were capable to have born up the falling skie , if it had not been over-charged with the sins of the nation . doubtless the whole world did not afford in any national church more excellent bishops , or more able divines for any ecclesiastical convocation , synod or council : singly they were mighty men both of stature , vertue and valour , higher by head and shoulders than most of the presbyterian champions ; but socially they had been invincible , if they had not been encountred with the sword , which regarded not the greatness of their learning , or the soundness of their judgements , or the gravity of their ages , or the sanctity of their lives , but jealous of their firmness to episcopacy , presently set up a new assembly , no way representing , because not chosen by , the clergy of england , according to the wonted custom , in which the clergy of england had their priviledges as well as the commons of england , to chuse their deputies , according to law and the kings commission : yet these were to do the journey-work of presbytery as well as they could in broken times , undertaking to directorize , to unliturgize , to catechize , and to disciplinize their brethren , their fathers , their countrymen and their soveraign without any contradiction ; there being none among them that either would , or could , or dared to plead the cause of primitive episcopacy , which had so resolute a patron , and so many able defenders at that time in england , as among the inferiour clergy , so among those of the episcopal degree . among whom we have onely to excuse the indiscretions , frailties , defects or excesses of two or three later bishops , ( who possibly forgat the counsel of phoebus , to use lesse stimulations , and more restrictions . ) do but consider with compassion the great temptations of these bishops , by that favour , place and power they had , besides their native tempers , which might be too quick and passionate , also the scholastick privacy and bluntness of their education , not having taught them so well to dissemble , at least not to moderate their passions ; take all together , it may be their greatest enemies in their place , posture and provocations , would not have been much more moderate and calme than they were . but let these bishops passe , who , as the highest trees , have suffered first and most the battery of the storms raised against bishops . these few were abundantly counterpoised by those many other bishops , both in former and later dayes , whose worth and abilities every way were such , that it is hard to find any of their adversaries in all things equall to them , nor could they have stood before them in the combate , if no weapons but bookes and arguments had been used : certainly some one bishop had been able to have chased an hundred presbyters , these last being seconded by none of the ancients , the first having all antiquity on his side . t is true , i well know , that many of the presbyterian party were men of very fleet pace , of voluble tongues , pregnant parts and plausible appearances , which did very well while they kept their ranks and stations , but yet ( under favour ) they did not any of them attaine to the first three . there were many pounds , yea talents difference , between a spruce lecturer , or a popular preacher , and a wel-studied bishop , whose great learning and experience had made him every way grave and complete : there was as great a distance between some bishops sufficiencies , and the ablest antiepiscopall presbyterian that ever i knew , as there was between their honors and revenues . take them in all latitudes , for writing , speaking and doing ; that i say nothing of their prudentials in governing , wherein bishops drove the chariot tolerably well at all times , sometimes very well , during a thousand yeares and more in england and wales . but the presbyterian wisdom and policy hath not onely overthrown others , but themselves too in a few yeares , together with the unity , order and honor of this nationall church . yea , as to that part of a clergy-man , which is not more popular and plausible than profitable and commendable , when well performed , i meane preaching , no presbyterians exceeded the episcopall clergy , or some bishops , in this particular ; if they preached oftner , yet not better ; no nor oftner , considering the age and infirmities of body which might attend some bishops . nothing was beyond the thunders and lightnings sometime , or the gentle raines and softer dewes otherwhile , which distilled from the tongues of learned , godly and eloquent bishops . how oft have i heard them with equall profit and pleasure ? such apples of gold in pictures of silver , such wholesome fruit in faire dishes , were their sermons , many of which have been printed , and many hundred more never published . doubtless none of the primitive bishops and fathers went beyond ours in england , if we may judge of their preaching by those short and most-what plaine homilies or sermons which we read : few of which were preached before great princes and their courts , as ours oft●were , whose court-sermons , since queen elizabeth began to reigne , if they could be collected together , i doubt not but they would be one of the richest mines or magazines of learning , piety , prudence and eloquence in the world . for those sermons , both for the present majesty of the prince , for the curiosity of the auditory , and for the abilities of the orator , were the quintessence or spirits of many sermons and much study , commonly as much beyond ordinary preachments , as orientall pearles are beyond the scotch pallors of those jewels . not but that it is the commendation of ordinary ministers to preach plainly , yet powerfully , to ordinary hearers , so as may most profit them . for he is the best archer , not who shootes highest or furthest , but neerest and surest as to that mark at which he is to aime , which in preaching must be the saving of soules , not pleasing mens eares . nor did the others preach lesse honestly or usefully , because more elaborately , at court , considering the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) nauseous wantonnesse , of most courtiers , and their curious expectation , who needed as much as they expected , sermons that savoured , not onely of the lips and lungs , but of the heart and head too . for court-hearers will never get profit unless the preacher take paines . and queen elizabeth very smartly once said , when she heard a warme and earnest , but a very plaine and easie country-preacher , who was brought to preach before her in her progresse by some of those courtiers who then seemed to favour the nonconformists , she that had been wonted to drink strong-waters rarely distilled and compounded of many excellent spirits , which were very cordiall in lesser quantities , did not wel relish any drink that was very smal , though it seemed scalding hot : which is rather a culinary than a celestiall heat in preaching , whose true warmth lies in the weight of the matter , not in the noise or heat of the speaker . i am not ignorant that some of our later bishops fell under great obloquy and odium among many people , specially the last archbishop of canterbury , who being a man naturally active , quick , rough and cholerick enough , lesse benigne and obliging than was expected from him , had brought upon himself so great a weight of envy , jealousie and disdain , that there was no standing before it : when once he was left to stand by himself , he was easily over-run by a multitude , being but low of stature , of no promising , winning or over-awing presence . as for his politick or civil demeanours , upon which account he suffered death , i have nothing to do with them in this place , both he and his judges are to be judged by the lord. as to his religion , i shall afterward expresse my sense whether he were popish or not . but first i would a little consider that suddaine cloud which covered the face of many of our brightest bishops at once , confining them to prisons , who were esteemed persons of great candor , prudence and moderation ; yet was their discretion much called into question , when twelve of them were snared and twice committed , most of them to the tower , for a remonstrance or protestation which they made in order to assert their ancient and undoubted priviledge , to sit as peeres in the house of lords , to which they had by writs been summoned . some state-criticks thought they forgat what became their yeares , their wisdome , their dependance , and the distempers of the times . my answer is , possibly those goodmen might , through discontent and indignation at the vile and vulgar indignities they suffered , ( even a parlament now sitting , of which they were members ) pen the form of their intended plea lesse conveniently ; passion being an ill counsellour or dictator to the wisest men : yet , i believe , few of their severest censurers would have been more cautious in their expressions , if they had been under the like tumultuary terrors and insolencies , which , repeated and unremedied , were capable to provoke men of very meek spirits and mortified passions to speak or write unadvisedly , as moses himself did in a case of lesse personall provocation than at other times he had given him from the petulancy of people . nothing scares sober men more than to be destroyed by vermine , as that brave man simon of sudbury , archbishop of canterbury , was , whom the rabble at seven or eight blowes hacked in pieces . a valiant man will not cry out for assistance when he is to encounter with his match ; but if many beasts of the people unprovoked run upon him , he may without cowardise call for succour where he thinks it may be had . such was the case of those bishops at that time , when they not onely fancied , but actually found , promiscuous and rude heapes of people , not onely threatning , but offering indignities to their persons as well as to their place and function ; through whose sides they saw the malice and insolency of such riotous reformers sought to strike at the whole frame and constitution of the church of england , which they , as all good men , had great cause to value more than their lives , if they might lay them down in an orderly & deliberate way , not in a tumultuary and confused fashion . whatever miscarriage those bishops were guilty of in that particular , yet i am sure it was somewhat excusable by the greater misdemeanor of those who gave them occasion so to complaine : nor doth it any way blemish that excellency which in their more calme and composed actions they did discover , worthy of themselves and their predecessors ; to whom erasmus long agoe , in archbishop warhams daies , gave this commendation , that england of all churches had learned bishops . i will not go beyond the reformation of religion to find worthy bishops in england ; it may suffice ( here ) to register some of the well-known names of them , which possibly the vulgar never heard of , though men of reading and breeding cannot be ignorant of them . what was more gentle , ingenuous and honest-hearted than archbishop cranmer , whose native facility made him in rough times lesse fixed , till he came to be tyed to the stake of martyrdome ? where he took a severe revenge on his inconstancy , by burning his right hand first , but his sincere , though fraile , heart was unburned amidst his ashes . what was more down-right good than bishop latimer , who joyed to sacrifice his now decrepit body upon so holy an account as the truth of christ ? what was more holy than bishop hooper , or more resolute than bishop ridley ? what more severely , yea morosely good than bishop farrar ? all of them martyrs for true religion , by whose fires it was fully refined from the romane idolatry , drosse and superstition . this foundation laid by such gracious and glorious martyr - bishops in england , god was pleased to build a superstructure worthy of it in other most worthy bishops , even to our daies . time would faile me to give every one of them their just character . it may suffice to place an asterisk of honor to some of their names . what man had more christian gravity than archbishop parker ? who had more humble piety than archbishop grindall ? who more christian candor , courage and charity than archbishop whitgift ? who overcame his enemies by wel-doing and patience , deservedly using that triumphant christian motto , vincit qui patitur . who had more of pious prudence and commendable policy than archbishop bancroft , who did many ministers good that never thanked him for it ? who had more of an honorable gravity and all vertues than archbishop abbot ? to whom i may joyne his brother bishop of salisbury . all these were as chief of the fathers , metropolitanes of canterbury , primates of all england , as to ecclesiasticall order and jurisdiction , according to the ancient pattern of the church of christ in all ages and places . nor were the archbishops of york inferiour to them , such as sandes , hutton , matthewes and others ; men of great and good spirits , learned , industrious , hospitable , charitable ; good preachers , good livers , and good governours . after these came those other bishops , who were equal to them in gifts , graces and episcopal power , but so far inferior to them in precedency and some jurisdiction , as the good order and polity of the church required . no age or history of the church can shew in any one century a more goodly company of bishops , than here i could reckon up . to omit many that were worthy of honourable remembrance , who had been some of them confessors and sufferers , others constant professors of the true reformed religion ; these i may not smother in silence without sacriledge , robbing god of his glory , this church of its honour , and these bishops of their deserved praises ; most of whose works do yet speak for them , and loudly upbraid the ingratitude of those that cast dead flies of indignities upon such bishops , whose names are as a pretious oyntment poured out . what was ever more pretious , more resplendent in any church , than bishop jewel , for learning , for judgement , for modesty , for humility , for all christian gifts and graces ? what one or many presbyters ever deserved so well of this church and the reformed religion , as this one bishop did , whom god used as a chosen arrow against the face of the enemies of this church and the reformed religion ? what man had more of the majesty of goodnesse and beauty of holinesse than bishop king ? who was more venerable than bishop cooper , though much molested by factious and unquiet spirits ? who had more ampleness and compleateness for a good man , a good christian , a good scholar , a good preacher , a good bishop , than bishop andrews , a man of an astonishing excellency both at home and abroad ? how shall i sufficiently express the learned and holy elegancie of bishop lake , whose sermons are so many rare gems ? or the holy industry and modest piety of bishop babington ? or the nobleness , by grace , by gifts , by birth and by life , of bishop montacute ? how acutely profound are the disputes and decisions of bishop white ? how full of equanimity & moderation was bishop overall ? how clear , compendious and exact was bishop davenant ? how fragrant and florid are the writings , as ●●s the life , of bishop field , whose labours god did bless with the dew of heaven , he long agoe asserting the honour of this church by an unanswerable vindication ? what can be more beautiful for learning , judgement and integrity than bishop bilson , whose excellent works if some in england had more studied , they had not so easily opposed the perpetual government of the church , which he proves to be episcopacy ? was there any man more saintly than bishop felton , who had been a good patron to some ministers that since have helped to destroy his order ? what could be more devout and thankful to god than bishop carleton , who hath erected a fair pillar of gratitude for the remembrance of gods mercies to this church and state ? how commendable for ever will the learned industry of bishop godwin appear to impartial posterity , who hath with equal fidelity , diligence and eloquence preserved the history of our english bishops for above a thousand yeares from oblivion ? nothing was beyond the couragious and consciencious freedom of bishop sinhouse , whose eloquent tongue and honest heart were capable to over-awe a court , and to make courtiers modest . adde to all these the famous bishop hall , who had in him all that was desirable in an excellent bishop , for learning , meekness , patience , peaceableness : his eloquence both in speaking and writing was transcendent , yet the least of his excellencies . lest any rust or soyl should grow upon so great graces and abilities , he was ( among other bishops ) polished by the grindstones and roughnesse of these times ; yea , there wanted not to his dying day some men , who gave him a greater lustre by their insolencies . who had ever more of the dove and lesse of the serpent then bishop potter , a man severely good , and conscienciously , not factiously , scrupulous in some things , but not as to episcopacy ? what shall i speak of the meekness and tender-heartedness of bishop west field , who frequently softned his auditors hearts , not onely with his excellent sermons , but his unaffected tears ? yet was he forc'd among other bishops to lye down in sorrow , though no doubt he now reaps in joy . nothing was more mild , modest and humble , yet learned , eloquent and honest , than bishop winniffe . i conclude this goodly regiment of church-colonels , of ecclesiastical rulers , of venerable bishops , with bishop prideaux , who was a miscellany or encyclopaedy of all learning : after he had by many years diligence honoured the divinity-professors chair , and the university of oxford , together with the nation , by his vast pains , and was deservedly made a bishop , ( though somewhat too late ) he was at last so squeezed to nothing by the iron hand of our times , that he had nothing left to maintain himself and his children , but dying bequeathed them piety and poverty as their legacy . may we not cry out , as he did of old , bone deus , &c. blessed god , to what times hast thou reserved us ? what terrors hast thou shewed us ? if it be thus done in the fruitful , sound and green trees , what will be done with those that are hollow , barren and rotten , dry , twice dead , and pulled up by the rootes ? all these heroes of learning and religion , these renowned bishops , the honor of episcopacy , the glory of this church , the just boasting of this nation , ( together with many others ) have , some long since , some of late , dyed in the lord , and are at rest from the sore labour and travells they in the evening of their lives met with under the sun. many of them were exhausted , distressed , despised , destroyed , as to all worldly enjoyments ; yet not miserable , not so afflicted as to be forsaken of god , or despairing of gods mercies , though they found little from man. nor is the english world , heretofore so full , so famous , so flourishing with rare bishops , as yet so drained , but there are some such left as are worthy to bring on the reare , and close up this gallant troop of gowned generals and mitred commanders . if i might without offence to the modesty and gravity of such bishops as are yet living and best known to me , i would tell the erring and ingratefull age , that , as it was said of gonsalvo , whom guicciardine calls the great captaine , an age is scarce able to breed or match such a scholar , such a writer , such a bishop as bishop morton is . a most illustrious and invaluable jewell , yet shut up now in a little box ; a great and rich vessel driven in his old age to a small harbour , where his safety is tenuity and obscurity . nor may i give a lesse tender touch of dr. juxon , whose modesty , fidelity and exactness was such , that when he bare the great envy of being at once a lord bishop of london and lord treasurer of england , yet he never had blame for either of them : his government as a bishop was gentle , benigne , paternal ; his managing of the treasury was such , that he served his prince faithfully , satisfied all his friends , and silenced all his enemies , of which he had enough as a bishop , though as a man he was so meek and inoffensive , that i think he could contract no enmities with any . some men wished they might have oftner heard him preach , and truly i was one of those ; not onely because preaching was so much in fashion at london , but because that city needed good preaching , and was to be much taken by it . nor could any preacher in my judgement exceed the bishop of london . i confesse i never heard any man with more pleasure and profit , so much he had of paul and apollos , of a learned plainenesse and a usefull elaboratenesse : when he preached of mortification , of repentance , and other christian practicks , he did it with such a stroke of unaffected eloquence , of potent demonstration and irresistible conviction , that few agrippa's , or festus's , or felixe's that heard , but must needs for the time and fit be almost perswaded to be penitent and mortified christians . i will yet be so modestly and honestly impudent , as to mention two or three bishops yet living , not because i know them , but because they are worthy to be known , loved and honored by all good men . such as dr. duppa the bishop of salisbury , a person of singular prudence and piety , equally grave and good , learned and religious , so eminent in many things , that he is worthy to be not onely a tutor to a prince , but a counsellour to a king , and no lesse to be a bishop in the church of christ. next i crave leave to mention bishop king , of whom i need say no more , but that i think him a son worthy of such a father . i cannot forbeare to conclude all with a mighty man , dr. brownrig bishop of excester , whose name and presence was once very venerable to many ministers , while they were orderly presbyters ; now he is a dread and terror to them , since they are become presbyterians or independents , such grassehoppers they seem in their own eyes in comparison of his puissance , who so filled the doctors chaire in cambridge , and the pulpit in place where he lived , and had filled his diocese , had he been permitted to do the office of a bishop , that it would have been hard to have routed episcopacy , if he had sooner stood in the gap , being justly esteemed among the giantly or chiefest worthies of this age for a scholar , an orator , a preacher , a divine , and a prudent governour ; so much mildnesse there is mixed with majesty , and so much generosity with gentleness . but i earnestly beg his lordships and the others pardon , since the iniquity of the times have compelled me thus far to transgresse , as to commend such persons yet living , who though most commendable , yet are in nothing more than this , that they are more pleased to deserve , than to heare their just commendation ; the best consciences being alwaies attended with the most tender , modest and blushing foreheads . but i will trespasse no further . chap. xxiii . but thus far i have set forth the worth of some ( i am sure ) of our english bishops , even in those dayes which damned them all , that the world may see upon what mens heads the total ruine of episcopacy and all cathedral churches have faln ; how there wanted not many good bishops then , when worse and harder measure befell them and their order than since england was christian . indeed many , yea most of our bishops were as noahs , sems and japhets ; yet have all these been drowned in the presbyterian deluge . even these made up the so odious , so unpopular , so decryed bishops in england . the pest and contagion of whose fate as it came first from scotland , ( where ( no doubt ) there were many bishops of equal vertues , though inferiour revenues to the worthy and well-known dr. spotswood archbishop of st. andrews , and lord chancellour of scotland ) so it reached to ireland , where there wanted not bishops worthy of the fraternity of bishop usher , bishop bedel and bishop bramhal , all cruelly persecuted first by papists , and after by antipapists though persons of the highest form for all excellencies , yet must all these be destroyed & their whole order , with the destruction of sodom . although more than ten righteous bishops , i am sure , were to be found in each of these british churches , yet all must be routed , all rooted up , as guilty of the unpardonable sin of prelacy ; a new sin , and unheard of in the church of christ , but now to be put into the black catalogue of scandalous sins , when heresie , schism , sacriledge and sedition must be left out . these , these and such like bishops are the men whose fate i passionately pitty ; men famous in their generation , either for solid preaching , or weighty writing , or grave counselling , or holy living , or prudent governing , or charitable giving ( all of them for some , and some of them for all these excellencies . ) these are made the most unsound , the most infamous and superfluous parts of this body politick and ecclesiastick ; these must be , one and all , represented to vulgar simplicity and scurrility as the popes , the antichrists , the bite-sheeps , the oppressors , the tyrants , the greedy and dumb dogs , the cretians , the slow-bellies , the devourers , the destroyers of all godliness and true religion . these foule glosses , first made by martin mar-prelate of old against episcopacy and the bishops of england , are now set forth in a new and second edition , with larger notes and exquisite commentaries upon them , intimating that these are the men who have by their learned , grave and godly misdemeanours , as bishops , forfeited ( not by any law , but by absolute will and pleasure , meerly as bishops ) all their houses and revenues , all their honors and preferments , yea their good name and reputation , which by law and desert they had obtained and enjoyed , yea all the ancient dignity , apostolick authority and constant succession of their place and function in the church ; which had not more of eminency than of necessity , nor more of necessity than of primitive and catholick antiquity . for the reall faults of some , and the imaginary of other bishops ( whose name was their onely crime ) must all ages after them be for ever punished with the want of such grave , learned , godly and venerable bishops , as have been destroyed , ( for better cannot be had or desired : ) and posterity must be ever exposed in these british churches to all those factions , fedities , divisions , disorders and confusions , which follow the want of due episcopal order and government in the church . but bishops ( qua tales ) were enemies to the power of godlinesse : the worst of them and the best of them were men too much devoted to empty formes of religion ; they urged ceremonies so far as to neglect substances , straining at gnats and swallowing camels ; they justled out preaching by catechizing , and over-layed ministers private prayers by their long liturgies ; they did not kindle , but quench , damp and resist that spirit of zeal and reformation which for many years hath burned in the breasts of many godly christians , by whose flamings and refinings at last all bishops , as drosse , with all their ornaments and adherents , have been justly consumed . i confesse i cannot tell how to answer for all the actions and expressions of every bishop ; they were of age , and able to have answered for themselves , if any of them as offendors of our lawes had been brought to plead for themselves , which not one of them was , as to ecclesiasticall matters , that i ever heard of ; for the weight of the archbishops charge was chiefly upon civil or secular affaires . who knowes not that bishops were but men ? that if left to their private spirits and single counsels , they might as easily over or under-do , as their adversaries have done , beyond or short of what becomes wise and good men ? the greatest blame that i perceive among any of them , was , that they would injoyne , or exact , or remit any thing as to publick order , discipline and government of the church , without a joynt agreement and uniformity among themselves , according to what the law allowed or commanded . this fraternall concurrence and mutuall correspondence had been worthy of grave , wise and learned men : for all private fancies obtruded by any one or two bishops in so tender a case as religion is , and upon so touchy a people as the english now are , do but breed variety , this differences , these disputes , these dissentions , these despites , these oppositions , these breed confusions . all the actions and injunctions , all the articles and disquisitions of bishops as such , should have been as exactly consonant and uniforme as possibly could be . but as to the crimination , that bishops , like hernshaws , abounded in the wing and feather of ceremony , but had little substance or body as to the power of godlinesse : first , scripture and christs example teach us , that decent and apt ceremonies , publick or private , are not in their nature enemies , but helps , to the power of godlinesse ; as putting off all ornaments , eating the bread of sorrow , putting on sackcloth and ashes , fasting , weeping , smiting the breast , bowing , kneeling , prostrating to the ground , being all night in solitude and darkness , lying in the dust , &c. all these were and are helps to an humble , broken , contrite , penitent and devout temper of soul. contrary , company , wine and oyle , singing and musick , dancing , discourse and laughter , were and are helps to holy joy and thankful jubilations ; so are lifting up the eyes and hands to heaven , sighing and groning , to fervency of prayer and praises . it is but a rude , affected and fanatick imagination of clownish christians , that decent ceremonies of religion , wisely appointed in any church , or fitly applied by any private christian in his private devotions , these cannot stand , but the substance and sincerity of godliness must fall ; that there can be no forms of godlinesse , but the power of it must vanish or be banished . they may as well imagine , that they cannot put on their clothes , or dresse themselves handsomly , but they must presently cease to be wise men , or honest men and good women , but must turn either spectres or dishonest . do we not find that many such christians , who have of later years cast off all the former decent and wholesome formes of godliness , ( either by profaneness , or preciseness , or peevishness , or faction , or atheism , or superstition ) are most apparently now removed from the real power of godlinesse , which mortifies all inordinate lusts , moderates all passions , brings the thoughts , words and deeds of christians to the exact conformity of true holiness , justice and charity ? who are more vain bablers and endless janglers , who more unholy , unjust , uncharitable , unmerciful , implacable , immoderate in their passions , presumptions and revenges , than many of those who have most stript themselves , as to their religion , of their clothes and coverings , that they may prophesie with saul quaking and naked , enjoying what immodest and insolent freedoms they list to use and call christian liberties and simplicities ? certainly , the power of godlinesse is most seen , when men having most power in their hand to do good or evil , do chuse the good and refuse the evil . no men were more gracious and spirituall , none did more good , than many of the bishops of england in their prosperity , both publickly and privately ; yea no men have suffered more evil in their adversity with more silence and patience . they onely once cryed out , when they durst not go to the parlament by land , and going by water , they were , with st. stephen , assaulted on the shore with a showre of stones , and could not land with safety of their lifes : since that time , though fleeced and flayed , yet they have held their peace under the shearers hands , both singly and socially , as far as ever i have heard or read . it is no great sign of the power of godlinesse , that men can endure no power , civil or ecclesiastick , but in their own hands , and think no power is of god which other men lawfully enjoy . since bishops , and episcopacy , and liturgy , and ceremonies , and constant catechizings , and all uniform celebration of sacraments are discarded ; since nothing but ministers private breasts and brains must serve the church , with their formed or informed , constant or extemporary conceptions , praying , and preaching , and celebrating ; is the power of godlinesse , as to true grace , or the fruits of the spirit , much advanced ? is there more constant hearing of sound doctrine ? is there more of sober and setled knowledge ? is there more modesty , humility , equity , charity , obedience , unity , proficiency , patience , love and fear of god , or reverence of man , or conscience of duty to both , than was formerly ? if these antiepiscopal men ( who so much pretend to the bare sword of the spirit , that they scorn to wear any scabbard of form or ceremony ) have with saul utterly destroyed the amalekites of immorality and hypocrisie , what means the bleating , crying , complaining , biting and devouring of one another which are among us ? what mean the factions , divisions , envies , animosities among both ministers and people ? what means the contempt of the word of god , of all publick duties , and of the best ministers , who are most able , most humble , and most constant ? what means the uncatechisedness , the sottishness , profaneness , impudence and irreligion which are so much spreading and prevailing ? how many rich and poor people neither have , nor care for , any preachers at all ? no sermons , no prayers , no catechises , no sacraments , no morals , no civilities almost are left among them . all the religion of many is resolved into disputing and denying tithes , into paying their taxes , into the fear of souldiers , the sword and laws , the prisons and gallowses or men ; lastly , into enjoying what liberties or loosness in religion they fancy best , as far and as long as they list . but are there , in earnest , generally more or better scholars , or ministers , or christians , now than there were under bishops ? i trow not ; scarce the half part for number , & scarce the half part so able for learning as they were heretofore : as our timber for great oaks , so our ministry in england for grave divines , is much wasted . whatever the matter was and is , i am sure , if it was not the wisdom and piety of bishops , it was the undeserved blessing of god , that made the power of godlinesse , in sound knowledge , humility , faith , repentance , love of god , justice and charity to men , in unity amongst christians , in good lives and good works , appear much more to me and others under episcopacy , than ever it hath done since its dissolution . undoubtedly , true religion , both as to its profession and power , as christian and as reformed , as opposite to profaneness and to popish superstition , did , among the generality of the nation , both nobility , gentry and commons , thrive better when it fed on the pults and water ( as some esteemed of the liturgy , good catechizing , sound preaching , frequent communicating , and orderly governing under bishops ) than since it hath fed of other mens dainties , who left a lean church and clergy , while they have been filled with kings and bishops portions . the garden of christs church was much safer and better among those ceremonious briars and thorns ( as some count them , yet good senses of religious order and honour ) under episcopacy , than since it hath been laid so open and wilde , without ancient boundaries or defences . alas , poor ministers ( even all upon the point ) have no authority among the common-people , but what is precarious and despicable , which people contemn , cast and kick off as they list , unless so far as a souldier may perchance smile upon a preacher . but to avoid these just ironies and retorted sarcasmes , the more grave and modest antiepiscopall spirits do now professe , that their fierce wrath was intended onely against such prelates as were indeed persecutors , proud , idle , superstitious , imperious , luxurious , court-complyers and flatterers , &c. i reply , first as to persecution , first , many bishops were blamed as too remisse and indulgent by some of their own order who drove more furiously . secondly , all were not equally such persecutors in their enemies sense ; yet all of them equally complaine of being no lesse persecuted . for their court-complying , they had been very ingratefull men , if they had not owned with all loyall respect and service the fountaine of their honor and estates ; yet good men could not love their king without loving their country , nor their country without their king ; which all godly and honest bishops did : if any others did not , why did not justice separate between the good and the bad , the precious and the vile ? why should good bishops , yea and good episcopacy it self , suffer ? as abraham said to god , gen. . . so doth god say to every good mans conscience , far be it from thee to destroy the righteous with the wicked . why should not all presbyters , yea & presbytery it self , as well suffer a finall and totall extirpation , ( which some men have designed and desired ) since ( no doubt ) there were and now are many , yea as many , nay more for the number , of insufficient preachers and unworthy presbyters , as there were of bishops ; and few , if any of them , so able , so worthy , so well-deserving of the publick , both church and state , as some bishops were ? why should presbytery be preserved alive , and episcopacy , which is the elder , be slaine ? since episcopacy in all ages hath preserved presbytery , why should presbytery ingratefully extirpate episcopacy ? was it not because episcopacy was fatter than presbytery , or had a better fleece , and therefore was fitter for a sacrifice ? o no ; but presbytery ( they say ) is a plant of jesus christs , which episcopacy is not ; and therefore to be weeded out . truly , it may as well be said by the partiall presbyterian , that the seventy disciples were of jesus christs appointment , but the twelve apostles were not ; that god created the lesser stars and planets , but not the sun and moon ; that god made people , but not princes ; that he formed the feet and hands , but not the eyes and heads of naturall bodies . this is the great question , which is not to be thus begged or supposed , but should have been solidly proved , before judgement had been so severely passed against episcopacy : we should have seen the time and place , when and where episcopacy usurped , when and where presbyters ruled , in this or any church , by way of parity , without any bishop , president or apostle above them . the constant streame of this jordan , which hath flowed from the first springs and fountaines of christianity , ever flowing and over-flowing in the catholick church , this should have been miraculously divided , before that presbytery should have boasted of its passing over dry-shod , and of its drowning all bishops and all episcopacy ( as the egyptians ) in a red sea , between the returnings and closings of the waters of independency and presbytery . whenas it is well known , even by their own confessions that have any graines of learning in them , that presbyters were ever as cyphers in all churches , insignificant as to church-government , without bishops being set over them and before them , as capitall figures . bishops were ever esteemed as the chief captaines of the lords host in this militant state , principall stewards of christs house-hold , head-shepherds of his flock , the ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) first-ordained and first-ordainers of the evangelicall ministry , the first consecrators and distributers of all sacred mysteries , the prime conservators and actors of all ecclesiasticall authority : these were in all ages , next the scriptures , the churches chiefest-oracles and interpreters ; these were the grand divines in all times and places , not superficially armed with light armour , onely for the preaching or homilisticall flourishes of a pulpit , but with the weighty and complete armour of veterane and valiant souldiers , who were to stand in the fore-front of the lords battailes , to receive the first charge and impressions from the churches enemies of their force , cunning and malice ; these were the fairest transcripts or copies of apostolicall mission and evangelicall commission ; these were the great magazins of sound and vast learning ; these the centers , refuges , sanctuaries & succour of both ministers and people in all churches ; these gave , as holy orders to presbyters and deacons , so decent ceremonies to all the church , also fatherly counsels and friendly incouragements to all worthy ministers , when young and novices , weak and defective , when fearfull and dejected ; these gave vigour and authority to that discipline which was necessary to punish and repress scandalous livers ; these , these worthy bishops ( such as we had good store in england , even now at the last cast ) were the chariots and horse-men of israel ; these alwaies ( by the help of god ) recovered the ark of god , after the philistines had taken it ; these recollected the flocks of christ , after they had been worried and scattered by grievous wolves and foxes ; being persons of more publick influence , of more eminent example , of larger hearts and greater spirits ( commonly ) than most or any private ministers ; most mens spirits shrinking with the tenuity of their place and condition , and enlarging with the ampleness of them : god usually giving of that spirit of government and authority to those that are placed justly in it , as he did to moses , aaron , joshua , saul , david , samuel and others , both princes and prelates , judges and magistrates , who but equal ( it may be ) to inferiour persons in sanctifying gifts and graces , ( as the bishops of england might be to the many godly presbyters ) yet in this they exceeded them , not because placed above them in worldly place and secular honour , but because they , from the apostles pattern , were particularly appointed and commissioned by the church of christ , and so fitted to execute those eminent offices of church-government in ordination and jurisdiction , beyond what was ever given to any presbyters without their bishops . having then such a cloud of witnesses both at home and abroad , of former and latter times , by which to justifie the deserved eminency of episcopacy , and to condemn the insolency of presbytery , i cannot forbear with st. paul to demand in the behalf of our worthy english bishops , who have been so distrusted , so discountenanced , so dejected , so despised , so desolated , so depressed . wherein did they come short of the very best of those presbyters , ( who were known sufficiently to my self ) who h●●e so studiously sought their ruine , and so ambitiously usurped against them ? were presbyters good preachers ? so were bishops . were presbyters able writers ? bishops were more . were presbyters zealous opposers of popery ? so were bishops . were presbyters devout men ? so were bishops . were presbyters unblameable livers ? so were bishops . were presbyters martyrs and confessors ? so were bishops . were presbyters instruments for a just and orderly reformation of religion ? bishops were more . were presbyters useful to church and state , by word and example , in their petty parishes ? bishops were more in their primitive parishes or larger dioceses , which were long known and of force in the church of christ , before lesser parishes were in use or in being . were presbyters hospitable and charitable , ( without which all religion , faith and fervency is nothing ? ) bishops were more ; equal in their affections , beyond them in their liberalities as much as their revenues . are presbyters that were able , faithful , humble and orderly , gone to heaven ? so ( no doubt , through gods mercy ) are those holy bishops who have been cast upon dunghills , as lazarus and job , by the cacozelotry of some men in our times , who have so much houted and outed , despised and destroyed them . many presbyters have done well and learnedly , but many bishops have exceeded them all ; who were so far from losing or abating the gifts and graces they had when but presbyters , that they increased them and improved them when made bishops , above other presbyters , who were then at their best , when they most kept within that place and station in which god , and the church , and the laws , and their own proportions had set them , in an holy and humble , a rational and religious , a pious and prudent subordination to their respective bishops , as their lawful superiours and reverend fathers , whose names are , and ever will be , pretious to all those that understand what belongs to excellent learning , to eminent vertue , to christian courage , to admirable patience , to what is primitive , catholick and complete in the order , honour , polity , government and happiness of the church of christ . no learned or worthy writer , forreign or domestick , who can fly above the parasitisme of popular pamphlets , ( which will soon be condemned to chandlers shops , to ovens and to privies ) no pen ( i say ) that hath any genius of learning , life and honor in it , will blot its paper , or blunt it self , with the names of those that have been or are the unjust , malicious and implacable enemies , the insolent despisers and injurious destroyers of such primitive bishops , and such primitive episcopacy , as these british churches plentifully afforded . but every worthy author will be ambitious to adorne his works , and enamel his historie , with the illustrious names of such meritorious bishops , who have not onely been worthy doers , but unworthily , yet worthy , sufferers , very patiently though very undeservedly ; knowing , with paulinus bishop of nola , how to lose all things but god and a good conscience , which are the true honor and eternal treasures of good christians . if the most of , or all our bishops had been vile men , and fit to be destroyed , why was not their wickedness and unworthiness publickly and personally charged ? why were they not legally summoned , accused , tried , witnessed against , convinced , condemned ? might not many , yea most of our bishops have said in their proportion as our blessed saviour , who is it that can accuse me of sin ? what evill have i done ? for which of my good works , in preaching , praying , writing , giving , living , do you stone me , or seek to destroy me and my function ? they were neither evil men , nor evil christians , nor evil preachers , nor evil bishops ; yet nothing must be left them , but the grace and opportunity to suffer ( not as evil doers , but ) as became learned , grave and good men . which episcopall glory and christian grace they have in an high degree attained , many of them saying with more truth than the stoicks were wont ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) i have lost nothing that was mine , yet i have all that is worth having ; notwithstanding that they were deprived of all their ecclesiasticall estates , not allowed , according to the mercy of henry the eighth to monks and friers , to nuns and votaries , ( which were grown the superfluous leeches and wens of the nation ) any pension during their lives . some bishops could never get the arreares due to them before the dreadfull act of dissolution : many of them were spoyled , as of other goods , so of their good libraries ; where their best company , faithfullest friends , and surest comforters were to be found amidst those afflictions , desertions and solitudes , which they were sure to meet with both from foes and friends ; most men being friends to mens fortunes , not to their persons or vertues . with these dark foiles and deep shadowes hath the brightnesse of our best bishops been set off to after-ages . o what admiration , what astonishment , what horror will there be , when impartiall posterity shall read , together with their excellent writings , the plentifull poverties , the illustrious obscurities , the honorable contempts , with which the excellent bishops of these british churches have been at last rewarded ; even then when indefatigable studies , incomparable endowments and holy improvements , had both fitted them for and preferred them to those honorable imployments , rewards and encouragements , which they lawfully obtained and worthily enjoyed ! being persons for their graces and gifts , for their learning and judgement , for their gravity and prudence , much more worthy ( if god had seen fit ) to have been continued in their golden candlesticks , and to have shined to their last in this church , than to have been so shut up in dark lanternes , or to be put under such bushels as not onely hide , but quite extinguish their personall and publick lustre ; so burying , as much as may be , while they are yet alive , their excellent abilities , which did not consist onely in good preaching , but also wise governing their churches , in keeping both ministers and people in good order and unity , in being not onely monitors and fatherly correctors , but refuges and defences to their clergy and others , as fathers to sons , in ordaining and incouraging able ministers , in continuing a catholick succession of a complete and apostolick ministry to this as all other ancient and renowned churches , in preventing that great scandall and schisme ( to the papists ( now ) most desired and welcome ) which is and will ever hereafter be imputed to us with unanswerable reproches , while , by apostatizing from primitive episcopacy , we do not so much forsake the romane party , ( which in this point , as in many others , is orthodox and sound ) as the catholick church , and that authoritative order which began with christianity , and ought as much as may be in providence for ever to continue with it . an ordained ministry , a right government , and good order in the church , being ( as i have demonstrated ) no lesse necessary for the churches well-being , than the word and sacraments are for the being or beginning of it . religion and christian churches soon moulder to nothing , where there is not an indisputable , authoritative and complete ministry . nor is this to be ( ordinarily ) had without episcopacy ; least of all with the violent and undeserved extirpation of episcopacy , if we will follow the judgement , custome and practise of all christian churches from the beginning , rather than modern novellers , who will never be able to make up the breaches , or to patch up the rents , which they have either rashly or unnecessarily made in this particular , not from the roman onely , but indeed from the christian and catholick patterne , to which the reformation of the church of england studied exactly to conforme , as in other things , so in the point of episcopacy , untill the fatall fury of these later times : which is the more unexcusable , because no church in the world had lesse cause either to complaine of , or to reject , its bishops or episcopacy ; for certainly no church since the apostles daies was ever more flourishing under episcopacy ( for other government was not known till of late ) nor had any reformed church either more worthy bishops , for the most part of them , or more able ministers , even at that time when all bishops , with their order and succession , were devoted to utter destruction . not that i here forget how some bishops in england were under very great jealousies , as if they were popishly affected and inclined , as if they were under-hand factors for rome , and secret traitors to the reformed religion : thus most ( if not all ) of them were censured by some men of very sharp noses and severe tongues , yea and condemned before they were tryed , for superstitious and super-ceremonious prelates . hence that popular odium and indignity of joyning prelacy and popery together : which sarcasm and reproch , i confess , ought by all wise bishops and other ministers to have been seriously avoided , so as no way justly to deserve any such suspicion , taunt or proverb ; there being nothing less advancing , or more diminishing , the true respect and honour of christian ministers and reformed bishops , than unworthily to comply with or conform to the bishop and church of rome , in those things where the distance is as just and necessary as it is great , and grounded on gods word , being founded upon that eternal distance which is and ever will be between light and darknesse , truth and falshood , error and sound doctrine , between the institutions of christ and the sacrilegious inventions of men , between the infallible rule and oracles of gods word in the scripture , and the variable canons of poor men , between the catholick custom of pure and primitive churches , and the particular practises of later usurpations , brought in in the twilight of dark and depraved times . these diametral distances ought ever to be preserved by all godly bishops , who may not come neerer to popery than popery is neer to christianity , or then antichristian policies may correspond in some things with christian piety . which just bounds , as far as ever i could understand , our pious bishops in england , from the first reformation till now , have religiously observed ; not one of them ( much less all ) deliberately or openly owning any communion with the church of rome , where they saw the church of england had made a just , clear and necessary separation : yea , the learned bishops of england have , generally , so fully confuted the falsity , injury and indignity of that calumny , both by their preaching , writing , living and dying , that men must be blind with despite , mad with malice , or drunk with passion , when they vomit out so foul calumnies against all bishops and episcopacy in england , as if they were pandars for popery , and pimps to the whore of babylon ; for this is the language of some mens oratorious zeal against our bishops and all episcopacy , which will in time much more agree with presbytery and independency , i fear , than ever it did with episcopacy . but it wil be demanded of me , whence then arose this smoke of jealousie , which was so popular and spread abroad , that it made so many pure eyes to ake and smart , yea to grow watry and blood-shotten , not onely among the vulgar , but even among our greatest seers and overseers ? was there no fire where there was so great a smoke ? my answer is , these jealousies of some bishops ( and other ministers who most imitated them ) being popishly inclined , never had , so far as ever i could discern , any farther ground than this : some bishops pleased themselves , beyond what was generally practised in england , with a more ceremonious conformity than others observed ; first , to the canons and injunctions , which ( they thought ) were yet in force in the church of england , being not repealed , but onely antiquated through a general disuse ; next , being aged and learned men , and more conversant in the antiquities of the church than younger ministers , they found that such ceremonious solemnities in religion were then very much used , without any sin or scandal ; no godly bishop , presbyter , or other good christian , ever making scruple of using the sign of the cross in baptism , and at other times of bowing , kneeling , prostrating himself , or of putting his mouth to the ground and kissing the pavement when he came to worship god , or to celebrate holy mysteries , expressing thereby that humility , faith , fervency , sense of his own sinful unworthiness , and that unfeigned reverence which he bare in his heart toward god and his service . this , i suppose , made some of our bishops hope that they might with the like inoffensivenesse add such solemnity to sanctity , and such outward veneration to inward devotion , and yet be as far from popery or superstition as the ancient christians were ; yea , as those ministers and others now pretend to be , who make so much of lifting up their eyes and hands in prayer , or who are pleased to be uncovered in praying , preaching , singing , or celebrating the sacraments . besides this , many bishops found a secret genius of rusticity and rudenesse , of familiarity and irreverence , strangely prevailing among country-preachers and people so far , that they saw many of them placed much of their religion in affecting a slovenly rudenesse and irreverence in all publick and holy duties ; loth to kneel , not onely at the sacrament , but at any prayers , or to be uncovered at any duty , enemies to any man , and prejudiced against all he did , if he shewed any ceremonious respect in his serving god : they saw some were grown so spiritual , that they forgot they had bodies ; and pretending to approve themselves to god onely as to the inward man , they cared not for any thing that was regular , exemplary , orderly , comely or reverent , as to the outward celebration , in the judgement and appointment of the church of england . hence some men grew to such great applaudings of themselves , ( as if this were the onely simplicity of the gospel ) that they thought every man went about to cut the throat of reformed religion , who applied any scissers or razor to pare off rudeness and rusticity , or to trim it to any decency in the outward ministrations , according to what seemed best to the church of england . many bishops thought that religion would grow strangely wild , hirsute , horrid and incult , like nebuchadnezzars hair and nails , if it were left to the boysterous clowneries and unmannerly liberties which every one would affect , contrary to the publick appointment of the church . if some bishops pleased themselves in using such outward and enjoyned ceremonies , beyond what was ordinary to some men , yet certainly a thousand decent and innocent ceremonies , such as those enjoyned by the church of england were declared to be , do not amount to one popish opinion ; nor are they so heavy as one popular & erroneous principle , which tends to faction , licentiousnesse and profanenesse . ceremonies may possibly be thought superfluous , because not of the substance of the duty ; but they are not to be charged as superstitious where the devotion of the heart is holy , and the duty is sincerely performed for the essentials of it , as it is instituted by christ , & enjoyned by the word of god , who hath left the ceremonious part of religion , more or less , very much to the prudence of his church , according to the several forms and customs of civil respect and decency used in the world ; which st. austin and st. ambrose with all the ancients declare , placing no further religion in any ceremony of humane invention and use , than it served aptly to excite or express inward sincerity of devotion , and an outward conformity to the decent customs of any church : which keeping to the truth , faith and holy institutions of christ , for the main , were not blameable for that variety of ceremony , which was and might be observed without any damage to truth , or breach of charity . as to the maine charge then , that bishops in england were popish , that is warping from the reformed doctrine of the church of england , as it was and is stated opposite to the romish errors and corruptions , i do believe that the bishops of england were in all ages since the reformation , and in this last , as much removed , and as free from popery , as the most rigid censors of them , who dare accuse every man for popish , who is not boyled up to the same superstitious height and ceremonious antipathy with themselves , or who do not presently adopt every mans new fancy , opinion and form of religion , ( though private , forraine and impertinent to us ) rather than the publick authority and wisdome of the church of england in its religious determinations and injunctions ; which were not more moderate than orthodox , orderly and comely , not partaking of the romish contagion , though it did not abhor the romane or any christians communion , so far as rome kept any communion with jerusalem , i meane with the primitive , catholick and true church of christ . i do not pretend to search the hearts of any bishops , nor ( it may be ) should i have approved some things which some of them said or did , as to the unseasonablenesse , rigor and excesse : yet this i affirm , that those men must have foreheads of flint , hearts of brasse , and pens of iron , who dare to charge with popery any one of those excellent bishops whom i have mentioned with honor ; besides many more whom i have omitted , who better knew the true medium of religion and measures of reformation , between superstition and profanenesse , affectation and irreverence , indevoutnesse and rudenesse , than any of their fiercest opposers and unjust destroyers . and since i have thus far undertaken , not the patrociny ( which is a work far above me ) but such a parentation at the funerall of my fathers as may ( i hope ) not misbecome me , i shall further adventure to do so much right to some bishops , to whom i was most a stranger , as to this foule suspicion of popery , which being first fixed upon them , was easily diffused to all the bishops of england , by the wonted spreading of all envious and evil reports , which easier find entertainment in mens hearts and tongues , than any that are good : for these seem to men to lessen themselves by commending others ; the others help either to cover or excuse mens own faults , or to set off their seeming zeal and vertues . the first and greatest was the last archbishop of canterbury , who was by many suspected and charged not onely as popishly affected himself , but as a poysoner of the whole streame and current of the reformed religion in england ; at last he was treated either as a heretick or a traitor , or both , to church and state. it becomes not me to sentence either the sentenced , or sentencers that adjudged him to death , his and their judgement is with the lord ; onely as to the aspersion of his being popish in his judgement ( which reflected , in the repute and event , upon all the bishops of england , ) truly his own book may best of any and sufficiently , vindicate him to be a very great antipapist : great , i say , because it seemes by that learned dispute , that he dissented from popery not upon popular surmises and easie prejudices , but very learned and solid grounds , which true reason and religion make good , agreeable to the judgement of the catholick church in the purest and best times . and in this the archbishop doth , to my judgement , so very impartially weigh the state and weight of all the considerable differences between the papists and the english protestants , ( not such as are simple , futile and fanatick , but learned , serious and sober ) that he neither gratifies the romanist , nor exasperates him , beyond what is just ; neither warping to a novel and needless super-reformation , which is a deformity on the right hand , nor to a sub-reformation , which is a deformity on the left , but keeping that golden meane which was held by the church of england , and the greatest defenders of it . as to his secret designe of working up this church by little and little to a romish conformity and captivity , i do not believe he had any such purpose or approved thought ; because , besides his declared judgement and conscience , i find no secular policy or interest which he could thereby gaine , either private or publick , but rather lose much of the greatnesse and freedome which he and other bishops with the whole church had : without which temptation no man in charity may be suspected to act contrary to so cleare convictions , so deliberate and declared determinations of his conscience and judgement in religion , as the archbishop expresses in that very excellent book . i am indeed prone to think , that possibly he wished there could have been any faire close or accommodation between all christian churches , ( the same which many grave and learned men have much desired : ) and it may be his lordship thought himself no unfit instrument to make way for so great and good a work , considering the eminencies of parts , power and favour which he had . haply he judged ( as many learned and moderate men have ) that in some things between papists and protestants , differences are made wider , and kept more open , raw and sore than need be , by the private pens and passions of some men , and the interests of some little parties , whose partial policies really neglect the publick and true interest of the catholick church and christian religion , which consists much in peace as well as in purity , in charity as in verity : he found that where papists were silenced and convinced in the more grand and pregnant disputes , ( that they are novel , partial , and unconforme to the catholick church in ancient times ; as in the cup withdrawing , in the peremptory defining of transubstantiation , in publick latine prayers , such as common people understand not what is prayed or said , in praying to angels and saints , in worshipping reliques and images with divine worship , in challenging of a primacy of divine power and jurisdiction to the bishop of rome over all , in their adding apocryphall bookes to the proper and ancient canon of the scripture , in their forbidding marriage to the clergy , and the like ) when in these points the romanists were tired , discountenanced and convinced , then he found they recovered spirits , and contested afresh against the unreasonable transports , violences and immoderations of some professing to be protestants , who , to avoid idolatry and superstition , run to sacriledge and rudeness in religion , denying many things that are just , honest , safe , true and reasonable , meerly out of an ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) excessive antipathy to papists . hence some are run so far that they will have as no materiall churches built , or used , or consecrated , so no liturgy , never so sound , solemn , and easie to be understood ; so as no bishops , never so holy and orthodox , so no ministers rightly ordained by them , no orderly ceremonies or decent rites whatsoever used by the papists , though they first had these from those churches which were yet beautifull and pure in their primitive health and integrity . the truth is , it would make a wise man mad to fall under the sinister censures and oppressions of all vulgar opinions , who still urge in things indifferent that unsociableness which is between light and darkness , truth and error , reformation and superstition , never suspecting themselves for superstitious in being so anticeremonious , antiliturgicall and antiepiscopall : nor are they jealous lest any thing that hath the heat of their zeal might want the light of true judgement , and be like a taylors goose or pressing iron , hot and heavy enough , but neither bright nor light , neither seeing nor shining . truly i find the calmeness and gravity of sober mens judgements is prone to improve much by age , experience , & reading of the ancients , hereby working out that juvenile leaven and lee , which is prone to puffe up and work over younger spirits and lesse decocted tempers in their first fervors and agitations . possibly the archbishop and some other bishops of his mind did rightly judge , that the giving an enemy faire play by just , safe and honorable concessions , was not to yield the cause or conquest to him , but the more to convince him of his weakness ; when no honest yieldings could help him any more , than they did indamage the true cause or courage of his antagonist . for my part , i think the archbishop of canterbury was neither calvinist , nor lutheran , nor papist , as to any side and partie , but all , so far as he saw they agreed with the reformed church of england , either in fundamentalls , or innocent and decent superstructures : yet i believe he was so far a protestant and of the reformed religion , as he saw the church of england did protest against the errors , corruptions , usurpations and superstitions of the church of rome ; or against the novel opinions and practises of any party whatsoever . and certainly he did with as much honor as justice so far own the authentick authority , liberty and majesty of the church of england , ( in its reforming and setling of its religion , ) that he did not think fit any private new masters whatever should obtrude any forraine or domestick dictates to her , or force her to take her copy of religion from so petty a place as geneva was , or francfort , or amsterdam , or wittenberg , or edenborough , no nor from augsburg or arnheim , nor any forraine city or town , any more than from trent or rome , none of which had any dictatorian authority over this great and famous nation or church of england , further than they offered sober counsels , or suggested good reasons , or cleared true religion by scripture , and confirmed it by good antiquity , as the best interpreter and decider of obscure places and dubious cases . nor did his lordship esteem any thing as the voice of the church of england , which was not publickly agreed to and declared by king and parlament , according to the advice and determinate judgement of a nationall synod and lawfull convocation convened and approved by the chief magistrate , which together made up the complete representative , the full sense and suffrage of the church of england . his lordship ( no doubt ) thought it ( as indeed it is ) a most pedling , partiall and mechanick way of religion , for any church or nation , once well setled , to be swayed and tossed to and fro by the private opinions of any men whatsoever , never so godly , contrary to publick , nationall and ecclesiasticall constitutions ; which carried with them , as infinitely more authority , so far more maturity , prudence and impartiality of counsel than was to be found or expected by any wise men in any single person , or in any little juncto's of assemblies , or select committees of lay-men whatsoever . and truly in this i am so wholly of his lordships opinion , that i think we ha●e in nothing weakned and disparaged more our religion , as reformed in england , than by listning too much to , and crying up beyond measure , private preachers or professors , be they what they will for their grace , gifts or zeal ; who by popular insinuations here and there aime to set up with great confidence their own or other mens ( pious it may be , i am sure ) presumptuous novelties , against the solemn and publick constitutions or determinations of such a church as england was . these , these agitations and adherencies have undermined our firmeness and unity by insensible degrees . what was luther , or calvin , or zuinglius , or knox , or beza , or cartwright , or baines , or sparkes , or brightman , ( not to disparage the worth which i believe was really in any of them or their disciples ) to be put into the balance against the whole church of england , when it had once reformed and setled it self to its content , by joynt counsel , publick consent and supreme authority ? which hath had in all ages , and eminently since the reformation , both bishops and other ministers of its communion , no way ( singly ) inferiour to the best of those men , and joyntly far beyond them all ; whose concurrent judgment and determination i would an hundred times sooner follow , than all , much more any one of those men : yea possibly i could name some one man , whom i might without injury prefer to any one of those fore-named persons ; such was melanchthon abroad , and such was our bishop jewel at home . and indeed the church of england had ( blessed be god ) so many such jewels of her own , that she needed not to borrow any little gems from any forreigners ; nor might any of them , without very great arrogancy , vanity and imodesty ( as i conceive ) seek to strip her of her own ornaments , and impose theirs upon her or her clergy . which high value , it is probable , as to his mother the church of england and her constitutions , was so potent in the archbishop of canterbury , that , as he thought it not fit to subject her to the insolency of the church of rome , so nor to the impertinencies of any other church or doctor , of far less name and repute in the christian world . no doubt , his lordship thought it not handsome in mr. calvin to be so far ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rather than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) censorious of the church of england , as to brand its devotion or liturgy with his tolerabiles ineptiae , who knew not the temper of the nation , requiring then not what was absolutely best , but most conveniently good : and such not onely the liturgy was , but those things which he calls tolerable toyes . this charitable sense i suppose i may justly have of this very active and very unfortunate prelate , as he stood at a great distance from me , and eminence above me ; against whom i confess i was prone in my greener years to receive many popular prejudices , upon the common report and interpretation of his publick actions . in one of which i was never satisfied , as to the piety or policy of it ; that when his lordship endeavoured to commend the liturgy of england to the church of scotland , ( which was a worthy design , as to the uniformity of devotion ) yet he should affect some such alterations as , he might be sure , like coloquintida , would make all distastful . such was that in the prayer of consecration and distribution at the lords supper , which was after the old form of sarum , and expunged by our reformers as too much favouring transubstantiation ; besides some other changes in that and other things , of which possibly his lordship could give a better reason than i can imagine , or have yet heard . toward his decline i had occasion to come a little neerer to his lordship ; where i wel remember , that a few daies after his first confinement , when he seemed not at all to despaire of his innocency or safety , having occasion to wait on him , and being not onely a stranger wholly to him , but under some prejudice with him , as to some relation i then had , yet he was pleased , after some accesses to him , to invite me to some freedom of speech , asking me ( among other things ) what the sense of people generally was of him and his actions . i freely told him , the vulgar jealousies and reports were , that his lordship , by secret approches , did seek to betray the reformed church of england to the roman correspondency and communion ; which was so tender and just an apprehension in all people , out of their zeal to their religion , that i humbly conceived it were great wisdome to avoid all suspicion of it . nor did it seem an hard matter so to do , in waies , as much to gods glory and the churches honor , so lesse exposed to peoples jealousie or obloquy ; common people being easily won or lost by persons of publick place and eminent authority , whose actions as they could not be hid , so their wisdome or weakness would be exposed to every censurer , according to that party and side which he most adopted or opposed . i added , that people were not taken generally so much with grand and severer vertues , as with things more plausibly and seasonably , yet piously and prudently , adapted to their capacity as well as their good ; that as they were not to be unworthily humored , so nor too roughly neglected or offended ; that it was much easier not to raise , than to allay the spirit of jealousie in the populacy ; that it was no hard matter for a good and great man honestly to make himself gracious with the best and most people , by doing them as much good as they could expect , without any wresting of his or their consciences , without diminishing his lawfull authority , or their ingenuous liberties ; that in some cases and posture of times , a wise man was not bound to do people more good than they would or could bear , nor was he to surfeit and tire them by over-driving them to better pasture ; that it was possible to serve the times , and yet to serve the lord , as the pilot , that in a rough sea humors the winds and waves , yet saves himself , his ship and goods ; lastly , that it was no hard matter for his lordship , and other bishops of great parts and preferments , to out-do in preaching , praying and well-doing all those that most maligned episcopacy . to this purpose i took the boldness sometimes to speak to his lordship ; which as he heard at first with something a severer brow , so he at length very gravely and calmly thus replied : protesting with a serious attestation of his integrity before gods omniscience , that however he might mistake in the mean and method , yet he never had other design than the glory of god , the service of his majesty , and the good order , peace and decency of the church of england : that he was so far from complying with papists , in order to confirm them in their errors , that he rather chose such methods to advance the honour of the reformed religion in england , as he believed might soonest silence the cavils of fiercer papists , induce the more moderate recusants to come in to us , as having less visible occasion given them by needless distances and disputes to separate from us ; which he thought arose much from that popular variety , inconstancy , easiness , irreverence and uncomeliness , which might easily grow among us in the outward profession of religion , for want of exact observing such uniformity and decency in religion , as were required by the laws and canons of this church and state. he added , that he had ( further ) a desire , as much as he could , to relieve the poor and depressed condition of many ministers , which he had to his grief observed in wales and england , where their discouragements were very great , by reason of the tenuity and incompetency of their livings ; that in his visitations he had sometimes seen it with grief , among twenty ministers not one man had so much as a decent garment to put on , nor did he believe their other treatment of life was better ; that he found the sordid and shameful aspect of religion and the clergy gave great advantages to those that were popishly inclined , who would hardly ever think it best for them to joyn with that church which did not maintain either its own honour or its clergy to some competency and comeliness . much more discourse his lordship was pleased to use at several times to this purpose , which commands my charity to clear him , as far as i can judge , of any tincture of popery , truly so called , or of any superstition , which placeth a religion in the nature and use of that thing which god hath not either particularly commanded , or in general permitted . i suppose he thought that where god hath allowed to his church and to every private christian , ( so far as may consist with the churches good order and peace ) a liberty of ceremonious and circumstantial decency as to gods worship , there neither himself was to be blamed , nor did he blame other men , if they kept within those discreet and inoffensive bounds which either the churches publick peace required , or its indulgence to private christians permitted . and thus i leave this archbishop to stand or fall to his and our great master , who will judge our confidences and infirmities according to our sincerity . doubtless this prelate had more in him of charity , liberality , munificence and magnificence ( as appears by the works he undertook to found , to build or to repair ) than ever i saw in any of those who are the having and getting , not the giving enemies to episcopacy . and what if i have the like charity for bishop wren ? to whom i am wholly a stranger , further then i have sometime heard him preach , with great evidence of pregnant intellectuals , set off with notable learning and acute oratory . i never heard that he was actually charged , or judicially convinced of any one tenet or opinion that was formally popish . i know his lordship was terribly decryed , as if he had stung his diocese , both ministers and people , with serpents , ( as hannibal did the romanes in a sea-fight with the bithynians ) when some thought he onely rubbed some tenderer skins with nettles ; which might sting them shrewdly , but they could not deadly ●●yson them : for , mustering up , as it seems , all that his lordship found in the old injunctions or new canons of the church of england , ( rather abolished many of them by disuse , than legally repealed ) his visitation-articles seemed as an army of ceremonious punctillo's ; which he urged and exacted beyond what had been wonted , judging them to be as bees , which might each of them bring a little wax or hony to the hive of devotion , when others took them to be either as flies , that did onely buz and fly-blow religion , or as wasps and hornets , which stung so grievously some tender consciences , that many of them ( as the canaanites of old ) were driven by them out of this good land , to seek their liberty and ease in horrid and desolate plantations . i confesse , things of this nature , which being obsolete are urged afresh upon the publick practise of christians in religion , ought ( as i conceive ) to have their revived and renewed authority from the joynt counsell , pblick prudence and consent of the nation , else rigorous remedies , even of disorders , may prove worse than the supposed or reall diseases . for many antiquated ceremonies in religion , though they be not quite worne out , yet , as garments long agoe made and now out of fashion , are rather to be kept as monuments in the wardrobe and records of religion , than to be on the suddaine put upon mens backs , and urged to be worne ; especially when they seem antique to the most , and uncomely by their unwontedness to be commonly worne , though the stuffe be never so good , and the state of them not unhandsome . although all these might not amount to any thing that is properly popery , no more than a thousand shadowes can make one substance or body , yet many did judge them as a cumulative kind of popery , which cloyes religion with such a masse of needless ceremonies , that it is like a tree too much over-growne with mosse , even to a barrenness ; or like a garment not adorned and set off , but wholly hidden , incumbred and buried with a superfluity of lace : which is either a great prodigality , or as great a vanity and affectation ( especially considering the matronely gravity which best becomes christian and reformed religion , ) as that sancy was of our henry the fifth , who when he was prince of wales , came one day to the court and his fathers presence with a suite all cut and embroidered with oilet-holes , having a needle hanging out of every hole , that he looked more like a porcupine than a prince . but as that prince afterward proved a very brave king , very pious and valiant , besides successfull , ( which adds much to any princes piety in the opinion of common people , ) when he left his needless needles , & betook him to his victorious sword ; so it is probable this bishop , if he had received so grave an admonition as the wisdome and meekness of a parlament could have given him and other bishops of his mind , would easily have amended any such luxuriancy of ceremonious observations ; which if they would be a meanes to induce any judicious papists to change their opinion as to these points of doctrine which most divide us and them , truly it were a very great uncharitableness in us , not to comply very far with them in whatever the church commands as innocent and decent ceremonies . but sure they must be very silly birds , and scarce worth the catching , which will be taken onely with the chaffe of ceremonies or pictures in a case of religion , ( which so highly concernes their consciences and salvation ) so as to change their side upon these formalities , untill their judgement in the maine matters of doctrine be convinced and satisfied : nor do i know how we can well lay such strong lime-twiggs among such chaffe as would hold any papists firme to our party and perswasion . not that i would have them scared or scandalized the more against us , for want of that reverence and decency which becomes us in the worship of god , and in holy mysteries , by the dictates of reason , as well as the indulgences of religion ; but considering that just and vast distance in some grand points between us and the papists , as to outward worship , grounded upon inward perswasion and devotion , i think it becomes the wisdome and wariness of protestants , ( according to the admirable temper and moderation of the church of england in its reformation ) as not to deny themselves the use of any things enjoyned as decent , because papists had abused them , so not to affect by any particular modes to symbolize so far with them , as may confirme them in any thing that we judge superstitious or idolatrous . this made many sober men so much strangers to the policy and piety of those who so much urged to set the lords table altar-wise , to adorne it with the crucifix and other pictures , and to bow with adoration toward it . though these might be lawfull in the abstract , yet sure not expedient in that state wherein the reformed profession stands opposite to the papists superstitious veneration of a creature transubstantiated to a god. though i have no conscience of duty toward an idol , so as to worship it , but onely to the true god , who is every where ; yet i think it best for me not to go into an idols temple , there to worship the true god , when i may do it other-where , without any such appearance of evill , or scandall to those that see me , and know my principles against it . but as to the true and real discriminations between the religion of the church of england and popery in doctrine , i conceive the best dimensions of this bishop are to be taken , by those that are wholly strangers to him , as i am , by that notable book which was lately published and dedicated to his lordship by dr. cosins , his well-known friend and successour , than whom no man ever fell under greater popular jealousies for popish , yet no man it seems less deservedly , as appeared when he came to the test before the committee of lords , who then cleered him as to mr. smarts accusations for superstition ; and since that he hath further cleered himself , no man more handsomly , before the best protestants in france , where his long exile and sufferings have not so exasperated him as to make him yield any way to the papists : yea no man hath at home or abroad been a more stout defender of the protestant religion , as it was established in the church of engl. which the testimony of mr. daillé , one of the protestant ministers at charenton neer paris , fully and freely confirms , telling all the world , that they are either beasts or fanaticks who count dr. cosins a papist , from whom no man is really more removed ; which his very excellent history touching the canon of the scripture fully assures us , being a grand and fundamental point in difference between the papists and us ; wherein he having so irreparably battered and shaken their apocryphal babel , by solidly proving the church of rome to be erroneous and pertinacious in that point , all sober men will soon suspect her honesty , fidelity , and pretended infallibility in other things which do as little agree with the pristine practice and judgement of the catholick church . truely it is pitty so great and able a vindicator of the reformed religion should longer suffer a pilgrimage among papists , being forced to dwell in mesech , and to have his habitation in the tents of kedar , and not have leave to return in peace to his native country , of which he hath so well deserved in this learned undertaking : which piece sure he would not have dedicated ( being so antipapistical , that it peels the very bark of the church of rome round ) to his friend the bishop of ely , if he did not intend him a collateral security , or a vindication from any such aspersion of being either a practical or dogmatical papist , wherewith many have more pleased themselves , than proved it against that bishop . but no net playes with wider wings or larger bosom than that popular drag , which sweeps as it listeth into its bosom all men for papists , pelagians or arminians , who are not just of some mens private opinions in all things ; taking what freedomes and latitudes they please themselves in their opinions and actions , but allowing none to other men , no not in points that admit of dispute , without scratching the conscience , violating the true faith , or breaking christian charity . it is a wonder of wise and just men , how this bishop , if he were so evil a doer as was voiced , hath not been long agoe publickly heard , and sentenced according to his deeds , but is punished beforehand by a long imprisonment ; when as he was committed to prison , not as his sentence ( i think , ) but as his security , to be forth-coming at his lawful tryal , to which in eighteen years he hath not been brought . if then neither of these two prelates , whose eminency and activity drew so many eyes of envy upon them , were really popish , which was not very probable , when they knew the prince , whose favour they injoyed , to be so stedfast and able in his judgement against popery , as i have oft heard the earl of holland and others affirm ; i presume the other late bishops of engl. upon whom the tower of siloam fell , may find so much justice and charity as to be freed from that suspicion , and not to be thought greater sinners , as to that particular , than many presbyterians who joyed most in their destruction . never any of them , that ever i heard , gave any occasion to be thought a papist , except onely the last bishop of glocester , dr. goodman , ( vir sui nominis ) as some report ; a man of good learning and good life , who having suffered in his old age ( almost to a distraction ) by the storme and distresses of times , ( which wet many other men to the skin , but it stripped off the clothes , & flayed off the very skins of many clergymen , and all bishops especially ) was driven , it seems , beyond his pace , & something beyond his patience : for thus provoked beyond all measure and merit ( as he thought , ) by those who much professed reformation ( and yet so much , in his sense and experience , did deform and destroy the church of england , ) it is no wonder , if , dying and dejected , he chose rather to depart in communion with the church of rome , than to adhere to the church of england , which ( as eliah ) he thought now decayed and dissolved , ( at least as to its visible order and polity ) if not quite destroyed . not that he owned ( i hope ) a communion or conciliation with the romane church as popish , but as far as it was christian ; not as erroneous in some things , but as orthodox in many others ; from which ( as bishop bedel saith ) no good christian doth , or ought to separate . and since we hold baptism among the papists to be valid , which is the sign of a christians new birth , and first admittance to the churches catholick communion , he might hope , that dying in that communion so far as it was catholick , would be no hindrance to his admission to the church in heaven . at worst , it seems his discontent and despair drove him rather to think of returning to the confines of egypt , where he believed there might be found some bread of life in an orderly way of house-keeping , than to dye in the wildernesse of a church which was now howling and starving , and self-desolating in his apprehension ; that , as lots daughters were so far excusable for their incests with their father , as they believed all men were destroyed besides , so may this poor bishop ( now made poor , when he had been very rich ) have this to plead for his resting at last in the bosom of the church of rome , that he knew not any other so visible and conspicuous a church , either fit , or worthy , or willing to receive one that had so long lived a protestant and a bishop in the church of engl. and was now no longer permitted either to live or dye , either a protestant or a bishop , according to the constitution of the church of england ; from which at its best , many of those have more separated themselves living and dying , who are the sharpest censurers of this bishop for dying a papist , which is but a greater kind of separatist from the church of england and the church catholick in some opinions and practises . but i have done with this bishop , who was dying most declared , and with the other two , who living were most dubious and ambiguous , in the censures of the world , as to their religion . what their morals , prudentials or devotionals were , ( who had so long and so great an influence of power and favour ) i must leave to the supreme judicature of god above them , and that subordinate or lower bench of their consciences within them . if we should take their dimensions by the successes and events , truly they have been very unhappy : after-counsels are prone to think it had been easie to have prevented such calamities ; but the race is not to the swift , nor the battail to the strong . though true piety is alwayes the best policy , yet it is not alwayes attended with prosperity . no doubt the sins of all sorts were ripe for wrath , and in common calamities the best may suffer as well as the worst ; the afflictions of the first being their tryals , of the second their punishment . my concern is onely to examine the ground of that charge cast upon them , and for their sakes upon all our reformed bishops , as if ranckly popish , as if prelacy and popery were no more separable then gehezies bribery and his leprosie ; which i justifie to be as false a calumny as it is foul , and no way becoming the mouths or thoughts of those who aim to judge righteous judgement , or consider the account they must give to god of what they say and do , in truth or falsity , in justice or iniquity . this i am sure , if our bishops , and many other grave divines , had no inclination to popery in their prosperity , their adversity might have been a great temptation to them , less to approve that reformed religion , not for which , but from which , they have suffered so hard measure , as untried and unconvicted to be condemned , punished , destroyed , beyond any men that lived orderly and peaceably . chap. xxiv . that i may for ever silence the harsh braying and tedious barkings of all antiepiscopal pens and tongues against our godly bishops and venerable episcopacy , ( which is as much , or more , an enemie to popery , than either presbytery or independency ) i crave leave to insist a little more largely upon the name , worth and memory of one of our bishops , very well known , not onely to the british churches , but to all the christian world that hath any correspondency or commerce with learned men . it is dr. james usher , late archbishop of armagh , and lord primate of ireland ; whom i reckon as ours , because not onely his ashes and mortal remaines are deposited with us , but he lived his last yeares of exile , and ended his mortality amongst us in engl. where besides his constant paines in preaching , even to his last , he hath left us many of his learned works , which are enjoyed by , and highly esteemed of , all worthy men who were blest with the example of his great and unspotted worth , which no envy , no malice can ( i think ) be so impudent as to blemish . with this rare and reverend prelate , this great and gracious bishop , i was rather happy than worthy to be acquainted many yeares , so far as to be able more neerly to discover his genius and temper , both before and after the storme of blood and massacre in ireland had driven this holy man to fly from that ( terra irae dei ) land of gods wrath , and to take such sanctuary or shelter as then he hoped might be had in england for protestant bishops ; where he little thought ( good man ) he should have found some protestants in england as fierce to undoe and destroy their bishops ( though of the same reformed faith , and of unblameable profession ) as the most jesuited papists were in ireland ; who were and are sworne enemies against them , not as christian bishops , but as of the reformed religion , which had nothing in it more primitive , illustrious and honorable than this , that in england it shined with the glory of those apostolick stars , godly and venerable bishops , which did not depend on the pope of rome . the reall excellencies of this bishop every way were such , that they exceeded all ordinary measures of humane commendation and capacity , extending to something of admiration or ecstasie : none but those whose minds are enlarged to some proportions of his accomplishments can be able to comprehend his worth and amplitude : so vast , so transcendent , so astonishing was his learning and understanding in all kinds of knowledge , divine and humane , that he was as the cynosure by which all great divines steered , and as the sun-diall by which all great scholars set their watches . much of this treasure was discovered in his writings , printed , and not yet printed , of all sorts , both of greener and riper studies , in all which he was exact and complete . he wrote , as he studied , not in the beaten paths of plagiary compilators , or systematicall collectors , ( as scriba doctus ad regnum caelorum ; ) but he brought forth out of his large heart and vast reading new as well as old , things of rare , hidden and untroden observation , even out of manuscripts which scarce any but his eagle-eye had seen , and but few could read . all which he judiciously collected , methodically disposed , clearly explained and aptly applyed : yet it was with him as with copious and living springs , the least part of his innate , acquired and unexhausted fulnesse was to be discerned by any of his outward emanations . so accurate was he in all usefull and learned languages , occidentall and orientall ; so cleare a prospect he had of all history and chronology , of all controversies ancient and modern , that nothing escaped him : nor was he onely as a reader and spectator , but as a judge and censor , as an arbitrator and dictator in disputes , as one that sate in a tribunall of soveraigne learning above all . nothing was new or hidden to him in philology , philosophy , geography , astronomy , mathematicks , and least of all in theology or divinity ; he had conquered all others , but in this he triumphed , which was the trophee , crown and center of all his other studies . there was scarce any book , printed or manuscript , worth reading , in private or publick libraries throughout all christendome , which he had not read , either in the copy or originall , and digested into the method or designe of his studies ; yea , and to a miracle remembred , as to the maine contents of it . to the immensity of his learning there was added excellent principles of politick prudence , as a governour of the church , and as a counsellour of state ; wherein he was conspicuous , not for the crafty projects and practises of policy , or for those sinister waies of artifice and subtilty , which are the usuall unreasonable reasons of state , the so admired depths of devillish hypocrisie , but ( indeed ) the flats and shallowes of all truth and honesty : no , the measures and rules of his politicks and prudentialls were taken from that great experience he had gotten , and many excellent observations he had made , out of all histories , as well humane as divine ; though he alwaies laid the greatest weight upon the grounds and instances of holy scripture , which gives the truest judgement of wisdom or folly . these great abilities , managed with so much piety , prudence and integrity , could not but make this bishop as fit to be a counsellor of state , ( for so he was in ireland ) or a privy counsellor to his prince ( which other bishops were who lived in england ) as any of those misepiscopists were , who most envied and denyed that honour to this or any other bishops ; with whose sufficiencies few of their enemies ( the chiefest of whom i well knew ) were to be compared , either for wisdom , gravity , goodnesse , learning , experience and eloquence , or for that sanctity , severity and integrity , which make a complete counsellour . all which are hardly learned by the juvenile gallantry of a little travelling , or by seeing many men , or by courting many mistresses , or by passing through many cities and countries in a negligent way , or by wearing ample plumes on mens heads , or by shewing fair clothes on their backs , or by fanciful and affected conformities to all the modes and fashions which may be observable in forreign places : all which leven do usually so puff up many young gallants ( who glory most in their nobility and gentry ) with amorousnesse , futility , vapouring , vanity and folly , that it is a long time before they can throughly decoct them , or settle themselves to that clear and serious study of piety and policy , of wisdom , divine and humane , which onely can furnish out fit and able counsellours of state , who are to be not onely as the eyes , guides and overseers of the publick , but even of the prince ; whose hand of power ( if he be wise ) will steer according to the card and compass set before him by his council ; which cannot be good , if it be not godly , nor prudent , if it be not pious so that it is not onely my wonder , but it will be so to all posterity , what should move any sober and religious wise men to exclude all bishops and clergymen from all capacity of being either members of the great and parlamentary council , or of the privy council of any prince or state : when . religion ought alwayes to be as much under the care , counsel and inspection of christian princes , parlaments and councils of state , as any secular or civil affairs ; which never prosper where religion is put in the rear and crupper of business , or where the clergy , beyond all men , must be excluded . do we not read in one melchizedek ( the type of christ ) both prince and priest joyned together ? afterward , were not aaron and moses , the one as king , the other as chief-priest , appointed by god as the leaders of the church of god ? from this example , abiathar the priest also gad and nathan the prophets , were counsellours as well as confessors to king david ; so was azariah the son of zadok the priest a chief prince and counsellor to king solomon ; so jehojadah the priest was a father , a protector , and a chief director to king joash , who ceased to prosper when he wanted such a counsellor . . when no men may be presumed , or indeed generally are , and in all times have been , so able in managing and advising of matters religious , as eminent bishops and well-chosen church men , certainly none were so fit as they to give account to the prince and state of the true estate of the church and religion , which are miserably mis-represented by other ignorant or envious informers ; none so much layes to heart the true concerns of religion , or the interests of mens souls ; none will so much take care that these suffer no prejudice and detriment by any lay-mens disorderly insolency or covetous encrochments . . as for the preaching part of a bishop , or his residence and inspection to his particular diocese , it can be no hinderance ( as some men have pittifully pretended ) sometime to attend the general good of their own and all others dioceses : they may not be thought to neglect their own cabin , who are sometime imployed for the reparation or conservation of the whole ship ; as my lord viscount newark very honourably , learnedly and eloquently expressed himself in the house of peers , where it was briefly disputed touching bishops sitting as peers in the house , which they had done ever since there was an house of christian peers in england . so that the pretended damage , as to their particular care of their diocese , is abundantly compensated by the good they may do to the publick ; which may easily be as much as that was of the english and scotch presbyters , who were dispensed with for many moneths non-residency , as to their particular livings and charges , when they were to attend the assemblies great service of making a catechize , a directory , and helping to extirpate bishops out of this church and state. . the retortion upon these ministers especially who were so much enemies to bishops being in any council , civil or ecclesiastick , must needs be a most smart and severe conviction of their partiality , when we have daily seen so many petty presbyterian and independent preachers as busie as bees , and every where eager sticklers in all secular councils and affairs . how did some of them haunt some lords and commons in the long parlament ? how did they ply all committees , specially that for religion , which had swallowed up the convocation ? how prone are they still , uncalled , to croud or insinuate into all publick , yea into cabinet-counsels , both military and civil ? what of concern in church or state , for these last eighteen years , can move or pass without their suggestions , whisperings and agitations ? many publick declarations savour much of their strain and form , both for fancy and phrase ; especially if they regard any religious businesse of state , as fastings , humiliations , thanksgivings , and the like ; which heretofore were managed by the counsel of great bishops , as able i believe as any of our new and little ones . but it is not strange that some men should think themselves fit to be at both ends of all publick counsels , either laying or hatching them , and yet be so eager against all bishops , who were full as honest , and in all respects as able and worthy , as the best of these sticklers : for nothing makes men more presumptuous of themselves , or more envious against others , than want of true knowledge of eithers dimensions . . and lastly , the very light of nature makes it seem very preposterous and impolitick to exclude all church-men , of which bishops were ever the chief fathers , out of all publick counsels : for all nations have taught us , that they did so far venerate their gods and honour their religion , as never to carry on their chief counsels & publick affairs of war or peace , for religion or civility , without taking some of their holy men and priests into their councils : so king balak cals for balaam in his greatest exigencies ; so were the pontifs or flamens ever among the chief roman counsellors and senators ; so were the druids ever among the british and gallick parlaments ; so were the magi among the persian princes ; so at this day are the mufties among the turks chief counsel : all mankind knowing this , that the best counsels are those which rise nearest to jupiters throne , and are drawn from the clearest fountains of divine wisdom . if the true god , and the son of god , the christians saviour , have justly the titles of the all and onely wise , yea the wonderful counsellors , how ( i beseech you ) can it stand with any christian sense , or reason of state and true religion , to exclude those men , beyond any , from all publick councils of church and state , who are most in gods and christs stead , best studied and acquainted with the divine will , wisdom and counsel in gods word ? i am sure ( so far as i am versed in any histories ) neither this church or state ( nor any other ) did ever flourish without bishops among the prime counsellors , both in parlament and other-where ; nor did they ever more flourish in piety , peace and plenty , than when these had as great an influence as any other men of learning , worth and wisdom . how things may hereafter thrive , where the clergy are so nipt and frost-bitten , time and success will best inform the survivers : yet it is no very promising omen , when neither clergy-men are encouraged to be fit and able , nor , if fit and able , are at any hand to be admitted to such publick use and honour ; when any others may , whatever extraction , rise and education they have had : for they are not alwayes noble rivers and ancient springs of vertue , wisdom and honour , but many times small brooks and very inconsiderable rivolets , which aspire to this honour of contributing their small drops of counsel into the great & publick cistern of government . and such were they ( as far as i understood ) men , for the most part , who with least patience could bear any bishops to sit in counsel with them , lest they should be miserably outshined and eclipsed by the others improved parts and well-known learning , which vastly exceeded the small shreds and short ends which many other men were so highly conceited of in themselves , whose estates laid the greatest foundation of their honour . but i here crave the readers pardon for this digression , no way impertinent to my designe , which is , to demonstrate the merit , and so far to recover the publick esteem and honor , of good bishops and all the clergy , such as they ever enjoyed in this and all other christian states , till these darker daies in england ; which pretend to seek a greater light , by putting out of princes courts and counsels the chiefest lamps and stars of learning , religion , counsell and wisdom . to returne then to this excellent bishop and able counsellour , the primate of armagh : as to his personall policy , domestick subtilty , or private cautiousness , truly he had little enough of the serpent ; but as to his harmelesse innocency , he had very much of the dove , ever esteeming piety the best policy , and sanctity the safest sanctuary . if any thing might seem to have been as a veniall allay in him , it was a kind of charitable easieness and credulity , which made him prone to hope good of all , and loth to believe evil of any ; especially if they made any profession or shews of piety : he did not think , there could have been so much gall and vinegar mixed with the shewes , or realities , of some mens graces , untill he found by sad experience some godly people , and presbyters professing much godliness , who formerly were prone to adore him as a god , or an oracle , were ( now ) ready to stone and destroy him with all his brethren the british bishops . he was most prone to erre on the right hand of charity , and to incline to those opinions in things disputable which seemed to set men furthest off from pride , licenciousness and profaneness ; of which he was better able to judge than of hypocrisie , being more jealous of irreligion than superstition , which is the right hand , and more venial extreme of religion . he had not , til of late yeares , felt the scalding effects of some mens over-boyling zeal , or the dreadfull terrors of their righteousness who affected to be over-righteous , who despised his learned , wise and moderate counsels , touching the setling of peace , order and government in the church . the rare endowments of this pattern of a perfect bishop were both wrapped up and set forth , as occasion required , with such tender piety , such child-like humility , such a saintly simplicity , such an harmeless activity , such an indefatigable industry , such unfeigned sanctity , such unaffected gravity , such an angelick serenity , and such an heavenly sweetness , as made all his writings perspicuous , though profound ; his preaching plaine , yet most prevalent . he had an eloquent kind of thunder of reason mixed with scripture-lightning , which together had a pleasing potent terror : his praying was fervent and pathetick , without affecting either too diffused a variety or too circumscribed an identity : his fervency , discretion and sincerity , alwaies set his prayers far from any thing either of a verball and vaine repetition , or a flat and barren invention : he ever highly esteemed , and devoutly used , the liturgy of the church . indeed he prayed , or preached , or practised , continually the scholar , the christian and the divine : his whole life , as to the conversable part of it , was so civil , so sacred , so affable , so amiable , so usefull , so exemplary to all persons of any worth , ingenuity and honesty that came to him , that ( in earnest ) nothing ancient or moderne that ever i knew or read of in these british churches , or any forreigne nation , was more august , venerable , imitable and admirable than this blessed bishop ; such candor , yet power , such largenesse , yet singleness of heart , such majesty with meekness , appeared in all that he seriously said or did . i never saw him either morose or reserved , much less sowre or supercilious . if he were sad , it made him not silent , but onely more solemn , as night-pieces , which have admirable work of perspective in them , though not so much light with them : if he were chereful , he abhorred not such facetious and ingenious elegancies of discourse as shewed that risiblity was as proper to religion as reason , that holiness was no enemy to cheerfulness , but great graces might safely smile , and innocent vertues sometimes laugh without offence . he was indeed ( as the church of smyrna testifies of holy polycarp , their first bishop , there placed by st. john the apostle , ) a most apostolick person , a true divine , a most exemplary christian , and a most venerable bishop , equalizing ( without doubt ) if not exceeding , any one of the ancient famous bishops and chief fathers of the church , not onely in his primitive piety , but in his great literature ; for he was joyntly excelling in all those things wherein they were severally most commendable : he was , as our saviour saith of john baptist , a prophet , yea , greater than an ordinary prophet ; for among the children of men , or children of god and of the true church , there hath not since the apostles dayes been born a greater than he. if i , or any man , were able to reach the height , length , depth and breadth of his gifts and graces , his acquired and infused endowments , some taste or essay of which his faithfull friend and servant dr. bernard ( as timothy to this st. paul ) hath given , and is daily further imparting to the world , yet no epitomes or little volumes are able to containe so ample a subject , nor give that satisfaction to learned men at home and abroad , as is justly exspectable from so copious and complete a theme . whose humble and holy industry was such , that besides his vast designes for writing and printing , he never failed , since he was presbyter , prelate or primate , to preach once every week , if health permitted him , besides many times on the week-day upon occasion ; which was so far from being his reproch , as if he made himself too cheap ( as some men of more pompous than pious spirits have calumniated , ) that , like davids dancing before the lord , it turned not to his diminution , but to his great honor among all people , presbyters , prelates , peeres and princes , that had any knowledge what was the true dignity of a divine , and the commendation of a christian bishop : nor was it any great paines to a person of his fulnesse , who did not pump for , but poure out his sermons like a pregnant spring , with a strange plenty , clarity and vivacity . certainly , if all our bishops had so honored god according to their places , parts and strength , by imitating the best of their predecessors , yea the apostles , and our lord jesus christ , the greatest bishop and greatest preacher , it is very probable , not onely bishops but episcopacy had at this day suffered lesse diminution and dishonor : if all bishops hearts and mouths had been as open as his , sure they had stopped the mouths and silenced the tongues of all their adversaries . but by this and other , either real failings or supposed defects , of some few bishops ( as in sea-banks where low and weak ) the horrid inundation hath broke in upon episcopacy and all bishops with such a torrent of violence , that we see the best of them could not keep out nor stand before the impetuosity of the times ; which if any bishops , in any age or church , might have merited and hoped to have done , this excellent primate , and other bishops then in england and ireland might have done it , who were persons of so great learning , piety , moderation , humility . for besides the many other most accomplished bishops then in england , scotland and ireland , who is so blind as not to see this one illustrious bishop , the primate of armagh capble , as to the true cause of episcopacy , to have over-shined , both as to his learning , judgement and life ( as the sun in the firmament , ) all those comets and meteors , those blazing and falling stars , which either then did or since have appeared eccentrick or opposite to primitive and catholick episcopacy ? take them in their stragling novelties , or in their associating confederacies , or in their congregational conventicles , however they may seem by false glasses , or grosser mediums , to be magnified in some mens imaginations , and so set off to vulgar admiration among weak and womanly apprehensions ; yet neither for scripture-proportions , nor for catholick practise , nor for right reason , nor for true prudence and christian polity , are they any way to be compared either to the antiquity or majesty of true episcopacy : for which the judgement , humility , moderation and integrity of this excellent bishop is so clearly set forth , both by his constant practise and all his writings , ( wherein , for peace sake , he willingly joyned an orderly presbytery with a venerable episcopacy ; that neither grave counsell , nor comely order , nor just authority , nor christian unity should be wanting in the churches government ) that it is an error worse than the first , for men not yet to returne from their paroxysmes and transports against all presidentiall episcopacy , or not to close with so great a judgement , so grave an oracle , as this holy bishop was . who , however he held a fraternall correspondency and actuall communion ( as occasion offered ) with those reformed , churches and those ministers who approved , yea desired , episcopacy , though they could not enjoy any bishops properly so called after the custome of all ancient churches ; yet , with st. cyprian , he flatly condemned , and branded with the sin and scandal of schisme , all those who wilfully cast off , and injustly separated from , their lawfull bishops , who professed the same orthodox faith and reformed religion ; affirming , as i have been further most credibly informed , that he would not ( because with comfort and good conscience he could not ) receive the sacrament of the lords supper from such ministers hands , whose odination he esteemed irregular and incomplete , or for their consecration inauthoritative , because partiall , and schismaticall against that episcopall power which ever was , and still might be had , in this church . nor was this his censure heightned or sharpned by any anger or vindicative passion , though he was unhandsomely used by some men who heretofore much applauded him : from such distempers his mosaick meeknesse was most remote , especially in cases of religion and the churches publick concernments ; for the advance of which he could have cheerfully sacrificed all his private interest of honor or profit , and have been reduced to teach school in a belfry , as his phrase was . but he ever held to his pristine and constant judgement in the most prosperous times , which enjoyed him the same as did his adversities ; no losses and distresses , to which the fatality , fury , folly or ingratitude of this age reduced him , being able to cloud his judgement , or discompose his tranquillity , in any other , or in this sharp controversie touching episcopacy . and indeed , to adde to the further weight and crown of this excellent bishop , ( who deserved to be esteemed one of the primates of all learning , piety and vertue in the christian world , ) he was ( by gods wonderfull dispensations ) to be made a primate in sufferings , and to be more illustrious by those darknings which on all hands were cast upon his person and profession , as a preacher and as a prelate . he lived to see , yea to feel , his venerable person by some men shamefully slighted , ( who saw more brightness in a sharp sword than in all learned vertues ; ) his function , as a bishop , exautorated , decryed , depressed , despised ; his revenues first stopped , then alienated and confiscated ; his moderate stock of moveables ( all , except his excellent librarie ) and at last a reserve of some monies , about . pound , seized and swept away by the irish . the newes of which last ( as i was witnesse at the first coming of it , ) he received with so no trouble or emotion , that it made me see in this holy man , that the patience of job might well be a true history , and not a tragick parable . after this the profits of the bishoprick of carlile ( then vacant ) being conferred upon him by the late king , for the support of his age and exile , even these were taken from him by those that took all church-revenues from all bishops : yet , ( for shame ) a pension of four hundred pounds a year , as his lordship hath told me , was promised him when he was forced to yield up his interest in the revenues of carlile ; which pension , after a year or two , was never paid him . at last this great personage , the primate of armagh ( whom cardinal richelieu , with many other great princes and states , had invited with very honorary propositions to make onely his residence with them , as an honor to their country ) was reduced to a small stipend or salary of about two hundred pounds a year , which he was to earn by preaching , as long as his sight and strength served him . these failing him , ( and in him all the learned and better world ) he lived upon gods providence and the contributions ( for the most part ) of some noble personages , ( wherein i was happy to do him some service : ) among whom none hath merited , and erected a more lasting monument of honour , than the countesse of peterborough , under whose grateful and hospitable roof this mortal angel , this incomparable bishop , left , as the english , so all the world , which was not worthy of him , having of later years treated him with so little publick value , that while merchants , military men , and mean mechanicks , either get fair estates , or have good pay , pensions and gainful imployments , while young presbyterian and independent preachers possess themselves ( some by dispossessing others ) of the best livings they can seize , this aged bishop , this inestimable jewel of men , this brightest star of the british churches and christian world , this paragon of prelates , this glory of episcopacy was suffered to be so eclipsed , that , with st. paul , he knew what it was to want as well as to abound . he had not , with our blessed saviour , any house to rest his head in , nor a foot of land which he might call his own : he seemed to live , as st. chrysostom sayes of st. paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , only with a naked soul , or a sublimated spirit , as much above the glory of the world , as he had been stripped of it and by it ; being carefull in nothing save only to discharge a good conscience to god and men , as he did both living and dying , esteeming this the greatest treasure and honour to those that are daily dying to the world , even while they live in it . he was equally remote from lucifer and mammon , from haughtinesse as from covetousnesse : as he complained not of tenuity , so he owned not that deserved eminency which he had by any outward token , never appearing of later yeares in any other than a plain gown and cassock , as an ordinary presbyter . a person so rich in all excellencies , and yet so poor , even to an annihilation , in his own spirit , partakes ( no doubt ) of that first great beatitude , the kingdom of heaven . but , as if all that burthen , while this blessed bishop lived , had no been sufficient to depress this atlas , this job , this elias , there wan-tted not some men , ( who go for ministers ) who , to shew their despite and insolency against all bishops and episcopacy , durst own and declare their scorn and disdain against this excellent lord bishop and primate while he lived , by not vouchsafing to own or call him by any of these most deserved titles , nor enduring the style of armachanus to be added to his name . o pitiful parasites ! most obsequiously courting other men with the nauseous and repeated crambes of your honour , your lordship , my good lord , &c. whos 's neither place nor personal worth and merit in church or state , is , or ever can be , ( without a miracle ) comparable to this renowned lord and bishop , if pious impartiality , and not secular flattery , might be judge . ask all the christian and learned world , what man of any learning , honor and ingenuity , from home or abroad , ever wrote to him , or made mention of his name , without exquisite prefaces and studied epithets of signal honor and respect ; which attributes of lordship and grace given to bishops are no news , nor any way offensive , save onely to mechanick ignorance or envy ; there being nothing in all antiquity more frequent on all hands , than the honourable compellations and additions of ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) domine , and multùm venerande , of dominatio , dignitas and paternitas , of honourable lord and venerable father ascribed to worthy bishops : among whom none was more worthy of all attributes fit to be given to a mortal man than this bishop ; whose greatest diminutions ( like the seeming eclipses of the sun ) did not lessen his light , but onely hide him more from the world. he was as truely worthy to be honoured , emulated , admired , magnified and imitated of all good men in all ages , as any one person that ever i knew in all my life ; which ( as plato said of socrates ) i think much the more blessed of god , because i lived in those dayes which gave me the opportunity , honor and happinesse both to know and be known to this great exemplar of all learned worth , this grand pattern of bishops , preachers , scholars and christians . nor was it the least cordial i had in the difficulties and horrors of later years , to remember that i was not far from such an open sanctuary , that i might have frequent recourse to such a full and free magazin of all christian graces and gifts : nor did i think we could be completely miserable and utterly desolated , as to the church , while this great genius was yet alive and in england ; in whom , by a rare and wonderful conjunction , such high abilities were mixed with unparallell'd humility , such candor and gentleness did temper his gravity , and such serenity did sweeten the severer sanctity of his life , that he seemed to me not so much a man , as a kind of miracle or prodigy of humane perfections : especially when i remember , not long before his death , those unfeigned tears which i saw , and those humble complaints which i heard , not for his losses , but for his sins and omissions , earnestly deprecating gods displeasure , and dreading his exact tribunal . who will not fear and tremble , who will not wax wan and discoloured , when he sees a rubie of so great price and orient lustre contract pallor and amazement ? as for the many sufferings or indignities he had sustained , i never perceived the least regret or sigh , much lesse any bitter and revengfull replies . a very great sense indeed he expressed , and very often with sadness and compassion , for the distractions of this church , the deformities of our religion , and the feared future desolations , which he oft and earnestly seemed to presage as neer at hand , alwaies jealous that our religious feuds and factions would at last end in papall superstition and mutuall oppressions : against both which this good bishop , and so many , yea most , of his brethren , were , i believe , as much enemies , and as far removed , both in their judgements and endeavours , as the most antiepiscopall presbyter or independent in the world ; being much better able to give a reason of his distance from them , than they can for their defiance of him and all bishops . against the deluge of whose partiality and passion i have thus opposed the barricado or peire , this one great instance of a most unblameable bishop , purposely to vindicate , against all mens impudence , ignorance or malice , the consistence of episcopacy with piety , and the vast distance between primitive prelacy and after-popery . tru●y , in my judgement , this one bishop out-weighs all that ever was or can be alledged against episcopacy ; who not onely while he lived mightily justified the function , but before he died his earnest desire was , that such a due succession of episcopall authority might be regularly preserved in england , as might keep up the completenesse and validity of ecclesiasticall and catholick ordination , first against the calumnies of papists , who infinitely joy in the advantages they have got of such a schismatick reproch upon us ; next , against the rage and impertinencies of other factions , who will in time bring all reformed and christian religion to a consumption , if they either quite obstruct , or utterly destroy primitive and apostolick episcopacy , which that great bishop esteemed as ( vena porta , ) the great veine , which hath from the apostles conveyed , in all ages , all ecclesiasticall order , power , authority and jurisdiction . which undoubtedly was the judgement of all antiquity ; otherwise all churches would not have been so impatient of being without their bishops at any time , nor would bishops have been so carefull , in the times of persecution , to propagate an holy succession of bishops , without any remarkable or long interruption , never failing in any church till this last age , nor in england till of late yeares : primitive bishops not considering the pleasures or displeasures of men , great or small , in so grand a concern as what they believed was pleasing to god , profitable for the church , and necessary for ecclesiasticall authority ; which they thought could no more stand without episcopacy , than a body can without its leggs . nor did antiquity either use , or know , or want the late crutches of presbytery , or the stilts of independency , which , to make themselves seem usefull , have sought to cut off the native pillars and proper supports of this church to the very stumps , not without infinite paine to some parts , and those principal ones too , of the body , besides constant diminution and deformity to the whole . which will in my judgement , which willingly followes so great a guide as the lord primate , never in england be well at its ease , or in any posture of stability , unity , beauty and honor , untill episcopacy be beheld and embraced in its native lustre and primitive posture : first , as designed by the orderly power and wisdome of god ; secondly , as instituted and actuated by the spirit of christ and his apostles ; thirdly , as received and used without any scruple in all primitive churches , when once they were fully planted and established in ecclesiasticall polities or spirituall corporations ; not one church , in all ages , either denying , or doubting , or disputing the catholick authority of bishops ; fourthly , which they saw every way most agreeable , as to the nature of mankind , so to the different stations of christians , and to that necessary order which ought to be among ministers as well as other people ; fifthly , and to none more than to the english nation , where the blessings by episcopacy are now the more remembred and remarkable , by the miseries , disorders , divisions , insolencies , horrors and confusions which have befaln us since we took away the chief buttresses and pillars of the church , as if they were burthensome and superfluous , when indeed they were not lesse ornamentall , than usefull and necessary to the well-being of it at least , if not to the very being of it in us integrality and completeness . i am sure , the ejection of episcopacy , like the banishment of st. chrysostom out of constantinople , hath hitherto been attended and followed in england with great earthquakes and terrible shakings of other mens palaces and houses as well as those of bishops ; whose turning out of the house of lords by the vote of about twenty lords , made so wide a doore and breach to that house , that none of those peeres ( who were more impatient to sit with such learned and grave men under the same roof , than st. john was to be in the same bath with cerinthus ) could long stay within those walls ; the justice of heaven ( as some conjecture ) so far retaliating mens passions with speed upon their own heads : the divine wisdome ( i doubt not ) seeing and approving as much of beauty , order , prudence , unity and stability in true episcopacy , as he sees , and abhors , much of novelty , weaknesse , fatuity , partiality , deformity and confusion in any other waies of church-government , which cannot but be as defective and dubious , as they are novel and partiall , no way conform to the catholick custome of the churches of christ , nor any way either invented , approved or authorized by the sociall wisdome and joynt consent of all those in this church and state , who were concerned as highly in all changings of government , as any of those men are who have been most forward to make strange alterations , and to remove the ancient land-marks . chap. xxv . but it is high time to take my last farewel of this long and oft-debated cause of primitive and catholick episcopacy ; which truely i think in my conscience to be the cause , first , of god , as he is the god of order and wisdom , and not of folly or confusion ; secondly , the cause of jesus christ our blessed saviour , whose spirit constituted & guided the apostles , with all their holy successors , in this method of ecclesiastical communion and subordination ; thirdly , the cause of christs catholick church , which we ought not , in modesty or charity , so highly to reproch , as to impute ignorance or perversness to it , that either it knew not the way of christ at first , or it wilfully and presently forsook it by an universal apostasie , to gratifie some few mens ambition . fourthly , i esteem it the special cause of this church and nation : first , because it was never blessed with any church-government but that by bishops ; secondly , it hath been , and is , miserably shattered and abased by the casting off and want of episcopacy ; and thirdly , for the native temper of the people , who are not apt to be governed by any men not duely invested with the majesty of some eminent worth , adorned with special power , honor and estates , which together give authority . fifthly , i think it the cause of all good ministers , that desire to keep themselves in a true church-order and catholick communion ; who will find themselves , and leave their posterity , at a great losse , ( as to the honor , setledness and safety of the christian and reformed religion ) unless they be restored to some such uniform way of publick subordination and unity , as hath most safety , consistency and authority in it self , also most satisfaction to all learned , wise and honest men . all which things are no where ( that i see ) to be found but in a regular and primitive episcopacy ; which ows its late total ruine and shipwreck in england , not to its own age and leakinesse , ( as if it sunk of it self ) nor to the general dislike and weariness of it , as if the wisdom and power of the nation , prince and people , of all estates , had , upon serious , free and impartial advice , concluded to sink it , having provided a better vessel : but its ruine is the effect of a terrible and fatal storm , which came first out of the north upon us ; this ran episcopacy so , aground , that many despairing of her ever coming off with any intireness , betook themselves to the cock-bote of presbytery and the skiff of independency ; when yet , i conceive , it were no hard matter to recover episcopacy , as to the primitive structure of it , although much of its ornaments and gallantry be lost . certainly , the restitution of primitive episcopacy , for the unity , honor and happiness of the nation as well as of all the clergy , seemeth a work , as of far more prudence , justice and piety , so of much less charge and trouble than the ruine of it hath cost us all : nor can it be strange to see some men change their minds in religious concernments , who we see have soon done it in our civil settlements . this and other blessings of church-order and unity will easily flow in upon us , by a kind of tide or reciprocation of providence , beyond expectation , when once the god and saviour , the king and bishop , the great protector and president of his church , shall please to breath a spirit truely evangelical and christian upon this nation ; when all of us accepting of our punishment , and repenting of our sinful follies and presumptions , the lord will also repent of the evil which he hath brought upon us all , and think thoughts of mercy toward this languishing , afflicted , divided and deformed church , whose order , peace , honor , unity and happiness , some of us weakly , others wantonly , and not a few of us wickedly , have sinned away , to a state ( in point of ecclesiastical government ) deplorable enough , and almost irreparable . for it is not new associations , or confessions of faith , or pretty paraphrases on the heads of religion , which do salve our sore ; blessed be god , the church of england needed not these crambes : it is onely the god of love and father of mercies who can allay the spirits of men , and bring them out of those contentious and c●uel dispositions which are divisive , and so destructive to each other . true , we have been three dayes dead and buried ; yet no corruption , no dissolution , no dissipation can hinder the hand of omnipotent goodnesse , when he shall please to command a resurrection , even to dry bones and scattered dust . then may we hope that this salvation of the most high draweth neer to us , when those that are in highest place for power and counsell , shall by impartiall advise , both of states men and church-men , in synods as well as parlaments , deliberate and determine such things as shall gratifie no one or more factions or parties , but the community or publick ; with regard not so much to the present pregnant and pugnant interests , ( which are not without passion prosecuted and urged ) as chiefly to the future blessings of their country and posterity ; which no government , as to the civil state , will make long happy or peacefull , unlesse they be combined in religious regards as christians , no lesse than as men : for though christians properly do not fight and contend , yet the men and beasts will , if their hearts and hands be not bound with mutuall charity and religious harmony ; which are the surest bonds of unity , perfection and peace . to let the concernments of this church and the state of the reformed religion alone , to leave them as now they stand ( or fall rather into daily decaies , divisions , distractions , mutuall animosities & abhorrencies between ministers and other christians , ) to let them take their course , and work out themselves by an irreligious tolerancy and imprudent indifferency , is ( as st. basil the great observes ) like the leaving of a desperate consumption , or a spreading cancer , or a venemous gangrene , or a contagious plague , to the cure of good nature and providence , expecting what time will do ; ( which is indeed a catholicon that either cures or consumes , mends or ends , all things . ) a method far short of that prudence and conscience which ought studiously and industriously to apply all those seasonable and apt meanes , which both reason and religion , piety , charity , policy , and humanity do dictate to us , and require of us ; which being in the power of our hands , not to use them , must needs be such a supine negligence and sottish lazinesse , as neither becomes wise men nor good christians ; savouring more of an earthy dulnesse and an atheisticall indifferency , than of any quick sense of honor or conscience in behalf of our god , our saviour , our religion , our own or other mens soules . in all which to be carelesse and stupid , is the lesse veniall in us as men , because in other things , like spiders , we have a very quick sense and most acute resentment of any thing that in the least kind toucheth or threatneth our civil , worldly , and momentany concernments , for estate , honor or safety : here we are vigilant to prevent , speedy to consult , diligent to endeavour , desperate to adventure . which high activity in matters momentany , renders our coldnesse and lukewarmenesse in religion most unexcusable before god and man ; being more afraid of an enemy than an heresie , of civil sedition than of ecclesiastick schisms , of a sharp sword than a damnable error ; more solicitous to save our carcases than our soules , and to sleep in whole skins , than to keep good consciences ; pretending ( as some do ) that nothing is more religious , than to urge , injoyne and require nothing in religion , that the highest christian liberty is an indifferency or toleration left to all men toward all religions , especially if they do but pretend to any smack of christianity . i know that this indulging of an equall toleration to all parties and sects in christian religion , ( by which , as cocks in a pit , they may fight it out till they have got the mastery of each other ) hath a popular shew of equanimity and tendernesse ; being much applauded by those that have had of late yeares the reall benefit of it , though they are the most supercilious and severe suppressors of others , who do but crave an equall and inoffensive share of freedom , as to their judgements , consciences and religion : yet if we look to the bottome of such indulgences as gratifie mens endlesse novelties , varieties , vanities and extravagancies in religion , we shall find they have little of true charity , lesse of true piety , and least of all of true policy , either in magistrates or ministers ; whose duty ( i humbly conceive ) is not so much to build their own severall nests , and to feather them with their private fancies , where to lay and hatch up their various opinions ; but they should all agree to build gods house , to advance that common salvation , according to the catholick order and example of christs church . they should speedily , faithfully and impartially set themselves to settle and maintaine , by all fit meanes , such a way of true religion , as to its publick profession , solemn ministration , and paternall government , as shall be found , by the joynt wisdom and piety of the nation , in learned synods impartially convened ▪ and in free parlaments peaceably disposed , to be most consonant to gods word as to the substance of duties , and to primitive custome as to the manner or circumstances of them . a work certainly not more necessary than easie , if mens hearts were as upright as they are able , with gods blessing , to attaine so good a designe . nor would men faile to be warme and diligent in it , if they had a true perception either of the great advantages which attend the unity of any nation in religion , or of the mischiefes , publick and private , which follow their distractions , while every one , out of a childish and inordinate delectation , is indulging their own private humors and opinions , to the injury and neglect of the publick . i see that in terrors of fire , shipwreck or inundation , even devout people will fly from their prayers , sermons and sacraments , to secure themselves or their neighbours : with how much more zeal and earnestness should wise men dispense a little with their private interests , secular counsells and civil agitations , and sometimes apply to the reliefes and securities of religion , if they did apprehend and lay to heart the pernicious consequences which are inseparable from the divisions and distractions of religion ? whereof i have given in the second book so many and so miserable instances . if the work were but once well begun , it would be half done : lesser disputes would fall of themselves , if once , as to the maine of doctrine , worship , discipline and church-government , sober men were agreed : if the maine sores of pride , passion , prejudice and presumption were well searched and clensed , charity , like a precious balsame , would soon work out , close and heale all uncomfortable jealousies and distances among good christians . however , some publick standard owned & established for the setled truth and order of the reformed religion on all sides , would ( by casting anchor as it were ) give some good stay at present , beyond what the particular confessions of several parties are like to do , such as i see both presbyterian associations and independent congregations daily bring forth ; and so will every new form do , till we all agree in something uniform , as to the maine rule , end and order of religion . this once done , however there might still be some tossings and dis-satisfactions as to private mens opinions ; yet , as to the maine interests of religion as christian and reformed , also as to the grand concernments of this church , in its unity , honor , purity and just priviledges , these would by such ligatures and limits of truth and love be much preserved from running into endlesse factions and sacrilegious confusions , which cannot but tend to civil combustions , and end at last in the romish usurpation , which , as the dam of romulus , never failes to make its prey of any churches that are divided and any christians that are scattered , dis-satisfied or scandalized with their religion ; by which meanes either our thames will run to tiber , or tiber will come to our thames . this will be the last result these the dregs and bottom of our religious distractions and unsetlednesse , if they be not wisely remedied . mean time , for want of some such sober fixation and equall standard of religion in its publick profession , to which both prince and people of all sorts might both wisely consent and conform , first , there cannot be that mutual christian charity and neighbourly communion among subjects ; next , there cannot be that kindness or correspondence , that love and fidelity between prince and people , which would be if they did say amen to the same prayers , and serve the same god in the same manner . civil disaffections do infallibly follow between soveraignes and subjects upon any diversity in religion ; as is evident not onely in germany , poland , france , ireland and scotland , ( where the greatest popular dis-satisfactions and asperities against their princes were still raised by the jealousies which some people had of their religion ) but also in england , while subjects suspected as if their governors in church and state did daily warp from that religion which was reformed , and established in the church of england : from which , at last , it appeares none varied lesse than those that have been most destroyed , none more than those whose jealousies and passions for reformation have over-born them and this church to as great deformities as there are novelties , and to as many distractions as there are divisions ; which in religion , as wounds , do not onely divide , but deface the beauty of any body naturall , civil and ecclesiastick . nor can there be any publick discrepancies of religion between prince and people , but either the prince cries out of faction , sedition and rebellion , against his subjects ; or subjects complain of tyranny and persecution , as to their princes injunctions , at least of superstition , as to his profession , if it be with more ceremony or lesse solemnity than they fancy , or are wonted to . yea , we find by some mens interpretation of their covenant , the clause for allegiance thus limited in the preservation of true religion ▪ that is , say some , as far as we think the king preserves what seemes to us true religion , so far we will be faithfull to him ; if he varies from that , we may fall from him . besides these mischiefs , which are either imminent or incumbent , and indeed unavoidable , where prince and people are still left to chuse their several religions amidst the varieties and uncertainties of different modes and forms , of opposite preachers , parties , professions and churches , ( such as now divide not onely england , but all christendom ) in time the prince or chief magistrate here in england , or any christian and reformed church , may be either an atheist , as unsetled in any religion , because he sees so many ; or else he may be an idolater , an arrian , a socinian , a papist , an anabaptist , a familist , a seeker , a quaker , any thing or nothing , as well as a protestant , or professor of the true reformed religion , which is never well reformed , if it be not well united and established , no more than a diseased body is well cured or purged , which is daily breaking out in boyles and botches . and since experience shews us in england , that many subjects , by the scandal of our divisions , are turned atheists , papists , socinians , anabaptists , familists , seekers , ranters , quakers , any thing , yea nothing , as to true religion , which consists in piety , equanimity , charity , the love of god and our neighbour ; what shall hinder those that hereafter may be in soveraign power , and exposed to many temptations , to take the same freedom when they list , and to profess popery or any thing , when religion is left to their choice and indifferency ? there being no publick worship , catechize , articles or canons to which all agree as the card and compass of religion , by which both prince and people may safely and unanimously steer their course towards heaven , in a christian consent and harmony , much more punctual and explicit than that is of owning onely one god , ( which the turks do ) and one lord jesus christ , ( which all hereticks and schismaticks do . ) which sad fate of a prince and people who are every day to seek and chuse , or change their religion , cannot befall england without sore conflicts and many bloody bickerings ; the temper of the english being not so dull , and flegmatick , and over-awed , as that which possesseth some dutch-men and almaines , whose zeal for trade and gain ( besides their social drinking , which begins and ends all their differences ) makes them more capable to endure different professions of religion among them , so far as they do not endanger the civil peace , nor obstruct their blessed commerce : yet even these churches and states have some setled form and profession of religion , in doctrine , worship and discipline : yea , they in the netherlands have a very handsom liturgy , and other publick boundaries or symbols of their religion , from which when once their magistrates perceived such variations to grow , by the remonstrants party , as might shake their civil peace and the stability of their church , they did , to their no small cost and pains , stop the breach , both by the synod of dort and the power of the sword , not permitting those whom the publick sense counted innovators in religion , to enjoy any such freedom or toleration as might endanger any publick perturbations , which would have grown easily from such parties as wanted not learning , wit and pretentions of piety , on each side , to carry on their opinions as far as their passions and interests listed , which is to have empire and dominion , not onely over all mens bodies , but their souls too , either by fair or foul means : for no opinion or sect is content with the trundle-bed or footstool , but affects the throne and scepter , of state and of religion , that it may have a complete soveraignty over men ; which is never well managed by private mens petty activities , and therefore best prevented by the publick wisdom , moderation and setledness , which ought to be in every nation , state , kingdom or commonwealth that owns it self as a church of christ , who is but one lord , and hath taught all his disciples but one religion . all sober and honest men ( whose fishing and harvest lyes not in our troubles ) do sufficiently see that religion , as christian and reformed , hath suffered very much in england , when it was best setled : we have upon us the wounds both of peace and war. as our former long peace and undeserved prosperity treasured up much morbifick matter , so the civil war , by mutual chafings and exasperatings , did breed higher inflammations and festrings ; yea , and our late truce , rather than tranquillity , hath been so far from a serious consideration and well-advised setling of our distractions in religion , that many men have had but more leisure and liberty to scratch their own and other mens scabious itchings , and to make wider the gaping corifices of our religious ulcers . indeed , private hands can do no other , who besides their petulant passions , being under no publick restraint and modesty , have infinite partialities , both as to self-flatteries and designs . it must be the gravity and majesty , the nobleness and ampleness of publick wisdom and authority , which must by prudence and impartiality , both in counsels and actions , reach the depth , and equal the proportions either of our maladies or our remedies : to which if wise and worthy men do not in time contribute their counsels , prayers and endeavours , for the help and healing of our religious affairs , doubtless the disorders and sinister policies of either weak or wicked men will utterly ruine the very remains and ruines of this church . nor can the civil state be ever steddy or permanent , where prince and subjects , preachers and people are so divided , ( in their principles and practises of religion , both as to their ministry and ministration , as to the original and exercise of all ecclesiastical authority and communion ) that they still think it a great part of their religion either to reform or ruine each other . it is observed to be one main pillar of the turkish polity , peace and empire , which is so vast and diffused , yet generally so peaceable and unanimous , that their religion or holy law ( as they call it ) being once setled , is never permitted by any man to be shaken or disputed , much less altered or innovated in the least kind . i know it is not fit for christians to follow all mahometan rigors and severities , no more than their follies and simplicities ; yet , if the setledness of so wild a rhapsody of religion as the alcoran contains , ( which is made up of truth and falshood , of fables and fancies , of dreams and dotages ) be of so great moment to preserve their civil peace , where no wise man can be much concerned what is believed or disbelieved by him , or any man , in such a meer romance of religion , of how much more consequence and conscience would it be to all christians , in any polity or nation , to have their religion well fixed and setled , which is so ancient , so holy , so true , so venerable , so divine , so in its nature , centre and circumference but one , so deserving to be most united and uniform , both as to its doctrine and profession ? it is a shame to see mahometans wiser in their generation than christians , who are , or ought to be , the children of that wisdom and that light which shines upon them all by the scriptures , as the beams of the sun of righteousness . it is childish for us , who are cunning & careful enough to preserve civil peace , to be so careless of religious unity and harmony , as to be tossed to and fro with every wind of doctrine , according to the sleight of men , who lye in wait to deceive the hearts of the simple , serving not the lord , but their own bellies . we should rather study to be rooted and grounded in the catholick truth , which is according to holiness , justice , order and charity , after the primitive pattern and constant practise of all true churches , preachers and professors ; whose authority and reverence ought to sway more with us , than any new and private mens inventions , which no man will admire that well understands the old , which were so founded upon verity , so fortified by charity , so edified in unity , so reverend for antiquity , so permanent in their constancy , according to the particular constitutions of every church , which still kept the great and catholick communion , as to the main , amidst some little varieties of outward profession , not as to substance , but onely in circumstances or ceremony : for , as to the main , every christian , layical or clerical , catechumens , penitents and communicants , deacons and presbyters , kept the stations in which god and the church had set them . every member kept to its congregation , every congregation to its ordained presbyter or lawfull minister , every presbyter to his own bishop , every bishop to his metropolitane , every metropolitane to his patriarch , every patriarch ( not to the pope , but ) to the generall councills , and every generall councill to the scriptures , and those apostolick traditions which were catholick , and so agreeable to them . all which orderly gradations were , certainly , in the catholick church as lawfull as those which the policy of presbytery hath invented , for congregationall , classicall , provinciall and nationall consistories : i am sure they were much more usefull . for those of old preserved every private christian , every family , every city , every country , every province , every nation that was christian , not onely in a church-way or ecclesiasticall communion and correspondency , as to their particular bounds and neerer relations in every parish , or congregation , or city , or country ; but as to that catholick bond of charity which binds up all christians in all the world in one fellowship of one body , and one church , whose head is christ ; to whom every true believer and visible professor in the whole latitude of the church being , by the word and spirit of christ , fitly joyned together and compacted by that which every joynt supplyeth , according to the effectuall working in the measure of every part , doth both edifie and increase it self and others in truth and love , without which all churches , all religion and all reformation are but like parts or members separate from their body , not without flesh , sinewes , substance or bones , but yet without blood and spirits , life and soul. for , as the particular parts and members of the naturall body do not live , thrive and move , onely by that particular substance , spirit , life and aptitude which is ( apart ) in them , but by a concurrence with , an influence from , and a participation of , that common spirit , life & virtue which they have from the whole , while they are in communion with it : so is it with christians , singly and severally considered their virtue is small , and separated none at all , because they want so much of authority and validity , as they want of catholick unity and ecclesiasticall harmony , which keep christians and churches intire to christ and to each other , by that one and common spirit , which runs through all true christians ; by virtue of which , and not of any private spirit , all publick transactions , which concern any nobler part or portion of christs church , are to be carried on , and anciently were in all orderly churches as branches of the catholick . this , this great and publick communion in the same faith , spirit , power and authority , was it that made the just and valid sentence of excommunication in primitive times so terrible , and that of absolution so comfortable , to all good christians , even as the sentence of jesus christ at the last day ; which tertullian , cyprian , the first council of nice , and others tel us of : because it was no private spirit of any christian , or congregation , or church , or presbyter , or bishop , or metropolitane , or patriarch , that properly did excommunicate , but it was the spirit , power and authority of jesus christ , given to , diffused among , and shed abroad in , his whole body of the catholick church , and in that name dispensed by the particular bishops and pastors of it in their severall stations or places ; as the visuall and audible powers or faculties which are in the soul are exerted and exercised onely by the eyes and eares . hence was it that whoever was by any one catholick bishop with his presbyters and his people excommunicated , was thereby cast out of that and all other churches communion in all the world ; nor was it lawfull , as the nicene councill and african canons tell us , for any bishop , presbyter , or christian people , to receive into church-fellowship or to the holy communion of the eucharist any one that was thus secluded . then did this great and weighty thunderbolt of excommunication seemingly lose its primitive virtue and value , ( not really , for it holds good still , according to the originall commission , when lawfully executed in binding or loosing , in opening or shutting , as christ deposited it with his apostles and their successors ) when factions or schismes being risen in the church , contrary sentences of excommunication were on all sides passionately bandied against each other ; not from that unity of the spirit , which kept the bond of truth and love , but from the private passions , presumptions , prejudices and opinions of such as either openly deserted , or occasionally declined from , that catholick community and unity of one faith , one lord , one baptisme , one spirit , for gifts and graces , for the authority and efficacy of christs holy ministry . after these preposterous and partiall methods , not onely many particular christians , but some presbyters and bishops , yea whole synods and councils , have sometimes passed the sentences of excommunication , both as to declaring the guilt and merit of it , also to the act and execution of it , very precipitantly , partially , passionately and uncharitably ; even against such doctrines , practises and persons , as were orthodox and peaceable , really in communion with christ and with the catholick church : of which one early , great and sad instance was that in the second century , of victor bishop of rome , who in the case of easter grew so zealously exasperated against the greek and eastern churches , as quartadecimans , that he thought them worthy to be excommunicated in the name of all the latine churches ; notwithstanding that many grave and learned bishops , with their churches , testified , that in observing the fourteenth day of the month they followed the primitive custome and pattern delivered by the apostles to them ; wherein st. irenaeus ( according to his name ) with greater moderation and charity sought not onely to appease , but to represse the inordinate heats of that pope and his adherents , who had a zeal , but not according to charity , breaking christian communion while he urged too much conformity in all outward things , beyond the liberty which was granted , and had been long used in the church : concluding , that difference of times or daies ( not divinely determined ) in the observation of the same duty , ought not to make any breach of catholick unity & christian charity , but rather assert & exercise that christian liberty which may , in circumstantialls as to outward rites , be in the severall parts of christs church , untill all think fit to agree in that circumstance of time , as well as they did in the substance of the duty , which was the eucharisticall celebration of christs blessed resurrections which was the reviving of the christian faith and hope . after this example did st. cyprian in africa , excommunicate those that would not rebaptize , or did communicate with , such as hereticks and schismaticks baptized ; herein being contrary to the sense of the catholick church . at length these and the like passions or surprises even of some orthodox bishops , were made patterns and encouragements to any pragmatick hereticks and arrogant schismaticks : these , as they grew to any bulk and number , ( like snow-balls by rouling ) ventured to handle this hot thunderbolt of excommunication , when they had most cause to fear it ; because their petulancy , obstinacy and contumacy against the true and catholick churches judgement and communion most deserved it , if their first error did not . hence excommunication was at last every where reduced and debased to private spirits , full of pride , revenge and partiality ; the catharists or novatians , the donatists and arrians feared not , by their pseudoepiscopal conventicles and schismatical assemblies , to denounce these terrors and anathema's , and to use the sharp sword of spiritual curses against the soundest parts of the church ; as some dared to do against athanasius , and all the orthodox , both bishops , presbyters and people . this made in after-times all excommunication very much slighted and despised , while it either served to little other use than to execute the popes wrath , for many hundred years of great darkness and blind devotion , or afterward , in times of more light and heat , it was u●ed as squibbs are , rather to scare and smut , than much to burn or blast , those who either used it or abused it rather to gratifie their own private spirits , than to execute that publick power and authority which jesus christ hath committed , with his spirit and word , to his church and the rulers of it ; by which who so was justly cut off , cast out , and given over to satan , was looked upon as separate from the comfort of communion with jesus christ and the true god , as well as the true church in all the world. nor was this onely a declarative act , as to the merit of that fearfull doome and state , confirmed by the consonant suffrage of all the church as damnabl● without repentance and reconciliation , ( of which every private christian might easily make a verbal report and oral denunciation ; ) but it was an authoritative and effectual act , executive of the just and deserved judgement of god , so as to be ratified in heaven , according to the original tenor and validity of christs word and commission , without repentance : just as what is by virtue of their office done by any publick judge , notarie or herald , is not onely declarative , but also executive of the will and command of the prince , specified in the authentick commission or mandate under the broad seal , which is not onely the voice of the king and his councel , but of the law and publick justice it self , yea of the whole republick or community ; as every man lawfully condemned by any judge , or cast by any jury , is virtually cast and condemned by the will , suffrage and consent of the body politick , who are all consenting to the law , and concerned that justice be duely executed on some evil members for the good of the whole . so that the several degrees and subordinations in the ancient church of christ , even long before the first nicene council ( as there is expressed ) among churchmen and bishops , ( against which some have made so loud and ridiculous clamors ) were chiefly for this end , as mr. calvin and others have as ingenuously as truely observed , that the holy correspondency of all christians and all churches in one faith and truth , in one spirit and power , might not onely be most evident to the world , but most aptly carried on and preserved against all factions , variations and divisions , that they might by these means be known to be of one heart and mind in the lord , that they might all speak the same things , and walk in the same steps ; that what one condemned all might in the same spirit condemn , what one forgave all might forgive ; that none might , upon any private passions , either excommunicate others by injurious abscission , or themselves by voluntary separation , or make new confederacies and associations with those who are either deserters of the catholick communion , or justly excommunicated from it : which distempers of ignorance , and impatience , and imprudence among christians have brought , as we see , this great power of the keyes , and this exercise of christian discipline , so far into contempt , that no man almost regards it from any hand ; every one daring to make what retortions they please , and to excommunicate any one or more , yea and whole churches , that do excommunicate them for any the most notorious errors and insolencies . thus , as the popes of rome heretofore , so the people now in many places challenge to themselves this power against their neighbours and brethren , yea against their preachers and bishops , against the fathers that begat them , and the mother - church which did bear them . so that , i confesse , there is not so much cause of terror as of pitty in most excommunications , as they are now managed by private and unauthoritative spirits . o what sorrow , what shame is it to see so sacred , so solemn , so divine , so dreadfull an institution , vilified and nullified , which was designed for the health and welfare of the church of christ , by just and necessary severi●ies , when it was , as it ought to be , soberly applyed by wise , holy , and impartiall governours of the church in the name of christ , & in the catholick spirit or consent of all orthodox bishops , presbyters and people , which was able to shake heaven and hel , to open and shut the everlasting doores of salvation or damnation , according as the penitency or impenitency of offenders did appeare ! to see this flaming sword , which was put by christ into the cherubims hand ( those that were the angels of his church ) to keep the way of the tree of life , to see this made the scare-crow and scorne of vile men , the sport of petulant and peevish spirits ; who neither fear to inflict excommunication upon whom they list , as much as lies in their impotent malice , nor yet to suffer it from the most just , impartiall and authoritative hands in the world ; from whom being once proudly separated , they fancy they are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) out of the reach and danger of this just terror , and the others true authority , as lawfull bishops or governours of the church ! whose heavy sentence if i should incurre so far , that any one true bishop with his clergy should passe it against me , upon just grounds of my scandalous and obstinate sinning against god and his church , ( according to the ancient , rightfull and lawfull way of such proceedings in the name and spirit of jesus christ , to which all true christians in this church and in all the world do submit and assent , ) i confess i should much more fear , living and dying , to lye under such a censure and sentence , than to be condemned in my estate , liberty or life , by any court of humane justice , which reacheth not to the souls eternal estate , as excommunication rightly managed doth ; it being a most undoubted oracle of our lord jesus christ , that whose sins the apostles , and their lawful successors , as rulers of the church , do bind on earth , they are bound in heaven . who their lawful and authoritative successors have been , are , and ought to be , in all ages and places of the church , is evident to all that have any fear of god , or reverence of his catholick churches testimony . this is certain , as excommunication carries with it the joynt spirit and suffrage of the whole church , and every true member of it , either explicitly or implicitly ; so the regular and authoritative managing of it was ever from the respective bishops authority and order , as chief pastors in every church , to whose fatherly care and inspection , with the counsel of their presbyters , the flock of christ is committed ; especially as to the discreet use of such discipline as highly concerns the salvation or damnation , the hopes or despair , the binding or loosing , the abscission or restauration of any part : which ought not to be judged , determined and executed by every private spirit of minister or people , but by such venerable bishops and their presbyters , as have the authentick transmission of the apostles ordinary governing power delivered to them as from christ ; being in this like the judges in commission for life and death : though the sentence be the laws , and the power the chief magistrates , and the transaction or publication in the face of the county , to which all the bench of justices , the jury and other honest men do tacitly give their votes and assent ; yet is the cognizance and examination of the merits of the cause , and the judicial solemn declaration of the sentence , committed specially to the judge , both in respect of his learned abilities and known integrity , also for the honor and order which are necessary to be observed in proceedings of so great concernment to mankind as are matters of life and death . such is the power , such ought to be the procedure of all due excommunication ; such they were in the purest and primitive times , when all christians , all congregations , all presbyters , all bishops , all particular churches , were so united , that , as many spokes make but one wheel , and many stones one building , and many members one body , so these made but one church , in the same faith , the same baptism , the same ministry , the same spirit , the same order , the same power , the same lord and saviour jesus christ . from which blessed harmony and spirituall communion if any christian , or any particular congregation , or any part of the church , ( as those of the donatistick party and the novatians in africa , with others ) either proudly , passionately and peevishly did separate themselves , or were deservedly separated by the just censure of any part of the true church , and thenceforth falling to mangling of all by mutuall excommunications , so as to fly in the faces of their lawfull bishops and pastors , or else turne their backs on them and their communion ; certainly there could nothing hence be expected but such sad effects as alwaies follow the dividing or any part from the whole , whose integrity is the common safety , beauty and honor . all breakings , severings and dissociatings among any christians , or in any church , are the fatall fore-runners of much misery , decay and death , as to that truth and love which are the life and vigor of all christian societies . and such , i feare , in time will be the state of this languishing and lamenting , this broken and bleeding church of england , where every mans hand of late yeares hath been and still is lifted up against his brother , and the sons against their fathers , wounding and tearing , destroying and devouring one another ; where none are afraid either to excommunicate themselves , or others whom they list , or to deserve any the justest sentence of excommunication from any others in whom the true power and judgement under christ resides . this , this seemes to be the state of the church of england , which heretofore was ever justly esteemed as a noble , ancient , renowned and principall part of the catholick , militant and visible church of christ , untill it came to be thus torne and mangled into many churches , thus wounded and divided by uncharitable factions , thus swoln and inflamed by proud and passionate separations , thus deformed and dying by continued and uncured distractions ; which will destroy the whole , as to all honor , beauty , unity , integrity and authority , while men study to foment and advance their private and severall parties , contrary to the reall and publick interests of the whole church of england , both as nationall and as a member of the catholick . in whose behalf i know not how to expresse ( before i dye ) a greater zeal for gods glory , or love to my redeemer , or charity to my country , than by thus recommending to your pious , princely and generous care ( o my worthy and honored countrymen , ) the state of the church of england and of the reformed religion , sometime so professed in her , that she was the glory , crown , rejoycing and triumph of all christian and reformed churches . chap. xxvi . beseeching you again and again , as persons of wisdome and power , of piety and honor , of grandeur and candor , first by all meanes to redeem the interests of this reformed church , of true religion and its true ministers , from those undeserved diminutions and sacrilegious depredations , to which they are still exposed by the envy , malice , injuriousnesse , presumption and unsatiable covetousnesse of many men of later yeares grown up in england . alas , poor and despicable men will as certainly make poor ministers , as leane hackneys in long travelling will tire ; you may as soon mix oyle and water , clay and gold , as fix any honor or regard upon that ministry or clergy which is depressed , in these last and worst , these brasse and iron times , to popular dependence , and its necessary consequents , poverty , or , which is worse , flattery . such as make no scruple to take away from ministers , even from the best and chiefest of them , one part of their double honor , a setled , competent and honourable maintenance , will never make conscience to deprive them of the other part , which is civill respect and verball value , which are but the shels and shadowes of honor ; men will make no bones to take away fleece and all , who will venture to steal the carkase of the sheep . you cannot but ( with me ) see that there are many men of a new light , and sight too , who look upon nothing which hath been given to the church , either for its instruction or government , for its ministers education or entertainment , for charity or hospitality , for decency or honor , under any notion , i do not say of sacred , as devoted to our god and saviour , ( alas ! this is blasted for superstitious and superfluous , as neither needfull nor acceptable to god , ) but not so much as just , in any civil right or common equity , so far as the proprietors have the use and possession of them , according to as good law as any man hath his lands and goods ; of which they cannot in justice be disseised , unlesse they are convicted by law to have forfeited them , by felony or treason , or such misdemeanour as the law thinks fit to punish by such deprivation . who almost is there of these new illuminates that makes any scruple or conscience to shark , to defraud , to detaine , to delay , to deny any thing that belongeth to th● ●ergy or ministry , comply they never so much with the popul●●ther what they requ●re as their right , by law as well as 〈…〉 ●ewish , or superstitious , or popish , or pompous , or super● 〈…〉 , or abused , and so may better be turned to other 〈…〉 other men of civil trades and professions , 〈…〉 ●ssary to the common-wealth than any ministers 〈…〉 ●riledge is in every corner , yea and in market-place 〈…〉 , yea oft in churches and pulpits ; murmuring , 〈…〉 ▪ rep●ing , coveting and plotting how to eate up , not onely all the houses of god in the land , but all his chief servants , the rulers and ministers of his son jesus christ , the pastors and teachers of his church . we have already seen , if some men like to have no bishops , as chief fathers , presidents and governours , nor any deanes and chapters , as their constant presbyteries and counsell , ( which all reason and religion , all policy and order , all practise and custome of the church of god , old and new , all wisdome , divine and humane , either commands or commends in all polities , societies and fraternities of men , ) presently away with all these amalekites , their revenues , houses and honors must be sold and converted to other uses . if others , or the same genius , like to have no presbyters or ministers , as set apart and ordained for that office and calling , will not , nay do not , their teeth ake , and fingers itch , to take away all glebes and tithes from all ministers , though never so industrious and deserving , and by law invested in them , as to all civil right ? would not some men either have ministers fall to spinning and carding , to thrashing and digging , to begging and stealing , to starving or hanging , as well as to preaching ? or else they will bring diggers and thatchers , combers and weavers , with other godly mechanicks , who will preach all things , and demand nothing as due , however no tithes ; which are to some as abominable as feeding upon mice and rats . so , if others like to have no scholars bred to humane learning , ( which , they say , doth but obstruct the teachings of gods spirit , and puffe up ministers with the leaven of philosophy , arts and sciences , above the simplicity of the gospel , and above the plowes , carts and high-shoes of their silly neighbours ) o how do they grieve and pine away day by day , ( as amnon did for love of tamar ) or as ahab did for naboths vineyard ) that they might once seize upon the lands and colledges of both universities , and all free-schooles which go beyond writing , reading and cyphering ? o what fine estates , what pretty dwellings might be picked out of those needlesse seminaries of scholars , priests and preachers ? if others like no locall churches , as superstitious , popish , jewish , heathenish , who had all such like grosse and materiall temples , which are needlesse to those that are themselves living temples of the holy spirit , and need not that any men should teach them in piles of wood and stone , or out of desks and pulpits ; down , down even to the ground with these steeple-houses , these hornets and wasps nests : the rubbish , if it will not sell , will at least mend the high-waies to markets , and spare the town or country charges of digging gravel ; the bels , stones and timber will turne to good money , the common-wealth may need them , they will save taxes a while . thus will some men boldly dare , if they might have their will , to take away both the foal and the asse , with ( dominus opus habet , ) or rather ( dominus opus non habet ) the lord of heaven needs not these things , so much as some that long to be our lords on earth . last of all , ( that i may search this fistula to the bottome , ) if any that are young and lusty , full-fed and frolick , shall dislike to have any lazy poor people to be maintained as moths and leeches , teeks or vermine , gratis , upon the publick almes and charitable foundations , presently ( as if they quite forgat that themselves might be so aged , poor and feeble , that they might be glad of such constant relief ; or as if they did not remember how many of their fathers and mothers , their grandsires and grandames , have lived and dyed , either in some such almes-house and hospitall , or have been kept at the town charges , ) away with all the lands and houses of almes-houses and hospitalls , those drones nests , where they neither have dayly service of god , nor frequent prayers , sermons and sacraments , as cathedral churches had ; which either are most-what demolished , or in a faire way to drop down and be destroyed . whither , i beseech you , will not this gangrene of covetous and sacrilegious humor spread ? who will give any thing , living or dying , to any good work of durable piety or charity , when he shall see nothing is like to be secure ? were it not high time to examine what the sin of sacriledge is ? whether there be any such sin , since so many holy and learned men affirm it in word , and yet so many others of godly pretentions in deed own no such thing ? if it be found to be a sin , it must needs be a dreadful monster , like python or hydra , with a very great paunch , and many wide mouths ; a gigantick sin , that fights against god , defies heaven , devours things sacred , dares to rob the poors bellies , and starve their souls . it is not to be checked or stopped , but by some publick censure , decree and detestation , declaring it to be a sin injurious to god , reprochful to any religion , as heathenish , jewish , christian and reformed , dishonourable to any nation , desolating to the church , destructive to ministers and people , to piety , charity , learning and industry . no bank or rampart is sufficient to keep out this black and dead sea , when once it hath undermined the common principles of gratitude , reverence and worship toward god , of justice and righteousnesse toward men ; which it is very like to do , when i find d. b. a man of my own coat and calling , a prof●ssed presbyter or minister heretofore according to the ordination of the church of england , who hath the character of holy oders by bishops hands still upon him unrenounced , when ( i say ) such men come to be proctors and promoters , patrones , pleaders and solicitors ( in any case ) for alienating of those church-lands which belonged to the bishops , deans and chapters : the issue indeed of difficult , distressed and turbulent times , which , it may be , necessity rather than choise drove some men to ; yet this in cool blood must be applauded by a grave o , that so he , a late purchaser , may have part of that bl●ssed corban , which , he knows , did sometime belong to his mother this church , and to his fathers the bishops of it : whose right to keep what they had by law was , i suppose , once undoubtedly as good as any that thisor any man can plead , for what it seems he never yet had possession of . sure it was as just for those to have kept their estates , as it can be for him to get part of it : he cannot strengthen his own private and purchased title , but he must justifie their 's more , who had received and enjoyed them as publick ministers , governours and officers of the church , upon a publick , both civil and sacred , title ; first , from the pious donors , who doubtless had , as st. peter tells ananias , a power to give what was their own , as they did to god and his church , by valid acts in law , and such deeds as exprest their last will and testament , which , st. paul tells us , no man ought to disannull ; secondly , especially considering , in the next place , that what was so given , was no way to the prejudice of the publick ; thirdly , yea by publick permission , approbation , confirmation and acceptance ; fourthly , wherein the whole nation , church and state , hath a publick right and common interest , as things given for the good order and honor of the nation as it is christian : fifthly and lastly , adde to the personal right of the donors and possessors , also to the publick right of the whole nation , that highest right ( paramount ) which all learned and impartial men have ever judged to be in god ; either in such things as he is pleased precisely to demand of us , as he did the first-born , the first-fruits , many sacrifices and oblations , besides the tithes of all , and some cities with their suburbs for his ministers of old ; or in those things which he hath left in our free will and gratitude to vow , offer , give & dedicate to his service , or to his son jesus christ , ( as the wise men at first did their myrrh , gold and frankincense , which certainly no men would have taken from that holy babe , who would not , with herod have taken away his life . ) by which holy liberalities we christians may honor our god and saviour with our substance , and not serve them only with that which costs us nothing : nor is god in these to be mocked ; if once we have vowed and devoted them to him , as we ought to pay our vowes , so we ought not to break and frustrate either our own or others dedications to god who is ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the great asylum of all , not to be violated in the least kind . who ever doubted but that god accepted and owned as his peculiar , those things which any men consecrated as means fitting to advance the good ends of his glory and publick service in the right teaching , ordering and governing of his church , in instituting and supporting his ministry , and in relieving his poor ? all which being so very necessary for the church , and so agreeable to the word of god , they must needs be strangely avaritious who think it superstitious for any man to give of his lands or other estate to these uses , and to invest in gods name his church or ministers , as a holy corporation , in such a right , as is hard to imagine how it can be ever justly alienated , till the free consent of all parties concerned be had and declared . first , the present possessors , they must freely resign their personal and temporary right , which they had no way forfeited . secondly , next , the whole nation , as church and state in parlament and convocation , prince , peers , clergy and commons , for themselves , their heirs and successors , must fully and freely remit their publick interest . thirdly and lastly , gods mind must be known , that he is willing to be deprived either of that service and honor he and his son jesus christ had , or of those means for the maintenance of it which were devoted to him . nor can any power ( that i know ) but onely gods omnipotence , absolve the living and survivors from that right which the donors had when yet living , and that bond which from them , though dead , yet still lies on the consciences of those survivors , who for ever stand bound to discharge their trust , by observing as sacred the will of the dead , which , if once lawful , is not to be made void wilfully and presumptuously . if at any time publick necessities do drive men to some temporary dispensations and seisures , yet these must be so recompensed afterward in quiet times , as may keep them from being made , beyond inconveniences , intentional and eternal injuries to god and his church , that it may be but a borrowing , and not a robbing of god or his church . if neither the ministers of christ , nor his church , nor the state , nor god , nor the dead , nor the living , have any right , claim or interest in such things , whose they either once were , or at present are , as to the possession , property , use and enjoyment , which way can any men that are meer strangers to them and had no special right in them , make such claim and power to them , as to dispose of them ? unless they were things so relinquished as none owned them , or had never been in any mans rightful possession , and so fell to those ( jure occupantis ) who first could seize on them , without dispossessing any of them who had a right to them , and challenged that right in gods , the churches , and their own name , as by legal possession : which , under favour , is not the case whence this great pleader either draws his title , or their supreme and superdivine right , who undertook to alienate bishops and other church-lands , which were neither relinquished , nor resigned , nor forfeited by god or man. doubtless those supreme disposers of that part of the publick patrimony , had either some other principles , or higher dictates and dispensations , than this advocate either understands or can bring forth , or else they will have much adoe to answer the dead or the living , the church or the state , god or their own consciences , the present age or posterity . for to pretend that bishops and episcopacy were but a superfluous and superstitious superstructure added to the government of christs church , raised by ambition and superstition , is not onely very untrue , but very immodest , considering the purity and sanctity of those primitive and catholick churches , which ( he knows ) had bishops even from the apostles dayes , for the well being of all churches : to alledge that their estates and lordships were superfluous , ill bestowed and ill used , is to calumniate or envy so many worthy persons ( every way his equals at least ) that were bishops , deans and prebends in england ; who , without peradventure , were every way as learned , as liberal , as unspotted , as useful , as beloved of god and man , as deserving their estates and pre●erments , as ever this pleader ( without disparagement ) was or is , by any men on any side , thought to deserve his doctorship , or wa●ford , or st. magnus , or pauls lecture , or any part and portion of bishops lands , or deans and prebends houses if this complaining champion bring not forth greater speares and shields to defend that from sacriledg , which some men have not only suspected in all ages , but shrewdly charged , actum est , this goliah will be overthrown by every little david that can but distinguish his right hand from his l●ft , or knowes what belongs to meum and tuum , to the doing to others as you would have done to your self , agreeable to lawes in force and principles of common justice . if his weak and impotent allegations may go for current , contrary to the sense of jew and gentile , of law and gospel , of the greatest divines and ablest lawyers , of the wisest princes and soberest parlaments that ever were , besides all synods and councills of the church , ( which he may suspect as partiall to their own interest ; ) if the little wax and small shot which this pleader claps to the bowl may over-bias the case against all those so many ponderous prejudices which have on all sides been alledged to secure gods right and religions interests , actum est de ecclesia : such popular ( that i say not parasitick ) pleas will in time so spread among the heady , easie and greedy sort of common people , that we may bid farewell to all things given for publick encouragement and reward , to learning and religion , to preaching or ruling ministers , yea to relieve the poor and aged : all these things will seem loose and free hereafter , whenever any men that have a mind to it shall have it in their power or pleasure , to take away all as superstitious or superfluous , and to apply them to civil or secular uses . a work ( to speak freely ) fitter for mahometans than any christians , for the ruiners rather than reformers of religion . i wonder that this pleader , who is thought so great a polititian , doth not see that his estate as a presbyter is no lesse maligned and quarrelled at by many , than the bishops were and are by him . such as have seen the masters cabin made prize , will they spare the masters mate ? a small prophet may , without any great inspiration foresee and foretell , that if some mens spirits were left to their own sway , they would not onely buy and sell , or pull down , bishops palaces , deanes and prebends houses , and cathedrall churches , but all chancels , and churches , and steeples , all parsonage and vicariage-houses , in fine , all setled maintenance would be stripped , and religion , with its ministry , exposed to its primitive nakednesse : which were no shame , if it were attended with the primitive innocency , liberality , gratitude , love and chari●y which were in the first christians , who differed as much from the modern temper , as giving all to , and taking all from , the apostles , the governours and ministers of christs church . if the plea be good in conscience before god and good men , that whatever any men shall think given superfluously or superstitiously to any pious or publick use , may be honestly alienated , farewell all , when every party in england hath acted its part according to its principles , whereto the stimulations of this pleader may contribute much with vulgar and mammonitish minds : nothing will be left in a few yeares , unlesse some potent stop be put to the progresse of sacrilegious impulses , by some publick anathema of utter detestation , grounded upon principles of most evident justice , divine and humane , to be declared against all such alienations for the future as the wisdome , piety and honor of the nation shall think to be sacrilegious , unlawfull and abominable to god and good men . possibly such parlamentary terrors may work more upon this and other mens purchasing consciences , than all those ancient execrations , which were not , as he fancies , causeless , but deserved , curses ; not rashly imprecated , but justly denounced , against all unjust violators of such donors wills , who knowing ( that auri sacra fames , ) the audaciousnesse of covetousnesse , even against god as well as man , in all ages , sought piously and prudently , as much as in them lay , to fortifie and defend their just , religious and charitable gifts to god , his church , or his poor , as it were with thunder and lightning , with flaming swords and hell-fire , upon which they thought none would adventure but such as were either very blind or very fool-hardy ; since their righteous deed and invocation being allowed and recorded in the court of heaven ( as much , no doubt , as the charge of the father of the rechabites upon his children , ) the estate and gift seemes so inseparably intailed together with the curse , that they certainly concluded , the god who graciously accepted the one would also ratifie the other , and infallibly execute his wrath and vengeance upon those who should break this strong bar , set against all alienation as an odious ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) violation of the dead , who are under gods more immediate custody and protection . it were very good therefore that we might at length know the publick sense in the case of the remaining church-lands and revenues , especially of such men who are no purchasers , nor like to be , of any church-lands : because i now find not onely some great examples of lay-men , but even of clergy-men , ( sometime very conformable ones , ) who once professed to me their utter dislike against extirpating of episcopacy ; yet such an one i find teaching men his rare art , how to crack such thunderbolts like nuts , how to make mince-meat or wholsome pottage of those curses which others count as coloquintida or deadly bitternesse in the prophets as well as the peoples pot : but he , like leviathan , scornes those speares like bulrushes ; like the italian lithophagus , he can feed upon stones , and without a miracle answer satans demand of turning them into bread ; yea more , he can turne darknesse into light , and cursing into blessing , making that a step to heaven and reformation , which was judged ( heretofore ) by many learned and godly men , as the very gate of hell and high way to most sure damnation , without repentance and restitution to a satisfaction . whether this party weare a crown of imperiall bayes , or have some other charme which is capable to disarme any such thunderbolts , i know not : but i find him ( while i was even now concluding my last request for the church of england , ) boldly and openly justifying from all suspicion of sacriledg the late taking away of all their revenues , lands , houses and dignities from bishops , deanes and prebend● ; of which fact , i believe , few knowing men that voted and acted in it , but had at first some scruples & secret grief for the tyranny of the necessity urging them to act against many of their jealousies and scruples of conscience , till they were , it may be , salved and solved , but by better solutions ( i suppose ) than this pleader produceth , onely to make way for his own title , and to corroborate his new purchase . but doth any wise man think that this pleader for his own title , and absolver of all mens consciences , would have been of the same mind , and have judged such alienation to have had no tincture or smell either of sacriledge or injustice to god or man , if himself had been a bishop , a dean or a prebend ? were not the ecclesiasticall estates which those worthy persons had , as lawfully theirs as two good livings could be his , or the way-bit of a morning-lecture , greater in salary than auditory at pauls ? were not these as much and as superfluous as some bishopricks and deaneries ? if he had been deprived of these , when once lawfully possessed of them , and having no way forfeited them , onely by will and power , would he not have been very impatient , and as studious of either recovery or revenge as sampson was for the losse of his two eyes ? yet not content with these , i have heard from a person of honor and valour , that a d. whose name began with b. offered at least a thousand marks for another living which was better than either of those . certainly simony will seem but a mote where the mountaine of sacriledg shrinks to a mole-hill ; which if it be a sin , must needs be of a very high nature , and so may ( as the highest stars or planets ) seem but litle to some eyes on earth , however they are very great in themselves . if this great casuist have no sense of other mens rights to their estates as clergy-men , how comes he to take it so ill that himself , in a lay-capacity , as a purchaser , cannot get quiet possession of what he fancies to be his by purchase , yet not so much of choice ( belike ) as of necessity , nor as an emption ( forsooth ) so much as a redemption ? for he needlesly deprecates the odium and envy of being forward in giving the handsel , unless he had at first some grumblings and cold qualms about his heart , as either unsatisfied of the lawfulness , or fearing that bishops might recover their places and estates again : till he thought them as good as dead , and past recovery , ( as the amalekite that dispatcht king saul ) he would not put forth his hand against them , or the spoils of them ; but being ( it seems ) imbarqued in a fair adventure of some thousands of pounds ( at . per cent . i suppose ) in the safe castor and pollux of the publick faith , ( for which the honor of the two houses of parlament was engaged ) he was loth to perish with his mony , principal and interest too , or to be saved without it , as many an honest man is fain to be . alas ( good man ) his charity , it seems , hath great sympathies for himself and his own concerns , but little for others : if others lose all , ( which was once theirs by as good right as what he seeks most to secure as his ) he cryes , euge , factum bene ; if he be in danger to lose , not all , but some , not of what he ever had , but onely hoped for , how doth he bestir himself ? flectere si nequeat superos , &c. o what a vociferation and out-cry would he make to all the english world , which he now doth , ( as if all men were mightily concerned in so eminent and leading a case of a rich presbyter purchasing bishops and other church-lands ) if what he now presumes he hath purchased of bishops lands should by any act of peremptory and powerful resumption be taken from him , not as forfeited or evicted by law , but ex mero placito , out of will and pleasure , to relieve some publick necessities , or to advance some godly design ? would not he lift up his voice like a trumpet , beyond any stentor , against parlaments , house or houses , and committees , seem they never so zealous and reforming , as very unjust , unreasonable and injurious to him , his family & children , no less than now he inveighs against the town or city ( whether town or city it is dubious now they have no bishop , whose seat of old made a city , however an ancient corporation ) for not letting him have quiet possession of his precious purchase ? in which , it seems , they are not satisfied of his right , no more than i or any man can believe that he hath better cards now to shew for this estate , than the bishops had in law , conscience and merit , when they were deprived of them : yet they are and have been long silent , they make no publick complaints or proclamations , which are a kind of alarme to parties to divide mens judgements , and to provoke to war , ( all suits of law being but civiller warrings , and must at last be executed by the posse comitatus , by open force , if the sentence given be obstructed . ) which publick motion and commotion against a whole city or town , is more than ever the bishops jointly or severally did , as to begin that which he calls , by a vulgar mistake and calumny , bellum episcopale : which if it were onely se defendendo , in order to defend themselves , not from any judicature or just punishment for their faults , but onely to preserve what they had honestly gotten , and lawfully enjoyed for some years , and never forfeited any more than their pious predecessors , who many hundred of years had them in quiet possession ; possibly it might have seemed to some men as lawful a war in bishops , under lawful authority , as any presbyterian war could be to dispossess them of their legal rights , as unforfeited enjoyments ; of which this plaintiff having purchased a good buccoon , and craving for more , we see makes so loud and great a noise , as if the earth must be moved out of its place , and jupiter might not take his rest in heaven , till this complainant have right done him according to his mind , who seeks to retain even whole parlaments , three nations , and all mankind to be his counsel of his advocates : yet would he be most impatient not presently to stop the mouth of any bishop , dean or prebend , if , as st. paul , they should begin to plead , yea but to peep , or mutter their losses and indignities ; which they must not call injuries , but publick justice done upon them before they had sinned , as sacrifices propitiatory to appease some angry presbyterian brethren , and to make way for this purchaser . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quis coelum terrae non misceat , & mare coelo ? clamet melicerta perisse frontem de rebus — no satyrick cento's are sufficient to perstringe so great partialities . i see some men are so black that they cannot blush . are not those ministers justly ensnared in the briars and thorns of secular conflicts and law-suits , who dare to entangle themselves , yea and to justifie that as done to others ( every way their betters ) which they cannot endure should be done in the least measure to themselves ? may i not call god and man to be judges , and heaven and earth to be witnesses in the case ? hath d. b. a better title to a part , than l. b. had to the whole ? is mony and purchase a better title and surer tenure , than merit and publick gift , as a reward of learning and worth ? had l. b. possession by fraud or force any more than d. b ? or had l. b. any more forfeited his estate then d. b. hath ? unless long and undoubted succession , and present lawful possession were crimes deserving confiscation . were not those laws which were heretofore made , and for many centuries confirmed , in the most serene and peaceable times , by unanimous princes , peers and people , ( nemine absente aut contradicente ) as just , valid and complete , in point of right , as any new acts or ordinances could be , which were made , as all the world knows , in broken and bleeding times , and to which the supreme magistrate ( as the plaintiffe very well knows ) never gave his consent , first or last , because in conscience ( as he told them ) he could not ; fearing , it seems , the sin of sacriledge , yea and of perjury , having sworn at his coronation to preserve the rights and liberties of the church and his clergy as much as any mens ? what pitty it was this casuist had not in time been the last poor kings confessor ? how blest , large and benign a soul hath this pleader , that can presently resolve all conscience into power , and right into might ? whose rule seems to be , not the word of god , or the laws of men , but the will of those that have the strongest sword ; upon which presumption , no doubt , he went , when he so eloquently and effectually declaimed against deans and chapters . i know his grand asylum is the plenipotency , if not omnipotency , as he supposeth , of the two houses of parlament , guided by the honesty and integrity of their intentions . i will with him presume that they did intend all things for the best ; that finding the north wind had raised a great storm , they thought it necessary to lighten the ship of what they thought might best be spared , in order to the publick peace , and that which they counted the supreme law , salus publica : and being all lay-men , much acted at that time by presbyterian influences and interest , who promised to steer the ship much better and with more right from god than any prelates had done , they cast bishops , deans , prebends and chapters , &c. with their houses , lands and revenues over-board , in the present distress and tempest , not for that they disliked them so much , as because they could not safely keep them , and carry on their other interests of publick safety . these and the like reasons of state may possibly be alledged in behalf of those lay-men , who had then work enough upon their hands , and who were to get wages to pay their workmen with the least grievance to the publick . but this plaintiffe , as a learned doctor & grave divine , must passe a stricter scrutiny & finer sieve . there is usully made a great difference between such as take interest , and those that are necessitated to give it ; so there may be between these sellers and this purchaser , who makes himself so peremptory a casuist in so great and disputed a case , concerning the rights of god , his church and his ministers ; towards whom all men should have alwayes a most tender regard , and clergy-men chiefly , so as to do gods prophets , and their brethren or fathers , no harme , since their injuries do more immediately redound to the reproch of their profession , their saviour , and their god. as in all cases of common justice , so specially in the rights of church-men , ( who are alwaies as pupills and minors in the world , gods , the kings and the states wards , as sir edward cook calls them ) power never so prevalent ought to be either limited by present lawes in force , or by common principles of equity and righteousnesse , which are set down in gods word , and written in all mens hearts : which is , to do as they would be done unto ; not to be punished further than they have offended ; to be heard and fairly tried before they be condemned and executed . these limits ought to be observed by all men in their greatest power and passion , so far as no one man may be notably injured , to gratifie many ( without any after-amends ; ) nor may paul be exposed to present death or danger , in order to appease the furious multitude of the jewes . let this great pleader and plaintiffe answer ; are they not poor and pittifull gods , who in their supposed supremacy of power may sin , must dye , and be judged by the most high god ? may not many men sin as well as few ? and wise men as well as simple ? and choise lay-men as well as all the chiefest clergy-men in england ? ( which they must all be supposed to have done in a very high nature , to be justly and so grievously punished . ) have not all men cause to be jealous of their own hearts , lest at any time , and in any case , they offend god or man ? ought any prince or parlaments , whatever they be , forget they are but men , or to flattered by themselves or others that they cannot erre or be deceived ? have we not read of parlaments , though great ships , yet tossed to and fro in a few yeares with severall winds of doctrine ? one while to renounce and cast off the popes yoke ; a little after , as camels on their knees , to stoop down and receive that burthen again , as in queen mary's daies , with the lesse scruple ( as one notably observes ) because the legal cardinal pool made no mention or demand of restoring the abby-lands ? though parlaments should be as the assemblies of the son of god , may not satan come in among them ? may not parlaments as well repent before god , as oft revoke before men , what they vote and enact ? doth any thing betray wise men more than to have too great confidence of themselves ? if ecclesiastick synods and councills ( except perhaps such as are truly catholick and free ) may be subject to erre , and have erred , why not civil senates and parlaments ? have they any porter that can keep sin out of their doores ? or any walls that keep out infirmities from surprizing them , which they carry alwaies not so much about them as within them ? but what if there be such a sin as sacriledg , yea and in the case which the d. puts it ? ( which his equals , and far his betters in all respects , have earnestly affirmed , and the more impartially , because long before this particular case of the bishops of england was put , ) may not many men , yea whole nations , be guilty of this sin , and infected as with an epidemick plague , so far as they act , abet , approve or applaud ? doth not god himself ( when the priests and levites were over-awed , and durst not complaine against the generall vogue ) charge the whole nation of the jewes with robbing him , and denounceth by his prophet an heavy curse against them for robbing god ? although they reply with great confidence , ( as commonly there is least brow where most guilt ) wherein have we robbed thee ? god answers them , in tithes and offerings . was the detaining , or denying , of these from the priests and levites a robbing of god ? and had it been no such matter , if every tribe had taken away those houses and lands , those cities and suburbs , which god had appointed them by the ancient distribution , not onely for a bare and necessitous subsistence , like micahs levite , but for such an honorable entertainment as became that tribe , and that service they did to the god of israel ? if it be a mocking of god as well as man for any man to keep back , or to resume what once he hath by a valid and declared act given to any pious and charitable use , or to any one poor man as an almes , how dangerous is it in publick cases to be done , without very cleare and sure grounds ? no wise men are so vain as to think themselves in any capacity inerrable and infallible : nor may any good man fancy , that at any time , or in any case , he hath gods dispensation to commit , no nor to permit , if he can hinder , the least sin , much lesse so great an one as sacriledg is esteemed by many men who are no children in understanding . let this pleader ask jewes and gentiles , old and new testament , papinian and plowden , justinians institutes and justice cooks , canon and civil , imperiall and municipall lawes : yea he cannot be ignorant what the great reformers , luther and melanchthon , with the augustane protestants , say , what the grand masters for presbytery ( whom i suppose he hath not of late believed in that point ) calvin , zanchy , bucer , knox , cartwright and others ; did they not first or last suspect , condemn and cry down as sin and sacriledg , the confiscation or alienation of such lands as were properly church-lands , ( for the maintaining the ministry , order , government and honour of the church , to a charitable , hospitable , and honorable amplenesse ? ) their testimonies are every where extant , diligently collected , easily perused : and possibly they would have been more speedy and severe in their censure of it , if they had seen it done against any bishops and clergy-men who sincerely professed , diligently preached , and mightily maintained the reformed religion against the romane superstition ; which they were loth to nourish with such full breasts of plenty and honor. but sure , they would never have envyed or denyed them to so learned and godly . bishops , with other church-men , as were here in england ; whom mr. calvin would have much honored , as he professeth so earnestly , that he anathematizeth all that would not ; who might easilier have been reformed , and it may be at a cheaper rate to the publick , than by being so terribly fleeced and flayed , as they were , of all their ecclesiasticall dignities and revenues belonging to them . i will put a case or quere to this great vindicator ; what he would have thought of those men who voted or created themselves a parlament , that is , the supreme power as deputies or representative of the english people , ( though not chosen by the people , nor any way such an one as some men had so zealously covenanted to maintaine in their freedom and priviledg , ) if these grandees had gone on ( for they were as neer it as two groats are to nine pence ) and had peremptorily voted this good d. with all other beneficed ministers in england and wales out of their beloved glebes , tithes and mansion-houses , ( after the precedents which they had lately seen acted against green trees , the learned bishops , deanes and prebends , as to all their ecclesiastick revenues annexed to their dignities ; ) who would have cried sacriledg with greater contention of voice and lungs , than this venerable resolver of no sacriledg in selling bishops lands ? o! but this he tels us freely , and with some earnestnesse ( as concerned ) had been horrid sacriledg , because of those he hath a good share , those he hopes to enjoy together with his bishops lands . thus this irrefragable d. resolves , that to rob the lesser gods is sacriledg , but not to rob the greater bishops were but egyptians , whom the presbyterians , as true israelites , might strip and spoyle . so it were a sin to take any thing from an ordinary citizen and common souldier , but not from an alderman or a colonel . it is lawfull to deprive governours in church or state of what they have , but not the governed . presbyters must ( jure divino ) have meat and drink and clothes to maintaine them , that they may eate and preach ; but they need no over-seers or church-governours to take care they preach no strange doctrine , nor live scandalously : they must have victualls as beasts , but they need no government as men , christians and ministers . o thrifty project ! o blessed paradox ! if it hold in all societies , civil and military as well as ecclesiastick , it will spare the state many thousands of pounds upon the civil account , as it hath got it many upon the church-account , by taking away bishops and their revenues , there being no need of such governours and such maintenance of honor in the church ; no more will there need any judges in the law , nor captaines and colonels in the army ; their places , their pensions , their pay may be spared : if these be necessary , why were not bishops so , for order , and honor , and government , and judgement among the clergy ? but he fancies that himself and other doughty presbyters can do the work , and govern without bishops . possibly he may do it the better , not onely for his grave carriage and reverend fashion of living , for his moderate , meek and quiet spirit , for his great learning and rare endowments , for the high esteem that is had of him , but especially because he is rich , and hath a good part of the old bishops lands ; it may be a spirit of government may go with them , as a spirit of prophesie did with the high-priests office in caiaphas : but as for other poorer presbyters and petty rulers of his brethren the antiepiscopal ministers , how fit they will be to govern in common , & how well they have managed phoebus his chariot since they undertook to drive it , i leave to all wise and sober men to judge . but it may be this purchaser is not against bishops , but against landed and lorded bishops ; he would have primitive and apostolick bishops , which had no revenues , or lordships , or lands , or palaces . how sad is it that so good a man should have so evil an eye against the good hand of god , and the bounty of good christians , onely as to their munificence to the bishops and chief pastors of christs church ? but why so blind and partial against bishops , when it is as primitive and apostolical for presbyters to have no tithes , or glebes , or livings ? these were the setled blessings of the church after the glory of constantines time , whom the revelation seems so much to set forth , to the beauty , rest and honor of the church . if this pleader will be honest and impartial , let him conform himself a presbyter , as well as bishops , to the primitive pattern . they have not left , but forcibly lost all : let presbyters leave also their livings ; let this great example begin , let him turn sportulary presbyter , as well as he would have beggarly bishops ; let him and others depend upon the basket of charity , and the bishops distribution , as was of old , both for occasional contributions of decimal oblations and imperial pensions , of which presbyters at first had no parochial portion or right , which now this pleader so much challengeth , as if it had been his purchase or penny-worth , and not the alms of the nation , excited hereto chiefly by the piety of primitive bishops and other ministers , in imitation of gods ancient portion , which they thought still the right of jesus christ , lord of all , as to his merit and priestly portion , to be kept in his churches possession for his ministers enjoyment , especially since it hath , by the devotion of the nation , been legally dedicated to his service , and the support of his servants : which may be as well said of bishops and other church-lands , as of presbyters little livings ; unless this pleader think that those were too much for christ and any of his chief ministers to enjoy ; or that there was less of law and publick consent , as well as of private gift , in them than other donations ; or lastly , unless he fancy there is not as much need of government , order and discipline , and consequently of meet bishops , as chief pastors or shepherds for christs flock , as there is of pasture . it seems he is more for the bag , scrip and wallet , than for crosier , crook or shepherds staff . o! but his blessed tithes , his rich glebe , his fat parsonage , these , these he challenges as his right in gods name , as ( patrimonium crucifixi ) christs patrimony , the presbyterian churches dowry , the priests portion , the levites wages , the labourers hire , the most holy things , and utterly unalienable : even impropriations seem to him sacrilegious alienations , derived from no other title than the popes usurpation , annexing them to monasteries , and by a continued succession of sacriledge given to the crown , and so at last become lay-fees . thus he seems to make princes and parlaments guilty at the second hand of this foul sin of sacriledg ; which onely lies against tithes , glebes and parsonage-houses , the onely preferment it seemes that this plaintiffe hath been capable of , or now aspires to . o how far is reason from some mens religion , and justice from their consciences ? and what ( i beseech all wise , sober and upright men ) were bishops houses and revenues , but greater glebes and livings , given to men of the same calling , for the same holy and good ends , for the service of god and the church , though to some higher degree of duty and dignity , of office and authority ? not onely to preach the gospel , and administer the holy sacraments in common with presbyters , but further to preserve a right succession of ministers , and to dispense the power of holy orders by a catholick ordination , ( which ever was episcopall : ) also to manage duly that ecclesiasticall discipline and government , which ought to be carried on , as by men of greater age , gravity , ability and authority than ordinary presbyters use to be , so with a proportionable conspicuity for honor and estate , for hospitality and charity ; all which are as lawfull , just , and becoming a bishop or chief governour among the fraternities of ministers , as a greater pay or salary is to judges , colonels and captaines ; not for their doing more drudging work and duty than common men or souldiers may do , but for that eminent worth , and prudence , and sufficiency which they are presumed to have in order to rule and command others , who are men equall as themselves , and possibly as valiant , pious and morall : yet wisdome being the highest humane endowment , and politick or gubernative prudence being the noblest exercise of wisdome in this world , for the publick and common good of mankind , ( few of whom are fit to governe themselves or others ) it is but fit that greater publick incouragements and preferments of honor and estate should be given to these , than onely to strength , which alone is but brutall , the endowment of a body , which men have common with beasts ; but the other is proper to our reasonable soules , by which we are not far from angels , and neer of kin to god. in which excellencies since some ministers may and do exceed others , ( which makes these want governours , and the others fit to govern , ) what is there of humane or divine law that can be against so prudent , so necessary an order and polity in the church as bishops are and ever have been ? whose so envied estates and dignities were still no more than that double honour which the apostle challengeth from all christians as due to those that rule well , and labour in the word and doctrine , not onely by teaching and writing themselves , but by taking care that others do so too , within the limits of sober life and sound doctrine ; which works many , yea most , i hope , of our bishops did , and all might , yea should have done ▪ since the reformation , with as much paines , and to as much publick good , as this or any other antiprelatist can pretend to . so far was the case of bishops and deanes and prebends different from that of monks and abbots , which this great d. seeks to parallel , as equally needlesse , idle , odious and pittiless ; when he cannot be ignorant , that bishops being immediate successors to the apostles , with whom were anciently resident in cities the venerable colledges of presbyters , which were deanes and prebends , as their ordinary counsel , these must needs be much elder than any monastick orders ; unlesse he think jo. baptist began those . bishops were , as placed by the apostles , ever owned in all ages and places , and reverenced by all orderly presbyters and christian people , yea and by all christian princes ; by whose pious munificence they were endowed with revenues and honors long before ever presbyters had their glebes apart , and tithes appropriate to them : yet were these bishops and the colledges of presbyters more severely used than the monks and abbots , who had pensions for life allowed them if they staied in england . i appeale to all that are not levellers in church or state , is not government , good order and comely subordination as necessary in the church , among all men , both of the laity and clergy , as the family of christ , the household of faith , and an holy polity , city or common-wealth , as it is in all civil fraternities companies and communities , or in this paintiffs family ? where , besides food and other necessaries which he provides for himself in common with his servants and children , yet ( doubtless ) he still reserves for himself a benjamins portion , as to the eminency of his estate and authority above them as a father and governour . were it robbery and violence to take away any thing unjustly from his children , and not so to take all from him as a father ? let this great advocate ( who pleads , i suppose , without his see , uncalled and unhired , against the poor bishops ) let him freely declare next bout to all the world , whether if he had been a bishop ( which honor few men are of the heresie to think he would have refused , being a double-beneficed and very conformable man ) he would have been content that measure should have been offered to him , which he thus justifies and triumphs in as offered to his fathers the bishops , men much his betters every way ; some of whose shooe-latchets he was not worthy to unloose , unlesse he have more worth in him than ever yet he discovered to the world , whose agitations have ( yet ) been as various , as many , and as importune to and fro as any presbyters in england . besides that , he endeavours for ever to obstruct any generous return of this nation to put the church and clergy into any estate of order , honor and estate , worthy of such learned and worthy men as might be bred up , if such publick incouragements were not wanting . i do in no sort doubt of his tenderness , touchiness and impatience if the case had been his own : i find how he is netled for a little portion of bishops lands , to which he pretends a right of purchase . i have ever heard this character of this plaintiff , that he was ad rem satis intentus , nor was he among pharaohs lean kine , that needed to have fed upon the fatter . quo teneam modo ? how partial are the principles of some protestant preachers , of some quodlibetick presbyters ! they may well be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who are so far 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , self-tormenting who are self-condemned , who seek to ingratiate and corroborate with men of power , by an absolute commending of that for lawful , just and good , without any peradventure , which hath alwaies been a case scarce disputable among learned and godly men in all ages ; so much did they ever not onely incline , but generally resolve the case , quite contrary to this great casuist . however , it is the safer side ( no doubt ) not to alienate any church-lands ; and in dubious cases a divine , yea a doctor , and a great one , that undertakes to be confessor and absolver to parl. and people , he should rather advise in tutiorem partem , to the safer side , than adventure upon , or incourage to that which hath any thing dubious or dangerous in it as to sin , yea and a sin of an high nature , as sacriledg is esteemed by all nations , by all christians that have not buried christianity and christ in the mount calvary of covetous hearts , the golgotha's or places of skulls , where no helena will ever look for the crosse of christ , in hope to find it . they , are far enough from being true christians , who dare crucifie the pastors , preachers and ministers of this crucified savour . o how glorious and gracious an example to all sorts of men , in the present and after-ages , hath this rabbi , this great master now in our israel given ! prima est haec ultio , quod se judice , &c. may not all men hereafter venture , in any case , never so doubted , to follow this one doctors opinion , if any way plausible or probable , against the generall streame and current of all learned men ? ( a latitude which of late i find some jesuits have allowed in cases of conscience . ) truly , it might seem veniall for secular and military men , in cases of civil urgencies , and , as they imagined , necessities , of self - preservation , to seize upon the shew bread , the priests portion , and goliahs sword too , as david and his men did by the good leave of the priests : but it had become a clergy-man and an eminent one , who still ownes i think his academick degrees as deserved , and his ecclesiastick orders , which sure were from the bishops hands and authority , as holy and valid ( else the tithes , and glebes , and spirituall livings cannot be so sacred and inviolable in his use and possession , as he affirmes them to be ) i say , it had become such an one at least to have been silent , who is too rich and knowing to be a liveller , or an anabaptist , or a quaker , or a disowner of all order and office ministeriall . he should not have cast oyle , by his eminent example and eloquent plea , on that fire which he sees is ready to consume even all presbyters as well as bishops setled maintenance . however if he could not avoid this rock of purchasing bishops lands , his modesty had been some expiation , and his silence a great abatement of the scandall ; he might have swallowed those holy ( but now desecrated ) morsells in secret , and not have proclaimed on the house-top to all the world , the rost-meat he hath gotten , the venison ( or part at least ) which he hath taken , together with his great appetite and good digestion . the world is not much concerned to know all these things , nor much pleased at his swallowing down without chewing any bit of bishops lands or deanes houses , or a whole colledg or a cathedrall church , if he can compasse them by his purse or policy ; for where a crum of this kind goes easily down , in time a loaden cart with six horses may follow . were there not others , states-men , lay-men and military-men enough to have bought those bishops and church-lands , if they must needs have been sold ? they might possibly have some reasons of state , and solutions of deeply learned lawyers , which such an one as i and other simple divines know not of , and therefore may not censure : but as to the principles of schollars , and the conscience of all church-men generally , we resolve , that if it be but a disputable case where sin lies at the door , if there be but any notable appearance of evil , we are ( above all men ) to abstaine from it . if it may be veniall in others pleading their ignorance or urgent occasions , yet it must needs seem a most uncircumcized act for a grave minister , and of the church of england , a great doctor and a reverend divine . church-men ought in any things of pregnant scandall to be most circumspect and cautious , because their example is most contagious , allowing , as it were of course , many graines of further liberty to lay-men , who never think that their girdles ought to be so strait as ministers ; if ours be loose , theirs will be unbuckled , and at last quite thrown off . hence many of our domestick and new - started presbyterians , whom i well knew , mr. c. mr. w. mr. s. and others , with all the smectymnuan legion , who were earnest enough at first for the pruning of the over-grown , or seare , or too much over - dropping boughs of episcopacy , and afterward they so far served the times and their lords , as to conspire to the felling down of those ancient and stately standards in the church ; yet i well know , they never intended that lay-men should have gone away with the bark , tops , timber , bodies , chips and all : no , they ( good men ) intended very honestly and zealously , that these superfluities of bishops and deanes estates , &c. should have been applyed to buy in all impropriations , to augment poor livings , to put presbyters generally into so good a plight and habit for back and belly , that they might be fit to rule in common , and have some majesty ( as aldermen of cities and burgesses of townes usually have ) in their cheeks and on their backs ; for starveling and thred bare governours , like consumptionary physitians , discredit their profession and deprecate their dignity . we other poor ministers , who follow the sense of all the ancient fathers and councills , of the canon and civil lawes , of school-men and casuists , of reformed and not reformed churches , both greek and latine , we wonder what angel from heaven hath whispered to this purchaser and pleader , to tell him of gods non - acceptance of bishops lands , persons or profession , of which he was pleased to make so much and so good use , to his glory and his churches good , both in england and all the christian world for a thousand yeares , yet now he is content ( it seemes ) they should all be alienated , extirpated , destroyed , possessions , persons and function of bishops , as unnecessary , yea pernicious to the church and ministry , in honour , order , government , charity and hospitality ; all which are better reformed to parity , popularity and poverty . this he reports as from the cabinet-counsell or committee of heaven , where it seemes he hath been since he purchased bishops lands . truly , if an angel from heaven had told some divines and other gentlemen thus much , they would not have believed him , because they are perswaded so much of the evangelicall order , the apostolick authority , and the catholick succession , the prudent necessity , the honorable decency of bishops in the church of christ ▪ upon which presumptions ( if not sure perswasions ) they conceive it had been a modesty in all learned and weighty ministers , who had received their ordination from godly , orthodox and reformed bishops , ( such as calvin , and beza , and vedelius would have honored and submitted unto , without any envy or diminishing of their estates and honors , ) not to have touched so much as a shooe-latchet of what by right , law and merit had been theirs ; that it might at least have been upon record to after-ages , for the honour of the english reformed clergy in their lowest ebb and depression , ecclesiae & episcoporum bona inter presbyteros ecclesiasticos non invenerunt emptorem . there is no doubt there would have been buyers enough beside , men of larger estates , yet not of stricter consciences : even this great and glorious purchaser , ( who though he hath paid his mony , yet hath not so put off his armour hitherto as to have any great cause to boast , ) seemed not at first so satisfied as to be forward , ( not coming at the beginning of the faire , when sure the best peny-worths , for example sake , would have been sold to so eminent a d. the better to decoy on other purchasers ; ) but alas , he seems ( obtorto collo & renitente minerva , ) against his genius to be drawn in , driven and necessitated at the fag end of the market , to take such eggs for his money as had been sate upon by a bishop so many hundred of yeares , and may ( as it seems ) be either addle , or eggs of contention to this purchaser , now so resolved and triumphing in his conscientious freedom , to buy and sell in the temple ; when other poor scholars are still wind - bound and narrow-soled , as imagining that christ long agoe drove all such kind of merchandize out of the church , as ill becoming christians as it did the jewes ; yea and st. paul teacheth believers equally to abhorre sacriledg as idols . to conclude this long digression , ( whose scandalous occasion lay so high in my way that i could not avoid it ) this one great instance telling to all the world what this purchaser hath swallowed , and how well he hath digested these bishops lands , ( which now seem as a lay fee to nourish the beast and man , not the presbyter , minister or bishop as him ) will give the world cause in after-ages to look as narrowly to him and his posterity how they thrive , as the roman souldiers did to the jews guts and excrements , when they searched for the gold which they had swallowed , as josephus tells us . some are so superstitious as to imagine that bishops and all church-lands or revenues , properly such , ( as pertaining to the support of that order , government , authority , ministry , charity and hospitality , which ought to be in clergy-men ) are like irish wood to spiders and venemous beasts , prone to burst them , so that vix gaudet tertius haeres ; nay , though they possesse them , yet they do not enjoy them , for nothing temporal can be enjoyed without a serene mind , an unspotted fame , and an unscrupulous conscience : all which if this gallant purchaser enjoyes , together with his bishops lands , and other fine things which he hath bought , truely he is an object of most unfeigned envy ; where i leave him and his vindication . this i am sure , some men , ministers and others , are so scrupulous in such a case , that they never think a good penny-worth can be had of bishops or church-lands ; nay , they would not have them gratis , to stuff their feather-beds fuller , lest they should lye and sleep less at their ease , highly magnifying that one thing recorded as commendable among the jews in their greatest hard-heartedness , madness and sedition , that during the siege , straitness and famine of jerusalem under titus-vespatian , yet they were not wanting to furnish the temple , priests and altar of god with that ( juge sacrificium ) daily sacrifice , morning and evening , which god had once required , till the great sacrifice of messias had finished all by his once oblation of himself ; which their blindness and unbelief would not understand . nothing can be too much for his service who is the giver of all . but i return whence i was forced to digress . chap. xxvii . besides the preservation of the churches patrimony and ministers maintenance , which needs more an honourable augmentation than any sordid diminution ; there is in the second place great need ( o my worthy and honoured countrymen ) of your redeeming this church , its reformed religion and its worthy ministers , from plebeian arrogancies and mechanick insolencies , from private usurpations and popular intrusions , whereto both some peoples petulancies and some preachers pragmaticalness or easiness are prone to betray them , to the utter dissipation and destruction of that order , honor , power and authority of religion , which ought by wise men to be preserved as much as in them lyes . it is certain that the ministers of the church of christ , ( which are made up of bishops , presbyters and deacons duely ordained and united in an orderly subordination ) are as the arteries of the body politick in any nation , state or kingdom which is christian : these carry from the head , which is jesus christ , the vital and best ( that is , the religious ) spirits to all the parts ; as good laws do in respect of civil justice and commerce , like veins , convey the animal spirits , with the blood and grosser nourishment ▪ from the heart or supreme power . once check , abate or exhaust those vital conduits of piety and true religion , all parts of church and state , both noble and ignoble , will soon be enfeebled , abased , mortified ; neither common-people , nor yeomen , nor gentlemen , nor noblemen , nor princes , neither governours nor governed will ever have either that esteem , love and honor for religion which becomes it and them , nor will they receive that vigour , influence and efficacy from it which is necessary for them ; while in the general levelling , impoverishing , shrinking and debasing of scholars and clergy-men , none shall have either discreet tutors for their children , or learned chaplains for their families , or able preachers for their livings , or grave reprovers for their faults , or prudent confessors for their souls relief , or reverend governours to restrain them , or spiritual fathers to comfort them for none of their petty pastors , preachers or ministers , will appear to them much beyond the proportions of country-pedants , not under any such character of eminent worth , either for their personal abilities , or any such beam of publick dignity and conspicuity , as may either deserve or bear the love , respect and value of either nobility , gentry or communalty in england , which are all high-spirited enough . not onely the civil and visible complexion , but the inward genius and religious constitution of this nation , will extremely alter in a few years , ( as it is already much abated and abased ) by reducing all scholars that are of the clergy or ministry to a kind of publick servility , tenuity and obscurity , beyond any men of any ingenuous profession : none of whom are so excluded , but that , by their industry and gods blessing , they may attain such eminence and encouragements , as may make them most useful both to church and state , both in policy and piety : neither of which can thrive or flourish to any respect , power or splendour of religion in any nation , where the clergy are made the onely underlings and shrubs , condemned everlastingly to the basest kind of villenage , which is a sneaking and flattering dependence : which posture not onely streightens and shrinks , but aviles and embaseth the spirits of any men ; there being nothing left them as to publick favour , employment or reward , under any notion of hope , which might heighten their parts , or quicken their spirits to any such generous industry , as might at least seek to merit them , though they never attained them : for still the publick will hereby have the benefit of ministers improved abilities , however few ministers obtain the deserved eminency , the merit and capacity of which is many times better than the real enjoyment . having thus commended to you the publick interest of church and state , as they are very much depending upon the honor and happiness of your clergy ; in the last place i beseech all persons of sober sense and judgement , not to suffer themselves to be so far scandalized against the true reformed religion , or this church of england , by its present distempers and sufferings , as to abate of you former value and esteem of her , or of your present pitty for her , nor yet of your prayers and endeavours to repair her. o give not such advantages to your own innate corruptions , or to other mens fond innovations , or to the papists triumphs , or every jesuits machination , or the devils temptations , as either to discountenance , or desert , or decry , or distrust the former excellent constitution and reformation of true religion in the church of england ; in which i am fully perswaded in my conscience there was nothing wanting to the being and well-being of a true church and true christians . the first ( your own inordinate lusts ) will be well enough content with no religion , or at least such an one as shall most find fault with the church of england and all its religion : for i have found by experience that no men have proved move factious , affected and fanatick , than those men and women who have been most conscious to their youthful enormities . they presently apply to the gentlest confessors and easiest repentance ; which is rather to quarrel with and forsake the religion they have most violated , than seriously to repent and amend : without which severities papists and separatists think their converts sufficient , if they do but turn to their side and party . the second ( novellers ) will be content with any meer fancies or factions in religion . the third ( the jesuited papists ) with no pure , united and well-reformed religion among us . and the fourth ( the devil ) will be content with any religion that is called catholick , reformed and christian , so it be not true , or not pure , or not well-reformed , or not orderly setled and uniform , or not charitably united , or not authoritatively managed and governed : any of which will in time very much unchristen any christians , and unchurch any church , by deforming and dividing them from the beauty and communion of the church catholick . take heed of betraying your selves and your posterity to atheisticall , licentious , immorall and irreligious courses , by your apostasies from and despiciencies of the learning and piety , gifts and graces , ministry and ministrations , order and government , which were happily setled in the church of england . go over all the world , search all successions of the church from the apostles to our daies , you shall not find any thing more worthy your love and esteem , your veneration and addiction . have you found any thing comparable to it in all the new vapours and florishes of reformations , in any new inventions , conventions , associations , separations , distractions , distortions , confusions ? which may make you giddy by turning you round , but they will never make you any progresse in wisdome , or piety , or charity . the church of england was a most rare and paragon jewel , shining with admirable lustre on all sides . first , in its doctrine , or articles of religion , which were few , cleare and sound . secondly , in its sermons or homilies , which were learnedly plain , pious and practicall . thirdly , in its liturgy or devotions , which were easie to be understood , very apt , pathetick and complete . fourthly , in its paucity and decency of ceremonies , which adorned , not incumbred religion , or over-laid the modesty and majesty of a comely reformation . fifthly , in the sanctity and solemnity of its publick duties , which were neither excessive nor defective . sixthly , in its ministry , which had good abilities , due ordination and divine authority . seventhly , it its good government and ecclesiasticall discipline , where good presbyters and good bishops had leave and courage to do their duties and discharge their consciences , whose fatherly inspection , catholick ordination and ecclesiastick jurisdiction , being wisely managed by worthy men in their severall stations , did justly deserve the name of an hierarchy , an holy regiment or happy government , when it was exercised with that authority , yet charity and discretion , which were ever intended by the church for the common good of all those christians that were within her bosome and kept her communion . if others do forget her , through fatuity or faction , covetousnesse or ambition , pride or petulancy , as undutifull and ungratefull children , yet you may not , you will not , you cannot so far neglect your own and your posterities happinesse , or forfeit your own honor , or violate your consciences , as to neglect the relief and recovery of your spirituall mother : but if you of the better sort of men and christians , from whom all good men expect all good things , should slight and neglect her after the vulgar rate ( which god forbid ) yet must i never so far comply with you or all the world , as to call her former light darknesse , or her present darknesse light . pretious with me must the name of the church of england ever be , whose record is in heaven , and in all gracious hearts , who were born and baptized , instructed , sanctified and saved in her . to this church of england , as i owe , ( with many thousands ) so i returne ( with some few ) the charity of a christian , as to all christian churches ; the duty of a son , as to a deserving parent ; the order of a part or member , as united and devoted to the whole ; the obedience of an inferiour , as to a superiour ▪ the gratitude of acknowledging her worth and merit , the love of adhering to her unity , the candor of approving and conforming to her decent ceremonies , the modesty of preferring her wisdome before my own or any other mens understanding , the humility of submitting to her spirituall authority and governours , the piety and prudence of relieving and restoring ( as much as lies in me , ) her catholick order , polity , peace and government : all which i believe were allowed of god , and i am sure have been approved by as learned , wise and holy men as the world affords . i am deeply sensible of the many and great obligations which i have to this nationall church , and to its ministers and bishops , for my baptisme , instruction , confirmation , communion and ordination , not onely as a member , but as a minister ; which i account my greatest honour , notwithstanding the great depression of the times in which i have late ward lived . i am ambitious to do not onely what becomes my private station , but to preserve and expresse the publick respects which are due to this church ; whose despisers and destroyers have never appeared to me with any remarques of beauty or honour for learning or grace , for modesty or charity , for prudence or policy , comparable to those that were the first founders , reformers , defenders and preservers of this church ▪ i must ever professe that i find nothing like her adversaries , nor any thing exceeding her friends , in all that was commendable in catholick and true antiquity . in behalf of this church having offered many things to the consideration of all good christians which are my worthy countrymen , i hope , as my infirmities may exercise their charity , so my integrity may expiate my infirmities , if i have in any thing expressed my self lesse becoming the honest and holy designe which i undertook , and have now by gods help finished ; which was to set forth , first , the teares and sigh● of the church of england ; secondly , the originall of her disorders and distractions ; thirdly , the dangers and distresses , if not remedied ; fourthly , the probable waies of cure and recovery , by gods blessing , to such order , honour , unity , purity and peace as becomes so famous a church and so renowned a nation , whose greatest crown was christianity . i know there will be many who cannot well beare that freedom of sobernesse and truth which either my self or others may use in speaking or writing for the church of england , and its pristine honour , order and government , ( although themselves use never so great liberties , reproches and injuries , in speaking , writing and acting against them . ) for my part , i appeare in this onely as wrapt my self in my scholastick and ecclesiastick gown ; i meddle not with any civil affaires , or military transactions , properly such : those are of an other sphere , and of other principles , which i neither censure , nor , it may be , understand . i quarrell with no particular mens persons ; i encounter onely that colluvies of factions , parties and novel principles , which , like the sewers collected from many sinks and kennells , have met together to besmeare or over-beare the church of england . i despise no mans religion , so far as it is religion , deserving that holy name in any catholick and christian sense : but i abhorre an unreasonable , immodest , unjust and licentious way in any . i esteem and embrace with all charity whatever of gods spirit , of christs truth , of grace and vertue , of gifts and parts , of morall honesty and humanity i find in any men of any side : but i am too old and serious to be abused with vaporings , with affectations , with popular pretentions , with rude and rash reformations ; i am for solid , sober , orderly , humble constitutions , or restitutions rather , of order , honor and publick encouragement to religion , the church and clergy . no man hath justled or offended me in all these turbulent times worth owning , nor have i an evil eye or an ill will against any man : what i write as to my ecclesiastick calling , honor , and the church of englands common concernments , may ( possibly ) have something of salt , but nothing of gall ; there may be some corrosive to mortifie and meet with the diseased and proud flesh , but no venome to poyson or hurt either the diseased or the whole parts . it extremely grieves me to see how far the contagion of ignorance , impudence , profanenesse , irreligion , faction , division , levity , popularity , disorder and uncharitablenesse hath spread among some of my brethren of the ministry and many of my countrymen , without any present advance , that i can see , or future hopes , ( i say not as to their own honour or profit , but ) as to gods glory , or the publick interests of the true christian and reformed religion , or the good of mens soules , or the improvement of any grace and vertue . what any side offers as really good or convenient i allow ; what they partially cry down , and causelesly condemn or change , that i defend upon the account of this and all churches wisdome , honour and happinesse . if what i have written may do any good to the present or after-ages , i have my designe ; if not , i shall , by gods help , hereafter redeem this waste of time and labour , by applying to studies more suitable to my genius , spirit and age , which may more improve those graces which are least in dispute among good christians : yet in this i have not wholly lost my labour , because i have hereby further discharged my own soul , my conscience and reputation , from any approbation of what i judge to be either the sins or imprudencies , the wickednesse or weaknesse of this age , in which i do not so much live as dye daily , weary that my soul finds so little hope of an happy rest or composure , unity or harmony in our church ; which i had rather see and enjoy before i dye , than to have the greatest preferment in the world . i envy no men that have wrapped up their worldly interests in their religious policies , and daily gaine by the shrines of godlinesse they have made . i do indeed boldly rifle their godly principles and pretentions , as to their novelties ; for i see no reason as yet to yield to any of them , no not for an hour , though they seem never such pillars , while they import as if the church of england had heretofore consisted of a company of silly people and silly priests , whose either ignorance , or superstition , or sottishnesse , or basenesse , had hidden the beauties and blessings of true religion from all peoples eyes , so that neither bishops , nor presbyters , nor princes , nor parlaments , nor convocations , ever till now saw what was fit to know and do in church-matters , which are now to be taught and brought to light by the new methods of presbytery and independency , or by anabaptism , quakerism , and other rarities of religion , untried and untamed novelties , every way as short of the piety , prudence , unity and majesty of the religion and church of england heretofore , as they are wide of or beyond the true ancient bounds and catholick grounds of order , government , unity and due authority , i may adde , and of the blessings or prosperities , internal or external , spiritual and temporal , which attended episcopal order and paternal presidency ; which i profess to value , as now it is in its rags and ruines , far beyond the others in their silks and sprucenesses . episcopacy is now far from being the object of any sober mens flattery or ambition ; yet i cannot but look upon it with such an eye of pitty and reverence , as primitive christians were wont to do upon their bishops , such as polycarpus , ignatius , irenaeus , cyprian , and other martyrs , when they saw them imprisoned , beaten , tormented , destroyed . i know , yet i plead for those men and for that cause , which was once strong , but now is weak ; was honourable , and is now despised ; was favoured , but is now frowned upon by many ( yea , i fear , most ) men of ordinary spirits : yet i plead for that reverend order , and those reverend persons , who have been made a spectacle to angels and men , such as to this present hour suffer both hunger and thirst , are naked and buffeted , having no certain dwelling-place ; which being reviled do blesse , being persecuted have suffered with patience , being defamed do intreat , and being the glory of all churches , as to order , unity and government in all ages , are now looked upon by many as the filth and off scouring of all things : yet am i one of those angels which attend lazarus on his dunghil ; i have chosen to follow the clear , though now more exhausted , stream of antiquity , rather than the troubled torrents of any novelties , which may be as short-lived as they have been suddenly started . i have looked upon all mens principles and pretensions , as to ecclesiastick affairs , with what candor , equanimity and sincerity i could . if in any thing i was inclinable to be partial , it was neither for presbytery nor independency , i confess , which i never was catechized in , nor accustomed to , nor convinced of , as to any such piety or policy , wisdom or worth in them , which might make me see cause to desire or esteem them ; but i was swayed against some things , not in the constitution so much as some mens administration of episcopacy . i was originally principled to no small jealousies of bishops actions , when they were in their greatest glory and power ; nor do i yet think but that some bishops might have been greater masters of pious arts than they have proved : yet i find now that in many things people were more afraid than hurt . for the main i conclude , no ministers or governours , no superintendencies or presbyteries , in any reformed way , exceeded the usefulness , merit and excellency of our english bishops and presbyters ; nor is any thing as to church-government comparable to a primitive episcopacy , which includes the just rights , liberties or priviledges both of presbyters and people . i neither dispute nor deny any mens morals , intellectuals , devotionals or spirituals , further than they seem much warped and eclipsed by their over-eager heats and injurious prosecutions against their antagonists the episcopal clergy and church of england : but i absolutely blame those ministers want of politicks and prudentials , who by their antiepiscopal transports have so far diminished not onely themselves and their order as ministers , but the whole state of this church , as to its harmony and honour , its peace and plenty , its unity and authority . in whose behalf since all wise and worthy men are highly concerned , i cannot conclude with words of greater warmth and weight , than those of the blessed apostle st. paul , who was not more sollicitous to plant churches in truth and purity , than to settle and preserve them in order and unity : if there be therefore any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels of mercy ; let us all fulfill the apostles joy , this churches joy , the angels joy , yea christs joy ; in being like-minded and of one accord , in having the same love , in doing nothing through strife or vain-glory , but in lowliness and meekness , looking every man not onely to his own things but also to the things of others ; that the same mind may be in us which was also in our lord jesus christ. that in the expectation and experience of holy , wise and united hearts and hands on all sides , the church of england ( from whose head the crown is faln , from whose eyes rivers of teares do flow , while she lies weeping under the crosse ) may take up the words of zion in the prophet , therefore will i look to the lord , i will wait for the god of my salvation : my god will hear me . rejoyce not against me o mine enemie : when i fall , i shall rise ; when i sit in darknesse , the lord shall be a light unto me . i will bear the indignation of the lord , because i have sinned against him , untill he pleas my cause , and execute judgement for me : he will bring forth my light , and i shall behold his righteousnesse . to the king immortal , the onely wise and blessed god , father , son , and holy ghost , be all glory for ever , amen . in oratione constantini magni ad concilium nicenum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mihi quidem omni bello pugnave gravior atque acerbior videtur intestina in dei ecclesiâ seditio , quae plus doloris quàm externa omnia mala secum affert . the end . the names of books written by dr. gauden , and printed for andrew crook , at the green dragon in st. pauls church-yard . hieraspistes . . a defence of the ministry and ministers of the church of england , in quarto . . the case of the ministers maintenance by tithes , in quarto . . three sermons preached on publick occasions , in quarto . . funeralls made cordialls , in a sermon prepared and in part preached at the solemn interment of the right honorable robert rich , heire apparent to the earldom of warwick , in quarto new . a catalogue of the names of all the arch-bishops and bishops of england and wales , ever since the first planting of christian religion in this nation , unto these later times : with the year of our lord in which the several bishops of each diocese were consecrated . canterbury , arch-bishops . augustine the monk. a. d. laurence . a. d. melitus . a. d. justus . a. d. honorius . a. d. adeodatus or deus dedit . a. d. the sea vacant . yeares . theodor. a. d. brithwald . a. d. tatwin . a. d. nothelm . a. d. cuthbert . a. d. bregwin . a. d. lambert . a. d. athelward . a. d. walfred . a. d. theogild . a. d. celnoth . atheldred . a. d. plegmund . a. d. athelm . a. d. wulfelm . a. d. st. odo severus . a. d. st. dunstan . a. d. ethelgar . a. d. siricius . a. d. alfric or aluric . a. d. st. elphage . a. d. living or leoving . a. d. agelnoth , alias aethelnot . a. d. st. eadlin . a. d. robert gemeticensis . a. d. stigand . a. d. st. lanfranck . a. d. the sea vacant . yeares . st. anselm . a. d. rodolph . a. d. william corbell , al. corbois . a. d. theobald . a. d. st. tho. becket . a. d. richard the monke . a. d. baldwin . a. d. reginald fitz-jocelin . a. d. hubert walter . a. d. steph : langton card. a. d. ri : wethershed . a. d. st. edmond . a. d. boniface of savoy . a. d. robert kilwarby ca. a. d. john peckham . a. d. ro : winchelsey . a. d. walt. reynolds . a. d. simon mepham . a. d. john stratford . a. d. th : bradwardin . a. d. simon islip . a. d. si : langham c. a. d. will : wittlesey . a. d. simon sudbury . a. d. will : courtney . a. d. tho. arundell . a. d. hen : chicheley car. a. d. jo : stafford car. a. d. joh : kemp car. a. d. tho : bourcheir . a. d. john moorton card. a. d. henry deane . a. d. will : warham . a. d. tho : cranmer . a. d. reginald poole car. a. d. matth : parker . a. d. edm : gryndall . a. d. john whitgift . a. d. rich : bancroft . a. d. george abbot . a. d. william laud. a. d. beheaded on tower-hill , jan , . . s. asaph . kentigern . a. d. saint asaph , and after him many hundred yeares geffrey of monmouth . a. d. adam a welshman . reiner . a. d. abraham . a. d. howel ap edneuet . a. d. an●anus i. a. d. the see vacant . yeares . anianus ii. of schonaw . a. d. lewellin of bromfeild . a. d. david ap blethin . a. d. ephraim . henry . john trevaur i. lewellin ap madoc ap elis. a. d. will. of spridlington . a. d. laurence child . a. d. alexander bach. a. d. john trevaur ii. a. d. robert. a. d. john low. a. d. regin . peacock . a. d. thomas . a. d. rich : redman . a. d. dav : ap owen . a. d. edm : birkhead . a. d. henry standish . a. d. will : barlow . a. d. robert parfew alias warton . a. d. tho : goldwell . a. d. richard davies . a. d. thom : davies . a. d. will : hughes . a. d. will : morgan . a. d. richard parry . a. d. john hanmer . a. d. john owen . a. d. bangor . st. daniell . a. d. many hundred yeares after . hervaeus . a. d. david . a. d. maurice . a. d. william . guye . alban . a. d. rob : de salopia . a. d. caducan i. a. d. howell i. a. d. richard. a. d. anianus . a. d. caducan ii. a. d. griffith . a. d. lewis . a. d. matthew . a. d. thom. of ringstead . a. d. gerv. de castro . a. d. howell ii. a. d. john gilbert . a. d. john bishop of clone in ireland . a. d. john swaffam . rich : young. a. d. lewis ii. benedict nicols . a. d. will : barrow . a. d. nich : or john canon of chichester . thomas cheriton . a. d. john stanbery . a. d. james bishop of achaden in ireland . thom : ednam . a. d. henry deane . a. d. thomas pigot . a. d. john penny. a. d. thomas skevington . a. d. john capon alias salcot . a. d. john bird bishop of ossory . a. d. arthur bulkley . a. d. william glyn. a. d. rowl : merrick . a. d. nic : robinson . a. d. hugh bellot . a. d. rich : vaughan . a. d. hen : rowlands . a. d. lewis baylye . a. d. david dolbyn . a. d. edm : griffith . a. d. will : roberts . a. d. bath & wells . the bishops of this diocese were first bishops of wells , and afterward of bath and wells , as followeth . bishops of wells . adelm . a. d. wulfelm i. elphege or alphege . wulfelm ii. brithelm . a. d. kineward or kinewald . a. d. sigar . a. d. alwyn or ealfwyn . a. d. burwold . leoning . a. d. ethelwin . brithwin . merewith . dudoco alias bodeca . a. d. giso . a. d. bishops of bath and wells . john de villula . a. d. godfrey . a. d. robert of lewes . a. d. reg. fitz-jocelin . a. d. sauaric . a. d. jocelin of wells . a. d. roger. a. d. william bitton , alias button i. a. d. walter giffard . a. d. william bitton , alias button ii. a. d. robert burnell . a. d. william de marchia . a. d. walt : haselshaw . a. d. jo : drokensford . a. d. ralph of shrewsbury . a. d. john barnet . a. d. john harewell . a. d. walter skirlaw . a. d. ralph erghum . a. d. henry bowet . a. d. nic : bubwith . a. d. john stafford . a. d. tho : bekinton . a. d. rob : stillington . a. d. richard fox . a. d. oliver king. a. d. adr : de castello . a. d. tho : wolsey . a. d. john clerk. a. d. will : knight . a. d. will : barlow . a. d. gilbert bourn . a. d. gilbert barkley . a. d. tho : godwin . a. d. john still . a. d. jam : mountagu . a. d. arthur lake . a. d. william laud. a. d. leonard mawe . a. d. walter curle . a. d. william peirs . a. d. bristol . one of the . new bishopricks erected by k. hen. . paul bush . a. d. john holyman . a. d. richard cheney . a. d. john bullingham . a. d. richard fletcher . a. d. john thornborough . a. d. nicholas felton . a. d. john scarchfield . a. d. robert wright . a. d. george cook. a. d. rob : skynner . a. d. chichester . the bishops of this diocese were first bishops of selsey , and then of chichester , as followeth . bishop of selsey . wilfrid . a. d. eadbert . a. d. eolla . sigelm , sigfrid or sigga . a. d. alubrith . osa , alias bosa . a. d. giselhor . tota . wighthun . ethelulph . beornege . a. d. coenred . gothard . a. d. alfred . a. d. eadelm . a. d. ethelgar . a. d. ordbright . a. d. elmor . a. d. ethelrick or agilred . a. d. grinketell . a. d. heca . a. d. agelrike . a. d. bishops of chichester . stigand . a. d. william . ralph . seffrid i. a. d. hillary . jo : of greenford . a. d. seffrid ii. a. d. simon of wells . a. d. nic : of aquila . a. d. richard poor . a. d. ralph of warham . a. d. ralph de nevil . a. d. richard de la wiche . a. d. john clipping . a. d. stephen de berksted . a. d. gilbert de s. leofando . a. d. john de langton . robert stratford . william de lenne , alias lulimore . a. d. william read. a. d. tho : rushock a. d. richard mitford . robert welby . a. d. robert read. a. d. stephen patrington . a. d. henry ware. a. d. john kemp. a. d. tho : poldon . a. d. jo : rickingale . a. d. sim : sidenham . a. d. richard prary . adam molyns . a. d. regin : peacock . a. d. john arundell . a. d. edward story . a. d. ric : fitz-james . a. d. rob : sherborn . a. d. rich : sampson . a. d. george day . a. d. john scory . a. d. john christopherson . a. d. will : barlow . a. d. rich : curteis . a. d. thom : bickley . a. d. antho : watson . a. d. lancelot andrews . a. d. samuel harsnet . a. d. georg●●arleton . a. d. ric : mountagu . a. d. brian duppa . a. d. henry king. a. d. coventry and litchfield . the bishops of this diocese were first bishops of litchfield , and then of coventry and litchfield . bishops of litchfield . dwyna . a. d. cellach . trumhere . jarumannus . st. chad or cedda . a. d. winifrid . a. d. s. sexulf or saxulf . a. d. headda alias eathed . a. d. aldwyn alias wor. a. d. witta . a. d. hemel . cuthfrid . a. d. berthum . sigbert alias higbert i. a. d. aldulph was archbishop of litchfield . a. d. humbert i. herewin . higbert ii. ethelwold . humbert ii. a. d. kinebert alias kenferth . a. d. s. cumbert or cymbert . a. d. tumbright ali . bumfrith . a. d. florent . wigorn. hath this order of succession from berthun to tunbright , as followeth . berthun . higbert . a. d. aldulf . a. d. herewin . ethelwald . humberht . a. d. cineforth . a. d. tunbright . a. d. bishop godwin followes the order set down by matthew westminster from tunbright , thus , ella . a. d. alfgar . a. d. kinsy . winsy . elphege alias ealphege . godwin . leofgar . brithman . wulsius . a. d. leofwin . a. d. peter removed the see to chester . a. d. bishops of coventry and litchfield . robert de limesey . removed the see to coventry . a. d. robert peche alias peccam . a. d. roger de clinton . a. d. walter durdent . a. d. richard peche . a. d. gerard puella alias la pucelle . a. d. hugh de novant alias nunant . a. d. geffrey de muschamp . a. d. walter de gray . a. d. william de cornhull . a. d. alexan. de savensby alias wendock . a. d. hugh pateshull . a. d. roger de wescham . a. d. roger de longespe alias de molend . a. d. walter de langton . a. d. roger northborough alias northbrook . a. d. rob : stretton . a. d. walter skirlaw . a. d. rich scroope . a. d. john burghill . a. d. john keterich . a. d. james cary. a. d. wil : heyworth . a. d. william booth . a. d. nicholas close . a. d. roger butler . a. d. jo : halse alias hales . a. d. william smith . a. d. john arundell . a. d. geffrey blyth . a. d. roland lee. a. d. rich : sampson . a. d. ralph bayn . a. d. thom : bentham . a. d. will : overton . a. d. george abbot . a. d. rich : neile . a. d. john overall . a. d. thom morton . a. d. robert wright . a. d. accepted frewen . a. d. s. davids . dubritius arch-bishop of carleon in wales resigned his arch-bishoprick to s. david , who removed his see to s. davids a. d. . who was the first arch-bishop of s. david , the rest follow . archbishops of s. davids according to giraldus cambrensis . s. david . a. d. conauc . eliud or teilon . ceneu . morwall . haerunen or haernurier . elwaed . gurnuen . lendivord . gorwyst . gorgan . eluoed . anian . eluoed . ethelmon . elanc . molscoed . sadermen . catellus . sulhaithnay . nonis . etwall . asser . arthuael . another catalogue of the archbishops of s. davids , different from gyraldus , taken out of an antiquity belonging to the church of s. david . s. david . a. d. eliud . theliaus . kenea . moruael . haernurier . eluaeth . gurnell . lendymyth . gorwist . gorgan . cledanc . eynaen . eludgeth . eldunen . elnaoth . maelschwyth . madenew . catalus . sylvay . namys . sathuency . doyth wall . asser . athuael . a. d. sampson . bishops of s. davids using archiepiscopall power . ruclinus . elgum . lunuerd ali . lyward . norgu alias vergu . sulhider alias hubert . eneuris alias euerus . morgena . roderic . nathan . a. d. jevan . argustel . morgenueth ali . urgeney . eruen alias hurnun . a. d. tramorin alias carmerin . a. d. joseph . a. d. blethied . sulheim . a. d. abraham . a. d. rythmarch . wilfrid alias griffri . bernard . a. d. bishops of s. davids after bernard , suffragans to the see of canterbury . david fit. gerald. a. d. petrus or piers. a. d. geffrey . sylvester gyraldus or gyrald . cambrensis . a. d. jorworth or edward . a. d. alselmus . a. d. tho. wallensis . a. d. thomas carren . a. d. thomas beck . a. d. david de s. edmundo . a. d. david martin . a. d. henry gower . a. d. john thorisby . a. d. reginald brian . a. d. thomas fastolf . a. d. adam houghton . a. d. john gilbert . a. d. the see void . yeares . guy de mona alias mohun . a. d. hen. chicheley . a. d. john keterich or cataricus . a. d. stephen patrington . a. d. benet nicolls . a. d. thomas rodburn . a. d. will : lynwood . a. d. john langton . a. d. john delabere . a. d. robert tully . richard martin . a. d. thom : langton . a. d. hugh pavy . a. d. john morgan alias yong. a. d. rob : sherborn . a. d. edw : vaughan . a. d. rich : rawlyns . a. d. will : barlow . a. d. robert ferrar. a. d. henry morgan . a. d. thomas young. a. d. richard davies . a. d. marmaduke middleton . a. d. the see vacant . yeares . anthony rudd . a. d. rich : milborn . a. d. william laud. a. d. theophi ▪ field . a. d. roger manwaring . a. d. elye . hervaeus bishop of bangor . a. d. nigellus . a. d. galfridus rydall . a. d. william longechamp . a. d. eustachius . a. d. jo : de fontibus . a. d. galfr : de burgo . a. d. hugh norwold . a. d. wil : of kilkenny . a. d. hugh balsam . a. d. john de kirkby . a. d. will : de luda . a. d. ralph walpool . a. d. robert orford . a. d. john de keeton . a. d. john hotham . a. d. sim : mountacut . a. d. thomas lyde . a. d. sim : langham . a. d. john barnet . a. d. tho : arundell . a. d. john fordham . a. d. philip morgan . a. d. lewis lushbrough . a. d. tho : bourchier . a. d. william gray . a. d. john moorton . a. d. john alcock . a. d. rich : redman . a. d. james stanley . a. d. nich : west . a. d. tho : goodrich . a. d. tho. thirlby . a. d. richard cox. a. d. the see vacant yeares . martin heton . a. d. lancelot andrewes . a. d. nich : felton . a. d. jo : buckeridg . a. d. franc : white . a. d. matthew wren . a. d. exeter . this diocese was at first in two bishopricks , viz. cornwall and devon , and afterwards united into one , viz. exeter . bishops of cornwall . athelstan i. a. d. conan . ruydocus . aldred . britwyn . athelstan ii. vvolfi . woronus . wolocus . stidio . adelred . burwald . bishops of devon. werstan or aedulph . a. d. putta . a. d. eadulph ii. a. d. ethelgarus . a. d. algar . a. d. alfwold . a. d. alwolf i. a. d. sideman . a. d. alfred al. alfric . a. d. alwolf ii or alfwold . a. d. eadnothus . a. d. livingus . a. d. this livingus after the death of burwald bishop of cornwall , united the two bishopricks of cornwal and devon into one bishoprick , removed by his successor to exeter . bishops of exeter . leofric removed the see to exeter . a. d. osbert or osbern . a. d. will : vvarewast . a. d. rob : chichester . a. d. rob : vvarfwast alias vvarwast . a. d. barth : isanus . a. d. jo : the chaunter . a. d. henry marshall . a. d. simon de apulia . a. d. vvill : brewer . a. d. rich : blondy . a. d. vvalt : bronescomb . a. d. peter quivill . a. d. thomas button . a. d. vval : stapleton . a. d. james barkley . a. d. jo : grandison . a. d. thom : brentingham . a. d. edm : stafford . a. d. john ketterich . a. d. john cary. a. d. edmond lacy. a. d. george nevill . a. d. john booth . a. d. peter courtney . a. d. richard fox . a. d. oliver king. a. d. robert redman . a. d. jo : arundell . a. d. hugh oldham . a. d. john voisei alias harman . a. d. miles coverdale . a. d. james turbervil . a. d. vvilliam alley . a. d. vvil : bradbridge . a. d. john vvoolton . a. d. gervase babington . a. d. vvill : cotton . a. d. valentine cary. a. d. joseph hall. a. d. ralph brownrigge . a. d. gloucester . one of the . new bishopricks erected by k. hen. . jo : vvakeman . a. d. john hooper . a. d. james brookes . a. d. the see vacant yearts . rich : cheney . a. d. the see void three years . jo : bullingham . a. d. godf : goldsborough . a. d. thomas ravis . a. d. henry parry . a. d. giles tompson . a. d. miles smith . a. d. godfrey goodman . a. d. hereford . putta . a. d. tirtell . torteras . vvalstold alias vvalstod . cuthbert . a. d. podda . ecca . cedda . albert. a. d. esna . celmund . a. d. utellus . wlfhard . benna . edulf . cuthwulf . . mucel . doorlas . cunemund . edgar . tidhelm . vvulfhelm . alfrike . athulf . ethelstan . a. d. leovegard . a. d. the see vacant . yeares . walter . a. d. rob : lozinga . a. d. gerard. raynelm . a. d. geffr : de cliva . a. d. richard clerk of the seal . a. d. rob : de betune . a. d. gilb : de foliot . a. d. rob : de melun . a. d. robert foliot . a. d. will : le vere . a. d. giles de bruse . a. d. hugh de mapenore . a. d. hugh foliot . a. d. ralph de maidston . a. d. peter de egueblank . a. d. john breton the famous lawyer . a. d. tho : cantilupe . a. d. richard de swinfeild . a. d. adam de orleton . a. d. tho : charlton . a. d. john trillock . a. d. lewis charlton . a. d. will : courtney . a. d. john gilbert . a. d. john trenevant al. trefnant . a. d. robert mascall . a. d. edmond lacy. a. d. thomas polton . a. d. tho : stofford . a. d. richard beauchamp . a. d. regin : butler . a. d. john stanbery . a. d. tho : myllyng . a. d. edm : audley . a. d. adrian de castello . a. d. richard mayo . a. d. charles booth . a. d. edward fox . a. d. edm : bonner . a. d. john skypp . a. d. john harley . a. d. robert parfew alias warton . a. d. john scory . a. d. herbert westfaling . a. d. robert bennet . a. d. franc : godwin . a. d. augustin lyndsell . a. d. matth : wren . a. d. theoph : field . a. d. george cook. a. d. landaff . dubritius . st. telian alias eliud . a. d. st. oudoceus . ubilwynus . aidanus . elgistill . lunapeius . comegern . argwistill . gurvan . guodloiu . edilbinus . grecielus . berthygwn . trychan . elvogus . catgwaret . cerenhir . nobis . gulfridus . nudd . cimeliauc . libian . marchluith . pater . gucanor alias gogwan . a. d. bledri . a. d. joseph . a. d. herewald . a. d. urban . a. d. the see vacant . yeares . uhtrid . a. d. geffrey . a. d. nic●ap gurgant . a. d. william de salso marisco . a. d. henry . william . a. d. elias de radnor . a. d. will : de burgo . a. d. jo : de la ware. a. d. wil : de radnor . a. d. will : de brews . a. d. the see vacant yeares . john de monmouth . a. d. jo : de eglescliff . a. d. john pascall . a. d. rog : cradock . a. d. tho : rushook . a. d. william de bottlesham . a. d. edmond de bromfield . a. d. tydeman . a. d. andrew barret . a. d. john burghill . tho : peverell . a. d. john la zouch . a. d. john wells . a. d. nich : ashby . a. d. john hunden . a. d. john smith . john marshall . a. d. john ingleby . miles saley . a. d. george de athequa a spaniard . a. d. robert holgate . a. d. anthony kitchin ali . dunstan . a. d. the see void . yeares . hugh jones . a. d. vvill : blethin . a. d. gervase babington . a. d. will : morgan . a. d. franc : godwyn . a. d. geo : carleton . a. d. theoph : field . a. d. vvill : murray . a. d. morgan owen . a. d. lincoln . this diocese at first contained two bishopricks , dorchester and sidnacester , which were afterwards united into one bishoprick of lincoln . dorchester bishops . this dorchester is about . miles from oxford , out of which was taken the bishoprick of vvinchester , by kenwalchus king of the west saxons . birinus . a. d. agilbertus . a. d. the see vacant a long time . tota . edbert . a. d. vverenbert . unwora . a. d. rethunus . a. d. aldred . a. d. ceolred . a. d. halard . ceolulph or kenulph . a. d. leofwin . a. d. in this last bishops time sidnacester was united to dorchester . ailnoth . a. d. ascwin alias aescwy . alshelm . eadnoth i. eadhericus . a. d. eadnoth ii. a. d. ulfus a norman . a. d. vvulfinus . a. d. after this bishops time remigius his successor removed the see to lincoln . sidnacester bishops . sidnacester was a town in lincoln-shire near gainsbrough , its diocese taken out of dorchester , a. d. . eadhed . a. d. ethelwin . edgar . kinebert alias embert . alwigh . a. d. about this time a. d. . another bishops see was erected at leicester , but soon after removed to dorchester . eadulfus i. a. d. ceolulf . a. d. eadulf ii. a. d. the see vacant many yeares . brightred . a. d. this see having lien vacant almost . yeares , was at last united to dorchester by leofwin bishop of that diocese , as before , and so continued till remigius the last bishop of dorchester removed the see to lincoln . lincoln bishops since the removall by remigius . remigius . a. d. robert bloet . a. d. alexander . a. d. robert de chesney al. de querceto . a. d. the see vacant . yeares . walter de constantiis . a. d. st. hugh . a. d. william blesensis or de blois . a. d. after the see had lien vacant three yeares , hugh walles . a. d. robert grosthed alias grouthed . a. d. hen : lexinton . a. d. bened : de gravesend . a. d. oliver sutton . a. d. john aldberry alias alderby . a. d. thomas beake . a. d. henry burwash . a. d. thomas becke . a. d. john synwell . a. d. jo : bokingham . a. d. henry beaufort . a. d. phil : repindon . a. d. will : fleming . a. d. william gray . a. d. will : alnwick . a. d. marmaduke lumley . a. d. jo : chadworth . a. d. thomas rotheram alias scot. a. d. john russell . a. d. the see vacant . yeares . will : smith . a. d. thom : wolsey . a. d. will : atwater . a. d. jo : longland . a. d. henry holbech . a. d. john taylor . a. d. john white . a. d. thom : watson . a. d. nic : bullingham . a. d. thom ▪ cooper . a. d. wil : wickham . a. d. william chaderton . a. d. will : barlow . a. d. rich : neile . a. d. geo : mountayn . a. d. john williams . a. d. tho : vvynnyff . a. d. london . this bishoprick was first an archbishoprick , erected by lucius the first christian king of the britans an. christi . the archiepiscopall see was removed to canterbury , and london made an episcopall see by augustin the monk , a. d. . there are onely . names of the archbishops , which are these . thean , who built and made s. peters church in cornhill london , his archiepiscopall see of london under king lucius . elvanus . cadar . obinus . conan . palladius . stephen . iltut . theodwyn al. dedwyn . thedred . hilary . restitutus . a. d. guitelnius . fastidius . vodinus . a. d. theonus . a. d. after the archbishops succeeded the bishops of london following . bishops of london . melitus , placed by augustin the monk. a. d. ceadda . a. d. vvina . a. d. erkenwald . a. d. vvaldher . ingwald . egwolf . vvighed . eadbright . eadgar . kenwalch . eadbald . hecbert or heathubert . osmund alias oswyn . a. d. ethelnot . a. d. ceolbert . renulph al. ceorulf . swithulf . eadstan . a. d. vvulfius . a. d. ethelward . elstan . theodred the good. a. d. vvulstan i. brithelmus . dunstan . a. d. alfstan . a. d. vvulfstan ii. alhun . alwy . elfward alias alword . robert. a. d. vvilliam the norman . a. d. hugh de orival . a. d. mauritius . a. d. richard beaumes alias rufus i. a. d. gilbert universalis . a. d. the see void yeares . rob : de sigillo . a. d. richard beaumes alias beauvys ii. a. d. gilbert foliot . a. d. rich : nigellus . a. d. vvilliam de sancta maria. a. d. eustachius de fauconbridg . a. d. roger niger . a. d. fulk bassett . a. d. henry de vvingham . a. d. richard talbot . a. d. henry de sandwich . a. d. jo : de chisal . a. d. richard de gravesend . a. d. ralph de baldock . a. d. gilb : segrave . a. d. rich : newport . a. d. step : gravesend . a. d. richard bentworth al. vventworth . a. d. ralph stratford . a. d. michael northbrook . a. d. simon sudbury alias tybald . a. d. vvil : courtney . a. d. rob : braybrook . a. d. rog : vvalden . a. d. nic : bubwith . a. d. rich : clifford . a. d. john kempe . a. d. vvilliam gray . a. d. robert fitz-hugh . a. d. robert gilbert . a. d. thomas kemp. a. d. john marshall mistaken for landaff . richard hill. a. d. thom : savage . a. d. will : warham . a. d. will : barnes . a. d. richard fitz-james . a. d. cuth : tonstall . a. d. jo : stokesley . a. d. edm : bonner . a. d. nich : ridley . a. d. edm : gryndall . a. d. edwyn sands . a. d. john elmer . a. d. rich : fletcher . a. d. rich. bancroft . a. d. rich : vaughan . a. d. thomas ravis . a. d. georg abbot . a. d. john king. a. d. geo : mountain . a. d. william laud. a. d. william juxon . a. d. norwich . this diocese originally was the bishoprick of the east-angles , which was afterwards divided into two bishopricks , elmham and dunwich : this of dunwich being extinct , that of elmham in norfolk continued till herfastus removed his see to thetford , and herbert losinga afterwards removed his see from thetford to norwich , where it hath since continued . bishops of east-angles . s. faelix a burgundian . a. d. tho : diaconus . a. d. bregilfus bonifacius . a. d. bisus . a. d. this bisus divided the bishoprick of east-angles into elmham and donwich . bishops of elmham after the division . bedwin . northbertus . headulacus . edilfridus . lanferthus . athelwolphus . alcarus . sibba . alherdus . humbertus al. humbiretus . bishops of dunwich after the division . acca . astwolphus . eadforth . cuthwin . aldberth . eglaf alias algar . heardred alias hardulf . a. d. aelphunus . tidferth alias todfrid . weremund . wilred . these two bishopricks by reason of the danish wars lay vacant . yeares : afterwards an. . athulfas was ordained bishop of the east-angles by edwyn king of the west saxons , who kept his see at elmham , dunwich being quite extinct , as above . bishops of both sees after the vacancy of . yeares abovesaid . athu : al. astulfus . a. d. alfredus . theodredus al. theodoricus . theodred . athelstan . algar . alwin . alfricus . alifreius alias alfricus . a. d. stigand . grinketell . a. d. egelmar alias e●helmar . a. d. all these till the time of william the conqueror had their sees at elmham . after bishop egelmar king william the conquerer caused arfastus or herfastus his chaplain to succeed egelmar , who removed the see from elmham to thetford , where it continued three successions . bishops of thetford . herfastus or arfastus . gul. galsagus . herebertus losinga al. gul. herbertus . a. d. this losinga translated the see from thetford to norwich , where it hath since continued . bishops of norwich since the removall of the see from thetford . herebertus losinga al. gul. herbertus . a. d. everardus . a. d. william turbus a norman . a. d. jo : of oxford . a. d. john gray . a. d. the see void . yeares . pandulfus the popes legate . a. d. thomas de blundevile . a. d. radulphus . a. d. the see void . yeares . will : de raleigh . a. d. walt : de sufeild . a. d. sim : de wanton . a. d. roger de skerwyng . a. d. wil : middleton . a. d. ralph walpool . a. d. john salmon . a. d. robert baldock elected , but refused it . will : ayermin . a. d. antho : de beck . a. d. william bateman . thomas percy . a. d. hen : spencer . a. d. alexander prior of norwich . a. d. ric : courtney . a. d. jo. wakering . a. d. will : alnwick . a. d. tho : brown. a. d. walter hart. a. d. ja : goldwell . a. d. thomas jan. a. d. richard nyx . a. d. william rugg alias reps . a. d. tho : thirlby . a. d. john hopton . a. d. jo : parkhurst . a. d. edm : freake . a. d. edm : scambler . a. d. will : redman . a. d. john jegon . a. d. john overall . a. d. sam harsnet . a. d. franc : white . a. d. rich : corbet . a. d. mat : wrenn . a. d. rich : mountague . a. d. joseph hall. a. d. oxford . this was one of the . bishopricks newly erected by k. hen. . bishops of oxford . robert king last abbot of oseney . a. d. hugh curwyn , the see having been vacant ten yeares . a. d. john underhill , after the see vacant . yeares . a. d. john bridges , after the see vacant . yeares . a. d. john howson . a. d. rich : corbet . a. d. john bancroft . a. d. robert skynner . a. d. peterborough . this was another of the . new bishopricks erected by k. hen. . bishops of peterborough . john chamber , last abbot there . a. d. david poole . a. d. edm : scambler . a. d. rich : howland . a. d. thomas dove . a. d. william peirs . a. d. august : lyndsell . a. d. francis dee . a. d. john towers . a. d. rochester . justus . a. d. romanus . a. d. paulinus . a. d. ithamar . a. d. damianus . a. d. putta . a. d. quichelmus or gulielmus . a. d. gebmundus , godmundus , or godwynd . a. d. tobias . a. d. adulfus . a. d. dun or duina . a. d. eardulfus . a. d. diota . weremund beornmod ali . beornred . a. d. tadnoth . bedenoth . godwin . gutherwulf . swithulf . buiricus . cheolmund . chineferth . burrhicus . alfanus . godwin ii. a. d. godwin iii. siward . a. d. arnostus . a. d. gundulph . a. d. ralph . a. d. st. earnulphus . a. d. john archd : of cant. a. d. ascelinus . a. d. walterus . a. d. gualeranus . a. d. gilbert de glanvile . a. d. benedictus . a. d. hen : de sanford . a. d. rich : de wendover . a. d. laurence de s. martino . a. d. walter de merton , founder of merton colledge . a. d. jo : de bradfield . a. d. tho : inglethorp . a. d. thomas de wuldham . a. d. haymo de heath . a. d. jo : de shepey . a. d. wil : wittlesey . a. d. thomas trillick alias trilley . a. d. tho : brinton . a. d. william de bottlesham al : bolsham . a. d. john boltsham alias bottlesham . a. d. rich : young. a. d. john kemp. a. d. john langdon . a. d. thomas brown. a. d. will : de welles . a. d. john lowe . a. d. tho : rotheram . a. d. john alcock . a. d. john russell . a. d. edm : audley . a. d. thomas savage . a. d. richard fitz-james a. d. john fisher . a. d. john hilsey . a. d. nich : heath . a. d. henry holbech . a. d. nich : ridley . a. d. john poynet . a. d. john scory . a. d. maurice griffin . a. d. edm : guest . a. d. edm : freak . a. d. john peirs . a. d. john yong. a. d. will : barlow . a. d. richard neile . a. d. jo : buckeridg . a. d. walter curle . a. d. john bowle . a. d. john warner . a. d. salisbury . this diocese was formerly in two bishopricks , sherborn and wilton : out of sherborn wilton wast aken : which were afterwards united together into salisbury by bishop herman a. d. . bishops of sherborn . aldhelmus made the first bishop of sherborn by ina king of the west saxons . a. d. fordhere . a. d. hereward . a. d. ethelwold . denefrith . wilbert . eahlstan . a. d. eadmund . a. d. ethelrage . a. d. alfsy . asser menevensis . swithelm or swigelm . a. d. ethelwald or ethelward . the see void . yeares . a. d. . three bishopricks were taken out of the diocese of sherborn by plegmond archbishop of canterbury , one for cornwall , another for devon , of which see tit. exeter , the third at wells for somerset-shire of which see bath and wells , and a fourth afterward at wilton for wilt-shire , of which see afterward . now to proceed with sherborn bishops next after ethelwald . vverstan . a. d. ethelbald . a. d. sigelm il. alfredus . a. d. vvulfsinus . a. d. alfwold . a. d. ethelricus . a. d. ethelsius . brithwin al. brithric . elmor . a. d. brynwyn alias brythwin . elfwold . after the death of elfwold , herman the last bishop of vvilton was bishop also of sherborn , and joyned both bishopricks again into one , and then removed the see to salisbury . bishops of vvilton . whose sees were sometime at vvilton , sometime at ramesbury & otherwhile at sunning , and thereupon sometime named bishops of those places . ethelstan at ramsbury a. d. odo , there also . osulphus at vvilton . a. d. alsstanus . a. d. alfgarus or vvolfgarus . a. d. siricius . alfricus or aluricius . a. d. brithwoldus . a. d. hermannus chaplain to king edward the confessor , whom cambden calls bishop of sunning , from his episcopall see there : he being after the death of elfwold bishop of sherborn joyned that and vvilton into one , and then removed his see to salisbury , since which time they have been called bishops of salisbury . bishops of salisbury after the removall of the sees thither by bishop herman as above . herman the last bishop of sherborn and wilton , and first bearing the title of bishop of salisbury . a. d. st. osmond . roger. a. d. jocelin . a. d. the see vacant . yeares . hubert walter . a. d. herebert or robert pauper . a. d. richard poor . a. d. rob : bingham . a. d. will : of york . a. d. giles of bridport . a. d. walter de la wile . a. d. robert de wikhampton . a. d. walt : scammell . a. d. henry de braundston . a. d. laur : de hawkburn . a. d. will : de comer . a. d. nich : de longespe . a. d. simon de gandavo . a. d. roger de mortivall . a. d. robert vivill . a. d. ralph erghum . a. d. john waltham . a. d. rich : metford . a. d. nicholas bubwith . a. d. robert halam . a. d. jo : chaundler . a. d. robert nevill . a. d. william aiscoht . al. hacliff . a. d. ric : beauchamp . a. d. lion : woodvill . a. d. tho : langton . a. d. john blyth . a. d. henry deane . a. d. edm : awdley . a. d. laurence campegius card. a. d. nicholas shaxton . a. d. john salcot alias capon . a. d. john jewell . a. d. edm : gheast . a. d. john peirs . a. d. the see void . yeares . rich : coldwell . a. d. the see void . yeares . henry cotton . a. d. robert abbot . a. d. mart. fotherby . a. d. rob : tomson . a. d. john davenant . a. d. brian duppa . a. d. westminster . there was an episcopall see erected at westminster by king hen. . one of the . new bishopricks by him ordained upon the suppression of religious houses , whereof thomas thirlby was the first and last bishop , consecrated an. . he being thence removed to norwich , the diocese belonging to this new bishoprick ( which was middlesex ) was restored to london , and the bishoprick of westminster ceased . winchester . this bishoprick was first taken out of the diocese of dorchester by kenwalchus king of the west saxons , and conferred on vvina the first bishop thereof a.d. . of the bishops of dorchester see lincoln . bishops of vvinchester or vvinton . vvina or vvini . a. d. eleutherius . s. headda . a. d. daniel . a. d. in this last bishop daniels daies ina king of the vvest saxons divided his province into two dioceses : in the one he placed adelmus at sherborn , whereof see in salisbury ; in the other this daniel at vvinchester , whose successors follow . humfrey . a. d. kinchard . a. d. athelard or hathelard . egbard . dudda . kenebert . alhmundus . vvightheinus . herefridus . edmund . a. d. helmstan . s. swithun . a. d. adferth or athelred . a. d. dunbert . a. d. denewulsus a hogheard under king alfred . a. d. s. athelmus alias bertulphus . a. d. bertulph . a. d. fristan consecrated by archbishop plegmond an. a. d. brinstan . a. d. elpheg : calvus . a. d. elffinus or alffins . brithelmus . a. d. s. ethelwold . a. d. s. elphege . a. d. kenulph . a. d. s. brithwold . a. d. elsinus alias ealsinus . a. d. alwinus , accused to be naught with emma , wife to king edward confessor but acquitted . a. d. stigand afterwards archbishop of canterbury an. a. d. vvalkelin . a. d. the see void yeares . vvill : giffard . a. d. henry de bloys or blesensis card. a. d. the see void three yeares . richard toclive alias more . a. d. godf : de lucy . a. d. peter de rupibus al. de la roche . a. d. vvill : de raley alias radley . a. d. ethelmar alias adelmar . a. d. the see void . yeares john gernsey alias john of oxford . a. d. nic : de ely. a. d. john de pontissara al. pontois . a. d. henry woodlock a. d. john sandall alias kendall . a. d. reginald de asser the popes legate . a. d. john stratford . a. d. adam d'orlton alias tarlton . a. d. will : de edington al. edendon . a. d. will : de wickham founder of new colledg in oxford . a. d. henry beaufort car. son of john of gaunt . a. d. vvilliam vvaynflet founded magd. colledg oxford . a. d. peter courtney . a. d. tho : langton . a. d. richard fox . a. d. tho : vvolsey card. a. d. stephen gardiner . a. d. john poynett . a. d. john vvhite . a. d. robert horn. a. d. john vvatson . a. d. tho : cooper . a. d. vvilliam vvickham . a. d. vvilliam day . a. d. thomas bilson . a. d. ja : mountagu . a. d. lancelot andrews . a. d. richard neile . a. d. vvalter curle . a. d. vvorcester . ethelred king of mercia an. . divided his country which had but one diocese into five bishopricks , whereof this of vvorcester was one , and consecrated boselus the first bishop thereof by theodore archbishop of cant. boselus . a. d. ostforus . s. egwin . a. d. vvilfrid . a. d. milred . a. d. vveremund , others say denebertus . tilherus . a. d. enthored . a. d. devebertus . a. d. eadbert or hubert . a. d. alwin . a. d. vverebert , vverefrid or herefrid . a. d. vvilferth i. a. d. ethelhun . a. d. vvilferth ii. a. d. kinewold . a. d. s. dunstan . a. d. s. oswald . a. d. adulfus . a. d. vvulstan . leoffius . briteagus . a. d. livingus . a. d. this livingus was bishop of devon and cornwall , which he united together and held it with his bishoprick of vvorcester . aldred . a. d. s. vvalstan , built the cathedrall of vvorcester . a. d. sampson . a. d. theolphus . a. d. simon . a. d. alured . john pagham . roger. baldwin . a. d. vvilliam of northale . a. d. robert. a. d. henry . john de constantiis . a. d. mauger . a. d. walter grey . a. d. silvester . a. d. will : de blois . a. d. walter de cantilupe . a. d. nic : de ely. a. d. walter gifford . a. d. william of gainsborough . a. d. walt : reynold . a. d. walter maydeston . a. d. tho : cobham . a. d. adam de orlton . a. d. simon de mountacut . a. d. tho : hennyball . a. d. wulstan de bransford . a. d. john thursby . a. d. reginald brian . a. d. john barnet . a. d. vvilliam vvittlesey . a. d. vvil : de lynne . a. d. henry vvakefield . a. d. tidecomb de vvinchcomb al. rob. tideman . a. d. vvill : badbury about this time , as bale writes . a. d. rich : clifford . a. d. tho : peverell . a. d. philip morgan . a. d. tho : polton . a. d. tho : bourchier . a. d. john carpenter . a. d. john alcock . a. d. robert morton . a. d. john gigles . a. d. silvester gigles . a. d. jul : de medice , after pope clem. . a. d. hieron : de nugutiis . a. d. hugh latymer . a. d. john bell. a. d. nich : heath . a. d. jo : hooper in commendam . richard pates . a. d. edwyn sands . a. d. nic : bullingham . a. d. jo : vvhitgift . a. d. edm : freake . a. d. rich : fletcher . a. d. thomas bilson . a. d. gervase babington . a. d. henry parry . a. d. john thornborough . a. d. john prideaux . a. d. diocese of york . york is the ancientest metropolitan see of engl. first erected with two other archiepiscopal sees , london , and car-leon in wales , by lucius the first christian king of the britans an. christi . the first arch-bishop seated here by king lucius was sampson , and tadiatus the last in the britans time . the names of the other archbishops of the britans ( by the injurie of the times ) are lost : therefore we must be content to begin with paulinus sent hither by pope gregory the great to convert the saxons . archbishops of yorke . s. paulinus . a. d. the see void . yeares . cedda . a. d. wilfrid i. bosa . st. john of beverley . a. d. s. vvilfrid ii. a. d. s. egbert . a. d. adelbert . a. d. eanbald i. a. d. eanbald ii. a. d. vvulsius . vvimund . a. d. wilfer . a. d. ethelbald . a. d. redward alias lodeward . vvulstan i. oskitell . a. d. athelwold . a. d. st. oswald founded ramsey abby . a. d. aldulf . a. d. wulstan ii. a. d. alfricus puttoc . a. d. kinsius . a. d. aldred . a. d. thomas i. a. d. gerard. a. d. thomas ii. a. d. thurstan . a. d. henry murduc . a. d. st. vvilliam . a. d. roger. a. d. the see void ten years . geffrey plantagenet brother to king rich : i. and king john. a. d. the see void yeares . vvalter grey lord chancelor . he bought vvhite-hall and called it york-place , which k. hen. . got from card vvolsey . a. d. st. sewall . a. d. godfrey de kinton . a. d. vvalt : giffard . a. d. vvilliam vvickwane . a. d. john roman . a. d. henry newark . a. d. thomas de corbridg . a. d. vvilliam de greenfield . a. d. vvilliam de melton . a. d. vvill : zouch . a. d. john thursby . a. d. alexand : nevill . a. d. tho : arundell . a. d. robert vvalby . a. d. richard scroop , beheaded . a. d. henry bowet . a. d. john kemp. a. d. william booth . a. d. george nevill . a. d. laurence booth . a. d. thomas rotheram al. scot. a. d. thom : savage . a. d. christopher bambridg . card. a. d. thomas wolsey ca. a. d. edward lee. a. d. rob holgate . a. d. nich : heath . a. d. thom : young. a. d. edm : gryndall . a. d. edwyn sands . a. d. john piers. a. d. mat : hutton . a. d. toby matthew . a. d. george mountaine . a. d. samuell harsnet . a. d. richard neile . a. d. jo : williams lord keeper . a. d. there was an episcopall see in northumberland in the saxons time , destroyed ●fterwards by the danes , named hexam , hagulstad and hextold , which was afterwards united to york , the names of ten bishops thereof follow . x. bishops of hexam . st. eata the fifth bishop of lindesfarn . a. d. st. john of beverley . a. d. st. acca . a. d. frithebert . a. d. alhmund . a. d. tilhere . a. d. ethelbert . a. d. heandred . a. d. eanbert . a. d. tidferth the last bishop of hexam . carlile . carlile at the first was part of the diocese of whithorn or candida casa in galloway in scotland , then belonging to the kingdom of the saxon northumbers . but after the scots had regained galloway with the bishops see , carlile a. d. . was bestowed by the king of northumberland upon s. cuthbert bishop of lindisfarn or holy island , and so it continued till an. . at what time a bishops see was there first erected . bishops of carlile . athelwolf , adelwald or athelward . a. d. bernard died a. d. the see void . yeares . hugh . a. d. walter man. a. d. silvester de everden . a. d. thomas vipont . a. d. robert chanse . a. d. ralph de ireton . a. d. john de halton . a. d. john de rosse . a. d. john de kirkby . a. d. gilbert de welton . a. d. tho : de appleby . a. d. robert reade . a. d. thom : merkes . a. d. william strickland ▪ a. d. rog : whelpdale . a. d. will : barrow . a. d. marmaduke lumley . a. d. nicholas close . a. d. william percy . a. d. john ●ingscot . a. d. richard scroop . a. d. edward storey . a. d. richard dunelmensis or of durham . a. d. william sever. a. d. roger leibourn . a. d. john penny. a. d. john kite . a. d. rob : aldrich . a. d. owen oglethorp . a. d. john best . a. d. richard barnes . a. d. john mey . a. d. hen : robinson . a. d. rob : snowdon . a. d. rich : milborn . a. d. rich : senhouse . a. d. francis white . a. d. barnaby potter . a. d. chester . this is one of the . bishopricks erected by k. hen. . upon the dissolution of religious houses . john bird. a. d. john cotes . a. d. cuthbert scot. a. d. will : downham . a. d. wil : chadderton . a. d. hugh billett . a. d. rich : vaughan . a. d. george lloyd . a. d. thomas morton . a. d. john bridgman . a. d. durham . this bishoprick of durham was erected there by aldwin bishop of lindisfarn or holy island a. d. . that ancient bishoprick being destroyed by the danes about an. christi . and till that year . wandring up and down unsetled ; which bishop of lindisfarn was first erected by oswald king of northumberland , a. christi bishops of lindisfarn or holy island . st. aidanus . a. d. st. finanus . a. d. colmannus . a. d. tuda . a. d. st. eata . a. d. st. cuthbertus . a. d. st. eadbertus . a. d. egbertus i. a. d. ethelwold . a. d. kenulph . a. d. higbald . a. d. egbert ii. a. d. egfrid . a. d. eanbert . a. d. eardulf . a. d. cuthard . tilred . a. d. witherd . a. d. uhtred . a. d. sexhelm . aldred dyed a. d. alfius . a. d. aldwin . a. d. this aldwin first setled the see at durham , where it hath ever since continued . bishops of durham after aldwin last bishop of lindisfarn . eadmund . a. d. eadred . a. d. egelricus . a. d. egelwinus . walcher earl of northumberland . a. d. william de carilefe alias cairliph . a. d. the see void . yeares . randall flambard . a. d. geffrey rufus . a. d. william de s. barbara . a. d. hugh pudsey earl of northumberland . a. d. philip de pictavia . a. d. rich : de marisco . a. d. rich : the poor . a. d. nic : de fernham . a. d. walter de kirkham . a. d. rob : stichell . a. d. rob : de insula . a. d. anthony beck patriarch of jerusalem . a. d. richard kellow . a. d. ludovicus beaumont . a. d. rich : de bury . a. d. tho : hatfeild . a. d. john fordham . a. d. walter skirlaw . a. d. tho : langley card. a. d. robert nevill . a. d. laurence booth . a. d. willi : dudley . a. d. john sherwood . a. d. richard fox . a. d. vvill : sevier . a. d. christopher bambridg . a. d. tho : ruthall . a. d. tho : wolsey . a. d. cutbert tunstall . a. d. ja : pilkington . a. d. rich : barnes . a. d. the see void . yeares . matth : hutton . a. d. toby matthew . a. d. will : james . a. d. richard neile . a. d. george mountain . a. d. john howson . a. d. tho : moorton . a. d. of the bishops of the isle of man. this bishoprick of the isle of man was first erected by pope gregory . the bishops see is in russin or castle-town , and the bishops are termed in latine episcopi sodorenses . the vvestern islands ( now belonging to scotland ) who have now a bishop of their own , did anciently belong to this bishoprick . the new bishop ( upon a vacancy ) is nominated by the lords of the isle ( who have been the stanleys earles of darby ) and presented to the king , and then consecrated by the archbishop of york . and this seemeth to be the cause why the bishop of man is no lord of the parlament , because it is not at the kings disposing , none having suffrage in parlament but those who hold immediately from the king. the names of the bishops of this see are not exactly known , having ( as yet ) no meanes to procure a catalogue thereof : such as are extant are these . machilla . a. d. michael . nicholas . a. d. reginald . a. d. richard. a. d. robert walby . a. d. henry . a. d. john merick . george lloyd . a. d. forster . richard parry . a. d. in the catalogue of the bishops of bristol , p. . adde tho : westfield . . tho : howel . . addenda . in the marginall notes . page . propter ecclesiae bona ubique bellatur ; romanenses , ut retineant , reformati , ut obtineant . grotius pacific . pag. . sir h. spelman values the l. cromwel's estate in k. hen. s : dayes worth l. sterling . ms. of sacriledge . pag. . piaculum olim , nunc lusus principum & profanorum sacra profanare ; & adhuc quaerimus cur bellis tam atrocibus vastamur christiani ? grot. pacif. pag. . procopius in vita justiniani tells of the vessels of the jews temple , which at last were sent by that emperour to the church at jerusalem . errata . pag. . l. . read , growing up . p. . l. . r. flagrancy . p. . l. . r. proteustant . p. . in the title , for descending r. deserving . p. . l. . for sand r. saw . p. . l. . r. . p. . l. . r. abated . p. . l. . dele next . p. . l : . r. evident by . l. . r. unsubordinate . p. . l : . for them read those . p. . l. . for part , r. park . p : . l. . for as him , r. in him . in the catalogue of books written by the author , p. . adde , a treatise of christian marriages to be solemnly blessed by ministers , in quarto . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e the preface or addresse . isa . . . tunc severissimè punit deus , quum poenalis nutritur impunitas . aug. hos . . . isa . . . mat. . . tim. . . gen. . . vide tert. apol. cap. , , . & . rom. . , . hab. . . jer. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is . pela . eth . l. . ep . . jer. . . job . . eccles . . . isa . . . mat. . . jer. . . non est respublica in ecclesiâ , sed ecclesia in republicâ . optat. l. . reipublicae christiana constitutio ea quae est in deum pietate praecipuè nititur ; multaque inter ecclesiam & rempublicam cognatio intercedere solet ; ex se invicem pendent , & utraque prosperis alterius successibus incrementa sumit . tom. . concil . bin. hag. . . eph. . . anhelantium animarum sudores sunt piae lachrymae . rev. . . eccl. . . zach. . . rev. . . gen. . . amos . . jer. . . king. . . jer. . . jer. . . jerem. . . amos . . rom. . . jerem. . . amos . ● . joh. . . numb . . . ps . . . isa . . . isa . . , . job . . psal ▪ . . notes for div a -e psal . . , , . cor. . . eph. . , . eph. . . pet. . ● . the beginning of episcopacy ann● christi . joh. . , . acts . . acts . . mat. . . rom. . ● . rom. . . gal. . . gal. . . cum nobis totus orbis comm●rcio ferm●turum in unâ communionis soci●tate concordat . optat. l. . rami erroris p●●te●ti de m●ndacio , non de radice ve●itatis . id. the compleating of ecclesiastical combinations or great churches by the apostles . joh. . , and . . the succession of episcopacy . tim. . : tit. . . the primitive care of the union and communion of all churches . the withering , decay and falling of som branches . mark . . the laxation of ecclesiastical discipline . the state of episcopacy under the papacy . the beginning of the presbyterian-government anno . mr. calvins grounds for presbytery were not against episcopacy . mr. calvins difficulties in setling the church-government of geneva . the growth of the presbyterian way of church-government . whence the former brotherly correspondency between episcopal and presbyterian churches . mr. beza's patrociny of presbytery beyond mr. calvins principles . the heats about church-government among some reformed . the first planting of presbytery in england to supplant episcopacy . the terrible equipage of presbytery at fi●st . the activity of presbytery . the dwindling and withering of presbytery in england . the soft and gentle rise or springing up of ind●pendency , an. . independency supplants both presbytery and episcopacy . the advantages that other parties make by presbyterian and independent sticklings against episcopacy , and ecclesiastick unity . notes for div a -e the name and thing : the title and truth of the church of england asserted ▪ eph. . . hos . . . * rom. . . asserimus , ecclesiam visibi●ē in s scriptura descriptam , non tantum fuisse parochialem , seu particularem ; sed esse etiam ecclesiam quandam nationalem , unius gentis aut regni ; quae constatex diversis & multis eccles●is parochialibus uno regimine ecclesiastico junctis , mutua communione & societate ecclesiastica visibili inter se devinctis . apollonius consid . c. . ass . . suam utilitatem potiùs considerantes , quàm unitatem ecclesiae , &c. iren. l. . c. . damasus of rome , aurelius of carthage , calinicus of pelusium , are called bishops of the catholick churches in those cities , by eusebius , socrates , sozomen , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb . l. . hist . c. . rom. . . col. . . cor. . . ubi tres ecclesia est , licèt laici . tertul. ecclesiae entitativae , non organicae : materialite● , non formaliter ecclesiae . paroeciarum in quibus convenitur numerus accidentaria res est , nihil ad ecclesiae particularis essentiam pertinens ; quae uni presbyterio subjuncta , sacros conventus pluribus locis aut uno potest agitare . bucer . de gubern . eccl . p. . corpus sumus de conscientia religionis , & disciplina unitate , & spei foedere . tertull. apol. c. . luke . . a cor. . . b zach. . . c ps . . , . all nations shall serve him . isa . . , . c. . . . . he shall sprinkle many nations . zach. . . and many nations shall be joyned to the lord in that day , & shall be my people . isa . . . thou shalt call a nation whom thou knowest not , and nations which knew not thee shall run unto thee . mat. . ro. . . d ecclesia in episcopo & clero , & in omnibus stantibus est constituta . cyp. ep . . radi● christianae societatis per sedes apostolorū & successiones episcoporum certâ per orbem propagatione diffunditur . aug. ep . . a tim. . . i besought thee to abide still at ephesus , that thou mightest charge , &c. tit. . . for this cause i left thee in crete . b phil. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cor. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c rev. . & . ch . see the primate of armagh's discourse of the lydian or proconsular asia . ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet , cui si non exors quaedam & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot in eccles●is efficientur schismata quot sacerdotes . hier. advers . lucis . quia principali successione absistunt . iren. l. . c. . neque enim aliunde haereses obortae sunt , aut nata schismata , quàminde , quod sacerdoti dei non obtemperatur ; nec unus in ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos , & ad tempus judex , vice christi cogitatur . cyp. ep . . summum futuri judicii praejudicium . tert. apol. c. . cant. . , ● . qui non participant spiritū , neque à mamillis matris autriuntur in vitam , neque percipiunt de corpore christi procedentem nitidissimum ●●ntem , &c. putidam bibu●t aquam , &c. ir●n . l. . c. . a cor. . . summus sacerdos qui est episcopus . tert. de bap . c. . tot in ecclesiis effic●ētur schismata , quot sacerdotes , nisi episcopo exors quaedam & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas . hieron . adv . lucif . judicabit dominus eos qui schismata operantur , qui sunt immanes , non habentes dei dilectionem , suamque utilitatem potiùs considerantes quàm unitatem ecclesiae , propter modicas & quaslibet causas magnum & gloriosum christi corpus conscindunt & dividunt , & quantum in ipsis est interficiunt , pacem loquentes & bellum operantes , veri liquantes eulicem , & camelum deglutientes . nulla enim ab eis tanta potest sieri correptio , quanta est schismatis pernicies . iren. l. . c. . c●imus in coetum & congregationem , ut ad deum quasi manu f●cta pr●ca●ionibus ambiamus ora●●es . tertul. apol. c . ecclesias vocat tertullianus etiam eas , quae ordinis consessum non habebant : ubi quisque sacerdos erat sibi ; quorum erat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. at excommunicare non commune est ; sed proprium coetus habentis ordinē . grot. appen . de antichrist . mar. . . si duo unanimes tantum possunt , quid si unanimitas apud omnes esset ? quid si secundum pacem quam dominus nobis dedit , universis fratribus conveniret ? cyp. ep . . gen. . . sam. . . primitive piety and prudence utterly against schismatick dividing or mincing of churches into small bodies or parcels . a age jam qui voles exercere curiositatem in negotio salutis tuae , percurre ecclesias apostolicas , apud quas ipsae adhuc cathedrae apostolorum suis locis praesidentur ; apud quas ipsae authentic● literae recitantur . tert. de praes . c. . ecclesia , ab ipso christo inchoata , per apostolos provecta , certâ successionum serie usque ad haec tempora toto terrarum orbe dilatata . aug. l. . cont . faust . b act. . , c episcopi per omnes provincias & singulas urbes ordinati sunt , in aetate antiqui , in fide integri , in pressurâ probati , in persecutione proscripti , &c. cypr. ep . . d hoc negotium est illis , non ethnicos convertendi , sed nostros evertendi : ita fit ut ruinas facilius operentur stantium aedificiorum , quam extructiones jacentium ruinarum . tert. de praes . ad . hae. eph. . . acts . , , . rom. . . cor. . . . . a cor. . . b sophistae magis verborum , quàm discipuli veritatis . irenaeus . c qui à principali absistunt successione , quocunque loco colliguntur , suspectos habere oportet , ut vel haereticos & malae sententiae , vel scindentes , & elatos , & sibi placentes ; omnes isti decidunt à veritate , sophistae magis verborum esse volentes , quàm discipuli veritatis . irenae . l. . c. . & lib. . c. . jampridem per omnes provincias & per singulas urbes ordinati sunt episcopi , in aetate antiqui , in fide integri , ●n pressura probati , in persecutione proscripti . cypr. ep . . d iren. l. . c. . irenaeus vir apostolicorum temporum , papiae discipulus , polycarpi amicus , & episcopus ecclesiae lugdun . hieron . catalog . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cor. . . jude . eph. . . corpus sumus de conscientia religionis , & disciplinae unitate , & spei foedere . tert. apol. c. . a eph. . , , . heb. . . col. . . acts . . sicut smyrnaeorum ecclesia habens polycarpum à johanne constitutum refert ; sicut romamanorum clementem à petro ordinatum edit ; perinde utique & caeterae exhibent ( ecclesiae ) quos ab apostolis in episcopatu constitutos apostolici seminis traduces habent . tert. de praes . c. . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. ep . ad corinth . . p. . gal. . . cor. . . phil. . . heb. . . cor. . . magnum & gloriosum christi corpus conscindunt & dividunt , & quantum in ipsis est interficiunt . irenae . l. . c. . pet. . . isa . . mat. . . a so tertul. of the marcionite churches : habent ecclesias , sed suas , tam praeposteras quàm adulteras : quarum si censum requiras , sacilius apostaticū invenias quàm apostolicum ; marcione scilicet conditore , vel aliquo de marcionis examin● : faciunt favos & vespae , faciunt ecclesias & marcionitae . li. . c. . adv . marcion . judicabit dominus eos qui schismata operantur , non habentes dilectionem , suamque utilitatem potius considerantes quàm unitatem ecclesiae . iren. l. . c. . a cor. . . b jude . psal . . . ignat ep . ad romanos . the urbicarian region in which the praesectus urbis did exercise his jurisdiction , extended to . miles about the city , in which there were bishops under the bishop of rome . vid. prim. of arm. the orig . of metropolitans . acts . . act. . . pet. . . the present afflictions of the church of england no argument against her nationall and well-reformed constitution . a jer. . . ab aquilone exardescent mala super omnes habitatores terrae : septentrionalis regio , officina hominum , gentibus australibus infesta ; unde in proverbium exiit , omne malum ab aquilone . hiero. b isa . . . sam. . . luke . . psal . . . gal. . . psal . . . zach. . . psal . . . isa . . . * see mr. r●y his gemitus plebis , or mournful complaint in behalf of the poor people of england , printed . the church of england's complaint . lam. . ● . psal . . . erat ante in operibus fratrum candida ecclesia ; nunc facta est in cruore martyrum purpurea : floribus ejus nec rosae desunt nec lilia . certant nunc singuli ad utriusque honoris amplissimam dignitatem , ut accipiant coronas , vel de opere candidas , vel de passione purpureas . cyp. ep . . isa . . . isa . . . tim. . . heb. . . pet. . . luke . . luke . . act. . . . . numb . . . deut. . rev. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cor. . . cor. . . jer. . . see b. ushers answer to the j●suits praying for the dead . psal . . . cor. . . cor. . . rev. . . gen. . . mat. . . epist . to co● . galat. rev. . & . ch . psal . . . micah . . psal . . job . . jer. . , . the cruel and unjust enmity of some against the church of england . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . suet. in vita tib. neronis . erat ei in oblectamentis serpens draco , quem quum consumptum à formicis invenisset , monitus est ut vim multitudinis caveret . pruritus disputandi scabies ecclesiae . mat. . . job . . isa . . . the causeless malice and ingratitude of the church of englands enemies . ezek. . . mat. . . a ubi ecclesia , ibi & spiritus ; & ubi spiritus dei , illic ecclesia , & omnis gratia . iren. l. . c. . b judicabit eos ( deus ) qui schismata operantur , qui sunt immanes ; suam utilitatem potiùs considerantes , qu●m unitatem ecclesiae — propter modicas causas magnum & gloriosum christi corpus conscindunt , & dividunt , & quantum in ipsis est interficiunt . irenae . l. . c. . c tim. . . job . . lam. . jer. . . of the excellent constitution of the ch. of engl. and her undeserved calamities . * jer. . . ad injuriam deorum spectat rerum sacrarum irreverentia . isid . è varrone . deos peregrinos ne colunto . lex . tab. a non tam atheus est qui deos non agnoscit , quàm qui agnitos contemnit . sen. * spiritus sanctus , arrha incorruptelae , & confirmatio fidei nostrae , & scala ascensionis ad deum : ubi enim spiritus dei , illic ecclesia , &c. iren. l. . c. . cor. . . cor. . . exod. . . mal. . . cor. : cor. . cor. . a cor. . . . . b cor. . . c cor. . , . ch . jude , . rev. . . pet. . . tit. . , . cor. . . gen . . jer. . . pag. . dii aut non habentor , aut rite colantu● . a further scrutiny and discovery of the church of englands miseries and enemies . zach. . . cor. . . cor. . . rev. . . james . . tim. . . john . . a generall vindication of the church of england's former excellent constitution , although it be now afflicted . * jude . rom. . . flagellat nos deus , & erudit nos . dolor medicinalis est , non poenalis . aug. de pec . mer. & remis . c. . disciplina patris , non i●a judicis ; amor corrigentis , non furor conterentis . greg. m. rev. . . cai. caesar succensens ei ob curam verrendis viis non adhibitam , luto jussit oppleri , congesto per milites in praetextae sinum . non defuerunt qui interpretarentur , proculcatam quandoque rempublicam in gremium ejus tanquam in tutelam deventuram . suet. vit . fl. vesp . jam. . . matth. . . exod. . . acts . . cant. . ▪ psal . . . job . . isa . . lam. . mat. . . joel . . heb. . . mat. . . acts . . joh. ep . . . euseb . hist . eccl. l. . c. . successiones episcoporum qui apostolos sunt sequuti . under the emperour aurelian , anno christi , &c. res nost●ae nimia libertate in mollitiem & segnitiem degenerarunt . euseb . ib. tanquam armis & telis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * diocletiano caes . aug. superstitione christiana ubique deleta , & cultu deorum propagato . temporum atrocitas scriptorum eloquentiam superabat . tunc avidiùs martyria gloriosis mortibus , quàm nunc episcopatus pravis affectibus quaerebantur . sulpit. sever. eccl. hist . de diocl. pers . euseb . l. . c. . * haeres●ôs autor ●b antiochena , & ecclesia catholica quae sub coelo est universa , separatus est & excommunicatus . ib. euseb . mr. hooker's defense of the church of england unanswered , and unanswerable . hieraspistes pag. . answer to the . cavil against the church of england . see m. hookers preface to his eccl. pol. p. . see bish . hall , dr. hammond , dr. taylor , bochartus , &c. b. andrews to p.m. the excellent constitution of the church of england , as to its doctrinalls . the devotionalls of the ch. of engl. asserted . rom. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ign. ep . ad . magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . just . m. apol. . communis oratio voce diaconi indicitur . aug. ep . . ad januar. the matter of the english liturgie . thes . . dan. . . ezra . . matth. . . ephes . . . matth. . . lev. . . ignatius ad magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ne forte aliquid contra fidem vel per ignorantiam vel per minus studium sit compositum . concil . milevit . c. . a liturgi ac publicas vehementer probo , ut certius constet omnium inter se consensus , & ut obviam eatur desultoriae quorundum levitati qui novitates affectant . calv. ep . ad prot. ang. b ab ipsis apostolorum temporibus . aug. de bono pers . c. . vid. canon . . cod. can. afric . eccl. in the fourth century . de precibus quae debent fieri ad altare , quae à sapientioribus collecti● sunt dicentur . they condemned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ zonar . in conc. carthag . can. . z●ch . . luke . . the ceremonies of the ch. of england no meritorious cause of her miseries . multa toleramus quae non probomus aug. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dionys . alex. ad novat . ep . see dr. burges his book of the ceremonies , and what k. james declared touching them , as the sense of this church . isa . . , , &c. mic. . , &c. isa . . , &c. mal. . . gal. . . cor. . . & . quod neque contra fidem neque contra bonos more 's injungitur , indisserenter est habendum , & pro eorum inter quos vivitur societate servandum ●st . aug. ad januar . ep . . in rebus de quibus nihil certi statuit scrip. divina , mos populi dei , vel instituta majorum pro l●ge tenenda . aug. ep . . cor. . . just . m. apol. . & . tert. de bapt. & de coran . mil. & alibi . clem. alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . clem. alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quaest . ad orthod . res . . of christian station in prayer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. so res . . of christians worshipping toward the east ; which customes they had from those that taught them to pray . tertull. apol. c. . hence the suspicion of christians worshipping the sun ; quod innotu●dit nos ad orientis regionem precari . graviter peccant qui propter indifferentes ceremonias turbant ecclesias , damnant alios , etiam principes & magistratus . haeccine pietas quam jactamus ? haeccine charitas quam debemus fratribus & plebi ? zanc. de redem . euseb . hist . l. . ● . . phil. . . caro signatur ut anima muniatur . tert. de res . car . chrysostome speaking to presbyters of antioch , tells them , this is not their chief glory and crown , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. hom. . in mat. vid. hieron . in ezek. c. . & adv . pelag. lib. . quod episcopi , presbyteri & diaconi in administratione sacrificiorum candida veste processerint . a acts . . rev. . & . . b mat. . . sensi saepe , dolens & gemens , multas infirmorum perturbationes fieri per quorundam fratrum obstinationem , vel superstitiosam timiditatem , qui in rebus hujusmodi — tam litigiosas excitant quaestiones , ut nisi quod ipsi faciunt nihil rectum existiment . aug. ep . . rom. . . vincent . lirin . cap. . . tentatio est populi error magistri ; & tantò major tentatio , quantò ipse est doctior qui errat . * praef●t . ad exercit . in ann. baron . inter caetera mortalitatis incommod● illud cens●n●ū , quod ad perniciosa & minùs hon●sta ultro populi accurrunt ; ad bona & salutaria rarus & lentus vel bonorum consensus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , luk. , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mat. . . socr. eccl. hist . l. . c. . ruff. l. . c. . hist . unus ex confessoribus , simplicissimae naturae vir , & nihil aliud sciens nisi jes . christum & hunc crucifixum . aug. ep . . c. . rom . . psal . . . prov. . . isa . . . john . . mac. . . second obj. against the church of engl. from church-mens personal failings . rom. . isa . . , . heb. . , , &c. tim. . . psal . . . sam . rev. . . gen. . . cor. . , numb . . . isa . . eccles . . , . isa . . ▪ ezek. . . lev. . . rom. . , . exod. . . numb . . jerem. . . isa . . . ezek. . . dan . phil. . . luke . . acts . . . psal . . . acts . . curiosum genus ad cognoscendā vitam alienam , desidiosum ad corrigendam suam . aug. conf . l. . c. . a john . . acts . . inde incipit beatitudo judicio divino , ubi aerumna aestimatur humana . amb. off . l. . c. . b heb. . . nequaquam dolenda est afflictio infirmitatum , quam intelligimus esse matrem virtutum . salvian . c psal . . dan. . * dominus probari familiam suam voluit ; & quia traditam nobis divinitus disciplinam pax longa corruperat , ac●ntem fidem , & pae●e dixerim dormientem , censura coel●stis erexit . cypr. de lapsis . cor , , &c. tim . . tit. . . exod. . . sam. . . act. . , & . scio eversionem papismi , & reformationem ecclesiae anglicanae , post deum & reges , deberi praecipuè episcoporum doctrinae & industriae . pet. du moulin . ep . . ad episc . wint. nehem. . . john . . cor. . . eph. . . coloss . . . iren. l. . c. . col. . . cor. . . acts . . matth. . . tim. . . phil. . . luke . . job . . . mat. . . tim. . . pet. . cor. . . notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hip. non sanant , sed mutan● morbos . fernel . mat. . . tim . . tim. . , . ephes . . . revel . . . revel . . . doluisse fertur a●rius , quod quum ●sset presbyter , episcopus non potuit ordinari . aug. de hae. es . inordinate liberty in religious affaires the chief cause of m●series in the church of engl. jude . tametsi illorum temporum episcopi multos canones ediderunt , quibus plus videntur exprimere quam sacris literis expressum sit ; eâ tamen cautione totam suam oeconomiā composuerunt ad unicam illam verbi divini normam , ut facile videas nihil ferè habuisse hac in parte à verbo dei alienum . cal. inst . l. . c. . sect . . schismaticos semper inter initia fervere ; incrementa vero capere non posse , nec augere quod illicite coeperint , sed statim cum prava sua aemulatione deficere . cypr. ep . . judges . . what christian liberty is desirable and tolerable among people . euseb ▪ in vita const . m. rom. . . thes . . . acts . . ubi metus in deum , ibi gravitas modesta , & diligentia attonita , & cura solicita , & adlectio explorata , & communicatio deliberata , & promotio emerita , & subjectio religiosa , & apparitio devota , & processio modesta , & ecclesia unita , & dei omnia . tert. de praes . c. . tim. . . ephes . . . acts . tim. . . tim. . . rom. . . exod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . t it . , luke . . mat. . . of plebeian rudeness and licentiousness in religion , if left to themselves . non rationibus convincuntur , quia non intelligunt ; nec autoritatibus corriguntur , quia non recipiunt ; nec flectuntur suasionibus , quia subversi sunt . bern. in can. s . . imperiti , animosi , & propter inopiā consil●i iracu●di . fermil . ap . cyp. nisi quod ipsi faciunt , nihil r●ctum existimant . aug. ep . ad janua . heb. . . chr. . . king. . . chron . theophylact in tim. . . heaping up teachers , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * mich. . . job . . psal . . . mat. . . acts . . instances of abused liberty in the vulgar neglect of reading the scriptures . acts . tim. . . tim. . . gal. . . co● . . . tim. . . nehem. . , . just . m. apo. . psal . . , . mal. . . vulgar neglect and scorn of ancient formes of wholesome words , in the decalogue , creed , and lords prayer . rom. . . tim ▪ . . totius evangelii breviari●m . tert. de orat. dom. so cyp● . coelestis doctrinae compendium , fidelium harmonia , in toto orbe celebratum amen . and ruffin . in symb. iren. l. . c. . l. . c. . it is called apostolorum traditio , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , amphiloch . hieron . ep . . chrys . in symb. heb. . . gal. . . matth. . . luke . . quanto facilius audiamur , dum prece quam filius docuit apud patrem loquimur ? quanto officacius ●mpetramus quod petimus in christi nomine , si petamus ipsius oratione ? cyp. de orat. dom. quantum substringitur verbis , tantum diffunditur sensibus . tert. in orat. dom. the innovations , usurpations and vastations made by some upon the order , office and authority of the evangelicall ministry . joh. . , . tim. . . pet. . . heb. . , . job ▪ & . pet. . . col. . . tim. . james . . cor. . . de praes . ad har. a dandi baptismi jus habet summus sacerdos qui est episcopus ; dehinc presbyteri & diaconi . tert. de bap . c. . tert. exh . ad cast . c. . differentiam inter ordinem & plebem constituit ecclesiae autoritas & honor per ordinis consessum sanctificatus à deo , ubi ecclesiast●ci ordinis est consessus & offert & tinguit sacerdos qui est ibi solus . eucharistiae sacramentum non de aliorum manu quam praesidentium sumimus . tert. coro . mil. c. . cyp. ep . . in illa verba , quemadmodum misit me pater , &c. john . . unde intelligimus , non nisi in ecclesia praepositis , ac in evangelica lege & dominica ordinatione fundatis , licere baptisare , aut remissionem peccatorum dare . b tertul. de praes . ad haer. cap. . c epiphan . haeres . . aug. de haer. c. . facinus multis mortis generibus multandū socr. hist . l. . c. . niceph. l. . c. . athanasius ischyram vel ischy●ionem sacris mysticis operantem , facto flagrante deprehendens , mensam sacram evertit , calicem confregit , impiam tem●ra●ii hominis audaciam inhibuit . aetas nostra multos vidit ischyras , athanasia nullum . langius in niceph. locum . the pretensions of intruders to excuse their wants . apostolos in perversum aemulantur . tert. de praes . l. . tim. . , , , . si constat id verius quod prius , id prius quod & ab initio , id ab initio quod ab apostolis ; pariter utique constabit id esse ab apostolis traditum quod apud eccles●as apostolorum fuerit sacrosanctum . tertull. adv . marci . l. . c. . cor . ● . tota in apostolos potestas dominici transfertu● . hilar. in mat. c. . mat. . . verse . chrys . in joh. . . heb. . . quia christus visibili praesentia inter nos non habitat , hominum ministerium adhibe● , quasi vica●iam operam ; non ad eos jus suum transferendo , sed ut per manus ipsorū suum ipse opus ●g●t . cal. inst . l. . c. . sect . . rom. . . heb. . . pet. . . heb. . . acts . . tim. . & . . ti. . . act. . . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . john . , . tim. . . ephes . . . of ministerial sufficiencies , reall or pretended . cor. . . psal . . it was constantine the great 's saying to the nicene bishops , vos intra ecclesiam , ego extra ecclesiam à deo episcopus constitutus sum . euseb . vit . const . l. . c. . exod. . heb. . mat. . tim. . . cor. . . cor. . , . plane episcopi non de dei voluntate fiunt , qui contra dispositionem ( domini ) & traditionem ( ecclesiae ) fiunt . cyp. ep . . pag. . tim. . . john. . . act. . . acts . . what caution christians ought to use , as to those ministers with whom they intrust the care of their souls . mat. . . john . . mat. . . revelat. . . cor. . . rom. . . acts. . . acts . . cor. . . jer. . . rev. . . cor. . mat. . . mat. . . he taught them as one having authority . cor. . . not the speech , but the power . j●de . m●s iste semper in ecclesi● vigu●● , ut qu● quisque s●●●● religi●si●r , ò prompt●us novellis adinventionibus contraire● . vin. li● . adv . haer . c. . * gal. . . mat. . . chron . . sanctifie the house of the lord , and carry fo●th the filthiness out of the holy place . surculi & propagines apostolorum fidei traduces . tert. de praes . c. . jer. . . of late new models for making ministers of the gospel . christiani veteres , & recentes ab apostolorum & apostolicorum virorum disciplina , ●orum praescripta & intelligebant melius , & p●rfectius ●molebant . grot. de jur . bel . & pac . l. . c. . sect . . mr. r. hookers p●ef . to his ec. pol. pag. . venerable bede , hist . eccl. the primate of armagh , his de primordi●s eccl . b●tan . sir. h. spelman . b. godwin , & others . kings . . the false and foolish pretensions urged against the ministry of engl. p●esb●t●●is q●i s●nt in e●cl●sia obau li●e op●●t●t , qui succession●m habent ab apostolis , & cum successio●● charisma veritatis . iren. l. . c . & l. . c. . vid. t●rt . de praes . adv . haer. c. . & . &c. vid. auberti miraei . notitiā episc . & politiae ecclesiasticae per omnes ecclesias . an impartial balancing of the old and new minister . cor. . . tim . pet . . jude . rev. . . a charitable plea for the ancient clergie of the ch. of england , against the ingratitude and indifferency of some men . ordo episcoporum ita per successiones ab initio decurrens , ut primus in qualibet ecclesia episcopus aliquem ex apostolis , aut apostolocis vi●is , habuit autorem & antecessorem . tert. de praes . adv . haer. c. . * joh. . . object . answ . phil. . , & . tim. . . the best of the new teachers compared with the ministers of england . tert. de praes . c. . & . quis catechumenus , quis fidelis , incertum ●st ; pariter audiunt , pariter orant , &c. job . . pet. . . rom. . . maxima gratia est minime sui ostentatrix . bern. psal . . . prov. . . cant. . . * incidi in homines superbe delirantes , carnales nimis & sequaces ; in quorum ore laquei diaboli , & viscum confectum commistione syllabarum , nominis tui ( i. e. dei ) & jesu christi , & paracle●i , spiritus sancti : haec enim nomina non recedebant de ore eorum ; sed sono tenus & strepitu linguarum ; caecerum cor inane veri . dicebant veritas veritas mihi ; sed nusquam erat in iis , qui falsò loquebantur . aug. conf . l. . c. . de manicheis . a pet. . . b phil. . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . a farther sifting of these new teachers . dogmatum torm●nta , & terriculamenta verborum . hier. matth. . nobis post christum curiositate opus non est , nec revelatione post evangelium . de praes . hoc prius credimus , ultra scripturas n●hil esse quod credamus . id. rom. ● . . lascivienti ingenio nihil periculosius aut bonis moribus aut sanae religioni . eras . ut cadavera , sic haereticorum dogmata , quò magis pu●ida , eò magis inflata , suaque tabe tum scunt . tolerabilius est deo quempiam cum ignorantia in humilitate jacere , quàm cum elatione alta sapere . greg. moral . tim. . . col. . . cor. . . cor. . . the modesty , gravity , sanctity and solidity of true ministers , &c. sanctam inscientiam & doctā ignorantiam . praestat per deum nescire , quia non revelaverit , quam per hominem scire , quia ipse praesumpserit . tert. de an. cap. . * deut. . . si propter ●os solos christus mortuus est qui certa intelligentia possunt ista ( sublimia ) discernere , penè frustra in ●cclesiae laboramus . aug. ep . . * rom. . . neque qui valde potens est in dicendo ex ecclesiae praeectis alia ab his dicet ; neque qui debilis est in dicendo hanc traditionē imminuet . iren. l. . cap. . de symbol . the designs & ends of fanatick libertines fatall to the reformed religion . an humble & earnest expostulation in the behalf of the people and church of england . ep. joh. . . exod. . . post nicenam synodum , nihil aliud quàm fidem scribimus , dum in verbis pugna est , dum de novitatibus quaestio est , dum de ambiguis querela est ; dum alter alteri anathema esse coep●t , propè jam nemo est christi . eò processū est , ut nihil sanctū , nihil inviolabile perseveret ; invicem mordentes penè absumpti sumus . hilar. vita . * annuas atque menstruas de deo fides decernimus . hilar. insanas & sacrilegas fabulas suas christiani nominis pallio velare contendunt . aug. cont . fau. l. . c. . * a serpent , who with his immoderat ambition & poysoned infidelity , together with all the horrible examples of cruelty , luxury and monstrous covetousness , had infected the world . guicciard●n . l. . p. . contra hoc concilium nostrum rebellatur , & omnis sacerdotalis autoritas factiosis conspirationibus destruitur . cyp. ep . . ad pleb . malac. . . cor. . . the rudeness & irreverence expressed by some in religious duties , as a part of their liberty . * king. ● . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quaest . & resp. ad orthod . in ep . just . mar. res . . the sad exchange people make of their old religion for new raptures . vid. aug. de haeres . manich. mat . . cor. . . rev. . . john . . the soul mistakes & abuses of christian liberty in vulgar spirits . acts . ● titus . . heb. . , . thes . . . mat. . . sacrilegium schismatis omnia scilera supergreditur . l. . c. . cont . ep . parmen . vid. cyp. lib. ad novatian . haeret. & ep . ad magn. . quis non trepidat , christi ecclesia derelicta , ratione caeca , apud temerarios illosschi smatum duces & dissensionis autores converti● cyp. ad nov. a numb . . cypr. ep . ad rogat l. . ep . . & ep . ad felicē ep . . haeres . . tim. . . cor. . tim. . . summum futuri judicii praejudicium . tert. apol. c. . a further discovery of mischiefs from abused liberty in religion . exod. . . cor. . . heb. . . cor. . . jam. . . the contagion of abused or mistaken liberty spread among ministers , to the dividing , debasing and destroying of them . mat. . . chro. . . qui jam alios quieta consilia sequi persuadebit , quando vos ( sacerdotes dei ) tam hostiliter arma sumitis & inter vos depugnatis ? niceph. l. . c. . orat . const . m. ad epis . unavoidable contentions among ministers of different ordinations . kings . . mar. . . the folly and factions of ministers evidently seen and punished in their common calamities . cor. . . the great diminutions of all sorts of ministers in engl. as to all civil respects . phil. . jer. . . socrat. hist . eccl. l. . c. . king. ● . jer. . sam. . . melchior ad●m . in vita m●sculi . sam. . . acts ▪ esth . . the sordid envy and grudging against ministers tithes and glebes . heb. . . * learned bochart observes out of herodotus , pliny , strabo and others , that the sabeans or arabians constantly paid the tithe or tenth of all the frankincense they gathered in arabia faelix , to the priests and temple of apollo , or phoebus , which is the sun , as an acknowledgement , that to his warme beams and influence they owed those sweet perfumes . vid. bocharti geograph . sacr. in arab. fel. a heb. . . b cor. . , . c heb. . d heb. . , , . ministers condition not to be envied , but pitied . mark . . king. . hast thou found me , o mine enemy ? king. . . but i hate him . experimental instances how petulant some people are to their ministers . the personall sufferings of ministers , after all their pains , merits and troubles . job . . jer. . . isa . . . gen. . . sam. . discouragements to ingenuous men to be made ministers in england in after-times . a worthy mistry not expectable , unless there be a worthy usage and entertainment . zach. . . prov . . psal . . . notes for div a -e decayes in godliness , as to the former generation of christians . jam. . isa . ● . . cant. . . acts . . see mr. tho : fuller his learned and elegant history of the holy war. steril●scit seges gratiae inter contentios●s opinionum spinas . ● king. . . rev. . . kings . . john . . psal . . . isa . . judg . , &c. decayes of godliness as to the new brood and later off-spring of meaner christians . cor. . . m●lint extingui quàm ad supplicia reparari . the evil consequences infesting christians of better quality . omnis inordinatus animus sibi poena . prophaneness the fruit of unsetlednesse in religion . rev. . . john . . ephes . . . judges . isa . . . ministers molested by endlesse and vexatious disputes . the endlesse bickerings with anabaptists , &c. now in england . job . . in the councils of trent & laterane . cor. . , . cor. . , . prov. . . the perverse disputings of anabaptists against infant-baptisme . mat. . . ephes . . . jude . the summe of the anabapt . strength . mat. . . acts . . corin. . . acts . . the weaknesse of anabaptists grounds against infant-baptisme . acts . . gen. . . a aug. ser. . de verb. apost . & paedobapt . nemo vobis susurret doctrinas alienas : hoc ecclesia semper habuit , semper tenuit ; hoc à majorum fide accepit ; hoc usque in finem perseveranter custodit . tert. de an. c. . tam ex seminis praerogativa , quàm ex institutionis disciplinâ . b cor. . . the catholick strength for infant-bapt . gen. . . rom. . , , , , . gal. . . origen . l. . ad rom. c. . ecclesia traditionem ab apostolis suscepit etiam parvulis dare baptismum . mat. . . pet. . . matth. . . acts . . & . corin. . . coloss . . . aug. de bapt. cont . donat. l. c. . v●raciter conjicere possumus , quid valeat in parvulis baptismi sacramentū , ex circumcisione carnis quam prior populus accepit . cor. . . aug. l. . de pec . mer. & remis . c. . ecclesia traditionē ab apostolis suscepit etiam parvulis dare baptismum ; sci●bant enim illi , quia essent in omnibus genuinae sordes peccati , quae per aquam & spiritum ab●ui deberent . orig. l. . ad rom. c. . john . . a psal . . . & . . isa . . . . b mat. . . mark . . luke . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eust . omnes venit per semetipsum salvare ; omnes , inquam , qui per eum renascuntur in deum ; infantes , & parvulos , & pueros , & juvenes , & seniores . ideo per omnē venit aetatem , & infantibus infans factus , sanctificans infantes ; in parvulis parvulus , sanctificans hanc ipsam habentes aetatem . iren. l. . c. . * designati sanctitatis , & per hoc etiam salutis , fidelium filii . tert de an. c. . quia sunt in omnibus genuinae sordes peccatorum , quae per aquam & spiritum abluī debent . orig. l. . ad ro. c. . hoc ipsum peccati corpus appellatur . * quanto magis prohiberi non debet infans à baptismo , qui recens natus nihil peccavit , nisi quod secundum adam carnaliter natus contagionem mortis antiquae prima nativitate contraxit , &c. cypr. ep . ad fid. of right reasoning from scripture . corin. . . matth. . . matth. . , . cor. . . of the churches catholick custom and testimony . consuetudo veterū christianorum optima scripturarum interpres . grot. tert. de bapt . c. . de anima cap. , . apostolus ait , ex sanctificato altero sexu sanctos procreari , tam ex seminis praerogativa , quàm institutionis disciplina . infantes designati sanctitatis , ac per hoc salutis . a cyp. lib. ep . . ep . . nulli hominum nato d●i gratia & misericordia deneganda ; una est apud omnes , sive infantes sive majores natu , divini muneris aequalitas . id. nam deus ut personam non accipi● , sic nec aetatem . id. b cypr. ep . ad fid. is most large & clear . c hieron . l. . con . pelag. d aug. de pec . orig . c. . de remis . pec . c. . contra jul. l. . contr . non. l. . epist . . ad volusian . and oft against the pelagians . e chrysost . hom . . in gen. f athan. q. . de script . ter mergimus infantem . theodo . epit . div . dog . cap. de bapt. g ambr. de abrah . l. . c. . h nazian . or . . de baptis . i basil . in tom. . exh . ad baptis . k epiphan . haeres . . l origen . in rom. l. . c. . in levit. hom . . in lucam hom . . m iren. lib. . c. . epist . ad l●t . cor. . . contra apostolicam fidem manifestissimam , contra ecclesiae ●un●●tissimum morem , nemo sentiat . aug. ep . . matth . . tim. . . quisquis catholici dogmatis & moris sensum , divinitus per loca et tempora omnia dispensatum , contempserit , non hominem contemnit , sed deum . vin. lyrin . * gal. . . gal. . . matth. . . john . . john . . john . . the sin of presumptuous delaying and denying baptisme to infants . gr. naz. orat . . de baptis . an & eos baptizahimus qui ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) nec damnum nec gratiam sentiunt ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ita prorsus , si quod periculum urgeat . praestat enim absque sensu ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) sanctificari , quàm sine sigillo & initiatione abscedere . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a gen. . b josh . . ephes . . . con. african . can . . synod . capuensis an . . zonar . in con. carthag . can . . the dangerous effects & principles of anabaptisme . candidissimi pectoris naevus charitatis velo obtegendu● . aug. de cypr. errore . hebr. . . a conc. carth. v. milevit . an . . can . . qui parvulos recentes ab utero matris baptizandos negat , anathema fit . conc. gerundense anno . parvuli , si infirmi fuerint , etiam eadem die qua nati sunt , si oblati fuerint , baptizentur . can. . conc. bracarense an . . praecipiant epis . ut infantes ad baptismum offerant . b tert. de bap . c. . quid festinat innocens aetas ad remissionem peccatorum ? c anno . de reb . eccl . c. . d ludov. vives in l. . c. . aug. de civ . dei. e bellarm. de baptis . c. . par . . so the council of trent . f naz. or . . de bapt. g propriae , occultae & privatae opiniunculae , à cōmunis , generalis , & publicae sententiae autoritate secretae . vin. lir. c. . h consuetudo matris ecclesia in baptizandis parvulis nequaquam spernenda , nec omnino superflua deputanda , nec omnino credenda , nisi apostolica esset traditio . aug. ep . ad volusiam . i aug. l. . de pec . mer. & remis . c. . parvulos baptizandos esse concedunt ( pelagiani . ) qui contra autoritatem universalis ecclesiae proculdubio per dominum & apostolos traditum venire non possunt . k ep. lib. . ep . . ad fidum . the romish advantages by the divisions and deformities of the ch. of england . phil. . . acts . . the wide and just distances between the reformed and romanists . see b. bramhall , sir roger twisden , dr. hammond of schism . matth. . . id pulcherrimum quod verissimum ; illud verissimū quod antiquissimum . tert. irreconcilable differences between reformed truths and romish errors , which are as manifest and obstinate . papists pertinacy against the true canon of scripture . dr. cosins his late history of the scriptures . cajetan in c. . estheri . aug. de civ . dei c. . & cont . . gaudentii epis . c. . hieron . in pro. gal. & ad demetriad . ruffi . in symb. corin. . cor. . . jerem. . . the sacrilegious obstinacy of romanists in the lords supper , as to the cup , &c. * olim omnes fideles qualibet die cum sacerdote corpori & sanguini christi communicabant . durand . rat. off . div . l. . roman obstinacy and credulity in transubstantiation . b. ushers answer to the jesuits challenge about real presence . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. iren. l. . c. . a lib. de corp . & sang. christ . who lived an . . videtur agnus in manibus , & cruor in calice , &c. exod. . . cor. . . cor. . . ezek. . . gen. . . dan. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . bertramus li. de corp . & sang . christi . panis ille vinumque figuratè christi corpus & sanguis existit . conc. later . c. . christi corpus & sanguis in sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis & vini veraciter continentur ; transubstantiatis pane in corpus & vino in sanguinem divina potestate . cor. . . cor. . . rev. . . mal. . , . joh. . , . necessary separation and distance from rome , without uncharitablenesse . joh. . . & . . tim. . . zach. . , . cor. . pet. . . cor. . vid. papists reply to charity mistaken , against dr. potters offer of charity . gal. . . two grand obstructions of all christian accommodation in these western churches . mat. . . . great bar , the roman pride . rev. . & . great bar , the transports of reformers . see m. hookers preface to his eccl. pol. the equity & charity of severe and sacrilegious reformings . sir sands's survey of the western churches . acts . . tim. . . the excuses and pleas for sacrilegious excesses answered . answ . sacriledge a great pest to religion and stop to reformation . titus . . tim. . . tim. . . job . . num. . . see the excellent history of scotl. by the arch-bish . of s. andr. in the life of mr. knox. b. andrew's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dr. baziere , sir h. spelm. sir ja. semple , and others against sacriledge . * malac. . . qui sacrum sacrove consecratum clepserit rapscritque parricida esto . lex . tab. l. . cod . justin . rom. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cl. alex. tetriùs peccat deum iudificans quam negligens . isid . sit anima meacum philosophis . prov. . . mal. . . mal. . . prov. . . eccles . . . prov. . . it is a snare to the man who devoureth that which is holy , and after vows maketh inquiry . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 callidè intervertere aut surripere quippiam , ne ad domini notitiam & usum perveniat . the insatiableness of sacrilegious spirits unrepressed . hist . of hen. . josh . . . king. . . sacrilegi diis exosi , hominibus infames . valer. ma. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ventriloqui . isa . . . in sir h. spelmans discourse of sacriledge . ms. euseb . l. . c. . hist . sam. . . . . pleas for sacriledge answered . mal. . acts . . ye men of israel , take heed to your selves what ye intend to do , as to these men . john . . king. . . josh . . see b●chartus geog. s. de sicul. phoenicibus . l. . c. . qui super impositi spirans per montis hiatus . aeter●os vomit ore ignes . en celadi bustum qui saucia membra revinctus spirat inexhaustū flagranti pectore sulphur . claudian . de aetn . object . answ . dan. . . hab. . . eccl. . . jerem. . timoth. . . object . plea against restitution from indemnity of the purchasers . chron. . answ . the romanists discouragements as to the reformed religion by sacriledge . the evil eye of some reformers against materiall churches . a plea for pauls and other churches in england . pet. . psal . . . objection . matth. . . ans . prov. . . king. . . act. . . prov. . . rev. . . mat. . mark . . john . . acts . . of pious munificence becoming christians . malac. . . sam. . . isa . ● . , . matth. . isid . l. . etymol . magnificentiam & cultus & sermonis ad deorum & religionis honorem homines prim● excogitarunt : hinc templa deûm privatis domibus pulchriora , simulacra corporibus humanis ampliora , laudes eorū august●ori eloquentia cel●brabantur , certis numeris inclusae ; inde vatum & poetarum versus , & hymni ad deos , &c. hag. . . mark . . phil. . dan. . . the main hinderances & unlikelihood of a conjunction between protestants & romanists . deut. . . roman interests advanced by the petty factions of super-reformers of religion . eccles . . . rom. . . ps . . . tim. . . finis operantis & operis . the danger of divided parties in religion as to the civill interests of england . see the history of jack cade and war tile● lately set forth . see the histo●y of hacket and coppinger , in mr. cambdens elizabeth . aug. epist . ad victor . nū , . r●ssidius in vitâ aug. set forth by s●eidan , in his comm. by others of late in english rev. . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 history of the netherlands . jos . . . tim. . . cor. . . psal . . . deut. . . deut. . , . cor. . . magis perturbat novitas , quàm prodest veritas . sam. . . notes for div a -e the design and method of this fourth book . the difficultie of repairing a decayed church . numb . . . grand motives to a publick restitution and fixation of the reformed religion . . reason from the glory of our god and saviour . lib. . c. , & . . reason from prudence and civil policy . euseb . l. . hist . cap. . sense of true honour calls for the establishment of religion . sense of gratitude invites to restore and establish religion . the hopefull possibility of restoring true religion to unity and settlednesse in england . of meanes to recompose the differences of religion in england . . from ministers or the clergy . anno . revel . . . jude . from magistrates and lay-men . mr. fullers history of the brit. church . history of the church of scotland , by s●otswood arch-bishop of s. andrews . of the late associations projected by some ministers . acts . . concil . chalcedon . can. . of civill assistance from lay-men to restore this church and religion . act. . . euseb . in vita const . tit. . . a scrutiny of what is good or bad in all parties . . the best and worst of episcopacy . . triall of presbytery . . the triall of independency . the reconciling of the reall interests of episcopacy , presbytery and independency . of sacramentall scrutinies to be used . cypr ep . . & . prosanâ sacilitate sanctum christi corpus prosanare . cor. . . joh. . , . rom. . , . acts . . sam. . . facies singulorū videmus , corda sc●utari non possumus ; d● his judicat occuliotum scrutator , c● to venturus , & de arcanis cordis jud catu●us . cyp. ep . true episcopacy stated and represented to its antagonists . phil. . . * postquā comperisset presbyterialem statum citra episcopalem in iis ecclesiis co●sistere non posse , &c. vide salm●siii vitam , p. . consulebat episcopos non omnino tollendos , &c. objections against episcopacy discussed . . object . from the samenesse of their names , bishop and presbyter signifying but one office and power . cor. . obj. secondly that presbyters did chuse and impower their bishops of old . ans . obj. d. that presbyters are as able and willing to ordain as any bishops . ans . tim. . . obj. . that episcopacy was the root of the papacy . ans . obj. . that bishops are prone to be severe and tyrannick . ans . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ign. concil . carth. ▪ can . ● . consessus honorem cum episcopo habent presbyteri . cyp. ep . . & . & saepealibi ▪ communi presbyterorum consilio regebantur ecclesiae . ●en . epist . ad euag. obj. . the jealousie lest bishops should recover their lands . ans . earnestly exhorting ministers of all sides to an happy composure and union . cor. . , . sacerdos plebe praesente sub omnium o●ulis deligatur , & dignus atque idoneus omnium publico judicio ac testimonie comprobetur . cyp. ep. . tertul. de praes . c. . ubi metus in deum , ibi gravitas modesta , diligentia attonita , cura solicita , communicatio deliberata , promotio emerita , subjectio religiosa , ecclesia unita , dei omnia . hier. ep . . amb. de poen . . . c. . sulcarunt lacrim's genas , & vultum fletibus exarabant ; mortis speciem in spiranti corpore praeferebant . num. . . humbly exhorting magistrates to assist in so good a work . isa . . . zech . , . jer. . sueton. in vita aug. counc●ls or synods the proper means to restore lapsed religion . euseb . vit . const . of ecclesiastick councils called by christian princes . deut. . . to v. numb . . . sam. . . &c. mark . , . luke . . mat. . . act. . . ver . . the great use of nationall and frequent synods . the method of restoring a setled church and united ministry . the essentials of a true ministry . . the subject matter of the ministry must be able and apt men . cor. . . cor. . . secondly , the essential form of a true minister , right ordination ▪ ordinatos suisse presbyteros à solis presbyteris , nullo exemplo , nulla authoritate probari potest . sarav . cont. bez. de grad . min. c. . heb. . . eph. . mr. mason preface to his defence , &c. tertul. l. de praes . adv . haer. l. , & . cont. marci . l. . c. . euseb . hist . l. , , . irenaeus l. . c. . lib. . c. . cyp. ep . . & passim . which authorities are afterward at large cited in this book . veritatis praedicatorem unius diei spatio velut è luto statuam fingunt . nazian . of the well-being of the clergy or ministry . . in point of maintenance and support . tim. . . cor. . . act. . , . gen. . . num. . , . deut. : . cor. . . gal. . . heb. . . mat. . . eccl. . . theod. hist . l. . c. . of meet order , government and subordination among the clergy . cor. . . episcopatus aemulatio s●h●smatum mater . tert. de bap. c. . reperiemus veteres episcopos non aliam regendae ecclesiae formam voluisse fingere ab e● quam verbo suo deus praescripsit . calv. inst . l. . c. . sect. . act. . tim. . . deacons . presbyters . bishops . act . . ep. to tim. cap. . & . and ep. to t●tus cap. . episcopi , quos & apostoli ▪ successores relinquebant , ipsis suum magisterii loc●m tradentes . irenae . l. . c. . habemus enumerare eos qui ab apostolis constituti sunt episcopi in ecclesiis , & successores corum usque ad nos . irenae . l. . c. . & lib. . c. ● . ordo episcoporum ad originem recensus in johannem stabit authorem . tertul. adv . marc. l. . c. . sicut smy●naeorum ecclesia polycarpum à johanne collo●atum refert , sicut romanorum clementem à petro ordinatum edit , perinde utique & caeterae exhibent ( ecclesiae ) quos ab apostolis in episcopatum constitut●s apostolici seminis traduces hubent . tertul. lib. de praesc . adv . haer. c. . & . de johanne apost . cl●m●ns alexandrinus narrat , post mortem domi●●an● & reditum suum à patmo in ephesum in vicinas gentes abiit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , episcopos constituens , & ecclesias in ordinem digerens . lib. de div. sal. origeni falsò ascripto , ex judicio cl . usserii armachani . jampridem per omnes provincias & urbes ordinati sunt episcopi , &c. cyp. ep . . successiones episcoporum qui apostolos sequu●i sunt . libris descripsimus . euseb . l. . hist . cap. . so. theod. hist . l. . c. . * calv. inst . l. . c. . sect. . (a) apud nos . apostolorum locit tenent episcopi . hier. ep . . ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteri testamento , quod aaron & filii ejus & levitae in templo erant , hoc sibi in ecclesiis vindicent episcopi , presbyteri & diaconi . hieron . ad euag. (b) episcopus ecclesiis regendis unicus praepositus est , qui plu●ibus unius ecclesiae presbyteris praeesser : bono fine hoc institutum esse nemo negat , quum optima ratio fuerit ita instituendi . salmas . walo messal . pag. . (c) neque enim hieronymus quum diceret , ecclesias initio fuisse communi presbyterorum consilio gubernatas , ita desipuisse existimandus est , ut somniaret neminem ex presbyteris illi caetui praefuisse . beza de minist . grad . c. . (d) de episcopis & minist . ordin . quid certius ex historiis , ex conciliis , ex omnium patrum scriptis ? quis ego sum qui quod tota ecclesia approbat improb●m ? zanchi . consess . p. . suadente naturâ , & necessitate flagitante , seasim coierunt ecclesiae . bez de grad . min. c. . sect. . hoc consentiebat legi christi , & fiebat ex jure corporis christi . bucer . de vi & usu min. p. . * calv. on tit. . . for this cause i left thee in crete , that thou mightest ordain , &c. discimus ex hoc loco non eam tu●c fuisse aequalitatem inter ecclesiae ministros , quin u●us aliquis authoritate & co●silio p●aeesset . ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis ( i. e. episcopi ) dignitate consistit . hieron . adv . lucif . c. . bez. de grad . m●n . c. . sect. . conf. august . de eccl . potest . de ord . eccles . apolog. aug. conf. ad art . . melanch . epist . ad camerariū . calv. epist . ad sadolet . sub finem de neces ▪ r●f . eccles . luke . , , . luke . . kings . several pleas in behalf of episcopacy . . plea , from the catholick antiquity of episcopacy . omnes enim illi valdè sunt posteriores quàm episcop● , qu bus apostoli tradiderunt ecclesias . irenae . l. . c. ● . britannorū inaccessa romanis loca christo subdita . tert. adv . jud. c. . hieron . in vitá malch . sam. . . tim. . . deut. . . acts . rev. . ult . tim. . . tit. . . obj. answ . isa ▪ . . in vita b. chrysost . in vita aug. synes . ep . . hieronym . ad pammach . in epitaph . paulae . in epist . ad johan . hieros . ep . of ignatius his epistles . libenter tales amplectimur episcopos . vedel . phil. . . obj. of st. clemens his epistle . answ . euseb . hist . l. . c. . hierom. catal. scrip. eccl. clem ep . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * clem. epist . p . † p. . euseb . hist . l. . c. ● . an tu carunculae vitulinae mavis credere quàm imperatori veteri ▪ cic. de div. l. . valer. max. l. . c. . hier. epist . ad euag. & in catal ▪ scrip. eccl. virum tum deo propter pietatem charū , tum in omnibus rebus admirabilem . hieron . a second plea for episcopacy , from its evangelicall temper as to civil subjection . hieron . ep . ad euag. ubicunque fuerit episcopus , ejusdem est meriti & sacerdotii , sive rom● , sive eugubii , sive constantinopoli , sive r●egii , &c. omnes episcopi sunt apostolorum successores , &c. see knox. hist . of the church of scotl. &c. and buchan . de jure reg. ap . sco●os . rom . pet. . . mat. . . bodin . de rep . p. . cal. ep . ad card. sadolet . joh. . . sam. . . cor. . . luke . . thes . ● . . isa . . . luke . : rev. . rom. . . see sir — ashtons discourse to this purpose . vid. theod. hist . l. . c. . mat. . . pet. . . jude . acts . . sam. . . episcopacy most suitable to the genius and temper of the english . judges . . exodus . ▪ cappadoces munus libertatis à romanis oblatum obnuentes , missis ad romam legatis , negabant vivere gentem suam sine rege posse . quod mirati romani , permiserunt illis quem vellent regem . strabo l. . p. . just●n . l. . c. . isaiah . . vide vit. salm. pag. . postquàm comperisset presbyterialem statum citra episcopalem in anglicanis ecclesiis consistere non posse , ( prout nata istic ingenia videret ) in ea erat sententia , aliquam moderationem adhibendam , & episcopos non omnino tollendos : m●lius illud regimen , & haud dubiè cum summa util●tate , processurum in illis ecclesiis existimabat ; m●ximè quum viderit , sublatis episcopis , omne genus haeresium & schismatum gliscere : voluit ergo ut episcopi essent moderatores perpetui presbyterorum collegii , &c. vindic. car. & walo messal . exodus ● . v. , & . deut. . . pertinaci enim & animosâ perversitate priores suas sententias defendendo , in sacrilegium schismatis ( quod omnia scelera supergraditur ) ●aecitate impietatis irruunt . aug. l. . cont . parmen . judg. . provincia pontifice destituta , divino pariter praesi●io ●estituta . bed. hist . l. . c. . psal . . · phil. . . deos , non boves , veneror . britannica primogenita ecclesia . a fourth plea for episcopacy , from their true piety and orderly policy . vid. godwin . epis . ang in honorio . cambdens elizabeth on dr. whitgift : dum praesidum conniventiâ & novatorum pertinaciâ schismata oriebantur ; plaudentibus interim pontificiis , multosque in suas partes pertrahentibus , quasi nulla esset ecclesiae anglicanae unitas , nulla uniformitas . orat. pro d●iot . rege . bishop andrewes . about the year . sola anglia doctos habet episcopos . erasm . see bishop prideaux his last legacy . a review of our late english bishops . obj. answ . object . answ . john . . pet. . . tuus cosins , imò noster ( intercedit enim nobis cum illo suavis amicitia atque familiaritas ) admodum probatur . bestiae sunt , & quidem fanatici , qui eum de papismo suspectum habent , à quo vix reperias qui sit magìs alienus . ex autographo test . dr. bernardo hosp . grai . vide g. g ▪ his quaeres to dr. hackwell about the decay of the world. kings . vide bishop bedels sermon on come out of her my people . bishop usher , primate of armagh , an unanswerable vindication of prelacy , not popish , but pious . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . admirationi quàm laudi proximus . kings . . kings . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mat. . ▪ sine spe sunt , & perditionem maxim●m dei indignatione acquirunt , qui schism●ta serunt , & relicto episcopo suo , alium sibi for●s pseudo●●iscopum consttuunt . cypr. epist . . lib. . mat. . . hist . theod. l. . c. . commending this church of england , with the reformed religion , to the piety and wisdom of all persons of honour and honesty . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . basil . aturbio , ep . . rom. . . that all right excommunication is by the authority , and out of the communion of the true cathotholick church . concil . nic. canon . de communione privatis , sive ex clero , sive laico ordine , ab episcopis per unamquamque provinciam . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concil . nic. canon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . canon . a further caution against sacriledge , upon the occasion of d. b his case lately published , about purchasing bishops lands . vid. mr. bazier his excellent treatise against sacriledg . in the mystery of jesuitism . in aliis vitia , in sacerd●tibus sunt sacrilegia . chrysol . de ebrietate . josephus de excid . hiero. vide usserij annal. chronol . further commending the unity , honor and support of the religion and ministry of this church . cor. . , . phil. . , . micah . a defence of the vindication of the deprived bishops wherein the case of abiathar is particularly considered, and the invalidity of lay-deprivations is further proved, from the doctrine received under the old testament, continued in the first ages of christianity, and from our own fundamental laws, in a reply to dr. hody and another author : to which is annexed, the doctrine of the church of england, concerning the independency of the clergy on the lay-power, as to those rights of theirs which are purely spiritual, reconciled with our oath of supremancy, and the lay-deprivations of the popish bishops in the beginning of the reformation / by the author of the vindication of the deprived bishops. dodwell, henry, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a defence of the vindication of the deprived bishops wherein the case of abiathar is particularly considered, and the invalidity of lay-deprivations is further proved, from the doctrine received under the old testament, continued in the first ages of christianity, and from our own fundamental laws, in a reply to dr. hody and another author : to which is annexed, the doctrine of the church of england, concerning the independency of the clergy on the lay-power, as to those rights of theirs which are purely spiritual, reconciled with our oath of supremancy, and the lay-deprivations of the popish bishops in the beginning of the reformation / by the author of the vindication of the deprived bishops. dodwell, henry, - . [ ], p. [s.n.], london : . attributed to henry dodwell. cf. dnb. reproduction of original in bristol public library, bristol, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project 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the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dodwell, henry, - . -- vindication of the deprived bishops. hody, humphrey, - . -- letter from mr. humphry hody, to a friend, concerning a collection of canons. hody, humphrey, - . -- case of sees vacant by an unjust or uncanonical deprivation. welchman, edward, - . -- defence of the church of england. church of england -- bishops -- early works to . nonjurors -- early works to . bishops -- england -- early works to . dissenters, religious -- legal status, laws, etc. -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a defence of the vindication of the deprived bishops . wherein the case of abiathar is particularly considered , and the invaliditly of lay-deprivations is further proved , from the doctrine received under the old testament , continued in the first ages of christianity , and from our own fundamental laws . in a reply to dr. hody and another author . to which is annexed , the doctrine of the church of england , concerning the independency of the clergy on the lay-power , as to those rights of theirs which are purely spiritual , reconciled with our oath of supremacy , and the lay-deprivations of the popish bishops in the beginning of the reformation . by the author of the vindication of the deprived bishops . london , printed mdcxcv . the contents . § i. the doctor 's late book no answer to the vindication . page § ii. the baroccian m. s. disproved by the vindicator , and not defended by the doctor p. . § iii. the doctor has not offered , at any answer to the argument against him in the first part of the vindication . p. . § iv. he grants the proposition principally disputed between us , concerning the invalidity of lay-deprivations , and takes no care to prevent the consequences of that confession p. § v. the doctor gains nothing by his changing the state of the question ▪ p. . § vi. the doctor 's whole proof unconclusive , admitting the invalidity of lay-deprivations . p. . § vii . the doctor 's limitation of his own pretended self-evident maxims do all of them prove our case unconcerned in it . chap. i p. . § viii . submission of subjects to the ecclesiastical usurpers is sinful by the law of god. p. . § ix . such submissions would make the ecclesiastical subjects , accomplices in the injustice . p. . § x. the same submission in the clergy is sinful , on account of the oaths of canonical obedience they have taken to the rightful possession . p. . § xi . our principles afford better reasons why the unjust deprivations of synods may be received without the deprived bishops consent , than those insisted on by the doctor . p. . § xii . there is great disparity between the obligations of a competent and an incompetent authority . p. . § xiii . no reason to reckon on the presumed consent of the injured bishops by an invalid deprivation , for discharging their subjects consciences , from duty to them . p. . § xiv . our deprived fathers gives publick significations , that they do challenge their old rights , as far as is necessary in their circumstances . p. . § xv. the oaths of canonical obedience to our fathers still obliging . p. . § xvi . the complyance with usurpers is also therefore sinful , because usurping bishops are really no bishops at all . p. . § xvii . the evil of sin and scandal in complying , greater than that of persecution which is avoided by it . p. . § xviii . the evill of schism not avoided , but incurred by complying with the usurper p. . § xix . the abuses that may follow on compliance , are a just reason to refuse it , where it is not otherwise in conscience due . p. . § xx. no security that have compliance will not be abused . p. . § xxi . that abuse is a greater mischief , than , that it can be made amends for by the doctor 's expedients . p. . § xxii . the main design of the doctor 's new book , in arguing from facts already overthrown by the vindicator . p. . § xxiii . the doctor himself is unwilling to stand by the consequences of such facts as himself produces . p. . § xxiv . the doctor 's remarks against the reasoning of the first part of the vindication concerning the possession of cornelius , turned against himself . p. . § xxv . the doctor 's book afforded no subject for a reply , but what would be personal . p. . § xxvi . the doctor 's turning the dispute , to later facts draws it from a short and decisive , to a tedious and litigious issue . p. . § xxvii . we have no reason to suffer our selves to be overruled by him in these arts of diverting us . p. . § xxviii . we decline his topick of facts rather because it is undecisive , than because we think it dis , advantagious to us . p. . § xxix . for want of some other subject relating to the vindication , we pitch on the case of abiathar . p. . § xxx . this fact is not commended in the scripturs as a precedent . p. . § xxxi . the magistrate could not by the doctrine of that age have any direct power over the priest-hood . p. . § xxxii . the benefits of the priest-hood out of the power , and far greater than any in the power , of the civil magistrate p. . § xxxiii . the ancient jews , of the apostle's age did believe their priest-hood available to a future and eternal state. p. . § xxxiv . and consequently did expressly own it far more honourable than the magistracy its self . p. . § xxxv , this same reasoning holds on account of the priest-hood representing god tho' without relation to a future state. p. . § xxxvi . and that also according to the opinions of those times . p. . § xxxvii . solomon's act of abiathar was only of force , p. . § xxxviii . which force might in the consequence render the exercise of his right unpracticable . p. . § xxxix . yet solomon was in conscience obliged to be cautious in exercising this force against the priest-hood . p. § xl. what solomon did was only to fulfil , what god has before threatned against the house of eli. p. . § xli . abiathar was not then the high-priest , properly so called , but zadoc . p. . § xlii . there were in those times two high-priest at once ; the chief , such as zadoc was , of the family of eleazar , the lower such as abiathar , of the family of ithamar . p. . § xliii . no deprivation of the posterity of phineas in those times . p. . § xliv . zadoc put in the room of abiathar , as to the courses of ithamar , which were not under him before . p. . § xlv . the jews by our principles could not justifie a separation , on account of abiathar . their case not like ours . p. § xlvi . when invasion had passed into a prescription , as in our saviours time , he that was in possession had really the best title . p. . § xlvii . among the jews the true high-priest was to be known by his possessing the one altar : among the christians the true altar was known by its being possessed by the true bishop . p. . § xlviii . the reasons for exemption from the power of the prince stronger in our deprived fathers case , than in the case of abiathar . our bishops are properly priests p. . § xlix . the gospel priest-hood more noble than that of abiathar , &c. p. . § l. this reasoning admitted in the apostolical age , &c. by clemens romanus , &c. p. . § li. he does it by the same principles , as agreable to the constitution of the gospel . p. . § lii . he draws the like inferences , in practice as we do . p. . § liii . the laity cannot now pretend to any indirect right of depriving bishops , as the jewish princes could in the case of the jewish priest-hood . p. . § liv. our reasoning against the magistrates rights of deprivation in spirituals proceeds universally , and therefore in the case of temporal crimes ; also the owning such a power would have been pernitious to the primitive christians also , whowere charg de with temporal crimes . p. . § lv. the spiritual rights of our fathers have been now invaded by civil force . bare characters without districts not sufficient to preserve the church as a body . p. . § lvi . supposing the church and christian state had made one body , ret more had been required to make that supposition applicable to our present case , which is not yet taken notice of . p. . § lvii . the prince on account of his being a christian , has no title to any spiritual authority . p. . § lviii . a whole nation by baptism may be made one society in the church , without prejudice to their being still a society distinct from it . p. . § lix . the churches obligations are more necessary for the subsisting of the state , than these she receives from the state are for hers . p. . § lx. the benefits received by the state from the church , are also greater then those which the church receives from the state. p. . § lxi . if the state had been capable of conferring the greater obligations , yet a good pious magistrate could not in reason , desire such a recompence as should oblige the church to yeild any of her ancient rights . p. . § lxii . princes have been allowed by the church a right to keep persons out , not yet canonically possessed , but not to turn any out , who were already in possession of bishopricks . and that without any proper cession of right on the church's part . p. . § lxiii . the power of turning out bishops once possessed too great to be granted on any consideration whatsoever . p. . § lxiv . in this case particularly no temporal favour whatsoever can make amends for the loss of the benefits of the spiritual society . there can therefore be no implicite contracts for such an exchange that can in equity oblige the ecclesiastical governours to performance , tho' it had been in their power to make such a contract . p. . § lxv . but here it is not in the power of ecclesiastical governours to make such a contract . p. . § lxvi . it is not agreable to the mind of god ; that the church should so incorporate with the state , as that the bishops should be deprivable at the pleasure of the civil magistrate p. . § lxvii . the magistate is by no means a competent judge of the church's interests . p. . lxviii . the surrender of the clergy in henry the viiiths . time , cannot oblige their posterity now lxix . no reasoning from the rights of the jewish princes to the rights of christian princes now . § lxx . our present deprivations not justifiable by even our present secular laws . p. . § lxxi . the conclusion . p. . a defence of the vindication of the deprived bishops . § i. the doctor 's late book , no answer to the vindication . what the vindicator thinks of the answers that have been made to his defence of our deprived fathers , himself best knows . for my part , i should not have concerned my self for him , if i had not been over-rul'd by the judgments of others , for whom i profess a veneration , rather than my own . i have that due esteem for his adversaries , which their excellent abilities deserve , particularly for dr. hody . his diligence in history none questions that i know of . i also value his skill and judgment in it , much more than many who are concern'd on his side of the question here debated . nor do i deny but several things are very well observed by him in this very work i am now considering at present ; though i think it more hastily and tumultuarily laid together than several of his other writings . the only thing that made me think a reply needless , was that in all the learning he has shewn , i could find nothing that i thought any indifferent person could think proper for satisfying conscience in the single point here in question , nothing that could give me the least reason to doubt of the arguments principally insisted on by the vindicator . for other things not relating to that , i thought our candid adversaries themselves would excuse us when they considered the disadvantages on our side , the difficulties of the press , the displeasure of our pretended superiors , much more considerable than any argument that i could find produced either by him or any other adversary . § ii. the baroccian m s , disproved by the vindicator , and not defended by the doctor . so far i am from trusting my own opinion in this matter , that i would gladly know some particular of the doctor 's book , that even our adversaries , who are so clamorous for a reply , think sufficient to excuse their schism against the charge of the vindicator . his baroccain m s has already been proved impertinent to our present dispute . the vindicator has shewn that the occasion of his writing did not oblige his author to defend the validity of lay-deprivations ; he might have added , that his author himself was not ignorant , that synods did intervene in several of his instances , which must have made so many of them perfectly impertinent to his design , if that had been to vindicate the validity of lay deprivations . that is not all : the vindicator has also shewn from the canons subjoyned at the end , and suppressed by the doctor , that the author could not design the defence of lay deprivations . nor has the doctor offered at any thing that might shew such a design consistent with those canons , or the author's subjection to them . yet those canons alone are decisive to our purpose , both as to the sense of the constantinoplitane church , and of that author as a member of it , whether they were part of his work or not ; concerning which , the impartial reader is to judge whether what the doctor has said , be sufficient to purge his wilful suppressing them . the vindicator has also shewn the author not only remoteness from , but ignorance of the times he writes of . nor has the doctor proved , or pretended any thing to the contrary . nay , even of the facts enumerated by him , there are but few that the doctor has thought fit , on second thoughts , to assert independently on his authority . it cannot therefore be on this account , of vindicating his m s , that any impartial reader can judge the doctor 's performance to be a just reply to the vindicatoin § iii. he has not offered at any answer to the arguments against him in the first part of the vindication . but whatever becomes of the so boasted m. s , a conscientious person , who was only sollicitous for truth , not victory , will easily excuse the doctor , if he had at least been pleas'd to clear our present case , relating to the lay-deprivation of our holy fathers , and the schism that necessarily follow'd upon it . yet even here i could find nothing that could pass for answer , with an indifferent conscientious arbitrator . facts without right , none can think proper for satisfying conscience ; yet this is all which is so much as pretended in this book . the whole question of the * magistrates right , for doing what has been done , is reserved for another book . and then i thought it seasonable enough to reply , when a question was debated , that did indeed concern our consciences . so far his book is from being a just answer , as to the proving what himself asserts . but for that also , we can wait his leisure , if the doctor had been pleased in the mean time , at least , to weaken what had been produced for our cause by the vindicator . we would gladly have been excused from the violence we have offered our selves , in forbearing their communion , and we should have thought our selves obliged to him for it , if he had cleared what was objected to the contrary in that very book which he pretends to answer ; if he had shewn , that notwithstanding what is there objected , we might still continue in their communion , with safety to our souls , and consistency to the discharge of a good conscience . what we had to say on this point , was professedly insisted on in the former part of the vindication . this ought in the first place to have been considered by him , if he had regarded our consciences , as that which was necessary to dispose us for considering his other proofs or answers . but in vain we have expected it . he does not so much as pretend to consider that first part in his whole book . how then can any unprejudiced judge take the doctor 's book for an answer to the vindication ? he also grants the proposition principally disputed between us concerning the invalidity of lay-deprivations , and takes no care to prevent the consequences of that confession . that is not all : he also grants that which the vindicator designed in that place principally to prove , the * invalidity of lay-deprivations . this concession the vindicator has drawn into its just consequences , that then the deprived bishops must still be bishops , and bishops of the same jurisdictions , and retain their right to their subjects obedience in their several respective jurisdictions , as much ( with regard to conscience ) as if such depriving sentences had nevre been decreed . none can doubt , who knows what invalidity imports , but that invalid censures , leave cases exactly in the same condition as to conscience , in which they find them : that therefore as it would have been schismatical to have set up altars and anti-bishops in the same districts against our h. fathers , in case the depriving act had never passed , on the same account it is so still , in case the deprivation proves invalid . that , as in that case , that the depriving act had not passed , communicating with the schismatical altars , had involved the bishops and churches that had been guilty of it , in the same schism with the principal and original schismaticks ; so also it must , by the same parity of reason , do so now , invalid sentences not being capable of making a disparity . now what can any one preteud , that has been suggested by the doctor for securing himself against these just inferences , from so unwary a concession ? for my part , i can find no place where he does so much as offer at it . where then can be his answer , if even himself grants all that we are concerned to assert in the question principally disputed between us ? § v. the doctor gains nothing by his changing the state of the qustion . this being so , what advantage can the doctor propose to himself , by changing the state of our present question , from a dispute concerning the magistrates † right of deprivation , to another concerning the lawfulness of submission in the ecclesiastical subjests , to the invaders and intruders ? i grant indeed , that these two questions are not directly the same . but it is abundantly sufficient to the vindicators purpose , if the disproof of the magistrates rights , do by necessary consequence infer the unlawfulness of submission in the subjects to the invaders of ecclesiastical districts , not otherwise vacated than by such lay-deprivations . and this it does by the inferences now mentioned . invalid deprivations leave as much right in conscience as they found , and therefore as much obligation to duty in the subjects . the subjects therefore still owing duty to the invalidly deprived bishops , must be guilty of sin , if they pay the same duty to their rivals : and for committing sin , the doctor does not , nay , dares not own , even an irresistible force to be sufficient . if he should , i know none of his mind , besides the old gnostik and elcesaite hereticks . thus pertinent it is to disprove the magistrates right of deprivation , in order to the disproving the lawfulness of submission in the ecclasiastical subjects , on the pretence of irresistible force . § vi. the doctor 's whole proof unconclusive , admitting the invalidity of lay-deprivations . but the doctor pretends that it was neither the design of the author of his baroccian m. s. in writing it , nor his own in publishing it , to prove the right of the lay magistrate for spiritual de privations i easily agree with him , that it was not the design of the author of this m. s. and i shall as easily excuse him from designing it , if it be consistent with the exigency of his cause which engaged him to the publication . but can he deny at least , that his design in publishing it , was to purge his party from the guilt of the present schism ? can he deny that in order hereunto , his design was to prove the lawfulness of submission in the subjects of the deprived destricts to the ecclesiastical intruders ? his own words in these particulars are too manifest to leave him to the liberty of denying them . let him then try his skill , wether he can from this m. s. or from any thing offered in his book , prove the lawfulness of such submission in the ecclesiastical subjects on the supposal now mentioned , of the invalidity of lay deprivations . if he can , he may then indeed , but not till then , call the disproof of the magistrates right for spiritual deprivation , and the consequent proof of the invalidity of such deprivations , when attempted impertinent to his design in publishing his m s. but how will he undertake to do this ? does he think the facts alone , either of his m. s. or his book , sufficient for this purpose , supposing them such as he is concerned they should be , instances of submission , upon lay , or otherwise invalid deprivations , to usurpers of the vacated thrones ? dare he stand by the consequence , that a like enumeration of as many facts in as large a distance of the like times , is sufficient to prove the practice allowable , nay , exemplary , to succeeding generations ? if he dare not , he must think of some other way of proving them well done , than barely this , that they were done . this will reduce him , whether he will or no , to the merit of the cause . and how is it possible for him to prove submission to the usurper lawful and unsinful , till the subjects be first fairly discharged from their duty to the first incumbent ? how can he prove them discharged from their first duty , if the lay deprivation be not sufficient to discharge them ? and how can he pretend it sufficient for that purpose , if it was from the beginning null and invalid ? thus he will find the disproof of the power of the lay-magistrate for spiritual deprivations to be more pertinent , than perhaps himself could wish it , for overthrowing his pretended lawfulness of submission in the ecclesiastical subjects to persons obtruded on sees no other way vacated , than by the authority of a lay-deprivation of the civil magistrate . § vii . the doctor 's limitations of his own pretended self-evident maxime , do all of them prove our case unconcerned in it . chap. . but the doctor pretends to demonstrate ( no softer word it seems would serve his turn ) the truth of his proposition ; and god forbid we should not yield to demonstration . but i confess , i very rarely find great solidity joyned with great confidence : however , we must not prejudge it , but examine whether it will answer the character with which he has possessed us concerning it . his demonstration therefore he draws first , from the reasonableness of it . secondly , from the authority and practice of the autients . the reasonableness of it , he grounds on this certain and self eviden-maxime , that whatsoever is necessary for the present peace and tranquillity of the church , that ought to be made use of , provided it is not in it self sinful ; and the ill consequences which may possibly attend it , are either not somischievous to the church , or at least not so likely to happen as the evils we endeavour to avoid . but upon the supposed invalidity of lay-deprivations this submission of the ecclesiastical subjects to the usurper of the ecclesiastical throne , will not come under the limitations proposed by the dr. himself , of his self evident maxim. i have already shewn that , on this supposal , this submission to the usurper will be in it self sinful . and the same observation may be applied to his other limitations , if the case propos'd be judg'd by our principles . the consequences which we think will follow from this obligation he layson our ecclesiastical superiors , to yield their rights as often as they are invaded , where nothing but the right is concerned ; and the liberty he allows ecclesiastical subjects to desert their superiors , if they think fit to assert their rights ; we think tend , by inevitable consequence , to the perfect subvertion of the church as a society . and this consequence is worse than can be feared from the persecutions of erresistible force ( if we can agree , as the primitive christians did , to keep our stations ) or from the divisions of them who will not agree to maintain society with us in a state of independance on the civil magistrate . and natural consequences from principles , are evils more likely to hapen , than any that depend on the wills of mutable men. so that be his maxim never so self-evident , yet there is not one of the doctor 's own limitations , but excludes his own case , as judged by our principles from being concerned in it . this perfectly discharges us from all concern in the instances by which he pretends to prove his maxim received by the antients as self-evident . yet it were easie to answer them , if we were concerned to do so . they are generally in things indifferent , and changeable by their different circumstances ; and the dispensations were made by persons in authority , without prejudice to any third persons right . so that not one of his instances reach our case . but the subjects of our dispute are not mutable , nor depend on circumstances . as the ecclesiastical society was designed by christ not temporary , but perpetual ; so the essenital cements of it must have been so too . and such are the rights of governours , and the duties of subjects . these if they be taken away for a moment , dissolve the society , and therefore cannot be left to the prudence of governours for the time being , because the very supposal of the case , destroys the very being of the government and of the society , and therefore leaves no governours in being , that may consider such circumstances , and suit their practices accordingly . § viii . submission of subjects to the ecclesiastical usurpers is sinful by the law of god. but though the doctor answers nothing produced by the vindicator for proving such submission of the subjects to an intruder sinful ; yet he pretends to prove it unsinful . but so unhappily , that not one of his proofs hold for the purpose for which he has produced them . first , he pretends the scripture silent in our case ; and therefore that such submission is not forbidden by any express law of god. yet he denies not but that the law of god commands us to be obedient to our governours , to them also who are over us in the lord. but where there are two competitors , and both claim our obedience , to which of these two our obedience ought to be payed , this he says , it leaves to our wisdom to determine . but will he therefore pretend that disobedience to any particular governour in our age , is not against the express law of god , because no law of god is express in determing any particular person now living to be our governour ? this will overthrow all divine obligations to any since the apostles age. now only in this but in most other duties relating to men , the determining circumstances are settled by human authority ; yet none does therefore pretend , but that the offence against the duty so circumstantiated , is against the law of god. the law of god requires duty to parents . but who are to be taken for our parents , not only nature , but the laws of men have determined in several cases , as in that of adoption , which is ancienter then moses himself , and in the other of our civil and spiritual parents , who are generally concluded in that divine commandment . so in the case of murther , it is certain , that only illegal killing , by a person not authorized , or for an unjust cause , is forbidden in the th commandment . but they are human laws which pitch upon the person who is to be vested with the authority of life and death , and which determine the cases wherein death is to be inflicted . so also in the case of adultery , it cannot be jugded what facts are chargeable with that crime , but by the laws of matrimony , which depend on the particular constitutions of the places , and are accordingly various . but in no case this is more evident , than in that of the th commandment . theft is all that is there forbidden , which cannot be applied to any fact , but by supposing the determination of human laws concerning property , which are again very various . for some persons have been excluded from all property , as slaves , and unemancipated children . and the determinations of property in persons capable of it , are so different in different places , that what is property and the violation of it , theft in one country , is not so in another . yet what casuist has ever doubted , but that disobedience to parents , murther , adultery and theft , are still violations of the law of god , notwithstanding that the imputation of these crimes to particular facts , does now generally depend on circumstances determined by human law ? if therefore by our , wisdom , the doctor means the wisdom of the subjects themselves , as if the scriptures had left the determination of these circumstances to that , his observation it not true . the subjects are to be concluded by the wisdom of their superiours ; and that upon account of the divine law , which obliges them to duty to superiours in general , which is to be so expounded , that it may extend to all our superiors for the time being , in what time or place soever . this therefore will oblige us to take all the ways of conveying power to particular persons by the constitutions of particular societies , not only for human , but divine establishments . i am sure st. cyprian looks on all particular bishops in his own time , as appointed by god and christ. and in this way it is manifest , that they who are intruded into places vacated by an incompetent authority , cannot be taken for the bishops to whom the subjects obedience is due by divine law. this also is as certain from the reasonings and principles , as well as the sayings , of st. cyperian . § ix . such submission would make the ecclesiastical subjects accomplices in the injustice . the doctor adds secondly , that submission to the usurpars does not make us accomplices in the injustice . but why , if our duty still be owing to the rightful claimers , as it must notwithstanding an invalid deprivation ? the only reason he pretends , is that refusal of duty to the usurpers would only draw ruin ; upon the clergy themselves who should refuse it , and cannot restore the rightful owners whom the state has deposed thus this divine takes persecution , and deprivation of revenues , for ruin ; and sufficient to excuse from the duty which may still remain , notwithstanding any thing he has pleased , or can plead , from a deprivation which himself has granted to be invaild . i am sure his texts teaches us otherwise , that persecutions incurred for duty , are not ruin , but gain , a hundred fold even here , besids the future eternal rewards . nor can any one believe otherwise , who believes our revealed religion . nothing but flesh and blood , and a carnal prospect , can make these things appear as the doctor has represented them . but he says , their refusal of obedience to the intrudors , cannot restore the true owners to their rightful possession . what then ? will this therefore excuse them for joyning with the usurpers , for thereby maintaining their unjust possession in opposition to those who have a better title , which title themselves were obliged to maintain ? can he reconcile this with their old duty , or excuse themselves , for violating that duty , from being accomplices in the injustice ? but the suggestion is not true which he insists on , that the refusal of obedience to the intruders , and paying it to the lawful pastors , would not continue the rightful poslesiors . it would not indeed continue them in their possession of their secular dues , or of any thing of which the state could deprive them . but it would continue them in a possession of those things for which our consciences are concerned , i mean of spiritual ; in such a possession as is consistent with a persecution from the state ; in such a possession as was enjoyned by their holy ancestors in the first and purest ages . this we might continue to them , whether the state would or no , if we could find in our hearts to agree among our selves , as the primitive christians did , to be unanimous in performing our duty to them . and so far is the prospect of the publick good from obliging us , as the doctor pretends , to the contrary ; that that very consideration of the publick good , is that which we principally insist on for our purpose . it is certainly for the publick good of the spiritual society , that the rights of its governours , and the duties of its subjects , should be preserved inviolable . and it is for the publick good also , that the interest of less valuable societies , should give way to the interests of that society which is more valuable . and it is withal , as certain , that the spiritual , is the more valuable society . i cannot foresee what part of this reasoning the doctor can question , if he will be true to the interests of revealed religion . § x. the same submission in the clergy is sinful , on account of the oaths they have taken to the of rightful possessors canonical obedience . he proceeds , and says thirdly , that such compliance with an usurping ecclesiastick governour , is not sinful on account of the oath of canonical obedience to the lawful possessor . and why so ? because the bishop so deprived , can no longer govern . but god be praised , our bishops can still govern , if their clergy and laity would obey . and that the clergy will not obey , the doctor ought to shew how it is reconcileable with their oaths of obedience , by some other topick than what he has here insisted on . our bishops are not banished , are not imprisoned , are not confined , nor any way disabled from exercising that actual government , which relates to conscience , and which is practicable in a persecution . yet the primitive christians did not think their bishops disabled for governing , when they were in exile , as long as they maintained a correspondence with their clergy . so st. cyprian , even in his exile , exercised his authority , and was obeyed by his . carthaginian clergy st. athanasius was banished further into the west , which perfectly disabled him for keeping up that ordinary correspondence with his alexandrian clergy which was requisite for actual government . yet this was not then thought sufficient , either to give them leave to joyn with any of those who were substituted into his place by suspected arian synods , as well as by the imperial authority ; or to set up any person , without his leave , of as unsuspected orthodoxy as himself . while he was living , and might return to a capacity of governing , they did not think themselves discharged from their duty to him , on the doctor 's pretence of the publick good . i have already also shewn , how that pretence in this case , makes against him , and am not willing to repeat what has been there said . if the church's intention be regarded , as the doctor seems to regard it here , she certainly could never intend that her governours should be robbed of their spiritual right , and her subjects discharged from their spiritual subjection , and her body thereby dissolved at the pleasure of the sacrilegious encroaching magistrate . this dependance of the subjects is so universally the interest of all churches and bishops in general , and indeed of all societies , as that i know not any shew of reason the doctor has , to make it the private intention of the bishop , in opposition to the publick intention of the church . it is an invidious interpretation , and a very false one , which he gives of the oath , when he makes it in effect the same as if they should swear , that they will for the bishop's sake , oppose the welfare of the publick , and break the union of the church , and leave the communion of it , and adhere to the bishop , though they should have no reason to do so , besides this bare oath . no need of this . the welfare of the publick , and the union of the church require that in affairs of publick spiritual interest the judgment of the subject ought to be concluded by the judgment of the bishop , at least to the practice , which perfectly overthrows the doctor 's interpretation , and makes it impossible that those considerations should ever really interfere , which the doctor makes so opposite . and st. cyprian's definition of a church , that it is a flock united with the bishop , makes it impossible that the true church's communion can ever be left in adhering to the bishop . but this perhaps the doctor will call a saying of st. cyprian , and a sort of theological pedantry , as he is used to stile other , the like doctrines and principales of the cyprianick and purest ages , when they are urged to oblige him to any thing that may give him occasion to shew , what he calls , his fortitude . what he pretends with his usual confidence , without the least offer of proof , that particularly here in the church of england , the oath of canonical obe dience is always taken with this supposition , that the civil power as well as the ecclesiastical , do allow the bishop to govern , we shall then believe , when he shall be pleased to prove it by some stronger topick than his own authority . the oath it self has no such matter expressed in it . and he should have pitched on some expression in it , if there had been any , which ( in his opinion ) might seem to imply it . our civil laws require that our ecclesiastical causes should be determined by ecclesiastical judges , which , if they had been observed , had left no room for the case of lay deprivations . § xi . our principles afford better reasons why the unjust deprivations of synods may be received without the deprivea bishops consent , than those insisted on by the doctor . that a synodical deprivation , though unjust , discharges the subjects from the obligation of the oath of cononical obedience , is usually admitted . but not for that reason which the doctor has given for it . the division which might otherwise follow in the church , and the publick disturbance which might follow thereupon , if they were not so discharged , are equally applicable to the opposite pretenders , and could afford the subjects no directions with whether of them they ought to joyn . the true reason ought to decide the title , and therefore ought to be such as one only of the rivals can pretend to . that is , that the synod , however unjust in its way of proceeding , is notwithstanding to be allowed as a conpetent judge ; and therefore that , on that account , its sentences ought to hold in practice , till repealed by a higher authority of the same kind , that is , by a greater synod . but an incompetent jude leaves things in the same condition in which it found them , and ought not , in conscience or equity , to have an effect at all . nor can it therefore impose on the consciences of the subjects any , the least , obligation , even to acquiescence . nor does it follow , that because the bishop's conscent may not be necessary to oblige him to stand to the unjust sentence , that therefore the reason of his obligation to acquiescences is not grounded on episcopal consent . the consent of his predecessors on the valuable consideration of having the conveniences of synodical debates , may conclude him while he enjoys the same valuable considerations . and the consent of his collegues may oblige him also , who have the right of judging with whom they will observe the commerce of their communicatory letters . their agreement in denying him their communicatory letters , is , in effect , a deprivation , when what he does is not ratified in the catholick church . this will go far to hinder his cummunion from being catholick , which may go far also towards the absolving his subjects from duty to him , if by joyning with any other , they may have the benefit of catholick communion . but this following the judgment of episcopal predecessors , or of the episcopal colledge , will by no means , allow the subject that liberty which the doctor disputes for , of deserting their bishops on their own private judgments concerning the publick good . it will not follow , that that necessity must excuse them , which has no other consideration on which it may be grounded , desides that of an irresistible force . § xii . there is gre●● disparity between the obligations of a competent , and an incompetent , authority . but the doctor ( it seems ) can see no difference , as to acquiescence in a case of necessity , between what is done by a competent , and what by an incompetent , authority . it is strange that a person so able to judge in other cases , where interest permits him to judge impertially , should not see it . the obvious difference now mentioned is , that the deprivation by an incompetent authority leaves subjects under obligation to duty , from which they are discharged , when the authority , though acting unjustly , is notwithstanding competent . thence it plainly follows that , where the obligation to duty is taken away , there compliance is not sinful . and where it is not sinful , it may be born with in the case of that necessity , which is the result of an irresistible force . but where the obligation to duty remains , and the compliance is therefore sinful ; i know no tolerable casuisty that allows it upon such necessity . the doctor himself , as we have seen already , excepts it in his own stating of the case . tenants do not usually hold their tenures by oaths : but where they do ; i am sure all creditable antiquity thought them under stricter obligations to performance than ( it seems ) the doctor does . the peace and tranquillity of the publick are , no doubt , useful considerations for understanding the sense of oaths , in which they oblige to performance . but the doctor might have been pleased to consider that here are two publick , oftentimes incompareble , interests concerned in the obligation of oaths . there is the publick interest of those to whom , as well as of those by whom , the faith is given . and all fair and equal dealing casuists prefer the former before the later in oaths given for the security of others . how than can the doctor make the good of sworn tenants in general to put restrictions on oaths given for the security not of the sworn tenants , but of the liege lords in general , for whose security the obligations are undertaken ? he ought to prove that a conqueror can daprive a bishop of his spiritual power if he be pleased to reason upon it . that the church of jerusalem supplyed the place of narcissus , when they thought him dead , does not prove that they had thought themselves at liberty to have done so , if they had known him to have been living . whatever present incapacity he might have been under for the administration of his office , they might have thought themselves obliged to stay for him , as the alexandrians did for st. athanisius . st. chrysostomes case is less for his purpose . he only desired his people to submit to the bishop that should be substituted after his decease . yet even in that he prevailed not with them , the schism of the joannites being continued many years after , till an honourable amends was made to his memory . during his own life time he was so far from it that he challenged their duty to himself , and dissuaded their complying with the schismaticks . § xiii no reason to reckon on the persumed consent of the bishops injured by an invalid deprivation , for discharging their subjects consciences from duty to them . the doctor here foresees an answer , that i do not find was ever admitted by the vindicator , and therefore will only concern them on whose principles it is made . that is , that in such difficult cases , it is presumed that the deprived bishop gives his consent , and that this presumption must be reckoned on to discharge the subjects from their duty to him with regard to conscience . it is a most extravagant remissness thus to permit the interpretation of the oaths to the desires and interests of those who are to be obliged by them , that whenever the observing them puts them upon any straights , they shall then be at liberty to betray their own faith , and his security for whose sake they had undertaken them ; and that by so unreasonable a persumtion of his consent whose security was thus provided for . it utterly ruines the whole design of giving this security by the way of oaths . that is , to oblige them in such cases wherein no considerations can oblige them , but those of conscience , where their corrupt affections , should incline them to the contrary , and where there is no visible force appearing that may make the inconveniences of breaking their faith greater than those of keeping it . that is , perfectly to disoblige them in that very case wherein the psalmist does most commend the observation of oaths , that is , when they are to the hindrance of those who must observe them : nor does it follow that because the consent of an injured governour may indeed be presumed in acts of government , for a time , which do not by any consequence affect his title ; therefore it may be presumed also in acts wherein his consent would be inconsistent with his design of continuing his claim , when he neither has , nor intends to relinquish it . nor does it follow that , because in some cases , wherein publick considerations may prevail with them , good men may patiently submit to the prejudice of their own right ; therefore they cannot be good men , who do not submit in cases , wherein the same considerations of the publick ( of which they only have a right to judg who have a right to authority ) do , in their judgments , make the insisting of their rights more necessary and becoming them . if rights must always be surrendred by good men as often as ill men are pleased to invade them ; in vain are laws for determining or defending them . in vain at least must good men ( who ought to be the favourites of wise and just lawmakers ) expect the benifit of laws , if they must never plead their rights . in vain are good men trusted with such rights as are the publick interests of their societyes , if they , who are otherwise the more trusty for being good , must here upon that same consideration of their being good men , be obnoxious to those impressions of conscience which must make them think themselves obliged to betray them ; if that very consideration that the publick and their own private interests are coincident , must make them as prodigal of the publick interests as they would be of their own . nor has the doctor , nor any other that i know of , insisted on any considerations particular to our present case , but only on such general ones , as ( if they proved any thing ) would prove in general , that all good men are obliged to surrender their rights whenever wicked men are pleased to invade them . § xiv . our deprived fathers give publick significations that they do challenge their old rights , as far as is necessary in their circumstances . upon these terms the doctor is pleased to tell us , that he is fully persuaded that our ejected fathers are very worthy and good men . but not without a manifest design . they must , if they will maintain the place he has admitted them to in his good opinion , be true to that idea of good men by which he is resolved to try them ; give up those rights whose maintenance may oblige him and his brethren to any temporal loss . and is not this a very obliging reason to induce them to it , that they must give up the trust committed to them of the publick interests of god and of religion , rather than he and his brethren should hazard their temporal and private interests in maintaining those rights , by contributing no more on their own parts than what is otherwise their duty to them ? they must have agreat stock indeed of that which he is pleased to call goodness , if this way of reasoning can make them think themselves obliged to him . much more , if , upon this pretence of kindness , he may be allowed to beg , what he can never be able to prove , that they are obliged in conscience rather to surrender their rights , than that he and his obliged brethren should be obliged to any hazard in maintaining them . this one would think too much for him to persume till he were better able to prove it . but the greater easiness of presuming , than proving , makes him very hold indeed , when he prosumes that our h. fathers themselves give their consent that their successors should be acknowledged . yet he pretends reason why we ought to presume it . and what may that be ? that they have never by any pablick signification of their wills , lay'd claim to the obedience of their people ; and do not now exercise their episcopal power as before . but truly conscienticus observers of oaths would rather persume on the oaths side than against , it , least otherwise if god should help them no otherwise than they perform what they have sworn by him , the from of the oath it self should prove a dreadful imprecation . this was , i am sure , regarded in the cases of edward the ii. and richard the ii. the subjects did not content themselves with a presumed consent to what was done in deposing them , gathered only from their silence ; but they desired and procured an express renonciation of their rights , and an express releastment from the oaths which they had taken to them formerly . this reason therefore alone would hinder such persons from undertaking second inconsistent engagements , that they had not yet been expresly discharged from the first . so far they would be from reckoning on their silence alone as sufficient to discharge them . for there are besides , especially in such circumstances as ours , obvious reasons why silence only should not be taken for an argument of a presumed consent . the fear of those under whose violence they suffer may hinder them from publick signification of their dissent , and yet , ( it seems ) nothing under a publick signification will satisfy the doctor . if this fear should less influence so worthy and good men , yet the fear of miscarrying might , in prudence , discourage them from attempting what they might easily foresee that they should never be able to go thorough with . and how could our h. fathert hope to succeed under so manifest and general a desertion of those who owe duty to them , and know they do so ? but it is not very human in our adversaries by their notorious undutifulness to oblige our fathers to this silence , and than ironically to turn their silence into an argument of a presumed consent . in the mean time these considerations make it plain that it is very possible for them to continue their claim , though they should give no publick significations of doing so . and their cnotinuing it , though without any publick signification , is sufficient to our obligation with regard to conscience , till they give a publick signification that they will discharge us . for that is sufficient to continue their old notorious claim they had to our duty before the pretended deprivation . i know no other case wherein our advarsaries where concerned , in which they would think it just to presume that persons living under a notorious force do therefore surrender their rights because they do not further provoke their oppressors by an open signification of their claim . but if nothing less than a publick signification of their claim will content the doctor , methinks he should have acquainted us what acts they are of episcopal power which he expects from our h. fathers as publick significations of it . does he expect that they must signify their minds herein juridically , as they did formerly , from their courts and their cathedrals ? but he knows these are in the power of those who have pretended to deprive them . he knows their officers and subordinate governours will not now obey them . must they publickly warn those who are in possession of their cures and parishes ? but how can they expect more duty from them who follow the revenues into the schism , and who are in actual communion with , and under the pretended obligation of oaths of canonical obedience to , their rival schismaticks ? what could they expect from such a publication of their dissent , ( besides their gratifying the doctor ) but to expose their own authority , without any prospect of publick benefit that might countervail it ? what but a fruitless exasperation of their persecutors ? would he have them fix publick protestations against what has been done , in publick places ? but the worthy dean of worcester's case is a notorious instance how such a publication would be resented . i hope he will not own any design of urging them to such difficulties only to gratify him , if he has really that veneration for them which he professes to have . by all the episcopal acts that are necessary , and of which their circumstances are capable , they do already publickly signify their insisting on their old title . i know no episcopal acts , necessary for our present condition , but what they readily exercise as they see occasion for them . they exercise them in dioceses not otherwise vacated than by the schism , without the ordinaries leave , and to persons not owning the ordinaries communion , which also our h. fathers themselves abstain from . these are publick significations that they do disown the state communion as schismatical ( not only as using unlawful offices ) which cannot be justified on any other terms but their challenging their old rights , and condemning their schismatical rivals . § xv. the oaths of canonical obedience to our fathers still obliging . so , unreasonable are the gratifications expected by the doctor from their lordships , whereas , all things considered , there is no reason why he should expect any gratification at all . for if they will not discharge him from his duty , he is however resolved not to pay them any . for he puts the case of a bishop forbidding his people , on their oaths , to accept of any other bishop , and then asks , what must be done in such cases ? is the church perjured if she accept of another ? will our adversaries say that she is ? he knows our mind very well that we know not how to excuse her . and what has he to prove the contrary ? nothing but the voice of flesh and bloud ; a hard saying ! who can bear it ? but this learned divine knows very well that the hardness of a saying ( especially if it be only so to flesh and bloud ) is no argument to prove it false . he knows it was not so in that very passage whence he borrows the expressions . he knows it is not so in all cases of persecution , and of doctrins that may deserve to be maintained by suffering . and he urges nothing peculiar in our present case . but he cannot imagine that the welfare and prosperity of mankind does depend upon so ticklish and uncertain a point as that of an ejected governors consent . that , if he refuses to give his consent , all the church , or the nation , must be made a sacrifice to him . so he represents the case very invidiously . as if the competition were between the private interests of the governour and the good of the community . he therefore fancies that the false principles on which this nation is built is this , that the oath that is taken to the governour , is taken only for his sake . but though that principle which he calls folse be really in the constitution of some particular gouernments , and therefore is not universally false ; yet neither , on the contrary , is it universally true . particularly , it is not true in the case of the ecclesiastical government . this government is not a property of the governours , but a trust committed to their management for the good of others , rather than of themselves . yet though this be the case , it is the publick interest of the whole society , that all the members of it be unanimous in defending the particular persons in whom the government is vested , against a forcible dispossession . it is the publick interest , that no rights whatsoever be overpower'd , because if they be , no rights whatsoever neither private nor publick , can be secure ; but may be also overpower'd by the same precedent . it is yet more particularly the publick interest , that those rights be secured against all force , upon which the security of all the particular rights of the whole society depend . such are those of the supream governours who if they be not enabled to defend themselves , can never be able to protect either the whole body , or any particular members of it , in possession of the rights to which they were intitled by the constitution . upon this account it has been accounted the interest of societies in general , that they be unanimous in defending it . for this will make the government better able to defend it self , and protect its subjects in their rights , if it have the united assistance of the whole society , not subdivided into several little interests . it has also been thought the publick interest of societies rather to be concluded by their governours , as to their practice , in their judgment concerning the publick good , than to be permited to embroyl their whole bodies by forming subdivided factions and intestine animosities , which is the natural consequence of being allowed the use of their private judgements , even concerning the publick good in a society already constituted . thus the doctor may see how even the regard of the publick good may oblige him to hazard all that he calls ruin , in asserting the rights of suprem governours , by reasons anticedent to the oath it self , and independent on his pretended false principle , that oaths are taken only for the sake of governours . these reasons proceed , though the government of the churches had been like many humane governments , founded on humane institution , and the agreeing consent of its respective members . but the reason of hazarding all for the rights of our ecclesiastical superiors holds more strongly . for god himself has so constituted his own church as to oblige us , in regard of all interests , to the strict dependence on our ecclesiastical governours . as schism is the greatest mischief that can befall any society ; so a society , such as the church is , that must subsist over all the world , independent on the secular arm , nay under pesecution from it , must be in the greatest danger of schism . and god has accordingly most wisely contrived his spiritual society so as to secure it from that danger , by making it the greatest interest of the church in general , and of all its members considered severally , to adhere to their spiritual monarch . it is certainly their greatest interest to keep their mystical communion with god the head of christ , and with christ the head of his mystical body the church . but this , god has made no otherwise attainable but by maintaining a communion with his visible body by visible sacraments , obliging himself to ratify in heaven what is transacted by the visible governours of the church on earth . thus he admits to his mystical union those who are admitted by the visible governours of his church into his visible body , and excludes from the mystical union those who are by the church governours excluded from the union that is visible . so the apostle st. john reasons that whosoever would have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 communion with the father and the son , must not expect it otherwise than by the communion with that visible body of which the apostle himself was a member st. joh. i. . so our saviour himself makes the despising of those who are authorized by him to be the despising of himself , and not only so , but of him also who sent him . and in st. joh. xvii . he makes his mystical union to be of christians among themselves as well as with himself and the father . and upon this dependend the dreadfulness of excommunication , and indeed all obligation to discipline , and the penances imposed by it in the primitive church but there was none in the visible constitution of the church that represented god and christ under the notion of a head but the biship . and therefore he was taken for the principle of unity , without union to whom there could be no pretensions to union with god and christ. this was the doctrine of st. cyprians age , and not his only , but of that of ignatius , and not only of ignatius , but of that which was apostolical , grounded on the notions then received among the jews concerning their union with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the archetypal high priest , by their union with the high priest who was visible . how then can the doctor make any interests either publick or private , separable from those of adhering to our bishops , and thereby avoiding schism by discountenancing usurpers of their lawful thrones ? § xvi . the complyance with usurpers is also therefore sinful , because usurping bishops are really no bishops at all . the doctor now proceeds in the th and last place , to shew that this complyance with the new intruders is not sinful on account of the objection insisted on by the vindicator , that the usurpers are in reality no bishops at all . this matter were indeed very easy if all the vindicator had produced for his purpose had been only a saying of st. cyprian , and a saying nothing to his purpose . he might then indeed wonder that the vindicator should pretend to raise so great a structure on so weak a foundation . but considering what the vindicator had said to prove the saying true , one might rather wonder at the doctors confidence in slighting and overlooking what one would therefore think him conscious that his cause would not afford an answer to . the vindicator had proved it more than a saying , that it was the sense , not only of st. cyprian , but of all the bishops of that age , who all of them denyed their communicatory letters to such an intruder into a throne not validly vacated , thereby implying , that they did not own him of their episcopal colledge , and therefore took him for no bishop at all . the vindicator shewed withal that it was agreable to the principles and traditions of that age , derived by tradition from the apostles , and therefore that they had reason to say and think so too . the vindicator farther proved it independently on their saying or thoughts ( however otherwise creditable in an affair of this kind ) from the nature of the thing it self , that where there could be but one of a kind , and two pretenders could not therefore be both genuine , the validity of one title is to be gathered from the invalidity of the other . but to what purpose is it to produce proofs if the doctor will take no notice of them ? but cornelious ( with relation to whose case st. cyprian uses this expression , that the latr bishop is not second , but none ) the doctor says , had never been deposed , but was still the possessor , which he takes for a disparity from our deprived fathers case . he was deposed as much as it lay in the power of the pagan emperour to do so . he was set up , not only as the christian bishops then generally were , without his consent , but notoriously against it . he was as much grieved at it as if a rival had been set up against him for the empire . and he had kept the see vacant for a considerable time after the martyrdom of fabianus , doing all that he could do to hinder the clergy from meeting in such a way as was requisite for supplying the vacancy . let the doctor himself judge what decius could have done more for deposing him . however the doctor tells us that cornelius was the possessor . very true . but not in regard of any possession of which the emperour could deprive him . and indeed in no higher sense than ours are , as shall appear hereafter . cornelius was possessed of no more temporals of which the state could deprive him . and our h. fathers are still , notwithstanding the invaled deprivation , in as firm and indisputable a possession with regard to conscience , as cornelius . so unhappy the doctor is in proving the doctrine , which he calls the saying of st. cyprian , nothing to to the vindicators purpose . what the doctor adds that he cannot believe so great and wise a man as st. cyprian could have been of another opinion from himself , we are not much concerned for till he shall be pleased to produce some better arguments why he should not be so . one would think he wanted better arguments when he insists upon the fairness of the elections of the usurpers for legitimating their call. he knows very well the liberty our laws allow the canonical electors , that they must choose the person proposed , or a premunire , but he must never expect to be restored to the rights of his function if he , and such as he , will not only betray their own rights , but plead for their adversaries invasion of them . the doctor enthymeme the vindicator will then be concerned to take notice of when the doctor can shew it in his book . but the doctor thinks he has got an argument to prove that an unjust synod can deprive no more than an incompetent authority . and why ? because a synod proceeding unjustly cannot deprive of the right . for to him , he says , it is absurd that any unjust sentence should take away the right . hence he iners that a bishop substituted in the place of another unjustly deprived by a synod , must also be no bishop , if a bishop substituted into a place vacated by a lay deprivation be also none . this would indeed hold if a bishop deprived wrongfully by a competent authority retained as much right as he who had been deprived no otherwise than by an authority that were incompetent . but the doctor , methinks , might easily have discerned the difference if he would have been pleased to judge impartially . all the right that he has who is deprived unjustly , is only a right to a juster sentence , either by an appeal to a superior authority , if the authority which has deprived him be subordinate ; or in the conscience of that same authority which had deprived him , if it be it self supreme . but till the competent authority put him into possession , he has no right to the consequences of possession , the duties of the subjects , and the actual benefits ▪ of his office. nor has he any right to possess himself of the place by violence , but must use legal means of recovering what is already his due in conscience . this he knows is the sense of our legal courts concerning sentences pronunced by competent , though corrupt , judges . but where the dispossession is by a judge not competent , the injured person may make use of force for regaining his possession , and in the mean time he retains an actual right to all the duties and benefits of his office during his dispossession . this our laws would allow the doctor , if the king of france , or any other force not seconded with a legal right to use that force , should dispossess him of his fellowship of wadham colledge , and substitute a successor into his place . our laws would notwithstanding own him as the true fellow , entitled to all the duties and priviledges of the fellowship , and would not allow his rival as a fellow , nor indemnify any that should pay him the dues belonging to the place , not allow him the plea of a forcible entry , if the doctor should recover his possession by force . but none of these things would be allowed him , if himself had been ajected , and his rival substituted by the unjust sentence of a corrupt judge , but in a legal court. thus he may see a better reason than what is given by him for our submission to an unjust deprivation of a synod . the actual right of the bishop so deprived to the duty of his ecclesiastick subjects , and the priviledges of his place , are really taken from him , till he be again possessed by the acts of those who are empowered by the laws of the society to give possession . and all the right he has , is only in the consciences of those who are empowered by the laws for it , first to be put into the possession , and than to all the other benefits and privildges annexed by the law to be legal possession . this is very consistent with a paying the rights consequent to possession , to another , till the possession be legally restored . but even the legal possession by the laws of the church , and with regard to conscience , cannot be affected by an invalid deprivation of an incompetent judge . § xvii . the evil of sin , and scandal in complying , greater than that of persecution which is avoided by it . having thus , as well as he could , proved this compliance with the usurper's unsinful , the doctor now proceeds to the other limitations of his self evident maxim. he therefore endeavours to prove that the evils following upon disowning the intruders are greater and more like to fall out than those which are likely to follow upon complying with them . i have already proved the contrary . what now remains , is only to answer what he produces to prove his own assertion . the evils they pretend to avoid by complying , are a schism and a persecution . these he says are two evils as great as can possiably befal thè church . i easily agree with him concerning the former , that it is an evil of the first magnitude . but the latter was never counted so by truly christian spirits in the flourishing times of our religion , then martyrdoms were courted with as much ardency and ambition as preferments have been since , as sulpitius severus has long since observed . then the apologists tell their persecutors that it was rather for their sakes than their own that they vouchsafed to write apologies . then they always gave thanks when they received the sentance of death for so glorious a cause . then they bemoaned the unhappiness of their own times if they had no persecutions , as origen expresly : then nothing troubled them more than that they lost their lives cheaply upon their beds , as appears in st. cyprian de mortalitate . the doctor is no doubt well acquainted with ignatiu's epistle to the romans , full of an ardent zeal of losing his life for christ , and earnest expostolations with the romans that they might not so much as use their interest with god in prayers for his deliverance , telling them that he would take it for an argument of their good will to him if they would not be so desirous of saving his flesh , and of their ill will if they should prevail with god for his safety , even by an interposition of an extraordinary and miraculous providence . and when blondel takes upon him to judge of the heroical ardor of that age by the cold and degenerous notions of his own ; our most learned bishop pearson has proved his actions far from beīng singular by many more very express testimonies of those most glorious times of our christian religion . nor are the canons against the provoking persecutors , which the doctor takes notice of , near so old as these great examples of desiring and meeting persecution , nor indeed till the abatement of the first zeal appeared in the scandalous lapses of warm pretenders . none such were made whilst they were true to their profession , so that the consenting practice of the best times was far from the doctors mind in reckoning persecution among the greatest evils that can possibly befal the church . they did not take it for an evil , but rather for a favour and a benefit . and though it were allowed to be an evil , yet the utmost that can be made of it is that it is an evil only of calamity , the greatest of which kind conscientious casuists have never thought comparable with the least evil of sin. i might add also , that scandal also , as it is a cause of sin , is a greater evil than persecution . our saviour himself pronounces wo to him by whom the scandel cometh , and the fire of hell which never shall he quenched . and these are evils which the doctor himself must own to be worse than that of persecution . the doctor therefore must not insist on the persecution avoided by this complyance with the intruders , till he has cleared the condition of avoiding it , from not only sin , but scandal also . if he thinks deposing all bishops in general , to be in earnest a just cause for him to shew his fortitude , let him bethink himself how the matter is now in scotland . it were easie by just consequences from the grounds and principles of ecclesiastical commerce , to shew how that case would concern him in england , if it were convenient . if christ were equally to be enjoyed in the communion of the true bishops and their schismatical rivals , we should be as willing as he to keep off the evil day as long as we could . flesh and blood would easily perswade us to it , if it were safe . but he knows very well , that the catholick church in the purest ages , never believed our mordern latitudinarian fancies , that schismaticks have any union with christ , whilst they are divided from his mystical body the church . if this were true , or if he thought it himself true ; i do not understand how he could reckon schism among the greatest evils that can befal the church , if even schismaticks may enjoy christ , though they be in open hostility with his authorized representative . §. xviii . the evil of schism not avoided , but incurred , by complying with the usurpers . as for the case of schism which he pretends to be avoided by them by their compliance with the usurpers , this evil is so far from being avoided , as that it has been occasioned by it . the doctor cannot deny but that their communicating with the intruders , has occasioned a notorious breach of communion , which on one side or the other , must needs be schismatical . all therefore that he can pretend , is , that they , by complying , are not chargable with the crime of the schism that has been occasion'd by it . how so ? it is because if we had also done as they have done , there had been no schism . very true . but it had been full as true , if they had done as we have done . this pretence therefore leaves the criminalness of the breach as uncertain as before , and necessarily puts them ( for tryal of that ) on the merit of the cause . and if that be enquired into , all the presumptions , as well as the particular proofs , are in favour of us , and against them . we were plainly one before this breach . as therefore the branch it self is new , so the guilt of it must be resolved into the innovations that occasion'd it , which will , by unavoidable consequence , make them chargeable with the breach who were guilty of the innovations . the innovations that have caused the breach , are the disowning our old bishops , and substituting others in their places , whilst themselves are living , and continue their claim , and are not deprived by any authority that had really a power to deprive them . but in these instances , they , not we , have been the aggressors and innovators . do we own the old bishops for the true bishops of these sees , of which they have pretended to deprive them ? and did not they do so too , as well as we , before the deprivation ? and what had they to pretend for themselves , why they do not so still . besides this very sentence of deprivation , which the doctor owns to be invalid ? and how can they justify their disowning them upon a sentence confessedly invalid ? this new behaviour of theirs , they must wholly own , as it is new , to be their own . we only continue to own our holy fathers , as dr. hody himself and his brethren did formerly . as for the second act , the setting up new bishops in opposition to our fathers , they cannot excuse themselves from being the innovators , and concerning us , they cannot pretend it . they have made the new bishops who consecrated them , and they also who own them by communicating with them , or their consecrators , these have intirely been the acts of the ecclesiasticks . yet without these , all that the lay-power could have done , could never have formed a schism , nor divided our communion . and as to what has been done on both sides , we can better excuse our selves , than they can . could they and we have consented to have acted uniformly , there could have been no schism : but we can better account for our not complying with them , than they can for not complying with us . on their side , they have nothing to plead but worldly considerations . they could not doubt of the lawfulness with regard to conscience , of doing that on their side , which , if done , had prevented the schism . they can pretend no obligation in conscience , for setting up other bishops , as we can , for not owning them ; till they can prove us fairly discharged in conscience , which they , as well as we , were obliged in , in regard of the old true proprietors . they could pretend no cementing principles essential to the subsistence of the church , as a society , and a communion independent on the state , obliging them to comply with these encroachments of the politicions , for making spiritual considerations to give way to temporals . they could pretend no catholick authority of the church , in any age , approving what was done by them , as we can of the best and purest ages , for what has been done by us. they could not pretend any such united authority , of even the church of england , before this change , for many things wherein we differ now , as we can . so far thay have been from avoiding schism by these compliances , or from purging themselves from the guilt of the schism which has followed thereupon . § xxi . the abuses that may follow on compliance , are a just reason to refuse it , where it is not otherwise , in conscience , due one inconvenience the doctor himself foresees , which he seems to own as justly chargeable on their principle : that by a submission to the possessor , the civil governour is like to be encouraged to tyrannize over the church , and to turn out such bishops as he does not like , whensoever he pleases , though never so unjustly . this must necessarily be the consequence of defending such practices in such a way as the doctor has done , not by conside rations particular to the present case , but by such topicks as the doctor has insisted on , which ( if they prove any thing ) proceed in general , that is , prove bishops obliged in general , to yield their rights as often as they are invaded , and subjects as generally absolved from their duty to such bishops though the bishop should think fit to assert their rights . both of these are asserted by him on account of the irresistibleness of the force which brings on the violence , which is an argument that must always hold on the side of the state , in all disputes that she has with the church . these things asserted by ecclesiasticks , such as the doctor is , must for ever encourage the laity , who are not acted by great skill , as well as good inclinations to religion , to believe they do well in what they do of this kind , and therefore to repeat it without any scruple . but how does the doctor pretend to avoid this consequence ? he first pretends that the same inconvenience is in all manner of government . particularly , that a synod may also be encouraged to unjust sentences by our acknowledging an obligation to submit to such sentences , if passed synodically . but we are far from making abuses arguments for denying just rights : nor does our cause require it . we are only for denying obedience to an incompetent authority , that invades rights which do not belong to it . and for this it is certainly a very just reason for denying them what they have no right to , if yielding will encourage them to the like injuries and usurpations frequently , which it must needs do , if they must never expect opposition , how frequently soever they are pleased to renew the injuries ; nay , if persons concerned against them , shall encourage them in the belief that they are no injuries at all . however if the injustice had been equal in the encroachments of incompetent judges and synods ; yet the danger is not . in synods nothing can be transacted but by a majority of the episcopal order . so the episcopacy it self is secured by a majority of suffrages against any mischief that can be acted against it synodically . but in a lay judicatory , the whole authority may combine against them , and ( god knows ) is too likely to do so in these days of irreligion , when their revenues are more regarded than their function . this authority therefore is not to be trusted to dearest friends , who are in any disposition to be otherwise . much less to those who are under present jealousies and disaffections to their whole order . § xx. no security ●ere that compliance will not be abused . the doctor adds secondly , that here in england it is not the will of the prince that can turn out a bishop . and that king and parliament may by compliance be encouraged to depose bishops at pleasure , that supposition , he says , is wild and extravagant . as if he had never heard of a parliament , even in england , that did not only deprive bishops at pleasure , but episcopacy it self . as if he knew not that men of the same principles are notwithstanding qualified to serve in our parliaments as if he were perfectly ignorant of the case of scotland , where notwithstanding the interest the bishop have by the fundamentals of the government , as on of the three states in which the legistative power is seated ; yet not bishops only , but episcopacy has been extirpated , as far as the votes of the laity can contribute to the extirpation of it . there the doctor may see , what he seys he cannot imagine , that what he calls king and parliament can concur for the deprivation , not of a bishop only , but of episcopacy . and we have little security that it shall not be put in practice , if we must by principles , as he does , allow them to do it here , upon an occasion that they shall judge extraordinary . that extraordinary occasion is not very difficult to be found by them , who make spiritual considerations give way to temporal . the use of the cathedral revenues for carrying on the present expensive war , is likely enough to be judged so . and the psalmist , who was himself a king , has warned us not to put confidence in princes . the doctor indeed tells us , that the bishops here have the same security that other subjects have . i am sure they ought to have it , not only for the reason of the things , but by our constitution . their rights ought to be accounted more sacred than any other rights or liberties of the subjects and therefore more inviolable . all the sacredness that has been made use of by our legislators for securing them , has been derived from the interposition of the clergy , who , if they be not treated as sacred themselves , can never secure other rights which have no other sacredness than what they derive from the intervention of the clergy . but if he considers how little laws often signify considering those who are allowed the authority of authentically interpreting and executing them , and what principles are now allowed in those who are thought qualified for that authentical interpretation and execution ; i know no sort of subject that he could pitch on that either have been , or are likely to be , treated so arbitrarily by our legislators . the laity in henry the viii ths time , dissolved whole bodies of the clergy , and alienated their revenues , without any consent of those bodies , or of any authorized to represent them , without any legal trial or eviction in any form of law. when has any such thing been ever attempted against any lay bodies by their representatives in parliament , who were chosen to preserve , not to oppress , the liberties of those who chose them . the other states have presumed to eject the spiritual state , who as a state , have as sacred a right in the fundamental constitution of the legislative power as themselves . and the commons have turned that president against the temporal lords . what if the lords spiritual and temporal should turn it upon the commons also ? could they think this agreeable to the design of the constitution ? the law certainly never intended such violences between those who are equally fundamental to the legislative power , and who have no legal judges or tribunals appointed by the law for determining differences between them by way of judicial process and authority . thus the doctor may plainly see , that in the opinion of those who justify these proceedings , and who are therefore likely to plead them as precedents , clergy-men have not the same securities that othe subjects have , if persons so principled , make a majority in our legislative assemblies . i say no more at present for making application , how probable it is for such principles to gain acceptance with the majority . i should be as willing as any to presume better things , if i could see reason to believe them . but our best security is certainly to assert principles that my not put it in the power of any to ruin our spiritual society , and to be true to them . he adds , there is nothing more manifest than that this inconvenience is not so likely to happen as those evils we endeavour to avoid . why so ? these , he says , are certain and present , that only possible . if they be certain and present how can they pretend that , by their compliance , they have avoided them ? if they have not avoided them by complying ; how can they pretend that the benefits of their compliance can have made amends for all the further injuries they may expose the church to for the future , by suffering such ill practices to pass into precedents for want of a timely opposition ? methinks he should have made the avoidal of the feared evils certain and present , not the evils themselves , if he would have spoken consequently to the exigence of his case . but it is too true , that the evils themselves are present , and that their compliance has not avoided them : the schism is so notoriously . and so is the persecution also to all that will be true to their old principles , and to their old communion . for , what favour has been shewn on condition of deserting old principles , can by no fair interpretation be extended to that church , whose principles they were . so far as they hold firm to their old principles , they are still liable to the persecution ; and so far as they desert them , so far they also cease to be of the church , whose principles they have deserted . few persecutions have been so severe , but that they might have been avoided by desertion . but the further inconvenience likely to follw on this compliance , is more than possible . it is as probable as most events are that depend on humane wills. it is a natural consequence , and a consequence likely to be drawn by persons so principled ; and there are but too many that are so , and too tempting occasions to put them in mind of , and to engage them on , such inferences . § xxi . that abuse it a greater mischief than that it can be made a mends for by the doctors expedients . yet ly , should this inconveniences follow ; the doctor thinks himself provided against it . though the government should be so very dissolute as to turn out frequently the bishops of the church without any just cause ; yet who ( says he ) can look upon that mischief to be comparable to that of a schism and a persecution ? if he could find in his heart to be as much concerned for a more noble society , when it can intitle him to nothing but sufferings , as he is for a less noble one , that can give him revenues ; i cannot think he could be so indifferent for bearing frequent injuries by invalid deprivations of its governours , which cannot discharge subjects from their duty in conscience to those which are so deprived , he would be sensible , how this would tend to the dissolving such a socièty that must have its governours removable at the pleasure of a hostile society , whensoever but pleased to invade rights not belonging to it , without any remedy or relief by insisting on their own rights , which the doctors principles make unpracticable . and what schisms or persecutions can be worse to a society than dissolution ? he would be sensible , there is now a schism , and a persecution . that our late common body is now divided , that his late brethren upon principles of conscience are now persecuted ; if he could not otherwise believe , he would feel , if he had the compassion of a living member : if he had the zeal of the apostle , when he used that passionate expression , who is offended , and i burn not ? if he had any sense of the afflictions of joseph . he would be sensible of the many future schisms that must follow upon the frequency of these encroachments , upon his own loose principles , that neither allow bishops to assert their own just rights , nor oblige subjects to stand by them when they do so , as long as there shall be any bishops that shall think themselves obliged to assert them , and subjects that think their doing so will not discharge themselves from duty to them ; that is , as long as there are any that are true to the concenting principles of the church as it is a society and a communion . he would be sensible , that upon such brethren as these , such frequent encroachments would draw frequent persecutions . so far his principles and practices are from securing our common body from schisms and persecutions . but it seems he has forgot all concern for his old brethren upon the surest most uniting principles of brotherhood ; nay for our common body , and of the terms upon which it was common to us formerly . if he had not , he would not think our common body so unconcern'd in our divisions , and our persecutions . but what , says the doctor , can the suffering of a few particular men be , when compared with the peace and tranquillity of the whole church besides ? not so much undoubtedly , if the few had been men of singular opinions , of no consequence for the good of the whole ; if they had not been such as all ought to have been , if they would cement into a body by any solid uniting principles . the suffering of such , how few soever , would have involved the whole church , if all its members had been such as they should have been . it is therefore the unhappiness of a church that such members are but few . so far it is from being a consideration to be boasted of that the majority avoids sufferings by doing otherwise than becomes them . if the doctors regard to multitude alone had been true ; then whenever there was an apostaoy , the church would be , by so much , the more happy , by how much , the more had been engaged in the apostacy . these multitudes would call themselves the church as confidently as the doctor and his party do now , and would as little regard the sufferings of a few particular men as our late brethren do . i am sure the antient catholicks did not so little regard the sufferings of a few particular men , in a common cause . in the eastern empire there were very few that incurred the displeasure of constantius besides athanasius and paulus . in the west no more than five bishops are reckoned that suffered for their constancy . the rest might have pretended generally to as much peace and tranquillity as our adversaries do now . yet he was not than taken for a true catholick , who was as unconcerned as the doctor is , for the few particular men that suffered . nor do i see but that the cause of episcopal authority , and ecclesiastical subjection , is of as great and common importance to the church in general as any one article of the faith can be . this the vindicator has proved , nor has the doctor vouchsafed any answer to what he has produced for it . indeed the whole expedient insisted on by the doctor seems very strange to me , that he should think to secure the church from schism by allowing subjects to desert their ecclesiastical superiours on pretence of irresistible force , and by by renouncing all principles that may oblige ecclesiastical subjects to adhere to their ecclesiastical governours , whensoever the state shall be pleased to refuse to pretect them , and thereby renouncing all principles that may oblige them in conscience to continue a society independent on the state. these principles and practices leave them at liberty to form and maintain as many schisms as they please , when the decrees as the church are not seconded by the civil power . how then can the maintaining so licentious principles be taken for an expedient for preventing schism ? the doctor withal would have us consider , that it was not for the bishops that the church was established ; but the bishops were appointed for the sake of the church . hence he concludes , that it is not the welfare of the bishops as the bishops are these or or those men , much lese of some few particular bishops but the welfare of the whole church in general that is chiefly to be regarded . this is a pretence for all rebellions and innovations whatsoever , to make the persons invested with authority , to be regarded only as private persons , whose interests are different from those of the publick , which the innovators pretend to promote by removing their private persons , and substituting others in their stead . nor indeed need any rebel desire any more . let the head of the rebellion be the particular person , and the controversy is soon determined . he will pretend no quarrel with the publick , but only whether he or the present possessor shall be the particular person that is to be intrusted with the publick ; and to be sure , will pretend it to be for the publick interest , that of the two , himself should rather be the man , if for no other reasons , at least for those of the doctor , viz. irresistible force , and the peace and tranquillity of the whole , which he is otherwise resolved to disturb . and the same pretence is applicable to any other from of government as well as that which is monarchical . the administration of it cannot be managed but by some few chosen out of the whole body , and then those few are only so many particular persons , against whom the publick good may still be pretended , if others may judge of it . but this is so general a principle of rebellions and intestine discords , that all well constituted societies have used all means they could think of , to secure themselves against it . how private soever the interest might seem to particular persons to have the government committed to them , or to be invested in a right to it , yet when once they were possessed , or had a right , the publick has thought it self concerned to oppose , and to provide against , a violent dispossession , and has allowed no pretences of publick good , where the dispossession could not be compassed by any other means than by force . hence these very severe laws against any thing that might look like force to the persons of governours , especially those that were supreme , hence their arts of making their persons sacred , to secure them from those violences against which the force even of the community it self was not able to secure them . what need of all this care , if they had thought it fit still to have regarded them only as particular persons ? the book of judith , when it would express how the nations despised king nabuchodonosor , does it thus : he was before them as one man jud. i. . what difference is there between this language , and that of the doctor ? the same societies , have also taken security that no pretence of publick good should ever be made use of against the persons of governours , by allowing none others for judges of the publick good besides the persons invested with the government , and allowing them so to judge as to conclude all private persons . and there was reason why societies should be so concerned against violent removals of their governours , because they cannot be violently removed whithout violence to the whole societies which are obliged to defend them . if therefore they do their duties , the whole societies must suffer violence , and he over-powered in the removal , which must consequently subject them to the arbitrary pleasure of the forcible usurper . and to take the doctors way is yet worse , to desert their governours . this perfectly dissolves the government and disables the governour to do any thing of his duty to the publick . thus it appears how destructive it is to his whole cause to own the deprivations of our h. fathers invalid . where then can be his answer , if even himself grants all that we are concerned to assert in the question principally disputed between us ? § xxii . the main dedsign of the doctors new book in arguing from facts already overthrown by the vindicator , yet no notice taken of what was there said . but far be it from me that i should oblige him to any unwary concessions , if at the same time he has produced any thing solid in his book to prove them unwary . i am therefore willing to consider the main design of his book , if i can even there find any thing that can deserve the name of an answer , that is , that is not either acknowledged to be unsufficient by himself , or that had not before been prevented by his adversary . and what is , upon these accounts , made unserviceable , cannot certainly , in the sense of any just judge , be taken for a solid and satisfactory answer . the main design of his answer to the vindication is still to carry on the argument by him imputed to his baroccian m. s. to prove by an enumeration of facts ( which the doctor will needs have pass for precedents ) that deprivations by the lay-power have been submitted , to , and the intruders own'd by the subjects of the dioceses out of which the lawful possessiors had been uncanonically ejected . now this being nothing but the old argument , i cannot , for my part , see any reason the doctor can pretend , why the old answer of the former part of the vindication may not still be insisted on as sufficient , till at least , he offer at something to the contray , which he has not as yet so much as attempted . the vindicator has there shewn the unconclusiveness of that whole topick from naked facts , without something more particularly insisted on for proving them justifiable by true and defensible principles . especially in those lower ages in which the author of the baroccian m. s. deals , and to which the doctors new examples are reducible , the vindicator has shewn , that nothing is to be presumed to be well done , which has no other evidence of its being so than that it was actually practiced in those degenerous ages . and what has the doctor attempted to the contrary ? nothing , but that he has added some new facts to those enumerated by his baroccian author , and that he has endeavoured to defend some of the old facts that they were such as he pretended them . but neither of these things can pass for answers , whilst that part of the vindication remains unanswer'd . for how can he secure his new facts when all of their kind have been prov'd unconclusive ? and to what purpose does he endeavour to prove those few , he has meddled with , of his authors facts , to have been for his purpose , when the former part of the vindication has already evidenced that tho' they were so , that would not be sufficient for carrying his cause ? § xxiii . the doctor himself is unwilling to stand by the consequences of such like facts as himself produces . so far he has been from answering , that himself confirms the vindicator's sence upon this argument . * he professes beforehand his own unwillingness to be concluded by such instances as himself has produced , though they should appear to be against him . why so , if there had been any reason that he should have been concluded by them ? why so , if he did not thereby own that the reasons given by the vindicator against the argumentativeness of such facts were solid and concluding ? and how then can he find in his heart to insist principally in his following book on that very kind of facts , which he has acknowledged so unsafe to be relyed on in his preface ? he cannot pretend to argue ad hominem , when the vindicator had so expresly enter'd his exceptions against that whole argument . he cannot do it in his own person , when he professes himself unwilling to stand by the consequen ces of it . and how can he have the confidence to obtrude that upon us , which he does not believe himself ? in what sense can he take this whole reasoning for argumentative when it does not proceed ex concessis ; when it proceeds on one premiss , at least , not granted by either of the parties cancern'd in the dispute , neither by us , nor even by himself ? how can he possibly mistake a book , which proceeds principally on such reasoning as this , for a solid and satisfying answer . § xxiv . the doctors remark against the reasoning of the first parts of the vindication concerning the possession of cornelius turned against himself . thus it appears that the principal answer of the vindicator to the doctors book remains still in its full strength untouched and unconcerned in all the doctor has said in his new book . what is it therefore that he can pretend to have answer'd in it ? what is it that either makes his book need , or his brethren so clamorous for , a reply ? has he answer'd the vindicators argument for us , from facts more justifiable , more agreeable to principles , and to principles more certain and indisputable in the times of greatest ecclesiastical authority , in the earliest , and purest , and unanimous ages ? on this he has bestowed one single paragraph , in which he has offered nothing that can affect the principal lines of the vindicators reasoning and hypothesis . * all that he pretends is to observe one single disparity between the case of the primative christian bishops and ours . yet so unhappily , that even that disparity , upon a closer examination is likely to prove none at all . he tells us that cornelious was in poffession when novatian was set up against him . very true . but how can he deny that our fathers were in as true a possession , with regard to conscience , when their rivals usurp'd their thrones , as cornelius was ? he can pretend no possession of which our fathers were deprived but such as depended on the pleasure of the pretended secular magistrate . the secular act could not pretend to deprive them of any thing but what was secular , their baronies , their revenues , the priviledges annext to their function by the fovour of the secular powers . and can he pretend that cornelius was possessed of any thing of which the magistrate could deprive him ? as for spiritual rights , i cannot see the least disparity but that our fathers were as properly possessed of them as he was ; as properly as any can be in a state of persecution and independence on the civil magestrate . our bishops were consecrated and installed with all the solemnities requisite for a compleat possession , before the contrary encroachments were thought of . that possession was acknowledged and ratified by all the acts of intercourse and spiritual correspondence , by which any spiritual possession can be acknowledged by our natinal church of england . this possession of spirituals has not been touched by any spiritual authority , that can be pretended a proper judge of spirituals , that might discontinue this possession as to spirituals , and with regard to conscience . all this our h. fathers can truly plead , for their possession as to spirituals , at the time of the schismatical consecrations . and what can the doctor say more for the possession of cornelius against novation ? his district and jurisdiction as to spirituals , were manifestly not own'd by cornelius for favours of the magistrate . this being so , we need not depend on a saying ( the vindicator prov'd it independently on st. cyprian's saying it ) that second bishops are no bishops for proving his intruders to be none . the doctor himself confesses , that a second , that is , a schismatical bishop , an intruder into a see already filled and possessed , is no bishop , is confessed to be st. cyprian ' s doctrine . and this has now appeared to be their case for whom he is here concerned . § xxv . the doctor 's book offorded no subject for a reply , but what would be personal . besides ; these great neglects and omissions of the doctor were so separable from an accurate management of the cause and so peculiar to his person , that i knew not how to secure my answer from meddling with his person , with whom i had no mind to deal in any other way than that of civility and respect . in reference to the principal argument relating to conscience , he has brought so little new , as would hardly afford subject for a useful answer . yet the shewing that he did so , which was requisite to be done , if an answer were made at all , methought looked like a design of exposing his person , which i was willing to be excused from . i have always liked those defences best , which had the least mixture of personal considerations , not only as more christian , but also as more useful to those who are disengaged . this made me think it more advisable to wait till either the doctor himself , or some other able author would be pleas'd to attacque the principal strength of the vindication . § xxvi . the doctor 's turning the dispute to later facts draws it from a short and decisive , to a tedious and litigious , issue . but the principal discouragement of all from answering was , that the doctor seemed to me to draw the whole management of this cause from a shorter and decisive , to a tedious and unconclusive , issue . the doctor 's talent lies in history , and therefore he is willing to bring this question also to an argument that may give him an occasion to shew his skill in history . had not this been his case , why could he not be prevailed on , to say something to the reason of the thing ? especially having in the title of his book , promised a stating of the question . but where he pretends to have performed his promise , i cannot guess . i can find nothing in his book , but what concerns bare matter of fact. had he offered at any stating of the question , why would be not at least take notice of the distinction of facts observed by the vindicator , of the facts excepted against , and the facts allowed by him , for argumentative ? had he not allowed the distinction , at least he ought not to have produced more facts of the exceptionable kind , till he had either answer'd the vindicator's exceptions against them , or at least produced stronger arguments of his own , to prove his own facts also argumentative . if he did not think fit , either to answer the vindicator's reasons , or to produce his own , why did he not confine himself to the practice of the first ages proceding on pinciples than received by the whole catholick church , and fundamental to all the discipline then practised ? had he done so , the vindicator professing himself ready to joyn issue with him on those terms , had been indeed obliged to answer him but how can he expect an answer , when the vindicator's exceptions against the whold kind of facts he deals in , remain , i do not say unanswer'd only , but , not so much as attempted by him . § xxvii . we have no reason to suffer our selves to be overruled by him in these arts of diverting us. what himself designed in so unreasonable ways of proceeding , i will not pretend my self so privy to his thoughts , as to be able to determine . but it is easie to observe the interest of his cause in it . it shews indeed a greater variety of his reading , than if he had confined himself to the precedents of more decisive times but withal , it obliges us , if we follow him in all his instances , to write larger books than we can ever hope to get printed in the difficulties of the press on our side . we cannot hope to satisfy him , by answering some of his instances , if we do not all . and why must we be obliged to follow a way of his prescribing , which we cannot hope to go through , when we can reduce the whole dispute to narrower , and yet more conclusive bounds ? he gives us small encouragement to gratify him in this case , when he tells us that he will not be concluded by what we can say upon it , though we should prove the practice of these later ages , from which he will not be restrained , otherwise than he pretends it was . and why must we take so much pains to no purpose ? why should he desi●e it of us , it his design had been to satisfy conscience , either his own , or ours ? § xxviii . we decline his topick of facts , rather because it is undecisive than because we think it disadvantageous to us. considering the difficulties of our case , how hard it is even to get small discourses printed , it concerns us to endeavor all prudent arts of contracting the question into as narrow a compass as we can , and by no means to suffer our selves to be distracted to impertinent arguments , till what we have to say on pertinent ones be first satisfied . this will be sufficient , perhaps more than so , to fill up what can be allowed , whilst the intruders have the power of the press . we shall not envy the doctor the pleasure of seeing his challenges and gantlets refus'd , if he will not be pleas'd to confine them to more useful subjects . he has already seen a specimen of what might have been answer'd to all the facts he has or can produce , in what the vindicator has said to the facts insisted on in his baroccian m. s. the ages he deals in , were very degenerous from the piety and skill of their primitive ancestors , to whose judgments we appeal . yet i do not think any of them so far debased , as that they either did , or would have insisted on the doctor 's plea , that lay deprivations were sufficient to discharge them from their duty to their spiritual superiors . he that is so forward to make challenges , would do well to shew us one single instance wherein this doctrine was directly defended , i do not say by the ecclesiasticks only , whom i take for the most competent judges of ecclesiastical doctrines , but even by the parasites of the lay power . for my part , i remember not one single one . the emperors themselves who acted so precipitantly as to deprive without synods , did however after use their uttermost endeavours to get a synodical ratification of what they had done before by violence and indirect artifices . so far even they were sensible how little what they did of that kind , would be regarded in relation to conscience . this is sufficient to let the doctor see that our declining this topick , is not for want of sufficient advantage against him in it , if the press had been as free for us , as it is for him ; but because it is impertinent and unsatisfactory . § xxix . for want of some other subject relating to the vindication , we here pitch on the case of abiathar . this i thought sufficient to shew how little the vindicator is obliged to return any reply to the doctor 's pretended answer , till the doctor can be prevailed on to try his skill on the former and principal part of the vindication . but this is so particular to the doctor 's personal management of the cause , that i could not think this alone worthy the reader 's trouble in perusal of it , without some other subject of more importance to the cause it self . this therefore made me think of selecting something of the doctor 's book , which ( though it cannot be taken for an answer to the vindication , which had said nothing concerning it ) yet might give an occasion for clearing a particular prejudice against us , insisted on by many more besides him , abstracting from the principal topick of his book concerning facts in general . of his kind , i take the case to be of solomon's deposing abiathar , which may , even on the doctor 's account , deserve a more particular consideration , because he seems to have taken the greatest pains , in amassing the several hypotheses relating to it , of any one particular in his book . here they find a high priest * removed from his office by solomon , and another , that is zadoc , † put in his room , yet without the least scruple concerning the validity and acceptableness of zadok's ministry , with relation to god and conscience . this they think exactly parallel to our present case . § xxx . this fact is not commended in the scripture as a precedent . but fist , this fact is barely related in the scripture , without any censure on it , whether it was well , or ill done . and it is not indeed condemned , so neither is it excused or justified from any right asserted in solomon to do it . yet the whole force of reasoning from it as a pre sedent , must suppose it well done , for which they have not the least intimation in the holy writers . the whole enquiry , whether it was well , or ill done , must therefore be derived from other reasonings from the sense of that age , by which it may appear whether solomon had any right in offices of the priest-hood , by which he might be enabled to grant , or hinder , the practice of it , so as to oblige god to ratifie what he did concerning it . and for this it is much more certain . § xxxi . the magistrate could not by the doctrine of that age , have any direct power over the priest-hood . dly , that the magistrate had no direct power of intermedding in the offices of the priest-hood , according to the sense of the sacred writers . this appears not only from facts much more argumentative than this is , but also from principals professedly asserted in those times the facts are , saul's being deprived of his kingdom , for presuming to sacrifice in the absence of samuel , though he pretended a * force that obliged him to do so . then also the fact relating to uzzah , † who was struck dead upon the place , for presuming out of good will , to stay the ark , in danger ( ashe thought ) of being overturn'd , only because he was not one of the priests by office , who were alone allowed by god even to touch it . a third is that of king uzziah , * who likewise , for presuming to sacrifice , was punished by god with leprosy , ( which in those times was taken for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and plainly supposed as such in all the discipline of moses relating to it ) and by being so , removed from the administration of the government , of which he was thereby rendred incapable . here are facts attested by the same authority as the other of abiathar was ; but not so nakedly related . the facts themselves discover not only the sense of the writers , but of god himself . his interposing his own authority in the cases , shews plainly that those facts were highly displeasing to him , and piacular ; than which , what can be more decisive for our purpose ? nay god took particular care , through that whole dispensation , to assert the rights of the prie sthood , as immediately depending on himself , more than he did , even for the magistracy . in the † rebellion of corah , dathan , and abiram , he asserted the priest-hood , not only against the reubenties , but the levités also . and * aaron's rod that blossomed , was laid up for a monument against such mutiniers for all suceding generations . plainly to exclude the whole body of the laity , from ever more presuming to pretend to it , † that no stranger that was not of the seed of aaron , come near to offer incense before the lord ; that he be not as corah , and as his company . so the holy writer expresly . and that even kings were not excepted , appeared manifestly in the examples now mentioned of saul and uzziah . and before the institution of kings , the cause was carried against the whole body of the people , in the cases of corah and aaron's rod. nay to cut off all pretensions of the priest hood being virtually at least , and eminently included in the regal office , the holy writers do still suppose the priest hood to be the nobler office of the two. as it advanced the dignity of the peculiar people that god had separated them to himself from all other nations , so in the same way of reasoning , it is a preference of the tribe of levi above all other tribes , that god had * separated them from the congregation of israel . accordingly , when the right of primogeniture was taken from reuben , and divided between levi and judah ; the priest hood , as the principal part of it , was given to the elder brother of the two. and as it advanced the whole nation of the israellites above all the nations of the earth that god himself , the supream infinitely perfect being , was their portion , and the lot of their inheritance ; and that indeed it was the segullah or peculium in contradistinction to all other nations ; so when the same god is pleased to stile himself the levites portion , that very appellative imports their excellency above all the other tribes out of which the kings were chosen , and makes them a peculium in contradistinction to the other peculium , which had no other title to that stile , but what was common to the whole nation in general . §. xxxii . the benefits of the priest-hood out of the power , and far greater than any in the power , of the civil magistrate . nor can this be thought strange , if we consider the opinions than generally receiv'd concerning the benefits then expected from their perist-hood , far greater than could be pretended to by the civil magistrate . this was indisputable , when its benefits were believ'd to extend to the future life as well as this , as it was generally believed by the jews of the apostolical age ( excepting only the sect of the sadducees , ) and as we christians are assured of it now in the times of the gospel . whether those rewards were by god eexpresly cove nanted for , or only as a divine gratuity reserved for the peculium as his favourites , more than could be expected from the letter of the covenant ; or whether they were implicitely understood , as included in the mystical sense of the covenant it self , as either discovered by the mystical reasonings , or the oral traditions of their ancestors , is not perhaps so easie to determine . yet certain it is , that they were actually and generally believed by the jews of the apostolical age. this appears in that it is noted as a singularity in the sadducees to deny them ; thence it appears , that the three other sects of the pharisees , essens , and galilaeans , were all agreed against the sadducees in asserting them . and how inconsiderable the interest of the sadducees was then , appears in the apostle's taking sanctuary in the single sect of the * pharisees alone for securing himself against them . now all the challenge of the. benefits proper to the peculium , depended on the right they had to partake in the publick sacrifices , and the covenant transacted in them . god's promises were his part of that covenant , and the covenant is expresly said to have been by sacrifice , psal. l. . that being the ordinary way used in those times of transacting covenants between mankind also . as therefore it was in the power of the priest-hood , to which the right of sacrificing was then confined , to admit to , or exclude from , the participation of the sacrifice , so it must consequently have been in the power of that sacred function , to grant or deny , these benefits , which were not attainable otherwise than by those sacrifices but these are benefits manifestly beyond the power of the magistrate , and manifestly greater than any to which his power does extend . the magistrate can conser no title to future and eternal rewards to persons otherwise never so well qualified for receiving them . he cannot oblige the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to ratify in heaven , what is transacted by him on earth , as the high priest could , who was ( in the sense of those times ) taken for his authorized representative . god , at his first permission of kings , neither suppressed the priest hood , nor united it in the person of the king : and therfore there can be no pretence that what was not otherwise in his power , was put in his power thence forward by any particular provision or gift of god. how than could he pretend to to that power ? how could he give or take away a power from others , to which himself could not pretend ? how could he suppose his act would be ratified in heaven ? or how imagine god obliged by it , to reject the priest whom he as prince was pleased to reject , and accept of others who were permitted only by his authority to officiate at god's altar ? and what could all his intermedling in these matters signify , if he cannot oblige god to ratify what is done by him ? if notwithstanding god should accept of the person rejected by him , and reject the person obtruded by the civil magistrate ? nothing certainly , with regard to conscience , which is the principal consideration in this case . § xxxiii . the ancient jews of the apostle's age did believe their priest hood available to a future and a eternal state . i cannot for my life , conceive how our adversaries can avoid the force of this argument , if the benefits procured by the sacerdotal office were thought spiritual , and principally relating to a future and eternal state ; things perfectly out of the power of the magistrate , and incomparably exceeding whatsoever is within it . and that this was the sense of that age , i need not insist on the article of our own church . it sufficiently appears from the earliest coaeval monuments of that age , not only that they thought the sacerdotal office to have influence on the future state ; but that they did on that very account , believe it superior to the office of the civil magistrate . besides what i now mentioned concerning their agreement against the sadduces , the two only jewish authors that we have undoubtedly coaeval with the apostles , philo and josephus , are both of them sufficiently clear in these particulars , that the priests ministry was thought available for the future state , what can be clearer than those words of philo ? where he tells us , that * priests and prophets were men of god , and therefore did not vouchsafe to account themselves of any particular city in this world , or citizens of the world in general ( as some of the philosophers did ) but soared above all that was sensible , and being translated to the intellectual world , fixed their habitations there , being registred in the city of incorruptible incorporeal ideas . and it were easie to shew , that the language and notions of the n. t. concerning the correspondence between the visible priest hood on earth , and the archetypal † priest-hood of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in heaven , and between the visible tabernacle in jerusalem , and the true ‡ tabernacle in heaven , not pitched by men but god , were perfectly agreeable to these notions of philo , who was such as the apostles were before their conversion to the christian religion ; and that all the benefits of their outward ministry , were thought due to this mystical communication with that which was invisible ; by which it may appear , that those words of philo were perfectly agreeable to his avowed principles . now how could the magistrate pretend to promote or interrupt this mystical communication between the earthly and heavenly offices ? how could he therefore advance any person to that dignity , or exclude him from it ? josephus also is as clear in owning a future state , which by these principles could not be claim'd by any but on account of this mystical communication , and consequently of that priest hood , which was thought to have a just title to it . he also expresses that state by the laaguage of the * christians also of that age. to these i might add the testimony of a third tewish hellenist , the author of the apocryphal book of wisdom . he also , personates solomom making the temple built by himself to be a resemblance of the holy † tabernacle which god had prepared from the beginning . which shews , that this mystical communication was understood , even then when that author lived , who seems to have been elder than even the apostles themselves . how could the magistrate pretend to any right in affairs of this nature ? § xxxiv . and consequently , did expresly own it for mor honourable than the magistracy it self . so far is he from any right to intermeddle in these matters , that if these things be true , the priest hood must needs be own'd for an authority of a higher nature , and more noble than even the magistracy it self . nay , this very consequence was inferred from those principles , and own'd as true in that very age. philo owns it for the highest honour possible : speaking concerning the words of moses there mentioned , * using ( says he ) an hyperbolical expression of honour , god , he says , is their lot , with relation to the consecrated gifts , on two account : one , of the highest honour , because they are partakers of those things which are by way of gratitude , allotted to god : the other , because they are employed on those things alone which belong to expiations , as if they were guardians ( or gurators , that is the roman word ) of the inheritances . the similitude seems to be taken from the roman custom of making tutors and curators of young heirs , whose estates , till they themselves came to age , were said to be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of such tutors and curators , being till then , at their disposal supposing that the revenues of god were so at the disposal of the priest , as the estates of the young heirs were so at the disposal of the curators . this philo takes to be the reason why god was pleas'd to call himself the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the priests , as if god himself had been their pupil , which was indeed a very hyperbolical expression of the highest honour that could be ascribed to mortals . but this is general only . he else where expresly equals , nay prefers the dignity of the sacerdocal office to the regal . he equals them in that same discourse . it is manifest , says he , that the law prescribes that reverence and honour to the priests , which is proper to the king. in another place he prefers the priest hood . these are his words ; † priest hood is the properest reward of a pious man , who professes himself to serve the father , whose service is better , not only than liberty , but also than a kingdom . nor was this a singular opinion of philo. jesephus also is of the same mind . the scripture it self owns the power of moses to have been regal , when it calls him a * king in jeshurum ; when it says , that the † voice of a king was among the israelites , there being no other besides moses who could pretend to it . and his right was as absolute , and as free from any judicatory then established , that could call him to an account , as any of the kings themselves . this , at least , is manifest , that the supream power of the jews as to seculars , which is all that i am concerned for at present , was lodged in him , and in him alone , and that he had no rival in it . yet moses himself , as josephus personates him , owns his brother's priest-hood as preferable to his own office of the magistracy . for so he makes him speak concernig his disposal of the priest-hood : ‖ if i had not had regard to god and his laws in giving this honour . i would not have endured to pass my self by , to give it to any other . for i am more nearly related to my self , than i am even to my brother , and more disposed to love my self them him . he plainly supposes him to have denied himself in what he had done in distribution of those offices , which he could never have said , with any consistency , if he had reserved himself the nobler office of the two. this mr. selden was not aware of , when he therefore conceives the author of the testaments of the patriarchs to have lived in modern times , because he prefers the priest hood before the civil magistracy , as if that doctrine had been first brought in , in the times of the popes encroachments on the right of princes in the west . had he recollected himself , he might have found the same doctrine in the east , and in those earlier ages , wherein no examples could be found of such encroachments . he might have remembred that the work he there disputes of , was brought by lincolnieufis first from the east to these western parts , and therefore was written by an eastern author , where there were no bishops pretending to a civil independency on the empire , or to a right of deposing princes , and absolving subjects from their oaths of allegiance , who might have been gratified by such doctrines . for my part , i take that work to have been written in the apostolical age. it is expresly quoted by origen , long before such encorachments on temporal rights were thought of it is written in the hellenistical greek hebrew stile , then ordinarily used , when the apostolical converts had formerly been for the most part jews , bevond the skill of the modern times to have imitated it . besides , it mentions the apostolical times as the last times , a mistake frequent in the reasonings of those times , but which could not have been believed by any who lived at an age's distance from them . it has very little ; if any thing , relating to the destruction of the temple by titus , which the design of the author would have obliged him to have been large in , if he had lived after it . these things considered , will make that work also fit to be considered , as another testimony of the sense of the jews in the ages of the apostles ; the style and notions of the author making it , every way , seem probable that he was a convert from them . this doctrine therefore being then believed , must perfectly have destroyed all pretensions of the magistrate in affairs of this nature , at least , in the opinion of those who believed it . the magistrate of this world , could not , in his own right , challenge any power in things relating to the other world. the only way therefore left him , by which he might challenge it , must have been some donation of god. yet niether for this was there any the least pretence . no text of written revelation ever so much , that i know of , as pretended for it . and no likelihood for it , in the nature of the thing it self . no probability , that god would intrust concernments of a nature incomparably more noble , with a magistracy less noble than the trusts committed to it . no probability , that god would hereby expose interests so much in themselves more valuable and dearer to himself , to the hazard of being postponed to those less noble ends for which the secular magistrate was principally concerned . these things supposed , cut off all pretensions of right , imaginable in such cases . and the dreadfull examples of god's severity against meddling in holy things without right ; even in the cases of saul and uzziah , who were themselves invested with the supream civil authority , must have been thought sufficient to deter all posterity from intermedling in such matters , without very just and evident claims of right for doing so . § xxxv . this same reasonning holds on account of the priest representing god , though without relation to a future state. nor did this reasoning hold only our supposition that the benefits of the priest-hood were thought to extend to a future state. though it had only related to this world , as all other priest hood besides that of the jews , did undoubtedly ; yet even so , there was no reason to believe the civil magistrate had any rights to dispose of it . this at least was thought certain that the high priest who could oblige god to accept him and his obligations , ( without which all his ministry must have been unavailable ) must first have been suppos'd to derive authority from god. had the priest only represented the people , there might have been some pretence for the magistrates interest in appointing and removing the person of the priest , as being himself invested with all the power that can be derived from an original purely humane . but as the priest has a power of blessing and cursing authoritatively , so as to oblige god to ratify his blessing and curses , as men have qualified themselves respectively ; so it is certain that he cannot oblige god , unless he represent god , which he can never do , unless god have granted him authority to do so . and as he does not only offer the peoples prayers and sacrifices , but offers them with a title to acceptance , so he must himself be a person acceptable to god on account of his office , which he cannot be presumed to be if he come into his office any other way than god has appointed for his admission . indeed the whole ground of his obliging god depends on god's promise , which is god's part of the covenant . and in this regard none can oblige god but the priest , and no priest but he who has before been appointed by god to do so . covenants are mutual , and therefore require , and give security , on both parts concerned in them . the priest therefore , as , in a lower sense , mediating in this covenant between god and man , is to procure security on gods side , as well as on ours . this he cannot do but by obliging god to promise performance on his part , of what is to be done by him as his part of the covenant . and that promise being god's part of the covenant , he cannot be obliged to it any other way than as he is obliged to the covenant it self . nor can he be obliged by the covenant , if the priest be not first authorized by him to covenant for him , and to oblige him by that act of his own authority . thus there , fore it appears that the priest as a common mediator in a covenant between god and man , must therefore be invested with a divine , as well a humane , authority . § xxxvi . and that also according to the opinions of those times . nor was this reasoning only true , but also believed to be so in the times i am now discoursing of . st. paul plainly supposes it as true of priests in general , in his reasonings in the epistle to the hebrews , that priests ought to be authorized by the god for whom they are to officiate . every high priests taken from among men is ordain'd for men in things pertaining to god , that he may offer both gifts and sacrifices for sin. heb. v. i. and he tells us by whom they were so taken and ordained , v. . no man taketh this honour to himself ; but he that was called of god , as was aaron . the proposition is universal . accordingly he observes that christ also glorified not himself ; to be made an high priest : but he that said unto him , thou art my son , to day have i begotten thee , v. . and that he also was called of god an high priest , though of the order of melchisedec . v. . the duty must be universal , when he reasons thus upon it from the aaronical priest-hood ( which himself counts of another order chap. vii . . ) to that of melchisedec . the apostle here speaks exactly according to the sense of the old testament . god there also says concerning aaron and his sons : i have given your priests office unto you. numb . xviii . . and again : behold i also have given thee the charge of mine ●eave offerings , of all the hallowed things of the children of israel . unto thee have i given them by reason of the anointing , and to thy sons , by an ordinance for ever . v. . this was said after the punishment of korah , and the second confirmation of the priest-hood to them , by the blossoming of aarons rod. no doubt with a design to intimate that they who should come in otherwise , should be as korah and his company ( so it is expressed chap xvi . ) though not in the miraculousness of their punishment , yet at least in the unacceptableness of their ministry . it is withal observable further , that gods giving the priest hood is said to have been by reason of the anointing , that is , by the rites of consecration . it is certain . god did intend , as in other things , so particularly in his priests , on occasion of whom he says it , to be sanctified in them that come nigh him , lev. x. . in order whereunto it was requisite that they also should be holy as he was holy : this was a federal and external holiness , upon account of their being initiated into their office by the external and federal rites of consecration , among which this of the anointing was the principal . whosoever therefore was not thus anointed , was , for that very reason , presumed not to be holy , nor therefore acceptable to god , and consequently uncapable of the priest-hood . but this anointing required not only the holiness of the oyntment , but of the person also that administred it , and that in a higher degree than could belong to the civil magistrate . the princes indeed had an unction , and were by that enabled to perform some lower acts of consecration . so solomon makes the prayer of dedication of the temple . but the principal consecration of the temple was by the sacrifices , in which the forementioned examples of saul and uzziah shew that the prince had no right to intermeddle . what moses did in the consecrating aaron and his sons , was by special direction from god , and before god had confined to priest hood , and therefore could not be made a precedent afterwards . after that first consecration was performed , we never find moses any further intermeddling , but he leaves all the acts of priest hood afterward to them who , by that first consecration , were authorized for them . the unction and holiness of the priest-hood did so far exceed the unction and holiness of the regal power , that the princes intervention in the consecrating of a priest could not , in the sense of those times , be taken for the act of god , requisite for giving a priest-hood . it is very true , the king , on account of his anointing , was counted holy. and so were all the congregation holy . numb . xvi . . and it is reckoned among the privildeges of the peculium in general , that they were a holy-priest-hood . yet that did not excuse them from a great piacular crime , whenever they invaded any offices of their own priest-hood . every lower degree of holiness was counted prophane in comparison of that which was above it . as therefore the gentiles were reputed prophane in comparison of the jews , who were equal in holiness to the gentiles priest hood ; so the laity of the jews were reckoned prophane in comparison of the levites , as the levites also , in comparison of the ordinary priests , and those also in comparison of the high priest ; and were accordingly treated by god , it they presumed on offices higher than those committed to them . though therefore the prince was more holy than the laity . yet that did not warrant his invasion of the office of the meanest levite . so far it was from giving him any power over the high priesthood it self . he had no power of inaugurating , and therefore had none of exaugurating , to speak in the old roman pontifical style . § xxxvii . solomons act on abiathar was only of force . thus it appears on all accounts , that judging by the doctrines received in that age , solomon could not pretend any direct power , for depriving abiathor of his priest hood . hence it follows ly , that all that solomon could do , on account of his regal power , was only to exercise that external force on him , which he might justify , on consideration of his secular crime , as his sovereign in seculars , which though it could not in conscience deprive abiathar of his right yet might ( in the consequence ) make all the exercise of his right impracticable . and indeed the words of the text imply no more than what was the effect of pure force . so solomon thrust out abia thar from being priest unto the lord , kings . . and that very agreeably to the true importance of the word there used . the vulgar latine renders it ejecit . the lxxii . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the hebrew roo is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the lxxii . render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but most frequently , as in this very place , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , words all of them denoting violence . nor can we think that this word , rather than any other that might have been used , was chosen without a particular design . that seems to be to let us understand , what i have now been proving , that solomon could not make abiathar cease to be a priest unto the lord by any judicial determination that might directly affect his right , but by the force now mentioned , which might make the exercise of his right impracticable . this solomon might do by banishing him from jerusalem , and confining him to anathoth . § xxxviii . vvhich force might , in the consequence render the exercise of his right impracticable . for it is to be remembered , that the jewish priest-hood included seveveral secular rights , which must therefore have been in the power of the secular magistracy ; and as to the spiritual offices , was so confined to places , which the magistrate could hinder the priests from by his power of external force , that , in case he would make use of his force to hinder them , the whole exercise of the right of priest-hood would thereby be rendered impractable . it included , by divine institution , many secular rights . particularly , as to the oracle of urim , by which many secular causes were to be determined , and by which , ( on account of the governments being theocratical ) the supream civil magistrate as well as the subject , was in conscience to be concluded . this was consulted by the elders of israel concerning their designed expedition against the * benjamits , by saul on the miraculous victory of † jonathan , by david in the cases of sauls exepedition against him , and the treachery of the men of keilah , and his own expedition against the philistians . and the elders of israel , even in the time of joshua , are blamed for not * asking counsel at the mouth of the lord in the case of the peace made with the gibeonites , by which we understand the obligation of the civil magistrate , as well to consult , as to observe this oracle . and in private cases , when a cause fell out † too hard in judgment , that is , for the decision of the ordinary judges , between blood and blood , between plea and plea , and between stroke and stroke , as in the time of moses , they consulted him , and he consulted god ; so afterwards the ordinary course was , to make the ultimate appeal to the priests ( no doubt the high priest more principally , ) and to stand to their award under of pain death . these causes which concerned blood and blood , and stroke and stroke , were undoubtedly secular , as also the capital punishment to be afflicted on those that proved refactory . these secular rights god annext inseparably to the priest-hood . but the execution of them wholly depended on the power of the sword , which god was pleas'd intirely to permit to the civil magistrate , whom the priests could therefore only oblige in conscience , which obligation if the magistrate would not regard , it was fully in his power to hinder the execution of such decrees . so also , even the spirituals of that sacerdotal office depended on things in the power of the civil magistrate . the lawful priest himself could sacrifice no where but in the temple , and at the altar of jerusalem , and in the particular vestments prescribed by the law. if he did , such sacrifices would not only be unacceptable , but piacular . this the romans very well understood , when , by locking up the vestments in the fort antonia , and by keeping a guard there that should command the temple , to which the fort was contiguous , they engrossed the disposal of the high priest hood intirely to themselves . and it was also in the power of solomon to make the whole exercise of abiathar's priest-hood impracticable , by the like force which he had a right , as a prince , to exercise , where he should judge it necessary for the good of the secular society , for which he was principally concerned . this was an indirect power over abiathar's spirituals in order to his own temporals . § xxxix . yet solomon was in conscience obliged to be cautions in exercising this force against the priest-hood . but then it is to be considered further ly , ( by the opinions of those times grounded on reasons lasting still ) princes , though they had that power annext to their office , were notwithstanding obliged in conscience , to be sparing in the use of it against such holy persons as abiathar was . holy places were every where , by the consent of civilized nations , allowed the right of protecting such as fled to them , if they were not guilty of the highest piacular crimes . thus it was in the case of * adonijah , and others mentioned in the old testament . thus , in the cases of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and supplices , among the greeks and romans , the piaculum cylonianum among the athenians was famous . though † cylon justly deserved what he suffered , yet because some of his party were killed in the sanctuary , the displeasure of the deity , on that account , was to be atoned by a solemn expiation , which was performed by epimenides . and if the places were thus reverenced on account of their consecration , much more the priests from whom they received it . this is exactly the reasoning of our blessed saviour in a * like case . accordingly it was a general rule : † touch not mine anointed , for whose sakes even ‖‡ kings also are said to have been reprov'd . this was the security of the whole peculium of israel , among the many nations through whom they passed in their expedition from aegypt to canaan . this was the security of the prince himself , that none could * stretch out his hand against the lord 's anointed , and be guiltless , that is , without being guilty of a piacular crime . and how could solomon hope that assassinates would regard his own anointing , if himself had violated an anointing so much greater and holyer then his own , from whence his own was derived ? this reverance also to holy persons obtained by the consent of civilized nations , which is to us an argument of the law of nations . aesop as a person holy and beloved of the gods was revenged by them . the like was their opinion of several poets also , as pindar , stesichorus , &c. and this also was among them translated to the interests of the civil magestrate , the tribunes of the people among the romans were first secured by it . afterwards the emperours were so also , by having the tribunitian power and the pontificate annexed to their office. and how far this opinion prevailed , even among the jews of those earlier ages , appears plainly in the murder of abimeleck and the priests by saul . his own * servants could not be prevailed upon to do it . none indeed but † doeg the edomite , who being of an other nations might be supposed to have less regard for the jewish consecration . and there was particular reason for this revernce to the priest-hood in the jewish governments as it was theocratical . as it was such , the magistrate was more particularly obliged to do every thing according to the mind of god himself whose vicegerent he was . and god being the principal and supream governour , he was as much concerned in every thing , to take care that it were performed according to his pleasure , as every inferior magistrate is bound , at his peril , to do every thing according to the mind of the supreme legislator , rather than his own . this would oblige the prince to value every thing according to the esteem that god was pleased to put upon it . and therefore to make religion his principal care as it was certain god did , and to make his own interest to give way to the interests of religion , and the honour of his own function , to the honour of the priest-hood , as he would approve himself faithful in the trusts committed to him . that god had given the less noble office a more effectual security , as to this world , against encroachments , he had reason to look on as a wise provision for the publick , that where there might otherwise have been the most specious pretentions , and consequently the greatest temptations to encroaching , there might be the lesser advantage for it . but it ought by no means to embolden him to be the first aggressor . he had reason to fear , in those ages so famous for the frequency of divine interpositions , god himself might the rather think himself the more obliged , by the rules of his own providence , to vindicate the sacred power , by how much the more he had left it destitute of humane patronage . uzziah afterwards found it so . this therefore must have obliged solomom to use the coercive power granted him , rather in his own defence , than in a way that might , even in consequence , look like violence to so holy an office , § xl. what solomon did was only to fullfill what god had before threatned against the family of eli. and to make it probable that solomon had these very considerations before him , to contribute nothing by his legal force to this deprivation , but what was agreeable to his own station and the mind of god ; i observe ly that the text it self gives a reason of what he did , perfectly suitable to such thoughts , that he did it only as an executioner of the prediction of samuel concerning the removal of the priest-hood from the house of ithamar . the words are these : * so solomon thrust out abiathar from being priest to the lord , that he might fulfil the word of the lord , which he spake concerning the house of eli in shilo . i know very well that this particle that , is used in the n. t. when a prophesy was fullfilled in the event , though he who fulfilled it knew nothing of the matter . but the circumstances of this place make it probable that solomon knew what he did , and intended the accomplishment of that prophesy , and that what he did was done by him purposely , for that very end , that he might fullfill it . the prediction was very notorious , being twice repeated , first by a man of god , sam. ii. , then by samuel also , chap. iii. . as the first initiation of him into his prophetick office , which recommended him to all israel from dan to beersheba , as one that was established to be a prophet of the lord , v. . it was also in both cases notified to eli himself , that all , as well friends as enemies , might know it . how therefore can we believe solomon ignorant of it ? then the distance of the time between eli and abiathar was such , as that there was reason to expect that it should be fullfilled in abiathar , if it were fullfilled at all . such punishments of the children for the parents were not usually deferred beyond the fourth generation , as appears from the words of the d commandment . so also in the heathen history , the treachery of gyges against candaules was punished in croesus , who was in the fourth generation descended from gyges ; as jehu's conspiracy was also , in his fourth generation , in the sacred history . by these examples we find a consent in those traditions of the earlier times . and the distance between eli and abiathar could not be less . * josephus indeed makes eli to have been the grand-father to abiathar . but it is certain that they were further removed than so . abiathar was himself the son of ahimelech , and ahimelech the son of ahitub . so ahitub must have been his grand-father . thus it appears that abiathar was , at least , in the fourth generation from eli , whose sin was to be punished in him . further yet , ahitub is said to have been the brother of ichabod , the son of phineas , the son of eli , sam. xiv . . thus abiathar will be the vth from eli , ( if both terms be included ) and in the th generation , in the utmost way of counting possible . there was therefore no reason to expect any further delay of that punishment which had been so long before predicted . and therefore abiathar was the person in whom it was to be expected . this being so , solomon could not but look on it as very providential , that abiathar should be permitted by god to fall into the conspiracy of adonijah , and thereby to incur his royal displeasure , in whose power it was to execute the divine sentence on him , by that power of force which god had committed to the prince . it tended withal very much to confirm the same observation , that , for above years since his first evil ( for so many years were contained in davids reign reckoned from the death of saul ) abiathar should have no posterity that might succeed him in his office , if this was indeed his case . for by this it appar'd necessary that if he were depriv'd , the whole family of ithamar should be deprived also , at least the family of eli , as the prophesies forementioned had foretold . for as for the rest of his family , saul seems to have destroyed it universally . these observations put together might give reason to believe , that this was the very time design'd by god for the accomplishment of this prophesy . at the same time zadok was firm to solomon's interests , which seemed to tend to fullfil the prophesy to phineas of an everlasting priest-hood , implying that the time should come , when the whole succession from aaron should be confined to the family of phineas , which therefore was not to fail together with the other collateral branches derived from aaron . but i rather believe , that abiathar's family did not fail intirely , which still makes further for my purpose , that what solomon did in this matter , was really with a design and prospect on the prophesy it self . otherwise , had he only designed a personal punishment for abiathar , that might have been done by removing him form the priest-hood , and substituting the next of the family of ithamar in his place . what he did more is not , any other way , so well accountable , as by supposing him to have had a direct design of fullfilling the prophesy . it is otherwise as apparent from the prophesy it self , that eli was to have a posterity that was to survive the fulfilling of the prophesy , as that they were to be deprived of the priest hood by it . what else can be the meaning of those words ? * and it shall come to pass , that every one that is left in thine house , shall come and crouch to him ( the faithful priest before mentioned , not of eli's family ) for a piece of silver , and a morsel of bread , and shall say put me ( i pray thee ) into one of the priests offices , that i may eat a piece of bread . now , in this way of reasoning here mentioned , god himself had declared his pleasure that abiathar , and the house of ithamar too , should be deprived of the priest-hood ; and deprived at that very time . so that solomon had nothing more to do in it , than to use that lawful power god had given him for forcing him out of his possession . § xli . abiathar was not then the high-priest ▪ properly so called , but zadok . but whatever solomon's concernment was in the deprivation of abiathar , i add farther , ly that it was not an example , so far it was from being a precedent , of a deprivation of a high priest properly so called . i deny not but abiathar was a high priest , but not in the appropriated sense . the n. t. history and josephus , mention whole bodie of high-priests , who with the bodies of the scribes , made up the jewish judicatories relating to religion . these might consist , partly of those who had been high-priests , partly of the heads of the several sacerdotal families , partly of the heads of the sacerdotal courses . but the high priest concerned in our present despute , is he only who answered our christian bishops , as a principle of the unity of the jewish communion , as the bishops are in the christian. this could have been only one , the chief of all who were called by the common name of high priests , who could be the principle of unity . and i deny abiathar to have been high priest simply in this appropriated sense . * for zadoc is frequently mentioned with him , yet so , as that he is always preferred before him . and this , in davids time as well as solomon's , which plainly shews that this superiority did not begin from the expulsion of abiathar . from that time he was alone , and therefore had so little reason to be reckoned in the first place , that he had no reason to be joined with him at all . indeed he was every way superiour to abiathar , as well in order of time , as in the dignity of his office. in order of time . for he is joined not with abiathar only , but with † ahimelech also , and so joyned with him as still to have the precedency of him also . if ahimelech be the true person designed to be joined ▪ with zadok in these places , he cannot be the son of our abiathar , * as the doctor fancies , because both places refer him to the time of david if he were his father , then as it is certain that ahimelech was put to death by saul , so it must be certain that zadok who was coaeval with him , must have been in the time of saul also , and before abiathar . but perhaps there may have been an easie transposition of ahimelech the son of abiathar , instead of abiathar the son of ahimelech , in both places . so they will be parallel to those other places now mentioned , where they are so joyned , and the time of both will agree with the time assigned them in the text , that of david , whose reign will hardly admit of any collegue for zadok , besides our abiathar . besides , as the time of david is inconsistent with either a son or a father of our abiathar , so neither was the father of our abiathar , the son of another abiathar , but of ahitub . unless possibly both father and son of had both names , that of ahimelech and of abiathar also . it is certain that ahimelech the father , under whom david did eat the shew bread , is in the gospel called * abiathar . but whether i may securely reason from these readings or not , it is certain from the unanimous consent of so many other places , that zadok was high priest , and superiour to abiathar in that office , even in the time of david . this is at once sufficient to overthrow the doctor 's fancy , that zadok's high-priest hood commenced from the expulsion of abiathar , and those of josephus also , and of the rabbins , who made the high-priest hood , for many generations , translated from the family of eleazar , to that of ithamar , and not restored to its true oncient course , till this dishonour of abiathar . § xlii . there were in those times two high-priests at once ; the chief , such as zadok was , of the family of eleazar , the lower , such as abiathar , of the family of ithamar . they had no books to inform them in this matter more than we , no other coaeval writings but the scriptures , which no where assert any such matter in plain terms the only way remaining therefore how they might gather this opinion thence , must be by their own reasoning and consequences . and it is not very difficult to guess what those might be . there is indeed no high priest mentioned in the interval from phineas to abiathar , but eli , ahias and ahimelech , all of the race of ithamar . thence they conceived that all the stock of phineas for that time , were private persons ; not-invested with the high-priest hood . but the name of high priest is never given to any of those predecessors of abiathar , much less in the appropriated sense of which i am now discoursing . how then do they come to know that they were high-priests in the sense here disputed ? is it because ahias ministred before the ark , and ahimelech and abiathar gave divine answers to david ? but how do they know that this office of giving responses by urim , was so the prerogative of the first high-priest , that it might not in his absence agree to the lower high priest of the junior family ? why might not the two families take their turns , for the mutual ease , in these offices of attending the king , as the ordinary priests did afterwards in their courses in attending on the temple ? and why might not these times fall on the courses of ithamar ? the great occasion of their mistake is , that judging of the customs of these more ancient times by more modern practices , they thought none capable of wearing the ephod , by which the oracle of urim was given , but the high priest , properly so called in the appropriated sense , in which there could be no more at one time , but one . and that which gave them this occasion , was , that this ephod is reckoned among the garments peculiar to the high priest , in contradiction to the priests of lower orders . but upon a closer examination , they might have found that the high-priesthood , as to the execution of it , was common to aaron and all his sons , and therefore that the vestments were so too , only with dependence on him , while he lived , and on him who should afterwards succeed him in his prerogatives , as first and chief of those who did yet all partake in the execution of the high-priest-hood . this seems clear in all the places where the high-priesthood is spoken of in the pentaeuch . aaron is hardly ever mentioned without his sons , as joint sharers with him in it . the first command was , that * aaron and his sons should be taken from among the children of israel , that he might minister in the priest office. they are * consecrated together , and by one common form , which seems plain to imply , that the power communicated by that form , was common also , only reserving the rights of the prerogative . their † washings were the same , and their * unction also , which was the principal rite of consecration , which entitled them to all the right they could pretend to as the lord 's anointed . the † offerings were also common among them , both those which were to be shared by them , and those which were offered for them . the form of * blessing the people prescribed to both , is exactly the same . and from this power of blessing , the † apostle reasons , in judging the greatness and excellency of priest-hoods . the * levites also were given in common to aaron and his sons . and even in this very particular of the vestments , aaron is not mentioned alone , but his sons also are joined with him . the holy † garments were for aaron and his sons , that he might minister unto god in the priest's office. that he alone is so often said to minister , even when they also are joyned with him , shews plainly their dependence on him , as a principle of unity . accordingly all aaron's sons were joyned with him in this affair . so the text runs , * that he may minister unto me in the priest's office , even aaron , nadab and abihu , eleazar and ithamar , aaron's sons . so that all the four should have had high-priests , if they had all of them left posterity . this is expresly given as the reason why the common rights were only succeeded to in the families of eleazer and ithamar , that the other brethren left no posterity . † nadab and abihu died before their father , and had no children ; therefore eleazar and ithamar executed the priest's office. wherein then consisted that appropriation of those vestments to the high priest properly so called ? that there was but one of those vestments made , which could therefore , on no occasions , be worn by any more than one at once : that these were in the custody , or at least , at the disposal of the first high-priest , and could therefore be worn by none of the rest , without his particular favour and indulgence : that they were therefore worn only by that high priest , who was the principal in the particular respective ministry : that therefore they were worn by the first high priest as often as he ministred , because he never could be other than principal ; but by the second , never but when , by the absence of the first , he thereby came to be principal . and hereby a clear account is given how the high-priest's office was performed , in case of the sickness , or uncleanness , or any other incapacitating circumstance , of him whose particular duty it was . in this case , the second high-priest might perform it for him . this was a case which might probably and frequently fall out , and therefore was particularly to be provided for in the constitution . the rather , because in the day of expiation it might have been of formidable consequence to the whole nation , if the solemnity of that great day had been omitted , even on what account soever , and thereby the annual sins of the peculium had not been attoned for . the rabbinical sagan , is not a scriptural but chaldee term , and therefore wholly derived not from well-attested traditions , but later reasonings . § xliii . no deprivation of the posterity of phineas in those times . thus therefore it appears , that all the conjectures of the private life of the posterity of phineas , till the expulsion of abiathar , are perfectly groundless and precarious . they who first thought of it , ought to have considered how this was reconcilable with the promises made to phineas of an * everlasting priesthood , if either he , or his immediate posterity , had been deprived of the priesthood , and not restored till so many ages after . none could have thought it reconcilable , who had lived in those ages before the restitution . nor are there any later demerits of phineas pretended , that might occasion , nor any prophecies that gave the least warning of , even that interruption , in an age whose rewards and punishments were particularly adapted to mens behaviour in this world. it now appears , that ithamar's posterity might , by this constitution , officiate as high priests , without being so in the strict ense of the word . it also appears , that on account of the same constitution , zadok was before abiathar , as being of the elder family of eleazer , and that therefore his being always mentioned before abiathar was grounded on the real greater dignity of his priesthood before that of abiathar . whilst aaron lived , we have seen how his pre-eminence , and his sons dependance was maintain'd , by his being said to do what they all assisted him in . this therefore being the prerogative of the principle of unity , must have descended from aaron to his successor in the prerogative . accordingly we find , at aaron's death , that the right of his vestments did not descend to his sons in common , but only to * eleazer . this josephus himself confesses to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on account of his primogeniture . what made him then not think on some better account than that he gives , why zadok is preferred to abiathar , even in the time of david ? all the reason he gives for it is , that he was his , that is , david's † friend . how is this reconcilable with what he says elsewhere , that the posterity of phineas did * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were private persons till this restitution of the priesthood by solomon , to the family of phineas , at the expulsion of abiathar ? yet even in this † later place also , he owns that zadok was high priest under david . could the restitution be made by solomon , and yet zadok be high priest in the time of david ? was it likely that so religious a prince as david could prefer a private person before the high priest , only because he was his friend ? but it was the plain testimony of the scriptures asserting the priesthood of zadok in the time of david , that forced josephus to these contradictions to his own reasonings . he might have found a better title for zadock than david's friendship , if he had but remembred that zadok had the same title with eleazer , which himself had founded on the right of primogeniture . but we need not ground zadok's right on the bare opinion of so inconsiderate , and therefore so inconsistent , a writer . the scripture it self is sufficiently clear in this matter . speaking of the garment's of aaron , no doubt those peculiar to the high pristhood strictly understood , it adds , * and that son that is priest in his stead , shall put them on seven days when he cometh into the tabernacle of the congregation , to minister in the holy place . the sacred writer manifestly supposes only one of his sons that had so frequently been joined with him in the administration of his office , who could succeed him in the right to the vestments : and who could that one son be , by the customs of those times , who could plead the best title to succeed him in incommunicable indivisible prerogatives , but the eldest ? how then can we doubt of the title of zadok before abiathar , zadok being descended from the elder brother ? § xliv . zadok put in the room of abiathar , as to the courses of ithamar , which were not under him before . but then the difficulty will be , how these words are to be under stood ; zadok the priest did the king put in the room of abiathar , kin ii. . not certainly , of his being then put first into the high priest's office , if what i have already proved hold true , that zadok was already possessed of a nobler station in the priesthood before , than abiathar himself was . that had been a degradation of zadok , rather than a promotion of him . but we have another , and an easier and more probable account of it . * david had before divided the two sacerdotal families of eleazar and ithamar , into four and twenty courses , whereof sixteen were of the house of eleazar , and only eight of the family of ithamar . those of the family of ithamar were committed then to the care of abiathar : for him i understand , as i said before , by the name of abimelech , who was indeed the son of abimelech . the room therefore into which zadok succeeded upon this exile of abiathar , was the management of those eight remaining courses of ithamar , which were not under him before . thence forward therefore , all the twenty four courses were under the disposal of the house of eleazar . yet so , that the high-priest of the family of eleazar , did not immediately take care of them , but committed them to another nominated , as it should seem , by himself , but not one of the house of ithamar . this i take to be the second priest mentioned , kin. xxv . . jer. lii . . in contradistinction to the chief priest , who was the high priest properly so called , in the confined sense of the word . and these eight courses of ithamar , i take to be meant by them who are elsewhere called the † priests of the second order , not hitherto so commonly understood . and perhaps the levites also of the second degree , chr. xv. . were they whose particular office it was to attend these priests of the second order , the whole tribe of the levites being given , as i observed before , to aaron and his sons , in common . and that these second priests , under the house of eleazar , were not , as formerly , confined to the house of ithamar , i take to be the ground of the inconvenience the posterity of eli were like to be reduced to by this change , as it is expressed in the prophesy concerning it , that they were to crouch to this second priest , in order to their being put into one of the priests office , sam. ii. . there was more necessity of crouching now , when they had to do with one not so nearly related to them , than when they were always secure of having one to deal with , who was of their own family . this might be the sagan , mentioned by the rabbins , in the language used after the captivity , who , though he were more subject to the true high-priest of the house of eleazar than formerly , might yet be serviceable to him in the same capacites that those were in , who had been of the house of ithamar , in officiating for him , when himself was under any legal impediment for performing his own duty , in his own person . § xlv . the jews , by our principles , could not justify a separation on account of abiathar . their case not like ours . hence it follows ly , that , even by our principles , the jews had no reason to make any separation on abiathar's account , though we should suppose him deprived , not unjustly only , but invalidly also . for supposing his deprivation invalid , all that can follow is , that still he retain'd the same right as to conscience , which he had before . but even that would not have sufficed for to justifie a separation , on his account . even before , not he , but zadok ; was the principle of unity . so that , in case of difference , they were still secure in adhering to zadok , in opposition to all others whatsoever , whoever he were that occasioned the separation . even before , therefore , zadok , owed no duty to him , but he to zadok ; and consequently , not zadok , but he . had been guilty of the schism that would have followed upon the difference . if such an invalid deprivation could not affect , or weaken , the title of abiathar , as to conscience , much less can it be pretended to affect that of zadok , who was not any way concerned in it . even before , the duty of the communicants , in case of such division , had been still owing to zadok ; and therefore they also must have involved themselves in the schism , if , upon pretence of their duty to abiathar , they had violated their more sacred and obliging duty to zadok , to whom abiathar himself owed duty , as well as they . indeed they owed abiathar no duty at all , but in subordination and dependence on their antecedent duty to zadok : and therefore when that subordination and dependance had been taken away , as it must have been by a notorious separation , they could not then owe abiathar any duty at all ; and therefore thy must have broken their duty to zadok , in paying any to abiathar . for thus it is in other subordination also . whilst a general does himself observe his own sovereign , his soldiers cannot pay their duty to the common sovereign , without paying it to the general , who has the sovereign's authority to exact duty from them . but if the general , revolt , they are judged rebels , as well as he , to the common sovereign , if , upon any pretence whatsoever , they pay him any duty at all . so far this case therefore is from being paralled to that of our present holy fathers , that here the reasoning and the duty lie directly contrary . if our fathers still retain their right in conscience ( as they must , if the sentence of deprivation be invalid , with regard to conscience , as pronounced by them who have no right to judge them , in relation to their spiritual ) then their rivals can have none in the same jurisdictions , and the whole charge of schisms must lye against them , and those who maintain them in their invasions of our father's rights . how can they then apply here the case of abiathar ? § lxvi . when invasions had passed into a prescription , as in our soviour's time , he that was in possession had really the best title . thus far i have proceeded on the sense and reasonings of those earlier times of the jews , which is certainly the truest and solidest way of judging concerning obligations and duties incumbent on the subjects then . and by these it has appeared , that the civil power could not pretend to any right of depriving priests of their right as to spirituals , and with regard to conscience . this consideration did restrain princes of their own nation , who had any regard to their duty to god , from putting the case . but when they were not under the government of princes , who were of their own nation and religion , but under those who did not think themselves obliged by the positive laws of god , to protect the priests from the legal power of force which god had committed to them ; this was the time indeed , wherein we find examples of true high-priests , even properly so called , who were deprived by the secular power . here therefore were two cases ; one was , when the practice of intrusions was now grown so frequent , that no high-priest living had a better title ; the other , upon the first invasion , when the true predecessor was still living , and had not renounced his right . the former , was the case in the time of our saviour . the old way of deriving the succession to the next of the family who was legally qualified for it , having none of those corporal blemishes which by the law could make him uncapable of it , ( on which account eleazar succeeded aaron ) was long before that laid by a prescription sufficient to antiquate it . for many generations , it had been disposed of by the secular princes who had the power of the temple , first by the macedonians , then by the romans , to persons no otherwise qualified than by their being only of the family of aaron . there was therefore then no person living who had a better title as to the designation of his person , than the pleasure of the civil magistrate who had the command of the temple , and the sacerdotal vestments . as soon therefore as any person was once possessed of the temple and the altar , the same way as his predessor had been , his right , was every way , as good as the right of any other , who could pretend against him ; in which case , the publick interest , ( which is inseparably right ) for ending controversies , has always given proference to the possessor . both of them were as well consecrated into the office by spiritual persons , as well as invested by the lay-power into the possession of the externals requisite for executing the spiritual office committed to them . and that the later was consecrated into his predecessor's place , both without the consent , and by the subjects of his predecessor , was as applicable to all his predecessors as himself , and therefore must as much weaken their title also , as it did his , and make them only equal to him , on this consideration also . this would resolve the right only into some dead person , whose rights all laws determine with their lives , especially were no person living is concerned in them . all therefore that can be said in this case is , that what ought not to have been done at first , was now done , and ratified by providence , the same way as all other humane governments , as well secular as sacred , are usually changed by prescription ; which by the law of nations , and with relation to the good of mankind , and governments in general , is , in process of time , judged sufficien to extinguish an original right , and to make that a right which at first was no other than invasion and violence . this holds especcially where the right is only personal , as that of the priest-hood was ; and the person made uncapable of holding it . mutilation alone was sufficient to have taken away the right of the priest hood , by the same law that gave a right to it , and therefore much more death . this was really the case , when our blessed saviour communicated with the high-priests , obtruded by the romans . josephus himself observes , that whereas the high priest-hood was before for life , then it was not so , but during the pleasure of those who had the power of the temple . and i know no eternally obliging law frow the nature of priest-hood in general , that makes it essential to the priest-hood to be for life , more than for any other humane office. if it were therefore changeable , such a prescription was undoubtedly sufficient for actually changing it . and if this case hold any where among christians , it does so , at present , among the constantinopolitane greeks . they also now are brought to that pass , that their patriarchs have not their power given them for life at the time it is given them , but during the pleasure of the infidel magistrate . the greeks therefore are under no obligation of conscience to assert the rights of any predecessor , by refusing communion with his successor , because the predecessor himself had no better a right ; and the successor , has on this account , an equal right , but , on account of possession , a better than he . but this can , by no means , be applied to the case of our present fathers . they , at their consecration , had a power given and intended for life , which is not yet taken from them by the power , that gave it them ; and therefore have manifestly , by our present constitution , a better title than their successors . they are indeed thrust out of their possession as abiathar , but with no such evidence of the divine sentence passed against them , as was in his case . we have , as yet , no prescription for such violences ; nor have we to deal with an infidel magistracy , as they had . heathen governours , might with more consistency to their own principles , use such violences so frequently , as at length , when all were dead who had a better title , to make them pass into a prescription . this can , by no means , become christian princes , defenders of the faith , nor christian parliaments ; mueh less , members of our late flourishing churches in these dominions . this i say , on supposition only of the legality of our civil establishment . § xlvii . among the jews , the true high-priest was to be known by his possessing the one altar . among th christians , the true altar was known by its being possessed by the true bishop . if our adversaries will needs reason from precedents of those times , they must put a case exactly parallel with ours , of a high-priest possessed of a title unquestionably better than his successors , yet violently forced , as ours are , out of his possession . this case , i grant , did frequently befall the jews when they were subject to infidel magistrates . but it was in such times whose practice we cannot reckon upon as infallible , as we can upon that of our blessed saviour and his apostles . here therefore we cannot reckon upon their bare practice , that , what was done , was as it ought to be , purely on this account alone , because it was done ; but , independently on that , we must enquire what the principles then received obliged them to do , if they would approve themselves true to them . and here , i have already shewn that external force alone was sufficient to make all exercise of the priest hood impracticable , to the person so deprived by secular force . hence it follows , that it was not in their power directly to assert his right , by communicating with him in acts of his sacerdotal authority . for him to erect any other altar , where it might be in his power to officiate , besides that in jerusalem , was condemned as schismatical , by the doctrines of those ages , in the case of the samaritans , and upon the same accounts as the worship in the high places had been condemned in the scriptures , and as the altar built by the tribes beyond jordan was condemned , till they knew the true design of that altar , that it was only for a monument of their interest in the altar of jerusalem , not for opposite sacrifices . the only way therefore left them to assert his right , had been to have abstained from communicating in the sacrifice of his rival in the temple . but there is great reason to believe that that was more than they could justify then ; and that reason , peculiar to their constitution at that time , which therefore cannot be drawn into consequence now under the gospel , nor applyed to the case of our present holy fathers . it is certain that their communion then was as much confined by god to the one altar at jerusalem , as to the one high priest. the only consideration remaining , is whether of the two regards was principal . that is the proper way to determine , whether was to give way to the other , where both could not be had : that is , whether that altar was to be taken for the one altar designed by god , where the true high priest officiated , who had the nearest title in the order of succession from aaron ? or , whether that high priest was to be taken for the true representative of god , and thereby could oblige god to performance , who officiated at the altar of jerusalem , provided he were otherwise qualified , by being of the posterity of aaron , and of the line of phineas , and fairly consecrated by those who had power to consecrate him , though he were not the next that was legally qualified , of that very line . and we have reason to believe , that the altar was the principal consideration in the design of god , who thereby secured the communion against schismatical factions , even of the high-priests themselves , by allowing none for his authorized representatives but those who were possessed of that one altar . for jerusalem alone is called the holy city , st. matt. iv. . xxvii . . and so call'd in the jewish coins for that very reason , because that was the place where men ought to worship , st. joh iv. . that only was the place whither they were to bring their tythes and offerings , and where all their males were , thrice a year , to appear in person . so that all face of publick worship must have been laid aside at the pleasure of their infidel princes , if one obtrusion of a remoter person , in the order of the succession , might have sufficed to hinder their communicating there , which none can think but that god did intend to lay greater stress on , than on the immediate order of the succession . it is certain , they could not , by the law it self , challenge their dues for maintenance any where else than there , nor eat several of the oblations any where else than in that holy place in their temple . which shews plainly , that the dues of priesthood were not due to them on any other condition , than that of their officiating in that very place designed by god for their holy offices . hence it appears , that what right they might pretend , when they were excluded from the altar of jerusalem , was only such a remote right as men ordinarily have to offices , before their admission into the legal possession of them . they are indeed wronged if they be not admitted as the law requires ; but till they be admitted , the same laws allow them no title to the profits , and duties , and dependencies annexed to the office. this was the practice of the jews , when there were exumples of violent exclusion of those who by the law had a right to possess the temple and altar , but did not actually possess them . and by the reasoning now mentioned , the practice appears to have been agreeable to the mind of the divine legislator , but the case is quite different in our fathers case under the gospel . by the apostolical ignatius it appears , that the bishop is the standard of our christian altars : that where he is , there the peculium is to * assemble ; and they only who do so , can , by the laws of christianity , be properly called the † church : that his altar is the true altar ‖ and his eucharist the only * valid eucharist : and that no acts of ecclesiastical authority are † acceptable to god , or can expect a ratification by him , which are performed any where else than where he is , or without his ‖ leave . this ruins all consequences from their practice then to our present case . § xlviii . the reasons for exemption from the power of the prince stronger on our deprived fathers case , than in the case of abiathar . our bishops are properly priests . hitherto i have considered the case of abiathar in general , as it concerned the jews , with some general strictures only , with relation to our present case . i now proceed farther to consider the same reasonings , insisted on by the principles of those ages , for proving abiathar exempt , as to his spirituals , from the jurisdiction of solomon , with relation to the constitutions of the gospel , which are those by which our present fathers rights are to be estimated . here therefore i design to shew that the same reasonings hold , and hold with more evidence and force , for our deprived fathers rights , than they did for those of abiathar . first therefore our episcopal fathers rights are as properly ( indeed in a more noble sense ) the rights of a priesthood as those of abiathar were . so that it is very proper to reason from one to the other . i know how very difficulty this is admitted by many . and yet i wonder it should be so , considering that it is manifest in the reasonings of the writers of the apostolical age , who reason from one to the other as plainly as i do , which reasonings must be perfectly unconclusive as proceeding on four terms , if the notion of priesthood be not supposed univocally common to ours , as well as the jewish ministry . thus the apostle reasons in the case of maintenance : do ye not know that they which minister about holy things , live of the things of the temple ? and they which wait at the altar , are partakers of the altar ? even so hath the lord ordained , that they which preach the gospel , should live of the gospel . god's ordaining there , is supposed as known by them to whom he argues , from what god had constituted in relation to the jewish priesthood , and temple , and altar ; which could by no means be applicable to his design for proving an obligation under the gospel , for maintainance of the gospel ministry , but by supposing our case the same with theirs , that we have a priesthood , a temple , and an altar , as properly as they . the same apostle reasons on the same supposal , when he compares our eucharistical bread and wine , and the communion we have with christ by them , with the communion maintain'd both by the jews and the gentiles , with their respective deities , by sacrifice . with the jews , in these words : behold israel after the flesh : are not they which eat of the sacrifices , partakers of the altar ? v. . here plainly he supposes our partaking of the one bread , in the words immediately preceeding , to be the same thing with us , as the eating of the sacrifices , and partaking of the altar . how so , if our eucharist had not been properly a sa●rifice ? with the gentiles . where he compares our drinking the cup of the lord , with drinking the cup of devils ; and our partaking of the lords table with partaking of the tables of devils v. . and our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with christ v. . with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with devils , v. . it plainly appears , that the table of devils was furnished with no other feasts but sacrifical , and they are expresly called sacrifices , v. , . these things also plainly shew , that the benefits expected by the christians from their eucharist were transacted , according to the then receiv'd notions both of jews and gentiles , by sacrifices , as properly so called as the others were , as to all intents and purposes of legal transaction . so again , the same apostle owns the sacrifical style , when he calls that an altar which he had elsewhere called the lords table : we have an altar whereof they have no right to eat , which serve the tabernacle . that altar he compares with meats in the verse before , and therefore must probably mean the eucharistical altar . besides the jews did pretend to the heavenly altar , as is clear from the places formerly produced from philo. but it was notorious that their priests as such had no right to the christian eucharistical altar , nor did they ever pretend to it . this therefore was more unquestionable , and more fit to be reason'd on , for the apostles purpose . so also clemens romanus argues from the sacredness of the jewish priest hood , to the like sacredness of the gospel ministry . and from the like notions of an altar , ignatius also reasons in the places already mentioned . so many precedents we have of reasonings of this kind in the apostolical times themselves . and if he consider the things themselves sedately , i see no reason why we should think these notions strange in that age. the jewish sacrifices themselves were not then thought available as they consisted in shedding the bloud of brutes , but as they represented the archcetypal sacrifice of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and as covenanting symbols gave the communicants a right to what was represented by them . this was the truly beneficial notion of a covenant transacted by sacrifice . and in this sense , i cannot conceive how our adversaries can deny our eucharist the name of a sacrifice , as properly , as it agreed to any used among the jews . our eucharist also was designed by our lord to represent his own archetypal sacrifice on the cross. and not only so , but as a covenanting symbol , to convey a right to that sacrifice , so represented , to the worthy rightly disposed communicant . what therefore can our adversaries desire more for satisfying the proper beneficial notion of a sacrifice ? wine may , by christs appointment , signify his bloud to covenanting beneficial purposes , as well as real bloud itself . § xlix . the gospel priest-hood more noble than that of abiathar . the same reasoning therefore holds now which did then ; but now more strongly . this therefore being supposed that our gospel ministry is a priestheod ; i add further ly , that it is a nobler one than that of abiathar this i am sure is proved or supposed in all the n. t. reasonings , that whatsoever was common to the old and the new peculiam , was still more excellent under the new peculium than that which answer'd it under the old . i cannot now spare leisure to give instances . it is at present sufficient for my purpose , that what was less certain concerning the jewish priest-hood , is more certain in ours ; that the principal design of ours is to oblige god to performance of promises , as his part of the new covenant , explicite and clear , not only implicite as formerly , in relation to spiritual and future and eternal benefits , which none but god is able to perform . in this regard the new 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which our lord is a mediator , is called a better testament , hebr. vii . . as introductive of a better hope , v. . a better covenant established on better promises . hebr. viii . life and immortality being elsewhere said to be brought to light by the gospel . and the priest hood relating to this new covenant is preferred before the other levitical one , in that levi in abraham pay'd tithes and received a blessing from melchisedec , as the lesser from the greater . hebr. vii . , . in that the priest-hood of the new testament is an everlasting one , as all archetypal ideal beings were supposed to be , in the sense of the platonick hellenists , whose language and notions the apostle alludes to in those places . not only as it was eternal in the individual person of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but also as it was to be so in the succession of the gospel ministry , which was never to give way to any other future dispensation , as that of the law did . besides , in that here the entrance into heaven the true tabernacle , was more immediately performed by the archetypal high priest himself ; hebr. viii . , . than under the law , where it was only shadowed by the high-priests entring into the holy of holyes hebr. ix . . this also advanced the dignity of the gospel priest-hood , even in the ministers themselves as representing the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more immediately , and under a noble depensation than they did who were of the order of aaron . hebr. vii . . to this also the apostle adds that the melchisedekian priest hood , as it was for ever , so it was also by an oath , of which there was no use in the constitution of the levitical priest hood . hebr. vii . , . thus therefore it every way appears that the consequences inferred in the case of abiathar , must hold here , but with more force and cogency . if the levitical priest hood exceeded the dignity of the civil magistracy , much more the evangelical priest-hood must do so too . if that required a divine call greater than could be given or repealed by the civil magistrate , this must do so also . if the unction of the priest hood then so far exceeded the unction of the civil magistrate , as that the magistrate could not invade the office without sacriledge and a piacular crime , much less can he now justify his invasion of a priest-hood , so much holier than that was . if the sacredness of their office then was thought sufficent to awe all conscientiou , magistrates from offering any thing that might look like violence to such holy persons ; a greater sacredness of our priest hood now ought in reason more to awe the magistrate now under the gospel dispensation . the punishment of such encroachments was indeed more frequent and visible then , but in the apostle's reasoning , it is sorer now : hebr. ii. , . x. . i am sure it must needs be so , if we believe our religion , that it s not being inflicted here is only a reserving it for the future state. § l. this reasoning was admitted in the apostolical age. particularly by clemens romanus . he also vindicates the churches rights against lay-deprivations from jewish precedents . nor are these consequences only just from this concession , but ly , agreeable also to the actual sense of even that apostolical age. the necessity of a divine call for priest-hood in general is owned by the sacred author of the epistle to the hebrews , as we have seen formerly , and therefore could not be denyed by him concerning the gospel ministry , which i have also shewn that he believed to be a priest-hood . the dignity also of the priest-hood above the magistracy is plainly own'd by the author of the testaments of the twelve patriarchs . this also will be another testimony of the christians of the apostolical age , if what i have said before prove sufficient for shewing that he lived and wrote in that age. however , we have an author unquestionably of that age , so clear and evident for our purpose , that i cannot foresee what any of the vindicators adversaries can be able to reply to him . that is , the apostolical clemens in his famous epistle to the corinthians . and which is more , what he says , he says in prospect of a case as like ours as those times were capable of . some of the laity who were inspired with the spiritual gifts mentioned cor. xii . , &c. had then taken upon them to make a faction against the established governuors of the church , who restrained them from the disorderly liberties they had been used to , before the government had been introduced and settled among them . before , they had been used to honours not suitable to their station , but their gifts ; but government being settled , they were thereby obliged to confine themselves within the decorum of their station . hence that emulation and envy he there complains of , when persons formerly more regarded for their gifts , were now engaged in duty to give way to others less gifted , but in a more eminent station . this made those gifted brethren mutinous , and the esteem they had acquired by their gifts so recommended them , as that a defection followed so universal , that the governours were forced out of their possession . clemens calls it a † deprivation , or by words implying it , and argues against it exactly as we do , on the principles already mentioned . he insists on the care that god had taken formerly for asserting the rights of the jewish priest hood , and to let them see that it was himself who had appointed them to that honour . * when the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fell out , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he observes how god decided it by the blossoming of aarons rod. this plainly implyes , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or emulation so often by him reproved in the schismaticks , concerned the priest-hood also . he observes the care god had taken then , that all their † offices should be performed in their due order . this might be purposely to warn the gifted brethren to forbear the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cor. xiv . . when now there was an order of men purposely allotted for the eucharistical sacrifices . he enumerates all ranks of their subordination , ‖ high priests , priests and levites , nay laicks also . he seems therein to intimate , that they were laicks who were guilty of that invasion of sacerdotal offices , agalnst which he there disputes , that is , who were guilty of the deprivations now mentioned . indeed he supposes such a deprivation to be an invasion of sacerdotal offices not tolerable in a layman . and when he says this concerning the laity in general , who can doubt but that christian magistrates must be concluded in the consequence of what he there discourses ? the same indignity of the schismaticks , as to their station in the church , is implyed in what he elsewhere says , that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dishonourable against those who were honourable . against these therefore he so disputes , that laymen ought to be so far from pretending to exclude the ecclesiastical governours , that even inferior ecclesiasticks ought not to presume upon the offices of those who were superior to them in the ecclesiastical subordination , as the levites were not to intermeddled in the function of the common priests , nor the common priests , with that of the high priest among the jews . he therefore obliges them , to perform their * eucharistical offices in the rank and station wherein god had placed them , not transgressing their bounds as they had done fromerly , as it should seem , in imitation of the old prophets , who had , as prophets , taken upon them , not only to communicate , but to officiate in sacrifices . this he implys as a thing that ought no longer to be born with , since the eucharistical ministry was now settled and established . he therefore observes further to this purpose , that among the jews , whoever had been guilty of such invasion , had suffered † capitally for it . he seems to allude to the known stories of corah , dathan and abiram , and uzzah , among whom were examples of encroachments of both sorts , some of the laity , on the sacerdotal function in general , such were dathan and abiram , who were reubenites ; some of inferior , on the superior sacerdotal stations . thus he argues from these precedents under the law , to prove the like obligations under the gospel . so far he was from our late brethren's fancies concerning the unconclusiveness of such arguments in this very case of the priest hood . §. li. he does it also by the same principles , as by him owned agreeable to the constitution of the gospel . so far , i say , he was from that , that he makes such invasions more formidable now , under so much a nobler dispensation . so his following words imyly : * take care , my brethren , lest , by how much our knowledge of the divine mysteries ( that is the importance of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that age ) is advanced , by so much our danger be advanced also . and so far he was from being obliged , by any exigency of his cause , to argue as he does , from precedents under tthe law , if that way of reasoning had not then been judged , solid ; that he tells us , that christ also had made the like provision for securing the gospel ministry from the like encroachments . he tells us therefore , that the apostles being forewarned by our lord , that the like contentions should arise among the christians , concerning the * name of bishop , as had been before , among the jews , relating to the † priest hood ; had therefore , in their * foreknowledge of that very event , taken the like care for preserving the office from the like invasions . the apostles here mentioned , i take to be st. peter , and st. paul , who had by their common labours planted both churches , that of rome , from whom this epistle was written , and that of corinth , to whom . as therefore , he calls them in this place , ‖ our apostles , so elsewhere he says , that st. peter and st. paul had set a noble example of patience * among us . these two places thus compared together , give us to understand who the apostles were of whom he there speaks . he therefore further acquaints us with the expedients those apostles took for securing the holy office from these foreseen invasions . he says , they themselves † put several of those persons into their office , of whom he was then discoursing ; that is , of those who had been deprived by these laical mutiniers . this therefore , it seems he looks on as an argument , that they who had been put in possession of their places by persons of the supream ecclesiastical dignity , should not be dispossessed at the pleasure of the laity , who , how great soever their station might be otherwise , yet were not regarded in their ecclesiastical judicatories , but according to their ecclesiastical honours , ( st. james ii. , , , , . ) which in the laity were none at all . but there were at that time , in their ecclesiastical presbytery , some substituted in the place of those of the first settlement , who were since deceased . and for these also he makes the apostles to have taken care . he tells us , that in foresight of this case , they provided for an * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an inheritance that others might succeed into their places . possibly it ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as denoting an additional law to those other † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , received from our lord , which had formerly been mentioned by this same author . so , in imitation of plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , philo , as i remember , calls deuteronomy by the same title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as given a little before moses his death , after the collection of his former laws . so our author teaches us , that this law also for securing the succession , was given by these apostles , after they had now settled the church of corinth , and ordained as many as they then thought necessary for the government of it . that is the notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it signifies in him afterwards . as appears by another ‖ example very little distant from this same place . he tells us therefore what this additional law was , that they who were to be substituted in their places as they died , were to receive their authority from persons of the highest rank in the church . that i take to be the notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as that signifies to be had in reputation , and as on the contrary contemptible persons are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , like the proletarii or capite censi in the roman matricula of citizens , registred as so many names , not for any considerable benefit that their cities receiv'd from them . these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore , were such as by the apostles themselves were designed for supplying the apostolical office after their deprature , in filling up the vacancies of those presbyters , who had been put in office by the apostle , themselves , as they ●ell this therefore st. clemens , in this reasoning , takes for a great presumption , that the laity who were of the lowest rank in the church , should take upon them to displace those who had been put into their office by the highest ecclesiastical authority . and yet the laity whose case he speaks of , where prophets , and spiritually gifted persons , which gifts were always admitted for fairer pretences to spiritual power , than all the worldly grandeur , and the secular terror of the civil magistrate . prophets had been allowed that power even in sacrificing , which never was allowed the secular prince . yet even against these , st. clemens asserts rights of the church , by the very same topick insisted on by us , that the power of the church was derived from god himself . we see he ascribes this power of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the authority of the apostles . so he also derives the authority of the apostles themselves , from god himself . * the apostles taught us the gospel from our lord jesus christ , jesus christ from god. christ therefore was sent by god , and the apostles by christ ; so both missions were orderly according to the will of god. his designed inference therefore with reference to his cause was , that they who had been put in office by an authority so manifestly and nearly derived from god , ought not to be turn'd out of their office by a power that could not pretend to any such power derived from god at all . in all these gradations , he supposes none that gave it to the laity , on which account it is , that he overthrows all right they had to claim it . how then can the magistrate pretend to it ? § lii . he draws the like inferences from those reasonings , in practice , as we do . thus then the reasons from our principles , and therefore supposes them generally known , and as generally granted , even in that happy age. that is not all : he pursues those principles to the same uses in practice , that we are making of them now . do we cleave to our deprived fathers , notwithstanding the lay deprivation ? we do therein no more than what he advises also . * let us reverence , says he , the lord jesus christ , whose blood was given for us . let us pay a veneration to our rulers ; let us honour our presbyters . † let us cleave to the innocent and rïghteous , for these are the elect of god. do we complain of the desertion of our bishops . and betraying of the ecclesiastical rights , as schismatical ? and are we deeply concerned at the consequences which have followed upon it , distructive to our common religion ? and does not he the same ? * your sebism has deprived many , has driven many to despondency , to doubting of religion , and all of us to grief . i wish we could not also apply his following words to our present case : ‖ and yet your sedition holds on . do we heartily wish that the schismatical rivals would think of repentance , and returning to their duty ? and how are we therein singular ? does not he recommend the like thoughts to the schismaticks of his own time ? these are his words . * you therefore who have laid the foundation of the sedition , be subject to the presbyters , and be disciplined to repentance ; bending the knees of your heart , learn to be subject , laying aside the haughty and insolent arrogance of your tongue . how worthy are his following words of their consideration ? ‖ for it is better for you to be little , and of good repute in the flock of christ , than seeming to have preheminence to be cast off from his hope . let them never complain of the severity of our censures , when they find this holy unconcerned apostolical fellow labourer of st. paul , judging as hardly in a parallel case . we here see , that he thought such schismaticks out of the flock of christ , and cut off from his hope . he elsewhere adds , with reference to the same case , and the same persons , † christ is of those who are humbly minded , not of those who exalt themselves over his flock . plainly denying them any interest in christ , whilst they continued in that condition impenitent , that is , whilst the rivals hold their schisinatical preheminence . he tells us , that * it is no small crime , if we cast them out of their bishoprick , who have offered their sacrifical gifts unreprovably and holily . he accordingly adds ; † it behoves us therefore , brethren , to cleave to such examples . for it is written , cleave unto those who are holy , for they who cleave to them , shall be made holy . and again , in another place , he says , with the innocent thou wilt be innocent , and with the perverse thou wilt be perverse . he supposes no holiness reputed by god for such , but in the true communion . thence he adds , * let us cleave therefore to the innocent and righteous , for those are the elect of god one of the prerogatives of the peculium , is to be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chosen generation . so that in confining the elect of god , to the true communion , he must necessarily be supposed to confine the peculium to it also . his following exhortation therefore firts our circumstances , as well as it did his . † why are there strifes and anger 's , and divisions and schisms , and war among you ? have we not one god , and one christ , and one spirit of grace that is shed upon us ? and is there not one calling in christ ? why do we draw and tear asunder the members of christ , and foment seditions against our own body , and come to such madness , as to forget that we are members of each other ? may this pathetical exhortation of so great a person , prevail with our brethren to study some expedient for securing our ecclesiastical liberties , and healing the breach they have been driven into by carnal politicks ! what a glory wou'd it be to them who are princpally engaged in it , to do what he invites them to ? * who is there among you generous ? who is merciful ? who full of charity ? let him say , if the sedition and strife and schisms be for my sake , i depart , i go away , where you please , and do whatsoever is required by the multitude . only let the flock of christ have peace with the presbyters , who are set over it . he who would do so , would gain to himself great glory in the lord . how much would it advance their honour here , and their peace hereafter , if they would turn their emulations for preheminence , into those more noble ones of humility , and peace , and condescention ? the worthy doctor , since his ingenuous owing his † mistake of the design of clemens , discover'd since by the vindicator , may be presumed , by this time to be sensible , now much it is more proper to make such addresses to his . fathers , than ours . he must , at least , acknowledge the making them so , to be more agreeable to the design of st. clement . § liii . the laity cannot now pretend to any indirect right of depriving bishops , as the jewish princes could in the case of the jewish priesthood . thus it appears , that by the principles , even of the apostolick age ▪ no laity whatsoever can pretend to any direct power over our ecclesiastical governours , with regard to their purely spiritual and ecclesiastical rights . i now proceed to shew thly , that they cannot now pretend even to an indirect power ( such as i shewed that princes might pretend to the● ) of depriving our bishops with regard to conscience . for neither of the reasons given there , will hold her . they cannot make their right impracticable now , as they could do then , by excluding them from any particular place , from which it is in their power to exclude them . their consecrations and eucharists are not now confined to cathedrals , as the sacerdotal acts of the jewish priesthood were to the temple , but are equally valid , where ever they are exercised within their ow jurisdictions . this hinders them from being perfectly useless when they are excluded from cathedrals . nor has god fixed upon any particular places , to which he has confined his own acceptance of them under the gospel . but as we have seen from ignatius , ( for i now descend no lower ) the one acceptable altar now follows the one bishop , not the bishop the altar . this hinders the additional right formerly accruing to a possessor , purely on account of his possession , which was then sufficient to make a possessor's right better , which without possession , would have been worse than that of an excluded predecessor . nor indeed is there that reason now , as was then , to expect that god should confine the exercises of the evangelical priesthood to a particular place . their religion then was confined to a particular nation , and was part of the national constitution , as it was theocratical . there was therefore all the security given that laws could give , that their princes should always patronize it . one of another nation was uncapable of the office , any other way than by conquest . and that did necessarily suppose the subversion of the laws themselves , and therefore of all the security that could be given by law. but the evangelical priesthood was first instituted by christ , and settled by the apostles , in a time when the kings of the earth stood up , and the rulers were gathered together a-against the lord , and against his christ , acts iv. , not only without the consent of , but in opposition to all the civil powers then being . and therefore to have made it depend on the pleasure of the magistrate then , had been perfectly inconsistent with a design of securing and perpetuating it . and that could not have been avoided , if it had depended on any thing that was in the power of the persecuting magistrate . it was instituted and established under actual and violent persecutions , and therefore must have been fitted with provisions that might enable it to subsist under a state of persecution , by a power perfectly disentangled from the secular power . to this it was requisite , that it should be under no obligation of conscience , to depend on any thing that was in the power of the persecuting magistrate , as it must have done , if it had been obliged by god to any one particular place . it was also requisite , that this priesthood being constituted by god as the cement of a spiritual society , all that was requisite for managing that society , should have been by god , ( who was pleas'd to found that society ) conferred on the priesthood , as its right in conscience , and therefore by the same divine power , exempted from the right of the civil magistrate . for all that this priesthood could have to recommend duty to the consciences of its subjects in a state of persecution , was only its sacredness , and the obligation that lay on god to ratify his own act , in inflicting the censures denounced by it against refractory persons ; and therefore they must be very well satisfied , that the censures were denounced by one to whom god had given a lawful authority to denounce them . otherwise , they could not think god obliged to ratify them . and for this it was absolutely requisite , that they should believe the magistrate to have no right in those cases wherein those censures were concerned . otherwise , they could not think god oblig'd to ratify them , if they had been invasions of the right of the magistrate . but the districts were then absolutely necessary for making the churches censures , as settled out by lord and his apostles practicable . by them the bishops knew what persons were liable to their particular respective jurisdictions . by those the subjects olso knew the particular bishops to whose censures they were obliged to pay a deference . if the bishop had censured persons not belonging to his jurisdiction , by the settlement then made by the apostles , they could not think god obliged to second him in his usurpations , and therefore could be under no obligation to regard such censures . it was therefore absolutely necessary that the right of preaching the gospel , and settling districts , without the leave of the possessing magistrates , must by god have been made the right of the ecclesiasticks , in reference to conscience , and therefore could not at the same time have been the right of the civil magistrate . what then will become of the doctor 's imaginary contract ? bellarmine fancies , that when the magistrate was baptized , he also was supposed to make an implicite contract with the bishop , that his crown should be at the bishops disposal , whenever the bishop should judge that his holding it would be inconsistent with the churches interest . this is as reasonable as the doctor 's pretended contract , that on consideration of the leave allowed by the magistrate for preaching and settling districts in his dominions , the bishops make an implicit contract with the magistrate that they will submit to be deposed by him . when he shall judge their holding their places hurtful to his worldly interests . if either of these implicite contracts would hold bellermines is the more likely of the two , that the lesser worldly interests should give way to the spiritual . but from what has been said , it appears that the right of making districts , was a right inseparable from the authority given by god for making , and governing proselytes all the world over . if therefore it be not the magistrates , but their own ; what reason have they to make any , however implicite contracts , for that which is their own already ? § liv. our reasoning against the magistrates right of deprivation in spiritual proceed universally , and therefore in case of temporal crimes , also the owning such a power would have been pernicious to the primitive christians also , who were charged with temporal crimes ▪ the magistrate therefore cannot , by the constitutions of the gospel , pretend to any ●ight , whether direct , or indirect , for depriving our bishops of their spiritual power . this our adversaries themselves do not deny , where the causes pretended for their deprivation , are purely spiritual . but where the case is temporal , as it is here in our fathers case , there they think that the magistrate may punish them , not only by secular punishments , but by deprivations , as to the exercising of their spiritual right in districts contained within his dominions . but all that can fairly follow from their crime being secular , is no more but this , that it properly belongs to the cognizance of the secular magistrate , and is therefore justly punishable by them who have a just title to the supream secular authority , that is , in such a way ▪ of punishment as properly belongs to the right of the magistrate . and we allow that to extend as far as the secular honours , and revenues , by the secular laws annexed to their office , nay to their persons also , as to what is personal to them . this is perfectly sufficient to secure the magistrate ( in case not only a single bishop , but the whole synod , should prove guilty of violating their duty to him ) whatever the doctor pretends to the contrary . but that this will give him any new right of punishing . which he cannot pretend to by the nature of his office , our adversaries have not yet pretended to prove . till they do so , or till they answer what has now been produced to prove the contrary , that his right of magistracy does no way reach the spirituals of our bishops , no nor their right to exercise them in jurisdictions contained in his dominions ; we may as easily deny , as they assert , that power of deprivation , by them ascribed to the magistrate . one would think , that when we have proved the nature of the spiritual power , such as that it is not in the power of any but god , or those authorized by god for this purpose , to deprive them of that power who have once received it ; and that neither the things themselves transacted by the spiritual power are in the power of the magistrate , nor that god has given the magistrate any authority to represent him in these matters , which may oblige him to ratify in heaven what the magistrate , in his name , pretends to act on earth : it should unavoidably follow that the magistrate has not this power at all , which if he have not in general , he cannot have in this , nor in any other particular case assignable by our adversaries . why are they therefore so unreasonable as to expect , after we have disproved this power in general , that we must be put to the further trouble of disproving it in a particular case ? they themselves can easily perceive the partiality of their demands in other the like cases . they who , on the other side , are for the encroachments of the clergy upon the rights of the magistracy in order to spirituals , in case of heresy , do so far proceed successfully , when they shew that heresy is a crime properly cognizable by the spiritual judicatories , and that magistrates , as well as others , are subject to such judicatories in matters purely spiritual . but then the consequence would only be , that a magistrate , so convicted of heresy , might by such spiritual judges be deprived of his right to communion , and consequently of all the spiritual rights and benefits , to which he is entitled as a member of the true communion . this is the utmost that spiritual judges can pretend to , or wherein they can expect that god will second and ratify their determinations . but when they proceed further to forbid all civil conversation with the magistrate , to deprive him of his civil rights , to absolve his subjects from their duty of civil obedience : these are consequences , which , i believe our adversaries will not defend . yet how they can avoid being obliged to it , if they will be true to the consequences of their reasonings in this case , for my part , i cannot understand . for why may not the church assume a right of punishing temporally , a crime that is really allowed to be of spritual cognizance , if the magistrate ; for a temporal crime , may inflict a deprivation of spirituals ? i do not now insist on what we have to say , as to the validity of the sentence given against our fathers , in respect of the temporal authority that can be pretended for it . however , that is , at least , sufficient to shew , that it is only the judgment of those , who have given judgment , against them , that they had even temporal authority sufficient for it . and if the secular powers may deprive bishops , for any crime , which they who deprive them , shall be pleased to call temporal ; and if we also , are obliged to think such deprivatons sufficient to discharge us from the duty we owe them , with regard to our conscience : i cannot see how the primitive christian bishops could have escaped such deprivation . julion the apostate pretended temporal reasons for most of his persecutions , purposely to hinder the sufferers from the glory of matyrdome . and even in the earlyer persecutions , secular crimes were imputed to the christians . that was the case when the burning of rome was charged upon them in nero's time , and the burning of the palace at nicomedia , in diocletian's ; when the stories of the dog and candle ; and oedipodean incests and the mothers of children , were pretended to be proved against them , by the extorted confession of some slaves in the time of marcus antoninus . their very meetings came under the laws de sodalitijs , and de hetaerijs , and de factionibus . and their refusing to swear by the genij of the emperors , or to sacrifice for them , were by the interpretation of those times reducible to the laws of loesa majestas , which we call treason . will our adversaries therefore grant that , on these accounts , those pagan emperors might have deposed the christian bishops , and absolved their subjects from their duties in conscience owing to them ? if they will , we are very sure our glorious ancestors of those ages were not of their mind . and let our adversaries themselves judge , whether we have most reason to follow , as guides of our conscience . besides the advantage the primitive christians had for knowing tradition better , this was also a manifest one ; that our late brethren's practice goes along with their worldly , interests , and indeed never began , till motives of such interest inclined them to it ; but the practice of the primitive christians was directly contradictory to such interests . § lv. the spiritual rights of our fathers have been now invaded by civil force . bare characters . without districts not sufficient to preserve the church as a body . but the strangest answer of all is , that our adversaries cannot yet be perswaded that our h. fathers spiritual rights have yet been invaded by secular force . as this way of defence signifies their unwillingness to undertake the patronage of such invasions , i confess , i am not a little pleased with it , in regard to the liberty it may allow them hereafter , if god shall be pleased to turn our captivity , to defend the rights of their own function , when they may be defended without danger . and i do not know why , even now , the clergy should be forward and active in promoting a casuistry that may absolve the magistrate from the obligation incumbent on him in conscience for their protection . but it is a strange degree of confidence to deny the fact. had they not set up other bishops to exercise spiritual power in the same jurisdictions , they might indeed pretend to it , but having done so , it is from thence we date their schism . nor do i see , how they can avoid the charge of it . for if the spirituals of our fathers be yet untouched , then they must still have the same right over those same jurisdictions , as to spirituals , as they had , and as was own'd by our adversaries themselves formerly . if so , their rivals , exercising spiritual power in the same jurisdiction without their leave , must be looked on as invaders of their yet untouched uninvaded spirituals rights . if so , they must , in the language of st. cyprian be foras , be aliens , be non secundi , sed nulli . not barely on the authority of that holy martyrs saying , but as the vindicator proved , from the nature of the spiritual monarchy , which allows no more than one at once , without conscent , to have a right within the same jurisdiction . it is very plain from hence , that their right to their particular districts and jurisdiction , even as to spirituals , is actually invaded by their intruders . and we have now , and so had the vindicator formerly , shewn the settling of districts in order to spiritual jurisdiction , to be a right of the church , independent on the favour of the civil magistrate . we have shewn that the church , as well as the state , was by christ and his apostles made a visible body , and that their way of knowing the visible governours , and subjects of this visible , body , was , even from the apostles time , taken from the extent of those visible districts ; that they who lived in these districts , were all subjects to the governours of the districts , and that the governours of those districts as to spirituals were the particular governours to whom the christian inhabitants of those districts , ow'd obedience as to spiritual : that whatever right the magistrate had formerly , that might seem inconsistent with these rights , was by god himself taken away from the magistrate , in order to the making this way of propagating the gospel , practicable ; yet so , that power enough was still left for securing the authority of the magistrate , as to temporals : that the first christian magistrates , found the church possessed of these districts , and the bodies of the christians , in the several districts , possessed also of the opinion of the independency of those districts , as to spirituals , on the civil magistrates ; which they had always made appear , in all difference between the magistrate and the bishops , by their unanimous adherence to the bishops , as to spirituals : that therefore those districts , as to spirituals , were never derived from the favour of the magistrate , and therefore not obnoxious to his disposal . here therefore this whole dispute is reducible to a short dilemma . if the presumed magistrate has not invaded the spiritual districts of our fathers ; then the intruders are schismaticks for intermeddling with those rights which their predecessors are not deprived of . and all others also must be schismaticks who own and communicate with the intruders . if the rivals be not intruders , they must needs say that the predecessors have lost their right , even to those districts , as to spirituals . and how they should come to lose it but by the sole act of their magistrate , i know nothing that our adversaries can pretend . there is manifestly no act of the church , that they can so much as pretend for it . their character , they say , is not yet touched . no wonder it should not , since the schoolmen , from whom they borrow the term of character , hold characters to be indelible by any humane authority whatsoever , not only secular , but ecclesiastical also . however all the use our adversaries make of their remaining character , is only to make them restorable to their old jurisdictions , without a new consecration ; and in the mean time , to legitimate some acts of epicopal power , which must no be supposed to depend on a relation to a particular jurisdiction . but this character , that has no relation to a particular district , could not be sufficient for preserving bodies ( such as the church was designed to be by , them who founded it ) in a state of independency on the civil magistrate ; bodies , as then understood by the ecclesiasticks , being determined and distinguished by such districts . the allowing therefore the heathen persecuting magistrates a power of dissolving the relation of all the bishops of their dominions , to particular districts , had parfectly dissolved all particular churches , as bodies , when the magistrate was pleased to dissolve them ; and therefore cannot be agreeable to the design of christ and his apostles , who intended to perpetuate churches , as bodies , independent on the state . and it is certain , that this power of discharging ecclesiastcal governours from the districts in their own dominions , was not own'd in the civil powers by the apostles and earliest christians . had it been so , the apostles themselves must have quitted jerusalem , when they were forbidden by the sanbedrim , and sought out other converts and districts , wherein they might exercise their function and character . but where could they seek or find them , but the same objection , would still recur from this right of the civil magistrate ? there must therefore have been no churches in the world , if this doctrine had been allowed of . but it is certain , that the apostles did still challenge and exercise their jurisdiction in jerusalem , and were own'd and seconded in doing so , by the christians inhabitants of that city , against all the persecutions of the magistrate , and were all of them own'd by god , by the credentials that followed them , which could never have been , if these their practices had been usurpations . and all the right that bishops then had for obliging the whole catholick church , was grounded on the commerce of communicatory letters , and the common interest of all , to ratify the acts of particular districts . thence it appears , that all exercise of epicopacy , as catholick , was grounded on the right , each bishop had to a particular district . so vain are our adversaries pretences for making our bishops , bishops of the catholick church , though deprived of districts , in order to the exercising any episcopal act for preserving the face of a body , under a persecution . § lvi . supposing the church and christian state had made one body , yet more had been requisite to make that supposition applicable to our present case , which is not yet taken notice of . but the principle pretence of all that our adversaries insist on , is , that in those earlier times , the church was indeed a society distinct from the state , and whilst it continued so , the deprivations of the state , could therefore not extend to spirituals , which were the constituts of the church as a society distinct from it : but that there is no necessary consequence , because it was so then , that therefore it most be so now : that the reasoning from the sense and practice of those times , does indeed hold where the case is the same as it was then , that is , where the state consists of infidels ; but not in ours , wherein the state professes the christian , religion . this is suggested by the worthy author of the defence of the church of england , as he calls it , from the charges of the vindicator . and he has therein managed the reasoning part of this dispute better than the doctor , in that he has pitched on the particular proposition , which he thinks needs further proof in the scheme of the vindicator , seeming withal to allow that if this also be cleared , the rest of the vidicators proof will hold , as being firmly superstructed on it . this therefore brings the question to a short issue , and affords a further subject of useful discourse , for improving what has been said already , and i therefore return my hearty thanks to that author for it , only wishing that he had allowed himself a larger scope for making that out , which if proved , would have been so very considerable for his purpose . supposing he had proved his assertion true , yet other things , remain'd to have been proved further , for making it applicable to our present case . something more had certainly been requisite for his purpose , than barely to suppose the magistrate barely christian. he might easily have foreseen that , even among christians , there are different communions , on account of herisy and schism . if the magistrate therefore be guilty of either of those , he is as uncapable of uniting with the church in one cmmunion , as if he were an idolator . and i suppose all the ground that worthy person has for making a believing prince's case different from that of an infidel , in order to the church's coalition into one body with the society that is governed by the believing prince , must be the church's union in communion with him , which it cannot have with an infidel . for that political union , which is requisite for secular government , as far as it is consistent with difference in communion , as to spirituals , the orthodox are as capable of maintaining with infidel princes , as they are with either heriticks , or schismaticks . and for applying that case , he might have considered further , how far communicating with schismaticks in other places , and setting up schism where he found the true communion established by law , and allowing no patronage of law , without schismatical conditions , may go to prove a prince's case schismatical . then supposing the church and state united into one society , he should have enquired further , why this union must rather be under the secular , than the spiritual , common monarch . this , i am sure , is against the general rule of subordinations , to make the more noble power subject to that which is less so ; and therefore ought to have been proved by reasens peculier to this particular coalition of two societies into one . such peculiar reasons i doubt are more then ever we can expect from him . but supposing both these difficulties surmounted , that the church had a prince of one communion with her , and that the two societies now united , were to be governed rather by the prince , than the metropolitane ; yet still another question remained worthy his consideration , how long this union was to hold ? if irrevocably , then the church would be left destitute of a power , necessary for her subsitence , whenever the prince should apostatize to infidelity , or an infidel should succeed him by the rules established for the succession . if therefore the church's power be granted revocable , the enquiry then would be , whether the grant can in reason be supposed to hold any longer than the prince's protectoon of her . if so ; then whether , when he revokes his protection granted on conscionable terms , and persecutes his fellow brethren , for no other reason , but for being true to the principles of the old communion , this be not the very season wherein they are , in conscience , absolved from their old grants , and are perfectly free to resume their old spiritual liberties ? i know our adversary will understand me , without any further application . § lvii . the prince 〈◊〉 account of his being only a christian , has no title to any spiritual authority . these things , i say , had been requisite to make his doctrine practicable , if it had been proved , and proved as well as himself desires to prove it . but , for my part , i am perfectly of the vindicators mind , nor do i see any reason to doubt but that his whole proof will hold , if this be the only suspicious proposition concerned in it . i see no reason , why the church should loss her liberties , or princes gain more power by their conversion , than they had before . the nature of the thing , does not the least require it . princes , when they are received into the church's communion , are received , as other laicks are , by baptism ; which can therefore intitle them to no more power , than other christians , who are admitted into the same society , the same way , as they are . as therefore baptism alone confers no spiritual authority to others , no more it can to the prince , who has no preheminence above them , on this account . when therefore he is baptized , he still remains , in reference to spiritual power , no more than a private person , as all others do , who have no more spiritual authority given them , than what is conferred upon them in their baptism . how then comes he by this power in spirituals , which our adversaries challenge for him ? all our forementioned reasons proceed as validly against his claim of spiritual power , whilst he continues only a lay-man , tho' baptized , as they did before his baptism . still , the spiritual power is grounded on the power of rewarding and punishing spiritually , by admitting to , or excluding from , the spiritual benefits of the society . still , the power of that admission to , or exclusion from , those benefits , depends upon the power of the incorporating rites ; which being granted , admit into the body , or if denyed , exclude from it . still the incorporating acts , are the two sacraments , as we are baptized into , the spiritual body , and as we are made one spiritual body , by our partaking of one bread : so that none can have the power of these incorporating acts , who has not the power of administring the sacraments . still , the power of administring the sacraments , is proper to the evangelical priest hood ; and it is still , as unlawful for princes to invade the sacerdotal offices , as it was under the old law , when the prince was obliged to be always of one body , with the priest-hood , in reference to religious acts of communication . still , the reasoning of st. clemens holds that laymen are only to meddle with acts properly laical , and proceeds with more force than in the case wherein that holy apostolical person used it . the gifted laicks had been baptized as well as our believing princes , and in that regard were every way equal with them . but as they were endued with spiritual gifts , they were better qualified for extraordinary calls to acts of sacerdotal power , than princes can be by any pretensions to , or advantages of , worldly grandeur . baptism indeed makes the prince and the church one society , as the prince is thereby incorporated into the priviledged society of the church , but then , this baptismal union is rather of the prince to the bishop , than of the bishop to the prince , and therefore on the bishop's terms , not the prince's . how then can the prince's being receiv'd into the church as a private person , and as a subject to the spiritual authority , intitle him to any of that same authority , to which by his baptism , he professes his subjection ? he is indeed so far from being a publick person in his baptism , that the obligation and benefits of his baptism , are wholly personal to himself , none of his subjects , being in the least , concerned in it . if he had acted as a publick person in it , his single act had obliged all his subjects , and would have consequently intituled them to all the benefits of his stipulation . but this is more than our adversaries will pretend in this case . how then can an act purely personal , intitle him to an accession of spiritual authority ? § lviii . a whole nation , by baptism , may be made one society in the church , without prejudice to their being still a society distinct from it . thus far therefore it is certain , that a prince's admission into the church , is not alone sufficient for a coalition of the state into one body with the church , because that other body of the state , whereof he is head , is not the least concern'd in this act of his as a private person , not as a publick , much less as a head of any body at all . suppose we therefore the generality of a state converted and baptized also . this will indeed make them one body with the church . but on the same terms as it made the prince one , that is , on the church's terms , not on theirs : that is , by so many repeated personal acts qualifying them for , and receiving baptism , as there are supposed to be particular persons in that whole secular society , and as so many private persons , not as invested with any publick authority in another society . still , therefore , proselites of that kind , how numerous soever , can never hurt the authority of that society , into which they are incorporated only , as so many private persons . a whole nations therefore , how populous soever , coming in on these terms , cannot change the spiritual society from what they find it . they add to the numbers of the subjects of the spiritual society , and in that regard , should rather advance , than diminish , the authority of that new society into which they are incorporated and as their accession to the church cannot make any change in the government of the church , so neither in their one . their admission into the church being only the act of so many private persons singly considered , can therefore not concern them as a society , can therefore no way affect them as publick persons , and as concerned for the government of the society , into which they were incorporated before . there is therefore on neither side any explicite renunciation of ancient rights , nor yet by any fair interpretation . their coalition into one body with the church , does not dissolve the same relation they had formerly to different societies , on different considerations . the bishop , though he act the part of a publick person in admitting them into his own spiritual society , does not thereby put off his former subjection as to temporals , nor acquire any thing inconsistent therewith . nor does the magistrate by his subjection in spirituals , profess any thing not fairly reconcilable with his temporal sovereignity . their coalition therefore into one body , is very well consistent with their still continuing as distinct societies as they were before . nor does our worthy adversay object any thing to prove the contrary , but that upon conversion and baptism of the seculars , the church and state consist of the same persons . how should the church and state make two distinst societies , says he , where the church and state consist of the very same persons ? the very same way , say i , as our k. edward the iii. was , at the same time , a sovereign of england , and subject of france , when he swore homage to philip of valois for his dominions in france . yet who doubts but england and france were then two distinst and perfectly independent societies ? the same way as the bishop himself was the head of the church , and yet a subject of the state , therefore a member of both societies , antecedently to any such conversions , or any pretence that could be therefore made , for a coalition of both into one society . conversion therefore , thought it bring all persons into one society of the church , yet does not hinder but that the two societies of the church and state , continue as distinct from each other as formerly , whilst the same things remain that made them two societies formerly . and conversions do not hinder but that they may still remain so . still , the spirituals and temporals , are as distinct as ever . still , the same right continue for the bishops to be the competent judges of spirituals , as the magistrate are , of temporals . still , the same distinction of laws continues , by which the two societies are governed as formerly . that the church is to be governed by the church , which are made by a consent of the ecclesiasticks , and that the state is governed by the laws , which receive their sanction from the lay-authority . still , the independence continues , that the bishops are as supream unappealable judges for spirituals , as the magistrates are for temporals . conversions i am sure , do not hinder , but that this also might have remained as it did formerly . for such a coalition of the two societies as our adversary reasons for it , would be necessary that the government of one of the societies should surrender , or acknowledge a dependence on the government of the other . but neither of them can be pretended at the first conversions of magistrates . neither of them now , in the case of the church of england . the name of head , on which our adversary insists , is long ago laid aside by q. elizabeth . and one of our articles disowns all pretensions of our princes to the power of preaching the word , and administring the sacraments . this article is ratified , and made law by an act of parliament . upon these considerations , we can fairly take the oath of supremacy , as thus intrepreted by the legislators themselves , without owning any subjection of the bishops , as to causes purely spiritual , to the supream magistrate , even in england . so far the church and state are yet , even here , from being made one society , as our adversary pretends . the examples of bishops taking out patents for the right of giving orders , were , i believe , never known before the reign of henry the viii . and that i hope our adversary himself will not plead as a reign of presidents . if he do , the liberties of the people will be no more secure , than those of the clergy . nothing was security against him , who made such manifest invasions on the two fundamental securities , magna charta , and his own oath , taken at his coronation . thus clear it is , that conversions alone could not make any change in the rights of power in spirituals , of which the church was possessed before , notwithstanding that the converts are thereby made one body with the church , with which they were not one formerly . § lix the church's obligations are more necessary for the subsisting of the state , than those she receives from the state are for hers . if therefore the majestrate will lay claim to a right in spirituals , it must be on some other account than bare conversion . that , he must rather lose , than gain by , as i have already shewn , because in his conversion he comes to the bishop's terms , not the bishop to his . our adversaries therefore have another pretence for his superiority in purely spirituals . that is , the benefit that the church enjoys by the magistrate's favour and protection , the honours and profits annex'd to the sacred offices , and the security she has thereby against adversaries , and the assistance of the secular arm for reducing rebellious subjects by secular coercions . for these things they think her obliged in gratitude , to remit some of her former rights , by way of compensation for them . and this obligation in gratitude they conceive sufficient to engage her to an implicite and intrepretative contract to continue this remitting of rights on her part if she will , in reason , expect that the magistrate shall continue his favours . but , i confess , i cannot see , proceeding on principles that must be granted by all who believe religion , but that the disadvantage will still lye on the side of the magistrate . for by this way of reasoning , the implicite contract for remitting rights , will lye on that side which is most obliged ; and that side will appear most obliged , which receives more benefit by the commerce than it gives . for this consideration of remitting right , on account of gratitude , comes only in by way of compensation for what is wanting on its own side , to make the benefit it confers equal to that which it receives . but i cannot imagine how the magistrate can pretend his favours equal to those which he receives by religion , especially the true religion . so far he is from exceeding them , so as to expect any compensation for arrears due to him on ballancing his accounts . it is by religion , and by those obligations which nothing but religion can make sacred and inviolable , that he holds his very throne it self . if he hold his throne by compact , nothing but religion can hold the subjects to the contract made by them . if by any other right , nothing but that can oblige them to pay him that which by any sort of right soever is his due . where he has no force to exact duty from them , nothing can restrain them but ties of conscience , and nothing alse can lay a restraint on their conscience but religion . where he has a power of force , yet even that is not near so formidable at the irresistible power of heaven , and the fear of future and eternal punishments . no considerations but those , can curb them from secret practices , which oftentimes subvert the greatest humane force by degrees insensible , and therefore unaviodable . nor is any religion so conget on these accounts , as that which is truest and most acceptable to god. god may be obliged , by the general laws of providence , for the general good of mankind , to inflict imprecations made for securing faith , even in false religions . but he is most present at the offices of his owe establishment , and therefore they have the greatest reason to fear them who imprecate in that form which is most suitable to the ture religion , no religion so formidable at that which threatens future and eternal pains in case of violation . no religion can so well assure us of the future and eternal state , as revealed religion . no revelation so well evidenced by credentials attesting it in ages of writings and accurate information , as our christian religion . no one communion even of christians , so just and equal against invasions on either side , either of the church , or the magistrate , as that of the primitive christians ; and of these churches which lately came the nearest to those primitive , in these late flourishing dominions . thus it is every way certain , that the church does more contribute to the security of the state , than that secular protection , which is all the state can contribute , does to the security of the church . the church can subsist by her own principles , if she will be true to them , without the support of external power . the state cannot subsist without force , nor secure her possession of a coercive power , without the support of religion . thus , even in point of necessity , the church is more necessary to the state , than the state is to the church . § lx. the benefits received by the state from the church , are also greater than those which the church receives from the state. nor only so . but the obligations on the church's side are greater , and more beneficial to the seculars , than those of the seculars can be to the ecclesiasticks . and this is withal a great consideration in judging concerning the measures of gratitude , and the extent of what is to be done , in order to a compensation . the greatness of the benefit on one side , is the principal thing that requires additional offices on the other side , to make an equality on both sides , which is that which we call a compensation . indeed the necessity of it is no otherwise a consideration in this matter , than as the need we have of a thing adds to the price expected for it in ordinary commerce . but the benefits of religion are without compare beyond all that can be pretended from the power of the state. consider we the supream magistrate in his own person ; and all that he enjoys as a prince , is not to be mentioned with what he may expect as a member of the true cammunion , and a professor of the true religion . our saviour himself has told us , that his gaining the whole world , is no purchase nor profit , if he lose his own soul for it , and that nothing can make amends for such a loss . the magistrate who believes his christian religion true , cannot avoid believing this . and how can he that does so , think the church in his arrear for his favour and protection ? this is , and in reason ought to be , of more censequence to him than his crown and scepter , which are a very small part of the purchase mentioned by our lord , nay , than the flourishing of the whole community for which he is concern'd . but we may consider him further as a publick person , inspired with a publick spirit , and with all that zeal for the good of his community , which becomes his noble publick station . consider him as devested from all private , though greater interests , in his acts relating to the publick ; yet even so he must believe the whole society , for which he is concerned , more obliged by being admitted into the true church , than that any thing that he can do by the power and interest of his whole society , can ever recompence it . so far he is from any hopes of supererogating and obliging the ecclesiasticks more than they deserve , though all the favour done , were no more than their admitting his whole society , into the true communion . the saving of one soul is , in our saviour's now mentioned doctrine , a greater benefit than what can be performed by the greatest worldly power . but the receiving his whole community into their priviledged society , is a publick benefit to the whole community , and a benefit of the highest kind , far exceeding that of which a single-soul is capable , which yet is too great for him to hope to recompence . as therefore he is obliged upon account of his socitey , to be grateful for kindnesses received from the church , so he never can hope by all the publick power of the society of which he is possessed , to make even with the ecclesiasticks . when he has done all he can , his good will must by the ecclesiasticks be accepted for his deed . how can he then oblige them to any further accounts on their part ; that are to be made up by cession of their just rights ? even as to temporals , the whole body of the state , and the prince as concerned for the body , are more obliged to the true religion , and the society in which alone it is to be had , than they are ever able to requite . not now to mention the temporal blessings to which they are hereby intitled , godliness having the promises of this life , as well as of that which is to come ; all that justice in conversation , all that sweetness and obligingness which their duty to god obliges religious persons to shew to all with whom they converse ; all that sincerity and open heartedness which makes mankind love , and trust , and please each other , are the most genuine fruits of the true religion , where it is heartily believed and practised . it can therefore be nothing but inconsideratness , and disbelief , and forgetfulness of the true value of things upon sober consideration , that can tempt the magistrate to think that the church is so over-obliged to him for his protection , as to need a compensation . § lxi . if the state had been capable of conferring the greater obligations , yet a good pious magistrate could not , in reason , desire su●h a recompence as should oblige the church to yield any of her ancient rights . it rather on the contrary appears , that the greatest obligations are on the church's side , and that therefore what compensation by cession of ancient rights , was necessary on account of gratitude , was rather to be expected from the magistrate . the best and most pious magistrates have always thought so , who were certainly the most competent judges of matters of religion . yet supposing it possible , that the state could supererogate ▪ a pious magistrate would never desire nor accept of such a recompence , as should oblige the clergy to yield their ancient and original rights , conferred on them by god himself at their first establishment . he would presume that power was necessary for the good of the spiritual society , which god was pleas'd to put them in possession of , antecedently to the favours of secular princes , and could not find in his heart to deprive the spiritual society of any power which god himself had judged necessary for it . he might the rather presume it concernin a society instituted under a persecution , and designed to continue the same under all the revolutions , not only of his own , but all other states in the world. he would consider himself also as a trustee of the power committed to him by god , and therefore under an obligation to manage the trust in that way that he could judge most agreeable to the mind of him who had committed the trust to him . he would therefore think himself obliged to value all things according to the value that god has put upon them ; principally to regard that which was principal in the design of god , and to make all other considerations subservient to it , which god intended should be so . this would oblige him to make all designs for the temporal prosperity of his subjects , ultimately useful for the publick good of their souls . this would oblige him further , to mind that in the first place , and principally those expedients which more immediately tend to the promoting it , and all other temporal politicks no otherwise , nor further , than as they also may promote it , or at least be consistent with it . and in this way of reasoning , i know not how he could avoid preferring the spiritual , before his own authority , and therefore managing his own authority in subserviency to it , for the promoting and supporting it , not for diminishing it . this i am sure every truly christian magistrate , must look on as more solid and judicious reasoning , from the principles of the christian religion , and securer therefore for his last accounts to god , and his soul 's eternal interest , than to suffer himself to be influenced in matters of so momentous a nature , by atheistical fooleries and flirts of being priest-ridden . this therefore being supposed , how conscious soever such a magistrate might be of his own good will to the church , yet he would not be willing to accept of any branch of that power which god had judged necessary for her , that himself might have the managing it for her interest . he would not think it for the glory of his time , upon any pretence whatsoever , to leave that holy society more destitute of power than he found her . he must needs think , that god's own settlement of it was the wisest , that they were fittest for administring the power , who , by the nature of their function were best qualified to understand the causes in which it was conversant , and who were most concerned for the good of the society , for whose use god had given it ; and who by obligations of conscience , and by being destitute of external force , were the least likely to design , and least able to carry on encroachments to the injury of lriva powers . he would not be willing that a successor should be trusted with an administration of such a power , which , if ill administred , might prove of so dangerous consequence to the church's walfare , and for whose good meaning he has not that security as he has for his own . he would not easily trust , even his own partiality , of his own mutability , with it . these would be the natural reasonings of a generous and well minded prince : and methinks they should be so of pious and generous parliaments also . here has been very much zeal pretended for securing our church against a popish successor : this should make those who call themselves protestant parliaments , unwilling to challenge that as a right of parliaments in general , which may put it in the power of a popish parliament , and indeed of any other that may be of another communion , to dissolve our church , as this power of lay deprivations will certainly do , if they may be allowed as sufficient to discharge us from our spiritual duties to our so deprived bishops . § lxii , princes have been allowed by the church a right to keep persons out , not yet canonically possessed ; but not to turn any out , who were already in possession of bishopricks . and that without any proper cession of right on the church's part . thus it has appear'd , that a well meaning magistrate to the interest of the church , and religion , has neither obligation nor equity to expect such a cession of spiritual rights on the churches part , as a compensation for his protection , nor would himself be inclinable to think he had any . what ill meaning ones may expect , is not worthy our regard . such are too partially concerned , to be taken for competent judges in affairs of this nature : they neither deserve such a cession , nor indeed are fit to be trusted with it . however we deny not , but that the magistrate has a right in the disposal of those favours which are requisite for the churches interest in order to a legal settlement and protection . and he has withal thereupon a right to expect a security to be given him for his own temporal power , against invasions from the ecclesiasticks , in consideration even of that act of justice , of securing them also from the like invasions from the temporal power , by his employing it in their defence , though he be otherwise obliged in conscience to protect that which himself believes to be the true religion and the true communion . but then this is no proper cession of spiritual rights . for even antecedently to the amicable correspondence between the church and state , the church was as much obliged in conscience to forbear encroachments on the temporal rights , as the magistrate was on the spiritual . only the difference was , that before the correspondence , the church her self took upon her to judge concerning the trustiness of the persons put in office by her , having then no access to the civil magistrate ; but afterwards she suffered him to judge himself of his own security . that was by not having bishops imposed upon him to enjoy his temporals annexed to their office , without his own approbation which was no more than what was generally reasonable on equal terms . this sometimes allowed him a power at first of stopping any person proposed if he did not like him , sometimes of pitching on the person by the right of a lay patron . so also he was allowed to judge concerning canons , whether they might prove prejudical to the temporal government , before he seconded them with his temporal government , and by secular coercions , which was also very just and equal , without any cession on the churches side . for this was only allowing him to judge where his own power and right was concerned . but then this right was only to keep out a person who was not yet possessed of the power he pretended to , by even the spiritual right of consecration , and therefore no act of authority upon a bishop properly so called , but only on a candidate for the office. but there was never any act of the ancient church so much as pretended , that i know of , that ever allowed princes to turn bishops out of their spiritual rights , without synods , when they were once canonically possessed of them . no emperors of the same communion that acted sedately , and like persons who regarded principles , who ever attempted it , without at least packing or pretending synods for the deprivation of bishops . the canons omitted by the doctor are sufficient , if there were no more , to shew that this was , at least , the sense of the church , and jurisdiction of the constantinopolitan patriarchate . and even this power that was allowed , was allowed on obligation of interest , not of conscience . none could pretend to the temporals annexed to the episcopal office without the princes consent . and whilst the correspondence between the church and the prince held , there was no need of separating the spiritual rights form the temporal . but the church was at perfect liberty in conscience , if she was willing to want the temporals , to give the spiritual power alone , and much more to continue it , where it was already given , if she judged the prince's impositions more prejudicial to her spiritual society , than his favour was advantageous ; and when that case fell , she was to judge . thus much therefore may be allowed the magistrate on account of his own right , without any thoughts of cession of the church's rights , and without any acknowledgment of obligation from the magistrate that should make a cession necessary , or so much as reasonable . and the acknowledging a liberty in the magistrate to keep out , does not in any equity of interpretation infer a right to turn out bishops , and absolve their subjects from their duties to them in spirituals , and with regard to conscience , this being greater than the right that is confessed . thus therefore there is not the least ground for an implicite compact on the church's side , for cession of her rights and liberties . for this cannot be proved , but from the nature of a greater obligation , than can be othewise made amends for , without a cession , or a grant of things greater than that of deprivation : neither of which can be here so much as pretended , and therefore the church cannot in reason be pretended to have done it by a tacite consent , or an implicite compact . and for an explicite compact , that may seem to have agreed to it , i do not think our adversaries can pretend any , before that reign of violence , against sacred rights , especially , of henry viii . a prince unbounded by any sense of right whatsoever whether sacred or secular . § lxiii . the power of turning out bishops once possessed , too great to be granted on any consideration whatsoever . indeed the nature of this is such as cannot be granted by any society that is absolute , on any consideration whatsoever . no obligations that can be lay'd on a society can be valued by it more than its own subsistence . it must be , to be capable , of receiving obligations , and it must have a security of its continuance , in order to its having a security , that the obligations shall be continued also . it s subsistence therefore is antecedent to all possible obligations , and therefore the securing that , is of more importance to it than any possible obligations . no present obligations , can be a sufficient recompence for them , to put it in the power of another , to dissolve and destroy them as a society . especially such obligations , which concern them principally , as they are a society . they are therefore only obligations perpetual , that can pretend to be an equivalent for a society , ( that may promise to it self perpetuity , if governed by it self ) to put it self in the power of another society , of interests seperable from its own . but that such obligations to their society , shall be perpetual , they can have no security , unless they be first secured , that the society it self shall be so . and for this , it is a very justly suspicious circumstance , if the magistrate , who pretends to confer the obligations , refuses to do it , but on condition that the bishops will submit to hold during his pleasure . he who designs to weaken the security they have already , is justly to be suspected of a design on the security it self . and the church must needs look on it as a diminution of the security , for her subsistence , if from subsisting as long as her self pleases , ( so she may do , whilst she has her own government in her own hands ) she must be reduced to depend on the pleasure of another , of affections variable from her interests . she has therefore reason to break off all treaty with a magistrate , who should openly treat with her on such terms , as the sheep were obliged to do ( in the apologue of demosthenes ) when the wolves are said to have made specious proffers of peace , and future kindnesses , on a like condition that the dogs ( which were the only real security the sheep had to oblige the wolves to performance ) should be delivered up to be destroyed by them . so semiramis when no doubt with great professions of good will , she had prevailed with ninus to allow her the liberty of commanding his dominions for one only day , secured it to her self for ever , by destroying him before the time appointed for her resignation . for to allow this power to the prince of depriving the supreme governours of the church , i know not how it can be contrived without danger of ruine to the whole society , or at least , without lessening the security it has , whilst it is confined to the ecclesiasticks . to allow him a power of derpiving alone , without a power of filling their sees by substituting successors , will not indeed involve us in schisms by communicating with those who administer their jurisdiction for them by authority derived from themselves , tho' the bishops themselves cannot interpose in the administration of it . but it will at least disable the incumbent ordinary , to perform any episcopal office for his life , if the the magistrate be pleased so long to disable him for it . and by the same reason as this is granted concerning any one , it may hold concerning the whole episcopal college in the dominions , if he be pleased , with a design of ruining the spiritual society , to deprive them all for the same term , of their several lives . for this must evidently hazard the whole succession , and dissolve the constitution of the church , and in the next age , at least , in the opinion of the greatest part of christendom , if none of the bishops in being , be permitted to secure the succession by new consecrations . for this is a power greater , than what is supposed to be in those who exercise their jurisdiction in their absence . the presbyteries , may perform what is requisite for their own time . but the power of ordination , is not given them , without which a succesion cannot be secured to posterity . to provide against this intolerable consequence , the church is obliged to take care that the supplying the sees with new bishops , be not deferred so long till the whole episcopal order be extinguished . either therefore the magistrates deprivation must discharge the subjects from their obligations in conscience to the first bishops , or it must not . if it do not discharge them , the second bishop who is consecrated into a full see , where duty is still obliging , must be a schismatick , and break the spiritual society in pieces by intestine divisions among themselves . if he may discharge them , then his depriving all the bishops , must be taken for a discharge of the subjects of all the diocesses in his dominions , from their duty to all their bishops , which must consequently disable them to do any episcopal act in any of them all , for preservation of the church , or of their own order , if the obligation of such deprivations , may be supposed to extend to conscience . thus the church must necessarily be dissolved and destroyed whenever the magistrate with the consent , and assistance of the greater society , shall be pleased to dissolve it . this is inevitable wherever two absolute independent societies by compacts do unite in one , under the government of one of them as absolutely supreme . our adversaries themselves will grant it in the other case of encroachment of the ecclesiasticks , on the rights of the secular magistates . when the pope was allowed a power of depriving princes of their crown , and absolving their subjects from their duties , and oaths taken to them , it was impossible for secular governments to defend themselves against the pope , tho' then the removal only of the person was the thing pretended . in this case , our adversaries themselves are sensible that the whole society is concerned in him , who has the power of the whole society , and the whole right of governing is concerned when a possessor is put out , who has as much right by the establishment as any other can have who shall pretend to succeed him . and why can they not see the inevitableness of the same consequences , in the contrary encroachments of the state upon the church , maintained by themselves . this therefore is a power too great to be recompenced by any possible obligations the state can put upon the church , and therefore such as ought not to be alienated upon any possible pretence of obligation . § lxiv . in this case , particularly , no temporal favour whatsoever can make amends for the loss of the benefits of the spiritual so ciety . there can therefore be no implicite contracts for such an exchange that can in equity oblige the ecclesiastical governours to performance , tho' it had been in their power to make such a contract . particularly , this reasoning holds in our present case , more strongly than it would in others . it may indeed be possible , by being members of another society , that all the particulars of which a society does consist , may enjoy greater advantages by being dissolved into another society , than by being a society by themselves , and at their own disposal . and a case may therefore fall out , wherein a less beneficial society , may not only put their liberties in the power of another more beneficial society , to be by it disiolved at pleasure , but may also actually surrender their very liberties themselves , in consideration of greater benefits , to all the particulars of the less beneficial society , not only than those which they possess on account of their incorporation , but also than that liberty also which they enjoy on account of their independency , which is it self also a very valuable benefit , and adds considerably to the other advantages of their present society , in the common esteem of mankind . but for this , two things are requisite to make the case practicable , neither of which are applicable to the subject of our present discourse first , the benefits of the new society , must indeed be more valuable than those of the old one , together with their liberty considered into the bargain . dly . they who are possessed of the rights of the old society , must be possessed of them on their own accounts , not as trustees of any other , that so they may have no further obligation to preserve them , than their own present interests in them , and may therefore be at liberty to accept of considerations of graeter present interest . if either of these considerations fail , they cannot think themselves obliged in equity to stand to such a contract , especially where no more is pretended than an implicite one , not expressed in words , but gathered only from considerations of equity . and here neither of them can be so much as pretended . first it cannot be pretended that any secular favours or immunities whatsoever can make amends for the benefits of their present spiritual society . this has been proved already . i shall therefore here take it for granted . indeed it is in our present case so very manifest , that i need no great favour of our adversaries themselves to give me leave to do so . supposing it therefore granted , all the rules of equitable reasoning in the sense of those ages wherein the state first became christian , will relieve the church against any such pretentions , as are here insisted on , of an implicite contract for surrendring her independency . societies had in the roman civil law ( which is the best standard for judging what was thought equitable in those times ) the same favour as minors , from being obliged by over-reaching contracts . and indeed there was reason for it , when their interests were transacted by others who as seldom consulted the sense of the communities , as guardians did their pupils , and who were liable to as just suspicions of corrupt insidious dealings , and private interests , as guardians were . this therefore would allow the church a restitution in integrum , a perfect rescission of such a contract , made in her name by her representatives , where the disadvantage was in it so manifest , as the alienating spiritual rights in exchange for temporal ; and the contract had yet proceeded no further than to be implicite only and interpretative . indeed here the very representatives themselves might expect to be relieved in equity . for , receiving a valuable consideration , is that which is expresly mention'd , even in our modern contracts , even where that valuable consideration it self is not mentioned , purposely to prevent their revecableness , if it had not been mentioned . it is therefore supposed that when the consideration is not valuable in comparison with the right contracted for , it is but reasonable in equity , that such a contract be rescinded . especially , where the contract is not expressed in words , there is no reason in equity to presume that any such alienation was intended . all that can be pretended in this case , is , that the prince's favour , and protection , is accepted of by the representatives of the church . but how does it appear , without an explicite contract , that it is accepted of with a design of entring into a contract ? how does it appear , that it is accepted of as a consideration ? how does it appear , that any right , on their own side , is intended to be parted with in consideration of it ? how does it appear , but that it is thought already sufficiently required in the favour already conferred on the prince and his subjects , in admitting them into a society so much more beneficial than their own ? if any cession of rights , had been thought of , why must it needs be of a right , so essential to its subsistence and continuance , as that is of the independence of the supream govornours of their own society ? how can it appear , that in accepting of the prince's favours , such a contract as this was ever thought of ? nay the very unequalness of it would be in equity a strong presumption , that it was not though of , nor intended , nor ever would have been consented to , if it had been expresly insisted on . it is certain many kindnesses are accepted of , without any thoughts of a contract , it is strongly presumable such an alienation as this , would never have been consented to , if it had been thought of . here is no proof of a contract , but bare acceptance . on these considerations , there can be no reason or equity to oblige the ecclesiasticks to stand to so partial an interpretation of a contract imposed on them by their adversaries . indeed there can be no such contract at all , as an implicite one , which can be no otherwise proved , but by reasonable equitable interpretation . § lxv . but here it is not in the power of the ecclesiastical governours to make such a contract . thus much might have been pleaded for discharging the church officers from these obligations , though they had indeed a power to oblige themselves thus far , and had no more to do in this matter , than to consider whether there were prospects of present interest sufficient to induce them to it . but that is not the case here . all they can do , on any consideration whatsoever , by any however explicite compact is not sufficient to alienate that power , by which the church must again subsist , whenever the magistrate deserts her . for this power is not her own , but a trust commited to her by god , and a trust committed to her , with a design the power should be perpetuated . whatsoever therefore she does , she cannot oblige god by an act of alienation of it . so a servant that should alienate his lord's rights without his leave , cannot hinder his lord from challenging them again , nor any other servant who is impower'd by his lord to demand them . this is allowed among our hired servants , and much more with the roman slaves , to whom the scriptures allude in this matter . ( the apostles themselves call their office a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 words in the language of that time importing slavery . ) such were usually then intrusted with stewardships . and the lower degree of slavery , that of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 st. paul looks on as a higher dignity of his apostolical office. and he calls his power a trust , and a dispensation , and looks on himself as under an obligation of fidelity , to discharge it according to the mind of him who had committed the trust to him . this was undoubtedly to signify the nature of his power by the roman civil laws received at that time , which allowed servants to acquire actions to their masters , but not alienate them without their express command . the apostles themselves therefore were not at liberty to alienate this trust committed to them upon any considerations whatsoever of their own private convenience ; nor much less can they do it , who now succeed them in a power , indeed derived from them ; but in many particulars more limited than theirs was . besides this power is intrusted with them not for themselves only , but for the interest also of souls in general . thence it appears that they cannot be allowed to dispose of it on considerations relating to their private interests . as it is a trust for others , the same notions will take place here which did with the roman tutors and curators , who where also officers in trust for managing an interest which was none of their own . nothing they did to the prejudice of the pupil could oblige him to performance . especially if they presumed to alienate any part of the inheritance entrusted with them on considerations of private interests of their own . such contracts were perfectly rescinded , and left no obligation on him to ratify them when he came to age , as other contracts might , which were beneficial to him . here therefore they could lay no obligation on god , to ratify their alienation of the power intrusted with them , to the civil magistrate . and yet without a right obliging god to ratify what was transacted by the ecclesiastical governours , all the conveyances they could pretend to make of their spiritual rights to the magistrate , must be perfectly insignificant for then god may still own him for a bishop who is deprived by the magistrate , and disown that person as an intruder , who is substituted into his office by the lay power . for it is god's act alone that can determine the question as to right , and with regard to conscience seeing therefore the ecclesiastical governours cannot confer a right upon the magistrate to have his acts ratified by god ; after all the compacts they can make , the right continues as it was before . they who had the right of making and depriving bishops , have the same right still , and may resume the exercise of it when they please , and are obliged to do so , as they will approve themselves faithful to their trust , when they shall judge the exigences of the church to require it . what then can their contract signify , be it never so express ? it on the contrary appears , that no consideration whatsoever of private interest , can be a reasonable inducement for ecclesiastical governours to enter into such contracts , not only because they cannot validly oblige themselves , or confer any valid right upon the magistrate in this matter , which he had not before ; but even in consideration of their own interest . suppose the favours of the magistrate were indeed sufficient to countervail the personal benefits they enjoyed , purely on account of their being the heads of a distinct independent body ; yet it cannot be denyed but that the punishment they have reason to fear from god on account of their falshood to their trust , is without comparison greater than what can be recompenced by the civil magistrate . § lxvi . it is not agreeable to the mind of god , that the church should so concorporate with the state , as that the bishops should be deprivable at the pleasure of the civil magistrate . indeed the nature of the spiritual society as constituted by god is such , as that it cannot be thought agreeable to the mind of god , that it should so concorporate with the state , as wholly to depend on the authority of the civil magistrate , so as that its supream governours , the bishops , should be subject to him in spirituals also . it is not agreeable to his mind that the more noble society should be subjected to that which is less noble ; that the interests of souls which are more valuable in his esteem than all the kingdoms of the world , should depend on the pleasures of particular princes , and the interests of their particular little districts . it is not agreeable , that he should trust a government of principal importance , in the hands of those who are not likely to regard it , as their principal employment , who make the world their principal study , and take their understanding that , and its concers throughly to be the principal accomplishment they are capable of , for the discharging of that which they take to be their principal office , and who either take no pains at all to understand the concerns of religion , or do it no otherwise than as it is consistent with their other employments , which are not indeed of that importance as matters of religion are . it is much more likely that he intended that it should continue , as himself had settled it at its first establishment , in the hands of those whose principal care it should be to mind it as it deserves , that is , principally , and other things , no otherwise than as they may prove subservient to it . it is no way likely that he would have religion left to their disposal , who by their office think themselves obliged to be swayed principally by their worldly interests , than which there is hardly any thing more contradictory to the great ends of religion ; to make reformation of manners necessary to be begun by courts , which are usually the originals of the corruptions of that kind , and the great hindrances to well meant designs of reformation . an obvious consequence of such a trust would be , that religion , which princes do not take for their principal work , must be made subservient to their worldly politicks , which princes generally take for their principal employment . and who can think that god would ever intend that a religion at first established in a state of independency on the secular power , should afterwards be brought to a state precarious , and depending on the pleasure of the secular magistrate ? gods establishing it otherwife at first shewed plainly that it was better for the church to be independent on the state , whensoever there should be any difference between it and the secular magistrate . this withal we are certain of , that god is not changeable as man is ; but that whilst the same reason holds , or when the same case returns , his mind will be the same as it was before . when ever therefore the magistrate who has once favoured the church , shall again desert it , and withdraw his protection from it ; we must then conclude that the church is in the same condition she was in before the magistrate received her into his protection ; and therefore that it is gods pleasure also that she should subsist then , as she had done before , on her own government . on her own government , i say , as well qualified now , as formerly , for continuance , and perpetuity , by its independence on the pleasure of the magistrate . this is indeed the only way of knowing gods pleasure concerning a case , where no now revelation is so much as pretended , as none is here , even by our adversaries . this therefore being certain , that , in case of a new breach , gods pleasure is that the church should again be independent ; it will be also certain , that in the interval ; whilst the good correspondence holds between the two societies , god cannot allow such an alienation of power as shall disable her , in case of a now breach , to persist on her old terms . this will requite that the old society be preserved with the old government of bishops during the interval . for the church is not such a society as other humane ones , that can be set up at pleasure by the agreement of the particular members of which it consists , whenever they are free from other antecedent inconsistent obligations . this is a society erected by god , and requires governours authorized by him more than other civil societies do , for obliging him to confer spiritual blessings exceeding the power of the members considered in themselve . god has given them no reason to expect , when the breach shall fall , that he will extraordinarily empower men immediatly as he did the apostles . the only way therefore for securing the continuance of the church , is to keep up a body of governours . authorized by the apostles in that succession , which has been derived from them to our present times , which cannot be , unless the succession it self be continued on , in all the interval of good correspondence . this therefore requires that they do not suffer themselves so to be incorporated into the state , as to have no governours of their own acting by a highery authority than what can be derived from the prince . this consideration alone is sufficient to disprove our adversaries fancy concerning the coalition of the two bodies , under the king as the common head of both of them , when , in the mean time , the church is obliged to continue in her bishops a power not derivable by any patents from the king . this power therefore not derived from him , must be perfectly independent on him . and indeed no power but what is so , can justify , and make practicable , a resumption of ancient rights . for what ever depends on the magistrate , may , and will in course , be taken from the bishop when the correspondence is interrupted . if therefore , when it is taken away the bishop has then no right to govern , he cannot expect god will ratify any exercise of a power to which he can pretend no right . but without god's ratifying what is done by the authority , and good reason to presume that god is obliged to ractify it , such a government can signify nothing for keeping the society in a body , that has nothing to recommend it , but consideratinos relating to god and conscience . the alienation therefore of this power so necessary for securing the society , being so plainly against the mind of god in giving the power , no act of alienation of it , can expect a ratification from god , and therefore it must be originally null and invalid . § lxvii . the magistrate is by no means , a competent iudge of the church's interests . besides , there are other things so peculiar to the design of god , in instituting the spiritual society , that make it by no means probable , that it was his pleasure , that it should coalesce into one society with the state under one common supream government , both for spiritisals and temporals . it is inconsistent with the office of the supream magistrate , to endure that his subjects should live under a state of perpetual violence from another power , without using his utmost endeavours to resit it . the church may , and often must , submit to a persucution , when it is not otherwise in her power to avoid it but by resistance . she may with great generosity choose a persecution , when she judges it to be for the interests of religion , and it is her glory to overcome evil with good , and to subdue her enemies rather with patience and constancy , than arms and open violence . she can still subsist and gain by such a state , whereas the civil state is perfectly dissolved when once that violence becomes irresistable . the magistrate is , by the law of nations , allowed to return violence for violence , and to do many things when provoked by his enemy , which the church can never decently do on any provocation whatsoever . it is for the interest of the magistrate ( if he look on religion as his interest ) that the church should be free in her actings for reformation of manners , which she cannot be , if the bishops must , at his pleasure , be turned out of their office , for no other reason , but their being faithful to it . the church withal was designed by god for a society that should correspond all the world over , as they did anciently by their communicatory letters , as to spirituals . for her censures can significe nothing for reclaiming hereticks or ill livers , if they extend no further than her own jurisdiction ; if they exclude not from catholick , as well as diocesan communion . she ought therefore to enquire into new opinions , as they may occasion difference of communion , that she may neither recommend heriticks to the communion with foreign churches , nor receive them to her own communion , if recommended by them . this cannot be done by single bishops , because in these things , at least , they are to proceed by a common rule , and unanimously , not as in other things , only by a majority of suffrages , because no differences of faith can be born with in the same communion , as differences of opinion may be , in other things of lesser importance . this will require frequent synods , such as they had farmerly before the state was christian , twice a year in course , besides what greater synods , might be thought necessary on extraordinary emergent cases but these cannot be had , if they must depend on the pleasure of the local magistrates . general synods cannot be had on these terms , without a general peace , and freedom from jealousies , in all the worldly state , or till all the dioceses in the world should come under the power of one secular magistracy . nor were there any synods of that kind before the conversion of the empire of the christian religion . however , the church was even then possessed of a right of meeting in provincial synods for her own affairs , without asking the magistrates leave , pursuant to the general right given her by god for propagating her religion . and even those provincial synods had such a correspondence as was absolutely requisite for settling unanimity and a good under standing between them . but since they have depended on the pleasure of local magistrates , not only this correspondence , but also the subordinate provincial and national synods have been discontinued . nor can this catholick correspondence which is notwithstanding so necessary for all ( even diocesane ) discipline , be retrieved , without the consent of so many local magistrates , as have churches in their dominions , if the churches must be concluded by these pretended contracts . but certainly christ could never intend , that a thing so universally necessary for that discipline which is to be continued in all ages of the church , should depend on a consent of so many different minds and interests as are veryrarely to be expected in any age. i see not therefore why it should be expected that christ should ratify such compacts against his own designs . § lxviii . the surrendry of the clergy in henry the viiith ' s time , cannot oblige their posterits now . thus it appears , that no contract has been made generally , and that none can be made validly , for alienating the church's right , of which she was possessed before the conversion of princes . thence may be judged how little obliging those act of the clergy in the sacrilegious reign of henry the viiith were , for obliging themselves and their posterity , never to meet for affairs concerning their spiritual function without the prince's leave . had that right been a property of their own conferred on them by a humane conveyance for the private benefit of their function , they might indeed have pretended a right to oblige posterity by those acts of resignation . but considering it as a right not conferred , but entrusted by god himself for greater ends than their own private interests ; thy can pretend no right to hinder posterity from resuming the priviledges then surrendred , whenever they shall judge them necessary for those great ends for which their function was entrusted with them . especially what the magistrate either has , or can do , in consideration of that surrendry , falling infinitely short of being an equivalent . besides it is manifest , that the surrendry then made , was perfectly forced on them , as well as the fine was laid upon the whole body of the clergy ' on account of the praemunire they had incurred for owning cardinal wolsey's legatine power . it has therefore , on that account also , that consideration of the force by which it was extorted , for discharging posterity , from its obligation , which , added to the considerations now mentioned , will free it every way from the obligation of the contract . all that can be said for it , must be grounded on some antecedent right that the prince might pretend before his force ; and therefore it must not wholly be resolved into this extorted surrendry . for if the prince had no right before his force , he could have none afterwards , on account of conscience , whatever he might pretend by human secular laws . for his force without any antecedent right , had been no other but downright injustice , which could not entitle him , nor his successors , to any right in conscience . especially where the right it self is of that nature , as it is here , that it belongs to a higher than human secular judicatory . it therefore concerns our advesaries to consider what they can pretend for that right antecedent to that force . and i think what has already been proved , sufficient to cut them off from all pretensions of right by the constitutions of the gospel . for i have shewed , that the church was possessed of a right to govern her self independently in visible districts and jurisdictions before any conversions of princes . i have shewn withal , that no contract either was made , or could be made , that could dispossess her of that right , with regard to conscience . if therefore they will pretend to any such right antecedent to the forcible surrendry , it must be on some other topick than that of the constitution of the gospel . the tell us therefore , that the jewish kings in the old testament , ordered many things relating to religion . thence they infer , that our princes have the same power now . but , granting the fact true , that the jewish princes were invested with that power , it will however by no means follow , that our christian princes must be so now , if what i have already proved , hold true . for having directly proved , that the constitution of the gospel is otherwise ; the question then will be , whether precedents are to take place . and that in this case , cannot be difficult , according to the ordinary rules of judging concerning the practice of inconsistent laws . these rules are , that laws of greater importance take place of laws of lesser importance ; that later laws of even the same legislative power take place of elder laws , as being so far virtually repeals of them as their practice proves inconsistent : that laws more suited to present circumstances take place of those which were made on a remoter prospect of our present circumstances . and by all these rules there can be no doubt but that now all such legal precedents are to be overruled by the peculiar constitutions of the gospel . this , i am sure , is generally admitted in other reasonings of this kind . and there is nothing peculiar pleaded in this case , why jewish precedents should rather overrule here than in other instances . much less is there any reason , why they should take place at a distance , upon the first conversions of princes , when it is so manifest that they did not do so at the first settlement of the christian churches . however , as to this particular of deprivation , i have already given my reasons against the magistrates right , even in the times of the jews , and have answer'd already what has been pretended to the contrary , from the case of abiathar , and those other later deprivations by the heathen magistrates . and this is at present our principal dispute . § lxix . no reasoning from the rights of the jewish princes to the rights of christian princes now . indeed in this whole matter concerning reasoning from the jewish to the evangelical priesthood , i have taken care to argue barely from what was common to them both , the nature of priesthood in general , and in those very instances wherein even the apostolical christians admit the argument . our adversaries on the contrary when they reason from the princes power then , to the power of christian princes now ; they do not argue , as i have done from the priesthood simply considered , but from the power annexed to the priesthood , yet seperable from it , according to the design of god in the particular constitution . the power of governing the society , whose holy rights are administred by it , is , i confess , very seperable from the right of priesthood in general , and whether it was actually annexed to it , or not , is therefore to be judged by the particular constitution . but particularly for the jewish state , i rather believe that it was not annexed to it . for the right of government as annexed to the priesthood , is founded on the right the priest has to oblige subjects by excluding refractory persons as such , from partaking in his sacrifices . but so much erastus has , i think well observed , that the only things that then hindred from the sacrifices , were only legal incapacities , such as not being of the holy seed , or being under some legal pollution ; not any whatsoever immoralities of life . and therefore the punishment for not standing to the award of the priests was capital , as being a disobedience to so much of the secular government , as it was theocratical ; not exclusion from the sacrifices of those who had been contemned by the delinguent nor indeed was there that necessity that the government ; even as to spirituals , should be annexed to the priesthood then , as there is under the gospel now . the prince was then always obliged to be a jew , and therefore of the religion establish'd for that nation by god himself . now his being of an other than the true religion , is no hindrance by our modern constitutions , from having a lawful right to the secular government . then the prince had a better pretence , as the head of the theocracy , to command in affairs concerning god ; than any prince living can now , when no state pretends to be theocratical . then all the concerns of the peculium were confined to that single nation which was wholly commanded by one prince . now the concerns of every national church , are mixed with those of all the other national churches in the world , with whom their prince has no concern at all . this very consideration makes the national church's interests seperable from the interests of their prince ; of which he can therefore be by no means presumed a competent judge . that priesthood was not intended to be practicable in a time of persecution and independence on the civil government . on the contrary , the want of all the exercises of their religion was the most dejecting consideration of their captivities , and one of the greatest inducements for good men to be earnest with god in prayer for a restoration . they were then to be without a * priesthood , without an † ephod , without a teraphim . and the ‡ temple of the lord was the principal thing bemoaned by them who pretended any zeal for their nation or religion . no doubt on account of their losing all the comfort of sacerdotal ministrations which could be performed in no other place besides that particular temple . then the loss of their daily * sacrifices was the highest calamity that the antichrist then expected could bring upon them . and the perfect uselesness of the priests afther the destruction of the temple made titus put the priests to the sword when the obstinacy of the jews had obliged him to destroy the temple . so clear it was , that that was not a religion capable of subsisting in a persecution , as to the exercises of it as a communion . but it is withal as clear that our church was instituted in a persecution with a power of depriving disobedient subjects of the benefits of communion , and with a power of exercising sacredotal offices in that very state of independecy on the civil magistrate . and indeed that state was principally provided for here at the first institution of the church , which was not so much as designed in the jewish church , besides , the clear and express revelation of spiritual and eternal benefits conveyed by our evangelical priest-hood is a thing peculier to the gospel . yet this alone is sufficient to put it beyond all pretensions , even of a theocratical magistracy , designed only for temporals . thus therefore it every way appears that more power is by god himself annexed to the evangelical , than to the legal priest-hood . this therefore is sufficient to overthrow our adversaries reasoning here , that our princes now may challenge all that power that the jewish princes could formerly . for they cannot challenge that which , though it was not then , has yet been since annexed to our evangelical priest-hood . § lxx . our present deprivations not justifiable by even our present secular laws . yet after all , we can even from the laws of of our countrys , and the supremacy settled by those very laws , except against the sentence of deprevation passed against our fathers , as to their spirituals . the supremacy in causes ecclesiastical is , by all the acts made concerning it , vested , not in the parliament , but in the king . and even as it is in the king , it was never intended for him , so as that it might be in his power to confound the several courts and jurisdictions to which causes are appropriated by the laws themselves . the acts for the supremacy , even in temporals , do not allow him to transfar any cause from the court appointed for it to his own hearing out of it , nor even to any other court , than that to which the cognizance of it does properly belong . this holds , as in other cases , so in this also , of the deprivations of spiritual persons . and it is own'd to hold by mr. hooker himself in that very book to which we are referred by our adversaries . he owns it with express application to the case of the king himself , the seat of the supremacy in spirituals . he tells us , that , all men are not for all things sufficient , and therefore publick affairs being divided , such persons must be authorized judges in each kind , as common reason may presume to be most fit . which cannot of kings and princes ordinarily be presumed in causes meerly ecclesiastical ; so that even common sense doth rather adjudg this burthen to other men. he owns that bishops alone were before accustomed to have the ordering of such [ ecclesiastical ] affairs . he confesses , that virtuous emperours . such as constantine the great was , made conscience to swerve unnecessarily from the custom which had been used in the church , even when it lived under infidels . i know not why others should not emulate the example of so great a prince , if they also would be esteem'd , in the judgment of so great a person , virtuous . i know not why it should not be counted commendable also in them , if they also had made conscience to swerve unnecessarily from these acknowledged antient ecclesiastical liberties . he owns , that this same excellent prince ratified the order , which had been before , exhorting the bishops to look to the church , and promising , that he would do the office of a bishops over the commonwealth ; and when he did take cognizance of causes of this kind , yet this great person doubts whether he did so , as purposing to give them judicially any sentence . here we find plain confessions , that the church was in possession of these liberties before the conversion of this first christian emperor , and that emperor himself was so sensible of this possession that he made a conscience of invading it . and who could better judge of his right as a christian prince , than he who was the first example of it ? mr. hooker does indeed think that constantine abstained from what he might lawfully do . but he seems plainly to grant that the emperor was of another mind , when he says he made a conscience of doing what mr. hooker thinks he might have done . that same judicious person adds further , with reference to our particular laws in england : there is no cause given unto any to make supplication , as hilary did , that civil governours , to whom common wealth matters only belong , may not presume to take upon them the judgment of ecclesiastical causes . if the cause be spiritual , secular courts do not meddle with it . we need not excuse our selves with ambrose , but boldly and lawfully we may refuse to answer before any civil judge in a matter which is not civil , so that we do not mistake either the nature of the cause , or of the court , as we easily may do both , without some better direction than can be by the rules of this new sound discipline . but of this most certain we are , that our laws do neither suffer a spiritual court to entertain in those causes which by the law are civil ; nor yet , if the matter be indeed spiritual , a meer civil court to give judgment of it . thus mr. hookeer . and he proves what he says in the margin from passages of the laws themselves , and the book de nat. brevium , and bracton , plainly asserting the difference of those two jurisdictions . i am sensible what a scope i have here of enquiring into the laws themselves , and proving this independently on the testimony of this admirable man. but perhaps i have already said more than can be printed in this difficulty of our circumstances . i therefore say no more at present , but refer our adversaries to him . the rather because he is indeed against me in making the church one body with the believing state , and because one of our adversaries has expresly insisted on his authority . both these reasons , as well as the distance of the age he lived in , are sufficient to clear him of any , the least , suspicion of partiality on our side . even in this very cause he defends the use of lay persons joyn'd in commission with spiritual ones for determining spiritual affairs . and possibly he may do so by examples ( if all examples must pass for precedents , ) since henry viiiths usurpations . but when king james the ii , added laymen in the same commission with the bishops concerned in the case of the bishop of london , with a power of deprivation or suspension ab officio , as well as a beneficio ; it is very well known that his lordship excepted against the competency of his lay judges , that as a bishop of the catholick church he ought to be tryed by bishops only . his lorpship would do well now to remember his own plea then , in order to the judging of his own case now , how he can justify his communicating with those who are set up against his colleagues deprived no otherwise than by a lay power . it is well known that his council then learned in our laws insisted on this plea as maintainable by our present laws made since the constitution of the ecclesiastical supremacy . and what good church of england man was there then that did not think the plea very just and reasonable ? let those lawyers be pleased to recollect what they had to say on that case , and try whether it will not also affect our present deprivations . it is very certain that the liberties of h. church are the very first things provided for in magna charta . and the coronation oath , so that if these things be not inviolable , nothing else can be so , being fundamental to all the security that can be given by our present constitution . and it is no way reasonable , that bare precedents , without express acts for alienating such rights as these are , should be thought sufficient for extinguishing a claim grounded on so inviolable a security . if they be so , henry the viiith made such precedents for violating magna charta , and the coronation oath too , that no liberties of the people can now be secure . and it is withal as certain , that in the disputes which occasioned the passing magna charta , this particular of the exemption of the clergy , was one point principally insisted on . nay , it was insisted on then to higher purposes than were reasonable , or than i am concerned for now , so far as to exempt them from secular courts , even when they were guilty of secular crimes , and even so it was most frequently determined in favour of the clergy . that was becket's dispute , which generally prevailed in the following ages , when he was canonized , and when henry the iid had submitted to pennance for what he had done in opposition to him . this case of their exemption as to their spirituals , which is all for which i am now concerned , was than so generally acknowledged , even by the laity themselves , that there was very little occasion of disputing it . rarely was it ever invaded , and more rarely yet ( if ever ) was that invasion defended by themselves who were guilty of it , till the unhappy times of henry the viiith . so uncontroverted was the right for which i plead , that i do not think our adversaries can give one single instance of substituting a successor into a see vacated by no better , than a lay deprivation . this privilege therefore against lay deprivations , was so undoubtedly the sense of magna charta , and the coronation oath , that on that account , as well as in point of right , all patriots ought to be zealous for it , as well as all good christians ; all who have a true concern for those two fundamental securities of property as well as of religion ; all who are so wise , as to foresee how far precedents of violating them in one instance , may proceed for violating them in others also . § lxxi , the conclusion . i hope the worthy defender of the present dividers of the church of england will , by this time , see that this proposition questioned by him . concerning the distinction of the church , even from a christian and orthodox state , is as firmly proved as any other particular of the vindicators whole hypothesis . i hope he will also find it conformable to those very same authorities he was pleased to porduce against it , that of mr. hooker , and even of our church of england , as settled by our ancient laws . though the compass i am obliged to confine my self to , will not allow me to follow either him or the doctor into other arguments , or into particular applications of this i have insisted on ; yet i have endeavoured to urge my argument so , as to obviate whatever they have said that might otherwise have seemed to weaken it . i now leave and recommend the success to him whose cause i have endeavour'd to plead , not as i would , but as i was able . a good cause alone is indeed a very great advantage above artifices of wit and subtilty , in pleading for an ill one . that is all that i pretended to . but it is god alone that must give the word to the preachers , and dociliey to the hearers . and it is his usual way to glorifie his own power , in the weakness and contemptibleness of well-meaning instruments . this title i have , and this alone , to his assistance and blessing on the management , that it will appear to be his own work , if the good cause it self do not suffer by my concernment in it . the same good god dispose our adversaries to follow the truth rather than their worldly interests ; to consider impartially what is said , how contradictory soever it may seem to their fleshly inclinations , to examine with their more sagatious judgments , rather what the cause it self would afford to be said for it , than what has been said by me . he alone can revive in them their old love of the truth of peace , of unity ; their former seriousness in these concerns of the greatest importance to them ; their former , or even the primitive zeal for the interests of the church and of religion in this unbelieving apostatizing generation . when he shall be pleased to do so , we may then hope to see endeavours for healing the breaches themselves have made ; we may then hope to see them ambitious of doing it on the most honourable terms that may be for the church's security against future invasions , and against the precedent of making spiritual interests give way to worldly politicks ; we may then hope to see them again as much concerned as we are , nay , as we ought to be , that our church and our communion may not depend on the precarious pleasure of a persecuting magistrate . how much more pleasing a sight must this be to all generous and christian tempers than our present divisions and scandals , and animosities ? when , o when , shall it once be ? finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * preface to the reader : the vindication of the civil power , in depriving a bishop for political crimes , i reserve for a particular treatise notes for div a -e * pref. to the reader . i grant at present , that all lay-deprivations are invalid . notes for div a -e † pre. to the reader . notes for div a -e thess. v. ●● . ●●● . xiii . ●● . notes for div a -e matth. xix . e● . mark . . notes for div a -e ch. . p. . . p. . notes for div a -e see unity of priesthood nec . to unity of comm. p. . &c. notes for div a -e psal. xv. . notes for div a -e p. ●● notes for div a -e p. see p. . p. . p. . notes for div a -e p. sulp. sever. sacr. hist. l. . orig in num. hom. x. pearson , vind . ign , part . c. notes for div a -e ● . . notes for div a -e p. . notes for div a -e p. ●● . p. ●● . notes for div a -e * preface to the reader : should our adversaries be able to produce such an example ( as i think they will never be able ) 't will advantage their cause but little , especially if it be one of the later ages , since it is not agreeable to the practice of the church in general . notes for div a -e * c. . §. p. . . c. . p. . notes for div a -e see above , § xxiii . notes for div a -e * kings ii. . † v. . notes for div a -e * sam. xiii . . † sam. vii . , . * kings xv. . chron. xxvii . . to . † numb . xvi . * numb . xvii . , , . † numb . xvi . . * numb . xvi . notes for div a -e * 〈…〉 xxiii . . notes for div a -e * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 philo de gigantib . p. . ed. paris . . † heb. iv. . vii . . ix . . . ‡ heb. viii . , , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joseph . macab . c , . [ see mat. v ii . . s luke xiii . , ] again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. . [ st. luke xx. . ] the bosome of abrahan is there mentioned in the translation of that work by erasmus p. edit . colon. whether from any greek he had i know not . but i think it is in the ms. of new-colledge . see also josephus ' s oration , l. iii. bell jud. c. p. . † wisdom ix . . notes for div a -e * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 philo de praem . sacerd. p. . edit , paris . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid p. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . philo de monarcia , p. . * deut. xxxiii . . † numb . xxiii . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . joseph . antiquit . lib. iv . cap. pag. . see also lib. iii. cap. . pag. . edit . colon. . notes for div a -e * judg xx. . . sam , xiv . , . † sam. xxiii . , ● , , . sam. v. , . chr. xiv . . . * josh. ix . . † deut. xvii . , , , . notes for div a -e * kings i. . † thucyd. lib. . * st matt. xxiii . , . † chr. xvi . . ps. cv . . ‖‡ chr. xvi . . ps. cv . . * sam. xxiv . . xxvi . , , . * sam. xxii . . . † v. . notes for div a -e * kings ii ● . * joseph anti. lib. viii . c. * sam. ii. . notes for div a -e * sam : xv. . . xvii . , xix . . xx. . kings iv. . chr. xv. . † sam. viii . . chr. xviii . * chap. ii. s. . p. . * st. mark. ii. . notes for div a -e * exod. xxviii . . chr. xxiii . . * exod. xxix . , &c. lev. viii . . &c. † exod. xxx . . xl . . . * exod. xxx . . † lev. ii . . vi . . vii . . xx iv . . chr. vi . . * numb . vi . . † heb. vii . ▪ * numb . iii. . iv. . . viii . . . . † exod. . xxviii . . . * exod. xx ▪ viii . . † chr. xxiv . . numb . iii. , , . notes for div a -e * numb . xxv . . * numb . xx. , . joseph . ant. lib. iv. c. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joseph . ant. lib. vii . c. . p. . * joseph . ant. lib. viii . c. . p. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * exod. xxix . notes for div a -e * chr. xxiv . ● . ● . † kin. xxiii . . notes for div a -e joseph . ant. l. xx . c. . p. ●● . notes for div a -e * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignat. epist. ad smyrn . n. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etist . ad magnes . n. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ibid. n. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad philadelph . inscrip . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. n. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad trall . n. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. ad trall . n. . ‖ ut quis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sit . quid sit faciondum , it a hortatur . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. ad eph. n. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epist. ad philadelph . n. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad trall . n. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist. ad smyrn . n. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. notes for div a -e chr. ix . cor. x. , . . heb. xiii . . clem. rom. ep. ad corinth . notes for div a -e tim. i. . notes for div a -e † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. n. . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . notes for div a -e * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , n. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. n. . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. n. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . notes for div a -e * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n. † ch. . p. . notes for div a -e bellarm de rom. pontif. lib. v. ● . letter to a f●●end . p. . notes for div a -e * chr. xv. . † hos. iii . ‡ jer. vii ● . * dan. vii . . , . ix . . xi . . xii . . joseph . bell jud. l. vii . notes for div a -e hook. eccl. polie . book viii . p. . ed. lond. . ibid. p. . ibid. p. . defence of the church of england , p. . felo de se, or, the bishops condemned out of their own mouthes confessing their politick devices, and unjust practices, to settle and maintain their lordly dignities, and private interests, to the impoverishing and ruine of the nations wherein such idle and unprofitable drones are suffered to domineer : in a familiar discourse between the said bishops and their tenants, begun in , the year of their unhappy resurrection, and continued to this present year : published for information of the people, who groan to be delivered from that yoke of bondage, which neither they nor their fathers were able to bear / by a mourner for the poor nations ... ford, thomas, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) felo de se, or, the bishops condemned out of their own mouthes confessing their politick devices, and unjust practices, to settle and maintain their lordly dignities, and private interests, to the impoverishing and ruine of the nations wherein such idle and unprofitable drones are suffered to domineer : in a familiar discourse between the said bishops and their tenants, begun in , the year of their unhappy resurrection, and continued to this present year : published for information of the people, who groan to be delivered from that yoke of bondage, which neither they nor their fathers were able to bear / by a mourner for the poor nations ... ford, thomas, - . p. s.n.], [s.l. : . reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to thomas ford. cf. nuc pre- . created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bishops -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion felo de se , or the bishops condemned out of their own mouthes : confessing their politick devices , and unjust practices , to settle and maintain their lordly dignities and private interests , to the impoverishing and ruine of the nations wherein such idle and unprofitable drones are suffered to domineer . in a familiar discourse betwen the said bishops and their tenants : begun in , the year of their unhappy resurrection , and continued to this present year . published for information of the people , who groan to be delivered from that yoke of bondage , which neither they nor their fathers were able to bear . by a mourner for the poor nations , that are enslaved under prelatical tyranny , and one that was once of this black-fac'd hierarchy ( as luther was of the popish ) but is now wonderfully delivered from them . k. j. in his speech to a parliament in the year . called , an apologie for the oath of allegiance , hath these words ; i do utterly deny that there is any earthly monarch of the church , whose word must be a law. because earthly kingdoms must have earthly monarchs , it doth not follow that the church must have a visible monarch too ; for the world hath not one earthly temporal monarch ; christ is his churches monarch , and the holy ghost his deputy . printed in the year of hope . . the epistle to the reader . courteous reader , thou art here invited to see some strange and wonderful creatures , and if thou canst spare two hours time to look in , and behold them in their strange shapes , subtilties and natures , thou wilt not loose thy labour or money ; possibly thou wilt wonder where such monstrous beasts were bred , when thou hast taken a survey of them , and well pondred and considered them from head to tail ; it is twenty to one but thou wilt think , that i found them in utopia , arabia , or at rome ; that such hydra's could not be brought forth , and bred up amongst protestants , and suffered to live and devour their frutts : but to satisfie thy doubts , i do assure thee , that i found them nearer home , though they smel very rank of the romish air , and their speech and voices do assure us , that they are of that breed , and who were their sires ; yet i saw them thriving in the brittish fields , and knew that they were of a forraign extract , yet the very same sort of creatures that i enquired after . as soon as i went into the fields and vine-yards , i found them , and knew them to be of the romish crew , by several marks , spots , and qualities ; but withal , they have some pretended ingenuity , begond some other creatures , when they may get money by it , in confessing their subtilties and devices , as you may see in the discourse within , which came very seasonably and accidentally to my hand . you know that wolves , foxes , goats and hoggs , have very rank smels , and are not fit companions for any other creatures , they stink so abominably , especially if they have been well fed in their kennels and styes , as these have been these several years . these are known to be the very same cattel , that they were reported to be ; i knew them , as by their strong and hurtful scents , so also by their black feet , red faces , proud and lofty gates and carriages , disdainful looks , and churlish language , superstitious garments , covetous , tyrannical , oppressive , and persecuting spirits and practices ; their usual haunts and walks , and their different colours and complexions . for , whereas other cattel are either white or black , red or brown ; these , and every one of them , have all these hues , white and black , red and brown , and therefore they may well be called wonderful , and strange : for other beasts and these differ very much ; these can travel best in the dark nights , in dirtiest and filthiest wayes , so cannot others ; yea , other beasts are fatted and fitted for the slaughter in a years time , but these are above seven years a fatting . all other beasts are good for one use or other , either alive or dead , but these are good for nothing . the grease of hoggs , foxes and doggs , is good for something when they are dead , but so is not theirs , although they are fuller of grease than than others : so that thou mayest search all the world over and not find the like cattel ; not any beasts of their proportion , colours , natures , works , devices , ends , practices , and unsatiable lusts . these are the most venomous , dangerous , and deadly creatures in the world , which the subtilest naturalist can describe ; they have poyson in their tongues and teeth , in their feet and noses , in their canonical garments , in their ceremonies , worship , and discipline . these are they that corrupt and poyson all sorts of men ; these are the creatures that make the earth to groan under them , that are the great oppressours , and destroyers of thousands of souls and bodies in the nations where they are . these are the most loathsome and hateful creatures in the world , that have many a curse daily , both from rich and poor . these are they that have driven the lords labourers out of his vineyards , by violence and cruelty , and have usurped them into their own hands , and have spoyled the fruit , and have most abominably corrupted and polluted the lords pleasant and holy things . these are the creatures that have destroyed kings and nations , that have been the immediate authors of all the miseries that have fallen upon states and kingdoms . these are the cormorants and caterpillars , that have devoured the earth , that have spoiled the trade and traffique of the nations , and brought thousands to beggery . these are the creatures that have made so many widows and fatherless-children , that have filled the land with blood and violence . these are the corrupters of counselers and councils , the great obstructors of publick iustice and iudgement ; these do strain at gnats , and swallow camels , that neither fear god nor reverence men , and that have mens persons in admiration for advantage . these are without consciences , and such whose deeds are evil and only evil , and whose ends and rewards shall be according to their works . reader , i shall detain thee no longer in the porch , lest i should tire thee , and suffocate thy stomack , before thou hast read and considered what is within ; but while thou hast an appetite , i would have thee haste in , where thou shalt see these strange sights , and hear them speak with strange tongues ; and if thou art in doubt whether they are such indeed , as upon the report of this epistle they seem to be , i pray thee hear what they say of , and for themselves , whose testimonies are sacred and canonical , and thy doubts will be quickly and fully resolved from their own mouthes . farewel . felo de se , or , the bishops condemned out of their own mouthes , confessing their politick devices , and unjust practises , to settle and maintain their lordly dignities and private interests , to the impoverishing and ruine of the nations wherein such idle and unprofitable drones are suffered to domineer . in a familiar discourse between the said bishops and their tenants . begun in , the year of their unhappy resurrection , and continued to this present year , , &c. bishops . well met tenants ; how do you do ? we are glad to see you in health . tenants . pray excuse us , sirs , for we know you not ; pray tell us , what are your names , and titles , and from whence did you come ? bish. we pray take notice , we are not mean and ordinary persons , we are bishops , and are come for our rents , that you ought to pay us ; although hitherto you have paid rents to the uncircumcised usurpers , yet now we that are of the tribe of levi , are instated in our spiritual rights , and we demand of , and require you to own us for your undoubted land-lords , and pay us now the last six months arrears of rent . ten. please your fatherhoods , by what titles are you dignified , or have you dignified your selves , that so we may give you your dues of reverence ? bish. our titles are these ; lord-bishops , spiritual-pastors , grace , or your grace , holy fathers in — lords spiritual , and it may be temporal , or temporary too . ten. very well , now we understand your names and titles , please your lordships to tell us from whence you came . bish. although you be such silly asses as not to understand it , yet we must answer you by a distinction , otherwise we shall leave you in the dark . if you ask us from whence mr. iohn and mr. thomas , &c. ( as such ) came , we shall answer you accordingly . but if your meaning be from whence we came as lord bishops , &c. we must answer you otherwise ; for as the subject matter of the question differs much , so the answers must be accordingly different . ten. very well distinguished ; please your fatherhoods to answer to the first part of your learned distinction . bish. to the first we answer , that we came out of wine-cellars , and smoaky kitchens , as a drove of pittiful , poor , and base creatures , the sons of poor inconsiderable men ; where we were driven by unsanctified hands , and lay there among the pots , until this happy day of our resurrection . and truly , gentlemen , we lay among the pots , so many years , while the uncircumcised sate in our saddles , possessed our lands , and shut up our hands and feet in the afore-said places , that we are grown like tuns ; and being swoln with too lavish eating and drinking , ( having nothing else to do there ) we were constrained to put these black hoops or surcingles about us , before we came forth , for fear lest our vessels should have broken , and our garbidge fallen out , which would have stunk so abominably , that you would have loathed us , and not have entertained us in your houses , but have shut your doors against us , stop't your noses at us , and have abhorred us as a monstrous breed , unclean beasts , stinking vermin , coming out of the bottomless pit ; but being fastened with these sanctified girdles , we hope our trunks will hold until we have pickt your pockets , and chastized you for your sins . ten. it seems you have lyen among the pots by your scarlet complexions . bish. we have so , and you might easily have seen it , ( but you are a company of saucy ill-bred jacks ) and not have troubled us to tell you so . ten. pray tell us whence you came as lordships , holy fathers , &c. and where had you these qualities , transcendent-dignities , and lofty titles ? bish. we derived them from rome , we did not go over for them our selves , for we durst not do so , because our rulers would not suffer that now , but we found them ready for us , and took them to our selves , ( though you must know we had them not gratis ) and we have brought them with us , to shew them to you , that you may own us for your spiritual land-lords , and pay us the money we demand of you . ten. what then , it seems you are di●scessan bishops ( pray pardon our rude speech , for you know we are plain country men , and cannot speak like you ) and , as such , you are our land-lords , and demand rents of us . bish. yes , you say true , you are our tenants , and we your land-lords , as such , and we hope you will not deny to pay us our dues . ten. pray your lordships to dismount , and come in , and refresh your selves ? bish. have you any good sack to make us drink ? ten. no , if it please your lordships , we are poor farmers , and we think that a cup of beer will serve our turns . bish. no , it will not serve our turns , though it may yours , we have drunk good sack so long , that we cannot now drink your beer ; pray send for some sack for us . ten. please your lordships to send for it , for we are but poor tenants , and have no money , and we know that your purses and trunks are full ; but do what you please , we will not press you too far , for we do know that you do love to keep them full . but if it shall please your holy fatherhoods to stay a while and resolve us a few cases ( for we think you are best able , being , as you say , holy fathers , spiritual-pastors , and land-lords ) and then we shall so far as we can answer your demands . bish. well , let us hear what you have to say quickly , for we are in haste , and must be gone ; but we came for money , and money we must have of you before we go . ten. our first case is this , whether or no you are indeed such persons as you say you are ! viz. lord bishops , holy fathers , spiritual pastors , and land-lords , &c. pray clear it a little more to us , for we have only your say-soes for it ; pray tell us where we may be satisfied of , and concerning such persons , with such qualities and dignities ; are they to be found in the scripture ? or where are they recorded ? that we may know who we own , and whom we serve . bish , you are very hard to believe ; are not our assertions and testimonies sacred and canonical ? were you not a company of infidels , you would believe our testimonies without any more ado ; for do you not know , that t is our doctrine , that you are bound to believe as the church believers ? that is , what his holiness and the fathers of the church do say and teach . you are a pack of pure youths indeed ; what! will you not credit our words ? but however , at this time we will take some pains with you , to satisfie you , although we adjudge it far below our high and sacred dignities to talk with such jacks as you are ; and know ye , that we talk with you now , not for your sake , but for your moneys sake ; for we love and seek yours , not you . therefore we answer , that you may look if you please into the scripture , and if you cannot find such there as we have told you we are , then we shall send you to other records , where we are sure you will find us . ten. we thank your lordships ; please you to sit still a little while , and we will , first search the scriptures , and if we can find your names , titles and dignities there , we will look no further ; provided the scriptures approve of , and commends you , as appointed and sent of god in mercy . pray stay a little . bish. come on tenants , have you found us there ? you are a company of dunces , you cannot find us there , can you ? ten. no , we cannot find you there mentioned , as legittimate , approved children , or as persons of any good repute or honour , but the contrary is very apparent ; so that we have found you there in black characters , but we cannot find one word to your honour , but all to your shame ; not so much as one white character of you there . shall it please your lordships to inform us , what other records or registers there are of you , that will discover you to be such as you say you are , that so we may be satisfied . bish. what , is that all the account the scriptures give of us , which you have told us , surely you are mistaken , if you say so . ten. we pray you do not mistake us , for we do not say , what we mentioned is all that the scripture speaks of you , but we hinted these at present , only to show you what , and how the scriptures speak of you ; so that we begin to suspect you , that you are not holy fathers , nor spiritual pastors : we find domineering lords there , belly-gods , and notorious hypocrites , persecutors , oppressours , dumb doggs , idle drones and shepherds , bishops in sheeps-cloathing , but are wolves within ; zealous promoters of babylon , their own carnal interest , but contemners of christ , his laws and interest ; who pretend to serve christ , but 't is not so ; they would have men to think and believe so of them , though themselves do know and believe the contrary . bish. we advise you then to look into the romish records , and there you shall find all you desire to know of us ; there you shall find our original , if you please but to look back to that wicked traytor phocus his time , who to obtain pardon of his horrid murder , in killing his master mauritius the emperour , to advance himself to the empire did add sin to sin , and set up pope boniface , in the papal catholick chair , whereby he became lord pope ; which said pope with his holy successors , aspiring universal lordship and dominion , under the notion of spiritual men , did exalt bishops under them also , to lordly dignities and revenues , spiritual and lofty titles , power and dominion , which accordingly they have handed over to , and received of each other from generation to generation , and we that are now in being , do consent unto , agree with , practise their laws , and walk by their rules , written and conveyed unto us their children ; and our wayes are guided by the same spirit , directed to the same ends , from which we are not willing , ( though necessity sometimes constrains us ) to vary one hairs breadth . we thought good to tell you this much , because 't is a great way to rome , and we are loth you should be at so great cost and pains to look after us , but to tarry at home , and provide our rents in due season , for that is all we would have you concern your selves about , and therefore we desire this may suffice you . ten. well , we shall at present rest in what hath been said , although we doubt not but you could have told us much more , but we are loth to keep your lordships too long from dinner ; therefore pray tell us in the second place , what subtilties did you use to mount the saddle of preferment , in getting such fat bishopricks , lordly dignities , and dominion ? bish. we will tell you very briefly and plainly ; first , when we saw all obstructions removed out of our way , excepting our consciences , then we thought it the wisest way to get a grave made and bury them , and cause the sexton to throw a great deal of earth upon them , that so we might no more hear their clamours ; for till we took this course with them we could not be quiet , and we know that 't was impossible to get , and keep bishopricks , and good and quiet consciences also , and so concluded to put them into a deep sleep , and cover them up warm in the ground , and conjure them there to abide , until our bishopricks should be taken from us , or we from them ; so that now we have many good and peaceable dayes , only we must tell you ( but pray be very private with it ) they do sometimes appear to us , like evil ghosts , terrifying and affrighting us , but we make a shift by our spels to lay them again , or else there were no living for us in this world . secondly , another notable device was to render all good ministers , the were not without conscience like our selves , as vile as we could , as odious and abominable as possible , unto our rulers , that so they might despise them , and reject both their persons , and counsels , lest they should have obstructed our designes , we were eagle-ey'd , to spie out all opportunities , and to lay hold of them assoon as we could , with all possible advantages . we would be still buzzing their ears , that all preachers that were not of the prelatical order , were not to be instrusted either in church or state ; that they were men of dangerous principles , enemies to caesar , and what not . we did reprobate them as the iews did the samaritans , we did cloath them in all the beasts-skins we could get , and made them all look like bedlams , or some frightful spirits , as the false teachers did the apostle paul : and having been blessed with good success , in perswading rulers against them , we proceed unto a third device , which was to perswade our rulers , that there was such a near relation between church and state-monarchy , and such a dependency upon each other , that 't was almost , if not altogether impossible that monarchical government should long subsist in the state , unless the like were set up in the church also , although we knew 't was abominably false . king iames tells us it is false , that there is no such thing : his words are these ; because earthly kingdoms must have earthly monarchs , it doth not follow the church must have a monarch too ▪ christ is his churches monarch . and though we did pretend that that was our end in endeavouring to set up prelacy , ( viz. ) to secure and bear up the state-government , yet it is certain , our whole design was , to set up and establish our selves in lordly-dignities , and get a sword into our hands , whereby we might reign without controul , and crush whom we please under our feet . this was our designe , our consciences were , and still are witnesses , and 't is sufficiently evident to all men by our practices . fourthly , we did frequently suggest to our rulers , that the whole nation ( excepting a few phanaticks ) were for our lordly prelacy , and that by setting it and us up , they would greatly content and gratifie their subjects : and the better to countenance it , we made a shift by our agents ( and we promise you 't was a hard shift too ) to procure one or two grand inquests , in the nation , at assizes , to declare for our designs , as also some few of the militia , in their musters , in and about london , and caused their votes to be put into the news books with great triumphs , as if the whole nation had been for it ; but alas this was but a meer cheat , for it was well known then , and it is much more fully known now , that all the sober civil people of the nation were and are against it , and we are convinced and satisfied that if men were called to give their voices , there is not the fifth man in the nation for us : the nation groans under us , as under a heavy load . this was another device we made use of . fifthly , we suggested unto , and perswaded our rulers , that prelatical government would be the only means to enrich the kingdom , to honour and set it on high , to make it terrible to forreign nations , to preserve peace , to bart the doors against popery , and to supply publick treasuries with money in time of need . these and the like subtil pretences and devices we had , which we doubt not but you are sufficiciently satisfied were but pretences . we could tell you of other feats we had , but let these suffice at this time , because we are in haste . ten. we are satisfied in your ingenuous answers concerning your setting up of prelacy , and getting of bishopricks , &c. and so much the more because we knew before what you have here told us . now we desire you to resolve us if you are holy or consecrated , as we remember you hinted to us before ; pray tell us , are you so ? bish. yes , yes , that we are ; there is no body that knows us , but will easily grant that , and we require you to believe so of us , or else you will wrong us and our church . ten. very well ; then pray tell us what is so , and how you are so ? bish. you are a company of woodcocks , you know nothing at all , if you do not know that we are consecrated and sacred , for we are consecrated throughout , with holy oyl that came from his holiness , our dear father ; we have holy heads , beards , noses , and every part of our fat carcases are holy ; yea all our vestments , hoods , caps , gowns , surplices and girdles ; yea our doublets , shirts , shooes and breeches are holy , being all consecrated with romish oyl ; and although our breeches be now and than defiled and profaned at our merry banquets , when our vessels are over-charged , yet they are soon clean again , being near our sacred bodies . but do you yet believe that we are so holy ? yea we can tell you what is incredible , our very gate in walking in the street is holy : we suppose you have observed our manner of walking different from the laity ; we go very wide , and set out our toes at so great a distance , that hoggs with their yokes on their necks may pass through our twists , but that they are afraid to approach so nigh our holy shooes : yea we are made so holy with the said oyl , that we can spare a great deal , and yet have a enough for our selves too . oyl with us is like oyl in the womans barrel or cruse , 't is still full , although we sell away good store yearly , when we consecrate our journey-men , or curates , such as we imploy in our service ; besides many churches , utensils , and garments , and yet we are still full : 't is wonderful oyl , and we hope you do all believe so . ten. whether your religion be the best , or as some say , the only religion in the world ? bish. yes , we doubt not but 't is the best , and only religion in the world : the presbyterian , independant , and anabaptists religions are pittiful poor things if compared to ours ; for there is not one lord-bishop nor bishoprick among any of them ; alas , their church-men are a company of poor pittiful fellows to us , one of them is contented with one hundred pounds a year , but we are not contented with five or six thousand pounds by the year . besides , they will have all their ministers work hard with them , and for them , every week , and that we do not like . they will have their ministers fulfil their ministry themselves ; but in our religion , we can sit still , we can sleep , eat , drink , and rise up to play , and make others do our work for us . yea further , their religions are so strict , that men are watched , and if they do , or speak amiss , or neglect their work , they shall be presently told of it , and it may be reproved for it : but there is no such thing in our religion ; there all sorts of persons may be a bad as their bishops , and walk in their steps of pride , and all other sins , and yet be blamless ; a man need not fear reproof in our religion . besides , in the said wayes of religion , they will have such close-searching-preaching , that 't is impossible for persons to be in quiet in their consciences for them , they will have such persons as shall divide between the joynts and the marrow , as the scripture speaks , that there is not a sin can escape their mouthes , but they will discover it to the persons in whom it is : but it is not so in our religion , for we suffer no such preachers to preach openly ; and when we preach , we do all we can to keep all convincing truths far enough off from our auditors consciences , knowing that if once the consciences of men be savingly convinced by the truth , they will forsake both us and our church when once their eyes be opened to see our church , what she is ; for 't is one of the excellencies of our religion , that we do not trouble each other , or any way interrupt each other in our several wayes of sinning . we let the people alone , and they let us alone ; we tell them stories and preach some good sayings of the fathers , and some sentences of greek and latine , and make the poor silly people cry us up for excellent scholars , excellent divines , good church-men , and so we laugh to see what fools we ride ; for as we said before , our great care is to keep their eyes shut ; and they not knowing what a sad generation we are , have us in reverence , and dare not speak to us to tell us of our wickedness for fear of our horns . again , their religion is so strict , that we judge it wants much of that charity that we have in ours ; they will admit none into their churches that are openly scandalous , or grosly ignorant , but our church is full of such : we are so charitable to all athiests , blasphemers , drunkards , and all others , that we make no difference . those persons that they do most highly esteem for holiness , we least of all regard ; we scruple not to give that which is holy unto doggs , and to cast pearls before swine . 't is our constant practice to do so ; but those other religions are not so charitable , they make a separation between the clean and the unclean , according to the scripture ; but we dare not be so strait , we can give childrens bread to doggs ; we keep open house , but these persons shut the doors and keep them out . so that for these and other such like reasons , 't is evident that our religion is the best , if not the only religion , excepting the pop●sh . ten. now you speak of that , pray tell us if the popish religion and yours be not in many things alike ; for we have heard that those men , whom you call phanaticks , have said , that it is very near of kin , at least in many things , pray inform us . bish. how do such illiterate men as you are know that ? we promise you we have done all we could to keep you ignorant of such matters , for we knew if once you understood it , you would loath us ; but we begin to fear that they have found out our cloven feet : but seeing you desire our solution in the case , we shall very briefly shew you wherein we and they agree , provided you will be private and keep it to your selves . first , they and we agree in church-officers , our bishops are anointed and consecrated , with the same oyl , and by the same authority that theirs are . austin the bishop , brought it over from rome above one thousand years since . that is one thing wherein we are exactly alike . secondly , as they do execute their authority , so do we ; we have many such courts and officers as they have ; they keep courts to get money , and to punish men in their own names ; so do we to . the great design of setting up their courts , and executing their authority there , is to afflict , trouble and ruine the innocent , and to fill their purses , by their oppressing and persecuting such ; so do we . 't is our design and endeavour , and we have been succesful in it , and we promise you we will have you there to make trial of what we say , that by your senses , especially the feeling sence , you may be enabled to believe all that we tell you , if you do not prove good tenants , and pay us our dues exactly . thirdly , our church was formed and moulded only by the romish pattern ; the very foundation and building is the same . was theirs founded and built on humane policy , laws , decrees and canons ? so is ours also . is theirs of a monarchical form ? so is ours too . are their nations and kingdoms made churches ? so are ours likewise , and that by the like prelatical hands . are they guided and ordered by humane inventions and prelatical sanctions ? so are ours too . was theirs formed to serve and maintain a prelatical interest ? so is ours also . is theirs made to delude poor souls ? so is ours also . fourthly , we have some of their deluding and pernitious doctrines , which we enjoyn children to learn , that so they may be timely fenced against the truth : as in our church-cathechism , we teach them to learn and say , that in their baptisme they were made members of christ , children of god , and inheritors of the kingdom of heaven . and to make it the more authentick , and confirm them in the faith of it , we teach them , and accordingly practise before them , in and about our confirming of them , thus , defend , o lord , this child with thy heavenly grace , that he may continue thine ; perswading them , that if they can say ( by roat ) the lords prayer , the ten commandments , and the belief , that then they are undoubtedly such , and so need not to trouble themselves to look after regeneration by the word and spirit . and to secure this doctrine against all contradiction , we enjoyn our curats to teach , and say , at all funerals , whoever is buried , this our dear brother or sister deceased , in hope of a glorious resurrection , although he or she lived and died notorious swearers , drunkards , and blasphemers . besides , we teach , that there are only two sacraments , as generally necessary to salvation , that is to say , baptisme , and the supper of the lord. where are implied ; . that the sacraments are generally necessary to salvation : which is a doctrine of the popish church , but never taught by christ or his apostles . . here is clearly implied , that the five other sacraments instituted by , and used in the popish church , are sacraments , and of some use , and not to be rejected , although they are not generally necessary to salvation ; they may and ought to be received , and used as sacraments , though not mith that high respect , as the two mentioned . we have several other doctrines of the same import , which we cannot now speak of , because we must haste home . fifthly , we agree with the popish church in our church service also . they have a stinted liturgy or form of prayer ; so have we also , yea , and in the most parts of it , it is the same , we borrowed it of them . do they call it divine service ? so do we likewise . look what postures and gestures they use in the reading of it , the same we use too . do they compel men to use those prayers , and punish such as in conscience refuse to conform to such mock-worship ? so do we too . do they make an idol of that their ill-begotten brat ? so do we of ours also . so that to tell you the truth we are very nigh them in our service too . sixthly , our ceremonies and theirs are birds of a feather ; ours are very like theirs . do they make and account their churches holy places , and accordingly do them reverence when they come there , by putting off their hatts , congying , and falling down in their seats on their knees , when they first go into these places ? so do we likewise . do they ( as they say ) beautifie the houses of god , in their adorning them with gold , marble , pictures , and writing sentences of scripture on their doors and windows , ( as this is one sentence , this is none other but the house of god ; this is the gate of heaven , ) to draw fools there to the stocks , to get the more customers to their markets ? so do we likewise . again , do they use , and strictly enjoyn their ministers the use of the cross in baptism ? so do we . kneeling at the sacrament , the bowing at the name of jesus ? so do we . pretended holy surplices , girdles , gowns and other such like trinkets ? so do we . processions , holy fonts , and holy rails and tables ? so do we too . again , do they place all their religion in such base , carnal and unworthy things , in such pittiful empty nothings , gaudy vain shews , and trumperies of their own devising , to draw the eyes of sensualists , and to delude the minds of the simple ? so do we likewi●e . again , do they glory in their carnal , vain-glorious , out-side and formal religion , judging , censuring , condemning and punishing all such for hereticks , as are not of their stamp , and that dare not bow to their image of worship ? in like manner do we also . so that we hope we have satisfied you in this also . we might have enumerated many more pieces of their and our religion , but time hastens , therefore let that suffice at present . ten. if it please your lordships , it be so as you say , we wonder that any reasonable creatures will be of your religion , for in our opinion you are all much out of the way . bish. do you wonder at it , and think we are out of the way ? truly we must tell you , so do we too ; we think we are out of gods way , but as we told you , we be in our own way , in the right way to worldly honour , riches and greatness , ease and prosperity , which are the things we aim at , and our religion ( as we shewed you ) leads towards it ; and whereas you say , you wonder that any will be of our religion , we do so likewise ; but we can tell you how we do get and keep persons with us : t is thus . first , those that are more ignorant and yeelding , we do flatter , allure , and cheat , and with good words , and fair speeches , entrap such silly souls . secondly , those that we see are reaching after promotions , we do draw with golden baits , and silver cords , although we make some of them wait till their eyes be dim too , before they catch the fish , yet by this means we get a considerable herd . thirdly , when we find others stout and backward to come to us , we drive them with iron rods , as you drive your asses to their work ; thus you see by what honest means , prudent wayes and fetches we get fools into our pound . and we do assure you , if we had not used our best skill in practising these pretty devices , we had been as fathers without children , bodies without leggs , and pastors without flocks ; and we doubt not but we could by one or other of these devices , conjure you amongst us with others , but we suppose that you may be wiser in time . ten. please your lordships to resolve us , for what ends are you set up so high , or whatuse are you of , or what transcendent work have you to do in your church , beyond other men ? bish. ye are a company of block-heads ; for if you were not , you would ere now have known us , and our works , ends and use ; but we shall tell you seeing you desire us . first , we are set up to serve the lord , in doing his dirty work ; god hath lifted us on high , head and shoulders ( with saul ) above other men , to imploy us in scouring work , that is , to scour his vessels of gold and silver . for although we seem to be very high in respect of men , yet alas , we are but the filthy , nasty , and black skullions of the great god. you that are not very knowing men , may think , o surely lord-bishops are the most honourable and happy men in the world ; oh that we were as happy and honorable as they ! oh that we were in our lord-bishops-coats , that we might be thereby capacitated to do the church some honourable service ! but they are all mistaken in us , for whatever some do think of us , we are the most dirtiest fellows in the world , & are employed in and about the vilest work , ( as you know scullions work is so : ) for god being offended with his golden vessels , who while we lay among the pots , grew very rusty , and almost overspread with canker and filthiness ; and he having occasion to make use of the worst and vilest of men , was pleased to call us out of our dens , and styes , and bid us go to skullions-scouring-work , and therefore gave us spirits and opportunities accordingly , to get horns and courts , powers and faculties , whereby to do the said work : in and about which work we have been exercising our selves to the utmost of our power , and have scoured the flesh from the bones of some ; the nearest relations from each other : estates from some , and liberty from others : some we have cursed as black as soot , and then have rub'd them so hard , untill we have separated their souls from their bodies , so that you see we are not erected in vain , we are of good use , and we fear we shall be rewarded accordingly . secondly , we are set up to try professors if they be such indeed as they pretended to be in their day of liberty , that those that were approved might be made manifest , and those that were otherwise might not alwayes lye hid , and we have not in this neither laboured in vain , nor spent our strength for nought ; for by our means many are made much better , more strong , serious in , and adhering unto the truth , and practice of what they professed . they are become more studious , and industrious for established hearts , more constant and fervent in prayer ; much more cautious and watchful , more diligent to get loose from the world , and intent upon their eternal concernments . they have by our means more communion with god , more love to the saints , and delight in the pure ordinances of god , more united in the spirit of love and forbearance ; but no thanks to us , for we intended no such matter , but the god whom they serve ; in despight of us , hath made such use of us , and so blessed our cruel hands , to their spiritual advantages , that they can say , it hath been good for them that they have been afflicted by our uncircumcised hands . but we must tell you also , that as some are made better , so others are much worse by our means ; for some that were outwardly holy , are now openly profane . others that condemned prelacy , their church , and all their trumperies , are now fully of us , and serve their bellies ; as high in their zeal for us , and against all good men , and the wayes of god as we are our selves , as if they had been brought up with us ; and they sin more highly and presumptuously than some of us do , who never swore or declared against any of these matters , but did always love them , as being the only wayes to advance our selves and raise our interests . and therefore thought it our wisdomes not to decline them , but to comfort our selves in hope that we might live to see these good dayes , and obtain our desires , as now you see we have . thirdly , we are set up and used , to confirm the blessed truths and wayes of god , which his people espoused and professed , which once cost them but little or nothing : we mean , that by our wicked persecuting , and superstitious spirits and hands , god hath called forth many , both to bear clearer testimonies , and to seal them by their hardships , and sufferings , from and by us , whereby the holy truths and wayes of god appear to be real and excellent things indeed ; their suffering for , and sealing truths and practices , do greatly commend them to all men , and lay convictions upon them , that they are serious and weighty matters , and so thereby draw the eyes and hearts of persons towards them , causing such as accounted them but the meer fancies and conceits of a few precise persons , to believe them to be choice matters , and worthy of all acceptation , and perswading them that they ought to be embraced , and practised with all confidence and readiness , and at last to set to their seals , that they are most glorious truths and wayes , that they need not be ashamed of them , but own and profess them with all boldness ; and also our lyes and vanities , which we call religion , and with which for a time , we corrupted the minds of men , to lose their place and interest in mens hearts . and as we are of use in the world for these ends , so also ▪ fourthly , to devour , eat up , and consume the fat , and the sweetest of the lands where we dwell ; for we do assure you , that we are great belly-mongers , and devourers of gods good creatures ; we do daily eat the fruit of the field like grashopers , and cormorants ; our bellyes and appetites are like horshleeches , that alwayes cry , give , give . it is our study night and day , what we shall eat and what we shall drink , and where withal we shall be cloathed ; yea we can hardly find any creatur●s good enough to satisfy our ambitious minds , our greedy and curious desires , and appetites ; and therefore when we do not like the provisions our own kitchens will afford us , or we are not willing to go to the price that such provisions will cost , as we would have ; then we take a coach and visit some noblemans table , hoping we may find better provision there gratis , although we pretend , and make their lordships believe , that we , as their worthy fellows , and companions in dignity and greatness ( though the truth is we are not worthy to wipe their shooes ) come to visit them , as respecting their dignities and honours , and yet we know t is not they we do visit or respect , but their full tables , and our own bellys . thus we consume the best creatures we can get , both at home and abroad , and we care not whose bellys be empty so ours be full , nor how many families perish through want by our means , so we can live like fed beasts , for we can , and do eat the fat and drink the sweet , while we famish thousands . so that we have said enough to this also , considering how short our time is to be with you , and therefore pray be satisfied with these few and brief answers . ten. we thank your fatherhoods for what you have told us , for we assure you that our eyes begin to be opened , and to look out of their holes , wherefore we entreat you to open them a little more , and tell us how , or by what means or wayes you do keep so fast in the saddles of your dignities and bishopricks , you being such a generation of men , as we now perceive you are . bish. we will very briefly tell you , if you do not know , provided you will conceal and keep to your selves what we shall tell you . first , we have with a great deal of subtilty procured a law , to punish all such as shall speak or write against us , to lay us open to the world ; so that 't is no matter how abominable we are now , for having tyed up mens mouths , and prohibited their pens , we may be as wicked as we will or can , no men nor doggs dare open their mouthes , or use their pens to convict , or so much as to discover our filthiness ; and do you not think this was a pretty shift to keep us in the saddles ? we promise you , we laugh at it , when we consider how wilily we acted , and how seasonably and prudently we play'd our game with the legislative powers , for we were very timely in it : and if we had neglected that season before we were discovered to them , we are confident our market had been spoiled , for were it now to have been done , we are perswaded that we have so far lost our selves in the hearts of those persons , that made that law , they having found out our wickedness , that they would utterly reject any such motion ; which our learned wits foresaw ; so that now we are pretty well secured from all men , that are justly provoked at us . secondly , we do as woolsey and bonner , winchester or stephen gardner , and their adherents were wont to do in their princes courts , we do keep two or three , or more of us , close there continually , what ever work is left undone , we are very precise in that : and their work is to observe who comes there , and what they say and do , and to know what matters and counsels are on foot , and to dive into our princes secrets , all we can , and to understand what they intend , and what they are about to do , that so if there should be any thing started against us , we may crush the cokatrice egg betimes , lest it should come forth and take the air , yea we feel the pulses of counsellours , and nobles , and sound them all we can , and as we find matters we do improve them all we can to our own advantage , how prejudicial soever it may be to thousands else . thirdly , we endeavour , as much as possible , to keep all persons , that are not of us and for us , as low as we can , and we are still clamouring with our princes against them ; representing them as persons not worthy to live in the land ; and that all that are not of our black-fac't hierarchy , are disloyal and disaffected persons to their rulers , and keep them from having access unto them , lest they should make us appear to them in our colours , and so alienate their hearts to us ; although we are fully convinced that we abuse them , and that those men whom we represent as monsters to them , are far better than our selves , and are more sincere in their profession of love , and service to god and man , than we are our selves ; who in all our pretended love , zeal , and loyalty , to god and them , do nothing but designe the setting up , and upholding our interests , our great bishopricks , high titles and dignities . yea , we keep , as much as we can , all such persons as do not jump with us in our designs , from making known their grievances , and the many wrongs and injuries we do them in our courts , and otherwise , to their lawful magistrates , that so we may keep our interests entire and unmolested . fourthly , we imploy and send forth , as ignorant doltheads , debauched and superstitious curats , our journeymen , as we can find , to work for us in our profitable vineyards , that they by their doctrine and practice , may deb●uch and keep persons in gross ignorance : we instruct them what they shall say , and how they shall speak of us their masters ; and they understand our meaning , and what our designs are , ( viz. ) to endeavour all they can to preserve our reputation among the people , and to cry us up as persons that came from heaven ; and our orders , and authority , and high dignities , as divine and sacred things ; and to preach as little as possible , and to fill their belly with our old broath , which hath stunk in the nostrils of all sorts of men these thirty years , and is very odious both to the taste and sight of the wisest and holiest men . for we know , that if we should imploy holy and able ministers , to communicate the light of the gospel among the people , their eyes would soon be open to discern us , that it would be impossible to hide our deeds of darkness from them . moreover , we were the men that procured that law , to silence all honest and conscientious ministers , because they stood in our way , and withstood and obstructed our designs , so that we could not reign in that height , peace , splendour , and tyranny as we defired , until we caused them to be removed , that so we might hear no more of them , and that room might be made for our journey-men . by these and such like means , we got up , as we shewed you before ; and by the same , or such like , we do sit fast as yet in our saddles . ten. we are satisfied in what you have said as to that also : now pray tell us if you be such bishops as are spoken of in the scripture , or whether you are like them in qualities , call and practices there mentioned ; and all that take upon them the office and work of bishops , are appointed and commanded to be ? pray tell us briefly and plainly , as you have other matters already . bish. no , in no wise ; for did you ever know such bishops come from popish rome , as came from ierusalem ? rome is our mother , she that is the mother of harlots and abominations : but ▪ ierusalem was theirs , that is mentioned in scripture , and approved of by christ. they were made biships by the spirit of god , which we do hate and deride ; by the laws and authority of jesus christ , as their lord and king : but we are made by the antichristian spirit , laws and authority of rome , and , as prelatical bishops , we have nothing else to shew for our selves , but what was handed over to us by romes authority . but that we may throughly convince and satisfie you of what we do here assert , we do desire you to take a little pains with us , and hearken unto us , while we do briefly shew you in some particulars , wherein the scripture primitive bishops and we are unlike , and do disagree ; and indeed to tell you the truth , we are almost , if not altogether , as unlike them as light is to darkness , sweet to sowre , black to white ; the priests of baal to the lords true priests ; for we have nothing but the name of bishops , we are no way worthy of the name , much less of the office , work , honour and reward of a true bishop : alas we are but meer shadows and images of real substances , meer pretenders to it , for our gain , honour , and filthy lucre , as will evidently appear in these following particulars . first , the scripture and primitive bishops were the peoples spiritual servants , such as did administer to them spiritual things , in the name , by the authority , and according to the appointment of christ , as his and their servants , and were expresly forbidden to lord it over their flocks . the apostles did account it their highest honour , to be christs and the churches servants , as the scripture tells us . but we do lord it over gods heritage , and domineer over them , as if they were not worthy to wipe our shoes , or to speak to us ; and we are greatly displeased with such as do not cringe to us , and give us our titles : yea , we do tyrannically lord it over the kings true and honourable subjects , such as have adventured their lives and fortunes for his interest . yea , we lord it over , and carry it disdainfully towards many of the true nobles and peers of the land. we do tyrannize and lord it over , . the bodies and liberties of the kings loyal subjects , if their consciences be not so large , stupified , and besotted as ours are , to joyn with us , and bid us god speed in our wicked wayes ; them we cause to be humbled after taken , and imprisoned for meer triflles , and we have agents fitted to serve our turns , and execute our tyrannical and bloody decrees . . we lord it over their estates , endeavouring to ruine such as do not please us , and our journey-men ; we cite them into our spiritual courts , and cause them to wast their time , and spend their money , while their families want bread at home ; vexing and driving them up and down at our own and our curates pleasures , and at last fine them , or persecute them else where , till we have almost , if not altogether , ruined them and theirs ; there are thousands in the nation can sadly and experimentally testifie this against us , but that they fear our wrath and hot displeasure . . we do not rest there , but we do also lord it over their consciences , endeavouring to bring that which is subject only to the lord of glory in subjection unto our proud humours , our uncontroulable prelatical authority ; and all the engines we can procure , we make use of to effect our purposes , which is to rob christ of his right and due , and to bring over all his subjects to our usurped lordly interests and designs . thus did not the scripture bishops . we profess to you , that we would not have christ to reign where we reign ; or if we allow him a small interest in , and rule over mens consciences , 't is but as an underling to us , or as it may consist with our usurped and tyrannical authority , and be subordinate thereunto . this is so evident , as that he that runs may read it ; besides many other things ( which we do here , as in other things in all our discourse , omit for brevities sake ) in this , that when we visit our herds , and herds-men , ( that are our slaves and drudges ) we do not at all enquire , if men do subject themselves unto , and obey the laws , orders , and appointments of jesus christ ; but , whether our heards-men and their herd , be obedient unto our laws , and authority ? and such as we find conformable and obedient to us , our orders , and appointments , we do embrace as our dearly beloved children , how vile , rebellious , and disobedient soever they are to the orders , and appointments of jesus : and if any be found disobedient to us , and our authority , laws and orders , we do more or less punish them , with our canonical rods : but they may be open and flat rebels against christ his authority and laws , and no notice taken of it . oh horrid wickedness ! yea , we do much more mind the honour of our apparators , and houses , than we do the lord christs . secondly , the scripture bishops were constant preachers of the gospel of christ , to their flocks ; they did give themselves wholly to the work which they had received of the lord , that they might fulfil it , to the glory of christ , and the edification of his people , according as they were appointed and enjoyned . they did preach the word in season and out of season : yea , sometimes night and day , they did labour in the word and doctrine ; and did watch the flock over which the holy ghost had made them overseers : but we are least of all concerned , or do little or nothing at all concern our selves , in that which is indeed our only work and business , as we profess our selves or pretend to be bishops over flocks . our business is , and we wholly devote our selves to look after our revenues , honours , cour●s , and earthly matters ; we care not if the devil do our work ▪ so we may have our lordly titles , popish honours , and revenues , glutting our bellys , and cloathing our backs , and riding about in our coaches , to take our pleasures , and to fill our selves with wordly delights ; if we can keep in princes favours , and blind the eyes of counselours , flatter and delude legislative powers , to keep us in the height of our pride and luxury : these are the matters we imploy our prudent heads about from year to year , for we can neither preach nor pray when once we are lord bishops . we can opprass , suppress , and persecute those that can and would labour in the word , and fulfil the ministrey they have received . we account it a great disgrace , and far below our lordly dignities , to preach the word of god , except it be now and then , in princes courts ; 't is too unworthy a work for us to be exercised in , among the rascal herd . but we must hast homwards , for our bellies begin to cry cubbord . thirdly , the scripture bishops entred into their ministry by the door of christ's authority , according unto his laws and orders ; they durst not run till they were sent , nor come till they were called , nor go into the vineyard , until the master of the vineyard sent or thrust them in . but we like thieves and robbers , climb up another way ; a way which christ never appointed , neither doth he own or bless ; yea , though we plead ( like so many crafty lawyers for their fees , though they know their clients cause to be bad , and unjust ) that our call , standing , and ways of prôcedure , are of divine right and institution , to deceive the simple , that cannot fathom our depths of treachery ; yet we can no longer remain undiscovered to the wise and prudent , but we are sufficiently discerned to be intruders into , usurpers and ravishers of the ministry , and flocks of christ , wolves in sheeps-cloathing ; and therefore 't is no wonder that so many do refuse to own us for their spiritual pastors . fourthly , the scripture bishops were contented and well enough satisfied with that portion of worldly things , which iesus christ their lord had provided and appointed for them ; as persons that laboured in the word and doctrine , and what their particular flocks were able to aford them : and we do assure you that jesus christ never appointed or gave to them such fat bishopricks as our forefathers had , and which we have usurped : for look what christ by paul told and charged timothy ( viz. ) that he having food and raiment should be therewith content ; was an order sent to all christs bishops , which they accepted of , and were contented with as sufficient . but we are like greedy doggs , that can never have enough : and such as put not into our mouthes , we prepare war against them . we are the most dis-satisfied persons in the world , for when we have traded in fat livings , from two hundred pounds , to three hundred , and then to four or five hundred by the year , we are restless and dissatisfied , as a fish out of the water , or as a stone out of its centre : for then our next care is to procure money enough to purchase a deanary , or some higher promotion ; and when we have gotten that , then we make it our chief study , care and endeavour , to get a bishoprick , ( being so near it ) so that we can hardly sleep night or day , until we are mounted and fixed in the saddle of a bishoprick ; and then our great care is how to preserve and maintain our pomp and greatness , by racking and squeezing who we can , to gather in our thousands , and ten thousands : and being in the saddle of a bishoprick , we are not at all satisfied , but are exercising our wits about some augmentations , or present honours , and estates : and we do greatly envy the greatest nobles in the land , because they exceed us in any thing of true worth , honour , or estates . fifthly , we find that scripture bishops did all they could to fill up the ministry , and supply the vineyards of the lord , with able , holy , and faithful ministers , such who would make it their work to serve the lord christ , not their own bellies : such as did readily accept of the work , not the wages only , or chiefly . but we have beaten out the lords labourers , such as he planted in his vineyard , that we might bring in some of our ill-begotten sons into the vineyard . we care not who , or what they be , so they will bow to us , and call us father , and lord , and officiate as our black-mouth'd chaplains : for we would not have them look , nor speak , or walk like christ's ministers ; if they will observe our manners , and walk as they have us for examples , obey our unholy orders , and bloody decrees , no matter what loyterers , and bishop or beastlike persons they be . sixthly , the scripture bishops were men of peaceable spirits , doing their own work with quietness , labouring to make and keep others so likewise . but we , through our unsatiable pride , envy , and malice , have , and do labour all we can , to make snares , and bonds to catch and captivate our neighbours ; yea , the peaceable of the land do we disturbe , vex and turmoil , and all to gratifie our unquiet spirits , which be conjured up . we are like the troubled sea , whose waters cast up mire and dirt . and indeed , as we are a most wicked generation of creatures , having little or no peace at home , so we are never better satisfied then when we disquiet others . seventhly , they did greatly rejoyce when by their labours they did win souls to christ , and could help them forward in grace , comforts and fruits of holiness ; their flocks adhering to and standing fast in the truth , as 't is in iesus ; their walking in christs appointments , owning and submitting to his authority , as their lord and lawgiver ; and the more their practices were like christ's , the more their faces did shine with christ's glory and image upon them , the more they rejoyced in , and for them , and the more they loved them . but we hate and persecute such , we are grieved when souls are converted to christ , because then we know , that we shall lose our subjects , and that , they being made subjects of christs kingdom , and having gotten spiritual weapons from him , they will fight against our kingdom of darkness , with their faith , prayers , and tears . and some ( as luther did ) with the sword of the spirit , the word of god : and that we shall have no more homage and service from them . for we find that christ translates persons out of kingdoms of darkness ( as ours is ) into his kingdom of light , by which they see our darkness and hate it . for we fear nothing more , nor grieve at any thing so much as the loss of our subjects , or rather slaves ; and therefore to prevent it , we do all we can to send them preachers , that we think god will never bless to the converting of souls . they were supporters of the weak , comforters of the feeble minded , and poured oyl into their wounds , to heal and refresh them . but we fall upon them with open mouthes , push them with the shoulder , and tear them with our iron teeth , imprison , punish , and as much as in us lies ruine them ; so that we are not miscalled bishop-bite-sheep . eigthly , scripture bishops did not constrain their flocks to subscribe and swear to humane inventions , antichristian laws and appointments , and punish them that refused ; or such as did in conscience deny to pay the tenths of their estates and labours , to idol dumb shepherds , to idle drones , to strangers , thieves and robbers . but we do : 't is our constant practice , as the poor enslaved nation can sadly witness . there is no man fit , or worthy to minister the ordinances of christ , but such as will subscribe and swear to us , and our wayes , though they do it to their present and eternal wrong and shame : and such as will not , we cast out of their work and free-holds , we brand and mark them with odious reproaches , and render them to all as enemies to church and state. ninthly , scripture bishops did look upon , and own themselves , as christs and the churches servants , to administer his ordinances , and execute his laws , only to , and among their flocks , and they brought in none of their own amongst them , but kept close to the lord christs orders , in all their administrations . but we appoint , set up and administer our own laws and ordinances , not minding or regarding christ's ; so that we serve our selves , not the lord jesus , in administring . 't is our own authority , the products of our own brains , that are obeyed and respected in our own & iourneymens worshiping , though the common people see it not . tenthly , scripture bishops feed and watch over the flocks , over which the holy ghost had made them overseers , with their own hands and eyes , not by their iourneymen ; they take the charge and care themselves , as judging it their own work . but we , like scavengers or nightmen , who lye and sleep , or sit at alehouses eating and drinking , while some dirty persons do their dirty work , as they please . iust such a sort of men are we , wallowing in all idleness , pride , and filthiness , while our dirty iourney-men do our dirty work . eleven . scripture bishops by christ's appointment , took the care and charge only of one particular church or congregation , one bishop had the oversight only of one church , although sometimes one church had several bishops , and they found they had work enough to do , in a constant and conscientious discharge of their whole work among them . but we are so worthy , able , and transcendent in our own apprehensions , that we can , and do undertake the charge of several hundreds of congregations apiece ; and do you not think that we are brave fellows , notable pastors , laborious workmen ; and that we ought to be lorded , rewarded and reverenced , some of us , some , and other some times more then the scripture bishops , seeing our charges are so much exceeding theirs ; though we never see the thousand part of them . yea , we are priviledged beyond they , for we can capacitate some of our iourneymen scavengers , to have two , three , four or five , yea , ten churches ( as they call them ) at once . so that you see our unlikeness in this also . twelve . scripture bishops , never enjoyned or appointed humane , absurd , insignificant ceremonies to worship god withal , nor did they appoint , or enjoyn , certain peculiar garments to be worn by ministers , as peculiar to them . but we like ghostly fathers , scribes and pharisees , wear , and enjoyn our curates to wear , long garments , singular attire , different from all other men ; thus they must do , or incurre our hot displeasure , because it is our pleasure , how odious and ridiculous soever they are . thirteen . scripture bishops lived holy lives , they practised what they preached , and preached what they practised , endeavouring to teach , encourage and draw men to heaven by their heavenly doctrine , and spiritual conversations ; they did shine before their flocks , in serious godliness , humble and meek deportments , in their self-denial and mercifulness , in diligence and faithfulness in their callings , and in other holy practices . but we are men of other spirits and wayes , our steps tend another way , they lead to the chambers of death ; so that 't is very dangerous treading in our steps , or walking by our rules , or to follow our examples ; for if any be so sottish as to follow our dark lanthorns , they will stumble , fall , and be broken without remedy : for we are such guides , as lead all that will follow us to destruction , and that in the greatest silence and security we can , lest we should draw inquisitive eyes upon us . yea farther , we will tell you , that there is no real worth in us , we are such a crew , such a nest of fowl birds , that there is hardly any thing worth the name of good in any of our lives . all spiritual eyes may see whence we came , and where we are going ; whose we are , and whom we serve ; who imploys us , and who will reward us ; that we do neither know jesus christ , nor believe in him ; that we have no saving acquaintance , either with him or his laws ; that we neither fear , love , nor serve god , but our own bellies ; yea , we make use , ( as we please and have occasion ) of the name and word of christ , for no other ends but to promote the covetousness , pride , tyranny , and ambition of our hearts ; that we make all religion to serve our carnal designs , gain of pretended godliness , and retain the truths of god in unrighteousness , willfully shutting our eyes against the light , lest we see our filthiness , and pull trouble upon our consciences ; endeavouring to suppress it as soon as it appears , and would make conscience speak lowder . yea , what ever some men think of us , we know that many of the kings true subjects are as yet greatly deceived in us , we are so far from having such spirits as the scripture bishops had , or walking as they did , that we are earthly and sensual ; some of us have our mouths full of cursing and bitterness : destruction and misery are in our wayes , the way of truth we have not known , neither is there any fear of god before our eyes : but we are altogether out of the way that leads unto life . yea , our feet are swift to shed blood ; and we have such guilty consciences , when they appear to us out of their sepulchres , such filthy stinking conversations , that we dare not reprove any abominations practised by others ; and so we partake of their sins , and lye under the guilt of their wickedness , as being the peoples spiritual lords and ghostly fathers . fourteen . scripture bishops sought the glory and honour of their lord and master that imployed them , the welfare and enlargment of the kingdom and gospel of christ ; that he might reign , be owned , and glorified every where . but we look not at all after that , our business is , to seek our selves , our own glory and renown , great riches and promotion , to be called of men rabby , to have thousands and ten thousands fall down and worship us , our image , and authority ; to have great and small under our girdles , at our becks and appointing , that our posterities may be exalted , and that our glorious names , titles and dignities , may be recorded to posterity . they did make it their business to discountenance and beat down sin , and promote serious holiness , the power and life of godliness : but we are the chief upholders , promoters , and encouragers of wickedness , doing all we can to discourage true holiness , and the practicers thereof . fifteen . scripture bishops , did glory in the cross of iesus christ , rejoyce that they were accounted worthy to suffer shame for his name and word . but we contemn his cross , set our minds on , and glory in earthly crowns and bishopricks , in our lordly revenues , lofty titles , honours , power and greatness ; we neither think of , nor design the lords cross , that is below us . sixteen . but we must haste ; therefore lastly , scripture bishops were called to the ministry by the people they were to administer unto ; they durst not intrude themselves , but waited for such a call , knowing that they had nothing to do there without their free consent ; and that if they should thrust in themselves , neither christ nor his people , would , or could own , or bless them , and that alwayes in such cases , vox populi is vox dei ; the call of the people , is the voice of god. but , both we our selves , and also our curats , are gross intruders , like hildebrands hoggs , who being unyoked , break through hedges , and violently thrust our selves into others proprieties , and plunder them of their fruit , and are as welcome as hoggs in corn fields . thus we have informed you how unlike we are unto the lords bishops mentioned in scripture ; and as we told you , there is no similitude or likeness between them and us . so we hope you see it made evident to you , and therefore you will not for time to come deceive your selves , in thinking us to be better than indeed we be , for we have told you the naked truth , and we could tell you a great deal more of the like stuffe ; as that scripture bishops were equal , of the same size , there was no inferiority nor superiority among them ; one was not a lord bishop , and another his chaplain or curate : christ crusht that spirit , that was rising amongst them , of lordliness , before he left the world . but we have cut ministers into several sizes and degrees , with our sacred hands ; so that one sort are apes , another sort asses , some are servants , others of the same tribe are lords and masters . but you are a company of cockbrains , you are such noddy-caps , that you know nothing but what you are taught by us your ghostly-fathers : alas men , you understand not the mystery of prelacy ; you see not our deep witted craft , policy , treachery , and deceit ; you look on us , and see us carry about mens faces , being fastened unto our fat shoulders , but you see not our hearts , and brains ; could you find us out , you would see a pack of cards that are all knaves , a herd of beasts all spotted , were it not that we delude such simpletons as you are , with our golden titles , gay and sumptuous cloaths , houses and horses , canonical and consecrated germents , and such like trumperies , with holy oyl , and orders , to dazzle and blind your eyes , that you can hardly discern us what we are within our doublets and breehces . ten. your lordships have ingenuously satisfied us in your unlikeness unto the approved scripture bishops ; now we desire your help in satisfying us concerning your likeness unto , and agreeing with bishop bonner , bishop gardner , and such like brave fellows of the romish ▪ tribe . bish. well , we shall satisfie you in this too , for we see there is no getting your money out of your pockets , till you have gotten all our divinity out of our heads . first , then we answer , we are the same with them in our original , state , places , and offices , in our spirits , natures , works , designes , dignities , and other things : but we must tell you also , that we cannot extort so boundless and unlimitted power from our rulers , as they got from theirs , so as to proceed in our designes , and execute our desires upon the generation of the righteous as they did : we have sought after it , and attempted it with all our might , but cannot obtain it , for our rulers , we perceive , are grown wiser now , than to trust male-pates , such sir johns as we are , with so much power as they had , which doth not a little trouble our deep witts ▪ indeed our bull is as good as theirs , but he hath not so long horns , yet we live in hope his horns may grow longer , for 't is a young bull. however , it must not be imputed to our want of craft or subtilty , for we have acted as wisely , or rather as wilily as they did , though , as yet , our success be not as theirs was , because , as we said , our magistrates are wiser : but we have not laboured altogether in vain , or for nought , for we got upon the backs of some magistrates long since , and prevailed upon them to establish us in our high dignities , &c. and to imploy themselves in , and about our service . we have perswaded them by many crafty wiles we used with them , to set their hands , ( we would have had their loyns too ) to our trade , and to assist , as our slaves , in persecuting all such as would not bow to our idols , and cry , great is diana of the ephesians . we thought , that ( as the world now goes ) we had done enough in procuring laws , though we set them to be executioners of them ; for we foresaw it would prove but dirty unprofitable work to afflict innocent persons , to please our humors , and that it would make all the agents about it , very hateful both to god and men , as is now evident ; we say , we therefore in policy did commend it to such of the laity as would undertake it , not judging it prudence to dirty our own sacred fingers with it , but with pilate to wash them , and so proclaim , we are clear of the blood of these men ; and set the prophane layty ( as we account them ) to pollute their hands with it , and so we have kept our selves clean . but we must not speak so loud , lest these gentlemen should find out our crafty knavery , and serve our designes no longer . and indeed , had not our chief magistrates been more tender and careful of their subjects welfare , than we are of our flocks ; and had those gentlemen , whom we imployed in our druggery , been as forward in executing the laws , which we by subtilty procured , according to our intentions and desires , there had been thousands of families ruined more than there are : and had we known before , that they would have acted no more violently against the best subjects of our princes , then they have done , and have ruined them , as we intended , we should have taken the work into our own consecrated hands , nothing doubting but in case we had stained our holy garments , and defiled our sweet hands in their blood , but that his holiness would have washed us as clean again as a fish. but we were not so wise as to foresee all events , and what cannot be cured must be endured ; we will let them alone and look to our selves now . but we are not a little troubled that we have set up so many mills , and have so few grists come there ; that our shops have been so long open , and we have had so little custome . our spiritual officers in our high courts have little work to do , there they sit till their noses drop , sighing and wringing their hands . they and we hoped to have allured many fools to our nets , but they do not come , and some of those few that do come , are grown so wise , that we cannot catch them . for they know that we have but lame courts , and that if they should own and submit unto our doings ( we acting in our own names , contrary to known laws , and kings supremacy ) they might incur a premunire ; and therefore when persons cited , do appear before us , they are grown so wise , ( and we cannot ride them like asses now ) that they presently demand to see our authority for keeping courts , and we having none , can shew none ; so they very fairly refuse to answer to our demands , and put us upon answering them , ( werein we think they do wisely ) and they carry themselves before us as if they were our cock-mates , so that they do deither love nor fear us . indeed now and then we catch an owl in our nets , but not alwayes ; our trading is so bad , that we are ready to shut up our shop windows , and verily we think it would be our wisdom so to do , before the frost catch us . but to return to our answer again , from which we diverted a little : we say further , that the aforesaid bishops and us , are much alike ; as , . they constrain and compell all men to their religion ; so do we . . did they erect a carnal church , both for matter and form ? so do we . . were they hot and restless in their malice against the poor innocent saints ? so are we too . . they made the hearts of the righteous sad , whom god would not have made sad ; so do we . . they strengthened the hands of the wicked , that they should not return from their evil way , by promising them life ; so do we . . they belye and slander the lords people to their rulers , and provoked and stirred them up , to help them in abusing them ; so do we . . they did endeavour to extinguish the light of the gospel , that it might not shine into mens hearts ; so do we . . they did delight in destroying the lords flock , and made slaughter among them , and havock of them ; so do we . . they would not suffer the lord iesus to appoint his own worship , but would carve out a worship for him as they saw good , and enjoyn all to own it , and conform to it , or punish them ; so do we , . they did revile and deride the holy spirit in the saints ; so do we likewise . we might instance in very many other things , wherein we are as like them as face answereth to face in a glass . but let these suffice to convince you , that we , and they do act by the same spirit , tread in the same steps , and drive on the same ends ; and to tell you the plain truth ( although to our grief ) we have ( by the wisdom of our rulers ) not been so succesful as they , yet we have acted as vigorously , and with as good a will as they , to accomplish the same ends , and have made our selves as abominable and loathsom as they , and we do look for the same reward that they have had . ten. you have satisfied us by what you have now said ; shall it please you to inform us what the reason is that you are not made peers of the land , that so your heirs may be instated in some of your honours and dignities ; for we suppose you intend to leave them great estates . bish. we do so intend , and hope we may effect it ; we do assure you , we do endeavour it , both by hook and by crook ; but as for their peerage , we cannot tell what to say to that , we fear we shall hardly obtain that ; for we have attempted it , but it would not take , which doth not a little trouble us , but however we shall watch all opportunities to effect it ; but when it was propounded , we met with an unhappy repulse , ( which was as we remember ) that if such an absurdity should be admitted , another as bad would follow , ( viz. ) that some of those young peers might be fetcht out of hospitals , which would not be well , nor for the honour of the honourable lords and nobles . but if it should not be obtained , we can satisfie our selves , we have done our utmost to promote it ; and our heirs must be contented to sit lower . but 't is pitty that so honourable persons as we are , such noble and useful barons , as we are thought to be , should leave our children without some badge of honour . ten. if it shall please your lordships , do you want any curats , or herdsmen to serve you ? if you do , we can procure you some . bish. yes , we want a dozen or two , pray help us if you can to such a number . ten. we shall , but pray tell us what manner of creatures they must be , for we cannot tell if they be quallified to your minds , and will serve your turns . bish. very well , we shall tell you briefly : 't is no great matter what they be , for they shall be blessed with our holy hands , consecrated with our holy oyl , and be ordained with , and by our romish authority ; all which we received from our holy father and mother : yea , they shall act , and administer in our names , which are but little less than wonderful ; they shall also receive a special mark from us in their foreheads , that they may be known to be our brats : they shall partake also of our scraps and leavings , which will be good enough for such fools as will be our slaves , to drudge up and down for us : yea , they shall be at our disposal , and officiate how , where , and as long as we please , and no otherwise : for , if they should prove better than we expected , then we will silence , and turn them out of doors ; but if they prove worser , we will connive at that , for we cannot endure that our herdsmen , and postilians should be better than we , which are their lords and masters : so that if they are iohn-a-nokes , and thomas stiles , they will serve well enough , provided alwayes ; . that they will be our slaves , and subject to our prelatical orders . . if they can drink and swear , &c. lustily ; if they can rail at , and blaspheme the lords people , that run not with them into the same excess of riot ; and if they will vigorously and tyrannically execute our canonical orders against them . . if they will abjure the covenant , and bind themselves to us , engage to own us for their canonical masters , and serve us as our iourney-men . . if they have good stomacks and can digest our old broth , without vomiting ; for it hath stunk so abominably these thirty years and more , and 't is so stale and sowre , they must be of very strong stomacks , that can without great offence and danger digest it : therefore both you and they must be prepared for it . . they must be such as will freely help to bear up our tottering kingdom of darkness , ( for our kingdom and interest cannot stand in light ) they must by their preaching and prayers , railing and deceit , assist to keep us upon our lame leggs , lest we should fall and break our consecrated noses : and indeed we have not any supporters to bear our selves upon but such rotten ones . our kingdom is not built on the chief-corner-stone ; we have little interest in heaven , nor in the hearts and prayers of the saints , for we have dealt with them as saul did with the witches in israel ; yea , the holy god is our enemy , and will not stand by to help us in time of need , for we are gods enemies , both in our states , principles and practices ; yea , our prayers , which are made by our canonical witts , and sacred hands , and which we call divine , will not help us upon our leggs , neither comfort , nor save us in the day of our distress : and we asure you , we did not intend , when we made them , that the use of them should please god , or profit the souls of men . but our ends were to encourage and help an idle dumb ministry , that by them we might keep souls in ignorance , put out the light in mens consciences , harden and besot mens minds in our superstition and prophaness , lest that men , by the light of the glorious gospel should have their eyes opened to see our loathsom nakedness , and thereby we should become more hateful . wherefore tenants , you will do us a good turo , if you can commend such unto us , for our sacred hands to consecrate ; but be sure they be so well qualified for us , that they may be like the rest of our herdsmen : for assuredly , our herdsmen are almost all such ; if any of them are of a better breed , they will not serve our ends , no matter if they have more of those prelatical qualities , for we can make them divine and holy enough for our use without any cost , and with our prelatical paws , and black-boxes , fit them for our work , and send them into our vineyards , that by our means are full of briars and thistles , and there they shall abide with scratcht faces : but be ye sure that they be such persons , as are before described , for should they be serious holy persons , that have the spirit of god , wise , self-denying , humble men , they may prejudice our interests , and like bold merchants , help to trip up our heels , as luther did our great grandfathers . we have but these three pillars only to bear our fat bellies , heavy purses , brave coaches , lordly titles , palaces and bishopricks upon , which we assure you are worth the keeping , by any means , right or wrong ; for if matters go well on our side , we cannot tell but we may be cock-mates with cardinals , yea , possibly some of us with his holiness ; for we are hastening to them as fast as we can , and had it not been for these cock-brain phanaticks , we had been there ere now ; however , we may yet come in good time , if we meet with no bad luck in our way : we will keep our standing sure upon , . the authority of laws . . the point of the sword. . on the interest and faithfulness of our right-trusty and beloved herds-men : and so if they keep their eyes out at their holes , to watch and secure us and our cause when we sleep , we shall not be moved . ten. your fatherhoods have satisfied us , and they are ready yonder at the common house : your holy fatherhoods know it well enough . bish. are they there , pray wish them to stay till we come to the house . ten. we shall , for there they are merry and jocund , they curse , roar , and sing , yea , as a high expression of their high respects to you , they very freely drink your healths , until they are dead drunk . bish. very well , such fellows , and pot-companions we like well , we wish you could procure us two or three dozen of such lads , seeing they are so well given , they are likely to be a pack of useful drudges in our vineyard ; pray get at least three dozen of such , and we shall give you one red herring and a pot of beer for every dozen that you bring us , for we judge they may be worth so much , seeing they are so well qualified and fitted for our turn . ten. shall it please your reverences to inform us what your bishopricks with their appurtenances cost you , because some say , 't is a profitable way of trading ; others again are of another opinion ; we would fain know of you , because you have traded in these wares ? are they dear or cheap , good penny-worths or bad , how goes the market ? bish. you country-small-wits , dottipoles and asses , you know not what you say , one of our bishopricks is worth more than a hundred such woodcocks as you are ; you will never be able to purchase one , and therefore trouble not your selves nor us about such questions , but pay us our rents now due , and do your utmost to provide them in due season for time to come , else we shall have very bad bargains , if you do not help us out . but to tell you the truth , our bishopricks with their appurtenances are so high rated , we cannot certainly tel you what they may cost us , for we have cause to fear , our gains will hardly countervail our losses and expences ; you had need therefore to look well to your business , and pay us our dues exactly , for , for ought we know , our grandfather iudas had as good a bargain as we are like to have : he sold his master , whom he looked on to he a poor man , for thirty pieces of silver , and we have sold our souls and bodies too ; yes , we have made merchandize of christs flock , and the souls of thousands , to get and keep our bishopricks , and the dignities and advantages belonging to them ; and the glory , gospel , and interest of the lord christ , is sold for the purchasing of them . the truth is , we have gotten them with so much wickedness ( and 't is impossible it should be otherwise ) that as king iames once said , when he was pressed by some to give a vacant bishoprick to a good man ; why , saith he , there is no good man will accept of a bishoprick ; i could never get an honest man to take any such wares ) that we fear , and have may sad thoughts about it , we shall pay for them hereafter , with the popes , cardinals , bishops , and the rest of that iovial crew . ten. please your holy fatherhoods not to think so hardly of your selves , your conditions and wayes , for in our opinions , if your highnesses think you shall pay so dear for them , you will have very hard bargaines , and were better let them alone : let the devil and his curates take them , and trade in those wares that are so dear : yea we think that none but such stout hearted creatures as you are , durst to trade at such dreadful hazards . but please your reverences to tell us , why you think you have such bad bargains ? bish. besides what we told you before , we can evidence it in many particulars . . we do by our bad examples draw many thousands of poor ignorant souls after us , as sheep to the slaughter ; we are some of those blind guides the scripture speaks of , we are doceitful comets in our pretended sacred offices , lordly titles , palaces , garments and great attendants , whereby we draw the eyes of many silly souls , to account us stars : they gaze upon us , and wonder at us , as if we were some rare birds ; yet they easily see our pride and ambition , our covetousness , extortion , luxury , wantonness , hypocrisie , superstition , idolatry , baseness , filthyness , vanity , ends , and designs ; and they doubt not but that they may follow our steps in peace and safety , while they hear us pretend to holyness , and cry up our selves as holy fathers , spiritual pastors , wise and learned men , and they see we have a form of godliness , and practise a pompous and gaudy religion , to make use of the name of god , and christ ; thus are they hardned and encouraged to go on in their evil ways without checks of conscience , because we embolden them by our example , whom they judge wiser and better . so that it was not without cause we told you , we feared hard bargains of our bishopricks . . we do not only cause men to erre by our pernicious and prophane examples , but we do all we can to shut up the kingdom of heaven against poor souls , by extinguishing the light , and putting out the candles that should direct men to eternal life : we hating the light ourselves , ( being as lord-bishops , children of darkness , cannot endure that others should have light. we were restless in our wily workings until we had turned out of christs vineyard such as he had sent thither , and were true , lights , and we saw many walking in the light to heaven by their teachings , which we did greatly envy . besides , we shut men out of heaven , and communion with god , by our forbidding them to draw nigh to god in his own wayes of worship . we were the men that shut up that door likewise , and are not a little troubled that our wise rulers , who seeing it their interests have conniv'd and wink'd so much at the meetings of good men , and th●● that door is so open as it is this day ▪ indeed our rulers would never have disturbed them ; but through our lying and dissembling inst gations , we possessed them with our charms , that such meetings would be very dangerous to church and state , although we knew it to be false , and we have since been proved lyans : and that our designes were to keep poor souls from happiness , and to secure our cursed interests . . we are the great countenancer● and encouragers of all iniquity and prophanness in others , as well as in our selves , so that it may be truly said , that from us is wickedness gone forth into all the land. our herds-men have much of their wickedness from us ; they seeing us such our selves , who hate real godliness in some , and like and approve of evil in all , and that as lord-bishops , we cannot well do otherwise ; we never reprove any sin , but we reprove godliness , mock and deride that , yea we constrain men to do worses than their fathers , as you shall see anon ; and undoubtedly all the abominable swearing , uncleanness , gluttony , drunkenness , blasphemy , oppression , and all sorts of villanies will be laid at our doors at last ; by which it appears that our merchandize is likely to make us bankrupts . . in the next place , we are the great impoverishers of the nation , we stop the trading of the land , and that among other wayes , we get in and damn up , the money of the nation in our coffers , wherewith men should trade , and that to maintain our voluptuousness , enrich our families , and buy sacred garments : by means whereof the poor of the nation are ready to perish for want of bread , because we have blasted the trading stock of the nation ( wherewith they should be imployed ) with our consecrated hands , mouths , bellies , and backs , and we are assured that thousands of almost starved families , do curse us as the only instrumental causes of their ruine ; besides the several thousands of ministers , whom we have endeavoured with all our might to starve to death . all which is as clear as the sun at noon day ; for , before our erection , how did our traders , merchants , and farmers thrive in , and by their labours ; but what a pittiful case are they in now ? our tongues , though sacred , cannot express how much the nation hath suffered by our wickedness . so that upon the whole , we are the destroyers both of the souls and bodies of all sorts of persons ; and we may well enough fear what the end will prove of our trading in those commodities . . you may behold yet greater wickedness in our practises , as lord-bishops ; we do dethrone the lord jesus christ , the lord of glory ; and as much as in us lies , rob him of his lordly authority and power , which he received from god , upon his dying for sinners , which was to ordain and appoint the worship that god should have from his subjects , both the matter and manner of it ; and that he should enact and ordain such laws as he saw good , for keeping his subjects in subjection to him ; as also the matter and form of his houses and temples , with their officers and duties . but we have endeavoured to divest and cheat him of all his glory and authority therein , by setting up our posts by his posts ( as his enemies of old did ) our own worship , churches , officers and discipline ; commanding and enjoyning christs subjects to leave his laws , worship and order , and conform , and bow down to ours , punishing and vexing such as will not reject christ and serve us ; that dare not be such flat rebels and traitors to jesus christ , as to own and submit their souls and consciences to our baubles and images , our usurpations and tyranny . . we are yet worser , if worser can be , and that is to constrain persons to lying , swearing , perjury , oppressing and persecuting ; as if it were not enough that they practise so , but they must be bound to it ; and if this be not to draw iniquity with cartropes , we do not know what is . to these abominations we compel our curates or herds-men , when we send them forth into our vineyards , and breath on them , ( as we falsly tell them ) the holy ghost ; although in their practises it soon appears , to be the evil spirit . they must engage to submit and conform unto our prelatical canons , decrees and orders , and to affirm , that our church and lordly discipline , is according to the word of god , how notoriously false , and contrary soever it be to the word of god. and they must bind themselves to execute our canonical or tyrannical laws , in oppressing , vexing and persecuting such good men as cannot bend to our bows , and conform to our filthy wayes , against their knowledge and consciences ; so we first tye up our herds-mens noses to the posts , and secure them to us , as our bondmen , that we may use them at our pleasure , as we do our asses ; and the said herds-men go forth , and make as many fools as they can to become their slaves and asses also . moreover , as we do compel our herds-men to take our iron yoke on their necks , to keep them close to our drudgery , so we deal with our other church-officers , the church-wardens , we constrain them to swear without fear or wit , to make our selves merry with it , to see what asses we make of some of them , how we conjure them to stand still , while we leap on their backs , and when we have mounted them , we do kick and spur-gale them till we draw blood . we enjoyn them to swear ( under the penalty of being accursed as black as our breeches , by our lordly authority ) to do that which is impossible for them to do , as you may see in the needless number of particulars , asserted in the church-wardens oath , and the book of articles . besides , if it were possible to be kept , yet not to keep it well ; for they must swear to sin with a high hand against the most high god , the lord christ , and the souls of men ; to cause all to be punished with our bull , that conform not unto our superstitious decrees . so that if the said church-wardens do swear to do what they are there injoyned , and do not do it , they ruine their souls by gross perjury ; if they observe and do what they swear to , then they endeavour to destroy their own and others souls another way ; all which may easily be seen in the book it self where the said oath is , and all the particulars of our prelatical will and pleasure , set forth by our authority , conrary to the known laws of the land. and now and then we catch such pittiful dunces in our trap , and make them swear what we please against sense and reason , and then we laugh at their follyes , and reproach them for their labour . here you may see unparallel'd wickedness , there is hardly the like to be found among the heathens . who can but blush at this villany ? by these bishop-like practices , we destroy men with our sacred hands . ten. pray tell us what your ends are in making and imposing such an impossible , horrid oath on church-wardens ? bish. we shall tell you briefly . . 't is to make all men our vassals and slaves . . that we may have the company of many with us hereafter ; for we being great persons , are loth to go alone , or with few attendants ; and that we may be used the ●ore civilly and kindly , we bringing multitudes with us . . to enrich our courts , and to keep our agents there from idleness , and catching of colds lest they being disabled from serving us , we should be without servants , and falling sick we should be at expence to recover them again . . that we may have their reverence and homage , and see their naked bald pates . . that we may keep them in blindness , lest their eyes should be open to see our cloven feet . . that we may thereby strengthen and uphold our kingdom , honours and greatness . . that we may boast of , and rejoyce in our good success , as fowlers , when they have gotten many birds in their nets , and caught a good gain ( as they say ) they triumph in the thoughts of their art and success ; so do we , when we come home and consider how many asses we have caught in our artificial canonical snares . so that we do all we can to ruine poor souls , and we have reason to fear , that there have thousands perisht by our means , whereby it appears that we shall have hard bargains in our bishopricks . . we have the ruine of many fatherless children and widows , crying for vengeance against us . for we are they that have undone men causelesly ; to fulfil our lusts , and promote our interests , we have turned many families out of doors , to famish with hunger , and perish with thirst ; by our sacred hands are they destitute , afflicted , tormented ; we have snatched the meat out of their mouthes , since we made them widows and orphans , insomuch that many families have no meat for their bellies , or cloathing for their backs , through our oppression , pride and covetousness . and as these cry against us , so do many prisoners also , whom we have cruelly imprisoned , and drove like beasts into filthy nasty goals , there to remain during our pleasure without bail or main-prize : for we were not satisfied in cursing them with our black bull , as black as ink , but have set them upon our bulls horns , to be tormented . many have lien in prison ( whom we drove there , three , four , five or six years , for meet trifles . for , ( tenants ) you must know that we have two slaughter-houses , the one for the soul , and the other for the body . the soul slaughter-house is our churches way of worship , ceremonies , orders , and discipline ; the other is the garnished palace of felons and murderers : and such as cannot in conscience be drawn into the soul-slaughterhouse , there to prophane the holy name and word of god , and promote the ruine of their souls ; we do with all rigour and violence drive to the other ; that so we may not fail either of destroying their souls or bodies , which we most vigorously prosecute . besides , there be some fled from us into forreign parts , through fear of our wicked hands , and others that by our means have been banished , and live in exile , all which cry for vengeance from heaven against us ▪ so that we are like to pay very dear for our dignities and bishopricks . besides , we have driven , and with all our might endeavoureed to drive all our kings best subjects , such as are the diligent and profitable traders in the nations , and that are most useful to assist their lawful rulers , out of the land , as our work was to ruine all , both rulers and ruled . . we have and still do all we can to root out all persons in church and state , that have any real worth in them , either for god or man ; that they may not have any office , power , or interest there . such as cannot comply with us in our hateful wayes and interests ; for we do loath all that have any acquaintance with god , or that are accounted holy and serious men , and desert our prelatical interests and pernitious wayes : but that which doth prety well quiet our consciences in such practices is , that 't is no new thing ; for we do in this and other of our wayes , tread in the steps of our infamous ancestors of the papal church , and we are resolved to dissent from them as little as we can , not knowing how soon we may be perfectly joyned together with them in all points and practices : yea , we are greatly comforted , and it doth not a little rejoyce us , that we have gotten so many into our netts , who were once against us , yea , did solemnly swear against us , who are now the great supporters of our hierarchy and interest ; who can swear backwards and forwards , as times will permit ; who make their oaths , covenants and professions , only a cloak to serve their carnal interests : for we think 't is more for fear of us , than love to us or our wayes ; and indeed if we could find that they were real and hearty in their joyning with us , and not for filthy lucre , it would more fully refresh our tormented consciences than it doth : but we fear they are but belly and time-servers , as well as we our selves . it is their fear of us , and love to good livings , that makes them do what they do ; and we have much ado with some of them , who have not with us , wholly buried their consciences , to bring them to our bow , and to make them own us , and do our drudgery that we enjoyn them ; they act like dull and tired horses , that must be spurred on to serve our designs : we are fain to fill up our vineyard with such asses , and we spread our nets every where to catch such owls , and when we caught them , we are afraid to trust them , for we think that such as can be false to god , and men of their own profession , so as to forswear themselves at our pleasure , will not long be stedfast and honest with us . but we will watch them , and goar some of them with our bulls horns , and make the rest the more circumspect and dutiful to us . you may see that these phanatick birds are loth to be catch'd in our nets , for we could catch but one of them with our allurements to accept of a bishoprick , to make up the jovial crew of lord-bishops ; and we fear that that bishop that once swore against us , will drive but a beggarly trade in norwich stuffs , and that he will lose himself at last , yea , we do know that his credit is generally crackt already , and we guess that his conscience is almost bankrupt before now . but we shall leave him to answer for himself , to him that will shortly call him to account for his perjury , and other sins which he is notoriously guilty of in complying with us : for he hath perswaded and seduced more to our wicked ways , then ten of us that had never his interest , fame and repute , which is now buried as well as ours . and as we rejoyce that we have gotten such birds to receive our prelatical unction , &c. so we rejoyce in that our journey-men have got so many phanaticks to hear them in their parish-churches , who come there more through fear of us than god ; and to avoid our horns , more than to avoid the displeasure of god. we know they do but dissemble with god and men , in their being present at our worship , and that they neither love us nor our wayes : so that we affright them to act contrary to their consciences , that they may avoid our corporal slaughter-houses ; and in this we do rejoyce : for as we are grieved when christ catches any of our subjects in his net , so we are glad when we catch any of christs in ours ; and we labour night and day , that we may have and keep more followers of us in the broad way to hell , than jesus christ hath in the strait way to heaven , moreover , it is notoriously evident , that our states and ways are very bad , wicked and hateful , and no way pleasing unto god ; in that we have none to pitty and help us , to love , comfort , and pray for us , for the prosperity and happiness of us and our posterities ; but ( for the most part , the vilest of men ) such as are our off-spring , and ill-begotten sons , such as have our qualities and wolfish natures , and have neither interest in heaven , nor in the hearts of the saints ; none but such as love and serve us for their bellies , as we our selves do serve god , and our rulers ; they are our very image , and look , speak and walk like us , and how can such help us ? are we superstitious ? so are they . are we dumb doggs , idle shepherds , prophane and cruel oppressors ? so are they too . are we worldlings , covetous wretches and wine bibbers ? so are they likewise . are we haters of god and good men , of the power and light of grace , and the gospel ? so are they also . are we proud ambitious wretches , time-servers , lyars and dissemblers ? so are they likewise . are we such as draw and drive others to iniquity ? so do they . have we whores foreheads that refuse to be ashamed ? so have they also . so that you may easily see and know what the fathers are by their children , and what the children are by their fathers . would you see the pretty faces and complexions of bishops , but cannot obtain the sight of their reverend nubal-faces , being denyed access to their lofty honours , by reason of the great distance that is between the laity , and these ghostly fathers ? be pleased to look on our children , we mean , our heard-men , and you may know us as well as if you had seen our canonical faces ; for they are begotten , taught and brought up by us , and will not vary from us in any thing , so long as we and they can hold up our interests , and make advantages of each other . but they are not one 〈◊〉 honester than we are , not fit to be trusted ; and we fear , if the tide of our fortunes should turn , and the sun shine on the other side of the hedge , and we not able to gratifie them any longer , that they will help to promote us to tyburn , notwithstanding they are our sons . yea , our case is very sad , for we are wholly rejected of god , and all good men ; or , we have rejected god , and persecuted them : and they cannot but judge , but that we our selves are the brats of the whore of babylon , that the devil is our father , and rome our mother ; and to tell you the truth , we do judge so too : but let it not be spoken in gath , for then you will marr our markets . and to tell you the truth , our consciences do rise out of their graves , appear to us , plague and torment us , at some certain times , that we are affraid of them , and cannot endure to hear or see them , for they look like damned ghosts , as if the devil had the keeping of them ; and though we do all we can to bribe and conjure them from us , yet they will speak and vex us : they present unto us the many cries , sighs and tears , the hungry bellies , and naked backs of thousands of fatherless children , and widows that we have made ; the griefs , sorrows and miseries of many poor prisoners and banished saints , that we have laid in prisons , and caused to be banished . they tell us of our horrid perjury , superstition and idolatry , and other abominable wickednesses , which we daily practise without repentance . but their voices are smartest and loudest against us , for persecuting and driving away the gospel from men , and for damning many souls daily ; they bring the dreadfull cries of damned souls to us , and lay the guilt at our doors , and tell us plainly ( and we cannot deny it ) that we sent them blindfold to hell ; that we did shut up the kingdom of heaven against them , took away the light of the gospel from them , and hardned their hearts in sin , that they had not been there but for our wicked practices . so that do what we can to remove these fiends from us , they will visit and dogg us up and down . we do endeavour to stop their mouths with the best arguments we have , as with our sacred orders , spiritual titles , holy garments , high and lofty places and honours , great revenues and attendants , the examples of our reverend romish ancestors , from phocus his days , until the year . and also the many laws made to keep us in the saddle . but all these arguments are too short to help and comfort us ; yea , we fear his holiness's pardon cannot stop the mouths of our roa●ing consciences . besides , we miscarry and are blasted in all we do , we are the most unhappy statesmen , we will still be medling with state affaires , but without good success , our counsels are such as god doth curse ; so that if our rulers did but know , and observe us , how pernitious and mischievous we are to their counsels and government , they would spue us out of their presence . for were it not for us , they would be much more happy and prospe●ous in their publick affairs ; more quiet and comfortable in their government , more generally beloved of their subjects ; for we do divide the hearts of princes from their subjects , and subjects hearts from them , by our pride , extortion , luxury , superstition , persecution and oppression . so that it may be truly said , there are hardly any publick evils or miscarriages in the state , wher● we bear sway , but we are the immediate authors and causers of them . insomuch as you know it is a vulgar proverb , when any evil or cross happens , to say , the bishops foot was there . in fine , we cannot live but in troubled waters , and therefore believe it , there is no satyrical invective printed and published , that thunders out the peoples groans and burdens , whether spiritual or civil , but we are the authors of it , ( though like our brethren on good friday , we fetch blood at our own heels in so doing ) and all to possess supream authority that the people are disaffected to the government , and therefore ought to be vassalized ; thus prevent we a right understanding betwixt our rulers and the good people of the land , in whose amicable tranquillity , were it not for these cursed stratagems , our would unavoidably period . by this time we hope all your cases and doubts are resolved , and we promise you , we have taken paines with you , yea a great deal more than ever we shall do again . now we hope you will pay us the monies you owe us , that we may suck out all the sweetness and comfort we can from it , to support our miserable fainting souls ; we have need enough of it , although we have many thousand pounds lying by us ; for if you do believe what we have told you , you cannot but conclude we are the miserablest men upon earth , and have nothing to support us but such earthly things ; you poor country-men are in a far better case then we , for your sins are not so great as ours , who are your holy fathers , you have not so many to curse you , and cry for vengeance against you , nor so much innocent blood to account for as we have , neither shall you be plunged under so great vengeance in hell as we , for you sin not against so much light and mercy as we . o tenants , were it not for hell and the wrath of god , what brave happy men were we , could we make any shift to escape hell , we should be a more jovial crew than we are ; we would not at all trouble our selves about sinning , were it not for suffering that follows ; sin troubles us not , but we are terrified at the thoughts of lying in hell fire eternally . ten. we shall now dismiss your lordships as soon as you have resolved us this one case more , which is , whether tenants be bound to pay their rents unless they be able ? bish. yes tenants , you must pay us our rents , the whole sum to a groat , though you are not bound to do so to others , because we are spiritual persons , your holy and ghostly fathers , and if you detain rents from us after they are due , you are guilty of sacriledge , you rob the church , and that 's an unpardonable sin in our spiritual courts ; whatever sin else we can pardon , yet be assured we neither can nor will pardon sacriledge , especially against our selves ; and if you be found guilty in our spiritual courts , and held there under our black curse , you cannot so long be pardoned in heaven . you know we teach you , that whatever , or whosoever we bind on earth , is bound also in heaven ; and whose sins we remit , they are there remitted also . therefore we do not care nor mind how , or where you get the money , but we tell you that we must and will have it , else you know what will follow , if you be such fools to believe it . ten. well , we shall bring your rents next week , for we will not trouble your lordships to carry it home , for we judge it will be too heavy for you to cary so far , and think your eye-sight is much decayed with continual looking on money , so that you cannot test right , we fear you 'l mistake a shilling for six pence , therefore we will send it ready told . bish. very well , we shall expect it then , pray fail nor . but tenants , pray tell us briefly , what repute have we amongst men ? what do they report of us their spiritual lords ? do they speak honourably of us , or contemptibly ? do men reverence us or not ? we would know how the country doth stand affected to us , our hierarchy and proceedings , pray inform us , for we know you can if you will. ten. we shall tell you what we do certainly know , at least a little of it . first , we do assure you , that you are generally loathed and abhorred ; there are not any in the country , whither rich or poor , that do at all regard you , or so much as own you ; no , their hearts are set against you , as against the enemies of god , the gospel and nation , and the immediate causes of the ruine and destruction both of their souls and bodies . they do conclude , and are not afraid to speak it , that you are the greatest of all external judgments and plagues , the heaviest and saddest judgements that god in justice punisheth kingdoms withal : for when nations and kingdoms rebel against god , grow weary of his yoak and service , slight and contemn his gospel , and gospel-ministers , abuse their christian liberty , grow formal and cold in their duties to god , wax wanton with mercies , and quarrel with each other , loath the honey-combes of blessed ordinances , and neglect to walk humbly with their god : then god in wisdom and justice sends them such task-masters as you are , to scourge and afflict them , to take away their light and priviledges from them , to turn their day into night , their glory into shame , their joy into sorrow , and their liberty into bondage , their milk and honey into gall and wormwood , the holy and soul-nourishing ordinances , into superstition and humane inventions , to ruine , or at least to wast and impoverish their estates , and every way to punish vex and torment them , as the egyptians did the israelites . so that they do believe , that you are every way as vile and abominable as you have confessed and declared your selves to be , and that you are the rods of gods anger and hot displeasure against them , as the assyrians were to the iews . yea , we do assure you , that although many do cringe to you through fear , and give you flattering titles , yet they loath and abhor you : you are the eye-sore of the nations , grievous to all creatures excepting a few that gain by you ; you are like the prophets vile figgs , and are accounted the miserablest men upon earth . did you but believe how you stink in all mens nostrils , you would hardly come abroad but keep close in your cells ; for the children in the streets loath the very sight of you , and can hardly be perswaded that you are english men , but that you came from rome or turky , and were born turks or jews . we are all perswaded , that as god set you up in wrath and vengeance to the nations , for their high provocations , so he will keep you up until his wrath be appeased by repentance ; and that as soon as god shall return to us in tender mercy , as he did to jerusalem , and pardon us , that he will immediately root you out , and cast you forth as dung upon the face of the earth , and that you shall be more debased than ever you were exalted ; for as you are the staff of gods indignation , to punish us for our iniquities , so when you have done your work , god will burn his staff , and you shall not escape unless you do speedily repent in dust and ashes . you do now triumph and rejoyce while gods pretious redeemed saints do mourn , but saith christ , their sorrow shall be turned into joy ; but you , that are their oppressours and persecutors , shall howl for vexation of spirit , and leave your names for a curse unto his chosen . they do now weep in secret for your pride , they cry for vengeance upon babylon , and we are sure when it comes , that you shall not escape . you have turned many of the lords people out of the land ; but be you assured you shall be turned into hell without mercy , as having shewed no mercy to them ; your sun of prosperity is setting , your day is hastening upon you , and as a snare shall it overtake you . oh consider how much blood you have to account for , what a lamentable and distressed case will you be in when thousands of souls shall rise up and witness against you , and say . these are the men that destroyed us , these are the cruel ▪ butchers that murdered our souls and bodies , that ruined our families and estates , that made themselves drunk with the blood of christs flock , that did cruelly oppress them , violently persecute them , and like the babylonians of old to the iews , malitiously rob and spoile them of their spiritual pastures , and heavenly food ; that caused them to be dragged through the streets like wild beasts , only for their peaceable worshiping of god according to his will , and refusing to conform to your hateful and pernitious wayes . you condemn the jews for persecuting christ and his prophets , and say , ( to blind the eyes of men ) that you judge they were in an errour , that you would not have done so , had you possessed their places in those dayes , ( as the jews in christs time said concerning their predecessors ) and yet you do the same thing , as appears in your ingenuous confession . you tyrannize and lord it over their consciences , imprison , ruine and murder such as dare not bow down to your idols , and own you for their ghostly fathers . they say , if you are not the natural bratts of the whore of babylon , if you are not proud and malitious persecutors of christ in his members , for godliness sake , that there were never any such in the world . you are the vilest and most hateful persons under heaven , and many hundred thousands of the inhabitants of these lands , do greatly long for , and rejoyce in the faith and hope of the near approach of the day of your destruction ; yea thousands of prayers are put up to heaven daily , either for your conversion or utter ruine . all sorts of men do loath and abhor you , as the plagues of god , as the fire-brands of hell , as a most loathsom crew , and generation of vipers ; and we do greatly comfort our selves that it will not be long ere god will spew you out of his mouth . bish. oh tenants , you have told us a sad story , for although we knew our selves to be as bad , and worse than hath been declared , yet we hoped that the common people did not take notice of it , but we fear they do , and that we shall not be reverenced by them . alas tenants , what shall we do ? we shall go home with heavy hearts , for if we are so loathsom and abominable in the nations , surely the wrath of god is heavy upon us , and we are likely to perish quickly ; o what shall we do for comfort in this our great distress ? ten. we advise you send to your cathedrals , and thence summon all your organists , choristers and singing boys , and from amid them select the most expert for the base , tennor and trebble , then furnish them with the best organs and anthems , yea be sure you forget not good store of merry catches and roundelayes , exactly fitted to chant out your mad exploits , and great services you have done your master all your apprentiships ; take also your pockets full of good angels , that catholick medicine , and two or three hundred tun of the best canary ( 'cause you will need a cup of good liquor there more than you did when you pleaded so hard with us for it ) with this present if you procure not a plenary indulgence , yea what place or office you like in pluto's court , ( who will without doubt , with all his infernal fiends dance a iigg for joy of your jolly company ) we know not what to say , but farewel bishops , farewel plagues o' th nations . bish. you have cheerd us a little with your grave advice , which we think is very good and seasonable , and we promise you we will get a convocation shortly to consider of it , what is best to be done . but pray tell us , if when our glass is run out , and the devil whom we serve , sends for us to hell , will you be pleased to attend and wait on us there , in case we should want you ? ten. no , we will see you advanced to tybourn first : but you need not fear , you shall have attendants enough , for those devils that now do imploy you in your work , and wait on you daily , will honourably conveigh you into hell , with all your high honours and good works ; where we shall leave you , hoping no more to be troubled with you . bish. we charge you not to speak one word to any body what we have discoursed of , for you will quite undo us if you should ; and be sure if you do , we shall slap your bumkins for you , or send you to the devil with our bulls horns . ten. we shall mind what you say . bish. farewel tenants . ten. fare you well sirs . finis . the preaching bishop reproving unpreaching prelates being a brief, but faithful collection of observeable passages, in several sermons preached by the reverend father in god, mr hugh latimer, bish. of worcester, (one of our first reformers, and a glorious martyr of jesus christ) before k. edw. the sixth; before the convocation of the clergy, and before the citizens of london, at pauls. wherein, many things, relating to the honour and happiness of the king (our most gracious soveraign) the honourable lords, the reverend judges, the citizens of london, and commons of all sorts, but especially, the bishops and clergy are most plainly, piously and pithily represented. latimer, hugh, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the preaching bishop reproving unpreaching prelates being a brief, but faithful collection of observeable passages, in several sermons preached by the reverend father in god, mr hugh latimer, bish. of worcester, (one of our first reformers, and a glorious martyr of jesus christ) before k. edw. the sixth; before the convocation of the clergy, and before the citizens of london, at pauls. wherein, many things, relating to the honour and happiness of the king (our most gracious soveraign) the honourable lords, the reverend judges, the citizens of london, and commons of all sorts, but especially, the bishops and clergy are most plainly, piously and pithily represented. latimer, hugh, ?- . [ ], p. printed, and are to be sold by booksellers, london : . reproduction of the original in the christ church library, oxford. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng preaching -- england -- early works to . bishops -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the preaching bishop reproving unpreaching prelates . being a brief , but faithful collection or observeable passages , in several sermons preached by the reverend father in god , mr hugh latimer , bish. of worcester , ( one of our first reformers , and a glorious martyr of jesus christ ) before k. edw. the sixth ; before the convocation of the clergy , and before the citizens of london , at pauls . wherein , many things , relating to the honour and happiness of the king ( our most gracious soveraign ) the honourable lords , the reverend judges , the citizens of london , and commons of all sorts , but especially , the bishops and the clergy are most plainly , piously and pithily represented . he that hateth reproof , is brutish , pro. . . london , printed , and are to be sold by book-sellers , . quem dabis mihi de numero praelatorum , qui non plus invigilat subditorum vacuandis marsupiis , quam vitiis exterpandis ? o utinam tam vigiles reperirentur ad curam , quam alacres currunt ad cathedram , barn. serm. . in cant. to the reverend fathers , the bishops of england . my lords , the name of bishop latimer is of all good men had in great veneration , and therefore it is not to be doubted , but your lordships will afford him a favourable reception : where should the labours of a reformed bishop and martyr , find a safer patronage , then under the wings of the bishops of the reformed churches ? you succeed him in place and dignity , tread also in the steps of his zeal and diligence . the tongues and pens of men are very busie with you ; but be confident , if you be clad with the zeal of your quondam brother , they will be as loath to part with you , as they are now willing to be rid of you : for who is he that will harm you , if ye be followers of that which is good ? your reverend brother tels you in these following pages , that , though in the time of king edward the sixth much was done in the work of reformation , yet all was not done that was necessary : the greater rubbish of popery was thrown out , but ( saith he ) the house is not clean swept yet : the broom is once more in your lordships hands , sweep clean , we beseech you , out with the dust of ceremonies and superstition , as well as with the garbidge and filth of idolatry . take not from a thred to a shoe-latchet , lest rome should say , i have made england rich , if ornaments and ceremonies ( though judged indifferent ) be so necessary , can no other be pitcht upon , then such as are found in the idols temple ? why should the spouse of christ be arrayed in the attire of an harlot ? your pious brother pleads very heartily for the ordinance of preaching , lifting it up above all other parts of worship , and tels you more then once , take away preaching , take away salvation ; a sentence most worthy the mouth of a bishop , and fit to be engraven on the doors of your palaces , and porches of your churches . and your lordships know what that jewel of bishops said , oportet episcopum concionātem mori : oh imitate the zeal and forwardness of your famous predecessors , both in your persons and clergical charge . my lords , by a series of merciful providences , we are brought under the government of the best king in the world , whom one of your brethren not undeservedly stileth , a prince of the greatest suavity : his majesties gracious declaration for the ease of tender consciences , ( like a silken thread ) hath tied a faster and closer knot of love and loyalty upon the hearts of his subjects , then all the cords and cables of your severest canons ; had your lordships seconded his majesties clemeney , with a profession of your future moderation and gentleness towards ministers and people , how well had it savoured ? my lords , barnard gives you good counsel , in serm. . super cantica . audiant hoc prelati , qui sibi commissis semper volunt esse formidini , utilitati raro . discite subditorum vos esse matres debere , non dominos , studete magis amari , quam metui ; & si severitate interdum opus sit , paterna sit , non tyrannica , matres fovendo , patres vos corripiendo exhibeatis : mansuescite , ponite feritatem , suspendite verbera , producite ubera , pectora lacte pinguescant , non typho turgeant . quid jugum vestrum super eos aggravatis , quorum potius onera portare debeatis ! — . you live , my lords , in a discerning and jealous age ; you are like to find the good old asse more skittish now , then in former times . your fathers made our yoke grievous , let it be your glory , to make the heavy yoke they put upon us , lighter , and we will serve you . let not all the trouble seem little before your eyes , that hath come upon us , on our kings , on our princes , on our parliaments , on our ministers , on this famous city , and on all this people . we cannot be deaf to those sad complaints ( his late majesty , our dear sovereign hath left behind him ) of the vulgars violence and tumults in the dawning of our late unhappy differences : whence blew the wind that raised the noise and madness of those raging waves ? came it not out of your quarter ? remember , and forget not your & caetera oath , innovations in worship , corruption of your courts discipline , the decay of the soul-saving ordinance of preaching , the swarming of scandalous and idle clergy , the steighting and silencing of pious and painful ministers . these ( my lords ) with much more , were those vapours ( which being not purged out , but ) by your countenance pent up in the bowels of the kingdom , caused that hate overturning earthquake . after this earthquake ( through the working of our good god ) a still small voice is heard , a voice of peace from his majesty , speaking peace to all his people . a voice of praise from his people , rejoycing and blessing god for such a king. beware my lords , you step not back into your old circle , and conjure up again the dangerous spirit of this mobile vulgus . my lords , his majesty hath bin twice crowned since his happy arrival , once , by the commons of england , with a crown of hearts , and lately , by the nobles of england , with a crown of gold. it is much in your hands , to continue and encrease the glory of the first and best crown . the management of that indulgence , his majesty in his pious declaration , offers to his subjects , is like to be committed to your care : be tender of his majesties honour , before the people ( of which his majesty is very tender ) clip not his royal bounty . let ministers and people under your charge , tast the fruit of it in its greatest latitude . what if you decrease in some irregular excesse ? if his majesty encrease his dominion over the best part of his subjects possessions , their hearts , let it be no grief of heart to you . this you may observe ( in that which is here dedicated to your honours ) was the genuine temper and bent of the spirit and labours of , your reverend brother , hugh worcester . postscript . lest this reverend bishop should lie under the suspition of singularity and phanaticisme , your lordships may observe the same spirit breathing in one whom you will judge far enough from such an imputation ; it is cornelius a lapide ; whose zeal for englands return to rome , stands a tipto : yow shall find him upon his knees at prayer , in his commentary on zechar. c. . v. . moraliter id ipsum dicamus , id ipsum oremus & obsecremus pro anglia , scotia , dania , suetia , germania , in quibus stetit , statque haeresis — usquequo domine non misereris angliae ? yet this devout orator speaks the same sense , though in another language , in his commentary on ezekiel , c. . v. . with this reverend father . take his own words , as followeth ; audiant has prophetae minas ecclesiastici , pastores & praelati illi , qui ex beneficiorum proventibus lucris in hiantes , , arcarum opes quaerunt , non animarum ; qui beneficia beneficiis , pensiones pensionibus accumulantes , quaestuarii potius sunt quam beneficiarii . nonne hi detondent oves , tonsasq , & nudas aliis misellis pascendas relinquunt , qui pastoratus , canonicatus , episcopatus resignant in alios , ac fructus pene omnes sibi reservant ; ut si aureos mille annue det beneficium , ipsi ducentos vel trecentos cum eo resignent , sed oct●ngentos caeteros sibi praetextu pensionis reservent . nonne hos directe jaculo suo ferit & configit hic deus ? dicens , vae pastoribus israelis , qui pascebant semetipsos : lac comedebatis , & lanis operiebamini , & quod crassum erat occidebatis , gregem autem meum non pascebatis . nonne in hos detonat jeremias ? c. . v. . a minore usque ad majorem , omnes avaritiae student , & a propheta usque ad sacerdotem , cuncti faciunt dolum . & isaias , c. . v. . ipri pastores ignorarunt intelligentiam , omnes in viam suam declinaverunt , unusquisque ad avaritiam suam . sanctio prisca ecclesiae est , beneficium dari propter officium . quomodo ergo hi beneficii commoda & lucra captant , qui officium non praestant , sed illud in alium transferunt ? haeccine , fuit mens fundatorum ecclesiae , alere homines in ea nihil agentes & otiosos ? nonne si ad nos redirent , protestarentur ( imo jam in coelo aut in purgatorio degentes protestantur ) sua legata & testamenta everti , se sua bona legasse ecclesiae ad alendos pastores & ministros , qui reipsa per se fideles christi docerent , pascerent , regerent , non ut iis alii , qui nihil ecclesiae suae conferunt , fruerentur & ditescerent ? ●onne dei hominumque fidem implorarent , ut haec iis quibus ipsi ea legarunt restituerentur ? ingens sane est haec iniquitas ? primo , in deum & christum . christi enim patrimonium christi ecclesiae ministrantibus deputatum , ab iis evertitur , & in extraneos non ministrantes transfertur . secundo , in ecclesiam quamque particularem , quae hisce suis proventibus spoliatur ; ac proinde doctos & insignes pastores & ministros nancisci nequit , sed pauperes , misellos , quin & ignorantes & inidoneos qui quodvis stipendium acceptant , ut vivant . quod si quando dignos nanciscatur illi pro dignitate officium administrare , imo vivere nequeunt . tertio , in populum & fideles , qui ab hisce misellis ita erudiri , corrigi , formari , & dirigi in vita christiana nequeunt , uti a doctis & cordatis erudirentur & dirigirentur ; quare multorum salus periclitatur , imo de facto multi pereunt , & damnantur ministrorum ecclesiae ignorantia , inexperientia , incuria , qui salvati fuissent , si ministros dignos , quales poscebant opes ecclesiae , nacti fuissent . annon hasce animas , christus in die judicii requiret ab hisce lucrionibus ? quarto , in ipsos fundatores , quorum ultima voluntas , ipsaque legata & donationes evertuntur , ut dixi ; ipsi enim rogati dicerent , aliam prorsus fuisse suam mentem , nunquam se in hasce pensiones , imo , lacerationes & distractiones suarum oblationum consensisse , nunquam consensuros . quinto , in canones omnes antiquos , qui hasce pensiones vetant , statuuntque ut non nisi justa & gravi de causa , praesertim bene de ecclesia meritis , & emeritis assignentur , idque ut habet communis mos , ea proportione , ut tertiam fructuum beneficii partem non superent . sexto , in ecclesiam universalem , cui ingens datur scandalum . rident & subsannant haeretici , sicubi vident hasce avaritiae in praelatis ecclesiae nundinationes . gemunt fideles . clerici imitantur , ut pastorum & praelatorum exempla sectentur , ac pensionibus similibus inhient . septimo , in episcopos & patres omnes priscos & sanctos , quorum sanctiones , vita & exempla violantur . haec lucra , has pensiones , non sectatus est , imo in nullo suorum admisit s. august . qui teste possid . in episcopatu non opes , sed animas quaesivit ; ideoque opes suas in pauperes erogavit : non s. gregor . cujus liberalitatem & eleemosinas depraedicat ecclesia romana : non s. ambrosius , non chrysostomus , non basilius , non nazianzenus , non athanasius . patres in ea invehuntur , quasi in crimina , imo , sacrilegia , eisque inhiantes , sacrilegii accusant : tum quia patrimonium christi diripiunt ; tum quia indignos & inidoneos se faciunt suo gradu , dignitate & officio : officium enim eorum est verbo , & magis vita docere . dominus pars haereditatis meae & calicis mei , ille est , qui restituet haereditatem meam . clericus enim a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , sors , dicitur , quod scilicet sortem non ambiat in terra , sed quod instar levitarum & sacerdotum veteris testamenti ; sors ejus sit dominus , a quo haereditatem expectat in coelo . clericus ergo profitetur se non quaerere opes in terra , sed in caelo se cor habere fixum in deo. jam si quis lucris terrenis studeat , contrarium profitetur , clamat enim re ipsa cor suum non esse in aethere , sed in aere , sortem suam non esse deum , sed mammonam . rursum , officium eorum est , praedicare regnum coelorum , quod christus & apostoli praedicarunt , ut scilicet homines a carne & terra ad spiritum & coelum avocent ; ut a superbia , gula , avaritia , homines ad humilitatem , temperantiam , opum contemptum traducant . jam quomodo praedicabunt opes coelestes , qui toti terrestribus inhiant ? quomodo oppugnabunt avaritiam , qui non nisi pensionibus accumulandis student ? quomodo aeternitatem & bona aeterna inculcabunt , qui non nisi temporalia & caduca sectantur ? s. hilarius can. . in matth. explicans illud christi , vos estis sal terrae , ait , quod apostoli & eorum successores sint rerum coelestium praedicatores , & aeternitatis velut satores , immortalitatem omnibus corporibus , quibus eorum sermo aspersus fuerit , conferentes . merito igitur sal terrae sunt nuncupati , per doctrinae virtutem salientes , aeternitati corpora reservantes . at quomodo aeternitatis erunt satores , qui toti temporalium sunt messores ? quomodo erunt sal terrae , qui quasi sal infatuatum in terram & terrena conversi sunt ? qui ut subdit s. hilarius , sensu accepti saporis amisso , vivificare corrupta non possunt , & projecti de ecclesiae promptuariis , cum iis quos salierint , pedibus incedentium proteruntur . denique in hos graviter invehitur s. scriptura & patres . clamat zachar. c. . v. . o pastor & idolum , derelinquens gregem , q. d. videris esse populi pastor , sed revera es idolum & larya pastoris , es fictus & pictus , non vivus & verus pastor , qui gregem deseris , & te pascis . pascentes semetipsos culpat s. judas . lex apostoli est , qui in sacrario operantur quae de sacrario sunt , edunt ; & qui altari deserviunt , cum altari participant , cor. . . qui ergo sacrario & altari non deserviunt , ex eo non edant , ex eo non vivant , nec deservientes stipendiis sibi constitutis defraudent , eaque ad se transferant . apostoli ( quorum hi sunt posteri ) fidenter dicunt christo , matth. . ecce nos reliquimus omnia , & secuti sumus te . quomodo hi relinquunt non omnia , sed sua , qui inhiant alienis ? act. . . s. petrus ait claudo , petenti eleemosynam ; argentum & aurum non est mihi , quod autem habeo , hoc tibi do . ac per hoc meritus est id , quod ait s. aug. in psal. . dicens , prorsus totum mundum dimisit petrus , & totum mundum petrus accepit : quasi nihil habentes , & omnia possidentes . quomodo haec dicent s. petri asseclae & discipuli , qui immodice aurum auro , pensionem pensioni , beneficium beneficio , & quasi talpae terram terrae accumulant ? merito de his quaestus est s. bonifacius , germaniae apostolus , & in frisia martyr , anno christi , . atque ex eo conc. triburiense , c. . & habetur de consecr . dist . . c. vasa quibus , olim , inquit , sacerdotes aurei celebrabant in vasis ligneis , nunc sacerdotes lignei celebrant in vasis aureis . et s. gregor , hom . in evangel . pensate , ait , fratres , quantae damnationis est , sine labore percipere mercedem laboris ; quanti criminis , peccatorum pretia accipere , & nihil contra peccatum praedicando dicere . — s. bernard . epist. . ubi de his inter alia dicit , quicquid praeter necessarium victum , ac simplicem vestitum de altari retines , tuum non est , rap ina est , sacrilegium est . s. nazianz. apolog. . spiritualis omnis prefecturae , ait , finis est , privata utilitate neglecta , commodis aliorum inservire . denique inter alia , de pensionibus ita sancit concil . tridentinum , sess. . c. . omnes cathedrales ecclesiae , quarum redditus summā ducatorum mille ; & parochiales quae summam ducatorum centum non excedunt nullis pensionibus aut reservationibus fructuum graventur . — o aeterna veritas , vera sanctitas , sancta foelicitas , illumina tenebras nostras , aperi oculos mentis nostrae , ut nulla nos seducat , nulla inquinet , nulla condemnet phylargyriae vanitas . eja , aspiret dies , & lux tua , & inclinentur umbrae . infunde cordi nostro justitiam , ut quae ecclesiae sunt ecclesiae , quae dei sunt , deo reddamus . infunde continentiam , ut modico ( pro modicâ enim viâ hujus vitae modico opus est viatico ) victu & amictu contenti , sobrie , juste , & pie vivamus in hoc seculo , beatam spem expectantes , & adventum gloriae magni dei. infunde religionem & pietatem , ut non mammonae iniquo sed tibi domino nostro serviamus in sanctitate & justitiâ , omnibus diebus nostris . infunde charitatem , ut animam magis diligamus quam arcam ut pauperes & inopes magis amemus , quam aurum & opes . infunde sapientiam , ut veras divitias ambiamus & coacervemus , quae nobiscum perennent in coelis , non vanas & mox perituras in terris . da nobis sic transire per bona temporalia , ut non amittamus aeterna . da , ut domos , nomen & familiam construamus non apud homines brevi morituros , sed apud te & s. angelos , beatos & gloriosos , quae in omnia secula durent & aeternent . da ut simus sal terrae , & lux mundi , ut tam exemplo , quam verbo omnes trahamus ad te , eosque doceamus reipsa contemnere terrena , & amare coelestia , ut in magno illo decretorio mundi die , a te judice audire mereamur , euge serve bone , quia in pauca fuisti fidelis , super multa te constituam , intra in gaudium domini tui , amen . to the reader . christian reader , here is presented to thee some gleanings out of the labours of that eminent instrument of gods glory , bishop latimer ( who may worthily be stiled our english luther . ) the times wherein he liv'd and preach't , and the enormities against which he strugled , bear so great a conformity with ours , that with a little variation , he seems to speak to us , both as to our maladies and remedy : which as it was an invitation to the transcribing of these passages ; so if thou be one that longest after the peace and purity of the church , they will be found worthy of all acceptation ; thou wilt here see a most glorious pattern of zeal , piety and godly simplicity , fit for the imitation of the bishops and ministers of this age . thou wilt find also our first reformation ( how much soever gloried in ) not brought to its desired perfection , even by the confession of one of the prime reformers . that there are so many stops and pauses in the several pages , is not , because the rest that is omitted , is not worthy to be known , but meerly to avoid the trouble of transcribing , and prevent thy charge , it is desired that these few rivulets may entice thee to visit the fountain , the book it self ; wherein as thou wilt prove the sincerity of these collections , so thou wilt receive fuller satisfaction in any obscurities , occasioned by this brevity . the reformation and edification of the church is the only project of bishop latimer the preaching bishop reproving unpreaching prelates . part of a sermon that the reverend father in christ mr hugh latimer bishop of worcester , made to the convocation of the clergy . luk. . . filii hujus seculi , &c. christ in this saying , touched the sloath and sluggishness of his , and did not allow the fraud and subtilty of other : neither was glad that it was indeed as he said , but complained rather that it should be so ; as many men speak many things , not that they ought to be so , but that they are wont to be so . nay this grieved christ , that the children of this world should be of more policy then the children of light ; which thing was true in christs time , and now in our time it is most true . who is so blind but he seeth this cleerly , except perchance there be any that cannot discern the children of the world , from the children of light ? the children of the world conceive and bring forth more prudently , and things conceived and brought forth , they nourish and conserve with much more policy , then do the children of light : which thing is as sorrowfull to be said , as it seems absurd to be heard . when ye hear the children of the world , you understand the world as a father ; for the world is father to many children , not by the first creation , but by imitation and love . he is not only a father , but also the son of another father . if you knew once his father , by and by ye shall know his children ; for he that hath the devil to his father , must needs have devillish children . the devil is not only taken for father , but also for prince of the world , that is , of worldly folk . it is either all one thing , or else not much different , to say , children of the world , and children of the devil , according to that that christ said to the jews , ye are of your father the devil ; whereas undoubtedly he spake to the children of this world . — then this devil being such a one as can never be unlike himself ; loe , of envy , his welbeloved lemmon he begat the world , and after left it with discord at nurse : which world after it came to mans state , had of many concubines , many sons , he was so secund a father , and had gotten so many children of lady pride , dame gluttony , mistress avarice , lady lechery , and of dame subtilty , that now hard and scant ye may find any corner , any kind of life , where many of his children be not : in court , in cowl's , in cloisters , in rochets , be they never so white , yea where shall ye not find them ? howbeit , they that be secular and lay men , are not by and by children of the world ; not the children of light , that are called spiritual , are of the clergy . no , no , as ye may find among the laity many children of light , so among the clergy ( how much soever we arrogate these holy titles unto us , and think them only attributed to us ; vos estis lux mundi , peculium christi , &c. ye are the light of the world , the chosen people of christ , a kingly priesthood ; an holy nation , and such other ) ye shall find many children of the world , because in all places the world getteth many children . — these be our holy , holy men , that say they are dead to the world , when no men be more lively in worldly things , then some of them be . but let them be in profession and name farthest from the world , most alienate from it , yea so far , that they may seem to have no occupying , no kindred , no affinity , nothing to do with it ; yet in their life and deeds they shew themselves no bastards , but right begotten children of the world , as those which the world long since had by his dear wife dame hypocrisie ; and since hath brought them up , and multiplied to more than a good many , encreasing them too much , albeit they swear by all he-saints and she-saints too , that they know not their father nor mother , neither the world , nor hypocrisie ; as indeed they can semble and dissemble all things , which thing they might learn wonderful well of their parents . i speak not of all religious men , but those that the world hath fast knit at his girdle , even in the midst of their religion . — and i marvel , if there be not a great sort of bishops and prelates , that are brethren german unto these ; and as a great sort , so even as right-born , and worlds children , by as good title as they ? but because i cannot speak of all , when i say prelates ; i understand bishops , abbots , priors , archdeacons , deans and other of such sort , that are now called to this convocation , as i see to intreat here of nothing , but of such matters as both appertain to the glory of christ , and to the wealth of the people of england ; which thing i pray god they do as earnestly as they ought . but it is to be feared , lest as light hath many of her children here , so the world hath sent some of his whelps hither . i know there can be no agreement betwixt these too , as long as they have minds so unlike , and so contrary affections , and judgments so utterly divers in all points : but if the children of this world be either moe in number , or more prudent than the children of light , what then availeth us to have this convocation ? had it not been better , we had not been called together at all ? for as the children of the world be evil , so they breed and bring forth things evil , and yet there be moe of them in all places , or at least . — and as now i much pass not how you were ingendred , or by what means ye were promoted to those dignities that ye now occupy , so it be honest , good and profitable , that ye in this your consultation shall do & ingender . the end of your convocation shall shew what ye have done ; the fruit that shall come of your consultation , shall shew what generation ye be of . for what have ye done hitherto , i pray you , these seven years and moe ? what have ye ingendred ? what have ye brought forth ? what fruit is come of your long and great assembly ? what one thing that the people of england hath been the better of an hair ? or your selves either accepted before god , or better discharged toward the people committed unto your cure ? for that the people is better learned and taught now , than they were in time past , to whether of these , ought we to attribute it , to your industry , or to the providence of god , and the foreseeing of the kings grace ? ought we to thank you , or the kings highness ? whether stirred other first , you the king , that ye might preach , or he you by his letters , that ye should preach ofter ? is it unknown , think you , how both ye and your curates were in a manner by violence enforced to let books be made by prophane and lay persons , and sold abroad , and read for the instruction of the people ? i am bold with you , but i speak latine , and not english ; to the clergy , not to the laity . i speak to you being present , and not behind you backs . god is my witness , i speak whatsoever is spoken , of the good will that i bear you : god is my witness , which knoweth my heart , and compelleth me to say that i say . now i pray you , in gods name , what did you , so great fathers , so many , so long a season , so oft assembled together ? what went you about ? what would you have brought to pass ; two things taken away ? the one , that ye ( which i heard ) burned a dead man : the other , that ye ( which i felt ) went about to burn one being alive : him , because he did , i cannot tell how , in his testament withstand your profit ; in other points , as i have heard , a very good man , reported to be of honest life , while he lived , full of good works , good both to the clergy & also to the laity . this other , which truly never hurt any of you , ye would have raked in the coals , because he would not subscribe to certain articles , that took away the supremacy of the king : take away these two noble acts , and there is nothing else left , that ye went about , that i know , saving that i now remember , that somwhat ye attempted against erasmus , albeit nothing as yet is come to light . ye have oft sit in consultation , but what have ye done ? ye have had many things in deliberation , but what one is put forth , whereby either christ is more glorified , or else christs people made more holy ? i appeal to your own conscience . how chanced this ? how came this thus ? because there were no children of light , no children of god among you , which setting the world at naught , would study to illustrate the glory of god , and thereby shew themselves children of light ? i think not so : certainly , i think not so . god forbid , that all you which were gathered together under the pretence of light , should be children of the world . then why hapned this ? why i pray you ? perchance either because the children of the world were more in number , in this your congregation , as it oft hapneth , or at the least of more policy than the children of light in their generation . vvhereby it might very soon be brought to pass , that those were much more stronger , in gendring the evil , than these , in producing the good : the children of light have policy , but it is like the policy of the serpent , and is joyned with dovish simplicity ; they ingender nothing but simply , faithfully , and plainly , even so doing all that they do . but the children of this world have worldly policy , foxly craft , lion-like cruelty , power to do hurt , more than either aspis or basiliscus , ingendring and doing all things fraudulently , deceitfully , guilfully . — the children of this world be like crafty hunters , they be mis-named children of light , forasmuch as they so hate light , and so study to do the works of darkness . if they were the children of light , they would not love darkness . it is no marvel , that they go about to keep others in darkness , seeing they be in darkness , from top to toe overwhelmed with darkness , darker than the darkness of hell. vvherefore it is well done , in all orders of men , but especially in the order of prelares , to put a difference between the children of light , and children of the world , because great deceit ariseth in taking the one for the other . great imposture cometh , when they , that the common people take for the light , go about to take the sun and light out of the world . but these be easily known , both by the diversity of minds , and also their armors ; for whereas the children of light are thus minded , that they seek — these worldlings set little by such works as god hath prepared for our salvation , but they extol traditions and works of their own invention : the children of light contrary . the worldlings , if they spy profit , gains or lucre in any thing , be it never such a trifle , be it never so pernicious , they preach it to the people ( if they preach at any time ) and these things they defend with tooth and nail ; they can scarce disallow the abuses of these , albeit they be intollerable , least in disallowing the abuse , they lose part of their profit . the children of light contrary , put all things in their degree , best highest , the worst lowest . they extol things necessary , christian , and commanded of god. they pull down will-works feigned by men , and put them in their place . the abuse of all things they earnestly rebuke . — now to make hast , and to come somwhat nigher to the end , go ye to ( good brethren and fathers ) for the love of god , go ye to , and seeing we are assembled , let us do something whereby we may be known to be the children of light . let us do somwhat , lest we which hitherto have been judged children of the world , seem even still to be so . all men call us prelates ; then seeing we be in council , let us so order our selves , that as we be prelates in honour and dignity , so we may be prelates in holiness , benevolence , diligence and sincerity . all men know , that we be here gathered , and with most fervent desire they can , hale , breath and gape for the fruit of our convocation . as our acts shall be , so they shall name us , so that it now lieth in us , whether we will be called children of the world or children of the light . wherefore lift up your heads ( brethren ) and look about with your eyes , spy what things are to be reformed in the church of england . — how think you by the ceremonies , that are in england , oftentimes with no little offence of weak consciences continued , more often with superstition so defiled , and so depraved , that you may doubt whether it were better for them to tarry still , or utterly to take them away ? have not our fore-fathers complained of the ceremonies , of the superstitions , and estimation of them ? do ye see nothing in our holy-dayes ? of the which very few were made at the first , and they to set forth goodness , virtue , and honesty . but sithence , there is neither mean or measure in making new holy-dayes : as who say this one thing in serving of god , to make this law that no man may work . but what do the people on these holy-dayes , do they give themselves to godliness , or else ungodliness ? see you nothing brethren ? if you see not , god seeth : god seeth all the whole holy-dayes to be spent miserably in drunkenness , in glossing , in strife , in envie , dansing , dicing , idleness , and gluttony . thus men serve the devil , for god is not thus served , albeit ye say ye serve god ; no the devil hath more service done unto him in one holy-day then on many working dayes ; let all these abuses be counted as nothing , who is he that is not sorry to see in so many holy-dayes rich and wealthy persons to flow in delicates , and men that live by their travel , poor men to lack necessary meat and drink for their wives and children , and that they cannot labour upon the holy-dayes , except they will be cited , and brought before our officials . were it not the office of good prelates , to consult upon these matters and to seek some remedy for them ? ye shall see ( my brethren , ) ye shall see once what will come of this our winking . what think ye of these images . — if there be nothing to be amended abroad , concerning the whole , let every one of us make one better . if there be nothing at home or abroad to be amended and redressed ; my lords , be ye of good cheer , be merry : and at the least because we have nothing else to do , let us reason the matter how we may be richer ; let us fall to some pleasant communication ; after let us go home , even as good as we came hither , that is right begotten children of the world , utterly worldlings . and while we live here let us all make boon cheer . for after this life there is small pleasure , little mirth for us to hope for , if now there be nothing to be changed in our factions . let us say , not as st. peter did : our end approacheth nigh , this is an heavy hearing , but let us say as the evil servant said : it will be long ere my master come . this is pleasant ; let us beat our fellow servants : let us eat and drink with drunkards . surely as oft as we do not take away the abuse of things , so oft we beat our fellows . as oft as we give not the people their true food , so oft we beat our fellow . as oft as we let them dye in superstition , so oft we beat them . to be short , as oft as we blind , lead them blind , so oft we beat , and grievously beat our fellows . when we welter in pleasures and idleness , then we eat and drink with drunkards . but god will come , god will come , he will not tarry long away . he will come upon such a day as we nothing look for him ; and at such an hour as we know not . he will come and cut us in pieces . he will reward us as he doth the hypocrites . he will set us where wailing shall be , my brethren , where gnashing of teeth shall be , my brethren . and let here be the end of our tragedy , if ye will. these be the delicate dishes , prepared for the world 's well-beloved children . these be the wafers and junckets provided for worldly prelates , wailing and gnashing of teeth : can there be any mirth , where these two courses last all the feast ? here we laugh , there we shall weep ; our teeth make merry here , ever dashing in delicates , there we shall be torne with teeth , and do nothing but gnash and grinde our owne : to what end have we excelled others in policy : what have we brought forth at last ? ye see brethren what sorrow , what punishment is provided for you , if you be worldling ? if ye will not thus be vexed , be ye not the children of the world : if ye will not be the children of the world , be not stricken with the love of worldly things , leane not upon them , if ye will not dye eternally , live not worldly . come , go to ; leave the love of your profit , study for the glory and profit of christ , seek in your consultations , such things as pertain to christ , and bring forth something at last that may please christ. feed ye tenderly with all diligence the flock of christ. preach truly the word of god , love the light , walk in the light : and so be ye the children of light while ye are in this world ; that ye may shine in the world that is to come bright as the sun , with the father , the son and the holy ghost ; to whom be all honour , praise and glory . amen . part of a sermon preached by mr. hugh latimer at paul's church in london , the title of which sermon is the plough . — i told you in my first sermon ( honourable audience ) that i purposed to declare unto you two things . the one , what seed should be sowen in gods field , in gods plough-land . and the other who should be the sowers . that is to say , what doctrine is to be taught in christ's church and congregation , and what men should be the teachers and preachers of it . the first part i have told you in three sermons past , in which i have essayed to set forth my plough , to prove what i could do . and now i shall tell you who be the plowers ; for gods vvord is a seed to be sowen in gods field , that is , the faithful congregation , and the preacher is the sower . as it is in the gospel , exivit qui seminat seminare semen suum . he that soweth , the husbandman , the ploughman went forth to sow his seed , so that a preacher is resembled to a plowman , as it is in another place ; no man that putteth his hand to the plough and looketh back , is apt for the kingdom of god. that is to say , let no preacher be negligent in doing his office . albeit this is one of the places that hath been racked , as i told you of racking scriptures . and i have been one of them myself , that have racked it , i cry god mercy for it , and have been one of them that have believed and have expounded it against religious persons that would forsake their order which they had professed , and would go out of their cloyster : whereas indeed it toucheth not monkery , nor maketh any thing at all for any such matter . but it is directly spoken of diligent preaching of the word of god : for preaching of the gospel is one of gods plough-works ; and the preacher is one of gods ploughmen : ye may not be offended with my similitude , in that i compare preaching to the labour and work of plowing , and the preacher to a plow-man . ye may not be offended with this my similitude ; for i have been slandered of some persons for such things . it hath been said of me , oh latimer ! nay , as for him , i will never believe him while i live , not trust him , for he likened our ever blessed lady to a saffron . bag ; where indeed i never used that similitude . — but in case i had used this similitude , it had not been to be reproved , but might have been without reproach : for i might have said thus ; as the saffron-bag that hath been full of saffron , or hath had saffron in it , doth ever after savour and smell of the sweet saffron that it contained : so our blessed lady , which conceived and bare christ in her womb , did ever after resemble the manners and vertues of that precious babe which she bare . and what had our blessed lady been the worse for this ? — ye may not then i say , be offended with my similitude , because i liken preaching to a plow-mans labour , and a prelate to a plow-man . but you will now ask me , whom i call a prelate ? a prelate is that man , whosoever he be , that hath a flock to be taught of him , whosoever hath any spiritual charge in the faithful congregation , and whosoever he be that hath cure of souls . and well may the preacher and plow-man be likened together , first , for their labour in all seasons of the year ; for there is no time in the year , in which the plow-man hath not some special work to do ; as in my country , in leicestershire , the plow-man hath a time to set forth his plow , and other times for other necessary works to be done . and then also they may be likened together , for the diversity of works , and variety of offices that they have to do . for as the plow-man first setteth forth his plow , and then tilleth his land , and breaketh it in furrows , and somtime ridgeth it up again ; and at another time harroweth it , and clotteth it , and somtime dangeth and hedgeth it , diggeth it and weedeth it , purgeth it , and maketh it clean : so the prelate , the preacher , hath many , divers offices to do . he hath a busie work to bring parishioners to a right faith , as paul calleth it ; and not a swerving faith , but to a faith that embraceth christ , and trusteth to his merits , a lively faith , a justifying faith , a faith that maketh a man righteous without respect of works as ye have it very well declared in the homily . he hath then a busie work , i say , to bring his flock to a right faith , and then to confirm them in the same faith ; now casting them down with the law and threatnings of god for sin ; now ridging them up again with the gospel , and the promises of gods favour ; now weeding them , by telling them their faults , and making them forsake sin ; now clotting them by breaking their stony hearts , and by making them supple-hearted , and making them to have hearts of flesh , that is , soft hearts , and apt for doctrine to enter in ; now teaching to know god rightly , and to know their duty to god and to their neighbours ; now exhorting them , when they know their duty , that they do it , and be diligent in it ; so that they have a continual work to do . great is their business , and therefore great should be their hire . they have great labours , and therefore they ought to have good livings , that they may commodiously feed their flock : for the preaching of the word of god unto the people , is called meat : scripture calleth it meat , not strawberries , that come but once a year , and tarry not long , but are soon gone ; but it is meat , it is no dainties . the people must have meat that must be familiar and continual , and daily given unto them to feed upon . many make a strawberrie of it , ministring it but once a year ; but such do not the office of good prelates : for christ saith , quis ( putas ) est servus prudeus & fidelis ? qui dat cibum in tempore . who , think you , is a wise man , a faithful servant ? he that giveth meat in due time : so that he must at all times convenient preach diligently : therefore saith he , who , trow you , is a faithful servant ? he speaketh it , as though it were a rare thing to find such a one ; and as though he should say , there be but a few of them to find in the world : and how few of them there be throughout this realm , that give meat to their flocks , as they should do , the visitors can best tell : too few , too few , the more is the pity , and never so few as now . by this it appeareth , that a prelate , or any that hath cure of souls , must diligently and substantially work and labour : therefore saith paul to timothy , qui episcopatum de siderat , hic bonum opus de siderut . he that desireth to have the office of a bishop or prelate , that man desireth a good work : then if it be a good work , it is work ; ye can make but a work of it . it is gods work , gods plow , and that plow god would have still going : such then as loyter , and live idly , are not good prelates or ministers . and of such as do not preach and teach , god saith by his prophet jeremy , maledictus qui facit opus dei fraudulenter , guilfully or deceitfully ; some books have negligenter , negligently or slackly . how many such bishops , how many such prelates ( lord for thy mercy ) are there now in england ? and what shall we in this case do ? shall we company with them ? o lord , for thy mercy shall we not company with them ? o lord , whither shall we flee rfom them ? but cursed be he that doth the work of god negligently , or guilfully : a sore word for them that are negligent in discharging their office , or have done it fraudulently ; for that is the thing that maketh the people ill , but true it must be that christ saith : multi sunt vocati , pauci vero electi , many are called , but few chosen . here i have an occasion by the way , somewhat to say unto you ; yea , for the place that i alleadged unto you before out of jeremy . and it was spoken of a spiritual work of god , a work that was commanded to be done , and it was of shedding-blood , and destroying the cities of moab . for ( saith he ) cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from shedding of blood . as saul when he kept back his sword from shedding of blood ( at what time he was sent against amalek ) was refused of god , for being disobedient to gods commandments , in that he spared agag the king : so that , that place of the prophet was spoken of them that went to the destruction of the cities of moab , among the which there was one called nebo , which was much reproved for idolatry , superstition , pride , avarice cruelty , tyranny , and for hardness of heart , and for these sins was plagued of god and destroyed . now what shall i say of these rich citizens of london ? what shall we say of them ? shall i call them proud men of london , malicious men of london , merciless men of london ? no , no , i may not say so , they will be offended with me then ; yet must i speak , for is there not reigning in london , as much pride , as much covetousness , as much cruelty , as much oppression , as much superstition , as was in nebo ? yes i think , and much more too . therefore i say repent o london , repent , repent . thou hearest thy faults told thee , amend them , amend them . i think if nebo had the preaching that thou hast , they would have converted . and you rulers and officers , be wise and circumspect , look to your charge , and see you do your duties , and rather be glad to amend your ill living , then to be angry when you are warned and told of your fault ; what a doe there was made in london at a certain man , because he said ( and indeed at that time on a just occasion ) burgesses ( quoth he ) nay butter-flies . lord ! what a doe there was for that word . and yet would god they were no worse then butterflies . butterflies do but their nature , the butterflie is not covetous , is not greedy of other mens goods , is not full of envy and hatred , is not malicious , is not cruel , is not merciless . the butterflie glorieth not in her own deeds , nor preferreth the traditions of men before gods word , it committeth not idolatry , nor worshippeth false gods ; but london cannot abide to be rebuked , such is the nature of men , if they be pricked they will kick , if they be rubbed on the gall , they will winch : but yet they will not amend their faults , they will not be ill spoken of . but how shall i speak well of them ? if you could be content to follow the word of god , and favour good preachers , if you could bear to be told of your faults , if ye could amend them when ye hear of them , if ye would be glad to reform what is amiss : if i might see any such inclination in you , that you would leave to be merciless , and begin to be charitable , i would then hope well of you , i would then speak well of you . but london was never so ill as it is now . in times past , men were full of pity and compassion ; but now there is no pitty , for in london their brother shall die in the streets for cold , he shall lie sick at the door between stock and stock , i cannot tell what to call it , and perish there for hunger , was there any more unmercifulness in nebo ? i think not . in times past , when any rich men died in london , they were wont to help the poor scholers of the universities with exhibition . when any man died , they would bequeath great sums of money toward the relief of the poor . when i was a scholer in cambridge my self , i heard very good report of london , and knew many that had relief of the rich men of london , but now i can hear no such good report , and yet inquire of it , and hearken for it ; but now charity is waxen cold , none helpeth the scholer , nor yet the poor . and in those dayes , what did they when they helped the scholers : marry , they maintained and gave them livings that were very papists and professed the popes doctrine : and now that the knowledge of gods word is brought to light , and many earnestly study and labour to set it forth , now almost no man helpeth to maintain them . o london , london , repent , repent , for i think god is more displeased with london , then ever he was with the city of nebo . repent therefore , repent london , and remember that the same god liveth now that punished nebo , even the same god and none other , and he will punish sin as well now as he did then , and he will punish the iniquity of london as well as he did them of nebo . amend therefore . and ye that be prelates look well to your office , for right prelating is buisy labouring , and not lording . therefore preach and teach , and let your plough be going . ye lords i say that live like loiterers , look well to your office , the plough is your office and charge , if you live idle and loiter , you do not your duty , you follow not your vocation , let your plough therefore be going and not cease , that the ground may bring forth fruit . but now me thinketh i hear one say unto me , wot you what you say ? is it a work ? is it a labour ? how then hath it hapned , that we have had so many hundred years , so many unpreaching prelates , lording loiterers , and idle ministers ? ye would have me here to make answer , and to shew the cause hereof ? nay , this land is not for me to plough , it is too stony , too thorny too hard for me to plow. they have so many things that make for them , so many things to say for themselves , that it is not for my weak team to plough them . they have to say for themselves long customes , ceremonies , & authority , placing in parliament , and many things more . and i fear me this land is not yet ripe to be plowed . for as the saying is , it lacketh withering : this geare lacketh withering , at leastwise it is not for me to plow. for what shall i look for among thorns but pricking and scratching ? what among stones but stumbling ? what ( i had almost said ) among serpents but stinging ? but thus much i dare say , that since lording and loitering hath come up , preaching hath come down , contrary to the apostles times , for they preached and lorded not ; and now they lord and preach not . for they that be lords will not go to plough ; it is no meet office for them , it is not seeming for their estate . thus came up lording loiterers , thus crept in un-preaching prelates ; and so have they long continued ; for how many unlearned prelates have we now at this day ? and no marvel , for if the ploughmen that now be , were made lords , they would clean give over ploughing , they would leave off their labour , and fall to lording too outright , and the ploughstand . and then both ploughs not walking , nothing should be in the common-weal but hunger . for ever since the prelates were made lords and nobles , the plough standeth , there is no work done , the people starve . they hawk , they hunt , they card , they dice , they pastime in their prelacies with gallant gentlemen , with their dancing minions , and with their fresh companions . so that ploughing is set aside ; and by their lording and loitering preaching and ploughing is clean gone . and thus if the ploughmen in the country , were as negligent in their office as prelates be , we should not long live for lack of sustenance . — but they that will be true ploughmen must work faithfully for gods-sake , for the edifying of their brethren . and as diligently as the husbandman ploweth for the sustentation of the body : so diligently must the prelates and ministers labour for the feeding of the soul. both the ploughs must be still going as most necessary for man. and wherefore are magistrates ordain'd , but that the tranquility of the common-weal may be confirm'd limiting both ploughs . but now for the fault of unpreaching prelates , me-think i could guess what might be said for excusing of them . they are so troubled with lordly living , they be so placed in palaces , couched in courts , ruffling in their rents , dancing in their dominions , burdened with ambassages , pampring of their panches , like a monk that maketh his jubilee , mounching in their mangers , and moiling in their gay mannors and mansions , and so troubled with loitering in their lordships that they cannot attend it . they are otherwise occupied , some in kings matters , some are ambassadours , some of the privy counsel , some to furnish the court , some are lords of the parliament , some are presidents and comptrollers of mintes . well , well , is this their duty ? is this their office ? is this their calling ? should we have ministers of the church to be comptrollers of the mintes ? is this a meet office for a priest that hath cure of souls , is this his charge ? i would here ask one question : i would fain know who controlleth the devil at home at his parish , while he comptrolleth the mint ? if the apostles might not leave the office of preaching to be deacons , shall one leave it for minting ? — in this behalf , i must speak to england ; hear my country england , as paul said in his first epistle to the corinthians chapt . . for paul was no sitting bishop , but a walking and a preaching bishop : but when he went from them , he left there behind him the plough going still , for he wrote unto them , and rebuked them for going to law , and pleading their causes before heathen judges . i speak , saith he , to your shame , is there not a wiseman , &c. so england , i speak it to thy shame , is there never a noble man to be a lord president , but it must be a prelate ? is there never a wiseman in the realm to be a comptroller of the mint ? i speak it to your shame , i speak to your shame : if there be never a wiseman , make a water-bearer , a tinker , a cobler , a slave , a page comptroller of the mint . make a mean gentleman a groom , a yeoman , make a poor begger lord president . thus i speak , not that i would have it so , but to your shame , if there be never a gentleman meet nor able to be lord president . for why are not the noblemen and young gentlemen of england , so brought up in knowledge of god and in learning , that they may be able to execute offices in the common-weal ? the king hath a great many of wards , and i trow there is a court of wards , why is not there a school of wards , as well as there is a court for their lands ; why are they not set in schools where they may learn ? or why are not they sent to the universities , that they may be able to serve the king when they come to age . if the wards and young gentlemen were well brought up in learning and in the knowledge of god , they would not when they come to age so much give themselves to other vanities . and if the nobility were well trained in godly learning , the people would follow the same train . for truly , such as the noblemen be such will the people be , and now the only cause why noblemen be not made lord presidents , is because they have not been brought up in learning . therefore , for the love of god , appoint teachers and school-masters , you that have charge of youth , and give the teachers stipends worthy their pains , that they may bring them up in grammer , in logick , in rhetorick , in philosophy , in the civil law , and in that which i cannot leave unspoken of , the word of god. — it is as unmeet a thing for bishops to be lord presidents , or priests to be minters , as it was for the corinthians to plead matters of variance before heathen judges . it is also a slander to the noblemen , as though they lacked wisdome and learning , to be able for such offices , or else were no men of conscience , and not meet to be trusted . a prelate hath a charge and cure otherwise , and therefore he cannot discharge his duty , and be a lord president too ; for a presidentship requireth a whole man , and a bishop cannot be two men . a bishop hath his office , a flock to teach , to look unto ; and therefore he cannot meddle with another office , which alone requireth a whole man. he should therefore give it over to whom it is meet , and labour in his own business , as paul writeth to the thessalonians : let every man do his own business , and follow his calling . let the priest preach , and the nobleman handle the temporal matters . moses a marvellous man , a good man , moses was a wonderful fellow , and did his duty , being a married man ; we lack such as moses was . vvell , i would all men would look to their duty , as god hath called them , and then we should have a flourishing christian common-weal . and now i would ask a strange question ? who is the most diligent bishop and prelate in all england , that passeth all the rest in doing his office ? i can tell , for i know him who it is , i know him well . but now i think i see you listning , hearkning , that i should name him . there is one that passeth all the other , and is the most diligent prelate and preacher in all england : and will ye know who it is ? i will tell you , it is the devil : he is the most diligent preacher of all other , he 's never out of his diocess , he is never from his cure , you shall never find him unoccupied , he is ever in his parish , he keepeth residence at all times , ye shall never find him out of the way ; call for him when you will , he is ever at home , the diligentest preacher in all the realm , he is ever at his plow , no lording nor loytering can hinder him , he is ever applying his business , you shall never find him idle , i warrant you . and his office is to hinder religion , to maintain superstition , to set up idolatry , to teach all kind of popery . he is ready as can be wished for , to set forth his plow , to devise as many ways as can be , to deface and obscure gods glory . where the devil is resident , and hath his plow going , there away with books , and up with candles , away with bibles , and up with beads , away with the light of the gospel , and up with the light of candles , yea , at noon-daies . where the devil is resident , that he may prevail , up with all superstition and idolatry , censing , painting of images , candles , palms , ashes , holy water , and new service of mens devising , as though men could invent a better way to honour god with , than god himself hath appointed . down with christ's cross , up with purgatory pick-purse , up with him , the popish purgatory , i mean. away with cloathing the naked , the poor and impotent ; up with decking of images , and gay garnishing of stocks and stones . up with mans traditions and his laws , down with gods traditions , and his most holy word . down with the old honour due to god , and up with the new gods honour . — but here some men will say to me , what sir , are ye so privy of the devils counsel , that ye know all this to be true ? truly i know him too well , and have obeyed him a little too much , in condescending to some follies . and i know that he is ever occupied , and ever busie , in following his plow . i know by st peter , which saith of him , sicut leo rugiens circuit , quaerens qu●m devoret : he goeth about like a roaring lion , seeking whom he may devour . i would have this text well viewed . — there was never such a preacher in england as he is : who is able to tell his diligent preaching ? who every day and every hour laboureth to sow cockle and darnel , that he may bring out of form , and out of estimation , and room , the institution of the lords supper , and christ's cross. — the devil by the help of that italian bishop yonder , his chaplain , hath laboured by all means that he might , to frustrate the death of christ , and the merits of his passion . and they have devised for that purpose , to make us believe in other vain things ; as to have remission of sins for praying on hallowed beads , for drinking of the backhouse bole , as a canon of walton abbey once told me , that whensoever they put their loave ; of bread into the oven , as many as drank of the pardon-bole , should have pardon for drinking of it . a mad thing , to give pardon to a bole ! — wo worth thee , o devil , wo worth thee , that hast prevail'd so far , and so long , that hast made england to worship false gods , forsaking christ their lord ; wo worth thee devil , wo worth thee devil , and all thy angels . — when the kings majesty , with the advice of his honourable council , goeth about to promote gods word , and to set an order in matters of religion , there shall not lack blanchers , that will say , as for images , whereas they have been used to be censed , and to have candles offered unto them , none be so foolish to do it to the stock or stone , or to the image it self , but it is done to god and his honour before the image . and though they should abuse it , these blanchers whould be ready to whisper the king in the ear , and to tell him , that this abuse is but a small matter ; and that the same , with all other abuses in the church , may be reformed easily ; it is but a little abuse , say they , and it may be easily amended . but it should not be taken in hand at the first , for fear of trouble or further inconveniences ; the people will not bear sudden alterations , and insurrection may be made after sudden mutations , which may be to the great harm and lofs of the realm : therefore all shall be well , but not out of hand , for fear of further business . these be the blanchers that have hitherto stopped the word of god , and hindred the true setting forth of the same . there be so many put offs , so many put by 's , so many respects and considerations of worldly wisdom . and i doubt not , but there were blanchers in the old time , to whisper in the ear of good king hezekiah , for the maintenance of idolatry done to the brazen serpent , as well as there has been now of late , and be now , that can blanch the abuse of images as other like things : but good king hezekiah would not be so blinded , he was like to apollo , fervent in spirit , he would give no ear to these blanchers , he was not moved with these worldly respects , with these prudent considerations , with these policies , he feared not insurrections of the people . he feared not , lest his people would not bear the glory of god ; but he ( without any of these respects , or policies , or considerations ) like a good king , for gods sake , and for conscience sake , by and by plucked down the brazen serpent , and destroyed it utterly , and beat it to powder : he out of hand did cast out all images , he destroyed all idolatry , and clearly did extirpate all superstition . he would not hear these blanchers , and worldly wise men , but without delay followeth gods cause , and destroyeth all idolatry out of hand . this did good king hezekiah , for he was like apollo , fervent in spirit , and diligent to promote gods glory . and good hope there is , that it shall be likewise here in england ; for the kings majesty is so brought up in knowledge , vertue and godliness , that it is not to be mistrusted , but that we shall have all things well , and that the glory of god shall be spread abroad through all parts of the realm , if the prelates will diligently apply their plow , and be preachers rather than lords . but our blanchers which will be lords , and no labourers , when they are commanded to go and be resident upon their cures , and preach in their benefices , they will say ; what! i have set a deputy there , i have a deputy that looketh well to my flock , who shall discharge my duty . a deputy ( quoth he ) i looked for that word all this while . and what a deputy must he be , trow ye ? even one like himself , he must be a canonist , that is to say , one that is brought up in the study of popes laws and decrees , one that will set forth papistry as well as himself , and one that will maintain all idolatry and superstition , and one that will nothing at all , or else very weakly , resist the devils plow ; yea , happy it is , if he take no part with the devil ; and where he should be an enemy to him , it is well , if he take not the devils part against christ. but in the mean time , the prelates take their pleasures , they are lords , and no labourers ; but the devil is diligent at his plow , he is no unpreaching prelate , he is no lordly loyterer from his cure , but a busie plow-man ; so that amongst all the prelates , and among all the pack of them that have cure , the devil shall go for my money ; for he still applieth his business . therefore ye unpreaching prelates , learn of the devil to be diligent in doing your office. learn of the devil : and if ye will not learn of god and good men , for shame learn of the devil ; ad erubescentiam vestram dico , i speak it for your shame , if you will not learn of god nor good men , to be diligent in your office , learn of the devil . howbeit there is now very good hope , that the kings majesty being by the help of good governance of his most honourable counsellors , trained and brought up in learning and knowledge of gods word , will shortly provide a remedy , and set an order herein ; which thing , that it may so be , let us pray for him ; pray for him good people , pray for him , ye have great cause and need to pray for him , amen . part of the first sermon preached by the reverend father , master hugh latimer , before our late soveraign lord , of famous memory , king edward the sixth , within the preaching place in the palace at westminster , . the eight of march. rom. . quaecunque scripta sunt , ad nostram doctrinam scripta sunt . — in taking this part of scripture , ( most noble audience ) i played as a truant , which when he is at school , will chuse a lesson wherein he is perfect , because he is loath to take pain in studying a new lesson , or else feareth stripes for his sloathfulness . in like manner i might seem now in my old age , to some men , to take this part of scripture ; because i would wade easily away therewith , and drive my matter at my pleasure , and not to be bound to a certain theam . but ye shall consider that the foresaid words of paul are not to be understood of all scriptures , but only of those which are of god written in gods book , and all things which are therein , are written for our learning . the excellency of this word , is so great , and of so high dignity , that there is no earthly thing to be compared do it . the author thereof is great , that is , god himself , eternal , almighty , everlasting . the scripture because of him , is also great , eternal , most mighty , and holy. there is no king , emperor , magistrate and ruler of what state soever they be , but are bound to obey this god , and to give credence unto his holy word , in directing their steps ordinately according to the same word : yea truly , they are not only bound to obey gods book , but also the ministry of the same , so far as he speaketh sitting in moses chair . — for in this world god hath two svvords , the one is a temporal svvord , the other a spiritual . — the king correcteth transgresson vvith the temporal svvord , yea , the preacher , if he be an offender . but the preacher cannot correct the king , if he be a transgressor of gods word , vvith the temporal svvord : but he must correct and reprove him vvith the spiritual svvord , fearing no man , setting god only before his eyes , under vvhom he is a minister , to supplant and root up all vice and mischief by gods word . — therefore let the preacher teach , reprove , amend and instruct in righteousness , vvith the spiritual svvord , fearing no man , though death should ensue . thus moses did reprove pharaoh . — thus micheas did not spare to blame king ahab , for his vvickednes , and to prophesie of his destruction , contrary unto many false prophets . — these foresaid kings being admonished by the ministers of gods word , because they vvould not follovv their godly doctrine , and correct their lives , came unto utter destruction . — let the preacher therefore never fear to declare the message of god unto all men : and if the king vvill not hear them , then the preachers may admonish and charge them vvith their duties , and so leave them to god , and pray for them . but if the preachers digress out of christs chair , and shall speak their ovvn phantasies , then in stead of vvhatsoever they bid you observe , that observe and do . change into these vvords follovving , beware of false prophets , change , quaecunque jusserint , into cavete à fermento pharisaeorum . — all things written in gods book , are most true , and profitable for all men ; for in it is contained meet matter for kings , princes , rulers , bishops , and for all estates : wherefore it behoveth every preacher , somwhat to accomodate himself and his matter to the comfort and amendment of the audience to which he declareth the message of god. if he preach before a king , let his matter be concerning the office of a king , if before a bishop , — i have thought it good to intreat upon these words following , which are written in the seventeenth chapter of deuteronomy , from verse . downwards . — as the text doth rise , i will touch and go a little in every place . — to have a king , the israelites did with much importunity call unto god , and god long before promised them a king , and they were fully certified thereof , that god had promised that thing : for unto abraham he said , gen. . . kings shall come out of thee . these words were spoken long before the children of israel had any king ; notwithstanding here yet god prescribed unto them an order , how they should chuse their king , and what manner of man he should be , where he saith , when thou shalt come , &c. as who should say , o ye children of israel , i know your nature right well , — i know that thou wilt chuse a king to reign over thee , and to appear glorious in the face of the world , after the manner of the gentiles : but because thou art stiffe-necked , wild , and art given to walk without a bridle or line , therefore now i will prevent thy evil and beastly manners , i will hedge strongly thy way , i will make a durable law which shall compell thee to walk ordinately , and in a plain way , that is , thou shalt not chuse thee a king after thy will and phantasie , but after me , thy lord and god. thus god conditioned with the jews , that their king should be such a one as he himself would choose them . this was not much unlike a bargain that i heard of late , should be betwixt two friends for a horse , the owner promised the other should have the horse if he would , the other asked the price , he said . nobles ; the other would give him but four pounds ; the owner said he should not have it then , the other claimed the horse , because he said he should have him if he would . thus this bargain became a westminster matter , the lawyers got twice the value of the horse , and when all came to all , two fools made an end of the matter . howbeit the israelites could not go to law with god for choosing their king , for , will they , nill they , their king should be of his choosing , lest they should walk inordinately — for as they say commonly , qui vadit planè , vadit sanè ; that is , he that walketh plainly , walketh safely . and the jews were stiff-necked , and were ever ready to walk inordinately . no less are vve englishmen given to untovvardness and inordinate vvalking . — there is a great error risen novv : dayes among many of us , vvhich are vain and nevv fangled men climbing beyond the limits of our capacity and vvit , in vvrenching this text of scripture hereafter follovving after their ovvn phansie and brain , their errour is upon this text , sam. . . they wrench these words after their own fantasies , and make much doubt as touching a king and his godly name . they that so do , walk inordinately , they walk not directly and plainly , but delight in balks and stubble way . it maketh no matter by what name the rulers be named , if so be they shall walk ordinately with god , and direct their steps with god , for both patriarches judges and kings had , and have their authority from god , and therefore godly . but this is to be considered which god saith , thou maist not set a stranger over thee . it hath pleased god to grant us a natural liege king and lord , of our own nation , an englishman one of our own religion , god hath given him to us , and he is a most pretious treasure , and yet many of us do desire a stranger to be king over us , — let us follow daniel , let us not seek the death of our most noble and rightful king , our own brother , both by nativity and godly religion . let us pray for his good estate that he live long among us : oh what a plague were it , that a strange king of a strange land , and of a strange religion should raign over us : where now we be governed in the true religion , he should extirpe and pluck away all together , aud then plant again all abomination and popery , god keep such a king from us . well , the kings grace hath two sisters , my lady mary , and my lady elizabeth , which by succession and course , are inheritors to the crown , who , if they should marry with strangers , what should ensue ? god knoweth . but god grant ( if they so do , whereby strange religion cometh in ) that they never come to coursing not succeeding . therefore to avoid this plague , let us amend our lives , and put away all pride , which doth drown men in this realm , at these daies ; all covetousness , wherein the magistrates and rich men are overwhelmed , all lechery , and other excessive vices , provoking gods wrath ( were he not merciful ) even to take from us our natural king and liege lord ; yea to plague us with a strange king for our unrepentant hearts . wherefore if as ye say , ye love the king amend your lives . — now i hear all things shall be ended after a godly manner shortly . make hast , make hast , and let us learn to convert to repent and mend our lives : if we do not , i fear , i fear , lest for our sins and unthankfulness an hypocrite shall reign over us . — let us pray , that god maintain and continue our most excellent king here present . — he doth rectifie us in the liberty of the gospel , in that therefore let us stand . — he shall not prepare unto himself many horses , &c. in speaking of these words ye shall understand , that i do not intend to speak against the strength , policy and provision of a king , but against excess and vain trust that kings have in themselves , more then in the living god , the author of all goodness and giver of all victory . many horses are requisite for a king , but he may not exceed in them , nor triumph in them more then is needful , for the necessary affairs and defence of the realm . what meaneth it , that god hath to do with the kings stable ; but only he would be master of his horses , the scripture saith : in altis habitat , he dwelleth on high ; it followeth , humilia respicit , he looketh on the low things , yea upon the kings stables ▪ and upon all the offices in his house . god is a great grand master of the kings house , and will take account of every one that beareth rule therein ; for the executing of their offices , whether they have justly and truly served the king in their offices , or no. yea , god looketh upon the king himself , if he work well or not . every king is subject unto god , and all other men are subjects unto the king. in a king god requireth faith , not excess of horses , horses for a king be good and necessary , if they be well used , but — neither shall he multiply wives , &c. — let us not think that , because we read that kings among the jews had liberty to take more wives than one , that we may therefore attempt to walk inordinately . — for christ hath forbidden this unto us christians , and limiteth unto us one wife only . and it is a great thing for a man to rule one wife rightly and ordinately ; for a woman is frail , and proclive unto all evils ; a woman is a very weak vessel , and may soon deceive a man , and bring him into evil . many examples we have in scripture , adam by eve. — how did wicked jezebel ? — therefore let our king , what time his grace shall be so minded to take a wife , chuse him one which is of god ; that is , which is of the houshould of faith — and that shee be such a one as the king can find in his heart to love , and lead his life in pure and chast espousage ; and then shall he be the more prone and ready to advance gods glory , and to punish and extirpe the great lechery used in this realm . therefore we ought to make a continual prayer unto god , for to grant our kings grace such a mate as may knit his heart and hers , according to gods ordinance and law , and not to consider and cleave only to a politique matter or conjunction , for the enlargeing of dominions for surety and defence of countries . — we have now a pretty little shilling , indeed a very pretty one , i have but one i think in my purse , and the last day i had put it away almost for an old groat , and so i trust some will take them ; the fineness of the silver i cannot see : but therein is printed a fine sentence , that is , timor domini fons sapientiae . the fear of the lord is the fountain of wisdom . i would to god this sentence were printed in the heart of the king in choosing his wife and all his officers . for as the fear of god is fons sapientiae , so the forgetting of god is 〈◊〉 stultitiae , the fountain of foolishness ; though it be never so politique . — let the king therefore chuse unto him a godly wife , whereby he shall the better live chast , and in so living ▪ all godliness shall increase , and righteousness be maintained . notwithstanding i know hereafter , some will come and move your grace toward wantonness , and to the inclination of the flesh , and vain affections . but i would your grace would bear in memory , and history of a good king , called lewis ( that travelled towards the holy land ) which was a great matter in those dayes , and by the way sickned , being long absent from his wife , and upon this matter , the physitians did agree , that it was for lack of a woman ; and did consult with the bishops therein , who did conclude , that because of the distance from his wife ( being in another country ) he should take a wench . this good king hearing their conclusion , would not assent thereunto , but said , he had rather be sick even unto death , than he would break his espousals . wo worth such counsellors , bishops ! nay rather buzzards . nevertheless , if the king should have consented to their conclusion , and accomplished the same , if he had chanced well , they would have excused the matter ; as i have heard , one being reproacht for such counsel given , he excused the matter , saying , that he gave him none other counsel , but if it had been his case , he would have done likewise ; so i think the bishops would have excused the matter , if the king should have reproved them for their counsel : i do not read , the king did so ; but if he had , i know what would have been their answer , they would have said , we give you no worse counsel , than we would have followed our selves , if we had been in like case . well sir , this king did well , and had the fear of god before his eyes . — let the king therefore chuse a wife which feareth god , let him not seek a proud wanton , one full of rich treasures and worldy pomp. neither shall he multiply to himself too much silver and gold. &c. he shall not multiply unto himself too much gold and silver : is there too much think you for a king ? god doth allow much unto a king , and it is expedient that he should have much ; for he hath great expences . — necessary it is , that the king have a treasure alwaies in readiness for such affairs as be daily in his hands : the which treasure , if it be not sufficient , he may lawfully and with a safe conscience , take taxes of his subjects ; for it were not meet , — but who shall see this too much , or tell the king of this too much ? think you any of the kings privy chamber ? no. for fear of loss of favour . shall any of his sworn chaplains ? no. they be of his closet , and keep close such matters . but the king himself must see this too much , and that he shall do by no means , with corporal eyes : wherefore he must have a pair of spectacles , which shall have two clear sights in them ; that is , the one is faith , the other is charity : by them two , must the king ever see when he hath too much . — i will tell you , my lords and masters , this is not for the kings honour : yet some will say , knowest thou what is for the kings honour better than we ? i answer , the kings honour is most perfectly painted forth in scripture ; of which , if ye be ignorant , for lack of time , that ye cannot read it , though your counsel be never so politick , yet it is not for the kings honour . what his honour meaneth , ye cantot tell . it is the kings honour , that his subjects be led in the true religion : that all his prelates and clergy be set about their work , in preaching and studying , and not be interrupted from their charge . also it is the kings honour . — part of the second sermon preached by mr. latymer before king edward . and when the king is set in the seat of his kingdom , he shall write him out a book , deut. . i told you in my last sermon , of ministers of the kings people , & had occasion to shew you , how few noblemen were good preachers . i left out an history then , which now i will tell you . there was a bishop of winchester in king henry the sixth's daies . — this bishop was a great man born , and did bear such a stroak , he was able to shoulder the lord protector ; it chanced the lord protector and he fell out , and the bishop would bear nothing at all with him , but played me the satrapa ; so — was not this a good prelate ? he should have been at home preaching in his diocess with a wanniaunt . this protector was so noble a godly man , that he was called of every man the good duke humphrey : he kept such a house , — . and the bishop for standing so stiffly by the matter , and bearing up the order of our mother , the holy church , was made a cardinal at calice , and thither the bishop of rome sent him a cardinals hat : he should have had a tyburne-tippet , a half peny halter , and all such proud prelates . when he sitteth upon the throne , what shall he do ? shall he dance and dally , banquet , havvk and hunt ? no forsooth sir. what must he do then ? he must be a student ; not thinking , because he is a king , he hath license to do vvhat he vvill , as these vvorldly flatterers are vvont to say , ye trouble not your self , ( sir ) ye may havvk and hunt , and take your pleasure ; as for the guiding of your kingdom and people , let us alone vvith it . these flattering clavv-backs are original roots of all mischief ; and yet a king may take his pastime in havvking and hunting , or such like pleasures , but he must , — it follovveth in the text , deut. . . he shall have it with him , in his progresse . — he shall read in it , not once a year , but all the daies of his life . where are these worldlings novv ? these bladder-puft-up vvily men ? wo vvorth them , that ever they vvere about any king. but hovv shall he read this book ? as the homilies are read ? some call them homilies , and indeed so they may be vvell called , for they are homely handled . for though the priest read them never so vvell , yet if the parish like them not , there is such talking and babling , that nothing can be heard . and if the parish be good , and the priest naught , he vvill so hack and chop it , that it vvere as good to be vvithout it , for any vvord that shall be understood . and yet ( the more pity ) it is suffered of your graces bishops in their diocess unpunished . but i vvill be a suitor to your grace , that you vvill give your bishops charge ere they go home , upon their allegiance , to look better to their flock , and to see your majesties injunctions better kept , and send your visitors in their tayls , and if they be found negligent in their duties , out vvith them , i require it in gods behalf , make them quondams , all the pack of them . but ye vvill say , where shall vve have any to put in their rooms ? — your majesty hath divers of your chaplains , well learned men , and of good knowlede , and yet ye have some bad enough , hangers on the court , i mean not these , — what an enormity is this in a christian realm to serve in a civility , having the profit of a provostship , and a deanry , and a parsonage ? but i will tell you what is like to come of it : it will bring the clergy shortly into a very slavery . i may not forget here my scala caeli , that i spake of in my last sermon ; i will repeat it now again , desiring your grace in gods behalf , that you will remember it . the bishop of rome had a scala coeli , but his was a masse-matter : but this scala coeli that i now speak of , is the true ladder that bringeth a man to heaven : the top of the ladder , or first greese is this ; whosoever calleth on the name of the lord shall be saved . the second step , how shall they call upon him , in whom they have not believed ? the third stair is this , how shall they believe in him , of whom they never heard ? the fourth step , how shall they hear without a preacher ? now the nether end of the ladder is , how shall they preach except they be sent ? this is the foot of the ladder . so that we may go backward now , and use the school-argument , a primo ad ultimum . take away preaching , take away salvation . but i fear one thing . — ever since the bishop of rome was first in authority , they have gone about to destroy the gospel , but god worketh wonderfully , he hath preserved it , maugre all their hearts , and yet we are unthankful , that we cannot consider it . i will tell you what a bishop of this realm said once to me , he sent for me , and marvelled , that i would not consent to such traditions as were then set out . and i answered him , that i would be ruled by gods book , and rather than i would dissent one jot from it , i would be torn with wild horses . and i chanced in our communication , to name the lords supper : tush , saith the bishop , what do you call the lords supper ? what new term is that ? there stood by him a dubber , one doctor dubber , he dubbed him by and by , and said , that this term was seldom read in the doctors . and i made answer , that i would rather follow paul , in using his terms , than them , though they had all the doctors on their side . why , ( said the bishop ) cannot we without the scriptures order the people ? how did they before the scripture was first written ? but god knoweth , full ill yet would they have ordered them . for seeing , that having it , they have deceived us , in what case should we have been novv vvithout it ? but thanks be unto god , that by so vvonderful a miracle he hath preserved the book still . — it is in the text , that a king ought to fear god , he shall have the dread of god before his eyes . work not by vvorldly policy , for vvorldly policy feareth not god. take heed of these clavv-backs , these venomous people , that vvill come to you , that vvill follovv you like gnato's & parasites , if you follovv them , you are out of your book , if it be not according to gods word , that they counsel you ; do it not fo● any vvorldly policy , for then you fear not god. — but vvherefore shall a king fear god ? it follovveth in the text , that he may prolong his daies in his kingdom . — remember this , i beseech your grace ; and when these flatterers and flebergibs , another day shall come and claw you by the back , and say , sir , trouble not your self : what , shall you study ? why should you do this or that ? your grace may answer them thus , and say , what sirra ! i perceive you are a weary of us , and our posterity : doth not god say in such a place , that a king shall write out a book of gods law , and read it ? learn to fear god. and why ? that he , and his might reign long . i perceive now , thou art a traytor . tell him this tale once , and i warrant you , he will come no more to you , neither he , nor any , after such a sort . and thus shall your grace drive such flatterers and claw-backs away . — you have heard how a king ought to pass the time . — he may learn at solomon . — : what was solomons petition ? lord , said he , da mihi cor docile : he asked a docible heart , a wise heart , and wisdom to go in and to go out . — so your grace must learn how to do of solomon . you must make your petition , now study , now pray . — now when god had given solomon wisdom , he sent him by and by occasion to occupy his wit. for god never gave a gift , but he sent occasion at one time or other , to shew it to gods glory : as if he send riches , he sendeth poor men to be helped with them . — one word note here for gods sake , and i will trouble you no longer . would solomon , being so noble a king , hear two poor women ? they were poor , for as the scripture saith , they were together alone in a house , they had not so much as one servant betwixt them both . would king solomon , i say , hear them in his own person ? yea forsooth . and yet i hear of many matters before my lord protector , and my lord chancellor , that cannot be heard . i must desire my lord protectors grace to hear me in this matter ; that your grace would hear poor mens suites your self : put them to none other to hear : let them not be delayed . the saying is now , that money is heard every where ; if he be rich , he shall soon have an end of his matter . — hear mens suites your self , i require you in gods behalf ; put it not to the hearing of these velvet-coats , these up-skips . — i cannot go to my book , for poor folkes come to me , desiring me , — i walk somtimes in my lord of canterburies garden , looking in my book , as i can do but little good at it ; but somthing i must do , to satisfie this place : i am no sooner in the garden , anon my man cometh , and saith , sir , there is one at the gate would speak with you : when i come there , then it is some one or other , that desireth me , that i would speak his matter may be heard ; that he hath lien thus long , — a gentlewoman came to me , — there is a poor vvoman that lyeth in the fleet. — i beseech your grace that you will look to these matters , hear them your self , view your judges , and hear poor mens causes . and you proud iudges hearken what god saith in his holy book . audite illos , ita parvum ut magnum : hear them saith he , the small aswell as the great , the poor aswell as the rich . regard no person , fear no man , why ? quia domini judicium est , the judgment is gods. mark this saying thou proud iudge . the devil will bring this sentence at the day of doom : hell will be full of these iudges : if they repent not and amend . they are worse then the wicked iudge that christ speaketh of , that neither feared god nor the world . — our iudges are worse then this iudge was : for they will neither hear men for gods sake , nor fear of the world , nor importunateness , nor any thing else . yea , some of them will command them to ward , if they be importunate . i heard say , that when a suitour came to one of them , he said , what fellow is this that giveth these folk counsel to be so importunate , he would be punished and committed to ward . marry sir , punish me then , it is even i that gave them counsel , i would gladly be punisht in such a cause . and if ye amend not , i will cause them to cry out upon you still : even as long as i live . i will do it indeed . but i have troubled you long : beati qui audiunt , &c. part of the third sermon of mr. hugh latimer , preached before king edward . a preacher hath two offices . to teach true doctrine ; to confute gainsayers . — vvhy you will say , will any body gainsay true doctrine ? — vvas there ever yet preachers , but there were gainsayers . — ieremy was the minister of the true vvord of god. — elias had baals priests supported by iezebel , to speak against him . — iohn baptist , and our saviour christ. — the apostles had gainsayers , acts . . this sect is every where spoken against . — in the popish masse time there was no gainsaying . — so long as we had in adoration , the popish masse we were then without gainsaying . — vvhen sathan the devil hath the guiding of the house he keepeth all in peace . — vvhen he hath the religion in possession , he stirreth up no sedition , i warrant you . how many dissentions have we heard of in turky , — look whether ye hear of any heresies among the jews . — and if ever concord should have been in religion , when should it have been , but when christ was here ? ye find fault with preachers , and say , they cause sedition : vve are noted to be rash , and indiscreet in our preaching : yet as discreet as christ was , there was diversity . — there was never prophet to be compared to him , and yet there was never more dissention , then when he was , and preached himself . — this day i must do somewhat in the second office. — but first , i will make a short rehearsall to put you in memory . — the peevish people in this realm , have nothing but the king , the king in their mouths , when it maketh for their purpose . as there was a doctor that preached , the kings majesty hath his holy water , he creepeth to the cross ; and then they have nothing but the king , the king in their mouths . these be they my good people that must have their mouths stopt : but if a man tell them of the kings proceedings , now they have their shifts and their put ofts , saying we may not go before a law : we may break no order . these be the wicked preachers , their mouths must be stopt , these be the gainsayers . — now to my confutation . there is a certain man that shortly after my first sermon , being ask't , if he had been at the sermon that day ? answered , yea . i pray you said he , how liked you him ? marry , said he , as i liked him alwayes , a seditious fellow oh lord , he pinched me there indeed nay , he rather had a full bit at me yet i comfort my self with that , that christ was noted to be a stirrer up of the people . — it becometh me to take it in good part , i am not better then he was . in the kings dayes that dead is , a many of us were called together before him , to say our minds in certain matters . in the end , one kneeled me down , and accused me of sedition , that i had preached seditious doctrine . a heavy salutation , and a hard point of such a mans doing , as if i should name him , ye would not think it . the king turned to me , and said , what say you to that sir ? then i kneeled down , and turned me first to mine accuser , and required him ; sir , what form of preaching would you appoint me to preach before a king ; would you have me to preach nothing , as concerning a king in the kings sermon ? have you any commission to appoint me what i shall preach ? besides this , i asked him divers other questions , and he would make no answer . then i turned me to the king , and submitted my self to his grace , and said i never thought my self worthy , nor ever sued to be a preacher before your grace , but i was called to it , and would be willing ( if you mislike me ) to give place to my betters . for i grant there be a great many more worthy of the room then i am ; and if it be your graces pleasure so to allow them for preachers , i could be content to bear their books after them . but if your grace allow me for a preacher , i would desire your grace to give me leave to discharge my conscience . give me leave to frame my doctrine according to my audience , i had been a very dolt to have preached so at the borders of your realm , as i preached before your grace . and i thank almighty god , which hath alwayes been my remedy , that my sayings were well accepted of the king , for like a gracious lord he turned into another communication : it is even as the scripture saith : cor regis in manu domini , the lord directeth the kings 〈◊〉 . certain of my friends came to me with tears in their eyes , and told me they looked i should have been in the tower the same night . thus i have been ever more burdened with the word of sedition . i have offended god grievously , transgressing his law , and but for this remedy and his mercy , i would not look to be saved . as for sedition , for ought that i know , methinks , i should not need christ , if i might say so . but if i be clear in any thing , i am clear in this , so far as i know mine own heart , there is no man farther from sedition then i ; which i have declared in all my doings , and yet it hath been ever laid to me . another , when i gave over mine office , i should have received a pentecostal , it came to the summe of fifty and five pound , i set my commissary to gather it , but he could not be suffer'd , for it was said a sedition would rise upon it . thus they burdened me ever with sedition . so this gentleman , cometh up now with sedition : and wot ye what ? i chanced in my last sermon to speak a merry word of the new shilling ( to refresh my auditory ) how i was like to put away my new shilling for an old groat , i was herein noted to speak seditiously — when i was in trouble , it was objected to me that i was singular , that i took a way contrary to all . marry sir , this was sore thunderbolts , i thought it was possible it might not be true he told me . — i have gotten one fellow a companion of sedition ; and wot you who is my fellow ? esai the prophet . i spake but of a little pretty shilling , but he speaketh to ierusalem after another sort , esai . . , , . and was so bold to meddle with their coin . — ah seditious wretch , what had he to do with the mint . — was not this a seditious harlot , to tell them this to their beards ? to their face . — i am content to bear the title of sedition with esai . thanks be to god i am not alone . — in the latter end of my sermon , i rehearsed a parable of a wicked judge . belike good judges were rare at that time ; and trow ye , the devil hath been asleep ever since ? no , no , — the common manner of wicked judge , is neither to fear god or man. he considereth what a man he is , and therefore careth not for man ; he seemeth to be in a protection t well shall he escape ? ho , ho , est deus in coelo . there is a god in heaven , he accepteth no persons , he will punish them . — cambises was a great emperour , such another as our master is — it chanced , he had under him in one of his dominions , a briber , a gift-taker , a gratifier of rich men , a handmaker in his office , to make his son a great man ( as the old saying is , happy is the child whose father goeth to the devil ) the cry of the poor widdow came to the emperours ear , which caused him to slay the iudge quick , and laid his skin in the chair of judgment , that all iudges that should give judgment afterwards should sit in the same skin . surely it was a goodly sign , a goodly monument , the sign of the judges skin ; i pray god we may once see the sign of the skin in england . — i do it charitably , for the love i bear to my country . god saith , ego visitabo . i will visit . god hath two visitations : the first is , when he revealed his word by preachers , and where the first is accepted , the second cometh not ; the second visitation is vengeance . he went to visitation , when he brought the judges skin over his ears . — germany was visited twenty years with gods word , but they did not earnestly embrace it , and in life follow it , but made a mingle mangle and a hotch potch of it . i cannot tell what , partly popery , partly true religion mingled together . they say in my country when they call their hogs to the swine-trough , come to thy mingle mangle , compyr , compyr ; even so they made mingle mangle of it ; they could clatter and prate of the gospel , but when all cometh to all , they joyned popery so with it , that they marred all together . we have now a first visitation in england ; let us beware of a second . we have the ministration of his word , we are yet well ; but the house is not clean swept yet . god hath sent us a noble king in this his visitation , let us beware , let us not be unthankful and unkind , let us beware of by-walking and contemning of gods word . — part of the fourth sermon preached by mr. hugh latimer before king edward . i remember well what st. paul saith to a bishop , and though he spake it to timothy being a bishop , yet i may say it now to the magistrates , for all is one case , all is one matter ; thou shalt not be partaker of other mens faults , be not hasty in making of curates , in receiving men to have cure of souls , that either cannot , or will not do their duty ; do it not . now me thinks it needs not to be partakers of other mens sins , we shall find enough of our own . and what is it to be partaker of other mens sins , if this be not , to make unpreaching prelacy , and to suffer them in their unpreaching prelacy ? if the king and his council should suffer evil judges to take bribes , and suffer the great to overgo the poor , and should look through his fingers , to wink at it , should not the king be partaker of their naughtiness ? and why , is be not supreme head of the church ? what ! is the supreme a dignity , and nothing else ? is it not countable ? i think it will be a chargeable dignity , when account shall be askt of it . oh! what advantage hath the devil ? vvhat entry hath the vvolf , when the shepherd tendeth not his flock ? st. paul doth say , qui bene praesunt presbyteri , honore digni sunt . vvhat is this praeesse ? it is as much as to say , is to take charge and cure of souls , we say , ille praeest , he is set over the flock , he hath taken charge upon him ; and what is benè praeesse ? to discharge the cure well , to rule well , to feed the flock with pure food , and good example of living . — there was a merry monk in cambride , in the colledge that i was in , and it chanced , a great company of us to be together , intending to make good cheer , and to be merry , ( as schollers will be merry when they are disposed ) one of the company brought this sentence , nil melius quam laetari & facere bene . there is nothing better than to be merry and to do well : a vengeance of bene , quoth the monk , i would that bene had been banished beyond the sea ; and that bene were out , it were well ; for i could be merry , and i could do , but i love not to do well , that bene marres all , i would bene were out , quoth the merry monk , for it importeth many things to live well , to discharge the cure. indeed it were better for them if it were out ; and it were as good to be out , as to be ordered as it is : it will be a heavy bene for some of them , when they shall come to their account . but peradventure you will say , what and they preach not at all ? yet praesunt . are not they worthy double honour ? is it not an honourable order they be in ? nay an horrible misorder , it is an horrour , rather than an honour , and horrible , rather than honourable , if the preacher be naught , and do not his duty . and thus go these prelates about to wrestle for honour , that the devil may take his pleasure . — are they not worthy double honour ? nay rather , double dishonour , not to be regarded , not to be esteemed among the people , and to have no living at their hands ? for 〈◊〉 good preachers be worthy double honour , so unpreaching prelates be worthy double dishonour , they must be at their doublets . but now these two dishonours what be they ? our saviour christ doth shew ; si sal , — if the salt be unsavoury , it is good for nothing , but to be cast our , and troden of men . by this s●lt is understood preachers , and such as have cure of souls , what be they worthy then ? wherefore serve they ? for nothing else but to be cast out . make them quondams , out with them , cast them out of their office : vvhat should they do with cure , that will not look to it ? another dishonour is , to be troden under mens feet , not to be esteemed or regarded . st. paul in his epistle qualifieth a bishop , and saith , he must be apt to teach ? vvhat shall a man do with aptness , if he do not use it ; it were as good to be without it . a bishop came to me the last day , and was angry with me for a sermon that i made in this place . his chaplain , he complained against me , because i had spoken against unpreaching prelates . nay , quoth the bishop , he made so indifferent a sermon the first day , that i thought he would marre all the second day ; he will have every man a quondam , as he is . as for my quondamship , i thank god , that he gave me the grace to come by it by so honest means as i did , i thank him for mine own quondamship ; and as for them , i will not have them made quondams , if they discharge their office ; i would have them do their duty , i would have no more quondams as god help me . i owe them no more malice than this , and that is none at all . this bishop answered his chaplain , vvell saies he , well , did i wisely to day , for as i was going to the sermon , i remembred that i had neither said mass nor mattins , and homeward i gat as fast as i could , and i thank god , i have said both , and let his unfruitful sermon alone . unfruitful , saith one , another saith seditious : vvell , unfruitful is the best , and whether it be unfruitful or no , i cannot tell , it lieth not in me to make it fruitful ; and god work not in your hearts , my preaching can do you but little good . i am gods instrument but for a time , it is he must give increase , and yet preaching is necessary : for , take away preaching , and take away salvation . — christ is the preacher of all preachers . — as wisely , as circumspectly , as he preached , yet the fourth ground only was fruitful ; and if he had no better luck , that was preacher of all preachers ; what shall we look for ? yet there was no lack in him , but the ground . and so now there is no fault in preaching , the lack is in the people , who have stony and thorny hearts . i beseech god to amend them . and as for these folk that speak against me , i never look to have their good word so long as i live : yet i will speak of their wickedness as long as i shall be permitted to speak , as long as i live , i will be an enemy to it , no preachers can pass it over with silence . it is the original root of all mischief . as for me , i owe them no other ill will , but i pray god amend when it pleaseth him . — oh that a man might have the contemplation of hell , that the devil would allow a man to look into hell , to see the estate of it , as he shewed all the world , when he tempted christ. — if one were admitted to view hell , and behold it throughly , the devil would say , on yonder side are punished unpreaching prelates , i think a man should see as far as a kenning , and see nothing but unpreaching prelates , he might look as far as calice , i warrant you . and then if he would go on the other side , and shew where bribing judges are , i think he should see so many , that there were scant room for any other : our lord god amend it . part of the fifth sermon of master latimer , preached before king edward . sam. . . &c. it came to passe when samuel was old , &c. father samuel , a good man , a singular example , and a singular pattern , a man alone , few such men as father samuel was . — he thought his sons would have proved well . but samuels sons walked not in his wayes . — vvhy is the son alwayes bound to walk in the fathers way ? no , ye must not take it for a general rule ; all sons are not to blamed for not walking in their fathers wayes . hezekiah did not follow the steps of ahaz , and was well allowed . — samuel would never have thought his sons would have been so corrupted , they felt the smack of this world , a perillous thing . it is a perillous thing , a dangerous state to be a judge — i have told you of scala coeli : this i am sure is scald inferni , the right way to hell , to be covetous and take bribes , and pervert justice . if a judge would ask me the way to hell , i would shew him this way . first , let him be a covetous man , let his heart be poisoned with covetousness ; then let him go a little farther , and take bribes ; and at the last pervert judgment . lo , here is the mother , and the daughter , and the daughters daughter : avarice is the mother , she brings forth bribe taking , and bribe taking perverting of judgment . there lacks a fourth thing to make up the messe ; which ( so god help me ) if i were judge should be hangum tunum , a tiburn tippet to take with him , and it were the judge of the kings bench , my lord chief judge of england ; yea , and it were my lord chancellor himself , to tiburn with him . — one will say you speak unseemly , so to be against the officers , for taking of rewards in doing pleasures . you consider not the matter to the bottom ; their offices be bought for great sums , how should they receive their money again ? — and is it so , trow ye ? are civil offices bought for money ? lord god! who should have thought that ? — god fore-fend that ever any such enormity should be in england , that civil offices should be bought . — and if ye be a selling civil offices , ye are as they which fell their benefices , and so we shall have omnia venalia . i marvel the ground gapes not , and devours us . surely , it is the great lemity of god that suffers it . o lord , in what case are we . — there was a patron in england , that had a benefice faln into his hand , and a good brother of mine came to him , and brought him thirty apples in a dish , and gave them to his man to carry them to his master ; it is like he gave one to his man for his labour , to make up the game , and so there was thirty one . this man cometh to his master , and presented him with the dish of apples , saying ; sir such a man hath sent you a dish of fruit , and desireth you to be good unto him for such a benefice . tush , tush , quoth he , this is no apple matter , i will none of his apples . i have as good as these ( or as he hath any ) in my own orchard . the man came to the priest again , and told him what his master said : then quoth the priest , desire him yet to prove one of them for my sake , he shall find them much better then they look for . he cut one of them and found ten pieces of gold in it . marry , quo●h he , this is a good apple . the priest standing not far of , hearing what the gentleman said ; cryed out and said , they are all one apples i warrant you sir , they grew all on one tree , and have all one tast . well , he is a good fellow , let him have it , quoth the patron . get you a graft of this tree , and i warrant you it shall stand you in more stead then all st. pauls learning . well , let patrons take heed . — part of the sixt sermon of mr. latimer , preached before king edward . i intend this day to intreat of a piece of scripture , out of the first chapter of luke v. . , , &c. i am occasioned to take this place by a book sent to the kings majesty that dead is , by master pool . it is a text that he doth greatly abuse for the supremacy , he racks it , and violents it to serve for the maintenance of the bishop of rome . — the text saith , the people pressed upon him ; so that christ was in peril to be thrust into the pond . a wonderous thing , what a desire the people had to hear our saviour preach . — vvhere read you that a great number of scribes and pharisees , and bishops followed him . there is a doctor that writeth of this place , his name is dr. gorrham , nicholas gorrham : i knew him to be a school doctor a great while ago : but i never knew him to be an interpreter of scripture , till of late ; he saith thus : major devotio in laicis & vetulis quam in clericis . there is more devotion , saith he , in lay folk and old wives , and in these simple and vulgar people , then in the clarks : they be better affected to the word of god , then the clergie . i marvel not at the sentence ; but i marvel at such a sentence in such a doctor . if i should say so much , it would be said to me , it is an evil bird that defiles his own nest . — our saviour had said , luke . . that he must preach the kingdom of god to other cities also ; for therefore am i sent , — is it not a marvellous thing that our unpreaching prelates can read this place , and yet preach no more then they do ? i marvel that they can go quietly to bed , and see how he allureth them by his example , to be diligent in their office. — the preaching of the gospel , is the power of god to salvation , to every one that believeth , rom. . , . beware , beware ye diminish not this office , for if ye do , ye decay gods power . christ saith , jo. . . except a man be born again . — what is this regeneration ? it is not to be christned in water ( as these fire brands expound it ) and nothing else . how is it to be expounded then ? saint peter sheweth , pet. . , , . it is the circumstance , and collation of places that make scriptures plain . we are born saith he , not of corruptible seed , but of incorruptible , by the word of god. — by the word of god , by the word of god preached and opened . thus cometh in our new birth . here you may see how necessary this office is to our salvation . this is the thing that the devil wrastleth most against : it hath been all his study to decay this office ; he worketh against it as much as he can , he hath prevail'd too much , too much in it . he hath set up a state of unpreaching prelacy in this realm this seven hundred years , a stately unpreaching prelacy , he hath made unpreaching prelates . he hath stirred up heaps to persecute this office in the title of heresie : he hath stirred up the magistrates to persecute it in the title of sedition . and he hath stirred up the people to persecute it , with exprobrations and slanderous words — and with impropriations he hath turned preaching into private masses ; if a priest should have left masse undone on a sunday within this ten years , all england would have wondred at it ; but they might have left off the sermon twenty sundaies and never have been blamed . and thus by these impropriations private masses were set up , and preaching of gods word trodden under foot . but what doth he now ? he stirs men up to outragious rearing of rents , that poor men shall not be able to find their children at the school to be divines . what an unreasonable devil is this ? he provides a great while before hand , for the time that is to come . he hath brought up now a most monstrous kind of covetousness that ever was heard of ; he hath invented a fee-farming of benefices , and all to decay this office of preaching ; insomuch that when a man shall hereafter have a benefice , he may go where he will , for any house he shall have to dwell upon , or any glebe-land to keep hospitality withall ; but he must take up a chamber in an ale-house , and there sit and play at tables all day . a goodly curate . he hath caused also patrons to sell their benefices . yea , what doth he more ? he gets him to the university and causeth great men to send their sons thither , and put out poor schollers that should be divines : for their parents intend not they shall be preachers : but that they may have a shew of learning . but it were too long to declare unto you , what deceit and means the devil hath found to decay the office of salvation . — it is in the text he taught sitting ; preachers be-like were sitters in those dayes , as it is in another place , they sit in moses chair . i would our preachers would preach sitting or standing one way or other . it was a goodly pulpit that our saviour christ had gotten him here , an old rotten boat. and yet he preached his fathers will , his fathers message out of this pulpit . he cared not for the pulpit , so he might do the people good . indeed it is to be commended ; for the preacher to stand or sit as the place is , but i would not have it so superstitiously esteemed , but that a good preacher may declare the vvord of god sitting on a horse , or preaching in a tree . and yet and this should be done , the unpreaching prelates would laugh it to scorn . and though it be good to have a pulpit set up in the churches , that the people may resort thither , yet i would not have it so superstitiously used , but that in a prophane place the vvord of god may be preached sometimes . — to have pulpits in churches it is very well done to have them , but they would be occupied , for it is a vain thing to have them as they stand in many churches . i heard of a bishop of england that went on visitation ( and as it was the custome ) when the bishop should come and be rung into the town , the great bells clapper was faln down , the ty-all was broken , so that the bishop could not be rung into the town . there was a great matter made of this , and the chief of the parrish were much blamed for it , in the visitation . the bishop was somewhat quick with them , and signified that he was much offended . they made their answers , and excused themselves as well as they could , it was a chance said they , that the clapper brake , and we could not get it mended by and by , we must tarry till we can have it done it shall be mended as shortly as may be . among the other there was one wiser then the rest , and he comes to the bishop . why ( my lord ) saith he , doth your lordship make so great a matter of the bell that lacketh his clapper ; here is a bell ( saith he ) pointing to the pulpit , that hath lacked a clapper this twenty years . we have a parson that fetcheth out of this benefice fifty pound every year , but we never see him . i warrant you the bishop was an unpreaching prelate , he could find fault with a bell that wanted a clapper to ring him into the town ; but he could not find any fault with the parson that preached not at his benefice . ever this office of preaching hath been least regarded , it hath scant had the name of gods service . they must sing salve festa dies about the church , that no man was the better for it , but to shew their gay coats and garments . i came once my self to a place , riding on a journey homeward from london , and i sent word overnight into the town , that i would preach there in the morning , because it was holy-day ; and me thought it was a holy-dayes worke , the church stood in my way . and i took my horse and my company and went thither , ( i thought i should have found a great company in the church ) and when i came there , the church door was fast locked , i tarried there half an hour and more ; at the last the key was found , and one of the parish comes to me , and sayes ; sir , this is a busie day with us , we cannot hear you , it is robin-hoods day . the parish are gone abroad to gather for robin-hood . i pray you let them not . i was fain there to give place to robin-hood . i thought my rochet should have been regarded , though i were not , but it would not serve , it was fain to give place to robin-hoods men . it is no laughing matter , my friends , it is a weeping matter , a heavy matter , a heavy matter , under pretence of gathering for robin hood , a traytor and a thief , to put out a preacher , to have his office less esteemed , to prefer robin hood before the ministration of gods word , and all this hath come of unpreaching prelates . this realm hath been ill provided for , rhat it hath had such corrupt judgments in it , to prefer robin hood to gods word : if the bishops had been preachers , there should never have been any such thing ; but we have a good hope of better . we have had a good beginning , i beseech god to continue it . but i tell you , it is far wide , that the people have such judgments : the bishops they could laugh at it , what was that to them ; they would have them to continue in ignorance still , and themselves in unpreaching prelacy . part of the seventh sermon preached by mr. latimer before king edward . many speak of faith , but few there be that have it . this faith is a great state , a lady , a duchess , a great woman , and she hath ever a great company and train about her ( as a noble state ought to have . ) first , she hath a gentleman usher , that goeth before her , and where he is not , there is not lady faith. this gentleman-usher is called agnitio peccatorum , knowledge of sin , when we enter into our hearts , knowledge our faults , and stand not about to defend them . he is none of these winkers , he kicks not , when he hears his fault . now as the gentleman-usher goeth before her , so she hath a great train behind her , following after her ; the fruits of good works , the walking in the commandments of god. he that believeth , will not be idle , he will walk , he will do his business . have ever the gentleman-usher with you : so if you will try your faith , remember this rule . consider whether the train be waiting upon her : if you have another faith than this , you are like to go to the scalding house , and there you shall have two dishes , weeping and gnashing of teeth , much good do it you , you see your fare . — not long ago , a great man said in an audience , they babble much of faith , i will go and lie with my whore all night , and have as good a faith as the best of them all : i think he never knew other , but the whoremongers faith ; it is no such faith that will serve . it is no bribing judges nor justices faith , no whoremongers faith , nor no sellers of benefices faith. — if you will believe and acknowledge your sins , so you shall attain to everlasting life , to which the father of heaven bring you and me , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e see his sweet memorial in the book of martyrs . ● pe. . . rev. . bish , reinolds . england so called formerly by the pope . then sadly complained of . kings . . sir harbottle grimston's first speech in the banquetting house at whitehal . see his majesties speech to the lords house . the kings declaration mentions some that censure his majesty for want of zeal to the church , because he presseth not a general conformity to lyturgies , &c. notes for div a -e stabitque here latimer leaves him . nota. nota. nota. idle clergy guilty of sacriledge . nota. note , fas est & ab hoste doceri . notes for div a -e brevis esse laboro , obscurus fio . notes for div a -e mat. . pet. . note , doth not the king in his declaration do so . note . note . o glorious zeal ! excellent counsel fit to be taken by this convocation . note . note . was it not so of late . this winking caused god to open his eyes , and so sorely to visit us as of late . . pet. let the bishops learn their duty from this blessed saint . math. . . prelates have a busie work to do . strawberry preachers once or twice a year . tim. . idle ministers make evil people . math. . ier. c. . o london see thy self in this glass . what would he have said if he had seen so many eminent ministers as are now in london ? note . look to it citizens . is this amended at this day . iniquity aboundeth and love waxeth cold . oh shame . hearken london . hear ye bishops . note . prelacy hath lain a withering this years . it is hoped it will not be so churlish as formerly . note . note . note . note . note this ye nobles . the devil a busie preacher . satan the great hinderer of religion . note . note . pet. . pope the devils chaplain note . why our reformation is so imperfect note this wel . note . note . note , who hindred a more perfect reformation . little hope of good by curates . excellency of gods word . hear ye preachers ex. . , . kin. . note . mat. . . luk. . let court preachers note this let our wild phanatiques observe this . deut. . . this is our mercy . note this ye king-killers . latimer proved a true prophet ▪ note . the true roaylist . 〈◊〉 mercy at this day . let courtiers observe this . our present duty a good wish . note . note , a good motion . note . it is now upon the matter a common prayer matter . rom. note , note . latimer desired gods word to be the rule of reformation . note . note . latimer a faithful bishop . note this court preachers note . luke . o zeal ! note . note . note . note . note . confession of sin . note . note . note . tim. . note . tim. . note . note . note . note . ver. . ver. . note , note . note . note . note . note . math. . note . note . note . note .